THE HISTORY OF THE LEAGUE. Written in FRENCH By Monsieur MAIMBOURG. Translated into ENGLISH According to His Majesty's Command. By Mr. DRYDEN. — Neque enim libertas gratior ulla est quam sub Rege Pio— TO The King. SIR, HAving received the Honour of Your Majesty's Commands to Translate the History of the League, I have applied myself with my utmost diligence to Obey them: First by a thorough understanding of my Author, in which I was assisted by my former knowledge of the French History, in general, and in particular of those very Transactions, which he has so Faithfully and Judiciously related: Then by giving his Thoughts the same Beauty in our Language which they had in the Original; and which I most of all endeavoured, the same force and perspicuity: Both of which I hope I have performed with some Exactness, and without any Considerable Mistake. But of this Your Majesty is the truest Judge, who are so great a Master of the Original, and who having read this piece when it first was published, can easily find out my Failings, but to my Com●ort can more easily forgive them: I confess I could never have laid hold on that Virtue of Your Royal Clemency at a more unseasonable time; when your Enemies have so far abused it, that Pardons are grown dangerous to Your Safety, and consequently to the Welfare of Your Loyal Subjects: But frequent forgiveness is their Encouragement, they have the Sanctuary in their Eye before they attempt the Crime, and take all measures of Security, either not to need a Pardon, if they strike the Blow, or to have it granted if they fail: Upon the whole matter Your Majesty is not upon equal Terms with them, You are still forgiving, and they still designing against Your Sacred Life; Your principle is Mercy, theirs inveterate Malice; when one only Wards, and the other Strikes, the prospect is sad on the defensive side. Hercules as the Poets tell us had no advantage on Anteus by his often throwing him on ●he ground: for he laid him only in his Mother's Lap, which ●n effect was but doubling his Strength to renew the Combat. These Sons of Earth are never to be trusted in their Mother Element: They must be hoisted into the Air and Strangled. If the Experiment of Clemency were new, if it had not been often tried without Effect, or rather with Effects quite contrary to the intentions of Your Goodness, your Loyal Subjects are generous enough to pity their Countrymen, though Offenders: But when that pity has been always found to draw into example of greater Mischiefs; when they continually behold both Your Majesty and themselves exposed to Dangers, the Church, the Government, the Succession still threatened, Ingratitude so far from being Converted by gentle means, that it is turned at last into the nature of the damned, desirous of Revenge, and hardened in Impenitence; 'Tis time at length, for self preservation to cry out for Justice, and to lay by Mildness when it ceases to be a Virtue. Almighty God has hitherto Miraculously preserved You; but who knows how long the Miracle will continue? His Ordinary Operations are by second Causes, and then Reason will conclude that to be preserved, we ought to use the lawful means of preservation. If on the other side it be thus Argued, that of many Attempts one may possibly take place, if preventing Justice be not employed against Offenders; What remains but that we implore the Divine Assistance to Avert that Judgement: which is no more than to desire of God to work another, and another, and in Conclusion a whole Series of Miracles. This, Sir, is the general voice of all true Englishmen; I might call it the Loyal Address of three Nations infinitely solicitous of Your Safety, which includes their own Prosperity. 'Tis indeed an high presumption for a man so inconsiderable as I am to present it, but Zeal, and dutiful Affection in an Affair of this Importance, will make every good Subject a Counsellor: ●Tis (in my Opinion) the Test of Loyalty, and to be either a Friend or Foe to the Government, needs no other distinction than to declare at this time, either for Remissness, or Justice. I said at this time, because I look not on the Storm as Overblown. 'Tis still a gusty kind of Wether: there is a kind of Sickness in the Air; it seems indeed to be cleared up for some few hours; but the Wind still blowing from the same Corner; and when new matter is gathered into a body, it will not fail to bring it round and pour upon us a second Tempest. I shall be glad to be found a false Prophet; but he was certainly Inspired, who when he saw a little Cloud arising from the Sea, and that no bigger than a hand, gave immediate notice to the King, that he might mount the Chariot, before he was overtaken by the Storm. If so much Care was taken of an Idolatrous King, an Usurper, a Persecutor, and a Tyrant, how much more vigilant aught we to be in the Concernments of a Lawful Prince, a Father of his Country, and a Defender of the Faith, who stands exposed by his too much Mercy to the unwearied and endless Conspiracies of Parricides? He was a better Prince than the former whom I mentioned out of the Sacred History, and the Allusion comes yet more close, who stopped his hand after the third Arrow: Three Victories were indeed obtained, but the effect of often shooting had been the total Destruction of his Enemies. To come yet nearer, Henry the Fourth, Your Royal Grandfather, whose Victories, and the Subversion of the League, are the main Argument of this History, was a Prince most Clement in his Nature, he forgave his Rebels, and received them all into Mercy, and some of them into Favour, but it was not till he had fully vanquished them: they were sensible of their Impiety, they submitted, and his Clemency was not extorted from him, it was his Free-gift, and it was seasonably given. I wish the Case were here the same, I confess it was not much unlike it at Your Majesty's happy Restauration, yet so much ●f the parallel was then wanting, that the Amnesty you gave, produced not all the desired Effects. For our Sects, are of a more obstinate Nature than were those Leaguing Catholics, who were always for a King, and yet more, the major part of them would have him of the Royal Stem: But our Associators and Sectaries are men of Commonwealth principles, and though their first stroke was only aimed at the immediate Succession, it was most manifest that it would not there have ended; for at the same time they were hewing at your Royal Prerogatives: So that the next Successor, if there had been any, must have been a precarious Prince, and depended on them for the necessaries of Life. But of these and more Outrageous proceedings, your Majesty has already shown yourself justly sensible in Your Declaration, after the Dissolution of the last Parliament, which put an end to the Arbitrary Encroachments of a Popular Faction: Since which time it has pleased Almighty God so to prosper Your Affairs, that without searching into the secrets of Divine Providence, 'tis evident Your Magnanimity and Resolution, next under him, have been the immediate Cause of Your Safety and our present Happiness. By weathering of which Storm, may I presume to say it without Flattery, You have performed a Greater and more Glorious work than all the Conquests of Your Neighbours. For 'tis not difficult fo● a Great Monarchy well united, and making use of Advantages, to extend its Limits; but to be pressed with wants, surrounded with dangers, Your Authority undermined in Popular Assemblies, Your Sacred Life attempted by a Conspiracy, Your Royal Brother forced from Your Arms, in one word to Govern a Kingdom which was either possessed, or turned into a Bedlam, and yet in the midst of ruin to stand firm, undaunted, and resolved, and at last to break through all these difficulties, and dispel them, this is indeed an Action which is worthy the Grandson of Henry the Great. During all this violence of Your Enemies Your Majesty has contended with Your natural Clemency to make some Examples of Your Justice, and they themselves will acknowledge that You have not urged the Law against them, but have been pressed and constrained by it to inflict punishments in Your own defence, and in the mean time to watch every Opportunity of showing Mercy, when there was the least probability of Repentance: so that they who have suffered may be truly said to have forced the Sword of Justice out of Your hand, and to have done Execution on themselves. But by how much the more You have been willing to spare them, by so much has their Impudence increased, and if by this Mildness they recover from the Great Fro●t, which has almost blasted them to the roots, if these venomous plants shoot out again, it will be a sad Comfort to say they have been ungrateful, when 'tis Evident to Mankind that Ingratitude is their Nature: That sort of pity which is proper for them, and may be of use to their Conversion is to make them sensible of their Errors, and this Your Majesty out of Your Fatherly Indulgence amongst other Experiments which You have made, is pleased to allow them in this Book; which you have Commanded to be Translated for the public benefit; that at least all such as are not wilfully blind, may View in it, as in a Glass, their own deformities: For never was there a plainer Parallel than of the Troubles of France, and of Great Britain; of their Leagues, Covenants, Associations, and Ours; of their Calvinists, and our Presbyterians: they are all of the same Family, and Titian's famous Table of the Altar piece with the Pictures of Venetian Senators from Great-Grandfather to Great-Grandson, shows not more the Resemblance of a Race than this: For as there, so here, the Features are alike in all, there is nothing but the Age that makes the difference, otherwise the Old man of an hundred and the Babe in Swadling-clouts, that is to say, 1584., and 1684. have but a Century and a Sea betwixt them, to be the same. But I have presumed too much upon Your Majesty's time already, and this is not the place to show that resemblance, which is but too manifest in the whole History. 'Tis enough to say Your Majesty has allowed our Rebels a greater Favour than the Law; You have given them the Benefit of their Clergy: if they can but read and will be honest enough to apply it, they may be saved. God Almighty give an answerable success to this Your Royal Act of Grace, may they all repent, and be united as the Body to their Head. May that Treasury of Mercy which is within Your Royal Breast have leave to be poured forth upon them, when they put themselves in a condition of receiving it; And in the mean time permit me to Implore it humbly for myself, and let my Presumption in this bold Address be forgiven to the Zeal which I have to Your Service, and to the public good. To conclude, may You never have a worse meaning Offender at Your feet, than him who besides his Duty and his Natural inclinations, has all manner of Obligations to be perpetually, Sir, Your Majesty's most humble, most Obedient, and most faithful Subject, and Servant John Dryden. THE AUTHOR'S Dedication to the French King. SIR, FRance, which being well united, as we now behold it, under the Glorious Reign of your Majesty, might give law to all the World; was upon the point of self Destruction, by the division which was raised in it by two fatal Leagues of Rebels: the one in the middle, and the other towards the latter end of the last Age. Heresy produced the first, against the true Religion: Ambition under the Masque of Zeal gave birth to the second, with pretence of maintaining what the other would have ruined: and both of them, though implacable Enemies to each other, yet agreed in this, that each of them at divers times, set up the Standard of Rebellion against our Kings. The crimes of the former I have set forth in the History of Calvinism, which made that impious League in France, against the Lord and his Anointed; and I discover the Wickedness of the latter in this Work, which I present to your Majesty, as the fruit of my exact Obedience to those commands with which you have been pleased to honour me. I have endeavoured to perform them, with so much the greater satisfaction to myself, because I believed that in reading this History, the falsehood of some advantages which the Leaguers and Huguenots have ascribed to themselves, may be easily discerned. These by boasting as they frequently do, even at this day, that they set the Crown on the Head of King Henry the Fourth; those that their League was the cause of his conversion. I hope the world will soon be disabused of those mistakes; and that it will be clearly seen, that they were the Catholics of the Royal Party, who next under God, produced those two effects, so advantageous to France. We are owing for neither of them to those two unhappy Leagues, which were the most dangerous Enemies to the prosperity of the Kingdom: And 'tis manifest at this present time, that the glory of triumphing over both of them, was reserved by the Divine Providence, to our Kings of the Imperial Stem of Bourbon. Henry the Fourth subdued and reduced the League of the false Zealots, by the invincible Force of his Arms, and by the wonderful attractions of his Clemency; Lewis the Just disarmed that of the Calvinists by the taking of Rochel, and other places, which those Heretics had moulded into a kind of Commonwealth, against their Sovereign. And Lewis the Great, without employing other Arms than those of his Ardent Charity, and incomparable Zeal for the Conversion of Protestants, accompanied by the justice of his Laws, has reduced it to that low condition, that we have reason to believe, we shall behold its ruin, by the repentance of those, who being deluded and held back by their Ministers, continue still in their erroneous belief, rather through ignorance than malice. And this is it, which when accomplished will surpass even all those other wonders which daily are beheld, under your most auspicious Government. Undoubtedly, Sir, your Majesty has performed by your Victorious Arms, your generous goodness, and your more than Royal magnificence, all those great and Heroic actions, which will ever be the admiration of the World, and infinitely above the commendations which future Ages, in imitation of the present, will consecrate to your immortal memory. I presume not to undertake that subject, because it has already drained the praises of the noblest Pens, which yet have not been able to raise us to that Idea 〈◊〉 you, which we ought justly to conceive: I shall only say, that what you have done with so much Prudence, justice, and Glory, by extending the French Monarchy to its ancient bounds, and rendering it, as it is at present, as flourishing, and as much respected by all the World, as it ever has been, under the greatest and most renowned of all our Monarches, is not so great in the sight of God, as what your Majesty performs daily, with so much Piety, Zeal, and good success, in augmenting the Kingdom of Jesus Christ, and procuring the Conversion of our Protestants, by those gentle and efficacious means which you have used. This, Sir, is without exception, the most glorious of all your Conquests, and while you continue to enjoy on earth that undisputed glory, which your other actions have acquired you, is preparing an eternal triumph for you in the Heavens. 'Tis what is continually implored of God, in his most ardent Prayers, who enjoying the abundant favours of your Majesty, lives at this day the most happy of Mankind, under your most powerful Protection, and is most obliged to continue all his life, with all imaginable Respect and Zeal, Sir, Your Majesty's most Obedient and most Faithful Subject and Servant Lovis Maimbourg. THE AUTHOR'S Advertisement to the READER. SInce perhaps there are some, who may think themselves concerned in this History, because they are the grandchildren or Descendants of those who are here mentioned, I desire them to consider, that Writing like a faithful Historian, I am obliged sincerely to relate either the good or ill, which they have done. If they find themselves offended, they must take their satisfaction on those who have prescribed the Laws of History: let them give an account of their own rules; for Historians are indispensably bound to follow them; and the sum of our reputation consists in a punctual execution of their orders. Thus as I pretend not to have deserved their thanks in speaking well of their Relations, so I may reasonably conclude, that they ought not to wish me ill, when I say what is not much to their advantage. I faithfully relate, what I find written in good Authors, or in particular Memories, which I take for good, after I have throughly examined them. I do yet more; for considering that no man is bound to believe, when I say in general that I have had the use of good Manuscripts, on whose credit I give you what is not otherwhere to be had; I sincerely and particularly point out the originals from whence I drew these truths; and am fully convinced, that every Historian, who hopes to gain the belief of his Reader, aught to transact in the same manner. For if there were no more to be done, than barely to say, I have found such or such an extraordinary passage in an authentic Manuscript, without giving a more particular account of it under pretence of being bound to Secrecy, there is no kind of Fable which by this means might not be slurred upon the Reader for a truth. An Author might tell many a lusty lie, but a Reader, who were not a very credulous fool, or a very complaisant Gentleman, would have a care of believing him. 'Tis for this reason that I have always marked in my margins, the Books, Relations, and Memoires, whether Printed or Manuscripts, from whence I take the substance of my Relations. One of those Writers, of whom I have made most use, is Monsieur Peter Victor Cayet; in his Nine years Chronology, containing the History of the Wars of Henry the Fourth. Because he having always followed that Prince, since he was placed in his service together with Monsieur de la Gaucherie (who was his Preceptor) 'tis exceeding probable, that he was better informed of the passages of those times, of which he was an eye witness, than others who had not that advantage. For what else concerns him, he was one of the most Learned and able Ministers which our Protestants have ever had: and in that quality served Madam Catharine the King's Sister, till about two years after the Conversion of that great Prince, he acknowledged the true Catholic Religion, and made his Solemn abjuration of Heresy at Paris. He also published the motives of his Conversion in a Learned Treatise, which was received with great applause both in France and in Foreign Countries; and his example, fortified with the strong reasons of a man so able as he was, to which no solid answer was ever given, was immediately followed by the Conversion of a great number of Protestants, who by his means came to understand the falsehood of their Religion pretendedly reformed. This action so infinitely nettled his former Brotherhood of Ministers, that they grew outrageous against him. They ran down his reputation with full cry, and endeavoured to blacken it with a thousand horrible calumnies, with which they stuffed their Libels, and amongst others, that which they have inserted into the Memoires of the League, with the greatest villainy imaginable, taking no notice of the solid and convincing answers he made them. Which proceeding of theirs is sufficient to discover the falsity of all they have Written to Defame him, according to the Libelling genius of Presbytery. For, of all Heretics, none have been more cruel, or more foul-mouthed than the Calvinists; none have revenged themselves of their pretended Enemies more barbarously, either by open Arms, or private mischiefs, when the power was in their hands; or more impudently with their Pens, and by their Libels, when they had no other way to show their malice; murdering their reputations with all sorts of injuries and impostures, who have once declared themselves against their Party. In effect, what have they not said to defame the memory of Monsieur de Sponde, Lieutenant General in Rochel, of Salette Counsellor to the King of Navarre, of Morlas Counsellor of State and Superintendant of the Magazines of France, as also of Du Fay, Clairville, Rohan, and a hundred others of their most celebrated Ministers, who after having been esteemed amongst them for good men, and looked on as the Leaders of their Consistory, are by a strange sort of Metamorphosis, become on the sudden, Profligate Wretches, and the most infamous of mankind, only for renouncing Calvinism? By how many Forgeries and Calumnies have they endeavoured to ruin the repute of all such Catholics as have the most vigorously opposed their Heresy? History will furnish us with abundant proofs: and we have but too many in the Fragments which Monsieur Le Laboreur has given us of their insolent Satyrs, where they spare not the most inviolable and Sacred things on Earth; not even their anointed Sovereigns. For which Reason, that Writer in a certain Chapter of his Book, wherein he mentions but a small parcel of those Libels, after he has said, that the most venomous Satirists, and the greatest Libertines, were those of the Huguenot party, adds these memorable words. I should have been ashamed to have read all those Libels, for the Blasphemies and Impieties with which they are filled, if that very consideration had not been aiding to confirm me in the belief, that there was more wickedness, than either error or blindness in their Doctrine; and that their Morals were even more corrupt than their opinions. He assures us in another place, that these new Evangelists, have made entire Volumes of railing, of which he has seen above forty Manuscripts, and that there needed no other arguments to decide the difference betwixt the two Religions, and to elude the fair pretences of these reforming Innovatours. So, that all they have scribbled, with so much (I will not say violence but) madness against the Sieur Cayet, immediately upon his Conversion, cannot do him the least manner of prejudice, no more than their ridiculous prediction wherein they foretold, that it would not be long before he would be neither Huguenot nor Catholic but that he would set up a third party betwixt the two Religions. For he ever continued to live so well amongst the Catholics, that after he had given on all occasions large proofs, both of his Virtue and of his Faith, he was thought worthy to receive the order of Priesthood, and the Degree of Doctor in Divinity, and was Reader and Professor Royal of the Oriental Tongues. Now seeing in the year 1605, ten years after his Conversion, he had published his Septenary Chronology, of the Peace which was made at Veruins in the year 1598. Some of the greatest Lords at Court, who understood his Merit and had seen him with the King, (by whom he had the honour to be well known and much esteemed,) obliged him to add to the History of the Peace, that of the War, which that great Prince made during Nine years after his coming to the Crown, till the Peace of Veruins: which he performed in the three Tomes of his Nine years Chronology, Prin●ed at Paris, in the year 1608; in which before he proceeds to the Reign of Henry the Fourth, he makes an abridgement of the most considerable passages in the League, to the death of Henry the third. And 'tis partly from this Author, and partly from such others, as were Eye-witnesses of what they wrote, whether in Printed Books, or particular Memoires, that I have drawn those things, which are related by me in this History. I am not therefore myself the witness, nor as an Historian do I take upon me to decide the Merit of these actions, whether they are unblamable or praiseworthy; I am only the Relater of them; and since in that quality, I pretend not to be believed on my own bare word, and that I quote my Authors who are my warranties, as I have done in all my Histories, I believe myself to stand exempted from any just reproaches, which can be fastened on me for my writing. On which Subject I think it may be truly said, that if instead of examining matters of Fact, and enquiring whether they are truly or falsely represented; that consideration be laid aside, and the question taken up, whether such or such actions were good or bad, and matter of right pleaded, whether they deserved to be condemned or praised; it would be but loss of time in unprofitable discourses, in which an Historian is no way concerned. For in conclusion, he is only answerable for such things as he reports, on the credit of those from whom he had them; taking from each of them some particulars, of which the rest are silent, and compiling out of all of them a new body of History, which is of a quite different Mould and fashion, from any of the Authors who have written before him. And 'tis this, in which consists a great part of the delicacy and beauty of these kinds of Works, and which produces this effect; that keeping always in the most exact limits of truth, yet an Author may lawfully pretend to the glory of the invention, having the satisfaction of setting forth a new History, though Writing only the passages of a former Age, he can relate almost nothing, but what has been written formerly, either in printed Books, or Manuscripts; which though kept up in private and little known, are notwithstanding, not the Work of him who writes the History. As to what remains, none ought to wonder, that I make but one single Volume on this Subject, though the matter of it is of vast extent. I take not upon me to tell all that has been done, on occasion of the League, in all the Provinces, nor to describe all the Sieges; the taking and surprising of so many places, which were sometimes for the King, and at other times for the League; or all those petty Skirmishes which have drawn, (if I may have liberty so to express myself) such deluges of Blood from the veins of France. All these particulars ought to be the ingredients of the General History of this Nation, under the Reigns of the two last Henries, which may be read in many famous Historians; and principally in the last Tome of the late Monsieur de Mezeray, who has surpassed himself, in that part of his great work. I confine my undertaking within the compass of what is most essential in the particular History of the League, and have only applied myself to the discovery of its true Origine, to unriddle its intrigues and artifices, and find out the most secret motives, by which the Heads of that Conspiracy have acted, to which the magnificent Title of the Holy Union, has been given with so much injustice: and in consequence of this, to make an exact description of the principal actions, and the greatest and most signal events, which decided the fortune of the League; and this in short is the Model of my Work. As for the end which I proposed to myself, in conceiving it, I may boldly say, that it was to give a plain understanding to all such, as shall read this History, that all sorts of Associations which are formed against lawful Sovereigns, particularly when the Conspirators endeavour to disguise them, under the specious pretence of Religion and Piety, as did the Huguenots and Leaguers, are at all times most criminal in the sight of God, and most commonly of unhappy and fatal Consequence to those, who are either the Authors or Accomplices of the Crime. THE CONTENTS OF THE BOOKS. The first Book. THe General model of the League, its Origine, its design, and the Success it had quite contrary to the end which was proposed by it. In what it resembled the League of Calvinism. The condition in which France was at the return of Henry the third from Poland. The ill Counsel which he followed at the beginning of his Reign, in renewing the War. The Commendation and Character of that Prince. The surprising change which was found in his Carriage, and in his Manners. The conjunction of the Politics, or Malcontents with the Huguenots. Their pow●rfull Army Commanded by the Duke of Alencon. The Peace which was made ●y the interposition of the Queen Mother, ●hich produced the Edict of May very favourable to the Huguenots. This Edict is the occasion of the Birth of the League. The League was first devised by the Cardinal of Lorraine at the Council of Trent. He leaves the design behind him to his Nephew the Duke of Guise. The Conference and secret Treaty betwixt that Duke, and Don John of Austria. By what means Philip the Second discovered it, and made use of it to engage the Duke to take up Arms. The Commendation of the Duke of Guise, and his Character. How that Duke made use of the Lord of Humieres to begin the League. The Project of Humieres, his Articles and his Progress. The Lord Lewis de la Trimoville, declares himself Head of it in Poitou▪ The first Estates of Blois, wherein the King, to weaken that party, declares himself Head of it, by advice of the Sieur de Morvillier. The Commendation and Character of that Great man. What kind of man the Advocate David was. His extravagant memoirs. The justification of Pope Gregory the 13th. against the slander of the Huguenots, who would make him the Author of it. The Edict of May revoked in the Estates. The War against the Huguenots, suddenly followed by a Peace, and by the Edict of Poitiers, in their favour, which enrages the Leaguers. The Restauration of the Order of the Holy Ghost, by Henry the third, to make himself a new Militia against the League. The Duke of Alencon in Flanders, where he is declared Duke of Brabant. This occasions Philip the second to Press the Duke of Guise to declare himself. He does it a little after the Death of the Duke of Alencon. The Conferences of the Duke of Espernon with the King of Navarre, furnishes him with an occasion. He makes use of the old Cardinal of Bourbon, and sets him up for a Stale. The great weakness of that Cardinal. The History of the beginning, the Progress, the Arts and the Designs of the League of the 16 of Paris. The Treaty of the Duke of Guise with the Deputies of the King of Spain. He begins the War by surprising many Towns. The general hatred to the Favourites, and especially to the Duke of Espernon, causes many great Lords to enter into his Party. That first War of the League hinders the Reunion of the Low Countries to the Crown, and also the Ruin of the Huguenots. Marseilles and Bourdeaux secured from the Attempts of the League. The generous Declaration of the King of Navarre against the Leaguers, and the too mild Declaration of the King. The Conference and Treaty of Nemours, and the Edict of July, in favour of the Leaguers against the Huguenots. The Union of the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde with the Marshal of Damville. The death of Gregory the 13th. and Creation of Sixtus Quintus. The thundering Bull of that Pope against the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde. Discourses and Writings against that Bull. Protestation of the King of Navarre, posted up at Rome. The War in Poitou, with the small success of the Duke of Mayenne. The Marshals Matignon and Byron, break his measures underhand. The History of the unfortunate expedition of the Prince of Conde at Angiers. The Dissolution of his Army. The Ordinances of the King against the Huguenots. The form which they were made to sign at their Conversion. The Embassy of the Protestant Princes of Germany, who demand of the King the Revocation of his Edicts. The firm and generous Answer of the King, the Conference of St. Brix, the Impostures of the Leaguers, the beginning of the Brotherhood of Penitentiaries. The King establishes one in Paris, wherein he enrolls himself. The Insolence of the Preachers of the League. The scandalous Emblem which was made against the King. The Impudence of Dr. Poncet, and his Punishment. The King uses his endeavours to no purpose for a Peace, and at last resolves upon a War. The Contents of the Second Book. THe Duke of Guise complains to the King of the Infringements which he pretends were made to the Treaty of Nemours. The Answer to those Complaints which were found unreasonable. The Design of the King in the War which he is forced to make. The Fortune and Rise of the Duke of Joyeuse, his good and ill qualities. He commands the Royal Army against the King of Navarre. His Exploits in Poitou, with those of the King of Navarre, the Battle of Courtras. The Difference of the two Armies; how they were drawn up. The first shock advantageous to the Duke, the general Defeat of his Army, the complete Victory of the King of Navarre, his Heroic Valour in the Battle, and his admirable Clemency after the Victory. He knows not how to use it, or will not, and for what reason. The Review of the Army of the Reyters in the Plain of Strasbourgh. The Birth and the Quality of the Baron of Dona. The Duke of Guise undertakes with small Forces to ruin that great Army. The Spoils which it committed in Lorraine. The Reasons why the Duke of Lorraine would not have the passage of that Army opposed. The Description of the admirable Retreat of the Duke of Guise at Pont St. Vincent. The Entry of the Reyters into France. The Duke of Guise perpetually harrasses them. The Army Royal at Gien. The King goes to command it in Person, and vigorously opposes the passage of the Reyters. Their consternation, finding quite the contrary of what the French Huguenots had promised them to appease them. They are led into La Beauce. The Duke of Guise follows them. The description of the Attacque and Fight of Vimory, where he surprises and defeats a Party of Reyters. A gallant Action of the Duke of Mayenne. The Retreat at Mont Argis. The Sedition in the Foreign Army after that Victory. The Arrival of the Prince of Conty, Lieutenant General to the King of Navarre, restores them to joy and Obedience. The Duke of Guise having reserved to himself but 5000 men, fears not to follow the Reyters as far as Auneau. The Situation of that Borough. The Baron of Dona Quarters there with the Reyters. The Duke of Guise disposes himself to attack them there. He gains the Captain of the Castle, to have entrance by it into the Borough. The disposal of his Army, the order of the Attacque, the Fight, the entire defeat of the Reyters without any loss on his side. The Treaty of the Duke of Espernon with the remainders of those Germans, their lamentable return. The Duke of Guise pursues them to the Frontiers of Germany, he permits the County of Mont Beliard to be plundered. The insolence of the Leaguers after that Victory. The too great goodness of the King, of which the seditious make advantage. The horrible flying out of Prevost Curate of St. Severin, and of Boucher Curate of St. Bennet. The day of St. Severin. The scandalous Decree of the faction of Doctors in the Sorbonne who were for the Sixteen. The Duke of Guise is refused the Office of Admiral, which he demands for Brissac, and it is given to the Duke of Espernon his Enemy. The Character and Portrait of that Duke. The Ha●e which is born him, the Indignation of the Duke of Guise for his refusal, and for the advancement of his Enemy, makes him resolve to push his Fortune to the utmost. The Contents of the Third Book. MAny Prodigies which presaged the evils to come. The Conference at Nancy of all the Princes of the House of Lorraine. The Articles of the Request which they present to the King against the Royal Authority. The Dissimulation of the King, finding himself pressed to answer it precisely. The Death of the Prince of Condè, the Encomium of that Prince, the King at length takes up a resolution to punish the Sixteen. His preparations for it, the alarm of it taken by the Parisians, they implore the Assistance of the Duke of Guise, who promises to give it. Monsieur de Bellieure carries him the King's Orders to Soissons, which are that he should not come to Paris. The Answer which he made to Bellieure notwithstanding that Order. He comes to Paris. The description of his Entry, with acclamations and extraordinary transports of joy of the Parisians. The irresolution of the King, when he saw him at the Lovure. That which passed at their interview, and in the Queen's Garden. The King commands all Strangers to depart from Paris. The Leaguers oppose it, the description of the day of the Barricades. The Count of Bris●ac begins them, they are carried on within 50 paces of the Lovure, the Duke of Guise stops the Citizens, and causes the King's Soldiers to be Disarmed, and then reconducted into the Lovure. The true design of the Duke, on the day of the Barricades, his excessive demands. The King fearing to be encompassed, departs out of Paris in a pitiful Equipage. The Queen Mother negotiates an accommodation. The Duke of Guise cunningly Reingages her in his interest, the request which he caused to be presented to the King, containing Articles very prejudicial to his Authority, the dissimulation of the King, the Banishment of the Duke of Espernon, the new Treaty of the King with the Lords of the League, the Edict of Reunion against the Huguenots, in favour of the League, the signs of the King's indignation which broke out from him, and which he would have hidden, the Estates of Blois, the King's Speech, at which the Leaguers are offended. The Duke of Guise is Master there, and causes resolutions to be taken against the Authority of the King, and against the King of Navarre, whom the Estates declare incapable of succeeding to the Crown, to which the King will not consent. He at length takes a resolution to rid himself of the Duke of Guise, the secret Counsel which is held concerning it. The Advertisement which the Duke receives of it. The Counsel which is given him, and which he will not follow. The History of his Tragical Death, the Imprisonment of the principal Leaguers. Davila manifestly convinced of falsehood, in the relation which he makes of the conference betwixt the King and the Legat. The Note of the King to Cardinal Morosini. The Conference which he had with that Cardinal, concerning the death of the Guises, the resentment of Pope Sixtus for the same, the strong remonstrances which were made him by the Cardinal of Joyeuse. The opinion of that Pope against the League, and against the Guises. He suspends the expedition of all Bulls, till the King shall send to demand absolution. What the Cardinal of Joyeuse, remonstrates to him thereupon, the unprofitable declarations which the King makes to justify his action, instead of preparing for War. The Duke of Mayenne flies from Lions into Burgundy, where he is absolutely Master. The insurrection of Paris, on the news of the death of the Guises. The furious Sermons of the Preachers of the League, the horrible impudence of Guinces●re, Curate of St. Gervais, who Preaching at St. Bar●holomew, Commands his Auditors to lift up their hands, and also the first Precedent. The horrible flying out of the Curate Pigenat, in the Funeral Oration which he made for the Duke of Guise. The scandalous Decree of the Sorbonne, in which it is declared that the French are released from their Oath of Allegiance made to the King. The furious excess of rage in the Leaguers, in pursuit of that decree against the King. They commit all sorts of Outrages against him. The death of Queen Catharine of Medicis, her Commendation and Portrait. The King sends the Duchess of Nemours to Paris, to appease the Troubles there. The extravagance of the petty Fevillant, Bussy le Clerc carries the Parliament Prisoners to the Bastille, the commendations of the first Precedent Achilles de Harley, the names of the Precedents, and of the Counselors who followed him. The Precedent Brisson at the Head of the new Parliament of the League, which makes a solemn Oath to revenge the death of the Guises. The Leaguers use enchantments against the King, at the same time that Guinces●re accuses him of magic art in a full Congregation. The arrival of the Duke of Mayenne, his Encomium and his Portrait. The King makes him great offers in vain. His fortunate beginnings, the great number of Towns which throw themselves into his party. His Entry into Paris. He weakens the Counsel of Sixteen by increasing their number. He causes himself to be declared Lieutenant General of the State and Crown of France. The King takes though too late, the ways of force and rigour. The Reasons which oblige him to unite himself with the King of Navarre, the treaty of that Union, the advantageous offers which the King makes to the Lorraine Princes who refuse them, the fruitless Conference of Cardinal Morosini with the Duke of Mayenne. The performance of the treaty of the two Kings, their declarations, their interview at Tours. The Exploits of the Duke of Mayenne. He assaults and carries the Suburbs of Tours. His return without having performed aught beside. The Siege and Battle of Senlis, where the Parisians are defeated, the defeat of the Troops of the Sieur de Saveuse by Chastillon. The Exploits of the King, his March towards Paris, at Estampes he receives the news of the thundering Monitory of Pope Sixtus against him, he takes up his Quarters at St. Clou. The execrable Parricide committed on his Person, his most Christian and most holy death. The Contents of the Fourth Book. HEnry the Fourth is acknowledged King of France, by the Catholics of his Army, and on what Conditions. The Duke of Espernon forsakes him, and the Sieur de Vitry goes over to the League, the King divides his Army into three Bodies, and leads one of them into Normandy. The Duke of Mayenne causes the Counsel of the Union to declare the old Cardinal of Bourbon King, under the name of Charles the 10th. Books Written for the right of the Uncle against the Nephew, and for the Nephew against the uncle. The Duke of Mayenne takes the Field with a powerful Army, and follows the King into Normandy. The Battle or great Skirmishes at Arques, the King's Victory, and the Retreat of the Duke of Mayenne, the Assault and taking of the Suburbs of Paris by the King. The Intelligence held by the Precedent De Blanc-Mesnil with the King. The praise of that Precedent. The Exploits of the King in the Provinces. The Propositions of the Legate Cajetan, and of the Spaniards at the Co●nsell of the Union. The Sieur de Villeroy, discovers the intrigue of it to the Duke of Mayenne, who resolves to oppose them. The Commendation of that Great Minister of State. A new Decree of the Sorbonne against Henry the 4th. The new Oath which the Legate orders to be taken by the Leaguers. The King Besiegeth Dreux. The Duke of Mayenne Marches to the relief of the Besieged, which occasions the battle of Yury. The description of that Battle, the order of the two Armies. The absolute Victory of the King. His Exploits after his Victory. His repulse from before Sens, by the Sieur de Chanvallon, he goes to besiege Paris. The condition of that Town at that time. The provision made by the Duke of Nemours, to sustain the Siege. The attack of the Suburb of St. Martin by Lanove, who was repulsed from it. Why the King would not use force. An horrible Famine in Paris. The reasons which made the Parisians resolve to endure all extremities, rather than Surrender. The Fantastic Muster that was made by the ecclesiastics, and the Monks to encourage the people, the Legate Cajetan as he was looking on it in danger to be killed. The Arrival of the Duke of Parma, who relieves Paris. Two attempts upon Paris to surprise it, the one by Scalade, and the other by a Strategem, neither of which succeed. The Retreat of the Duke of Parma. The Siege and the taking of Chartres, by the management of Chastillon. The death of that Count and his Commendation. The Duke of Parma renders the Duke of Mayenne suspected to the King of Spain, who supports the Sixteen against him. Pope Sixtus is disabused in favour of the King. Gregory the 14th. declares for the League against the King, whom he Excommunicates. His Bull is condemned, and produces no manner of effect. The conference of the Lorraine Princes at Rheims. The Precedent Jannin, goes for them into Spain. His praise and his artful Negotiation. King Philip unwarily declares his design, to cause the Infanta his Daughter to be Elected Queen of France. Monsieur de Mayenne breaks with the Spaniard. The Division amongst the Lorraine Princes. The Young Duke of Guise is received by the Leaguers, who set him up against his uncle. The horrible violence of the Sixteen, who cause the Precedent Brisson, and two Counselors to be hanged. The just Revenge which the Duke of Mayenne takes for that action. Their Faction totally pulled down by that Duke, and by the Honest Citizens. The Siege of Roven. The Duke of Parma comes to its relief, the Skirmish of Aumale. The brave Sally of Villiers Governor of Roven, the King raises his Siege, and some few days after Besieges the Army of the Duke of Parma, the wonderful Retreat of that Duke. The conference of du Plessis Mornay, and Villeroy for the Peace, what it conduced towards the conversion of the King. The Popes, Innocent the 9th. and Clement the 8th. for the League. The death of the Duke of Parma. Monsieur de Mayenne at length assembles the General Estates of the League at Paris. The History of those pretended Estates. Monsieur de Mayenne causes the conference of Suresne to be therein accepted, in spite of the Legat. The Speeches of the Archbishop of Bourges and of Lions, and the History of that Conference. The Duke of Mayenne in the Estates artfully hinders the Election of a King. The History of the conversion of Henry the 4th. The absolution which he demands, and which at length is given him at Rome. The reduction of many Lords and Towns of the League to the King's Service. His Entry into Paris, the Skirmish at Fontain Francoise. The treaty of the Duke of Mayenne, and the Edict which the King makes in his favour. The treaty of the Duke of Joyeuse, and his second entry into the order of Capuchins, the treaty of the Duke of Merceaeur, and the end of the League. THE HISTORY OF THE LEAGUE. LIB. I. THough this work which I have undertaken is the natural sequel of the History of Calvinism, 'tis yet most certain that the Subject which I treat has no relation to that Heresy. For it was not the desire of preserving the Catholic faith in France, nor any true motive of Religion which gave birth to the League, as the common people who have not been able to penetrate into the secret of that accursed Cabal, have always been persuaded. It was derived from two passions which in all ages have produced most tragical Effects, I mean Ambition and Hatred. 'Tis true, the multitude, and above all the Churchmen, who believed they had occasion to be alarmed in matters of Religion, if he who was called to the Crown by the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, should obtain it, these I say were seduced by that specious appearance of true Zeal, which seemed to be the very Soul and Foundation of the League. But it will not be difficult to discover in the process of this History, that the Authors of that Conspiracy made use of those pretences of Religion, to abuse the credulity, and even the Piety of the People; and to make them impious, without their perceiving it, by animating and arming them against their Kings, to root out (if they had been able) the last remaining Stem of the Royal Stock; and to plant on its Foundations, the dominion of a Foreigner. And as none are able to execute an unjust Enterprise, but by means as pernicious and execrable as the end itself which they propose, so will there be manifest in the sequel and progress of the League, even yet more disorders and mischiefs than ever Calvinism itself produced; against which alone it seemed to have been armed: Yet in this particular, most resembling that Formidable party which was raised against the Catholic Church, that, being blasted as the Heresy had been by the Lord of Hosts, it was always unsuccesful in the Battles which it struck against the lawful power; And at length overwhelmed with the same Engines which it had raised for the destruction of the Government. Truly, 'tis a surprising thing to find both in the design and sequel of the League, by a miraculous order of the divine providence, revolutions altogether contrary to those which were expected. On the one side the majestic House of Bourbon, which was designed for ruin, gloriously raised to that supreme degree of power in which we now behold it flourishing, to the wonder of the World; and on the other side, that of two eminent Families which endeavoured their own advancement by its destruction, the one is already debased to the lowest degree, and the other almost reduced to nothing. So different are the designs of God, from those of men; and so little is there to be built on the foundations of humane policy and prudence, when men have only passion for their guides, under the counterfeit names of Piety and Religion. 'Tis what I shall make evident, by unravelling the secrets and intrigues, couched under the League, by exposing its criminal and ill managed undertake, which were almost always unsuccessful; and by showing in the close the issue it had, entirely opposite to its designs, by the exaltation of those whom it endeavoured to oppress. But is will be first necessary to consider in what condition France then was, when this dangerous Association was first formed, against the supreme Authority of our Kings. Ann. 1574. The ●ury of the Civil Wars which had laid the Kingdom desolate under the reign of Charles the Ninth seemed to have almost wholly been extinguished after the fourth Edict▪ of pacification, which was made at the Siege of Rochel; and if the State was not altogether in a Calm, yet at least it was not tossed in any violence of Tempest, when after the decease of the said King, his Brother Henry, than King of Poland, returned to France, and took possession of a Crown devolved on him by the right of Inheritance. He was a Prince, who being then betwixt the years of 23, and 24, was endued with all Qualities and perfections capable of rendering him one of the greatest and most accomplished Monarches in the World. For besides that his person was admirably shaped, that he was tall of Stature, majestic in his Carriage, that the sound of his Voice, his Eyes, and all the features of his Face, were infinitely sweet; that he had a solid Judgement, a most happy Memory, a clear and discerning Understanding; that in his behaviour he had all the winning Graces which are required in a Prince, to attract the love and respect of Subjects; 'Tis also certain, that no man could possibly be more Liberal, more Magnificent, more Valiant, more Courteous, more addicted to Religion, or more Eloquent than he was naturally and without Art. To sum up all, he had wanted nothing to make himself and his Kingdom happy, had he followed those wholesome Counsels which were first given him; and had he still retained the noble ambition of continuing at lest what he was formerly, under the glorious name of the Duke of Anjou, which he had rendered so renowned by a thousand gallant actions, and particularly by the famous Victories of jarnac and Montcontour. The world was filled with those high Ideas, which it had conceived of his rare merit, expecting from him the re-establishment of the Monarchy in its ancient splendour, and nothing was capable of weakening that hope, but only the cruel Massacre of St. Bartholomew, whereof he had been one of the most principal Authors, which had rendered him extremely odious to the Protestants. And therefore in his return from Poland, the Emperor Maximilian the Second, who ruled the Empire in great tranquillity, notwithstanding the diversity of opinions which divided his cares betwixt the Catholics and the Lutherans; the Duke of Venice, and the most judicious members of that august Senate, which is every where renowned for prudence; and after his return to France, the Precedents, De Thou, and Harlay, the two Advocate's General Pibra● and du Mesnil, and generally, all those who were most passionate for his greatness, and the good of his Estate advised him to give peace to his Subjects of the Religion pretendedly Reformed, to heal and cement that gaping wound, which had run so much blood, in that fatal day of St. Bartholomew, and not to replunge his Kingdom in that gulf of miseries, wherein it was almost ready to have perished. But the Chancellor de Birague, the Cardinal of Lorraine, and his Nephew the Duke of Guise, (who at that time had no little part in the esteem and favour of his Master,) and above all, the Queen Mother, Catharine de Medi●es, who entirely governed him, and who after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, dared no longer to trust the Protestants. These I say, engaged him in the War which he immediately made against them, and which was unsuccessful to him. So that after he had been shamefully repulsed, from before an inconsiderable Town in Dauphine, they took Arms in all places, becoming more ●ierce and insolent than ever, and made extraordinary progress, both in that part, in Provence, in Languedoc, in Guienne, and Poitou. That which rendered them so powerful, (which otherwise they had not been,) was a party of Malcontents amongst the Catholics, who were called the Politics, because without touching on Religion, they protested that they took Arms only for the public good; for the relief and benefit of the people; and to reform those grievances and disorders, which were apparent in the State: A ground, which has always served for a pretence of Rebellion to those men, who have raised themselves in opposition to their Kings and Masters, whom God commands us to obey, though they should sometimes even abuse that power which he has given them, not to destroy, or to demolish, as he speaks in his holy Scriptures, but to edify, that is to say, to procure the good, and to establish the happiness of their Subjects. These Politics then joined themselves to the Huguenots, according to the resolution which they had taken at the Assembly held at Montpellier, in the month of November, and year of our Lord, 1574. Henry de Montmorancy Marshal of Damville, and Governor of Languedoc, who to maintain himself in that rich Government, of which he was designed to be bereft, first formed this party of the Politics, into which he drew great numbers of the Nobles, his partisans and Friends; and principally the Signior de Thore, and the Meru-Montmorancy his Brothers, the Count de Vantadour his Brother in Law, and the famous Henry de la Tour d' Auvergn, Viscount de Turenne his Nephew, who was afterwards Marshal of France, Duke of Boüillon, Sovereign Prince of Sedan, and the great Upholder of the Huguenots. But that, Ann. 1575. which made their power so formidable in the last result of things, was that Monsieur, (the Duke of Alencon, only Brother of the King) and the King of Navarre, detained at Court, and not very favourably treated, having made their escape; the first of them, who, besides his own followers, was joined by a considerable part of Damville's Troops, put himself at the head of the Protestant Army, which was at the same time reinforced by the conjunction of great Succours of Reyters and Lansquenets, whom the Prince of Conde had brought from Germany, under the conduct of john Casimir, second Son to Frederick the Elector Palatine. So that in the general Muster which was made of them near Moulins in Bourbonnois, their Forces were found to consist of thirty five thousand experienced Soldiers, which power 'tis most certain, the King was in no condition to resist, in that miserable Estate, to which he had reduced himself, by the prodigious change he had made, in his conduct and his carriage, immediately after his succeeding to the Crown of France. He was no longer that Victorious Duke of Anjou, who had gained in the world so high a reputation, by so many gallant actions performed by him, in commanding the Armies of the King his Brother, in quality of his Lieutenant General through the whole Kingdom; but as if in assuming the Crown of the first and most ancient Monarchy of Christendom, he had despoiled himself at the same moment, by some fatal enchantment, of his Royal perfections, he plunged himself into all the delights of a most ignominious idleness, with his favourites and Minions, who were the Bloodsuckers, the Harpies, and the scandal of all France, which he seemed to have abandoned to their pillage by the immenseness of his prodigality. After this he rendered himself equally odious and contemptible to his Subjects, both of the one Religion and the other, by his inconstant, and fantastic manner of procedure. For he ran sometimes from the extremity of debauchery into a fit of Religion, with processions and exercises of Penance, which were taken for Hypocrisy, and then again, from Devotion into Debauchery, as the present humour carried him away, and busied himself in a thousand mean employments unworthy, I say, not of a King but of a man of common sense. All which Davila the Historian, after his manner of drawing every thing into design and Mystery, though at the expense of Truth, has endeavoured to pass upon us, for so many effects of a subtle, and over-refined policy. In conclusion, to discharge himself of the burden of Royalty, which was grown wholly insupportable to him in that lazy effeminate sort of Life, he relinquished all the cares of Government to the Queen his Mother, who to continue him in that humour, and by consequence to make herself absolute Mistress of affairs (which was always her predominant passion,) failed not to furnish him from time to time with new baits and allurements of voluptuousness, and all that was needful for the shipwreck of virtue and honour, in a Court the most dissolute which had ever been beheld in France. Since it therefore pleased the Queen that War should be made against the Huguenots, to enfeeble them as much as was possible, that they might give no trouble to her management of Business; So also when she saw them strengthened with so formidable an Army, and her Son Alencon at their head, she began immediately to apprehend, that at length, making themselves Masters, they might degrade her from that Authority, which she was so ambitious to retain, by whatsoever means, and consequently she resolved to make a peace, for the same reasons, for which she undertook the War. And as she was undoubtedly the most subtle Woman of her time, and had so great an Ascendant over all her Children, that they were not able to withstand her, or to defend themselves against her artifices, and withal would spare for nothing to compass her designs; she managed so dexterously the minds of the Princes, and chief Officers of their Army, in granting them with ease extraordinary Conditions, even such as were beyond their hope; that she conjured down the Tempest which was about to have been poured upon her head, and sheltered herself at the cost of our Religion, by the fifth Edict of Pacification, which was as advantageous to the Huguenots as they could desire. To whom, amongst other privileges was allowed the free exercise of their pretended Religion in all the Cities of the Kingdom, and in all other places, excepting only the Court and Paris, and the compass of two Leagues about that City. This peace was infinitely distasteful to the Catholics, because it served for a pretence, and gave a favourable occasion to the birth of a design long time before premeditated, and hatched by him, who was the first Author of that League whose History I write; and who began to lay the Foundations of it, precisely at this point of time, in that manner as shall immediately be related. 'Tis certain that the first persons who were thus Associated, Ann. 1576. under pretence of Religion against their Sovereigns were the Protestants: Then when the Prince of Conde made himself their concealed head at the Conspiracy of Amboise; and afterwards overtly declared himself in beginning the first troubles by the surprise of Orleans. That League, (which always was maintained by force of Arms, by places of caution and security, which upon constraint were granted to the Huguenots, and by the treasonable intelligence they held with Strangers, even till the time wherein it was totally extinguished by the taking of Rochel, and of their other Cities, and fortified places, under the Reign of the late King of glorious memory,) obliged some Catholics oftentimes, to unite themselves without the participation of the King in certain Provinces; as particularly, in Languedoc, Guyenne, and Poitou, not only to de●end themselves against the encroachments of the Huguenots, but also to attack them, and to exterminate them, if they had been able, from all those places, of which they had possessed themselves in those Provinces. But he who employed his thoughts at the utmost stretch in that affair, and was the first who invented the project of a General League amongst the Catholics, under another Head than the King, was the Cardinal of Lorraine, at that time assisting at the Council of Trent. That Prince, whose name is so well known in History, and who had a most prompt and most piercing understanding, fiery by nature, impetuous, and violent, endued with a rare, natural eloquence, more learning than could reasonably be expected from a Person of his Quality, and which his eloquence made appear to be much greater than it was; the boldest of any man alive in Councils, Cabals, and in Contrivance of daring and vast designs, was also the most pusillanimous and weakest man imaginable, when it came to the point of Execution, and that he saw there was danger in the undertaking. But above all, it cannot be denied, that through the whole series of his Life, he had a most immoderate passion for the greatness of his Family. Insomuch, that when he saw the great Duke of Guise, his Brother, at the highest point of glory after the Battle of Dreux, where it might be said that he was the safeguard of our Religion, which depended on that day's success, and that all the Council was filled with the applause of that Hero, for so memorable a Victory, which he had in a manner gained singly, after the defeat and taking of the Constable; he believed he had found the favourable occasion he so ardently desired, to satisfy his ambition to the full, by raising his Brother to that degree of Honour, in which he might enjoy a Supreme, and Independent Authority, equal to the power of the greatest Kings. To this effect he was not wanting to represent to the Heads of that Assembly, and by them to the Pope, that for the support of Religion, against which the Heretics made so cruel War, particularly in France, there was no better means, than to make a League into which should enter all the Princes and great men whom they could procure, and above all the rest the King of Spain, who was so powerful, and so zealous for the Catholic Faith. He added, that it was necessary for the Pope, to declare himself the Protector of it, and to elect a Head of it in the Kingdom, on whose Piety, Prudence, Valour and Experience, all things might safely be reposed; and whom all Catholics should be under an obligation to obey, till they had totally extirpated the Huguenots. This proposal was received with great applause; and as their minds in that juncture of time were wholly prepossessed with a high character of the wise conduct, the perpetual felicity, and heroic virtues of the Victorious Duke of Guise, there was not the least scruple remaining for them to conclude, that he alone was fit to be the Head of ●o glorious an Undertaking. But the sad news of his Death, arriving in the very upshot of that project, made this great design to vanish; which the Cardinal, who never lost the imagination of it, nor the hope to make it succeed at some other time, was not able to bring in play again till about ten or eleven years after that accident: And then sound the young Duke of Guise, Henry of Lorraine, his Nephew, both of age and of capacity, and entirely disposed to its accomplishment. For at that time he proposed warmly the same design to the Pope, and the King of Spain, who both entered without difficulty into his opinion; though upon motives very different: The Pope, out of the ardent desire he had to see Heresy altogether exterminated from this most Christian Kingdom, and the Spaniard, out of a longing appetite to make his advantage of our divisions, and those great disorders, which he foresaw the League must inevitably cause in France. The Duke also, on his side, who had much more ambition, and much less affection to the public good, than his Father, embraced with all his Soul so fair an occasion as was thereby put into his hand, of raising himself immediately to so high a degree of Power and Authority, in becoming Head of a Party, which in all appearance would ruin all the others, and give Law universally to France. But the Death of his Uncle the Cardinal, which happened at the same time, broke once more the measures of his ambitious design, which notwithstanding he never did forsake, as being fully resolved to put it into execution, on the first opportunity which should be offered. This he could not find, till two years afterwards, when Don john of Austria passed through France, to take possession of his government of the Low Countries. That Prince who travelled incognito, and had already made a secret correspondence with the Duke of Guise, saw him at joinville, where after some conferences which they had together, without other witness, than john d' Escovedo, Secretary to Don john, they made a Treaty of alliance, offensive and defensive, mutually to assist each other to their utmost Abilities, with their Friends, their Power, and Forces, to render themselves absolute; the first in his government of the netherlands, the second in that party, which he always hoped to form in France, according to the project of his Uncle, under pretence of maintaining the Catholic Religion in France against the Huguenots. Though Historians are silent of this Treaty, I suppose, notwithstanding, that it is undoubtedly true, considering what Monsieur de Peiresc, (a name so celebrated by the learned) has written concerning it in his memoirs; which was grounded on what was related to him by Monsieur du Vair, who had it from Antonio Perez. For that famous Confident of the Amours betwixt Philip the second, and the fair Princess of Eboli, acknowledged freely to Precedent du Vair, that to revenge himself of unfortunate Escovedo, who at his return to Spain would have ruined him in the favour of the King, he gave him so well to understand, that this Secretary of Don john was entrusted with all his most secret designs against the State, and that having discovered the love of the King his Master, he traversed his amorous intrigue, to serve the Prince of Eboli, on whom he had dependence, that Philip who made not the least scruple to rid himself of any one whom he suspected (as having not spared even his Son Don Carlos) made him be assassinated. After which, having seized his Papers, he there found this private Treaty, together with the memoirs and instructions, containing the whole foundation, and all the minutes of this project, with the means which the Duke of Guise intended to make use of, to make his Enterprise succeed; of which that King, who made advantage of every thing, most dexterously served himself long time after, to engage the Duke so deeply in his Interests, that he was never able to disentangle himself, as the sequel will declare. But in the mean time, that Peace so advantageous to the Protestants, being made in the manner above mentioned; the Duke believed, he had now a fair occasion to begin (by making use of the discontents of the Catholics,) the forming of that League, of which he intended afterwards to declare himself the Head. How he managed that affair, is next to be related. Amongst the secret Articles of that Peace, so favourable to the Huguenots, there was one, by which the Prince of Conde had granted to him the full possession of the Government of Picardy; and besides it, for his farther security, the important City of Peronne, the Garrison of which, should be maintained at the King's expense. The Governor of Peronne, at that time, was jaques, Lord of Humieres, Encre, Bray, and many other places, who by other large possessions of his own, and the Governments of Roye, and of Montdidier, added to Peronne, was without dispute the most considerable, the wealthiest, and most powerful Lord of all Picardy. Besides, that being of an illustrious Birth, and Son of the Wise and Valiant john d' Humieres, (who had been Lieutenant of the King in Piedmont, and Governor to King Henry the Second,) he was respected, loved and obeyed in that Province, where he was in a manner absolute, both by the great Authority of his own merit, and that which was derived to him from his Father. This Nobleman, having formerly been ill used by the Lords of Montmorency, then in power; and having been hindered by them, from entering into possession of a fair Inheritance, which he claimed, as rightfully belonging to him, had put himself into the interests of the former great Duke of Guise, a declared Enemy of the Huguenots. And that Prince, to bind more firmly to his party, to the cause of Religion, and to his Family, a Person so considerable, had procured him to be Knight of the order of St. Michael, at that famous promotion which was made by Francis the Second, on the Feast of St. Michael, in the year 1560. Insomuch that the young Duke of Guise doubted not, that the concernment which this Lord had to maintain himself in the Government of Peronne, joined in the present posture of affairs with zeal, either true or apparent, for Religion, and the particular obligations he had to the House of Guise, would render him capable to be disposed of absolutely, in the execution of that high enterprise, on which he was himself resolved; it seeming to him that he could never expect a better opportunity, and that all things were conspiring in his favour. In effect there was nothing wanting that could possibly concur, either of good or ill, to make that succeed, which he had resolved so firmly for two years together; and which in process of time was capable of raising him to a higher pitch of greatness, than at present he could possibly conceive, how vast soever those ideas of power and authority were, with which he flattered his ambitious imagination. He was a Prince, at that time, in the flower and vigour of his age, which was about thirty years; furnished with all those admirable qualities and perfections both of Soul and Body, which are most capable of charming the Hearts, and acquiring an absolute empire over the Souls of the people, who were even enchanted with his graces, and almost idolised his person. For he was tall of Stature, excellently well proportioned, altogether resembling what is commonly attributed to Heroes; having the features of his face of a Masculine Beauty, his Eyes sparkling and full of Fire, but whose lively and piercing motion was tempered with a certain kind of sweetness. His forehead large, smooth, and at all times serene, accompanied with an agreeable smile of his mouth, which charmed even more than those obliging words, of which he was not sparing to those who pressed about him; his complexion lively, white and red; and which 〈◊〉 honourable Scar remaining of the wound he had received by a Pistol Bullet on his left Cheek, (when he defeated a party of the Reiters of Casimir, which William de Montmorency, Sieur de Thore, conducted to the Duke of Alencon,) heightened to much more advantage, than all the ornaments which the vanity of Women has invented to add a lustre to their Beauty. His walk was grave and stately; yet neither Pride nor affectation appeared in it. In all his Garb there was a certain inexpressible air of heroic greatness, which was made up of sweetness, audacity and a noble haughtiness, without any thing of shocking, or ungraceful in his whole composition. Which, altogether, inspired a mixture of love, of awe, and of respect into his conversation. This admirable outside was animated with an inside yet more wonderful, by reason of those excellent qualities which he possessed, of a Soul that was truly great; being liberal, magnificent in all things, sparing nothing to make Dependants, and to gain persons of all sorts of conditions; but principally the Nobility, and the Soldiers; civil, obliging, popular, always ready to do good to those who addressed themselves to him; generous, magnanimous, not to be moved to injure any man; no not to hurt even his greatest Enemies, but by honourable ways; extremely persuasive in discourse, disguising his thoughts, when he appeared most open; wise and prudent in his Counsels, bold, prompt and valiant in the execution of them, cheerfully enduring all the hardships of War, in common with the meanest Soldier, exposing his person, and contemning the greatest dangers, to compass what he had once determined. But that which gave the greatest lustre to so many noble qualities, was the quite contrary of all these, in the person of the King; who, by his ill conduct, rather than his ill fortune, had lost the affection of the greatest part of France, and chiefly of the Parisians, which by the highest disorder, that could possibly happen in a State, was already transferred to him, who, from his subject began openly to appear his Rival, in the thing of the World, whereof Monarches are, and aught to be, most jea●●●●●. But as there is no Mine of Gold, where the precious Metal is so wholly pure, as to be found unmixed with common Earth, so were these great natural endowments of the Duke of Guise debased by the mixture of many imperfections and vices; of which the principal was the insatiable desire of greatness and of glory, and that vast Ambition, to which he made all other things subservient. Besides which, he was rash, presumptuous, selfconceited, wedded to his own opinions, and despising the advice of others, (though that more covertly,) subtle, unsincere, no true friend, but centring all things in his own interest; though he appeared the most obliging and the most officious of all men, yet the good he did, was only in order to himself, always covering his vast designs, by the specious pretence of public good, and the preservation of the true Religion: too much confiding in his own good fortune, losing and hoodwincking himself in his prosperity, which gave him such a gust of the present pleasure, that he could not think of taking his precautions for the future; to conclude, giving up himself too much to the love of Women, of whom nevertheless, without their being able to divert him from the care he took of his great concern, he dextrously made use to advance it by their means and without their knowing that they were his Instruments. Yet in spite of all these vices, which were indeed most subtly managed, or disguised under the most fair appearances, and veiled with a profound dissimulation, his virtues at the same time glittering, and blazing over all the World, he was universally adored and loved, particularly by the Parisians; and even they, who knowing him at the bottom could not love him, yet could not hinder themselves from admiring him; which doubtless is a most uncommon thing, that a man should be able at the same time, to deserve and gain the people's love, and the admiration of those who were so clear sighted, as to discover his imperfections and vices. Such was the famous Duke of Guise, whom that amiable mark of the Pistol Bullet, which as I said he received in defeating some Troops of Calvinists and Rebels, caused to be surnamed, THE SCARR'D. And who, in those times, of which I Write, found all things sufficiently disposed to the execution of his enterprise. For he found the Catholics provoked to his hand, by those advantages which newly were granted to the Huguenots, the people dissatisfied, and weary of the Government, not able to endure, that the wealth of the Nation should be squandered on the King's Favourites, whom they called the Minions: the genius of Queen Catharine, pleased with troubles, and even procuring them to render herself necessary, to the end that recourse might be had to her for Remedies; the Princes of the blood become suspected and odious to the three orders of the Kingdom, either for favouring the Huguenots, or for being publicly declared Calvinists, thereby renouncing the Catholic faith, as the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde had openly done; the King fallen into the contempt of his Subjects, after having lost their love; himself, on the contrary, loved and adored by the people, worshipped by the Parisians, followed by the Nobility, endeared to the Soldiers, having in his Interests all the Princes of his Family, powerful in Offices and Governments, the multitude of his Creatures, whom his own generosity, and that of his Father, had acquired him; the favour of the Pope, the assistance of the Spaniard, ready at hand to bear him up, and above all the seeming Justice of his cause, which he industriously made known to all the world, to be that of Religion alone, whereof, in the general opinion, he was the Protector and the Pillar; and for the maintenance of which it was believed, that he had devoted himself against the Huguenots, who had enterprised to abolish it in the Kingdom. But the last motive which fixed his resolution, was the extreme rancour he had against the King, one of whose intimate Confidents he had been formerly, and who had now abandoned him, by changing on the sudden the whole manner of his Conduct, and giving himself entirely up to his Minions, who omitted no occasion of using the Duke unworthily: For disdain, which is capable of hurrying to the last extremities the greatest Souls, and the most sensible in point of Honour, made hatred to succeed his first inclinations against him whom already he despised; and hatred and contempt being joined with Ambition, incessantly pushed him forwards, to make himself the head of a Party so powerful as that of the League, which passed for Holy in the minds of the people, and to avail himself of so fair an opportunity to form it. For this effect, he immediately caused a project to be formally drawn, which his Emissaries should endeavour to spread about the Kingdom amongst those Catholics who appeared the most zealous and most simple, and those who were known to be the most addicted to the House of Guise: in this Breviate which they were obliged to subscribe, they promised by Oath, to obey him who should be elected head of that holy Confederacy, which was made for maintaining of the Catholic Religion, to cause due obedience to be rendered to the King and his Successors, yet without prejudice to what should be ordained by the three Estates, and to restore the Kingdom to its original Liberties, which it enjoyed under the Reign of Clovis. At the first there were found few Persons of Quality, and substantial Citizens of Paris, who would venture to subscribe to that Association, because it was not precisely known, who would dare to declare himself the Head of it: besides, that by the vigilance of the first Precedent Christopher de Thou, it was first discovered, then dissipated, and at last dissolved with ease, with all those secret Assemblies, which were already held in several quarters of the Town for entering such persons into that infant League, whom either their Malice, their false Zeal, or their Simplicity could engage. But the Duke of Guise having sent his project to the Sieur d' Humieres, of whom he held himself assured, that Lord, (who besides his obligation to the House of Guise, had also his particular interest, and that of no less Consequence than the maintaining himself in his Government of Peronne; which was taken from him by the Edict of May, and that important place, ordered to be put into the hands of the Prince of Conde,) managed the affair so well, by the credit he had in that Province, that, as the Picards have always been zealous for the ancient Religion, he engaged almost all the Towns, and all the Nobility of Picardy to declare openly, that they would not receive the Prince of Conde, because as it was urged in the Manifesto, which was published to justify their refusal of him, that they certainly knew he was resolved to abolish the Catholic Faith, and establish Calvinism throughout all Picardy. 'Tis most certain that they would never be induced to receive that Prince into Peronne, or any other part of that Government; and that to maintain themselves against all those who would undertake to oblige them by force, to observe that Article of the Peace, which they never would accept, the Picards were the first to receive, by common agreement, and to publish in Peronne t●e Treaty of the League, in twelve Articles, in which the most prudent of the Catholics themselves, together with the Illustrious Precedent Christopher de Thou, observed many things which directly shocked the most Holy Laws both Divine and Humane. For 'tis obvious in the first Article, that the Catholic Princes, Lords and Gentlemen, invoking the name of the Holy Trinity, make an Association and League, offensive and defensive, betwixt themselves, without the permission, privity, or consent of their King, and a King who was a Catholic as well as they; which is directly opposite to the Law of God, who ordains that Subjects should submit themselves, and be united to their Sovereign, as members to their Head: even though he should exceed his bounds and be a Tyrant, provided that there be no manifest sin, in what they are commanded to obey. In the second, they refuse to render obedience to the King, unless it be conformable to the Articles which shall be presented to him by the States, which it shall not be lawful for him to contradict; or to act any thing in prejudice of them. 'Tis evident that this overthrows the constitution of the Monarchy, to establish in its place a certain kind of Aristocracy, against one of our fundamental Laws, which ordains that the States should have only a deliberative voice for the drawing up of their Petitions into Bills, and then to present them with all humility to the King, who examines them in his Council, and afterwards passes what he finds to be just and reasonable. They give not Law to him, who is their Master, and their Head, as the Electours of the Empire, by certain capitulations do to the Emperors of Germany, who are indeed the Heads, but not the Masters of the Empire; but, on the contrary they receive it from their King, to whom they only make most humble Addresses, in the Bills which they present to him. In the third Article the Associates assume to themselves, to be Masters of the State, while under pretence of reforming it, they ridiculously take upon them to abrogate the Laws observed by our Ancestors, in the second and third race of our Kings, and would establish the customs and usances, which were practised in the time of Clovis: which is just the same thing that certain Enthusiasts sometimes have attempted in the Church, who under the specious names of the Reformed and Primitive Church, endeavoured to revive some ancient Canons, which now for many ages have not been observed; and gave themselves the liberty to condemn the practices, and customs authorised by the Church, of remissness, and abuse; since it belongs only to the Church, according to the diversity of times, and of occasions, to make new regulations, in its Government and Discipline, without touching the capital points, that relate to the Essentials of Religion. To conclude, from the fourth Article to the twelfth, there are visible all the marks, and the foulest characters of a Rebellion, formed and undertaken against their Prince, particularly where there is promised an exact obedience in all things, to the Head, whom they shall elect; and that they will employ their lives and fortunes in his service; that in all Provinces they will levy Soldiers, Anno 1577. and raise money, for the support of the common cause; and that all those who shall declare themselves against the League, shall be vigorously prosecuted by the Associates, who shall revenge themselves without exception of person; which in the true meaning, is no other thing, than the setting up a second King in France in opposition to the first; against whom they engaged themselves to take Arms in these terrible words, without exception of person, in case he should go about to hinder so criminal an usurpation of his Royal Authority. Such was the Copy of the League, in those twelve Articles which were Printed and dispersed through all Christendom, as we are informed by an Author who was contemporary to it; and has given it at large, in his History of the War under Henry the Fourth: But being conceived in certain terms which are too bold, and which manifestly shock the Royal Majesty, Monsieur d' Humieres a prudent man, reduced them into a form, incomparably less odious, in which preserving the Essentials of the League, of which he was Head in Picardy, he appears, notwithstanding, to do nothing, but by the authority, and for the service of the King. Now as it is extremely important to understand throughly this Treaty of Peronne, from which the League had its beginning, which is not to be found in any of our Authors, and the Original of which I have, as it was signed by almost two hundred Gentlemen, and after them, by the Magistrates, and Officers of Peronne; I thought I should gratify my Readers by communicating to them a piece so rare and so Authentic, which has luckily fallen into my hands. They will be glad to see in it the Genius, the reach, and the policy of that dextrous Governor, and Lieutenant to the King, who in declaring himself Head of the League in his Province, and procuring it to be signed by so great a number of Gentlemen, took so much care to make it manifest, at least in appearance, that he intended always to give to Caesar what belonged to Caesar, and that the Imperial rights should be inviolably preserved in that Treaty. For they protest in all their Articles, and that with all manner of respect in the most formal terms, that nothing shall be done, but with his good liking, and by his Orders, though in pursuance of this, all things were managed to a quite contrary end. But it frequently happens that men engage themselves with an honest meaning, and are led by motives of true zeal, in some affairs, whereof they foresee not the dangerous consequences, which produce such pernicious effects, as never entered into their first imagination. Behold then, this Treaty in eighteen Articles, together with the subscriptions of the Gentlemen and Officers, whereof some are written in such awkward Characters, and so little legible, that I could never have unriddled them, without the assistence of a person very skilful in that difficult art of deciphering all sorts of ancient writing. I mean Don john Hericart an ancient man in Holy Orders, of the Abbey of St. Nicholas aux Bois in Picardy; who having laboured to place in their due order, and to copy out the Titles and Authentic pi●c●s of many ancient Monasteries, applies himself at present, by permission from my Lord Bishop of Laon his superior, to a work so necessary in the Treasury of Chartres, and in the famous Library of the Abbey Royal of St. Victor of Paris, where he has found wherewithal to exercise the talon of the most knowing, on a great number of Titles, of more than six hundred years standing, and above three thousand Manuscripts, of the rarest and most Ancient sort, which compose the most precious part of that excellent and renowned Library. 'Tis then to this man's industry that I am owing for this piece; and to deal sincerely, so as not to pass my conjectures on the Reader for solid truths, I have left Blanks for two of their names, because the letters which composed them, could never be certainly distinguished. The Association, made betwixt the Princes, Lords, Gentlemen and others, as well of the State Ecclesiastic, as of the Noblesse and third Estate, Subjects and Inhabitants of the Country of Picardy. IN the Name of the Holy Trinity, and of the Communication of the precious body of Jesus Christ. We have promised and sworn upon the Holy Gospels, and upon our Lives, Honours, and Estates to pursue, and keep inviolably the things herein agreed, and by us subscribed, on pain of being for ever declared forsworn and infamous, and held to be men unworthy of all Gentility and Honour. First of all, it being known, that the great practices and Conspiracies, made against the honour of God, the Holy Catholic Church, and against t●e Estate and Monarchy of this Realm of France, as well by some Subjects of the same as by Foreigners, and the long and continual wars and Civil divisions have so much weakened our Kings and reduced them to such necessity, that it is no longer possible for them of themselves to sustain the expense convenient and expedient for the preservation of our Religion, nor hereafter to maintain us under their protection in surety of our persons, families, and fortunes, in which we have heretofore received so much loss and damage. We have judged it to be most necessary and seasonable, to render, in the first place, the honour which we owe to God, to the manutention of our Catholic Religion, and even to show ourselves more affectionate for the preservation of it, than such as are strayed from the good Religion, are for the advancement of a new and false opinion. And to this effect, we swear and promise, to employ ourselves with all our powers to restore and to maintain the exercise of our said Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Religion, in which we and our Predecessors have been educated, and in which we resolve to live and die. And we swear and promise also all obedience, honour and most humble service, to King Henry now reigning, whom God has given us for our Sovereign King and Lord, lawfully called, by the Law of the Kingdom, to the succession of his Predecessors, and after him to all the Posterity of the House of Valois, and others who after those of the said house of Valois, sha●● be called by the Law of the Realm to the Crown. And upon the obedience and service which we are obliged by all manner of rights to render to our said King Henry now reigning, we farther promise to employ our lives and fortunes, for the preservation of his Authority, and execution of such commandments, as by him and his Lieutenant Generals or others having power from him, shall be made to us, as well for maintaining the only exercise of the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Religion in France, as for bringing to reason and full submission his Rebellious Subjects; without acknowledging any other whomsoever, than himself, and such as shall be by him set in command over us. And forasmuch as by the goodness of our said King and Sovereign Lord, it hath pleased him to do so much good to all his Subjects of his Realm, as to convoke them to a general Assembly of all the Orders and Estates of it, thereby to understand all the complaints and grievances of his said Subjects, and to make a good and holy Reformation of the abuses and disorders which have continued of a long time in the said Realm, hoping that God will give us some good resolutions, by the means of so good and great an Assembly, we promise, and swear to employ our lives and fortunes, for the entire performance of the Resolution of the said Estates; in that especially which shall depend on the retention of our Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Religion, the preservation of the greatness and authority of our King, the good and quiet of our Country, all of this notwithstanding, without prejudice to our Liberties and ancient Franchises, which we understand to be always maintained and preserved fully and entirely. And farther to the effect abovesaid, all of us who have hereunto subscribed, promise to keep ourselves in a readiness, well armed, mounted, and accompanied according to our Qualities, immediately upon advertisement given us, to put in Execution that which shall be commanded on the part of the King our said Sovereign Lord, by his Lieutenant Generals, or others having from him Power and Authority, as well for the preservation of our Province, as for going otherwhere, if it be needful for the preservation of our said Religion, and service of his said Majesty. Without its being lawful or permitted to Gentlemen, to place themselves or take employment under other Cornets, than those of the Head, or the Baily-wéeks, in which they shall be resident, unless by permission and leave of the King, or his Lieutenant, or at least of the Head Elect of the said Association, who is Monsieur de Humieres, to whom we promise to render all honour and obedience. To the Council (or assistance) of whom shall be be called and employed, six of the Principal Gentlemen of the Province, and others of quality and fidelity requisite, with the advice of whom, to provide for the execution of the said matters, for the expense, entertainment, and other charges, convenient and necessary for such effect, according as the said Country can furnish and supply. For which said Country we offer for such effect, even to the number of four Cornets, men on horseback, well mounted and armed, and eleven Ensigns of Foot, as well for preservation of the said Province, as to be otherwhere employed as need shall be; yet no ways comprehending the Companies of the old establishment, in consideration that they are obliged to serve otherwhere. So that for every of the said Companies, be they Horse or Foot, three Gentlemen of the Country, men of valour and experience shall be named to the King's Lieutenant, or to him who shall be impower'd for that purpose from his Majesty, out of the said three, to make election and choice of one. And because such Levies cannot be made without great costs and expenses; and that it is most just in such an Emergency, and necessity, to employ all means, which are in the power of any man, there shall be levied and collected upon the Country the sums of money convenient and necessary for this, by the advice of the King's Lieutenant, or other empowered from his Majesty, which he shall afterwards be petitioned, to authorise and make valid, as being for an occasion so holy and so express, as is the service of God, and that of his said Majesty: in which levying of Money, nevertheless, no Gentlemen are or shall be meant to be comprehended, considering that they will do personal service, or set out Men with Horses and Arms, according as it shall be ordained for them to do by the Head of the League, or by others deputed by him. And for the more easy execution of the said employments, there shall be in every Baily-wick or Seneschals Court of the said Country, deputed, one or two Gentlemen, or others of capacity and fidelity requisite, to give information of the means, and understand particularly upon the places, that which shall be needful to be done, to report it afterwards, and instruct concerning it, those who shall be employed by the Governor, or Lieutenant from the King, or some other impower'd from him. And if any of the said Catholics of the said Province, after having been required to enter into the present Association, shall make difficulty, or use delays, considering that it is only for the honour of God, the service of the King, the good and quiet of our Country, he shall be held in all the Province for an Enemy of God, and a Desertour of his Religion, a Rebel to his King, a betrayer of his Country, and by common agreement and consent of all good men, shall be abandoned by all, and left, and exposed to all injuries and oppressions which can come upon him, without ever being received into company, friendship and alliance of the underwritten Associates and Confederates; who have all promised friendship and good intelligence amongst themselves, for the manutention of their Religion, service of the King, and preservation of their Country, with their Persons, Fortunes, and Families. We promise, farthermore, to keep one another, under the obedience and authority of his Majesty, in all surety and quiet, and to preserve and defend ourselves from all oppression of others. And if there shall happen any difference or quarrel amongst us, it shall be composed by the Lieutenant General of the King, and those who by him shall be called, who shall cause to be executed, under the good pleasure and Authority of his said Majesty that which shall be advised to be just and reasonable for our reconciliation. And in case it be advised for the service of the King, the good and quiet of the said Province and to compass the ends of our intentions, that it be necessary to hold correspondence with other neighbouring Provinces, we promise to succour and aid them, with all our power and means, in such manner as shall be ordered by the Lieutenant of the King, or other having power from his Majesty. And we also promise to employ ourselves with all our power and means to preserve and keep the State Ecclesiastic from all oppression and injury, and if by way of action or otherwise, any one attempts to do them damage, be it in their persons or their goods, to oppose such person, and defend them, as being united and Associated with them, for the defence and preservation of the Honour of God and our Religion. And because it is not our intention any ways to molest those of the new opinion, who will contain themselves from enterprizing any thing against the Honour of God, the Service of the King, the good and quiet of his Subjects, we promise to preserve them, without their being any ways put in trouble for their Consciences, or molested in their persons, goods, honours and families, Provided that they do not contravene in any sort, that which shall be by his Majesty ordained, after the conclusion of the General Estates, or any thing whatsoever of the said Catholic Religion. And forasmuch as this cause ought to be common indifferently to all persons who make profession to live in the Catholic Religion; we the Under-written, admit and receive into the present Union all persons placed in Authority, and Estate of judicature and justice, Corporations of Towns, and Commonalties of the same, and generally all others of the third Estate, living catholicly, as it hath been said, promising in like manner to maintain, preserve and keep them from all violence and oppression, be it in their persons or their goods, every one in his quality and vocation. We have promised and sworn to keep these Articles abovesaid; and to observe them from point to point, without ever contravening them, and without having regard to any friendship, kindred and alliance, which we may have to any person, of any quality and Religion whatsoever, who shall oppose or break the Commandments and Ordinances of the King, the good and quiet of this Kingdom, and in like manner to keep secret the present Association, without any communication of it, or making any person whomsoever privy to it, but only such as shall be of the present Association; The which we will swear, and affirm also upon our Consciences, and Honours, and under the penalties here abovementioned: The whole under the Authority of the King; renouncing all other Associations; if any have been heretofore made. J. Humieres. L. Chaulnes. F. de Poix. A. de Monchy. S. de Monchy. De Payllart. Mailly. Anthony de Govy. Joys de Querecques. Lovis d' Estournel. Adrian de Boufflers. F. de St. Blymond. De Rouveroy. Jehan de Baynast. L. de Warluzer. C. de Trerquefmen. philip's de Marl. Joys de Belloy. A. du Caurel. Pierre de Trouville. A. Ravye. J. de Baynast. De Callonne. De Lancry. F. d' Aumalle. A. de La Riviere. A. de Humieres. Du Biez. Lameth. F. Ramerelle. Boncourt. De Glisy. A. du Hamel. De Prouville. L. de Valpergue. Raul de Ponquet. L. de Margival. De Lauzeray. M. rely. Francois Hanicque. J. de Belloy. Claude d' Ally. Joys de Festart. Du Chastellet. P. de Mailleseu. Charles de Croy. N. Le Roy. Jehan du Bos. N. de la Warde. V. de Brioys. Claude de Bu●y. J. Lamire. Dessosses. N. de Amerval. philip's de Toigny. Guy Damiette. Jehap de Flavigny. N. de Hangest. De Forceville. P. de Canrry. Charles d' Offay. J. de Belleval. A. de La Chapelle. Joys d' Ancbont. P. Truffier. J. de Senicourt. De Mons. Du Plassier. Nicholas de Lontines. N. de St. Blymon. J. d' Amiens. De Forceville. De Monthomer. P. de Bernettz. De Rambures. F. d' Acheu. Flour de Baynast. Ogier de Maintenant. F. de Bacovel. De Penned. D. Aumalle. Montoyury. De Sailly. Asevillers. Francois de Conty. O. de Poquesolle. saint Maure. De Rambures. Claude de Crequy. Jacque d' Ally. Adrien de Jrin. Jherosme de Fertin. Le Charon. De Montehuyot. P. de La Roche. R. de Mailly. J. de Forceville. La Gualterye. N. de la Vieufville. A. de la Vieufville. A. de Mercatel. De Perrin. De Milly. Josse de Saveuses. Jehan de Bernetz. A. de Boves. Jehan d' Estourmal. E. de St. Omer. Belleforiere. Antoine d' Ardre. De la Vieufville. A. de Monchy. J. de Maulde. J. de la Pasture. L. Du Moulin. A. du Quesnoy. J. de Milly. Francois de Saveuses. De Lauzeray. Joys de Moy. J. de Hallencourt. De saint Anne. De Villers. J. de Happlaincourt. A. de Broye. Claude de Warsusell. Jehan de Charon. Charles de Charon. A. De Lameth. A. de Camousson. M. Destourmel. Anthoine de Hamel. giles de Boffles. P. de Saint Deliz. Heilly. J. de Belloy. A. de Biencourt. Jehan de Biencourt. Claude de Pontaine. De Nointel. Pierre de Bloletiery. Adrian Picquet. Anthoine Le Blond. Jehan Picquet. Le Grand. De Basincourt. Augustin d' Auxy. J. de Verdellot. E. Tassart. J. de Montain. Genvoys. Du Menil. J. Dey. J. Tassart. Assevillers. Charles de Pontaine. Du Breulle. De Hauteville. A. de Mousquet. J. du Nas. Sebastien de Hangres. J. de la Motte. De Hacqueville. A. Noyelle. C. de Pas. Charles du Plessier. Saint Leu Simon. Du castle. Francois du castle. A. de Ptolly. A. de Estourmel. A. de L' Orme Jehan du Bosc. Jehan de Bernetz. De Louchart. De Warmade. A. de Guiery. Du Caurell. De Sericourt. Du Mesnis. De Cambray. A. de Lancry. Du Puids'. Domons. A. de Bithisy. De Marmicourt. Berton. Pierre Le Cat. This day being the thirteenth of February, in the year one thousand five hundred seventy seven: We the Underwritten being congregated and Assembled, in the Town-House of Peronne, according to the appointment of the High and Puissant Lord, Messire jaques de Humieres, Knight of the order of the King our Sovereign, Counsellor in his Privy Council, his Chamberlain in Ordinary, Captain of fifty men of Arms of the Establishment, Governor an● Lieutenant for his Majesty, of Peronne, Montdidier and Roye, and Head of the Holy League and Catholic Association in Picardy, have to the said Lord made Oath, and Sworn upon the Holy Evangelists, to keep inviolably and punctually the Articles here above written, of the said Association and Holy League, and that for the Body and Inhabitants of the said Town, representing them: Done in the Chamber of the said Town the day, etc. abovesaid; and we have all signed it. Claude Le Feure, Register of the said Town. L. Desmerliers. F. de Hen. L. Le Feure. F. Morel. De Flamicourt. Le Charon. Le Saige. Dudel. F. de La Motte. Le Feure, Register. Whatsoever Resolution was taken to keep this Treaty secret, it was impossible to be long concealed being signed by so many men who were desirous to have Copies of it. Accordingly, there were found some both amongst the Catholics and Protestants, who were not wanting to answer it publicly, endeavouring to make appear in their Writings, the injustice which they said was couched under those fair and specious protestations which they demonstrate, particularly in this, that without the King's privity, there was made a Confederation and Association of many persons of all the Orders of the States, who combine themselves to reform the Abuses of it: That another Head of it was chosen, and not the King. That they bind themselves by a new invented Oath to that Head, and that they take upon them to make Levies of men and money. 'Tis without all manner of dispute, they say, that this directly strikes at the foundation of the Monarchy, if done without the express permission of the King, to whom only it belongs to give out those orders which he judges to be necessary for the safety of the State, and the well being of his Subjects. Moreover as great evils are commonly contagious, and that a dangerous Conspiracy is like Poison, which beginning from any little part, if Sword and Fire and violent Remedies be not immediately applied, and if the Scorpion be not crushed upon the place which he has envenomed, spreads itself swiftly through the whole body: thus the example of the Picards for want of immediate acting with force and vigour, against the Authors of that tendency to Rebellion, was quickly followed in all the Provinces of the Kingdom, by many persons of all ranks and conditions, who under the fair pretence of Religion, enrolled themselves covertly in the League. But he who most openly declared for it, was the Lord Lovis de Trimoüille who was afterwards Governor of Poitou, and the Païs' d' Aunis. For as he was most extremely incensed against the Huguenots, who because he was not favourable to them, took all occasions of revenge upon him, and by frequent inroads, had made spoil of his Estate, and was on very ill terms with the Count de Lude, Governor of that Province, and a faithful Servant of the King; He failed not to take advantage of the occasion which was offered him, to be head of a powerful party against them, and to declare himself for the League, into which he caused a great part of the Towns and Nobility, both of Touraine and of Poitou, to enter. Thus was the League framed, and became in a short time exceeding powerful; while the King who could not possibly be ignorant of the designs and practices, or the dangerous consequences of it, either durst not, or would not oppose it: whether it were that fatal drowsiness which oppressed him, plunged as he was in his delights, or the laziness of an unactive effeminate way of living, averse from labour, and application to business; or were it that the Queen Mother who at that time was no other ways linked to the Guises, than by her hatred to the Huguenots, who had endeavoured to ruin her, made the King believe that he ought to serve himself of that League, to enfeeble and abase them, by taking from them all those great advantages, which they had not obtained but through compulsion in the last Peace, so odious and insupportable to the Catholics. 'Tis what was driven at and done in the first Estates, which were held at Bloys; which began in the month of November the same year, 1576. The Protestants had importunately demanded them, when the last Treaty was concluded; not at all doubting as they were in conjunction with the Politics, but that they should be the strongest, and that consequently they should procure the Edict of May to be confirmed, which was so favourable to them. But they were deceived in their expectations, for it was found that by the management of the Queen Mother and the Guises, and by the Money which was distributed in the particular Assemblies of the Provinces, not only that almost all the Deputies were Catholics, but that also the greatest part of them were of the League. Insomuch that without regard to the protestations of the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, against the States; and after the refusal, which those two Princes, and the Marshal d' Amville, Head of the Politics had made, to assist in them, to which they had vigorously been solicited by a solemn deputation; the Edict of May was finally revoked, and prohibition made to all exercise of the pretended Reformation, and all the Ministers, and Directours were banished out of the Realm by a new Edict, till such time as they should be converted. Behold in what manner the Protestants, who as yet were not apprehensive of the League, found by experience that it was stronger than their party in the Estates according as the King had hoped it would be. But on the otherside that Prince, immediately perceived that it acted not with less artifice and vigour, to weaken his own authority, than to pull down the party of the Huguenots. For they had the impudence to demand of him that the Articles which should be approved by the three Estates, should pass into inviolable Laws, which it should not be in his power to alter, and that for other Articles, concerning which the States could not agree amongst themselves; his Majesty might be permitted to ordain, conformably to what should be found just and reasonable, by the advice of the Princes of the blood, and twelve of the Deputies. Which to speak properly, was to divest the King of his Sovereign Power in making Ordinances and Laws, and to transfer it to the States, according to the project of the League. This undoubtedly surprised the King, but he was yet much more amazed when at the same time, there was shown him the Memoires of one David an Advocate, which contained certain propositions the most villainous and detestable that can possibly be imagined. For that Fellow who was only a pitiful wretched Advocate, a Defender of the worst Causes, and such as were given for quite lost, lays down at the first for an undoubted Principle, That the Benediction of Popes, and principally that of Stephen the Second, was bestowed on the Race of Charlemagne alone, and not extended to that of Hugh Capet, an Usurper of the Crown; And that on the contrary, he by that Usurpation has drawn on his Descendants those Curses, the deplorable effects of which have been seen in so many Heresies; and above all others, in that of the Calvinists, who have laid waste the Kingdom by Civil Wars, which after the fruitless Victories gained against them, have been succeeded by a Peace, most advantageous to those Heretics: that, this notwithstanding, God Almighty whose property it is to draw good out of evil, has made use of that extreme horror which all good Catholics have conceived for that unhappy Peace, to restore the Princes of Lorraine to their rights, who are as that Advocate pretends, and as the people were made to believe, the true Posterity of Charlemagne. After this he makes a fulsome panegyrique of them, extolling them infinitely above the Princes of the Blood, against whom he most satirically declaims. Farther, he proposes the means which ought to be employed, to animate the people against them, and to oppress them in the States, as well as the Huguenots; advising that the King should be obliged to declare War against them, and to give the command of his Arms to the Duke of Guise. Then adds, that when the Duke, who will quickly have suppressed and rooted out the Huguenots, shall have made himself Master of the principal Towns of the Kingdom; and that all things shall bend under the power of the League; he shall cause the process of Monsieur, the King's Brother to be made, as a manifest abetter of the Huguenots; and after having shaved the King, and confined him to a Covent, he shall receive the Crown, with the benediction of the Pope; shall make the Council of Trent to be received, shall subject the French, without any restriction to the obedience of the Holy See, and abolish all the pretended liberties of the Gallicane Church. It must be acknowledged with all ingenuity, that it is not credible as some have vainly imagined, that the Huguenots forged those horrible Memoires, and caused them to be printed, to blacken and make odious the name of the League amongst all good Catholics. For 'tis most certain that this Advocate, who hated mortally the Huguenots, by whom he had been ill used, and upon that account had entirely devoted himself to the League, undertook of his own head a Voyage to Rome, to carry thither those Memoires, and to present them to the Pope, in hopes to engage him in that party; and that having been killed by some accident in his Journey, those papers were found in his Portmanteau. Besides, that the Lord john de Vivonne, the King's Ambassador in Spain, sent him a copy of them, assuring him that they had been shown to King Philip. But in plain truth, there is great probability, that those Memoires were only the product of the foolish cracked brained Advocate, who being discomposed by his passion discharged upon the paper all his furious imaginations and chimerique dreams, in forming this ridiculous project, which no man can read, without discovering at the same time all the signs of a distracted mind. The Duke though full of ambition, was not so weak to fall into the Snare of those extravagances; and if he were so haughty, as to soar in his imagination to the possession of a Crown, it was not till of a long time afterwards; and when he saw that Monsieur being dead, and the King without appearance of having any Children, the succession was of course to fall on the King of Navarre, whom the Duke under pretence that the said King was a relapsed Heretic, believed that he might easily cause to be excluded from the Crown, and that in his place he might himself obtain it. What I may lay down for a certain truth is, that there was never any piece so black, so malicious, and so gross as was that of a certain Protestant Writer, who has compiled the Memoires of the League, and who would have it, that those Articles which are contained in the miserable Writings of David the Advocate, were only the extract of a secret Council held at Rome, in the Consistory, by Pope Gregory the thirteenth, to exterminate the Royal race, and to set the Princes of Lorraine upon the Throne. For it is so false, that this Pope who was always very prudent and moderate, should do any thing of that nature, that he constantly persisted in refusing to approve the League, whatever instance was made to him; though it was promised him, to engage him by his interest, that they would begin the execution of this great project, by chase the Huguenots out of the County of Avignon and Dauphine, to take from them all means of troubling the possessions of the Church, and of passing into Italy: Nay farther, he replied to those who were plying him incessantly, and proposing the welfare and security of Religion, thereby to make him countenance the League, that it was in his opinion but a pretext, and that those who made it had other secret designs, which they had no mind to publish in the Articles of their Association. In the mean time, those pernicious Memoires, with those impudent propositions of the Associators, induced the King to a strong apprehension, that the League was not formed more against the Huguenots, than it was for the subversion of his Authority. And, as he wanted magnanimity of to take up a bold and generous resolution, of oppressing so dangerous a Faction in its infancy, which he might have performed; so to deliver himself from that formidable danger, he took indirect courses, and much unworthy of a King, following the timorous Counsels of the Sieur de Morvillier. That famous john de Morvillier, who was Bishop of Orleans, and afterwards Garde de * Ld. Keeper. Sceaux of France after the disgrace and retirement of the Chancellor de l' Hospital, was undoubtedly one of the greatest men of those times; and he who had the greatest credit and Authority in Council; generally valued, and beloved, for his excellent qualities, and above all for the mildness of his temper, and his rare moderation, joined with an exact prudence, and large capacity, not only in the management of affairs, but also in all sorts of Sciences, proper for a man of his profession, and even in the studies of Humanity, Poetry and Eloquence. This he frequently made appear, in those excellent Speeches which he drew up for our Kings, and principally that which Henry the third pronounced with so much applause, in the first Estates, at Blois. For this reason he was extremely importuned to write the History of his times, because it was the general belief that no man could acquit himself of so noble an employment, with so much eloquence, judgement and politeness as himself. But, as that Subject was not very favourable to the two last Kings, Charles' the Ninth, and Henry under whom he lived, that on the one side, he was too generous, and too grateful to write any thing, which might dishonour and blast the memory of those two Princes his Benefactors, and that on the other side, he was too sincere, and too honest to betray and suppress the truth, with any shameful baseness, or to alter and corrupt it with mean flatteries, altogether unworthy of the majesty, and noble freedom of History, he said pleasantly to his friends, in excusing himself from their solicitations, that he was too much a Servant of the Kings his good Masters, to undertake the writing of their Lives. A notable saying; the sense of which examined to the bottom ought to oblige great Princes to do great things, thereby to furnish a sincere Historian with materials, whereby to render their Memory immortal, and to fill the World with the glory of their names. But on the otherside it gives an Historian to understand, that when he is obliged to write a History, neither fear, nor hope, nor threatenings, nor rewards, nor hatred, nor love, nor partiality, nor prejudice to any person, aught to turn him one single step out of the direct road of truth, for which he is accountable to his Reader, if he intends not to draw upon himself the contempt and indignation of posterity, which will never fail to condemn him for an Impostor and a public poisoner. Thus you have the Character of this great Man; in whom nothing could be censured, but that he was somewhat too timorous, and that he had not firmness and resolution enough to give generous and bold advice in pressing emergencies, so to have cut up by the root those great evils which threatened the Government. Therefore, when he saw the King, (who was yet more fearful than himself,) amazed at the audaciousness of the Associators; And likewise was of opinion, that if he would have ventured, it was not in his power to have suppressed the League, knowing also full well that, the Queen Mother who was his Master's Oracle, and who underhand supported the League, would never consent, that the ruin of it should be endeavoured, and that, on the other side he was very desirous to draw the King out of this present plunge; betwixt both, he took a trimming kind of way, by which he thought he should be able to preserve the Royal Authority, without the destruction of the League. To this effect, not doubting but that in case it were not prevented, they would choose a Head, who had power to turn it against the King himself, he advised him to declare in that Assembly, that far from opposing the League of the Catholics against the Huguenots, he was resolved to make himself the Head of it, which they dared not to refuse him, and by that means would make himself the disposer of it, and provide that nothing should be enterprised against him. And truly this was no ill expedient, to check, and give a stop for some time to the execution of those vast designs, which were formed by the Authors of the League. But it must also be confessed, that by signing, this, and causing it to be signed by others, as he did, when he declared himself the Head of it, he authorised those very Articles, which manifestly shocked his Royal Authority; put the League in condition, and even gave it a lawful right, according to that Treaty which he approved, to act against himself, in case he should disturb it, or finally break with it, which was impossible not to happen in some time; he infringed the Peace which he had given his Subjects by the Edict of Pacification granted to the Huguenots, and precipitated France into that bottomless gulf of miseries, that are inseparable from a Civil War, which himself renewed, and which was of small advantage to him. I shall not describe the particularities of it, because they belong to the History of France, and have no relation to the League, which on that occasion acted not, on its own account, against the Authority of the King. By whose orders two Armies, the one commanded by the Duke d' Alencon, the other by the Duke de Mayenne, attacked the Huguenots; from whom they took La Charite, Issoite, Broüage and some other places of less importance; I shall only say, that the King quickly growing weary of the Cares of War, which were not suitable to his humour, loving, as he passionately did, his ease and pleasures, A new Peace ensued, which was granted to the Huguenots at the end of September, in the same year, by the Edict of Poitiers, little different from that of May, only with this reservation, that the exercise of Calvinism was restrained within the limits of the former pacifications, and that it was forbidden, in the Marquisate of Salusses, and the County of Avignon. Farther, Anno 1579. it was during this interval of Peace, which was highly displeasing to the Leaguers, that the King to strengthen himself against the League, by making himself Creatures, who should inviolably be engaged to his Service by an Oath, more particular and more solemn, than that which universally obliged his Subjects; established and solemnised his new Order of the Holy Ghost, which is even at this day, and after the entire revolution of an Age, one of the most illustrious marks of Honour, wherewith our Kings are accustomed to reward the merit and service of the Princes, and the most signalised Nobility. It has been for a long time believed, that Henry the Third, was the institutor and Founder of this Order; and himself used whatever means he could, to have this opinion established in the World: But at length the truth is broken out, which with whatever arts it is suppressed can never fail, either sooner or later, to exert itself, and to render to a man's person or his memory, the blame or praise that he deserves. For it has been found out by a way, which cannot be suspected of forgery, and which leaves no farther doubt concerning this Subject, that the beginning of this Order is to be referred to another Prince of the Imperial blood of France, I mean Lovis d' Anjou styled of Tarento, King of jerusalem and Sicily, who in the year, one thousand three hundred fifty two, instituted in the Castle Del Vovo at Naples, the Order of the Knights of the Holy Ghost, on the precise day of Pentecost; by its constitution containing 25 chapters, and which, in the style of those times, thus begins. We Lewis, by the Grace of God, King of Jerusalem and Sicily, to the Honour of the Holy Ghost, on whose day we were by Grace, Crowned King of our Realms, for the exaltation of Chivalry, and increase of Honour, have ordained, to make a Society of Knights, who shall be called the Knights of the Holy Ghost, of right intention; and the said Knights shall be to the Number of three hundred, of which we, as beginner and founder of that said Order, shall be Prince, as also aught to be all our Successors, King of Jerusalem and Sicily. But seeing he died without Children by Queen jane the first, his Wife, and that after his death there happened strange revolutions in that Kingdom, that order so far perished with him, that the memory of it had not remained, if the Original of that constitution of King Lewis, had not by some accident fallen into the possession of the Republic of Venice, who made a present of it to Henry the third, at his return from Poland, as of a piece that was very rare, and which coming from a Prince of the blood Royal, of our Kings deserved well to be preserved in the Archives of France, which was not the intention of King Henry. For finding this Order to be excellent, and besides, that it was exactly calculated for him, because being born on Whitsunday, he had been Crowned afterwards on the same day King of Poland, and some time after King of France, as Lewis of Tarento, had received his two Crowns of jerusalem and Sicily, on the like day before, he took a fancy to renew that Order, four years after his Coronation. But desiring to be esteemed the Author of it, he changed the Collar, where he placed certain cyphers, to which has been substituted in following times, the Coat of Arms in manner of a Trophy, as it is at present to be seen. And after he had transcribed, what best pleased him, from the Statutes of that Order, he commanded Monsieur de Chiverny to burn the Original, thereby totally to extinguish the memory of it. But that Minister though most faithful to his Master, believing not that he was bound to be the Executioner of that Order, this rare piece descended to the Bishop of Chartres, his Son; from whom by succession of time, it fell into the hands of the late Precedent de Maisons, as it is related by Monsieur le Laboreur, who has given us the Copy at large, in the second Tome of his Additions to the Memoires of Monsieur de Castelnau. In this manner, this famous Order was rather restored than instituted, by King Henry the Third, to combine a new Militia of Knights, which he might oppose against the Leaguers, who were much dissatisfied with the Peace, which he had given to the Huguenots. Nevertheless this Peace was not so well observed, but that from time to time they created new disturbances, which two or three years afterwards kindled the seventh War, after the refusal they had made, to surrender those cautionary Towns which had been granted them for a certain time, which was then expired, and by their surprisal of some other places. But this War was ended in the second year after the conferences of Nerac, and Fleix, by a peace which lasted four or five years till the League, which from the time wherein the King had made himself their Head, had not dared to attempt any thing, all on the sudden declared itself against him, under another, the occasion of which I am going to relate. Immediately after the peace was made, the Catholics and Huguenots, whom the Civil War had armed against each other, joined themselves to serve in the Army of the Duke d' Alencon, who being declared Duke of Brabant, by the States of the United Provinces of the Netherlands, entered as it were in Triumph into Cambray, after he had raised the Siege, which the Duke of Parma had laid to it. And after having been proclaimed a Sovereign Prince in Antwerp, and been received at Bruges and Ghent, in the same quality, he continued the War, assisted underhand by Succours from France, and openly by the Queen of England, that he might drive the Spaniard out of all the Low-Countries. On the other side, the Queen Mother, who had pretensions to the Crown of Portugal, had also sent a gallant Navy to the Tercera Islands, under the Command of her Kinsman Philip Strozzi, and openly protected Don Antonio; who after having lost the Battle before Lisbonne, was fled for refuge into France, and yet ceased not to dispute that Crown against King Philip of Spain. For which reason that Prince, who followed the Steps of his Father, and of Ferdinand, his great Grandfather by the Mother's side, in this as in all other things, thought of nothing more than how to greaten himself at our expense, and applied himself with his utmost vigour, to foment new divisions amongst us, to hinder us from giving him trouble in his own Estates. To this effect he used his best endeavours, and employed all his arts to engage the King of Navarre and Damville, who after the death of his elder Brother, Ann. 1581. was now Duke of Montmorancy, to break the peace, and renew the War in favour of the Huguenots; making not the least scruple on that occasion, to act against the true interest of Religion, at the same time when he upbraided for the same thing, those who in reality made the war in Flanders, out of no other consideration, but the relief of an oppressed people of which even the greatest part were Catholics. But seeing that design of his could not possibly succeed, for certain reasons which belong not to this History, he turned his thoughts towards the Duke of Guise, and gave orders to his Ambassador Mendoza, to omit nothing which might oblige him, to make the League take Arms, which was already exceeding powerful, and of which he might absolutely dispose, as being the principal Author, and the very Soul of it. The Duke who was intrepid, and bold even to rashness, when he had once resolved upon his Business, was notwithstanding very subtle, and clearsighted, wary, and prudent enough to take just measures, and not to engage in any Enterprise, of which he was not as much assured as man could be, to have all the means of making it succeed. From thence it proceeded, that he resisted for a long time the temptation of great Sums that were offered him, and held out against the threatenings of the Ambassador, to discover the secret treaty he had made with Don john of Austria, the Original of which was in the King of Spain's possession; nay even against the pressing solicitations of his Brothers, and the rest of the Princes of his House, who being more impatient and less discerning than he, thought every minute an age till he declared himself. But at last arrived the fatal moment, in which, after having well examined all matters, he thought that every thing concurred not only to favour the design he had always had, to make himself Head of the Catholic League, but also to carry his hopes much farther than his ambition, vast as it was, had yet led him to imagine. In Effect, on the one side, the King was reduced to a lower condition than he ever was before: Ann. 1582. his immense prodigality in a thousand things, altogether unworthy of the Royal Majesty, and of no profit to the State; Anno 158●. the pomp, the pride, and the insupportable insolence of his Favourites; his fantastic way of living, which hurried him incessantly from one extreme into another, from retirement and solitude to a City life, from Debauchery into Devotion, and such a Devotion as passed in the people's minds for a mere Mummery, into those Processions of Penitents, habited in Sackcloth of several colours, where he walked himself with his disciplining whip at his Girdle against the Genius of a Nation, which loves to serve God in spirit and in truth; these and a thousand such like things wholly contrary to our customs, and to the use of his Predecessors, had drawn upon him such a detestation, and so great a contempt from the greatest part of his Subjects, that against the ordinary practice of the French, who adore their Kings, there were given a thousand public marks, and principally in Paris, of the aversion which they had for him. On the other side, all things conspired in favour of the Duke of Guise, to raise him to that high degree of power, which seemed to equal him with the King himself, who in effect already looked on him as his Rival; and as such hated him, without daring as yet to enterprise aught against him to prevent his designs, or to shelter himself against the mischief which he apprehended from him. The people united themselves to him, as to their Protector, and the pillar of Religion. Most of the great men at Court, discontented at the Government, threw themselves into his party; the Ladies, from whom the Minions could hold nothing, disclosed to him all the secrets of the Cabinet, to revenge themselves of the King whom they hated mortally, for certain reasons not so fit to be divulged. He was offered to have the Dukes of Lorraine and Savoy in his interests, who both hoped to draw great advantages from the League, and principally so powerful a Prince as the King of Spain, who 〈◊〉 him two hundred thousand Livres of ●ension, besides the Sums he would furnish for the levying of his Troops. These were indeed strong temptations to a Prince of his humour, and who was inclined to throw at all. But that which gave the last stroke to his determination, was the death of Monsieur the King's only Brother: who after his unsuccessful Enterprise on Antwerp, having been constrained to return dishonourably into France, died at Chateau de Thierry, Anno 158●. either of Melancholy, or of his old Debauches, or as the common report was of poison. For about that time it was, that believing the King would have no Children, and that the King of Navarre might be excluded with ease from the succession, for more than one reason, (which he hoped to make authentic rather by force of Arms, than by the Writings of the Doctors of his Faction) and that the Queen Mother who hated her Son-in-Law Navarre, had the same inclination to exclude him, thereby to advance her Grandchild the Prince of Lorraine to the Kingdom, he raised his imagination to higher hopes than what he had formerly conceived, when first the Cardinal of Lorraine his Uncle, had drawn the platform of a Catholic League, whereof he might make himself the Head. And on these grounds, without farther balancing the matter, he resolved to take up Arms, and to make War against the King. But to make so criminal an enterprise more plausible, there was yet wanting a pretence, which in some sort might justify his actions to the World; And fortune produced it for him to as much advantage as he could desire, almost at the same time when he had taken up so strange a resolution. As it was impossible that so great a Conspiracy should be managed with such secrecy, that the King should not be advertised of it, (which in effect he was from many hands.) That Prince (who had suffered his natural courage to be made effeminate by the laziness of a voluptuous retired Life, was become exceeding timorous, and incapable of coming to any resolution within himself, to stifle in its birth so horrible a mischief by some generous action, and some Master stroke,) had a desire to have near him his Brother-in-Law the King of Navarre, whom he acknowledged according to the Salic Law, for the Heir presumptive of the Crown, and knew him to be the man, who was most capable of breaking all the measures of the Duke of Guise. But foreseeing that in order to this, it was necessary that he who was Head of the Huguenots, should first renounce his Heresy, and be reconciled to the Catholic Church, he dispatched the Duke of Espernon to him in Guyenne, to persuade him to a thing of so much consequence, to the reestablishment of his fortune, and his true interest both Spiritual and Temporal. As that Prince had always protested with much sincerity, that he was of no obstinate disposition, and that he was most ready to embrace the truth, when once it were made to appear such to him, he received the Duke with exceeding kindness; to whom he gave a private audience in his Closet, in presence of the Lord of Roquelaure his Confident, of a Minister of his own Religion, and of the Precedent Ferrier his Chancellor; who had always leaned to the opinion of the Huguenots, of which at last he made profession in his extreme old age, and some little time before his death. In plain terms, that Conference was not managed very regularly, nor with extraordinary sincerity; for Espernon and Roquelaure, who were no great Doctors, proposed nothing but human● reasons for his Conversion; and alleged no stronger arguments, than what were drawn from the Crown of France, which they preferred incomparably beyond the Psalms of Marot, the Lords Supper, and all the Sermons of the Ministers. But on the other side, the Minister and the Precedent, who were much better versed in disputation than the two Courtiers, to destroy those weak reasons of secular interest, produced no motives, but what they affirmed to be altogether spiritual and Soul saving, and the word of God, which they expounded to their own meaning, to which those Noble Lords who understood nothing of those matters, had not the least syllable to answer. Insomuch that the King of Navarre, who piqued himself extremely upon the point of generosity, looking on it as a most honourable action, for him to undervalue so great a Crown at the rate of selling his Conscience and Religion for it; the Duke was constrained to return as he came, without having obtained any thing toward the satisfaction of the King. But what was yet more displeasing in that affair, was that Monsieur du Plessis Mornay, a Gentleman of an ancient and illustrious Family, a great wit, whose Learning was extraordinary for a man of his Quality, and who besides made use of his Pen, as well as of his Sword; but above all, a most zealous Protestant, put this conference into writing, which he also published; in which having exposed what was urged on both sides, he pretends to manifest the advantage which his Religion had against the Catholic, and that the King of Navarre being evidently convinced of the weakness of our cause, was thereby more than ever confirmed in his own opinion. This was the reason why the Factious and the Catholics, who were heated with a false Zeal, began to fly out immoderately against the King, whom they charged with a thousand horrible calumnies, publishing in all places that he kept Correspondence with the King of Navarre, to whom he had sent Espernon, not with intention of converting him, but rather of confirming him in his Errors, as it appeared sufficiently by the proceedings of that conference, where nothing was urged to the advantage of Religion, but on the contrary, all things in favour of Huguenotism. And it happening almost at the same time, that the King (in order to hinder the Huguenots from resuming their Arms against the Leaguers, who had provoked them by committing many outrages against them without punishment,) thought himself obliged to grant them that prolongation which the King of Navarre demanded, of the term prescribed them for the surrender of those cautionary places which they had allowed them for their security by the last Edict of Peace: upon this pretence, the Factious cast off all manner of respect to him. They clamoured publicly on all occasions, the Preachers from their Pulpits, the Curates from their Desks, the Confessors from their Seats, the Professors in their Lectures, and the Doctors in their Resolutions which they gave, that they were obliged to oppose themselves with all their power against the King, who supported the Navarrois, and resolved, that Heretical and stubborn as he was, he should nevertheless succeed to the Crown, which ought never to be suffered, they being assured that this Prince, if ever he should mount the Throne, would abolish the Catholic Religion in France. This was that terrible machine, of which they made use to stir up the people; over whom there is nothing has so great a power as the motive of Religion, when once they are persuaded that it will be forceably taken from them; And to bind them inseparably to the interests and party of the Duke of Guise, whom they believed to have no other aim in all his undertake, than the maintenance and defence of it against Heretics, and the favourers ● of Heresy. But because that Prince, who was extremely dextrous, had no mind that it should be perceived he acted for himself, under so specious a pretence; besides that he believed not that it was safe for him, as yet to attempt the exclusion of the other Princes of the blood from the Succession, they being good Catholics, he endeavoured to draw subtilely into his party, the good old Man Charles, Cardinal of Bourbon. And indeed having with great Presents gained the Sieur de Rubempre who absolutely governed him; he persuaded him without much trouble, that he being by one degree of kindred nearer to the King, than was the King of Navarre his Nephew, it was to him that the Kingdom belonged of right, in case the King should die without Children, and that the whole Catholic League would stand by him in his claim with all their power, were it only to hinder an Huguenot Prince from succeeding to the Crown. There needed not more to shake a Soul, so weak as was that of the Cardinal de Bourbon; who devout as he was, yet suffered himself to be seduced with the vain hopes of Reigning. He was so much dazzled with the false glittering of an imaginary Crown, that without considering he had already one of Cardinalship, that threescore and ten came fast upon him, and that the King was not yet thirty five, he quitted his Habit of Cardinal, and appeared in public, like the General of an Army; which gave men occasion to believe, that his great age had at least crazed his understanding, if it had not quite destroyed it. Yet this opinion of the world hindered him not, from calling himself the Heir presumptive of the Crown, nor from declaring himself openly the Head of the League, against his Nephew the King of Navarre; especially when he saw that party, in which he thought himself already so firmly rooted, become every day more powerful and formidable, by the conjunction of the particular League of the Parisians, which caused such furious disorders, under the famous name of the sixteen; and which was framed in Paris, about this time, in that manner which I am ●ow going to relate. After that, by the vigilance of the ●●rst Precedent, Christopher de Thou, and some other Magistrates, the course of the League was stopped at Paris, where it had begun to make some impression, after it had been signed by the Picards, all things were in a peaceable condition there, none daring to hold any secret Cabals against the State; till such time as on occasion of the Conference betwixt the King of Navarre and the Duke d' Espernon in Guyenne, a malicious report was raised, that the King protected the Huguenots, who so soon as their Head should mount the Throne, which he pretended to be his right, would not fail to abolish the Catholic Religion in France. For than it was, that a mean Citizen of Paris called Lafoy Roche Blond, a man rather weak and silly, than wicked, prejudiced by the calumnies, which the factious published against the King, got it into his head, through a false zeal of Religion, that the good Catholics of Paris should unite themselves together, and oppose with all their force the King's designs, (who, as it was imagined, favoured the Heretics) and hinder the King of Navarre, from his Succession to the Crown. To this purpose, he addressed himself immediately to one Mr. Matthew de Launoy, who having first been a Priest was afterwards the Minister of Sedan, from whence he had escaped in his own defence, being there taken in Adultery, and thereupon renouncing his Calvinism, was made Canon of Soissons, and at that time preached at Paris. He also communicated his design to two noted Doctors, and Curates; the one of Saint Severin, named john Prevost, and the other of Saint Benet, who was the famous Mr. john Boucher, one of the most followed Preachers of Paris; but whose talon chiefly consisted in his extreme boldness, which stretched even to impudence, a man more proper, as it appeared, to raise a great Sedition, by his violent and furious declamations, than to preach the Gospel of jesus Christ, which inspires only humility, obedience, and submission to the higher Powers. These men being united all four in the same opinion, which the Spirit of Division and Rebellion, disguised under the specious appearance of Zeal, inspired into them, communicated to each other the names of all their several acquaintance in Paris, who were most proper to enter into Society with them, and to lay the foundations of an Holy Union of Catholics in that great City; which without farther deliberation they coucluded to be of absolute necessity, to preserve Religion in France, and to extinguish Tyranny: for by that name it was that those factious Bygots took the licence to call the Government. But for fear of being too soon discovered by their multitude, as it had happened formerly in Paris, when the project of the League was first broached, they agreed each of them to name two Associates, of the most confiding men they knew, to whom they should communicate the whole secret of their enterprise. Upon which, La roche Blond chose the Sieur Lewis d' Orleans, a famous Advocate, and the Sieur Acarie, Master of the Accounts, who was afterwards ironically called the Lackey of the League, because, that being lame, he was one of those who went and came, and acted with most earnestness, for the interest of his party: The same man, who was Husband to that pious Mary of the Incarnation, of whose good example he profited so ill. The Curate of St. Benet, named Mignager, an Advocate, and Crucè a Procurer of Parliament. He of St. Severin, gave his voice for the Sieur de Caumont an Advocate, and a Merchant, called Compan. Matthew de Launoy, who was not yet so well acquainted in Paris, could name but one, which was the Sieur de Manaeure, Treasurer of France, of the House des Hennequins. But to complete the number of eight, they Associated with him the Sieur d' Essiat, a Gentleman of Auvergne, who was very well known to the Curate of St. Severin, who made himself answerable for him. These twelve (as I may call them) false Apostles, were the Founders of the League in Paris, who admirably counterfeiting zeal for the public good, and discoursing of nothing else amongst their friends in private, but of the oppressions of the people, of the avarice and insolence of the Favourites, the correspondence which the King held with the Head of the Huguenots, and the manifest danger in which they were of losing their Religion, had immediately made many Churchmen Proselytes of their opinion, as also Lawyers, and Shopkeepers, as for example, john Pelletier, Curate of St. jaques de la bouchery, Guincestre Curate of St. Gervase, La Morliere a Notary, Rolland a Collector of the King's Revenue, the Commissary Louchard, the Procureurs, Emmonot and La Chapelle, and Bussy Le Clerc, the most Factious of all the Leaguers, besides many others whose names are of little consequence to the History, and who would do their posterity but small credit to be mentioned. But to maintain at least some kind of order, in a design which tended to the confusion and ruin of the State, and to take care that their Conspiracy might take no vent, there was immediately established a Council of Ten, who were selected out of that great number, to meet together, sometimes at one man's house, sometimes at another's, very secretly; but most commonly they met at his lodgings who was the most desperate of them all, and who during the greatest part of that time was the leading man in all deliberations, I mean the Curate of St. Benet, in his chamber at the College of Sorbonne, and afterwards at the College of Forteret, whither he retired, and which afterwards on that account was called the Cradle of the League. Out of these Ten, there were appointed Six, which were, La Roche Blond, Compan, Cruse, Louchart, La Chapelle and Bussy, amongst whom the sixteen Wards of Paris were distributed, for them to observe in their respective Divisions, all that occurred, either to the furtherance, or the disadvantage of their Plot, and to pick up those, whom they could draw into their Faction with most ease: as also there to put in execution, by their Accomplices, whatsoever they had resolved in their Cabal; which not long after was enlarged to the number of Forty Men, the most considerable amongst them. 'Tis upon this account that the first Union of the Parisians, was called the Sixteen, from the number, not of the persons but of the Wards. And, since nothing spreads with so much ease, and so suddenly, especially amongst the Common-people, as that disease which is taken by contagion; so by the conversation, which these men, infected with the Spirit of Rebellion, had by themselves and their Emissaries, with the false Zealots, the simple, the Malcontents, the factious, the greatest part of the populace, and the meanest sort of Citizens, that evil, which was infinitely contagious, was multiplied with ease, and spread itself in little time through all the Quarters of the Town. And it encrea'sd with so much vigour, that those Mutineers, who at their beginning durst not openly appear, but held their meetings as privately as they could, out of their fear to be discovered, now believed themselves so formidably strong, and so very numerous, that none would dare to make head against them. They had even the boldness to send their Deputies into all the Provinces, to invite into their new Association those who had declared for that of Peronne, who signed at this time to a Paper more pernicious than the first. For whereas in the other, they promised by their second Article to employ their lives and fortunes for defence of King Henry the Third, in his Authority, and to cause due obedience to be rendered to him; They swear in this other, that they enter into the Union with the Parisians, not only to exterminate the Heretics, but also to destroy Hypocrisy, and Tyranny, that is to say, in their execrable meaning, to pull down the Authority of Henry the Third, whom they accused of those two crimes with all injustice imaginable. This is that, which was called the League of Sixteen, which after the former League was joined to it, by its secret Agents residing in Paris, acknowledged in reality the Duke of Guise for their Head, and the Cardinal of Bourbon only in appearance. In the mean time, that Duke finding himself to be so powerfully supported, and all things well disposed for his enterprise, as he could possibly desire, resolved at last on execution. To this effect, being retired from Court into his Government of Champaign, under pretence of some discontent, he went to joinville, where (as matters had been laid before) there met him, at the same time, the Envoyes of the King of Spain, and those of the Cardinal of Bourbon, who had taken on himself the quality of first Prince of the Blood, and Heir presumptive of the Crown. And there, (the Duke acting for himself, and for the Princes his Confederates,) was concluded a perpetual League, both Offensive and Defensive, for them, their Allies, and their Descendants; by which it was covenanted, That to preserve in France the Catholic Religion, the Cardinal of Bourbon, in case the King should die without Children, should succeed him, as nearest Heir to the Crown, from which all the Heretic Princes, should for ever stand excluded; as also such of them as were favourers of Heretics, and above all, those who were relapsed, so that any of them, who had ever made profession of Heresy, or who had only given toleration to it, should never be judged capable of Reigning. That the Cardinal, when King, should banish out of the Realm all those Heretics; should cause all the Decrees of the Council of Trent to be observed, and should solemnly renounce the Alliance made with the Turk. That the King of Spain should furnish every month fifty thousand Pistoles, for the charges of the War, which by obligation was to be made against the Huguenots, and against the King himself, in case he should not abandon them. That also the Cardinal, and the other Princes of the League, should mutually assist His Catholic Majesty with all their Forces, in reducing his Rebellious Subjects of the Low Countries, under his obedience, and cause the Treaty of Cambray to be punctually observed. After this, the Duke receiving immediate payment of one half of the money stipulated for his Pension, ordered some levies of Swisses, and Reiters to be made by the Colonels Phiffer, and Christopher de Bassompierre, who were entirely at his Devotion. But before he could draw those Forces together, the Deputies from the States of the Low Countries, about the same time, coming to make tender of themselves to the King, and pressing him extremely on behalf of their Superiors, to accept the Sovereignty of those Provinces; the Spaniards toward that fatal blow, and to hinder him from sending a powerful Army into Flanders against them, resolving to make a present diversion, obliged the Duke of Guise, who by reason of his engagement could refuse them nothing, to begin the War against the King. Accordingly he began it with the surprise of Toul, and of Verdun, and possessing himself of Chaälon and Mezieres, of the most considerable Towns of Picardy by his Cousin the Duke d' Aumale, of Dijon and the greatest part of Bourgogne by the Duke of Mayenne his Brother, of Orleans by the Sieur d' Entragues, of many other places by his Dependants, and of the City of Lions itself, by the Soldiers of Captain Le Passage, whom the Duke of Espernon had placed there, and who being corrupted by the Emissaries of the Guises, turned out their Commander who held the Citadel which they themselves demolished, and declared openly for the League, saying maliciously in their own excuse, what they had been taught by the Leaguers, that they would not be damned for serving the King, who was a favourer of Heretics, and adding falsely, that the jesuits whom they had consulted upon that point, had absolved them from the Oath which they had made him. Now as all the Favourites, and principally Espernon, were as generally abhorred, as the Duke of Guise was beloved, those two passions love and hatred joined with hopes of raising themselves by Civil Wars, engaged a great number of the most considerable and bravest of the Court, to take part with the Leaguers; And amongst others Charles de Coss, Count, and afterwards Duke of Brissac, Son to the great Marshal de Brissac Viceroy of Piedmont, and Brother to the brave Timoleon, Colonel of the French Infantry, Claude de la Chastre, Bailiff of Berry, Francis d' Espinay de Saint Luc, the Count of Randan, the Marquis of Bois Dauphin, the Marquis de Rane, Claude de Baufremont Baron of Senecey, who allured into it Anthony de Brichanteau, Beavais Nangis his Brother-in-Law; Son to the Valiant Marquis de Nangis, Nicholas de Brichanteau, Knight of the Order, who died of his wounds received at the Battle of Dreux, bravely fight for his King and his Religion; This generous Son of his having served the King very gallantly, both in Poland and in France, having also been esteemed by him, and admitted into the favour of his Confidence, was retired from Court, because the Duke of Espernon, after he had carried from him the Command of Colonel of the French Infantry which had been promised him by the King, caused also to be taken from him that of Maistre de Camp, of the Regiment of Guards: in the just resentment of which injury, he was not able to resist the pressing solicitations of those two Lords, de Rane, and de Senecey, who to draw him along with them into the Duke of Guise's party, made him a promise from the Duke, which was never performed to him, (viz.) that no peace should be concluded but upon condition, that Espernon his Enemy should be turned out of Court, and that his charge of Colonel of the French Infantry should be restored; farther assureing him, that he should exercise the same Command in the Army of the League. Thus it may be seen how much the haughty and injurious proceeding of that Favourite, was advantageous to the Duke of Guise. Therefore whenone of his Captains, who had heard him make great complaints of the Duke of Espernon offered himself to murder him, as he passed through Chaälons in his return from Metz, by no means (replied he) I should be very sorry he were dead; for he gives us many gallant men, who would never engage in our party, if the desire of revenging so many intolerable affronts, as are daily put on the worthiest of the Court, by that little Cadet of Gascony, did not bring them over to us. In this manner the Duke of Guise made himself every day more powerful, both by the people's love to him, and their hatred to the Favourites. Insomuch that the King seeing so formidable a party armed against him, was forced to answer the Low Country Deputies, with tears in his Eyes, that in his present condition, he was not able to accept their offers, as he would certainly have done in a more favourable conjuncture, which never afterwards befell him. Observe now the first Exploit of the League, which if it had never occasioned any other mischief, than this to have hindered the reuniting of the Low Countries to us, which were the first Conquest of our Crown, and the most ancient Patrimony of our Kings, 'tis most certain that for this only reason, it ought to be had in detestation by all good Frenchmen. But that which ought to render it yet more odious, is that they did not only take up Arms in manifest Rebellion against their King, but also timed it so unluckily and mischievously, that far from exterminating the Huguenots, which they made a show to desire, they hindered by that War the ruin of Huguenotism, which was mouldering insensibly by the Peace. And truly all things were disposed in such a manner, that had they continued never so little longer in that peaceable Estate they then enjoyed, there is hardly any doubt to be made, but that Heresy which grew every day weaker, would in the end have crumbled into nothing. Most certainly the King who mortally hated the Huguenots, which appeared but too visibly in the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, and who was not able to destroy them by force, had taken his measures so surely, by changing that manner of proceeding, that he had infallibly compassed his ends by the Peace he gave them, had it continued a while longer. For at that very time, when the Duke who was so long in demurring, e'er he came to a resolution, at last took Arms, under pretence of abolishing Heresy in France; 'tis well known, that there were not remaining above twenty Ministers in all the Provinces on this side the Loire: none of them writ any thing against the Catholic Religion, neither was there any Huguenot in Office or Employment. The King of Navarre, who was Head of that Party, at that time was desirous of nothing more, than to return into the King's favour, and that he might deserve that Honour, he had not long before advertised him, that the same Philip King of Spain, who affected to appear with so much ostentation, the great Defender of the Catholic Faith against the Protestants, had proffered him large Sums of money, and promised to assist him in reducing Guyenne under his Command, on condition that he would break the Peace, which the King had given to the Huguenots, and cause them to resume their Arms, to which he would never give consent. In like manner the King, who held himself assured of him, failed not to advise him, that he should beware of some secret practices amongst the Huguenots, who began to be suspicious of his conduct, and that by no means he should permit any other but himself to be Head and Protector of that Party. Thus it was to have been hoped, that under favour of this Peace which had disarmed the Huguenots, they would have been reduced insensibly, if the Leaguers by taking up Arms to force the King, as in effect they did, to break the Peace which he had given them, had not necessitated them to recommence the War, which in the progress of it was favourable to them. In the mean time, amidst the many good Fortunes which happened to the League in the overture of the War, they had the displeasure of failing in their endeavours to possess themselves of two very considerable Cities in the Kingdom; and such as had rendered them absolute Masters of Provence and Guyenne. The one was Marseilles, which the second Consul, feigning to have received Orders from the King to invade the Huguenots, had put into commotion, and was just ready to have delivered it into the hands of the Guisards; but being circumvented and taken, by some honest Citizens who had discovered his Treason, he was immediately hanged, and appeased by his death the Sedition, which he had raised to have betrayed them. Lodowick de Gonzaga Duke of Nevers, was accused as Author of that Enterprise, in hope to have seized the Government of Provence, but he most constantly denied it. And as about that time he renounced the League; the Duke of Guise his Brother-in-Law upbraided him, that he had never done it, but out of shame and vexation to have missed his blow. He on the other side protested, that he changed Parties only for the satisfaction of his Conscience which obliged him so to do. On which Subject to justify his procedure, he affirmed, that he had never entered into the League, but that it was confidently told him, that the Pope had licenced and approved of it; But that having some reasons to suspect the contrary, he had sent three several times to Pope Gregory the thirteenth, to be satisfied of his doubts, and named the Messenger, who was Father Claude Matthew a jesuit, called the Post of the League, because he was in continual motion betwixt Rome and Paris, employed in the Business of the Holy Union, of which he was a most ardent and zealous Factor. And that Duke positively affirmed, that after all, he could never draw from the Pope any kind of approbation, not so much as by word of mouth, much less in writing, for he always answered, that he could never see into the depth of that affair, Ann. 1585. and therefore would not be engaged in it. The other Town which the League missed of surprising was Bourdeaux, where the most zealous Catholics, who were enraged against the Huguenots, endeavoured to have made themselves Masters for the League, and had already advanced their Barricades to the very Lodgings of Marshal de Matignon their Governor, a faithful Servant to the King, and a declared Enemy to the Guises: But that Lord, equally Wise, Valiant and Resolute, knew so well by address to manage the minds of those Citizens, that opening for himself a passage through the Barricades, without other Arms than a Sword by his side, and a riding Rod in his hand, he seized on one of the Gates, through which causing some of his Troops to enter, who were not far from thence, he not only assured himself of the Town, but also got possession of Chateau Trumpet, after having seized the Governor, who was suspected by him, and who was so very silly, to come out of the Castle and take part of an Entertainment, to which the Marshal had invited the chiefest of the Town. To proceed, at the same time when the League took Arms, and began the War, with surprising by Strategem, or taking by force so many places from the King, they published their Manifest, under the name of the Cardinal de Bourbon, who by the most capricious weakness that can be imagined, had got into his head, at the Age of threescore and so many years, that he should succeed a King, who was yet in the flower of his Youth. That Cardinal in that paper, having bespattered the King, and the King of Navarre, with all the venom, which the factious ordinarily threw upon those two Princes, to make them odious to the people, concludes that his party had taken Arms, only to preserve Religion, exterminate Heresy, to Banish from the Court those who abused the King's Authority, and to restore the three Orders of the Realm, to their primitive Estate. The Proclamation of a King against his rebellious Subjects, aught to be no other but a good Army, which he may have in a readiness long before them, and reduce them to reason e'er they have time and means to gather Forces sufficient to oppose their Sovereign. This was what the King was advised to have done, by his best Servants, and especially by the Lord john d' Aumont, Count of Chateau-Rou, and Marshal of France: He, whose inviolable fidelity in the Service of the Kings his Masters, and his extraordinary Courage, tried in so many actions, joined with a perfect knowledge of all that belongs to a great Captain, have rendered him one of the most illustrious persons of that Age. This faithful Servant, not able to endure either the insolence of the Rebels, or the too great mild●●ess of his Master, advised him resolutely, that with his Guards, and the old Regiments which he might suddenly form into an Army, he should immediately March into Champaign, and there fall upon the Leaguers, who were yet in no condition to oppose him. And truly it appeared but too plainly that this was the Counsel which ought to have been followed. For at the beginning of this first War of the League, the Duke of Guise (to whom the Spaniards, after such magnificent promises of so many thousand Pistoles, had not yet paid one besides his Pension,) was not able with all his credit, and his cunning, to raise above five thousand men, the greatest part of which were of Lorraine Troops, who came straggling in by a File at a time, and whom the King, had there yet remained alive in his Soul but one spark of that Fire, which once so Nobly animated him, when being Duke of Anjou, he performed so many gallant actions, might have easily dispersed with his Household Troops, and such of the Nobility as were about him, who had been immediately ●ollow'd by the bravest of the Nation, had they once beheld him but on Horseback. To this purpose, Beavais Nangis, who was infinitely surprised to find the Duke of Guise at Chaälons, so thinly attended by his Troops, having demanded of him what were his intentions, in case the King should fall upon him before he had assembled greater Forces, he answered him coldly, that then he had no other way to take, but to retire into Germany with what speed he could. But the Queen Mother, who held a Correspondence at that time with the Guises, and that fatal love which the King had to a lazy quiet life, which he could not quit without extreme repugnance, and which immediately replunged him into his pleasant dreams, wherein he seemed to be enchanted, rendered fruitless so wholesome an advice. Insomuch that he satisfied himself with making a feeble and timorous Declaration, wherein answering the Conspirators in a kind of a respectful way, as if he feared to give them any manner of offence, he seemed rather to plead his Innocence before his Judges, than to speak awfully to his Rebels like a King; and in the mean time gave leisure to the Duke of Guise to form a Body of Ten or twelve thousand Foot, and about Twelve hundred Horse. The King of Navarre, at whom the Leaguers particularly aimed, did indeed make his Declaration, which he addressed to the King, and to all the Princes and Potentates of Christendom; but he made it in a manner, which was worthy of the greatness of his courage, by the masculine and eloquent Pen of Du Plessis Mornay; who particularly understood how to serve his Master according to his Genius. For, after having generously refuted the calumnies, with which the Factious charged him, he made protestation that he was no ways an Enemy to the Catholics, nor to their Religion, which he was most ready to embrace, whensoever he should be instructed by another method, than what was used to him after St. Bartholomew, by holding the Dagger to his Throat. After which, he declared, that all those who had the malice, or the impudence, to say that he was an Enemy to Religion and to the State, and that he designed to oppress either of them, by an imaginary League, which was ●al●ly supposed to have been made to that intent at Madgburg, with respect to the King's Honour, Lied in their throats, and above all others the Duke of Guise; and humbly begged his Majesty's permission, without regard to his being first Prince of the blood, that for once he might level himself to an equality with him, to the end that they might decide their quarrel, by the way of Arms, singly betwixt themselves, or by a Duel, two to two, ten to ten, or twenty against twenty, to spare the effusion of so much blood, as must inevitably be shed in a Civil War. But though he did his uttermost to excite in the King a generous resolution of Arming himself against his Rebels; though he offered to Combat them in his own person, and with all his Forces, in conjunction with those Catholics who were Enemies to the League, and that he assured him of powerful Succours from England and from Germany, which had been promised, yet could he never strike more fire out of that irresolute soul, than only some faint sparks of a languishing and impotent anger, which his fear and effeminacy soon quenched; like those weak motions which men seem to make in frightful dreams, when they rouse themselves a little but immediately yield to the force of sleep. 'Tis acknowledged that he made Edicts against them, enjoining them to lay down Arms, and commanding all his Subjects to ring the Alarm Bells against them, and to cut them in pieces if they disobeyed. He summoned the Nobility, and Princes of the blood to attend him: he gave Commissions, and issued out Orders, to make a great Levy of Reiters and Swisses, and commanded his Guards to be in a readiness to march to the rendesvouz, which should be appointed them. But after all, the insuperable passion which he had for quiet and the soft pleasures of the Cabinet, and the fear of the League with which he was possessed by the Queen Mother, who held intelligence with the Duke of Guise, and magnified his Forces incomparably beyond the life, together with the advice of some of his Council, who had rather he should arm against the King of Navarre his faithful Subject, than against Catholics though Rebels, brought the matter to that pass at length, that he grew colder than ever, and left all things to the management of his Mother, to whom he gave full power of treating with the Associated Princes, and even of concluding as soon as possibly she could with them, on what conditions she should please. Thus, after a Conference begun at Epernay, and afterwards finished at Nemours, on the Seventh of july 1585. a Peace was concluded with the Leaguers, granting them whatsoever they could demand, either for Religion, or for themselves. For what concerned Religion, an Edict was made, by which revoking all those that had formerly been granted in favour of the Huguenots, all exercise of the pretendedly reformed Religion was prohibited: The Ministers were all commanded to depart the Kingdom a month after the publication of the Edict, and all the King's Subjects enjoined to make public profession of the Catholic Faith within Six months, on pain of banishment. And, for the interest of the Confederate Princes, who affected above all things to have it believed, that their principal aim was the preservation of the Catholic Faith, a ratification was made of all which they had done, as only undertaken for the maintenance of Religion, and service of the King: and besides, there was a promise made them, that they should command the Armies which were to put this Edict in Execution; and to make War against the Huguenots, in case they refused submission to it. And for places of Caution, besides Thoul and Verdun, of which they had possessed themselves at first, there were granted them three Towns in Champaign, Rheims, Chaälons and St. Dizier; Ruë in Picardy, besides those of which they were already Masters in that Province, which had declared first of all others for the League. Soissons in the Isle of France: in Bretagne Dinan, and Concarneau; and Dijon and Beaune in Bourgogne. Yet more, there was money given them to pay the Soldiers they had Levied; and to the Cardinal of Bourbon, to the Duke of Guise, his two Brothers, and their Cou●ns the Dukes of Mercaeur, of Aumale, and of Elbeuf, to each of them a Company of Arquebusiers (or Dragoons) on Horseback, maintained for their Guard, as if they resolved by so glaring a mark of honour to make ostentation of their triumph over the King, against whom they had newly gained so great a victory without combat, only by the terror of their Arms; which contrary to the order of Nature, made, of a Master and a Sovereign, the Slave, and Executo rof the good will and pleasure of his Subjects. Such was the Edict of july, which was extorted from the weakness of the King; who immediately perceived, that instead of securing Religion, and his own repose, by granting all things to the League, as he was made to believe he should, he had plunged himself into a furious War, which might have been extremely dangerous to Religion, if the Huguenots had overcome the Catholics. 'Tis what he himself took notice of when amidst the acclamations and cries of Vive le Roy, which resounded from every part, when he went in Person to the Parliament, to cause the Edict to be enrolled, he was not able to hold from saying to some about him, with a sigh, I much fear, that in going about to destroy the Preachments, we shall hazard the Mass; which afterwards he repeated more than once upon several occasions. And truly as he had foretold, immediately upon the publication of the Edict, the War was kindled throughout all France. For, when the King of Navarre had notice that the King had verified the Edict, which was in reality a solemn declaration of War against him, he united himself more firmly than ever with the Prince of Condè and the whole Huguenot Party, in an Assembly which was held for that purpose, at Bergerac. And these two Princes going from Guyenne into Languedoc, to the Marshal Duke of Montmorancy, who was Governor of that Province, gave him so well to understand, that it was not only his particular interest to oppose the Guises, who loved him not, but also for the service of the King, whose Authority was struck at, and for the preservation of the Monarchy, whose foundations the Leaguers were undermining, by open breach of the Salic Law, that they brought him over into their Confederacy, with the whole party of the Politics, who had ever acknowledged him their Head. Thus, instead of the Catholics being united against the Huguenots, as they had always been, during the preceding Reigns under Henry the Third and his Successor, they were divided into two parties; whereof one was the Leaguers, and the other the Politics; who by another name were called the Royalists. And at that time it was manifestly visible, that the War had no reference to Religion, as those of the League pretended, but was a War purely of State Interest; since the Duke of Montmorancy, Head of those Catholics who were united with the Huguenots, to maintain the Authority of the King, and the Royal Family, as was declared in their Manifest of the Tenth of August, showed himself on all occasions a most zealous Defender of Religion; therein following the example of the Great Constable his Father. 'Tis certain, that he protected it so well in his Government, that the King of Navarre could scarcely bring the Huguenots to confide in him; because he always opposed the progress of their designs in that Province. He also extended his Zeal into the County of Avignon, and hindered Heresy there from taking root: For which Pope Gregory the thirteenth, thought fit to make him great acknowledgements in many Letters. It was not therefore with any design of ruining Religion that the King of Navarre, as Head of the Huguenots being united with one part of the Catholics, made that War; but for preservation of the King and State, which the League endeavoured to oppress; as the King himself understood it to be, not long time after, declaring that he had not a better servant than the Marshal of Montmorancy. And such indeed did he always continue, so firm to the interest of that Prince, and of his Successor the King of Navarre, that the latter of them honoured him as a Father, by which name he first called him, and afterwards being King of France, made him Constable in recompense of his great deserts and service to the State: And from that time forward, that he might treat him with the same kindness which Henry the Second used to Anne de Montmorancy, the Father of this Duke, he never called him by any other name, than that of Partner. Thus, by the joining of those Forces which so great a Man brought over with him to the King of Navarre, that generous Prince was in a condition to defend himself at least against the Party of the League; who were not only countenanced by the authority of the King, whom they had as it were dragged into that War, but also drew great advantages from those Spiritual thunderbolts which the Pope darted the same year against the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde. Those of the League had more than once already employed their utmost interest with Pope Gregory the Thirteenth, to obtain of him, that he would approve the Treaty of their Association; a thing they passionately desired: And being on the point of declaring themselves more openly than they had yet done, and to take Arms, after the death of the Duke of Alencon, they renewed their solicitations to his Holiness more earnestly than ever, to obtain from him that Declaration, thereby to authorise their attempts, and insinuate themselves the more into the hearts of those people, who were obedient to the Holy See. To this effect they dispatched once more to Rome, Father Claude Matthew, who, according to his custom, failed not to apply himself to the Cardinal of Pelleuè, the most stiff Partisan which the League ever had, and the Eternal Solicitor of their Cause in the Court of Rome. This Cardinal was descended of an ancient and illustrious house in Normandy, (as 'tis delivered to us by the Sieur de Brantome) from whence are issued the Marquesses de Beury, and the Counts de Flers. Which ought to mortify those hot Writers, who in hatred to the League, have traduced him as a man of mean Parentage, who from a Scullion of a College, came to be a Servitor, or Sizer, to the Cardinal of Lorraine. 'Tis true indeed, that because there was not much to be had out of a Patrimony, which was to be divided in shares amongst eight Brothers, he put himself into the service of that Cardinal, who made him Steward of his House. But it is not to be inferred from thence as some have maliciously done, that he was of low Extraction; neither is it to be denied, that he had many good qualities, which being supported by the credit of the House of Guise, to which he was entirely devoted, gained him the esteem of Henry the Second, who made him Master of Requests, and bestowed on him the Bishopric of Amiens, from whence, sometime after, he was translated to the Archbishopric of Sens, by the favour of Lewis Cardinal of Guise, who also procured the Hat for him. So many benefits received from that powerful family, bound him so firmly, and with so blind a passion to the interest of the Guises, that he used his utmost endeavours, in favour of the League against Henry the Fourth, even after the conversion of that Prince; till seeing at Paris, where he then resided, the entry of that victorious King, to the incredible joy of all the Parisians, he died of anguish and despite. Now this Cardinal and Father Matthew, well hoped, that his Holiness seeing the League become so powerful, that it was in a condition of making War, would declare for it, at that time. On this expectation, they renewed with great warmth the Solicitations which they had often before made to him; and continued to ply him till his death; which happened the same year, without their obtaining from him any part of their pretensions. He had for Successor that famous Cordelier, Felix Peretti, Cardinal of Montalto, when he was created Pope, called Sixtus the Fifth. He who from the most miserable way of living, to which he was reduced by the wretched meanness of his birth, as being no better than a Hogherd in his Youth, raised himself step by step, by his merit and his industry, to the Triple Crown; which he wore more haughtily during the five years of his Pontificate, than his Predecessors had done for many Ages. As he had been a great Inquisitor, and one of the most severe who had ever exercised that office, those Agents of the League, in conjunction with the Spaniards, believed they should easily obtain his approbation, and that joining his Spiritual Arms with their Temporal, he would thunder out his Anathema against the King of Navarre. But they mistook the Man with whom they had to deal: for as he was of an humour extremely fierce, haughty, imperious, and inflexible, and would give the World to understand, that he was governed by no reasons but his own, and least of any by the Spaniards, whom he hated, he immediately took up an air of Majesty in his discourse with them, which made them find to their cost, that he suffered not himself to be deluded with appearances, and that he was a Master as discerning as he was absolute. In effect, they were infinitely surprised to find they had not the least power upon a Soul, which they then understood to be of quite another make, than what he formerly appeared▪ so moderate, so humble, so soft and so complying, when he was Cardinal, with his head stooping towards the earth, and looking there (as he owned afterwards himself) for the Popedom, which finally he found. In the mean while, as on the other side he thought he had a fair occasion, to make an ostentatious show of the Supreme power of the Popedom, which he coveted to make formidable to the whole World, by some extraordinary manner of procedure, he made a little time afterwards of his own mere motion, and when no body importuned him, a most thundering Bull against the King of Navarre and the Prince of Conde. For after he had in it exalted infinitely the Power and Authority Pontifical, above all Kings and Potentates of the Earth, so far as to affirm, that he could overturn their Thrones, by pronouncing irrevocable judgement upon them, whensoever they should be wanting to their duty, and trample them under his feet as Ministers of Satan; and after having railed at large, in the rudest and most contemptuous words he could invent against those two Princes, he deprives them at last of all their Estates and Demeans, of which they then stood possessed, and declares them incapable, both in their own persons and in their posterity, for ever to succeed to any Estate or Principality whatsoever, and particularly to the Kingdom of France, absolves from their Oath of Fidelity all their Vassals and their Subjects, whom he forbids most strictly to obey them; and gives notice to the King of France to assist in the execution of his Decree. As much as this Bull, which was signed by five and twenty Cardinals, and sent by the Pope into France, rejoiced the party of the League, who took care to publish it, so much did it afflict those Catholics and good Frenchmen, who were opposite to that Faction: They were not able to endure, that the Popes (who had formerly been in subjection to Kings and Emperors, whom they thought themselves bound to obey, as St. Gregory the Great protests to the Emperor M●urice, and the Pope's Leo the fourth and Pelagius, to our King's Lothaire and Childebert,) should now dare to think of deposing them, and absolving their Subjects from their Oath of Allegiance, against the declared Law of God, which enjoins Obedience in so many places of the Scripture, even when Kings should be wanting to their Duty. God, (said they) has so divided those two Powers, the Temporal, and the Spiritual, amongst Kings and Princes on the one side; and on the other betwixt the Pope and Bishops, who are Princes of the Church, that as it is not lawful for the secular Power to interfere with that of the Spiritual, nor to lay hands upon the Censer, so neither is it lawful for the Spiritual to attempt any thing against the Secular, by abusing that Ghostly Authority which was bequeathed to them by jesus Christ, only to exercise in those affairs which are not of the World; in the Government of which, they have no manner of concernment, to intermeddle either directly or indirectly; much less have they the power of deposing Princes, and of hindering (by the censures, and fulminations of the Church,) the due obedience of Subjects to their Sovereigns. They added, that the Doctrine opposite to this, sustained by some Writers on the other side of the Alps, to flatter and soothe the Court of Rome, had always been condemned by the decisions of the Gallicane Church, by the decrees of Parliaments, and by the protestations which our Kings have often made against this Invasion of their Prerogative, unheard of in the Church of God, during more than eleven Ages, and never admitted in the French Nation. And while I am writing this part of my History, on this instant twenty third day of March, I am informed that there is a perpetual and irrevocable Edict enregistered in the Parliament; by which Lovis the Great, who well knows how to maintain with so much power the rights of his Crown, and with so much piety those of the Church, ordains that the absolute Independence of Kings, in Temporal affairs, (which no Authority whatsoever shall presume to shock, either directly or indirectly on whatsoever pretence,) shall be maintained and taught in his Dominions by the professors of Divinity, Seculars and Regulars, conformably to what the general Assembly of the Clergy, representing the Gallicane Church, has solemnly declared in expounding the opinion, which both itself and we are bound to receive on that Subject. To pursue our History, the Bull of Sixtus no sooner appeared in France, through the care of the Leaguers to divulge it, but a multitude of Writers answered it, both of the one and the other Religion, who agreed in one and the same Doctrine, of the independence of Kings on any other power but that of God alone in reference to their Crowns: showing the invalidity of that pretended Authority of Popes, some quietly contenting themselves with the force of reason, without mixing Gaul and Passion in their Writings, and others in the declamatory Style, abounding with furious invectives. The sharpest, and most splenetique of the latter sort, though 〈◊〉 the weakest and least knowing, is the Author of the Treatise called Bru●um Fulmen, which some have fathered on Francis Hoffman a Civilian. But that Writer whoever he were, had more strongly maintained the rights of Sovereigns, had he written with a more moderate Zeal, without giving the reins to his passion against Popes, towards whom, even when we blame their failings in some particulars, we are never permitted to be wanting in respect. The Parliament which is always vigorous in opposing such Attempts, failed not to make their most humble Remonstrations to the King, worthy of the Wisdom, and Constancy, which that August Body makes appear on all occasions relating to the defence of the rights of the Crown, and the privileges of the Realm. The King of Navarre added his own to these, wherein he represents to the King, that His Majesty was more concerned than he, not to suffer this insolent and unmaintainable attempt of Sixtus. And as he thought himself obliged, by some extraordinary and high manner of proceeding, to revenge the affront which was put upon him in that Bull, wherein he was treated so unworthily, He both had the courage, and found the means, of fixing even upon the Gates of the Vatican, his solemn Protestation against it. In which, after having first appealed, as of an abuse, to the Court of Peers, and to a general Council, as superior to a Pope, he protests the Nullity of all Sixtus' procedure: And farther adds, That as the Princes and Kings his Predecessors have well known how to repress Popes, when they forgot themselves, and passed beyond the bounds of their Vocation, by confounding Temporals with Spirituals, so he Hopes that God will enable him to revenge upon Sixtus the injury which is done in his Person to the whole House of France, imploring for this purpose the succour and assistance of all the Kings, and Princes, and Republics of Christendom, who as well as himself are assaulted in that Bull. Though Pope Sixtus, following the bent of his own temper, which was naturally violent and inflexible, revoked not his Bull for this; nevertheless, as he had a Soul that was truly great, he could not but acknowledge that this action was extremely generous; nor could he hinder himself from telling the French Ambassador, that he wished the King his Master had as much courage and resolution against his real Enemies, as the Navarrois had made appear against those who hated his Heresy, but not his Person. But that wish of his was very fruitless: for that poor spirited Prince was in such awe of the League, that whatsoever Remonstrances were made him, and though the example of the late King his Brother was proposed to him, who had acted with much more vigour on the like occasion, on behalf of the Queen of Navarre, whom they endeavoured to have deposed at Rome, that he durst never permit any opposition to that Bull. Insomuch that he contented himself barely, with not allowing it to be judicially published in France, without so much as once demanding of the Pope that he would revoke it, as Charles' the Ninth had done, who by a manly protestation constrained Pope Pius the Fourth to recall that Bull, which he had made against Queen jane d' Albret. This was the effect of that fear, so unworthy of a King, which Henry the Third had of the League; which takeing advantage of his weakness, became more arrogant and more audacious to oblige him, as in effect it did, in spite of his repugnance, to infringe that Peace which he had given to France, and to make War against the King of Navarre, who had at all times most punctually obeyed him, even when he forbade him to take Arms, and to March in defence of him against the League. All he could obtain of that party was by gaining a little time to keep matters from coming to extremity, (the dangerous consequence of which he well foresaw.) And to this purpose Messire Philip de Lenoncour, who was afterwards Cardinal, and the Precedent Brulart, with some Doctors of the sorbonne, were sent by him to the King of Navarre, to persuade him to return into the Communion of the Catholic Church, and to suspend the Exerci●e of Calvinism, at least for the space of six Months, during which, some expedient might be found to accommodate all things amicably. A better choice could not possibly be made, for the treating an Affair of that importance, than was the person of that famous Nicholas de Brulart, Marquis of Sillery, whose approved fidelity in the Service of our Kings, and whose Wisdom and ripe experience, in the management of affairs, were at length recompensed by Henry the fourth, by conferring on him the highest Honours of the Robe, in which Office he gloriously ended his days, under the Reign of the late King. 'Tis the distinguishing character of that illustrious House, to have the advantage of being able to reckon, amongst the great men who are descended from it, two Chamberlains of Kings, one Master of the Engines and Machine's, one Commandant of the Cavalry, killed at the Battle of Agincourt, in fight for his Country, one Procurer General, and three Precedents of the Parliament of Paris, two Premier Precedents of the Parliament of Bourgogne, and above all a Chancellor of France, to consummate the Honour of their House, and one of the most splendid titles of Nobility, which the Sword or long Robe can bestow. 'Twas then this excellent Person, who was joined in Commission with the Sieur of Lenoncour, for this important Negotiation. Because it was hoped from his address, and the mildness of his behaviour, which was insinuating and persuasive, that he above all others, would be able to win the King of Navarre to a compliance with his Majesty's desire, that he might not be constrained against his own inclinations, to bring a War upon him. But as that happy hour was not yet come; And that it was an ill expedient to procure the Conversion of a Man, and especially of a Great Prince, who has wherewithal to defend himself when he is attacked, to bring Faith to him with threatening, like a Challenge, and to show him the Arms which are in a readiness to constrain him; he only answered that he had always been disposed, as he then was, to receive the instructions which should be given him, according to the Decisions of a free General Council, and not with a Dagger at his Throat, which was the Argument they used to him, after the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. There was therefore a necessity at last of coming to a War, according to the wishes of the League; which believed it was able to overwhelm at one push, both that Prince and his whole party, before he could be recruited with Foreign Forces: But it was extremely deceived in that expectation. For of the two Armies, which the King was obliged, according to the treaty of Nemours, to give to the Command of two Lorraine Princes, the one to the Duke of Guise, in opposition to the Germans, if they should attempt an entrance into France, to which they had been solicited by the Huguenots, the other to the Duke of Mayenne, for his expedition into Guyenne against the King of Navarre, whose defeat and ruin the Leaguers concluded to be inevitable; the last of the two, after a Campaign of ten Months, without performance of any thing, but only the taking in some few places of small importance, which afterwards were easily retaken, was in a manner wholly ruined, and dissipated for want of Money, of Provisions, and Ammunition, of a train of Artillery, and other Supplies, which were always promised them, but never sent them; and especially by the ill intelligence, which was betwixt the Duke of Mayenne and the Marshals of Matignon and Byron; the first Governor of Guyenne, and the last Commander of a little Army in Poitou, which was to have covered that of the Duke. For those two faithful Servants of the King, well knowing the secret of their Master, who was wholly averse from the destruction of the King of Navarre, for fear himself and the whole Royal House should be left at the mercy of the League, which he knew would never spare them, artfully broke all the measures of the Duke of Mayenne; Insomuch that he found himself constrained, to return to the King without bringing along with him the King of Navarre Captive, as he had boastingly promised him to do, and without performing any thing of that, which the League expected from his Zeal to the party. As for the Duke of Guise, finding no Germane upon the Frontiers of Champagn to combat, and besides not being accompanied with any great Forces, his whole expedition was terminated, in taking Douzy and Raucour, two small Towns belonging to the Duke of Bovillon, against whom the Duke of Lorraine made War, concerning which I shall say nothing, because it has no relation to the History of the League. On the other side, the Huguenots managed their affairs not much better; 'Tis true, that the Sieur of Lesdiguieres had some advantage over the League in Dau●hine, that he made himself Master of certain places, and amongst others of Montelimar with the Castle, which he took by a regular formed Siege, and Ambrun which he surprised; and where the rich Ornaments of the Metropolitan Church, were plundered by the Soldiers, according to the custom of the Huguenots, which, though he was a man of strict Discipline, and moderate in his Nature, he was no way able to oppose. But, besides that, they wer● roughly handled in other Provinces, and that all which could possibly be done by the King of Navarre, who had not yet drawn together all the Troops which he expected, was only to stand upon the defensive; they received a great blow, by the memorable defeat which was given to the Prince of Conde who was like to have perished, in that unhappy attempt which he made upon the Castle of Angers. That Prince who had made up a little body of an Army about the Skirts of St. jean d' Angely, which he held in stead of Peronne, had successfully begun his Campaign in Poitou; having driven out of that Province the Duke of Mercaeur, who was come from his Government of Bretagne, to the assistance of the League. And as after that gallant action, he had reinforced his Army, with Troops which swarmed to him, from the neighbouring Provinces, upon the report of his Victory, he undertook the Siege of Broüage in favour of the Rochellers, who supplied him with Money and Ammunition. He was accompanied with a great number of brave Gentlemen, and Lords of great Quality, amongst others by Rene Viscount of Rohan, Francis Count of Rochefoucault, Montguion Lieutenant to the Prince, George Clermont d' Amboise, Loüis de St. Gelais, and Claude de La Trimoüille who was afterwards Duke of Thovers, and whose Sister he then sought in Marriage, whom he espoused not long after; and there is great appearance of probability, that it was rather on that account, than any motive of Conscience and Religion, that this young Lord, far from ●ollowing the example of his Father, who declared himself Head of the League at Poitou, gave into the other extreme and turned Huguenot, together with his Sister Charlotte Catharine de la Trimoüille to have the Honour of being Married to the Prince of Conde. How strong is the Power of Ambition, over minds that are dazzled with the deceitful Splendour of worldly Greatness, that it should be able to oblige a Brother and Sister issued from Loüis de Trimoüille and jane de Montmorancy Daughter of the great Constable both of them firm Catholics, as were all their illustrious Ancestors, to turn Calvinists, one to be Brother in Law to a Prince of the Blood, and the other to be his Wife! From this Marriage there was Born on the first of September, in the Year 1588., the late Prince Henry de Bourbon, who by a most happy Destiny, directly opposite to that of his Mother, being issued from a Father and Mother so obstinate in Calvinism, became one of the most Zealous Princes for the Catholic Faith, that this Nation could ever boast, and he, who declared himself the greatest Enemy of Calvinism. So also has he left to Posterity a most glorious remembrance of his name, which shall never perish amongst all good Frenchmen, for having constantly defended Religion with all his power, exercising in that Holy and Divine Employment, both his Valour and his Wit, which he had in perfection, as he made appear on all occasions, and principally in the Counsel whereof he was chief, when he died of such a death, as the Acts of all the most solid virtues, wherewith it was accompanied, rendered precious in the sight of God. I believe myself obliged in point of gratitude to do justice in this little Panegyrique to the great Merit of that Prince, who has formerly done me the Honour, on many occasions, to give me particular marks of his esteem and his affection; and hope, that they who take the pains to peruse this work, will not blame me for this short Digression, taken occasionally by writing of the Prince his Father, to whose actions I now return. The Nobility who were come to attend and serve him in that important Siege of Broüage, had brought along with them a considerable number of Huguenot Gentlemen, as also some Catholics, who were Enemies to the League. And with these Recruits he had almost reduced the place to terms of yielding, when changing his design all on the sudden, like an unexperienced Captain, he lost the fruit of his former labours, and plunged himself into extreme danger. For having understood, that Captain Roche-Mort, one of his best Officers had surprised the Castle of Angers, in the absence of the Count de Brisac, who being made Governor of it after the death of the Duke of Alencon, had declared himself for the League, he left before Broüage the Sieur de la Roche Baucour St. Meme with the Infantry, to continue the Siege, and marched himself with all the Cavalry, consisting of two thousand Horse, to relieve that Captain, who with Seventeen or Eighteen Soldiers only held the Castle of Angers against the Burghers who besieged him. But the Prince setting out somewhat of the latest, and marching too slowly, when the fortune of his Enterprise depended on celerity, he had no sooner passed the River of Loire in Boats, betwixt Saumur and Angers, but he received advice that Roche-Mort being killed with a Musket shot, as he was looking through a Casement, the Castle had been surrendered two days since. Notwithstanding this Misfortune, which the greatest part of his Soldiers would not believe, having joined fifteen hundred men, whom Clermont d' Amboise, a little before the Siege of Broüage, was gone to raise for his service in Anjou, he took a resolution to attaque the Suburbs: But was vigorously repulsed by the good Troops which the King had sent thither to assist the Citizens, who had retrenched themselves against the Castle which they held besieged. After which, intending to repass the River, he found that not only all the passages were guarded, but that also he was ready to be compassed round by the Troops of the King and of the League, who were gathering together from all parts, both on this side the Loire and beyond it, to enclose him. Insomuch that, not being able either to advance or to retreat, without being taken or cut in pieces with all his men, they were at length forced to disband, and dividing themselves into small companies of Seven and Eight, or Ten and Twelve together, every man being willing to save one, marched only by night through buy passages out of the common Road, and through Woods for fear of being met with, either by Soldiers or Peasants, who killed as many of them as they could find, and pursued them, as they would so many Wolves, when they caught them entering into a Sheepfold. The Prince himself had much ado to escape, the tenth man, and disguised, into the Lower Normandy, from whence he passed in a Fisher's Bark betwixt Auranche and St. Malo into the Isle of Guernsey, and from thence aboard an English Vessel into England; where he was very well received by Queen Elizabeth, who sent him back to Rochel the Year following with a considerable supply. In the mean time St. Mesme, (who during this unhappy expedition of the Prince, continued the Siege of Broüage, ●inding himself too weak to resist the Marshal de Matignon, who advanced by order from the King, to force his Retrenchments, with an Army of experienced Soldiers,) trussed up his Baggage, and retired with what speed he could, but in so much fear and disorder, that he lost great numbers of his men in his hasty march, and particularly in passing the Charante, where St. Luc, Governor of Broüage who always showed himself as brave in War, as he was agreeable at Court in Peace, having charged him in the Rear, cut it entirely off: Thus the League, and the Calvinism, lost on that occasion, the one the Castle of Angers, wherein the King placed a Governor, on whose fidelity he might rely, and the other almost all its Forces, which after that shock, durst no longer keep the Field. This furnished the King with an opportunity to publish new Ordinances, by which he commanded the Good● of Rebels to be seized; and particularly of those who had followed the Prince of Conde, with promise nevertheless of restoring them, when they should return into the Catholic Church, and give good security of remaining in it; Ordaining farther, in execution of the Edict of july, that all such should be forced to depart the Realm, who refused to make abjuration of Calvinism, into the hands of the Bishops; and it was enjoined them to make it according to the Form which was composed by William Ruzè Bishop of Angers. It was thus practised because it had been observed, that the greatest part of the Huguenots, had invented a trick, neither to lose their Goods, nor to leave the Kingdom; but thought it was lawful for them to accommodate themselves to the times, and so deceive men by making a false profession of Faith, only for form sake, and in external obedience to the Edicts: which they expressed by these words, Since it has so pleased the King, with which they never failed to preface the Oath of Abjuration when they took it. Now this prudent Bishop having observed that intolerable abuse, which was followed by an infinite number of Sacrileges, and most horrible profanation of the Sacraments, which those false Converts made no scruple to receive, betraying by that damnable imposture both the one Religion and the other, would admit none into the Communion of the Church, who had not first made his profession of Faith according to his form, which much resembled that of Pius the Fourth, and which from that time forward was and is presented to be signed by all those who abjure Heresy. 'Tis most certain that these Edicts, joined with the extreme weakness in which the Huguenot party than was, made in a little time many more converts, true or false, than had been made by the Massacre of St. Bartholomew. But also on the other side, they occasioned the Protestants of Germany, whom the King of Navarre could never draw to his party against the Leaguers, now to incline to his assistance. Two years were almost past since that King, who desired to shelter himself from the Conspiracy which the League had made principally against him, with purpose to exclude him from the Crown, against the fundamental Law of the Realm, had solicited those Princes, by the Sieur de Segur Pardaillan, and the Clervant to raise an Army for his assistance; and elsewhere by the intermission of Geneva, he pressed the Protestant Cantons of Switzerland, to make a Counter-League with the Germans, for the same purpose. Queen Elizabeth, who besides the interest of her Protestant Religion, had a particular esteem and love for that Prince, the Duke of Boüillon a declared Enemy of the Lorraine Princes, and the Count de Montbeliard, Frederick de Wirtemburg, a most zealous Calvinist, used their utmost endeavours with those Germane Protestants to stir them up: all which notwithstanding, they were very loath to resolve on a War with the King of France their Ally; saying always that they would never engage themselves in it, till it was clearly manifest, that the War which was made against the Huguenots, was not a War of the Government against its Rebels, but purely, and only against the Protestant Religion, which they intended to extirpate. But when they saw before their eyes those Edicts and Ordinances of the King, who was absolutely resolved not to su●●er any other Religion beside the Catholic in his Kingdom, and that otherways they had given them all the security they could desire for the payment of their Army; Ann. 1586. then they took a Resolution of Levying great Forces, and of assisting the King of Navarre powerfully, after sending a solemn Embassy to the King, to demand of him the Revocation of his Edicts, and an entire liberty of Conscience for the Protestants. The King of Denmark, the Electors of Saxony and Brandenburg, the Prince Palatine john Casimir, the Dukes of Saxony, of Pomerania, and of Brunswick, the Landgrave of Hesse, and john Frederick, Administrator of Magdeburg, were the Princes who As●ociated themselves with the Towns of Francford, Vlmes, Nuremberg, and Strasburg, to send this Embassy to the King; who, not being resolved what to answer them, for fear of provoking the League, in case he should grant them their demands, or of drawing on himself the united Forces of almost all the Protestants of Germany, in case of a refusal, to gain time, took a Progress as far as Lions, while the Deputies of those Princes were at Paris: which caused the Count of Montbeliard, and the Count of Isembourg, who were the chief of that Embassy, to return. But so did not the rest, as being obstinately set down to wait the King's return, who was at last constrained, being overcome by their extreme persistance, whom he well hoped to have tired first, to give them the Audience which they demanded. He who was spokesman for the rest, losing all manner of respect, made a blunt and haughty Speech, reproaching him in certain terms which were but too intelligible, that against his Conscience and his Honour, he had violated his faith so solemnly given to his most faithful Subjects of the Protestant Religion, to whom he had promised the free exercise of it, they remaining, as since that time they had always done, in that perfect obedience, which is due from Subjects to their Sovereigns. That Prince, who at other times was but too meek and patient, or rather too weak and timorous, was so much offended at this brutal insolence, that he was not able to curb himself from breaking out into choler on this occasion. For he replied smartly, to them, with that air of Majesty and fierceness, which he knew well to take up, whensoever it pleased him, that as he had not taken the liberty to give Laws to their Masters of ruling their Estates according to their own liking, and changing the Civil and Religious constitution of their Government, so neither on his side would he suffer them to intermeddle in those alterations which he thought fit to make in his Edicts; according to the diversity of times and of occasions, for the good of his People, of whom the greatest part depended on the true Roman Catholic Religion, which the most Christian Kings his Predecessors had ever maintained in France, to the exclusion of all others. Afterwards, retiring into his Cabinet, where after he had revolved in his mind, what had been said on either part, he was of opinion, that his Answer had not been sharp enough, he sent them by one of the Secretaries of State a Paper written with his own hand, which was read to them; and in which he gave the Lie in formal terms to all those who said he had done against his Honour, or violated his Faith, in revoking the Edict of May, by that of july; after which it was told them from him, that they had no more to do, than to return home; without expecting any farther Audience. This was certainly an Answer worthy of a great Monarch, had he maintained it by his actions as well as by his words; and had he not shown by his after conduct, the fear he had of this irruption of the Germans. For, in order to prevent it, he seemed to descend too much from that high and Supreme Majesty of a King, by treating almost upon terms of equality with the Duke of Guise, and offering him, besides whatever advantages he could wish, in Honours and in Pensions, and many Towns for his security, which had made him a kind of Independent Royalty in the Kingdom on this only condition, that he would be reconciled to the King of Navarre, and give him leave to live in quiet; as if it were the Duke, and not the King, who had the power of giving Peace. Though these advantageous proffers, were sufficient to have tempted the Duke's ambition, nevertheless he would not accept them, because he hoped to satisfy it much better by continuing the War in which he had engaged the King; who was not able to recall his promise: besides, he was not willing to destroy the opinion which the people had conceived of him, that he acted by no motive of self-interest, but only for the Cause of God and of Religion. This expedient of Peace therefore failing the King, who had ardently desired it, he employed another, which was to entreat Q. Katherine de Medici's, to confer with the King of Navarre, her Son-in-Law; to try if by her usual arts, she could induce him to some accommodation, which might be satisfactory to the League, and stop the Germans, of whose Succours, his peace once made, that King would have no farther use. The Queen Mother, who at that time desired the peace at least as much as he, because she feared to be left at the discretion of either of the two parties, by whom she was equally hated, willingly accepted that Commission; grounding her hopes on those tricks, and artificial ways, by which she had so often succeeded, on the like occasions. Having then advanced as far as Champigny, a fair house belonging to the Duke of Montpensier, she managed the matter in such sort, by the mediation of that Prince, who went to visit the King of Navarre from her, that it was agreed there should be a Conference. After many difficulties which were raised concerning it, and which, with much canvasing, they got over; the place was appointed to be St. Brix, a Castle near Cognac, belonging to the Sieur de for'rs, who was of the King's party. She came thither attended by the Dukes of Montpensier and of Nevers, Marshal Byron, and some other Lords, who were no friends to the Guises or the Leaguers, to the end that Conference might be the more amicable. The King of Navarre came also thither, with the Prince of Condè, Viscount de Turenne, and some others the most considerable of their Party. It appeared manifestly at this Interview, that the Queen held no longer that Authority, which had been yielded to her in the former Conferences, wherein she had carried all things according to her own desire, by the wonderful Ascendant, which she had over their minds; And she understood, but too well from the very beginning, that she had to do with such as were distrustful of her subtleties, and who would not suffer themselves to be surprised easily, as some of them had been, on St. Bartholomew's day, whereof they had not yet worn out the remembrance. For they would never adventure themselves all three together in the Chamber appointed for the Conference; when the King of Navarre was there, the Prince and Viscount, well accompanied, made a guard at the door; and when either of the other two entered, the King of Navarre and the other did the like for him: that they might not put themselves unwarily into her hands, on whose word they had no reason to rely; and who dared not to arrest any of them singly, the two remaining being at liberty, and in condition to give themselves satisfaction on the Aggressours. Thus, being too suspicious, and their minds too much embittered, to act calmly and reasonably in this Conference, it went off in three interviews; which were made in resenting terms, and mutual reproaches, without coming to any amicable conclusion. The Prince of Condè, according to his lofty and severe humour, spoke always more sharply than the other two: rejecting all methods of reconciliation, and saying, with an air extremely fierce, that there was no belief to be given to those who had so basely falsified their Faith, in violating the Edicts of the King, to satisfy the Seditious and the Rebels. The King of Navarre, of a temper much more sweet and complaisant, though with a becoming noble boldness, he gave the Queen to understand that he had no great reason to commend her proceedings in reference to himself, yet he never forgot the respect which was due to her Character. And upon occasion of her remonstrating to him, that the peace of France depended on his conversion; since the only fear of falling under the dominion of an Huguenot Prince, had made and armed the League, which had no quarrel to His person, but only to his Heresy: his answer was no more than this; That Religion was only a pretence, ●hich the Authors of the League had taken up, to cover their ambition, which manifestly designed the total ruin of the Royal family; and as to his conversion, he was always disposed to it, on condition he might be instructed in the truth by a free Council, which he had oftentimes demanded; and in the definitive judgement of which, both he and his party would wholly acquiesce. He consented even to a Truce of twelve days, during which, the King's good pleasure should be consulted, by proposing to him that condition; though it was known beforehand, that he would never consent to it. And in the mean time, the Viscount of Turenne coming to wait on the Queen at Fontenay, whither she was retired, the Conference was resumed for the last time. For, after they had amplified their Forces on either side, and both had set forth the advantages of their own party, which could not be done without some sharpness, and even menaces; the Queen losing patience, and taking up that air of haughtiness and Majesty, which she had often assumed at the like Conferences in the Reigns precedent, and at the beginning of this, said in an imperious tone, that there was no more room left for deliberation; and that the King, who would be absolutely Master in his Realm, had fixed his positive resolution, to have but one Religion in France: 'Tis well, Madam, replied the Viscount, with a disdainful kind of smile, we join issue with you in the same resolution; Let there be but one Religion, provided it be ours; if otherwise, we must hack it out on both sides. On which, without staying for a reply, he made a low bow, and immediately withdrew. Thus the Conference was ended, to the extreme displeasure of the King, who to gain covert from that Tempest of the Germans, which he foresaw to be pouring upon France, had passionately desired a Peace, which he could neither obtain from the King of Navarre, nor even from the League, in whose quarrel he was engaged to make War against that King. For the Leaguers, whose number was prodigiously increased, especially in Paris, grown jealous of those frequent Treaties with the king of Navarre, let lose their tongues, more brutally than ever against the King: as if he had held a secret correspondence with the Huguenots, and played booty with the League, by a counterfeit show of ruining its Enemy's. There are those who have gone so far as to report, that at this very time they had laid a terrible Plot against the King, in which they engaged the Duke of Mayenne, who had made himself their Head, in the absence of his Brother; and that the Conspirators had resolved to put all the Guards of his Majesty to the Sword; to seize his Royal Person, and afterwards, either to confine him to a Monastery, or to imprison him in a Tower; to cut the throats of the Chancellor, the first Precedent, and all the Principal Officers, to put others in their places, and to create a new Council consisting wholly of their own party; to possess themselves of the Bastille, the Arsenal, the Chastelets, the Palace and the Temple; to give entrance to the Spanish Armada, which was then prepared against England, by Boulogne; and a hundred other particularities of that Conspiracy, which the Precedent de Thou thought fit to insert in his History, upon the credit of one Nicholas Poulain, Lieutenant in the Provostship of the Isle of France; who having been of the Council of the League, revealed, as he relates himself, the whole secret to the Chancellor de Chiverny, Monsieur Villeroy, chief Secretary of State, and also to the King. But, besides that no credit aught in reason to be given to a man of double dealing, who has betrayed both sides, and who to set himself right with that party he had forsaken, may affirm a thousand things which he cannot prove; which is a crime that hath often brought the informer to the Gallows; there is nothing of all this matter to be seen in those Papers, which were written at that time, either for or against the League; especially in those of the Huguenots, who would be sure to omit nothing that could possibly make against their Enemies, or for themselves, neither in the Memoires of the Chancellor de Chiverny, nor of Monsieur de Villeroy, who in all probability, would not have forgotten a thing of that importance, if they had had it from the mouth of the Informer, or indeed if they had believed it true. And certainly there are many things so very improbable, in that verbal process of Nicholas Poulain, which I have most exactly read; and even so many notorious falsities, and those so opposite to the nature and genius of the Duke of Mayenne, that it is a prodigious thing in Monsieur de Thou, that he would take the pains to transcribe it almost word for word in a History, so elegant and serious as that of his. This in reason should give a caution to such as undertake the writing of a History, not to trust all sorts of Writers, and not ambitiously to swell their Works with all they find written in certain Unauthentique Memoires, without giving themselves the leisure to examine their merit, and their quality. That which is certain in that affair is, that the Leaguers of Paris interpreting maliciously, and in the worst sense, those Negotiations and Conferences, which were made with the King of Navarre, were not wanting to make the people understand, that the King held intelligence with him, and protected the Huguenots. It was also in order to destroy that belief and false opinion which ran of him to his disadvantage among the people, that the King renewed with more apparent fervour and solemnity, those extraordinary devotions which he practissed from time to time, and above all his Processions of Penitents, which, far from serving his design, rendered him yet more despicably odious. As evil, by the abuse of the best and most holy things, often proceeds from that good which insensibly is degenerated into corruption; it sometimes also happens that good is produced out of evil, which is rectified, by taking from it that which is ill in the practice of Devotion, and leaving only what is wholesome. This is what has been observed in our present Subject, the Brotherhood of Penitentiaries. More than four hundred years ago, a certain devout Hermit finding himself to be strongly inspired from God, to Preach in a Town of Italy, as jonas did at Nineveh, began to threaten the Inhabitants, that in a short time they should be buried under the Ruins of their Houses, which should fall upon their heads and overwhelm them, if they appeased not the wrath of God, by an immediate, severe and public penitence. His Auditors after the example of the Ninevites, touched with so powerful a Sermon, and fearing to feel the effects of so terrible a threatening, clothed themselves in Sackcloth, and armed with Whips and Disciplines, walked in procession through their Streets, lashing themselves severely on their Shoulders, to expiate their Crimes by their tears, and by their Blood. This sort of Penance which sprung out of a good principle, and an ardent desire of appeasing the Divine Justice, may be very laudable; and was afterwards practised in other Countries, particularly in Hungary, dureing the rage of a great Pestilence, which made havoc of that poor Kingdom. But not long after, it degenerated into the dangerous sect of the Flagellants, who running in great Troops naked to the middle, through most of the Provinces of Europe, made themselves all over bloody, by the vigorous handselling of their Disciplines, saying, with horrible impiety, that this new Baptism of blood was more available than that of Water, in that it expiated for all their future Sins, which from thence forward they might commit with all impunity. There was much difficulty in abolishing so pernicious an abuse; and therefore with mild usage to reduce those wand'ring Souls into a regular Penance, it was permitted them to retain what ever was good, in so austere a Practice. From thence are sprung up the fraternities of Penitents, which are at this present seen in Italy, in the Patrimony of the Church, in the County of Avignon, and in Languedoc, who have their Chapels where they assemble, and practise the Exercises of their Devotions, and who make their Processions where they go, particularly on Holy Thursday, clothed in Sackcloth, with Whips at their Girdles, which nevertheless are not for any great execution, but for Ceremony, to mark out the public profession which they make of being Penitentiaries, and the love they have for Christian Penance. When therefore the King, who was naturally inclined to Devotion, had in his return from Poland, beheld the Procession of the white Penitents of Avignon, and was even then desirous of showing himself a zealous Catholic; he commanded himself to be enrolled in that Fraternity, and about seven or eight years after, he established another of the same kind at Paris, in the Church of the Augustine's, under the title of the Annunciation of our Lady. The most part of the Princes, and great men of the Court, and the principal Officers were of it; and all his Favourites never failed to assist at those Processions, wherein he went without his Guards, or any mark whereby he might be distinguished from the rest, Clothed in a long white Habit of Holland, shaped like a Sack, reaching below his Feet, somewhat large, with two long Sleeves, and a Cowl or Monk's Hood over his Head piqued on the Crown, and having two great holes in it right against his Eyes, sowed behind to the Collar, and coming down before in a sharp point, half a foot below the Girdle, which was woven of the finest white Thread, and little knots in it, hanging down below the Knee; in the Girdle was hung a jolly little Discipline of the same materials, nothing proper to give the penitent a smarting lash: On his left shoulder he had a Cross of white Satin, upon a ground of tawny Velvet, almost wholly circular. For the rest, he made profession to observe exactly the Rules and Statutes of that Fraternity, which Fath●● Edmond Auger a famous jesuit, who was then his Confessor and Chaplain, had drawn up by his own Order. That good Father entertained him with great care, in these sorts of Devotions, though not altogether so proper for the practice of a great King, to whom much more solid instructions should be given, of which the principal consists in advising him to apply himself vigorously to that charge of Government, which God, to whom he must render an Account, has committed to his trust, as his Minister and Lieutenant. To this purpose 'tis said (as Busbequius writes from Paris, to the Emperor Rodolphus his Master) that the Que●n Mother (seeing the prejudice which this fantastic carriage did to the reputation of the King her Son, and to the State, the care of which he abandoned, to give himself up to these cloysterly Processions,) spoke sharply to the jesuit, upbraiding him, that he was an ill Guide to his Penitent, and that of a King, as God had made him, he made a Friar, to the great prejudice of all his Kingdom. And for that very reason, time and experience having made it manifest, that much disorder had crept into these Fraternities of white Penitents, as well as those of the blue and black, and that under pretence of practising holy Exercises, most dangerous Plots were hatched against the Government, they were totally abolished at Paris, about ten or twelve years afterwards. It was especially that year 1586, that the King willing to make appear, that he had more zeal than ever for the Catholic Faith, renewed these ostentatious Devotions of his Fraternity, with so much fervour, that not being satisfied with his ordinary Processions, which he made in the Habit of a Penitent, through the Streets of Paris, he made one very extraordinary, going on foot in the same Habit, with the greatest company he could get together of his most devout and fervent Brothers, from the Chartreux, quite to our Lady of Chartres; from whence he returned in the same manner, in two days to Paris. In truth, 'tis credible that this proceeded from a great Foundation of Piety in this Prince, whose nature was infinitely sweet, if he had not suffered it to be corrupted by his pleasures. But as the Leaguers were not throughly persuaded of this truth, and that through the hatred which they bore him, they interpreted his best actions in the worst Sense, they decried this with all imaginable spite; saying, it was nothing but mere Hypocrisy, and a ridiculous Mascarade which he had invented, to mock God and deceive men, by covering his Vices and his no Religion with the veil of Piety. Yet the Leaguers were not the only men, who were scandalised at these new forms of Processions, which are not much to the humour of the French. They were almost generally blamed by all the World, and those who spoke the least harm of them, could not hold from open Laughter. The most ridiculous part of them, and which made a kind of Tragicomedy, wherein there was matter of Mirth and Mourning, was that the Lackeys of these Courtiers, who in compliance to the King, had enrolled themselves in this Brotherhood of Penitents, had the insolence to mimic it, in derision of their Masters, even in the Court of the Lovure, making show of lashing themselves lustily, as if they had been Flagellants in earnest. But the King having heard of it, before the Farce was quite played out, caused fourscore of them to be seized, whom they drew into the Cour des Cuisines, where they were so well belaboured with Whips, that they were left in a way representing to the Life, that condition into which the ancient Flagellants put their bodies by their bloody penance. This, notwithstanding, hindered not others, from doing somewhat much more criminal, than the poor Lackeys had attempted. For some malicious Wits there were amongst the Leaguers, who had the impudence to expose publicly, a Picture where the King was seen clothed in his penitential Robes, pulling the Honey combs out of an Hive, saying these words, which were written over his Head, as the Motto of the Emblem, Sic eorum aculeos evito, 'Tis thus I cover myself from their Stings. As if they desired to be understood in this witty, but very spiteful expression, That as a man who intends to rob a Hive, must cover his Face and Hands to avoid Stinging from the Bees, who Associate themselves against the Thief: So the King, who drew the vital nourishment of his Kingdom to lavish it prodigally on his Minions, and who endeavoured to ruin Religion, by the secret intelligence he held with the King of Navarre and the Huguenots, disguised himself in this Habit of a Penitent, to cheat the League, and to shelter himself from the just indignation of the Catholics united against him. But they who were more clamorous than all the rest, were certain Preachers of the League, who profaneing their Sacred Function of Preaching the Gospel, by their Seditious Tongues, and dealing out a thousand impostures from the Chair of Truth, declaimed venomously against the Lord's Anointed, all whose actions they bespattered, even those which were adorned with the greatest Piety. Of all those Satirists, he who roared the most insolently against those Devotions of the King, was Doctor Poncet, Curate of St. Peter des Arsis, who was accustomed to relate blunderingly in his Sermons, the sillyest things, which the most violent Leaguers used to say, and preached them without fear or wit to his Congregation, as if they had been as true as Gospel. 'Twas not that he wanted good natural parts, as once he made it sufficiently appear, when the Duke of joyeuse, the King's Favourite, having told him that he was glad to know a man, who had so noble a Talon as to divert the people, and set them on the merry pin of Laughing at his Sermons: He drily answered him, 'tis but reasonable that I should make them laugh sometimes, since you have made them cry so often, for the extraordinary Subsedies which were imposed for the defraying of the excessive charges of your sweet Marriage. For the report went, that the King had expended on them more than twelve hundred thousand Crowns. Now this Seditious Preacher declaimed so outrageously against those Processions, and told so many scandalous lies of the King himself, and the fraternity of Penitents, whom he called the Brotherhood of Hypocrites and Atheists, that the King clapped him up in Prison for some days, after which he set him at liberty, thinking that this light Correction would teach him better manners. But it was to little purpose; for the Fellow having heard it reported, that he ●ad cha●●●● his note, after having smarted for it, had the impudence to say publicly in the Pulpit, that he was no Parrot to be taught his Lesson; and thereupon, he fell to his old trade of railing more violently than ever. Yet it was not long e'er he inflicted on himself the punishment which he had so well deserved. As the Licence of speaking evil of the Higher Powers, was now become the common practice of the Leaguers, a certain Advocate of Poitiers called Le Breton, who had lost his Suit at Poitiers and at Paris, in pleading for a Widow, enraged that the Duke of Guise and Mayenne, the King of Navarre, and the King himself to whom he had made his addresses, going from one to the other, and making so many fruitless Journeys to complain of his hard Usage, had always shaken him off, and treated him like a Fool or Madman, made a Libel full of Villainous reproaches and calumnies against the King, and the Members of the Parliament. The Writing having been seized together with the Author, it was thought fit to make an example of him, to stop the fury of that licentious way of Writing and of Speaking. Upon which, short work was made in the process of this audacious Advocate, he had Justice roundly done him, and was fairly hanged before the Steps of the Palace. None are so wretchedly fearful and cowardly at the point of danger, as those who are the most foolhardy in railing, when they believe they are out of reach: When our noble Doctor Poncet was told of this Execution on the Lawyer, and that he saw by this terrible example, they were punished with death who dared to affront the Sovereign Majesty with Scandalous and Seditious Invectives, he was taken so violently with a sudden fright and apprehension, that it seized on his Heart, and stopped the circulation of his Blood; he betook himself immediately to his Bed, from whence this tongue Bravo did never rise, for he died some few days after of pure imagination, that the same distributive Justice would reach him, which had overtaken the miserable Advocate. In the mean time, the King who had always earnestly desired to have peace in his Kingdom, made another attempt, though without Success, to oblige on one side the Duke of Guise, to accommodate matters with the King of Navarre, on Conditions more advantageous than he had yet offered him: and on the other side, to cause the King of Navarre to return into the Catholic Church, promising him in case he would, to declare him Lieutenant General in all the Realm, to empower him yet with more Authority, than he himself had possessed when he Commanded the Armies of the late King his Brother, to make him Precedent of the Council, and even at last, (which that King most passionately desired,) to Dissolve his Marriage with Queen Margaret, and to give him the Princess of Lorraine, Granddaughter to the Queen Mother, who was willing to consent to this Marriage, which might one day make that Princess Queen of France, whom she always loved with so much tenderness. These undoubtedly were most advantageous offers, and very capable of tempting a man of that King's Character; who to say the truth, was none of the most bigoted Huguenots, nor any bitter Enemy to the Catholics. But as he could not believe after what had been done against him, that he had reason to rely on these fair promises, that he feared to fall to the Ground betwixt two Stools; nay, if once he was perceived to Waver, to be soon abandoned by his party, which already leaned extremely towards the Prince of Condè, who was Known to be a much better Protestant than himself, and moreover, that he thought himself secure of great Succours from the Germans, he would not lend an Ear to any of those Proposals, and gave a quick dispatch to the King's Envoys, with an answer worthy of his ingenuity and of his Courage; That his Enemies desired nothing less than his Conversion, because they took Arms for no other reason, than to Exclude him from the Succession of the Crown; and to cantonize the Realm amongst themselves, under pretence of preserving the Catholic Religion, which he would maintain in it, much better than themselves; That he most humbly besought his Majesty, to permit him to decide that Quarrel with the Princes of the League, without his Majesty's giving himself the trouble to interpose in it; and in three months' time he should have Fifty thousand Men, with which he hoped Almighty God would do him the favour, to reduce the Leaguers in a short time to their Duty, and to bring those Troublers of the public Peace, and those Rebels, to the terms of Obedience which they owed their Sovereign. This answer put the King into an extreme Agony of Spirit, not knowing where to fix his Resolutions, nor which of the three Parties he should Espouse. For, in case he should stand Neuter betwixt the King of Navarre and the League, he ran the risk of being at the disposal of the Conqueror; if he ranged himself with the King of Navarre's Party against the League, (as some time after he was constrained to do,) he feared to pass for an Heretic, or for a favourer of Heretics, as the League endeavoured already to make it be believed by their Calumnies against him; and in the sequel, to draw upon himself the power of Spain, and all the Thunderbolts of Rome, which in that conjuncture he dreaded more than the League and the Spaniard put together. Ann. 1587. Thus as he believed not himself to be singly strong enough, to force both parties to Obedience, that latter fear determined him though contrary to his Inclinations against the King of Navarre's Party, as judging it to be the juster, excepting only their Religion, which that Prince had solemnly protested, was no ingredient of the present Quarrel. Insomuch that following the advice of the Queen his Mother, and some few of his Council, who out of their hatred to Heresy, were favourable to the League; he joined himself with those whom he regarded as his greatest Enemies, to make War with his Brother-in-Law, whose good intentions he well knew for the public welfare. A War which drew from both parties both much Blood, and many Tears: the various events of which will be the Subject of the following Book. THE HISTORY OF THE LEAGUE. LIB. II. THE King, Ann. 1587. according to his Custom, passed the Winter of this Memorable Year 1587., partly in Feasts, Gaming, Ballets and Masquerades, and such other divertisements; and partly in his Processions, his Fraternities, his Retirements and his Penances, among the Fevillants, whom he had founded at the Fauxbourg St. Honore, among the Capuchins, and especially in his little Cells of the Monastery of Bois de Vincennes, wherein he had placed the jeronimites who were come from Spain, and wherein afterwards were placed the Minims. But to his great grief, at the beginning of the Spring, he was forced to quit the Pleasures and Exercises of that sort of Life, with which he was infinitely satisfied, and rouse up himself to make War in conjunction with the League against the King of Navarre, and the Germans, who were coming to join their Forces with him. To this effect, the Duke of Guise, who till that time had been making War with the young Duke of Bovillon la Mark, without any considerable advantage, returned to the Court, which was then at Meaux; and after having assured the King that there was a great Army of Germans in readiness to take their March towards our Frontiers, and demanded Forces which might be capable of stopping them, he made great complaints of the Breach which he pretended to be made of some Articles, in the Treaty of Nemours. Those of the League maintained that these complaints were just, the others on the contrary made it evident, that they were altogether unreasonable. He complained amongst other things, that the Count of Brissac was not restored to his Government of the Castle of Angers. But to that it was answered, that the King had retaken it from the King of Navarre's Forces, by whom Brissac, who held it for the League against his Majesty's intentions, had suffered it to be surprised. He added that such as were his Dependants, and in his interests, were not treated so favourably at Court as others; as if the King had been obliged not only to forgive, but also to bestow particular favours on those who had taken Arms against him, and to reward them for having discharged their Cannon against his faithful Servants, as Francis de Balsac d' Entragues had done against the Duke of Montpensier whom his Majesty had sent to Orleans. In conclusion, he took it exceedingly ill, that the temporal Estate of Cardinal Pelleuè, Archbishop of Sens had been seized into the King's hands; as if the World were not satisfied that this Prelate, a Pensioner of Spain, and who was a declared Enemy to the King, was not then at Rome, doing him all manner of ill Offices with the Pope, eternally decrying his conduct, and blasting him with his sinister interpretations, and venomous aspersions. Nevertheless, the King had the goodness not long time after, to grant him Possession of his Revenues, and that to gratify His Holiness, who had desired it of him by his Nuncio Morosini, but at the same time he desired the Pope to admonish the Cardinal in private, that he should beware of relapsing into so heinous an Offence, which if he should, he then hoped his Holiness would hold himself obliged to punish him with the same Severity, as if the crime were committed against his own person. For the present, he was content to mollify the Duke of Guise with a parcel of fair words, assuring him that he would take such order, that he should have reason to be satisfied in all things. After which, having again exhorted him to make Peace with the King of Navarre, and finding him still obstinate in the Negative, he took at last the resolution, to dispose of the Forces he had already on foot, and of those he expected from the Catholic Cantons of Switzerland, in such manner that he might find a way to make himself Master of all, by weakening the King of Navarre and the League, and by dispersing the Germane Army. To this effect, he determined to have three Armies; The first very strong, under the Command of the Duke of joyeuse in Poitou, against the King of Navarre, who was not yet in a condition, as he believed, to oppose him. The second in show, and upon the paper, at least as strong, but in reality much weaker, under the Duke of Guise against the Germans, by whom considering their great Numbers, he might reasonably hope the Duke might be oppressed, which he had occasion enough to wish: And the third, incomparably stronger than the other two, he was resolved to command in person, to hinder the Strangers, who by that time would be harassed with so long a March, from passing the River of Loire, and from joining the King of Navarre, and afterwards to oblige them by Treaty to return into their own Country; After which he should be in condition, easily to reduce the two Parties to the obedience which they owed him. Undoubtedly this design was not ill laid; but by the prudent Conduct and Valour of the King of Navarre on the one side, and on the other of the Duke of Guise, this specious project happened quite after another manner, than he had imagined. And this is my present Business to discover, by describing exactly and in order, the Exploits of these three Armies, which had all of them such different Success. The first of them who was obliged to take the Field, was the Duke of joyeuse, to oppose the Progress which the King of Navarre began to make in Guyenne and in Poitou. This Duke was that famous Favourite, whom the King, to comfort himself for the loss of his other Minions Quelus and Maugiron, who were killed in Duel, and St. Megrin who was Murdered as he went out of the Lovure, took pleasure to raise to the highest Honours of the Realm, so far as even to make him his own Brother-in-Law by Marrying him to Margaret Princess of Vaudemont, Sister to the Queen, and loading him with Wealth and Favours, which he lavished upon him with a full hand, without Rule or Measure; Insomuch that he seemed as if he would share the Kingdom with him, and make him equal to himself: which things are not compatible with the Dignity, nor consequently with the Friendship of a King, as they are with that of a private person. 'Tis true, that amongst all that Crowd of Favourites and Minions, who made themselves insupportable under this Reign, especially to the Princes and the Nobility, by the insolence of their Carriage, and abusing the favour of their Prince, this man was the least hated of the whole Number: for, besides that he was of a Birth much more illustrious than any of the rest, he was also without comparison the most well-natured, being Courteous, Obliging, Civil, pleased with doing good Offices, and above all things Magnificent, even beyond what can be expressed, as if he had endeavoured to equalise the greatness of his Fortune, by that of his Bounty, which in a manner bore proportion with the prodigality of the King his Master: Insomuch that one day finding at his Chamber-door the four Secretaries of State, who had waited long for his coming out, after having excused himself to them with all manner of civility, he presented them with an hundred thousand Crowns, which just before he had received from the liberality of the King. But, as with all these good Qualities, he was extremely vain, opinionated of his own capacity for all things, though as yet he had gained no manner of experience; the Duke of Espernon his Rival, who endeavoured to make his advantage of the other's absence from Court, and to get the upper hand in the King's favour, infused into him with great artifice the desire of Commanding that Army, which was to be sent into Guyenne against the King of Navarre. In effect he sued for it, and failed not to obtain it of the King, who was not able to refuse him, though he had promised it before to Marshal d' Aumont, who being endued with Conduct, Valour, Experience and Fidelity, had certainly acquitted himself much better of that employment. At first he had indifferent good Success, in Auvergne, in Givaudan, and in Rovergue, which he had order to cleanse of the Huguenots; from thence to pass into Languedoc, and afterwards into Guyenne. He took some little Places which were tolerably strong; amongst others Maleziou, Marenghol, La Peyre in Givaudan, and Salvagnac in Rovergue; from whence he Marched, and presented himself in Battaglia, before Tholouse, intending thereby to give notice to the Parliament, that he was come to join himself with the Marshal of joyeuse, his Father, Lieutenant of the King in Languedoc, to deliver that great Town, from the troublesome neighbourhood of the Huguenots. After which, his Army being much diminished by Sickness, and by the retiring of many Gentlemen to their own Houses, he left there the Marquis of Lavardin, john de Beaumanoir, his Marshal de Camp, and returned in Post to the Court, there to pass the Winter. The year following he had almost the same Fortune; for as he had been informed, that the King of Navarre who had taken the Field about the beginning of April, had already made himself Master in Poitou of Talmont, Chizay, Sasay, St. Maixant, Fontenay and Mauleon, he returned to the Army with great speed, bringing with him a recruit of six or seven thousand Men, with whom he recovered St. Maixant, possessed himself of Tonnay-Charente, and of Mallezays, made incursions even to the Gates of Rochel, and cut in pieces two or three Regiments of the King of Navarre, whom he forced in their Quarters: But, after two Months of Campagne, the Plague and the Deserters, who were many, having extremely weakened his Army, he the second time returned to Court, leaving his Army as before, under the Command of the Marquis of Lavardin, who had not the good fortune to preserve it, so well as he had done the year before. For the King of Navarre, who was Marched out of Rochel, with all the Forces he could make, to distress the Army of Lavardin, having heard that he was making his Retreat towards the River of Loire, followed him so close, that on the twenty eighth, and the twenty ninth of April he surprised him, and cut in pieces one half of his Cavalry, and even the Duke's Gensdarms, consisting of threescore and ten Horsemen, were all killed or taken, together with his own Standard. All that the Marquis of Lavardin could do, after this defeat, was to retire at full speed to La Hay upon the Creusa. It was before this place, which was not assaulted for want of Cannon, that the King of Navarre received a Reinforcement of six hundred Horse, and two thousand Arquebusiers, which the Viscount de Turenne brought him from Perigord and Limousin; and almost at the same time, the Prince of Condè came to join him with the greatest part of the Gentry from Saintonge. And it being then reported, that the young Count of Soissons, (whom he had drawn into his party by large promises, as well as the Prince of Conti that Count's Brother,) was approaching to the Loire with three hundred Gentlemen, and five hundred Dragoons, he advanced as far as Monsoreau upon that River, whither the Viscount of Turenne, who went to receive him at Lude, with a convoy of seven hundred Horse, brought him without the loss of one single man. This being done, it was resolved in their Council to pass no farther in the direct way towards the Germans whom they were to meet; because they were not yet strong enough, and that they should have upon their hands both the King's Army, and that of the Duke of joyeuse, who would certainly beat them, which by consequence would prove the defeat of the Foreign Army. For which reason they returned into Poitou with design to fetch a large compass, and to gain the passage of the River more upward toward Rouen, and afterwards to march into Bourgogne, there to receive the Germane Army, to whose principal Commanders the King of Navarre dispatched away Morlas, to desire them that they would take that way. But that King had not the leisure to execute his intended Enterprise, because he was followed so hastily by the Duke of joyeuse, that there was a necessity of coming to a Battle, which was given in the manner that I am now going to relate. The news being already spread at Court of the late successes of the King of Navarre, the Duke of joyeuse, to whom the King had given a very considerable recruit of Soldiers, and who was accompanied by all the young Gallants and sprightly Noblemen of the Court, who according to custom attend the Favourite, received orders to repair immediately to the Troops he had left with the Marquis of Lavardin, to follow the Navarrois, which way soever he bent, and to hinder his conjunction with the Germans. In order to this he came to Tours, where having understood, that the King of Navarre being gone from Monsoreau, was upon his retreat in Poitou, and hasting into Guyenne, he pursued his Army with so much speed, that he got before it at Saintonge, insomuch, that having passed the River of Charente, at Chasteauneuf, coasting always on the left hand, he came by the way of Barbesieux to Chalais, very near the River Drogne, the same day, being the Eighteenth of October, that the King of Navarre, who had taken more on the right hand, by Taillebourg, quartered at Monlieu, somewhat farther off on this side the River, having received some small recruits, and Cannon, which he had from Rochel. At some little distance from that place, the small River of Drogne casts itself into that of Lisle, which is somewhat the larger of the two: The latter has its source in Limosin, near St. Irier, and the former in Perigord near Brantome; and after having been mixed for three or four Leagues, they disembogue themselves into the Dordogne, overagainst Libourne. A little below the place where these two Rivers meet, is situate the Bourg of Guitre, and somewhat above it that of Coutras, with a reasonable strong Castle upon the Drogne betwixt the two Rivers. Now the King of Navarre being of necessity to pass them, that he might follow his intended way to Guyenne, the Marshal of Matignon, Governor of that Province, one of the most faithful, most valiant and most prudent Captains which France has ever had, and who had orders from the King to assist Monsieur de joyeuse, writ him word, that he advised him to possess himself speedily of those two Bourgs, and there to entrench, assuring him that he would not fail to be at Libourne, by the 22d day, with all the Forces he could draw together from Gascogne, Quercy, Perigord and Limosin. 'Twas prudently considered by him; for there was nothing more wholesome than this counsel, because in following it, the King of Navarre had easily been stopped; without daring to attempt the passage either above the conflux of those two Rivers or below it; or in case he had attempted it, he had been shut up betwixt two Armies, each of which could not be engaged with more than half of his, when the other half had passed the River of Lisle. But the foresight, the celerity and the resolution of the King of Navarre on the one part, and on the other the rashness, the presumption and the vanity of the Duke of joyeuse, broke those just measures which the Marshal of Matignon had taken. For the next morning, Lavardin, Marshal de Camp to joyeuse, who had advanced the night before with 120 light Horse to possess himself of Coutras, found that La Trimoüille had prevented him an hour before, and seized that Post, with greater numbers than he had with him. Insomuch that he was forced to return to the Duke, who was gone to pass the Drogne somewhat higher at Roche Chalais; where he lodged himself while the King of Navarre who had followed Trimoüille very close, passed over his Army at the Ford of Coutras. Thus these two Armies were enclosed at the same time betwixt the two Rivers, at the distance of two short Leagues from one another, without any thing betwixt them, that was capable of hindering them to engage, in case they were so resolved. 'Tis true, that both parties had strong reasons to avoid the Battle; for the King of Navarre, if he should lose it, was irrecoverably ruined, because he should be left without any possibility of recruiting, at the mercy of two powerful Armies, in pursuit of him; and if he gained it, his affairs would not be in a much better posture than they were already: because he had yet upon his hands the Marshal of Matignon, a General of much better conduct than joyeuse; and the King had three other Armies on foot, which might unite themselves to get betwixt him and the Germans, and to hinder his conjunction with them. As for the Duke of joyeuse, he ought to have considered, that he had to do with old Soldiers, more experienced, and better disciplined than his own; which consisted for the most part of new raised men; that the young Gallants who accompanied him were indeed men of Courage, but who had gained no more experience than himself: considering which, if he had acted prudently, he should have stayed for the Marshal of Matignon, who in four time at the farthest, would have been at Libourne, from whence he might easily have joined him. And if the King of Navarre had endeavoured to have hindered it, he had been enclosed betwixt the two Armies, one of which had charged him in the front, and the other in the Rear: For thus in all reasonable probability it must have happened. But the Duke was so blinded with his eagerness of fight, (as being infinitely desirous to redeem his reputation at Court, and to regain the advantage, which his Rival had got over him in the King's favour, by an eminent victory which his vanity had assured him was indubitable) that his opinion of success hurried him beyond those weighty reasons, the rules of War, and even those of common sense. In pursuance of this, he first of all others having resolved upon the Battle, and giving only this for his reason, that the Enemy, whom he held enclosed betwixt two Rivers, could not possibly escape, in case they marched directly to him before he had time to get away, all the young Nobless who surrounded him, gave such loud applause of his opinion, crying out, Battle, Battel, that they drew the rest into the same resolution; no man being able, or daring to resist the torrent. And there was so much of presumption in this Council, which was so hastily concluded, that the Duke, as if he were assured of victory, fearing nothing but that the Enemy should escape his hands, before he could come up to him, began, even before midnight to march his Army towards Coutras, that he might attack the King of Navarre at break of Day. But that Prince being informed of his intentions by his Scouts, and foreseeing that he should be constrained to come to a Battle, unless he would incur the manifest danger of being beaten, if he should make his retreat in the face of the Enemy, was resolved, for that reason, to march towards him, and spare him the pains of half his way. In effect, having heard the account of a rough Skirmish, which happened in the Night betwixt the Scouts and the Light Horse of the two Armies, without any considerable advantage on either side; he got on Horseback a little before Day, and advancing towards the Enemy, he went to possess himself of the Place he had designed for the Field of Battle, which was a Plain betwixt six and seven hundred paces of Diameter, on the far side of a little Wood, about half a League distant from Coutras, having that Town on his Back, on his left hand the Drogne, which bounds the Plain on that side, and on his right hand a Warren, a Copse, lopped the year before, a kind of little Park bending towards the Enemy, and fenced only with an Hedge and Ditch. There it was that he drew up his Army in Battalia, which consisted in the whole of about four thousand five hundred Foot, and two thousand five hundred Horse. He placed on his right Wing, the biggest of the two Battalions of his Infantry, made up of the Regiments of Castelnau, Parabere, Salignac, and some other Companies, who extended themselves in the Warren, advancing even to the Hedge and Ditch which fenced the little Park that covered them. These were sustained on their left by the Squadron of Light Horse, which had at their Head La Trimoüille, Vivans, Arambure and Vignoles, who Commanded them; and before them an hundred and twenty Arquebusiers for their Forlorn Hope. There followed them sloping always to the left, the whole Gendarmery divided into six Squadrons: the first, consisting at most of two hundred Gentlemen, almost all Gascons, Commanded by the Viscount of Turenne, accompanied by Pardaillan, Fontrailles and Choupes. There came after them at the distance of sixty Paces, the Squadron of the Prince of Condè, who had with him Louis de Saint Gelais, Marshal the Camp, des Agueaux, Montaterre, the Viscount of Gourdon, the Vidame of Chartres, and more than two hundred and fifty Men at Arms. There was an Interval of an hundred and fifty Paces, betwixt the Prince and the King of Navarre, who Road at the Head of his Squadron of three hundred Gentlemen, amongst whom were the Lords de la Force, de Ponts, de la Boulaye, and de Foix Candale who bore the Standard. At last followed the young Count of Soissons, having after him the famous Captain Favas, and two hundred Horse in his Squadron, distant from the King two hundred Paces, and sustained, on his left, along the River side, by another gross Battalion, composed of the very flower of the Regiments, which were Commanded by Charbonniere, the young Montgomery, de Preaux, de la Borie and the Neuvy. All these Squadrons made up a large Front, and were of little Depth, that they might take up the more in Breadth. And the King of Navarre, as he had formerly seen it practised by the Admiral of Coligny, had cast into their Intervals, on both sides of his Horse, small Parties of Dragoons, by fifteen and twenty in a Company, who some of them with one Knee on the Ground, some of them half Stooping, and some of them standing upright, that they might not mischieve one another, should discharge upon the Enemy at fifteen foot distance, for certainty ●o Execution. And his Artillery, which the Night before he had left beyond the River, that he might pass it more speedily to gain Coutras, being come up to him, just in the nick, under the Convoy of George Clermont d' Amboise, Master of the Ordnance, was advantageously placed on a small ascent, at the right hand of the Count of Soiss●ns. Thus was this Army ranged in form of a Crescent, whose two Battalions of Infantry, more advanced than the Squadrons towards the Enemy, made the two Horns, and betwixt both of them the Squadrons of the Prince of Condè, and the Viscount of Turenne formed the hollow of the middle part. In the mean time the Duke of joyeuse, having passed through certain narrow and troublesome ways, which lay betwixt his last Night's Lodging and the Plain, and that with difficulty enough, which was caused by the disorderly March of his young Gallants, whose eagerness was not to be commanded; the Marquis of Lavardin his Marshal de Camp a great Soldier, on whom chiefly he relied, drew up his Army into Battalia, as well as the disorder would give him leave; his whole Forces, at that time, not amounting to more than nine thousand men, and those ill Disciplined. Over against that gross Battalion which enclosed the right Wing of the Enemy, he placed on his left Wing the Regiments of Picardy and Tiercelin, which formed a Battalion of eight hundred Musquetiers, covered with about a thousand Corslets. These had on their right hand the Light Horsemen and the Albanois, Commanded by their Captain Mercurius Buat, and another Squadron of four hundred Lances, whom Lavardin himself chose to Led in the room of Monsieur de Sovurè, who lay dangerously hurt of a fall. Montigny who Commanded another of five hundred Lances, was placed on the same hand, in opposition to the Viscount of Turenne; after which, bending still towards the River which they had on their right Hand, there was extended on both sides the way right over against the three Princes, a gross of twelve hundred Lances, wherein was the Person of the General, and the Standard, born by the Sieur de Maillay Bressay. The whole body of the young Gallants who were Volunteers, with the greatest part of the Noblemen and Gentlemen, were in this gross, the first Rank of which was composed only of Counts, Marquesses and Barons, having at their Head the Duke of joyeuse, accompanied by his younger Brother the Marquis of Saint Sauveur, and the brave St. Luc; and to close the Right Wing, there was placed betwixt the Standard and the Drogne another gross Battalion, made up of the Regiments of des Clus●aux, and the Verduisant, sustained by seven Cornets of Dragoons, which might make in all a gross of near three thousand men. The Artillery which like the King of Navarre's consisted only of a few Field-Pieces, was planted advancing a little towards the right hand, betwixt the gross Squadron of the Duke of joyeuse, and that of Montigny. The two Armies, which continued in presence of each other for the space of almost an hour, without moving, made two very differing Prospects▪ For on the one side, there was nothing to be seen but guilded Armour, gloriously damasked, glittering in the Sun; painted Lances covered over with Ribbons, with their Banderolles dancing in the Air, rich Coats of Velvet, with broad Lace and Galoon of Gold and Silver, wherewith every Troup was Habited, according to the Colours of his Captain; large and beautiful coloured Plumes, waving on their Crests, and shadowing them in large Bunches; Scarves magnificently embroidered, and edged with long Gold Fringe, and all these young Cavaliers carrying the Ciphers and Colours of their Mistress', as proudly adorned as if they were Marching in a Carrousel, and not upon the point of giving Battle. To conclude, we may say it was an Army equipped after the Persian mode, where so much luxury and pomp was seen, and so much Gold and Silk, in the Habits of the Men and the Caparisons of the Horses. But the contrary side afforded no such Spectacle; old Soldiers inur'd to toil and labour, whose meens were ●ierce and menacing; uncombed, ill clothed, with their long Buff-Coats all bespawled, over their course threadbare Clothes, having no other Ornament than trusty Bilbo by their sides, and sound Armour on their Breasts, Mounted on travelling Horses, without Horses, or any other part of bravery besides the Horsemen on their backs; in fine, the Army of another Alexander, in opposition to that of another Darius. These two Armies so very different, having looked each other in the Face, long enough to take their Measures, the King of Navarre somewhat before Nine of the Clock, commanded Prayers to be made, to ask the assistance of Almighty God, making loud Protestations that he was not going to fight against his King, but against the Leaguers who had enterprised the destruction of the Royal House, by depriveing of his Birthright the Heir presumptive of the Crown. This example was not imitated in the Army of the Duke of joyeuse: on the contrary, when they perceived a kind of motion in the other Army when they were at Prayers, some who were about the Duke of joyeuse cried out aloud in derision of them, they are our own, the Cowards tremble: But the Sieur de Vaux Lieutenant to Monsieur de Bellegarde, Governor of Saintonge told him plainly in these words; No, no, Monsieur, believe it not, I know those people better, they are now at their Devotions, but you shall see them fight like Lions. Immediately upon this, the Cannon began to play; the first discharge which was made from the King of Navarre's Ordnance, took place in the very Standard of the Duke, which was an ill omen to him, and all the other Volleys, thundering athwart the thick Forest of their Lanciers, into the gross Battalion which closed their le●t Wing, put all the Regiment of Tiercelin into a vast disorder, sweeping away whole ranks of them at once. On the contrary the Duke's Cannon, did little or no Execution; for besides that it answered not the roaring of the other, till some time after, it killed b●● only one Horse of the Prince of Condè's Squadron; because their Guns were so unadvisedly planted, and the Cannoneers took their aim so very low, that the Bullets were grounded in a little rise of Earth, which intercepted their passage to the Enemy. Then Lavardin, crying out to his General that all was lost, if they gave time to their Enemies to fire again, immediately sounded the Charge, and joining to his own Squadron, those of the light Horsemen and the Albanois, gave in so furiously on the gross of the Enemies light Horse, that having at the first onset overturned lafoy Trimoüille and Arambure with his Lance, and dangerously wounded Vivans, their whole Squadron was broken, routed, and pursued into Coutras, where the Albanois fell to Plundering the Baggage, which the King of Navarre had left behind him in that Town. At the same time Montigny who was directly opposite to the Viscount of Turenne, perceiving the Flank of his Gascons to lie bare, by the flight of the light Horsemen which they had on their right hand, pushed them so vigorously on that part, that he broke into them, and opened withou●●ny trouble from one side to the other, that whole Squadron, which thus disordered, were put to the rout, as their ●ellows the light Horse had been before them. There were some of them, and even of those who had the reputation of the bravest, so throughly seized with this sudden fright, that they took the River, and flying for their Lives, as fast as they could Spur, carried as far as Pons the false report of their Armies being wholly routed, for which they had afterwards so much regret, that they died for shame and sorrow of it. This ●light of the light Horsemen was so precipitate and so general, that at first there were only remaining in the Field Turenne and Choupes, with one other Gentleman, to whom lafoy Trimoüille and Arambure joined themselves, who having been remounted, and seeing they were abandoned by their Soldiers, cast themselves into the Squadron of the Prince of Condè, to combat by his side. 'Tis true, that the greatest part of these Runaways, immediately rallied, and put themselves in order behind the squadrons of the Princes, to repair their fault by Fight, as afterwards they did most Valiantly. But this could not save them from the severe raillery of their own party. For as it is commonly seen, that there is a kind of jealousy, and we may almost call it enmity betwixt neighbouring Provinces, those of Saintonge and of Poitou, who had no great kindness for the Gascons, and who besides were somewhat picqued, that the King of Navarre was used to praise them a little too extravagantly, seeing them first disordered and then routed, cried out as loud as possibly they could, after the example of Monsieur de Montausier, At the least it cannot now be said, that these are either Poitevins or of Saintonge. This made the Gascons ready to burst with extremity of choler; but all the revenge they took, was to strain their Forces to the utmost as they did, by a noble emulation, to behave themselves yet better than those Valiant men. To proceed, this first disorder was so far from drawing on a greater, as it ordinarily happens, that it only served to augment the Courage and Valour of the rest. For on the one part, the foot of the left Wing, which had bravely advanced to push o● Pike, against the Regiment des Cluseaux, having beheld the rout of the light Horsemen and the Gascons, and hearing the shouts of Victory which were already Echoed from the Duke's Army, were not discouraged from passing on, and discharging furiously at a very small distance; after which changing hands with their Muskets, and taking to their Swords, they cried out to each other with a generous despair, let us run to our death in that Battalion; they opened their passage through the Enemy's Pikes, which they either cut asunder, or struck aside, they broke in upon them, they scattered them, and made a terrible Execution. On the other part, the Gentlemen and Cavaliers of the Prince's Squadron, seeing those of their Companions who fled, and their Enemies pursuing at their Heels, with shouts of Joy cast on them a fierce disdainful look, and told one another laughing, these People have their Business yet to do, we are they that must abate their pride. And it fell out as they desired; the Enemy came up to them: For the Duke of joyeuse, swelled with the happy success of the first Encounter, and believing he went to a Victory as good as gotten, spurs on before his Troops, making a pompous show, his rich Armour glittering with Gold and Silver and ennammell, almost hidden under his Plumes and Ribbons, and making a sign, both with his Voice and Hand, for all his Braves to follow him, the whole Squadron together take their carrier of four hundred paces, and giving the Reins to their Horses, with their Lances in the rest, run at full speed against the three Princes. In the mean time the King of Navarre, who that day was only habited like a private Soldier, in a plain grey Suit of Arms, with a Head-piece of the same, barefaced to be known in the thickest of the throng, rode through every rank, in few words exhorted the nearest to him, and with his Gesture and his Eyes the more remote, to Fight like men of Honour, for the rights of th● Royal House, and only to behave themselves like him: After which placing before him eight Gentlemen, of such as were the surest armed, with strong Lances to overturn the first who made head against him, and to open his passage into the Squadron, he commanded his men to advance only ten paces, and to expect the shock of the Enemy, ordering his Horsemen, who for the most part were Armed but with Sword and Pistol, not to Fire but at a very near distance, that every shot might certainly take place. These Orders being well executed, were the gaining of the Battle; for that gross of Horse which came up to the Charge at full Gallop, was well cleared by the furious discharge that was made by the first Ranks of the Dragoons, which the Princes had divided amongst their Squadrons. Many of those Counts and Marquesses and young Courtiers, who had taken that Post of Honour, were beaten from their Horses; and for the rest, who had taken their carrier too far, they were out of breath, when they should have given the blow with their Lances, their strokes were so feeble, that they had little or no effect, and the Princes broke in upon them with so much Vigour and promptitude, that they gave them not leisure to let their Lances descend, which therefore they were forced to throw away, and betake themselves to their Swords and Pistols. By this means they were reduced to an equality of Arms, but with very different success. For the three Squadrons of the Princes being at a just distance from each other, and in excellent order, attacked that of joyeuse on three sides; The King of Navarre charging him in Front, the two Princes in the Flanks; the Count of Soissons on the right side, and the Prince of Condè on the left. All three of them in that bloody medley performing what could possibly be expected from Valiant men; But the King of Navarre conspicuous above the rest, that he might animate his Soldiers, who beheld him exposing himself to danger like the meanest man amongst them, gave admirable proofs of his courage in every place. He came even to shouldering in the Press such of the Enemies whom the ardour of combating, or the crowd of the combatants drove by chance against him; and finding himself engaged betwixt two Valiant men, the Baron de Fumel, and Monsieur de Chasteau Renard, who was Guidon to Sansaac, who made up to him with their Swords on high, while at the same instant, a Gendarme struck on his Head-piece with the Truncheon of his Lance, he fired his Pistol on one of them, collard the other whom he took Prisoner, crying out to him, yield Philistin; and disengaged himself from the third, who was immediately taken by one of his Esquires. In conclusion, all that great body of Gendarmery, in which consisted almost the whole strength of the Duke's Army, having been so vigorously charged and broke on every side, was overthrown, cut in pieces, and entirely defeated in less than half an hour, without being able once to Rally, and that not out of Cowardice, but on the contrary, (what never or very rarely happens,) by the too great courage of the vanquished Party. For the greater part of them being Lords of the highest Quality, and Gentlemen almost all young, full of bravery and fire; they thought so little of dispersing, or of betaking themselves to Flight, that there were not ten of them killed or made Prisoners out of the Field of Battle, where they rather chose to perish, than to yield one foot of ground. After this defeat, the Conquerors having joined their own Battalions, who encouraged by the example, fought with almost equal advantage against the adverse Infantry, it was no longer a Combat, but a most horrible Slaughter of that miserable Foot; to whom they gave no manner of Quarter, because joyeuse had given none to the two Regiments, which he had defeated near St. Maixant. As for that Duke, when he beheld that all was lost, instead of taking on the right hand, to save himself at La Roche Chalais, he turned upon the left, with intention to go to his Cannon, and Fight beside it to end his days: saying to St. Luc, (who asked him what he resolved to do.) To live no longer, Monsieur de St. Luc, but to die generously after my Misfortune. But even that last Happiness was denied him; for he had not made twenty or thirty Paces towards his Artillery, when he fell into the hands of two Captains, St. Christopher, and la Viol: and as he was offering them for his Ransom an hundred thousand Crowns, a Sum which those two Captains had not been very sorry to receive, there came up two others, Bourdeaux and des Centiers, who whether out of hatred or revenge, or out of spite, that they had not taken him themselves, to have shared so great a Ransom, basely discharged their Pistols on him; Shot him into the Head, and overturned him dead upon the place. The Valiant St. Luc, who took upon the spot a resolution as generous as his, and much more daring, was also much more fortunate in the execution of it: For having perceived the Prince of Condè at a distance, and distinguishing him from the rest, while that Prince was eagerly pursuing his Victory, he comes up to him at a round Gallop, and couching his Lance, overturns him to the Ground with a great stroke, which he gave him full in the middle of his Cuirasse, after which, immediately throwing himself from his Horse, he presented him his hand with extreme respect, to lift him from the Earth, and at the same time, begged him to receive him as his Prisoner; which the brave Prince, admireing the courage and prudence of his Enemy, performed, embracing him with all the generosity of which he made profession. This Victory was complete: the Colours, the Cannon, the Baggage, remained in possession of the Conqueror; and with these, the Field of Battle, covered with betwixt four and five thousand Soldiers, and four hundred Gentlemen of the Duke's Army, who lay extended on the Plain; amongst whom, besides the Duke of joyeuse, and his young Brother Monsieur de St. Sauveur, were the Counts de La Suze, d' Avaugour, d' Aubijoux, the Sieurs de Neuvy, du Bordet, de Mailly-Bressay, de Roussay, youngest Brother of Piennes, Guidon to joyeuse, de Vaux, Lieutenant to Bellegarde, d' Alluin de Fumel, de Roche fort de Croissotte, de Tiercelin, Saveuse, who was Mestre de Camp, and the Sieur de St. Lary-Bellegarde, Son to the Marshal of the same Name, and Governor of Saintonge and of Angoumois, who being mortally wounded, died not long after of his hurts. Almost all the remainders of the Army were made Prisoners, excepting only the Albanois, who forsaking the pillage, about which they were busied at Coutras, preserved themselves by flight, and the Marquis of Lavardin, who not being able to Rally his men, who had pursued the Runnaways too far, retired almost alone to Roche-Chalais, with one Ensign which he saved out of the Regiment of Picardy. This retreat way very Honourable to that Valiant Gentleman, who having renounced Calvinism, which his Father had embraced, combated that day against the King of Navarre, as against the Head of the Huguenots; but not long after, casting himself into his party, for the defence of the State and the Rights of the Crown, he always fought for him against the League, with so much Valour, Conduct, and Fidelity, that at length he received in Recompense of his long Services, the Baston of Marshal de France. To conclude, this memorable Victory cost not the conquerors above five or six Gentlemen, and what added to the lustre of it, was the wonderful Clemency of the King of Navarre. By his own presence he stopped the fury of the Soldiers, who were putting all the Infantry to the Sword. He received all Prisoners of Quality with infinite Courtesy, he cheered them for their loss by extolling their Courage; he sent almost every man home without paying Ransom; he restored to the Parents and Relations, the Bodies of such as had died Honourably in the Field of Battle, and beyond all this, the Corpse of the Duke de joyeuse, for whom the King, in continuance of his favour even after Death, performed a most magnificent Funeral with Royal Pomp. In ●ine, this Generous Conqueror, had so much moderation that he sent his immediate protestations to the King, that aft●r this advantage he demanded nothing more, than the Honour of his favour, and the restoring of that Peace which his Majesty had graciously given him, and which their common Enemies had broken. But after all, it must be ingenuously acknowleged, that as he had the conduct and valour of Hannibal, in this Battle, so he had his misfortune too, in not understanding the art of managing his Victory, or in his unwillingness to use it. For were it that the Conquerors enriched with the Spoils of their Enemies longed for Quiet, that they might enjoy their Booty at their ease, or that the Noblesse who had served under him as Volunteers, had not obliged themselves to longer Duty than till that time; or that having weakened by his Victory the party of the League, he desired not that the Huguenots, who confided more in the Prince of Condè than himself, should increase their strength, or to speak more plainly, that certain amorous engagements, somewhat unworthy of a Victorious Hero recalled him into Bearne; most certain it is that he dissolved his Army, and licenced them to the time he had appointed, then, repassed the Garonne speedily, with part of the Ensigns and Colours he had taken from the Enemy, which he was ambitious to present to the fair one whom he loved, instead of putting himself into a condition, of reaping that Fruit which he might reasonably expect from so great a Victory, and of going speedily to join the great Army of Germans, which was Marching to his Assistance; and concerning which, it will now be necessary that I speak. For while these things were acting in France, the Protestant Princes of Germany, who were furiously incensed against the King, for that disdainful and rough answer, which he had made to their Ambassadors, set on foot a more powerful Army, than ever they had sent into this Kingdom, for the succour of the Huguenots. There were in this Body which was raised, eight thousand five hundred Reyters, betwixt five and six thousand Lansquenets, and sixteen thousand Swissers, whom the Sieur de Clervant had obtained from the Protestants, for the King of Navarre: besides four thousand others, whom he had left behind him in his pa●●age through Dauphinè, to reinforce the Army of Lesdiguieres, but before they were able to join him, they were totally defeated by the famous Colonel of Corsica, Alphonso d' Ornano. Duke john Casimir, of whom I have frequently made mention in my History of Calvinism, aught to have commanded these Germans in his own Person; but immediately before they were to March, he excused his going with them, because he was obliged to stay in Germany, having taken upon him the Government of the Palatinate during the minority of the young elector his Nephew; whereupon they were constrained to receive the Baron of Dona his Favourite, whom long before he had resolved to substitute in his room. Justice ought in reason to he rendered to every man's desert, in speaking the naked truth, without taking up a prejudice on trust from received Opinions, which often have very false Foundations: Though the greatest part of the French and Italian Historians, have spoken little to the advantage of this Baron; 'tis nevertheless most certain, that he was of a Birth Noble enough to sustain the Quality of a General, and that he was not at all below the Dignity of that Employment, being descended from one of the most illustrious Families of Prussia; and his Ancestors having possessed for many Ages the Honour of Burgraves, which is one of the most considerable of the Empire. He was a man who wanted neither Sense nor good Carriage, and was besides extremely brave: but on the other side, he had neither Authority, nor experience enough to command so great an Army, the greater part of whose Officers were commonly at variance amongst themselves, and never willing to obey his Orders. Thus, to speak properly, he was only the General of the Reyters, though the Lansquenets and Swissers acknowledged him for their Chief, in the room of Prince Casimir: But the young Duke of Bovillon was he, whom the King of Navarre had named for his Lieutenant, and who had the Title of General of that Army. Notwithstanding which, he had no absolute Command over it, because there was a Council composed of six French Officers, and as many Germans joined with him, who, together with the Baron of Dona, decided all things by plurality of Voices; which was the occasion of much disorder. For the Germans seldom or never joined in opinion with the French; and on the other side, the French were jealous both of them, and of one another; so that there could be no good intelligence amongst them. Besides all wh●ch, there were some of their number whom the Duke of Guise, the most artful of Mankind, had gained into his Interests, and who underhand gave him notice of all the resolutions, which were taken in the Council. For the rest, after the Strangers had received some part of their Pay, which the Queen of England had supplied, after they had been assured of the remainder, and also promised that the King of Navarre would join them in a little time, and that they should have only the League upon their hands, and not the King, who had Armed for no other purpose, but to assist them in the destruction of the Guises; they passed the Rhine about the twentieth of August, and in the Plain of Strasburg found William Robert de la Mark Duke of Bovillon, and his Brother john Robert Count de la Mark, who had waited there for their coming about fifteen days, with two thousand Foot, and between three and four hundred French Horse. Thus this Army in the general review which was made of it near Strasburg, was found to consist of thirty three thousand men effective; all experienced Soldiers, and well equipped; without reckoning into the number, the fifteen or sixteen hundred foot, and two hundred Horse, which the Count of Chastillon, Son of the late Admiral, brought thither in a small time after; and about two thousand others who joined them in their march. Insomuch that when they entered France, they were not less than forty thousand Men; with eighteen or twenty pieces of Artillery; which undoubtedly was sufficient to strike a terror into those against whom they marched in favour of the King of Navarre. And indeed this distant thunderclap, which was heard as far as Paris, alarmed the Council of Sixteen so terribly, that to shelter themselves from the ensuing Storm, they sent fresh instructions to the principal Cities of the Kingdom, and a new form of Oath to unite them more straight to themselves in their common defence: endeavouring maliciously to make them believe, that it was the King himself who had called in these Heretic Foreigners, with intention of destroying those who defended the Catholic Religion, and with design that hereafter Heresy itself and the Promoter of it should Reign in France. But the Duke of Guise, whose undaunted heart was not capable of the least cowardice, took ways much different from theirs, in pursuance of the same design, viz. the destruction of that formidable Army, which menaced him with inevitable ruin. And he compassed his intentions happily and gloriously, by his admirable conduct, readiness of wit, and daring resolution, performing one of the noblest actions which were ever done, and which alone may justly rank him with the greatest Heroes of Antiquity. He had almost nothing of all that had been promised him at Meaux, when there was made the partition of the Forces, which by appointment were to serve in the King's Army and in his. Of twenty Troops of Men at Arms which were ordered him, not one appeared at the Rendesvouz that was assigned at Chaumont: there was neither Money, nor Ammunition, nor Cannon sent him: so that having assembled at Vaucoleur, on the twenty second of August, all the forces he could get together, by the means of his friends, and partly by the money of the Parisians, there were found no more than a body of three thousand Men; that is to say, about six hundred Cuirassiers of his own company, and those of the Prince of Ioinville's, his Son, of the Count of Chaligny, the Chevalier d' Aumale, the Sieurs of La Chastre, and D' Amblize; three hundred Horse which were sent him from the Garrison of Cambray by Balagny, who had made himself a Leaguer, to change his Government into a Principality, under protection of the League; besides almost as many light Horsemen, some Italians some Albanois, which were sent him by the Duke of Parma, Governor of the Low-Countries. As for Infantry he had no more than the two Regiments of Captain St. Paul, and of johannes, on whom he very much relied. With these inconsiderable Forces he went to join himself with those of Charles Duke of Lorraine; who with the Succours which he had received out of Flanders, under the conduct of the Marquis d' Aure, and the Marquis de Varambon, and all he could Levy in Germany, had no more than seven thousand Foot, and about fifteen hundred Horse; Insomuch, that both in conjunction could not make above twelve or thirteen thousand Men at most, to oppose against thirty five thousand, who were coming to fall on them. The Duke of Lorraine, who foresaw this Tempest, had done what lay in him to provide against it; and to put himself in a state of defence by fortifying the greatest part of his Towns. And observing that Nancy, his Capital City, was of too little compass to receive those great numbers of Persons of Quality, and Clergymen, who ran thither for refuge from every quarter, some from their Country-houses, others from their small Castles, and unfortified Towns, he took this opportunity to enlarge that great and beautiful part of it, which is called the New Town; on the Fortifications of which, being without dispute the fairest and the strongest of that time, he employed his Workmen with so much diligence, that it was already in condition of making a stout defence against that Army, which as numerous and as powerful as it was had never th● courage to attempt it. These two Armies being one of them on this side the Mountains of Vauge, in Lorraine, and the other beyond those Mountains in Alsace, a Council was held in both of them at the same time; and it so happened by an accident seldom known, that the same resolution was taken by them both. In the Germane Army the Duke of Bovillon, and one part of the Council, would have it, that the War should be made in Lorraine; to compass (as they urged) at one only blow the ruin of that House, which first produced, and since that time maintained the League. But the bottom of that design was this, that the Germans, had no great desire to be at so great a distance from their own Country: and the Duke of Bovillon would have been glad under that pretence to provide for the security of Sedan and jametz to which he knew the Lorrainers cast a longing eye. On the contrary the Frenchmen, the Envoys of the King of Navarre and the Baron de Dona, who followed the Orders he had received from Duke Casimir, made it be concluded, that they should satisfy themselves in their passage through Lorraine, to make what havoc they could in that Country, which had been wholly free from War, since that which the Burgundians made, who were defeated with their last Duke at the Battle of Nancy; and that without stopping their course by investing Towns, they should hasten their conjunction with the King of Navarre who expected them. On the other side, in the Council which was held at Nancy, the Duke of Guise proposed to hinder the passage of the Enemy, because, that being well informed of the division which was amongst them, he doubted not with those few Troops, which he had then with him, which notwithstanding were composed of well disciplined and experienced men, that he should find some opportunity of Defeating them in that narrow Dukedom, enclosed on all sides with mountains and Rivers, or at least that he should force them back into their own Country: and this was also adhered to by all the French who were then present. But the Duke of Lorraine, who by no means would consent to expose his State to the hazard of a Battle, and who after all that could be said, had rather his Dukedom should be ruinated than be lost; would absolutely have it, that without opposing the passage of that Army, one part of his Forces should be put into his Towns, whither the Countrypeople should retire, with all the provision they could carry; that the Ovens should every where be broken, the Mills pulled down, and the Forage destroyed; and that with the remaining part of his Forces, they should coast the Enemies, and constrain them, by the scarcity of all things and by harrassing them perpetually, to depart speedily from Lorraine, and pass into France, into which he was resolved he would not enter. And fearing lest the Duke of Guise, whose design and boldness he well knew, should engage his little Army, whether he would or not in some dangerous Battle, he determined to have the Command of it himself; and ordered it to be encamped betwixt the New Town, and a little Wood, which served for a Park to an House of his Highness', called the Male-Grange; watching his opportunity to employ it to his most advantage, according to the way which the Enemy should take. The Germans then having assembled in the plain of Strasburg almost all their Troops, and finding the passages free, by the retreat of those who should have guarded them, but were now recalled to Man their Towns, passed the Mountain near Sauerne, without other obstacle besides the trouble they had for three days space, in opening the ways which were encumbered with bodies of great Trees, laid across the passages. They were no sooner got over it, than the Duke of Guise, who lost no occasion of surprising the Reyters, towards whom he was advanced with the Vanguard, ordered the first Camisade to be given them, by the famous Colonel De Rone, who was afterwards made Marshal of the League, and the Baron of Swartzenbourg, who in the night attacked the Quarters of Colonel Bouck, who was undoubtedly the most able Officer they had. And being such he was not surprised, for the Guard he kept about his Lodgings was so watchful, that he had timely notice, and was got on Horseback when he was attacked; but he was so vigorously charged, that with all his brave resistance, he was not able to maintain the place from the Assailants; nor hinder them from taking one of his Colours, which the Duke of Lorraine sent immediately to the King: as by way of Advertisement that the Enemy was already in his Country, and that therefore it was time to Reinforce Monsieur de Guise with all the Troops which he had promised them. The next day which was the last of August, the Germans entering into Lorraine, immediately possessed themselves of Sarbourg, which a Lorraine Gentleman who was in it, with two Companies sufficient to defend it at least some little time, surrendered basely on sight only of their Forerunners without staying so much as to be invested. The like happened not to Blamont, which another young Gentleman of the same Country maintained so bravely, though the Enemy's Foot with their Cannon was lodged in the Fauxbourg, that having killed of them more than two hundred men in one Attacque, he forced them to dislodge with shame: And from thence they Marched to Luneville, before which they received a greater affront than was the former. In effect, the Baron d' Ossonville Colonel of the Lorraine Infantry, having taken upon him to defend so weak a Place, where he had hastily made some slight Fortifications, showed so much resolution grounded on the promise which the Duke of Guise had given to relieve him, that they durst not so much as once Attack the Town. In this manner these Foreigners, who acted rather like Robbers or Bandits than Soldiers, made it their only Business to waste the Country, Plundering, Sacking, and Massacring the very Women and Children, in revenge of the great wants they suffered, by being deprived of the means of their subsistence; all Provisions being locked up from them in the fortified places, in besieging of which they were unwilling to engage, for fear of losing too much time. That which gave the Duke of Lorraine the greatest trouble, was the fear he had, lest they should ransack his Town of St. Nicholas, which at that time wanted nothing but Walls, to be the fairest and the richest Bourg in Lorraine, excepting only Nancy, as it would be at this day, if the Imperialists, who boasted that they would restore the late Duke Charles to his Estates, had not finished its Destruction, by their feeble Succours, laying waste the Villages, and open Towns without Defence, and particularly that famous and sacred Bourg, which they had never violated as they did, when they reduced it almost into Ashes, if any spark of Religion, or Humanity had been remaining in their Hearts. I hope my Reader will pardon me for this short Digression, and give it to the just resentments which I have against those Barbarians; being, as I am, particularly interested, in the fortune of that miserable Town, which had never been ruined by the Croats and Germans, if a Duke of Guise had been its Champion, as he was on that occasion, which I am going to relate. For that gallant Prince, seeing the concernment of the Duke of Lorraine for it, and its Destruction seeming to be unavoidable, as lying open on all sides, took up his quarters there, and not contented barely to put himself in posture of defending it, he Sallied out of it more than once with great success, and fell into their Quarters, which he always carried. Insomuch that fearing to have to do with a man of so great Courage and Conduct, and withal so fortunate, who was resolved to perish, or preserve the place, which he had undertaken to Descend with the choice and flower of the whole Army; they durst not approach it, but instead of Marching along the Banks of the Meurte, upon which this Bourg is Situate, about two Leagues from their Quarters in the Nighbourhood of Luneville, they turned short upon the left hand towards the Moselle, which they passed near Bayon, to go from thence into the County of Vaudemont. Then, seeing there was nothing more to fear for the places which are beyond those two Rivers, they joined together all their Forces, and formed the body of an Army, with intention to coast the Enemies, to hinder them from sending out straggling Parties, and from laying waste the flat Country, according to their ordinary custom. This resolution being taken, The Duke of Guise who led the Vanguard, sent Monsieur de la Chastre Marshal of the Camp, to take up Quarters for the Army at Pont St. Vincent. But, because the Duke at this place performed one of the bravest Actions, which have ever been done in War, and which particularly made manifest his great Ability and strong Genius; I will take upon me to describe it in the most exact manner I am able, that the Beauty of it may be seen in all its circumstances. The River of Madon is somewhat Narrow, but exceeding Deep; it takes its source at the foot of the Mountains of Vauge, and runs from the South towards the North, and having received into its Bed, the little Rivers of Dompaire, Illon, Vittelle, Coulon, and Brenon, it waters the Town of Mirecour, and the Burroughs of Harove, Ormes, Buligny, Acraigne, Blainville, about ten Leagues distant from Nancy, and four above Toul. A little below this River thus increased, and on this side the Moselle stands Pont St. Vincent, a little City, or rather a great Burrough, Situate on the descent of a Hill, some part of it enclosed with weak Walls; the rest only fenced with a quickset Hedge, towards the foot of the Hill, spreading along by the sides of the Moselle; over which there was a Bridge; on the right hand it had the Madon, and the rib of a craggy Hill, planted with Vines, encompassed with strong Quicksets, and the top of it covered with over grown Woods, which extended even to the Neighbourhood of Toul, and was parted from the Madon by a Meadow, which is bounded by that River, and narrowed to a very little breadth. Here it was that the Catholic Army went to take up their Quarters, on the fifteenth of September; Monsieur de Guise arrived there at seven of the Clock in the Morning, and without staying for the gross of the Vanguard which followed him, accompanied only by the Sieurs de La Chastre, Bassompierre, de Dunes' Brother to Monsieur d' Entragues, and three or four besides them, riding on Nags, and all of them Unarmed as he was, went to observe some advantageous place, where he might Lodge his Vanguard, under Protection of the Madon, which he was certainly informed was not foordable in any part of it, since the Rains which had fallen for four or five days together without intermission. But not being able thereabout to find a Post which was suitable to his purpose, he advanced as far as the Quarters of his Light-Horse, who were Marched beyond the Vanguard, under the Conduct of Rone and the Baron of Swartzembourg, and were Quartered almost two Leagues beyond Pont St. Vincent, in the Burroughs of Acraigne and Buligny, where there were Stone-Bridges over the Madon. He found them there getting hastily on Horseback, pursuant to the advice which they had just received that the whole body of the Enemy, which Marched betwixt the two Rivers, was coming immediately to fall on them. Yet this hindered him not from passing the Madon, he the seventh man, and with the same Company, nor from advancing into the Plain to take a view of the Enemy. But he had not gone far, before he discovered their Forerunners, and two Cornets of Reyters, detached from the gross of their Army, who came thundering upon him, to enclose him. Upon this he turned his Horse, repassed the Bridge, and stayed on the far side of a Brook, upon a little Hill, where he ranged his light Horse, which were about four hundred to make head against the Enemy. The Reyters who had passed the Bridge of Buligny after them, and pursued them hotly, made an halt upon the Brook side, in expectation of their Army, which they believed to be much nearer, than in effect it was: and in the mean time the Duke of Guise, seeing they were not followed by greater Numbers, detached against them the Sieur de Rone, and de la Route, who drove them back and pursued them flying upon the Spur, a good space upon the Plain beyond the River. But the Reyters finding there three hundred French Horse, and about an hundred and twenty Dragoons, with three other Cornets of their Fellows, turned upon them in a full body vigorously, and drove back those two Troops of Light Horse, who endeavoured at a round Gallop to regain the Hill, where their Friends were drawn up in Battalia. Then it was, (upon the discovery which they made from their Hill, of the whole Army which was fileing over the Bridge,) that their danger was almost inevitable: To expect the Enemy, and stand their Ground, was to take a desperate resolution, of being all cut in pieces; for how was it possible for four hundred Horse, without Infantry and Cannon to make defence against an Army of five thousand men, who were ready to Attack them, with eighteen or twenty pieces of Artillery? To retire was altogether as impossible; for who knows not that a Retreat of two Leagues, before an Army of twelve thousand Horse, and in open day, can never be attempted without being exposed to extreme Danger, and constrained to change it, to a general Rout; the consequence of which is, that all must be either killed or taken. This being considered by La Chastre and Bassompierre, who were near the Duke, they earnestly desired him, to provide for his own safety, while they stopped the fury of the Enemy for some time, to procure him the means of retiring to the gross of their Army, leaving the rest to the disposition of Fortune, which sometimes finds out unexpected ways of safety, when all things are in appearance desperate. At which, the Duke looking upon them with a smiling and assured Countenance; No, no, Gentlemen (says he) I cannot on such terms abandon so many brave men, whom I myself have exposed to this present Danger. I have considered the greatness of it, in its full extent; but I think, that at the same time I have found an expedient to draw us out of it. The Counsel which you have given me, as believing it necessary for my safety, I command you to take for yourselves, and for us all▪ Go then, to give out Orders to the Army; draw them up in the narrow Passage, and upon the Hill which is Planted with Vines, without Pont St. Vincent, to receive me after I have made the Retreat, which I take upon myself to do; which I will perform, after the manner which I have already cast in my imagination, and which perhaps shall be as much without Danger, as it is without Example. After this, Rone, and La Route, having already without loss, rejoined the Body of Light Horse, he began to encourage his Soldiers, and that much less by his Words than by his Countenance, and that Majestic air, which animated all his actions, and inspired a part of his own Courage and assurance into the most fearful; for appearing at the Head of his little Troup, with his Sword in his hand, otherwise unarmed upon a Pad, and beholding his Soldiers and their Officers with a lively piercing eye, which when he pleased he could even dart into their Souls, and command them as he thought good, he spoke only a few words to his French, Italian and Germane Officers, to each in their own Language, and calling them by their Names, he assured them that he had invented an infallible way of preserving them, if they would follow his directions undauntedly, and take him for their Example. Those few words cheerfully pronounced by a Prince, who always performed more than he would promise, so much encouraged those four hundred men, that without farther reflection on the apparent danger of perishing, and the seeming impossibility of their escape, they looked disdainfully from their Hill, on that vast Army of the Germans, who having almost all of them already passed the Madon, at the Bridge of Buligny, Marched directly towards them in Battalia, not doubting but they should enclose them, and cut them all in pieces, if they had the confidence to expect them; or put them to the Rout, and totally defeat them, if they attempted to make their Retreat before them. Yet they stood at first in some suspense, when having passed the Brook which was betwixt them and the Hill, they beheld them yet standing firm, and appearing with a resolution of receiving them with their Swords in their hands. So uncommon a Spectacle stopped them a while to observe their countenance, as fearing perhaps that their great assurance proceeded from their being backed by the whole Army. But at length resuming Courage, and being ashamed that they had doubted one moment to Attack so inconsiderable a Party, they sounded a Charge without more delay. Seven Cornets of Reyters, having before them three hundred Frenchmen of Arms, Marched foremost and began to Mount the Hill at a round Trot against the Enemy; but the ascent was so rough, that their Horses, who were spurred to the Quick, grew out of breath, and constrained them to abate of their speed, and change their Trot into a Footpace. Then the Duke of Guise, takeing his opportunity to make his Retreat, according as he had modelled it in his Head, in such a manner as none before him had ever practised, Retreated a little farther off upon the Hill, so as to be out of sight of the Enemy; after which having made a half turn on the right hand, he turned short upon the left hand at the right of the Enemy, through a little Valley, which was betwixt them and the River. His March was out of View, under cover● of the Hills, which hid that Valley, as far as to a Ford which he had observed, though he had been informed that there was none: besides which there was a Mill, wherein he Lodged a dozen Arquebusiers, who were resolved to defend it to the utmost, and there he passed the Madon, from whence the Enemies were departed, in pursuit of him. On that side were only the Swissers, who Marched after the others to pass at the Bridge of Buligny, and who being Foot, could neither stop nor follow that Cavalry which had passed the River below the Bourg, and by that means had the advantage of them. So that turning Face, and descending on the left, along that little River, on the other side of which the Enemy was passed to Attack him, he continued to make his retreat towards the gross of the Catholic Army, which was drawing up in Battalia near Pont St. Vincent. In the mean time the Enemy having with much difficulty overcome the top of the Hill, where they thought to find the Duke of Guise, were strangely surprised to see him beyond the Water, retiring at his ease. Immediately they descended with much more speed than they had Mounted, and pursued him eagerly. But they were stopped so long by those twelve resolute Soldiers, who defended the Mill upon the Ford, at the expense of their Lives, which they sold at a dear rate, that before they could be forced, the Duke had the leisure, without mending his pace, to repass the River on this side, at another Ford which he had also observed adjoining to that narrow space, and that rib of the Hill planted with Vineyards, where the gross of his Army lay. In this manner that Prince, who had engaged himself too far in discovering the Enemy, found the means of saving his little Troup, and retiring in the Face of a great Army, not by turning his back as is the usual custom, but by going on their side, by a new invented Strategem, and placing the River twice successively betwixt himself and the Enemy. And what Crowned the glory of the whole action was, that putting himself at the Head of five or six hundred Horse, in that little Meadow which is at the foot of that rib of the Mountain, on which his Army was not wholly yet embattled, he defended the passage of the River and always repulsed the Reyters, who returned twice or thrice to the Charge, and did their uttermost to Force it; and that having left it free the next Morning, according to the resolution which had been taken in the Council of War, he made good the Retreat of his whole Army, without the loss of one single man. After both Armies had refreshed themselves for two or three days, the Germans who were always Coasted on the Right, and perpetually harassed by the Duke of Guise who led the Vanguard, having passed the Meuse near Neufchateau, entered France by the Principality of joinville, where they took their first Quarters at St. Vrbain. The Duke of Lorraine who had followed them as far as his own Frontiers, and had what he desired, when he had seen the Strangers out of his Estates, was resolved to go no farther, but retired into the Duchy of Bar, as did also the Marquis d' Haure with his Walloons, both of them saying that they could not enter into France without permission from the King. Thus the Duke of Guise was left to himself, with his own Troops, which amounted not to four thousand men; and nevertheless he undertook with an invincible Courage, and so small a Power, to pursue, to enfeeble and entirely to ruin that great Army, which was yet more increased in the Bassigny, by the conjunction of those Troops, which the brave Chastillon Son to the late Admiral brought out of Languedoc and Dauphine, after having traversed Lionnois and Burgundy with incredible difficulty. The Duke then undertook them all, being followed by Soldiers as indefatigable as himself, who believed there was nothing impossible for them to perform under his Conduct: and sometimes appearing at the head of the Enemy, sometimes at their Rear, then coa●●ing them, now on the right hand, and afterwards on the left, cutting them of● from Provisions, giving them continual Alarms, and har●●assing them Night and Day in a hundred several manners, he reduced them often to great extremities, particularly after he was reinforced by the Troops, which were brought him by Monsieur de Mayenne, by Chaligny, Elbeuf, and Brissac who joined him at Auxerre; his Forces then consisting of six thousand Foot and eighteen hundred Horse. With these inconveniences, besides those which the continual rain, the broken ways, their gluttony, and consequently sickness, made the Germans suffer, their Forces having passed the Saine near Chastillon, and the Yonne, at Mailly-la-Ville, they advanced about the middle of October, as far as the Banks of the River Loire, which they thought to have passed at La Charitè; where much to their amazement they found that place not only in a good condition of defence, but the King in person beyond it, with a powerful Army to dispute their passage, on what part soever they should attempt to force it. In effect, that Prince, according to the resolution which he had taken to hinder both the King of Navarre and the Duke of Guise from growing too strong, the first by joining the Army of the Reyters, and the second by their defeat, had given the Duke almost nothing of that Succour which he had promised him, either to stop or fight the Germans; and in the mean time had assembled a very considerable Army in the neighbourhood of Gien on the Loire, to oppose their passage. His Forces not being less than ten thousand French Foot, eight thousand Swissers, for the most part levied out of the Catholic Cantons, and eight thousand Horse, the one half French the other Germans. The Duke of Montpensier had also recruited him with the little body which he commanded apart; the Dukes of Nevers and of Espernon, the Marshals de Aumont and de Retz, and La Guiche, Grand Master of the Artillery, had each of them a Command in it, and held no very good intelligence together, unless in this one particular, that according to the King's express orders, they spoiled and made unpassable all the Fords from that of Pas de Fer near N●vers, as far as Gien, by laying across them huge bodies of Trees, and whatsoever else they could find, to encumber the feet of Men and Horses. This ill understanding amongst the Commanders, and the large Encomiums which rung in Paris of the Duke of Guise, on occasion of every small advantage which he gained upon the Enemy, and more than all, the murmuring, or rather the downright railing of the Leaguers, who maliciously accused the King of holding intelligence with the Navarrois, at the length produced this effect in him, that shaking off his fatal drowziness, and those soft pleasures of the Court, with much ado he came to his Army beyond the Gien about mid- October. Where he had no sooner set his foot, but he began on the sudden to revive, to appear the same brave Duke of Anjou, with the same Heroic soul, which inspired him with so much vigour when he commanded the Armies of the King his Brother in the fields of jarnac and Moncontour. Undoubtedly there can nothing be imagined more generous or more prudent than what he did on that occasion. He put himself at the Head of his Army; he gave out Orders in his own Person; and caused them to be executed with all manner of exactness; he reunited the minds of his Captains and Officers, taking care that every man should employ himself in his own duty, without interfering with the business of another. He shared with them the labours and fatigues of War; lying abroad in Tents, sleeping little, was first on Horseback, always in Arms, his Men in good order on the Bank of the River, appearing in a readiness to receive the Enemy wheresoever he should attempt his passage; and giving him to understand by sound of Trumpet and beat of Drum, that he desired nothing more than to give him Battle, if he should dare to seek it on the other side. This manner of proceeding put the Strangers into a terrible consternation: The French Huguenots who guided them, had made them to believe, before they entered into Lorraine, that they should have the Town of Charité, and the Bridge for friend. That if those should fail them, the Loire was foordable almost every where during the Month of October; that the King who kept a secret correspondence with the King of Navarre, to revenge himself of the League their common Enemy, either would join himself with them, or at least favour their passage, and that they should find the King of Navarre in a readiness on the far side of the River to receive them. In the mean time they found the quite contrary to all this: the Town of Charité against them, the King in Arms to combat them, and instead of the King of Navarre, only some Envoys from him, who without being able to ascertain them of any thing, barely promised them that he would suddenly be with them; or at least in his room a Prince of the Blood whom he would send to command them. This filled with complaints, murmurs, disorders and Sedition the whole Army, which was come down as far as Neuvy, without hope of being able to force the passage which the Royal Army in Battalia beyond the River continually defended. The Reyters, with loud clamours demanded the Money which had been promised them as soon as they should be entered into France: threatening to return into their own Country, in case they were not immediately satisfied. The Swissers were already harkening to the proposition which some of their Officers, who were gained by the King, had made to them of passing into his Army, where they had assurance given them of great advantages. The Lansquenets were ready to do as much; all things manifestly tended to revolt. And it was not without incredible pains, that the Baron of Dona, the Duke of Bovillon and the French Officers put an end to this Mutiny by promising to lead them into Beauce, a Country abounding in all sorts of Provisions, where they might refresh themselves at their own leisure, expecting there the Money and the Prince whom the King of Navarre would send to conduct them by Vandome to Monsoreau upon the Loire, where he waited to receive them with his Troops. Thus the Army dislodging from Neuvy, and turning their back to the Loire, took the Road toward Beauce, marching by little journeys all along the River of Loing, where they found good Quarters on the Estate of Monsieur de Chastillon, who spared for nothing to content the Germans. In the mean time the Duke of Guise, who lay betwixt that River and the Yonne, and had reassembled all his Forces near Charny, to observe from thence the motions of the Enemy, having received information that they were quartered on the twenty fourth of October in the neighbourhood of Chastillon, advanced as far as Courtenay, taking his march from thence towards the lower part of the River, thereby to put himself betwixt them and Paris, and to cover that great City, which lay open to them; so that five or six thousand Reyters detached from their Army, were capable of giving some terrible Alarm to the Citizens, by Plundering and Firing of their Suburbs. This occasioned the Parisians, to redouble their ardent affection to that Prince, regarding him at that time as their only Protector; and the Leaguers who omitted no opportunity of decrying the conduct of the King, made them believe, that he stopped short at Gien, on set purpose to abandon them to the fury of the Reyters, who without this interposition of the Duke of Guise had ransacked all things to their very Gates. But this was the least part of their design; for they intended nothing more than to pass on the left hand, through a Country more open and more easy, betwixt the Forest of Orleans and Montargis, and to enter as fast as they were able into the Plains of Beauce. For which reason, as soon as he had discovered by his Spies that their Quarters were taken up for the twenty sixth of October, spreading two Leagues about Montargis, on the left side of the River, he ordered the Sieur de la Chastre, to depart about midnight with the Light Horse; who arriving at Montargiss at seven of the Clock in the Morning, on the same day, (being the twenty sixth) caused the Gates of the Town immediately to be shut, that no advice might be given to the Enemies; and the Duke of Guise came thither about noon with one half of the Army, the other half not being able to come up till the evening. As he sat at Table supping with the Princes who accompanied him, one of his best Officers who had been sent to take a view of the Enemy, returned to make his report, saying, that he had seen seven or eight Cornets of the Reyters, who took up their Quarters with their General at Vimory, a Burrow almost half a League in compass, a League and half above Montargis, and situate not far from the River, which it had on the right hand. His intelligence was true; but he knew not that fourteen other Cornets of them which arrived afterwards were lodged in the same place; that the French were Quartered but half a League beyond the Ladon, and the Lansquenets and Swissers in two other Villages, which were but the distance of a League from them. The Duke after he had considered for some time what was to be done on this report, believed that those Quarters at Vimory might easily be carried in the Night, that the others wheresoever they might be, hearing the Alarm, and at the same time fearing to be attacked themselves, would think rather how to secure themselves in their own Post, and stay for daylight, than to march in the dark to the succour of their Fellows: that after he had defeated the Reyters, in the next place he might attack the rest, and put their whole Army to a rout; and in conclusion if he should miss his blow, he had secured himself a retreat in the Burrow of Montargis. Thus resolved, and rising briskly from the Table, before he had done Supper, he gave command that they should sound to Horse, and that every one should be in readiness to march an hour after at the farthest: The Duke of Mayenne not a little surprised at the sudden orders, asked him whither he was going? he coolly answered him, to fight the Enemy. And after having in few words satisfied them of the reasonableness of his undertaking, he added, that if any man thought the attempt too hazardous, he had free leave to stay behind at Montargis: It may very probably succeed said the Duke of Mayenne, and we will all follow you, yet we are a little too hot upon the execution of it, and it would not do amiss to weigh the business somewhat better. Understand, Brother, replied the Guise, raising his Voice beyond the ordinary tone, that I should not come to a resolution of any thing in all my life, which I could not resolve on at a quarter of an hours thinking. On this he Armed and mounted on Horseback, finding all his Men in readiness to follow him, full of gaiety in their faces, and not doubting in the least of Victory under his Command against all imaginable odds of number. So important a thing it is in War for Soldiers to have confidence in their Captain, that they believe his fortune, his valour, and his capacity in Military affairs, will always answer for the good success of whatsoever he undertakes. All the Orders being given, the Infantry which was in the Suburbs, was caused to pass through the body of the Town, an hour before the shutting in of the Evening; and drawn up in Battalia, half a League beyond it. It was divided into three Battalions, each of them consisting of a thousand men. Captain St. Paul commanded that on the right hand; joannes had the left, with his Regiment which formed the second; Cheuriers and Pontsenac were in the middle, at the head of the third; the remainder was left at the entry of the Bridge, and in the Town, in order to the favouring of their retreat. The Duke of Guise who had waited till eight of the clock, for seven or eight hundred Horse of his Army, which were not yet arrived from Courtenay, distant seven long Leagues from Montargis, was resolved notwithstanding to go on, and advancing the gross of his Cavalry before his Foot, he Marshaled it in four Squadrons. Monsieur de Mayenne led the first, of three hundred Horse at the head of the Army: he was sustained by Monsieur de Elbeuf with his, of two hundred Men at Arms. The Duke of Guise placed himself on the left hand, and Monsieur d' Aumale on the right of the Infantry having each of them three hundred Horse. In this Order this little Army marched directly on to Vimory through a long Plain, and in a night so dark that one man could not discern another. Notwithstanding which they kept on their way, till the Guides having advertised Monsieur de Mayenne that they were just upon Vimory, he sent before him four Cavaliers, who found neither Sentinel set, nor Guard advanced, nor Barrs at the entry of the Town, but the passage wholly free. For which reason, drawing off a little on the left hand, as did also Monsieur de Elbeuf on the right to make way for the Foot, Monsieur de Guise having given the signal to the Infantry, the three Battalions entered one after another into the great Street of Vimory, where the Baggage of the Reyters lay. And immediately having dispatched the first they met, before they could so much as ask the Word, they entered the Houses on both sides the Street, killing all the Germans whom they found: some of them at their Supper, some in bed, and setting on fire the Granaries and Cellars to consume those who absconded in them. This Execution lasted for half an hour, during which they still went forward, firing the Houses as they passed along, which being at some distance from each other, could not spread the flames either so fast, or so far as they desired. And in the mean time the Soldiers tempted with the sight of the Reyters Wagons, instead of staying to plunder till they had completed the victory, as their duty is on the like occasions, fell upon the Baggage in a hurry, and loaded themselves with the richest part of the booty. This gave leisure to the Baron of Dona, who was lodged at the farther end of the Town, to get on Horseback and rally six or seven Cornets, with which he made show of advancing against the Foot, who seeing him coming on, made ready to receive him, and forsook their plunder; at the same time calling out to their Horse to enter and sustain them. This their Outcry caused two contrary effects, which occasioned two great skirmishes, for on the one side the Baron fearing if he passed forward in the great Street, through the Flames and Wagons with which it was encumbered, that he should expose himself without defence to the Shot of the Infantry, turned on the right hand to another Street adjoining on the Plain; on the other side the Duke of Mayenne, who had taken on the left hand out of the Burrow, coasting the Foot, having heard their cry, advanced precipitately before his Squadron, who presently lost sight of him in the dark, and followed only by threescore Men of Arms, put on at a gallop to the succour of the Foot, through the same Street, at the entry of which he rancountered the Baron with his gross of Reyters, which charged him with extreme fury. Never was there seen a Combat more unequal or more sharp. The Baron, who was exceeding brave, discerning this Cavalry, whose number he could not distinguish in the dark, road up to him who was mounted on the white Horse at the head of those Cavaliers, and fired his Pistol as he thought at the sight of his Helmet; but it carried no higher than the Chin-piece. 'Twas the Duke of Mayenne, who at the same time struck with his full force upon his head, and swept off a good cantle of the skin; after which both the one and the other pursuing his point, the Baron with his second Pistol killed Rovuroy who bore the Duke's colours, and pulled them from him; and the Duke well seconded by those few brave men who accompanied him, at last broke through this gross of seven Cornets, having lost seventeen Gentlemen in the fight which cost the lives of fourscore Reyters. After this there happening a great Storm which separated the Combatants, the rest of the Reyters being now gotten on Horseback, and there being some danger, lest the other Quarters which had already taken the Alarm should fall upon them before day, the Duke of Guise ordered them to sound the retreat. He made it very fortunately to Montargis, in the same order, in which he came; and brought back his Soldiers enriched with the booty which they had taken from the Reyters, who lost in this occasion near a thousand Men betwixt Soldiers and Servants, a considerable part of their Baggage, and above twelve hundred Horses, on which twelve hundred Foot were mounted in their return to Montargis: and what most mortified the Baron, two Camels which he had designed to present the King of Navarre; and the Kettle Drums that are carried before the General as a mark of Honour, the loss of which is accounted to be more shameful, than that of his own Standard. Though this Victory was not very great, yet it drew after it important consequences: and made way by the dangerous effects which it had, to the total ruin of their Army. The Reyters who had lost the better half of their Baggage, mutined afresh, demanding their Pay, and threatening to retire in case they were not satisfied, which was not possibly to be done. The Swissers sent their Deputies to the King, to negotiate their return; and the matter went so far that the Duke of Espernon, who led the Vanguard of the Royal Army, concluded the Treaty with them: by which the King was obliged to pay them four hundred thousand Crowns, and to grant them a free passage into their own Country. The Lansquenets, whom the fatigues of so tedious a march had reduced to a very ill condition, were also thinking of some means to obtain the liberty of going home. The Baron of Dona decried on all sides for his extreme neglect in not providing for the security of his Quarters, had wholly lost his authority amongst them; and the French who conducted them being continually reproached with the unfaithfulness of their promises, were ashamed to show their heads. But at last, the certain news of the great Victory obtained by the King of Navarre, and the hope which consequently they had, that he would speedily appear, with his victorious Army, together with the arrival of the Prince of Conty, whom he sent before to command them in his place, till he should himself come up, restored their courage, and caused a general rejoicing in the whole Army. And because the King's Forces were gone to encamp at Bonneval, to cut off their way, and hinder them from descending lower by the Country of Vandome, towards the Loire, they took a resolution to change their Road, and to march upwards towards the source of that River, according to the King of Navarre's request. But seeing they were at that time in good Quarters, in the heart of Beauce, and neighbourhood of Chartres, they deferred for some days the departure of the Army. And that gave opportunity to the Duke of Guise, to accomplish at last with so much glory the execution of his design, by the famous defeat of the Reyters at Auneau, which was immediately succeeded by the total rout of that formidable Army. That Prince, who some few days after the Combat of Vimory had retired to Montereau-faut-●onne, as if he had turned his back upon the Germans, who at the same time entered into Beauce, and without caring what constructions might be made of his retreat, which raised a very odd report concerning him, there refreshed his Men, for ten or twelve days together; and dismissed from thence the Dukes of Mayenne and Aumale with all their Troops, into their several Governments of Burgundy and Picardy, against which he imagined the Enemies of his House had some design: After which, though he had remaining in his little Army no more than twelve hundred Horse, and betwixt three and four thousand Foot, he put himself according to his custom in pursuit of the Enemy, who marched exceeding slowly, and ceased not from harassing them, till, (before he came up with the Army of the King, who pressed him extremely to a conjunction,) he found an occasion of performing what he had so long time purposed, to carry their head Quarters, by making himself master of the place which furnished them with victuals. For he nothing doubted but the loss of that would be the total ruin of their Army; which action he performed in the manner which I am going to relate briefly. Being arrived at Estampes on the eighteenth of November, after having for some days coasted the Enemy on the right, the next Morning he sent the Sieur de la Chastre with seven or eight hundred Horse to Dourdan; from whence, the Sieur de Vins, who commanded the Light Horse, was detached to make discovery of their Quarters. This he performed with great exactness, and after some petty skirmishes wherein he had the advantage, he understood from some Prisoners which he had taken, that they were Quartered at large in five or six great Villages, two or three Leagues beyond Chartres, round Auneau, which was the quarter of the Reyters. Auneau is a great Burrough Town, or little City, enclosed only with Walls of six or seven foot high, without Ditches any way considerable, or Draw-bridges at the Gates, like the other Burroughs of La Beauce: On the side of this Town is a Marsh, and a broad Lake, from which there issues a River whose banks are planted with Osiers and other Trees that flourish in a moist soil: 'tis indifferently deep, and not easy to be passed unless by the Mills and Villages which were possessed by the Enemy for more than two Leagues below the River, which mixing with the Lorray empties itself into the Ewer, near Maintenon; at one end of the Lake there is a Causey, which after having crossed the Marsh, is terminated at a little Wood and a Warren, right overagainst the Gate of the Castle which commands the Town. The Castle itself is fair, large, and of strength sufficient to defend itself from Storming, having in it a great Base Court, large enough to draw up the Garrison in Battalia there; and which is separated from the Houses of the Town by an open place; so that no approaches can be made without being discovered. As soon as the Baron of Dona was lodged in the Burrow into which he entered without resistance, the Reyters greedy after pillage, failed not to come on as far as the Gate of the Base Court belonging to the Castle; into which the Inhabitants had hastily removed the best of their Goods, and a great number of their Cattle, which these Germans were desirous to get into their possession. But they were repulsed with volleys of Musket Shot, which laid three or four of them upon the ground. On this the Baron dispatched a Trumpet to the Captain of the Castle with a threatening message, that he would set fire on all things in his way, and beat the Castle about his ears with Artillery, for which he would immediately send, in case he desisted not from Shooting. But the Captain who was a Gascon, and held the Castle for the King, answered with a Bravade, after the manner of his Countrymen; and let the Baron know by his Trumpet, that he feared neither him nor his Artillery; and that if his people made any more so near approaches to the Castle, he would spare neither for Powder nor Ball to set them going as he had done before. This was all the Parley that was betwixt them, without any manner of engagement on the Gascon's part, (though some have otherwise reported) that he would attempt nothing against those troublesome Guests, who were lodged in his Town against his will. Accordingly to secure their lives against a man of the Captain's humour, the Reyters barricadoed themselves, and set strong Guards at the Avenues, from whence there is a passage into the two great Streets which make the length of the Burrow. After which believing themselves to be now in safety, they took their ease with profound security, for seven or eight days together, during which the season of new Wines being just come in, and the Vintage of that year exceeding plentiful, they fell to ply the Bottle, and to celebrate the King of Navarre's Victory, and the Prince of Conty's arrival, with all sorts of merriments, and particularly with drunkenness, toping after their Country fashion, night and day to the good health of the two Princes. In the mean time the Duke of Guise, whose head was perpetually working how he might surprise them, having received the Plan of their Quarters from the Sieur de Vins, who had been there in person to take the View, resolved to attaque them in Auneau. To this effect he negotiated so dextrously with the Captain of the Castle, that after many difficulties, which were surmounted by the large promises, and great liberality of that Prince, who after the example of Alexander gave all away, and reserved nothing to himself but only the hope of accomplishing his enterprises, the Gascon, who had no quarrel to a Bag of Money, came at last to a conclusion with him upon that point in the World, in which a wary Governor ought to be most nice; for he agreed to receive his Troops into the Castle, through which they might enter into the Town. He had advanced from Estampes as far as Dourdan on Friday the twentieth of November, when he received this comfortable assurance; and as his little Army was on its march, on the morrow in order to the execution of his enterprise, he was informed that the Enemies had discovered it by taking a Peasant who was bringing him a Letter from the Governor. This undoubtedly was capable of Making him desist from farther prosecution of it; and all his Captains so advised him. But he only deferred it for two days, till he was assured that the Reyters were no longer on their Guard, and that they still continued their Debauches, notwithstanding, that by an Ambuscade he had cut off an hundred, or six score of the bravest men in their whole Army; amongst whom, besides thirty five Gentlemen of the best Houses in Germany, were found slain a Count of Mansfield, and one allied to him, who was Nephew to the Archbishop of Cologne Gebbard Truchses, the same person who, misled by a blind affection, preferred the enjoyment of the fair Chanoiness Agnes de Mansfield to his Electorat and his Religion, which he renounced, to gain the liberty of Marrying her. The Duke being then resolved to carry on his Enterprise, though it was objected to him, that in all probability the Enemy would not have lingered out the time so long at Auneau, and the adjacent places, but out of design to draw him into the Plain, over which he must pass of necessity before he could reach the Town; gave Order on Monday Night, that all should be in readiness to March on Tuesday the four and twentieth of November, which was precisely the day that the Germans had pitched upon, for their return towards the Source of the River Loire. Yet on this occasion he relied not so much on his good Fortune, as not to take all manner of precautions, and particularly neglected not that of Piety, for before he departed out of Dourdan on his March, he did his Devotions publicly at the Church; where he implored the assistance of the Lord of Hosts, for the happy success of his undertaking. And yet farther, he left his Almoner with the Clergy, to continue all Night their Prayers before the Holy Sacrament, which was exposed; and by an extravagant Sally of Piety, did an action, no ways to be imitated, yet excusable in a Prince, who acted sincerely, and Cavalier-like on this occasion, in which he was so far from perceiving the least shadow of ill, that on the contrary, without searching deep into the matter, he believed it acceptable to God. For he ordained of his own Authority, that every Priest that Night should Celebrate three Masses, as the custom is to do before Christmas-Day. And those well meaning men who understood not so much in those times as we do in ours, obeyed him Simply, Devoutly, and without scruple: And it may charitably be believed that God who heard their Prayers and accepted their Sacrifice, as the event sufficiently shows, was not offended at what they did out of their simplicity and without reflection. The Duke forearmed in this manner, came up at seven of the Clock in the Evening, to the Rendesvouz, which he had given to his Troops, on the far side of the Wood of Dourdan, in an open plain, where according to his Orders, Monsieur de la Chastre, Marshal of the Field, had drawn them up in Battalia. The Sieur de Vins, with three hundred Light Horse, was at the Head of this little Army. The Sieur de la Chastre followed him, with his Squadron of more than two hundred Men at Arms: and the Dukes of Guise and of Elbeuf sustained them on the right and the left with their two Squadrons, consisting each of them, of about three hundred Horse. The Infantry divided into four Battalions under the Colonels, joannes, Pontsenac, Bourg, and Gié, was ranged on the right hand of the Cavalry, which covered it from the Enemy, who could not possibly approach them, but on the left hand in a large Plain, where there was neither Tree nor Bush, nor Hedge for their defence. They Marched in this order during almost all the Night, which was so extremely dark, that wand'ring about from time to time, they arrived not till four in the Morning within a Mile of Auneau, in a Valley at one end of the Causey, which led them to the Postern Gate of the Castle, just bordering upon the Warren, till La Chastre who advanced before the rest, came back and reported that he had heard the Trumpets of the Enemy. The reason of it was, that the Army was that day preparing to remove their Quarters, but there was some reason to apprehend, that they had had intelligence of the Duke's March. For this cause, that Prince who was advanced too far to retire, and who was absolutely bend to Attack the Germans, whether they were advertised or not, and to prevent them, made his Infantry pass the Causey in File, and himself led them, without the least notice taken by the Enemy, to the Postern Gate which was opened to him, and which his Men entered, as before in File: cheerfully exhorting the Soldiers and Officers to do well, and to make themselves Masters of the rich Booty which was waiting for them, meaning the Baggage of the Reyters. After this retiring to his Cavalry, which attending his return had made a halt at the end of the Marsh; he went to dispose his four Squadrons in the Plain round about the Burrow, to receive, and cut in pieces those who should bolt for their safety into the Fields. In the mean time, Captain St. Paul, having left in the Castle as many men as he thought sufficient to secure his retreat, if he were driven to it, was descended into the Base Court, where he gave out his Orders for the Attacque in this following manner. Himself took on the left hand, at the Head of five or six hundred Arquebusiers, to charge into the great Street, where the Baron of Dona lay: He placed on the right hand five hundred more of the Regiment of Pontsenac, Commanded by their Colonel, to enter the Burrow by the other Street. He ordered four hundred to stand in Battalia in the Base Court, to sustain and to relieve the first, and Commanded before him three or four hundred with the Forelorn Hope to make the Van: leaving Orders with those who stayed behind, that as soon as the Attacque was begun, they should slip betwixt the Walls and the Houses, to seize the Gates, where there were neither Guard nor Sentry; so little had the Baron profited by that Lesson which he had taken out at Vimory, where he had been surprised by the like negligence. Things being disposed in this manner, and the great Gate of the Base Court opened, by removing of the Earth about it, the Forelorn Hope put themselves into the Van, just at the break of day, in that space which is betwixt the Castle and the Town, where they found about fifty Horsemen of the Enemy, appointed for the Guard of the Barricades, who running together at the Noise which was made, received them so warmly, and repulsed them with so much vigour, that being affrighted to see themselves without Cavalry to support them, they retreated as far as the Gate. But Captain St. Paul coming up at that point of time, and the rest following him, pushed them forward upon the Enemy, crying out as loud as he could, to those who were remaining in the Base Court, that they should Fire without mercy, on all those who gave back one foot of Ground. But that which had more effect on those frighted Soldiers than this terrible Command, or than the inevitable danger of present Death, in case they recoiled, was the example of that Brave Captain and all his Officers, who detaching themselves from their several Companies, came up to the Front against the Enemy. For after having repulsed those Horsement, who were soon dismounted and killed, by the Volleys of shot, which were poured in upon them furiously by the Soldiers who followed their Officers, those Gallant men gave on with so much courage against the Barricades, that having forced, broken and overturned them in a moment, and slain the Guards who were to maintain them, the whole body of Infantry spread themselves like an impetuous torrent on both sides of the Streets, and without stopping at the Pillage, as they had done before at Vimory, they killed all within distance of their shot, pelting down the poor Germans, as they came dropping out of their Quarters half asleep, staggering with Drunkenness, and half Naked; some with their Pistols in their hands, and some only with their Swords, not able to get within reach of their Enemies, who having all manner of advantage over them, destroyed them at their ease, and without sharing any part of the danger with them. Those of them who were already got on Horseback to depart, being without possibility of drawing up into a Squadron, or marching orderly against the Enemy, in those Streets encumbered with so many Carriages all harnessed, were slain the more easily, because they stood like so many Marks to the Mus●●●etiers, from whose shot they had no means of shelter. And this encumberment, so fatal to them, served the Catholics instead of a Rampart, from whence they fired upon them without danger, and almost without losing one single shot. In the desperate condition to which these Reyters were reduced, they could find but one remedy to find covert from this raging Tempest, which they saw come pouring on their Heads, which was as speedily as they could, to gain the Gates, that afterwards they might either rally in the Fields, or save themselves in their other Quarters. But running thither tumultuously in a crowd, they found them to be already seized by the Soldiers of joannes, who drove them back, by firing continually upon them with their Muskets: So that some of them, unable to do any thing more, for their own safety, suffered themselves to be miserably cut in pieces, others returning from whence they came, threw themselves into the thickest of their pursuers, that they might at least have the sad comfort, of dying Honourably like Soldiers with their Weapons in their hands. Some of them were hidden in their Lodgings, from whence the fire made them bolt half roasted, and fell into the hands of those, who thought it a deed of charity to dispatch them out of their pain, considering the condition in which they saw them. Some there were also, who sliding down from the Walls, thought to preserve themselves by running cross the Fields and Marshes, but the Cavalry soon overtook them, and cut them all in pieces. In conclusion, of all who were Quartered in that Burrow, I find there was only the Baron of Dona, with ten or twelve in his Company who escaped; whether by means of some House adjoining to the Wall, and thence by some little paths which he found in the Marsh, or at the beginning of the Alarm, through one of the Gates, which the Soldiers of joannes had not yet shut up. The rest were either killed or taken, when, after the heat of that bloody Execution was over, which lasted but for half an hour, there was no more resistance made. In this manner was the defeat of the Reyters at Auneau, where, without the loss of one single man to the Conquerors, there were about three thousand Germans killed upon the place, and five hundred Prisoners made, without reckoning into the number one of their Companies, which running from the Neighbouring Quarters to the succour of their Fellows, surrendered themselves cowardly without defence, as soon as they were charged in the open Field. Bosides the Cornet of the General, there were taken nine or ten other Colours, which the Duke of Guise sent away immediately to the King. All the Baggage and Carriages loaded, and ready harnessed for their March, their Arms, their Plate, the Gold Chains of their Officers, and the rest of the Booty remained to the Victor's; and the Infantry now exalted into Cavalry, mounted on the Horses which they found Bridled and Saddled to their hands, with Pistols in their Holsters returned as it were in triumph to Estampes, whither also the Duke of Guise came immediately upon his Victory, which was attended with all those happy consequences he had foreseen. For there fell so great a consternation into that shattered Army, which after the defeat had rallied within a League of Auneau, that the poor Baron of Dona, whatsoever reasons he alleged to fortify his opinion, could never induce the Heads of it to go immediately and invest the Catholics, who dreaming on nothing but the Pillage, might easily be surprised, encompassed, and consequently defeated, and all taken or killed, in that hurry of disorder. But far from harkening to any such advice, the Swissers throughly frightened by this second misfortune, much greater than the first, extremely weakened, and their numbers wasted by the Fatigues of a three months' March, separated themselves from the body of the Army, and after having accepted of the conditions which the King had granted them, put themselves on the way of returning into their own Country. Those few Reyters which were yet remaining in that Army, and the Lansquenets reduced to a pitiful condition, followed their example within four or five days afterwards. They found themselves on the one side, pursued by the Vanguard of the King's Army, under the conduct of the Duke of Espernon, and on the other by the Duke of Guise; whom the Marquis du Pont had reinforced with three or four thousand Italian Horse, which the Duke of Lorraine had given order to levy at the beginning of the War. They had been informed that the Sieur de Mandelot, Governor of Lions, was come out with five or six thousand men to cut off their passage; and they were reduced after the defeat of Auneau, by frequent desertions, by sickness, and by the toils of their long Marches, to a very inconsiderable number, without Victuals, Ammunition and Baggage, and almost without Arms, and hopeless of escaping from the midst of so many enemies by whom they were on every side encompassed. Thus the last necessity forced them in conclusion to accept of the Treaty which by permission from the King was still offered them by the Duke of Espernon, to hinder the Duke of Guise whom he loved not, from the Glory of having entirely defeated so great a multitude of Foreigners. The Conditions were, that the Lansquenets should deliver up their Colours; that the Reyters should carry away theirs, but furled up and put in their Portmanteaus. That the French Protestants should be repossessed of their Estates, but that they should depart the Realm, in case they returned not into the Church; That both the one and the other should promise never to bear Arms against the Service of the King, and that his Majesty would give them both an ample safe Conduct and a Convoy, to pass in safety through his Dominions, and to his Frontiers, from thence every man to dispose of himself according to his own liking. The French in that Army used their utmost endeavours to hinder the Germans from accepting such shameful conditions, promising to lead them without hazard to the King of Navarre's Army. But perceiving that the Strangers, far from listening to their had designed to detain them as Hostages, to secure their pay, which had been so often promised without effect, they shifted every man for himself as secretly as he could, and took different ways to avoid pursuit. The Prince of Conty with fourteen or fifteen Gentlemen, struck out of the common Roads into by passages, and retired without being discovered to an Estate of his in the Country of maine. The Duke of Bovillon took upon the right hand, and after having crossed through Lionois and la Bresse with incredible pains, avoiding continually the Highways, came at last to Geneva, where not long after he Died, being worn out with the Toils he had undergone: in the same manner his Brother the Count de la Mark was already Dead, during their March at Ancy-le-Franc in Senonois. The rest of the Captains retired also, slenderly attended and with great hazard and trouble, into other parts. There was only the brave Chastillon, who with about an hundred and twenty Horsemen, resolved to run his Fortune, and abandoning themselves to his Conduct, pierced with great resolution favoured by Fortune quite through the Troops of Mandelot, and all the Country of Lionois, Forest, and Velay, from whence they came pouring upon him on all sides, at the sound of the Larun Bell, which they rung in all the Towns, Burroughts and Villages, and arrived at last without much loss into Vivarez, where he had strong Places, and from thence into Languedoc. As for the Lansquenets and Reyters, after their Treaty concluded and signed, they were splendidly treated at Marsigny by the Duke of Espernon, who gave them a Convoy of some Troops of men at Arms, and Companies of Foot, to secure them as far as beyond the Saone, which they were ordered to pass at Mascon. Yet all this prevented not the loss of a great part of these miserable Germans, who falling Sick, or staying behind the rest out of weakness, or being at too great a distance from their Convoy, and scatteringly Quartered, had their throats Cut, and were knocked on the Head without resistance and without mercy, by the Peasants in revenge of so many horrible insolences which those Strangers had committed in France. In this pitiful condition it was that the Baron of Dona, and Colonel Boucq, who were the only survivours amongst the head Officers of this ruin'd Army, being arrived on the frontiers of Savoy, implored the mercy of that Duke; who that he might lay an obligation on the Germane Princes, gave them passage through his Estates, from whence retiring through Switzerland they got into Germany. The surprise was incredible to behold so great a desolation, and so miserable a remnant of the greatest and most flourishing Army, which at any time had been sent out of that Country to the succour of the Huguenots into France. For, in fine, of twenty thousand Swissers, nine or ten thousand Lansquenets, and eight thousand Reyters, which were levied for their assistance, there returned only four thousand, betwixt Masters and Servants, of whom the greatest part contemned and whooted at by their own Countrymen, survived not their misfortunes any long time after; but died as much of shame and sorrow, as of the diseases which they had contracted by so many hardships which they had undergone, in so long and so unfortunate an expedition. The Duke of Guise, and the Marquis du Pont, who after the departure of these wretches out of France, had followed them almost as far as Geneva, understanding by Letters from the Duke of Savoy, that he had taken them into his Protection, abandoned them to their ill fortune, which persecuted them worse than even their Enemies could have wished. After which, in order to refresh their Troops, which excepting only the Italians last arrived, had extremely suffered during four Months, in which they followed and continually harras'd the Protestant Army, they put them into Quarters, in the small territory of the Count of Montbelliard, one of the principal Authors of this Expedition, who had instigated the Reyters to take Arms. There it was that the Soldiers, to whom too much licence was permitted, revenged themselves without mercy (by all manner of Excess, Rapine and Cruelty, Plundering, Burning, Massacring and Spoiling,) of all those mischiefs which the Germans, whose example they ought not to have followed had caused the Lorrainers to suffer. This great Victory obtained against so powerful an Army, without costing almost any thing, was certainly most Glorious, but withal most fatal and unfortunate to France; through the extreme malice, and insupportable insolence of the Leaguers, who took advantage from thence, to raise their Idol to the Skies; at the same time, infinitely debasing him who was God's Lieutenant, and his living Image in France, by the indelible character of Royalty. The whole City of Paris echoed from side to side, with loud acclamations of the Duke of Guise: In private Families, in public places, in the Palace, and in the Schools of the University, in the Churches, and Pulpits of the Preachers, they discoursed of nothing but the defeat of the Reyters, and that too as of a Miracle, which they wholly and solely attributed to him; comparing him to Moses, and Gideon, and David the destroyer of the Philistines, and in short, to every Hero of the Scriptures. And in the mean time, far from commending as they ought in duty, what the King had performed with so much Conduct and Valour, in hindering the Germans from passing the Loire, they went on with dreadful malice, to charge him with horrible calumnies, and that with so much the more insolence, as he had testified remissness and pusillanimity, when it was his duty to have inflicted severe punishments on those abominable Villains, who three or four months before, had the impudence to publish and to justify them with a high hand in Paris. For Prevost the Curate of St. Severin, one of the most Seditious and most impudent fellows of the Age, having dared to say in one of his Sermons, that the King (whom he accused after the example of the Sixteen, to have called in the Reyters on purpose to destroy the Catholics,) was a Tyrant, and an enemy of God, and of his Church; Bussy, le Clerc, and Cruse placed themselves in Arms, about the passages of the Parish, to secure the Curate from being apprehended, and put in Custody. At the same time, the Curate of St. Bennet, john Boucher, the most violent of all the Leaguers, having caused the Alarm-Bell to be rung in his Church, all the rabble who came running in, from about the University, with Arms in their hands to their assistance, fell upon the Commissaries, the Sergeants and the Archers, whom the Lieutenant Civil, and the Lieutenant of the Grand Provost had brought to seize them, and drove them back, well loaded with ill Language and with knocks, beyond the Bridges. And then as if they had achieved some glorious Victory, in pitched Battle against the King himself, (who instead of Marching his Regiment of Guards, to have laid hold on the Mutineers at the beginning of the Tumult, was weak enough to restrain and conceal his just indignation, so far as even to flatter and cajole them,) the Sixteen in sign of Triumph after so famous an exploit, ordained that this day which was the third of September, should henceforth be called the happy day of St. Severin. Now as they were become more insolent through the impunity of so great a crime, and by the defeat of the Reyters, their Preachers animated with the Spirit of Rebellion, made it their business to inspire it more furiously than ever into the people, shamelessly affirming in their public Sermons, that the King, who had invited the Reyters into France, being now grown desperate to see his design ruined, by the Victories which the Duke of Guise had obtained over them, had hindered the great Defender of their Religion from cutting in pieces the remainder of those Heretics, that the Duke of Espernon, their known Patron and Protector, had snatched them out of his hands by order from his Master, and by a Treaty which he had made with them, to afford them the means of putting themselves in a condition of returning once more into France. And the business went so far, that the Spirit of Revolt, (which those Guides of Consciences, those Confessors and Preachers ought to combat with all their force, as being directly opposite to the Gospel, which teaches nothing but Obedience and Submission to lawful Powers,) was not only inspired into the people in private discourses, in confessions and in Sermons, but also in some manner authorised by the Sorbonne. I believe not that I can be taxed with any want of respect to that venerable Body, because when occasion has been given me, which has happened more than once, in divers of my Works, I have not been wanting in those due commendations, which the truth itself, to which I am entirely devoted, has drawn from my Pen: But by the same obligation which indispensibly binds me to the truth, I must say that in so numerous a Company, of young and old Doctors mixed together, 'tis impossible but that there should be formed in troublesome conjunctures, by the unhappiness of times, some Factions derived from certain mutinous and extravagant persons who deviate from the principles and practices of the more prudent. And as we have beheld in our own days a party, which, in relation to a Book that was condemned, was overcome by the greater number of Orthodox Doctors, who now prevalent; so, during the League, which had poisoned the minds of most in Paris, there was one which carried it by their Cabal over the more sound and better Divines; who sighed at the deplorable blindness of their Brotherhood, as shall be seen in the sequel of this History. On the Subject of those Calumnies, which the Preachers of the League and the Sixteen daily published, as so many indisputable truths, that faction of corrupt Doctors being then assembled on the sixteenth of December, made a decree, in which it was declared lawful for Subjects to take away the Government from a Prince, who acted not for the good of Religion and of the State; in the same manner as the administration of goods should be taken from the Guardian of a Ward, who might reasonably be suspected to abuse his trust. This was doubtless no other than to decide, on a most important Subject, a case of Conscience from the false and pernicious principles of Morals, the most corrupt that ever were. Accordingly the King, who after having expelled the Strangers out of France, made his entry into Paris in Arms, was exrtemely surprised, at the furious insolence, and unbounded licence which was taken to decry his conduct in their Sermons, and to stir up the people to Sedition. But instead of resenting it like a Severaign Prince, by punishing that attempt, and making a terrible example of its Authors, (who well deserved it for that detestable Doctrine, which tends to the subversion of all Monarchy,) he satisfied himself with acting like a Censor, or to speak more properly like a Ghostly Father, and a Guide of Consciences. For all the punishment which he inflicted, for such an ungodly and detestable an action, was to make to those factious people, and principally to Doctor Boucher, the most seditious man amongst them, in presence of the Deputies of Parliament, whom he sent for to the Lovure, a very pious and charitable remonstrance, in which he taught them to comprehend the great enormity of their crime, which merited eternal Damnation, for having vilified their King, with a thousand horrible impostures in the chair of truth, which they had changed into a pestilential Pulpit full of lies and calumnies; after which, when they were come down, they made no manner of scruple to go immediately to the Altar, and to offer there to God the Sacrifice of the Holy Eucharist, before they had reconciled themselves to him, whom they had so unworthily affronted. He added, that though he might justly treat them, as Pope Sixtus had lately some Religious of his Order, whom he had sent to the Galleys, for presuming to speak irreverently of him in their Sermons, yet notwithstanding, he would not at this time proceed in that manner against them; but in case they should once more commit a crime of the like nature, he was resolved that his Parliament should do justice so exemplary and severe upon them, that it might strike a terror into all wicked and seditious persons who resembled them. This was all the Vengeance, which this too good and gracious King took upon those people, who abusing his Clemency which they now despised, grew day by day more insolent against him. Which makes it demonstrable how extremely much it concerns a Prince, so to temper the virtues which he ought to have, that one of them may not destroy the other by its excess, and consequently be dangerous to himself. That his Justice and his Mercy may agree without the interfering of one in the others Province; that by endeavouring to be too rigorously just he become not odious, and by being too yielding he grow not contemptible to his Subjects. In the mean while it was impossible that these excessive praises which were given to the Servant, when at the same time they reviled the Master with so much malice and indignity, should not create great jealousies and disquiets in him; and that a just resentment should not cause him to take up a resolution of revenging so many affronts as were given to the Royal Majesty, and of putting the Leaguers and principally the Sixteen and their Head, out of a condition of disputing any longer with their Severeign for the Mastery. On the other side, the Duke of Guise was puffed up more than ever with such a series of Success, and with those illustrious testimonies which Pope Sixtus, and Alexander Prince of Parma, had so solemnly rendered to his merit; the one by sending him the consecrated Sword, and the other his Arms, as to him, who amongst all Princes best deserved the glorious Title of a great Captain. And as he was too clear sighted not to discern the visible signs, which the King in spite of his dissimulation could not hinder often from breaking out, and discovering the disdain and hatred which he had conceived against him; He resolved to fortify his party in such manner, that he should not only have nothing to apprehend, but also that he might hope for all things from his good fortune. And he did it with so much the more ardour and resolution, as he was then more than ever exasperated, and almost driven to despair, by a refusal which he had from the King, which was given him in a most disobliging manner, by preferring his Rival in Ambition before him; which he esteemed the most sensible affront that he could receive: and which afterwards put things out of a possibility of accommodation. Thus it happened. The Duke of Guise, after the signal Service which he had performed to the Kingdom, was of opinion, that if he demanded some part of the Employments which had been possessed by the late Duke of joyeuse, Admiral of France and Governor of Normandy, they could not possibly be refused him. And in order to obtain his request more easily, he was content only to ask the Admiralty, and that not for himself, nor any of the Princes of his Family, but for the Count of Brissac; whom the Nobility of his Birth, and his great desert, together with the services which France had received from the brave Timoleon de Cossé his Brother, Colonel of the French Infantry, and from his Father the great Marshal of Brissac, Viceroy of Piedmont, might raise without envy, and with universal applause to that high command. After the Duke had been held in hand, and fed with fair promises and false hopes, he not only failed of obtaining the place which he requested, but as if it had purposely been done to spite him, it was conferred, together with the Government of Normandy, on the Duke of Espernon his declared Enemy, whose Character I shall next give you. john Lovis de Nogaret, the youngest Brother of his House, who was called when he came first to Court, the young La Valette, understood so well to gain the favour of the King, particularly after Quelus one of those unhappy Minions who killed each other in Duel, had recommended him to his Majesty at his death, that immediately he grew up into the first rank of Favourites, with the Duke of joyeuse, over whom at length he carried it, having had the cunning to insinuate into him the desire of Commanding an Army, and by that artifice to remove him from his Master's sight. There was no sort of Honour, Wealth or Dignities which the King did not heap on this new Minion: in favour of whom he erected Espernon into a Duchy, to make him Duke and Peer as well as Anne de joyeuse, because he had taken upon him to make them equal in all circumstances; having so great a tenderness for both of them, (I might say weakness unworthy of a King,) that he answered those who represented to him his great profusions, and that he impoverished himself to enrich them, that when he had married and settled his two Children, for so he called them in his ordinary discourse, he was then resolved to turn good husband. Yet there was this difference betwixt them, that joyeuse by his courtesy, his civility, his magnificence, and by the winning way of his behaviour, had attracted men's affections; but on the contrary, Espernon by reason of his rough, imperious and haughty nature, was hated not only by the People, and the Leaguers, who made a thousand invective Satyrs on him, but also by the great men of the Court, whom he treated with contempt and insolence, as if the favour of his Master which he abused, had given him the privilege to affront even those whose virtue and desert was acknowledged and respected by the King. For in this manner it was, that amongst others he used Francis d' Espinac Archbishop of Lions, and Monsieur de Villeroy one of the most prudent and faithful Ministers which our Kings have ever had; a way of procedure not disadvantageous to the Duke of Guise, who laid hold on that occasion to gain the Archbishop entirely to his interests. Above all the rest there was an invincible Antipathy betwixt the Duke of Guise and this proud Favourite; who whether it were to please his Master, or to put an obligation upon the King of Navarre, with whom he then held a private correspondence, or were it out of the contrariety of their humours, professed himself on all occasions his open enemy, omitting no opportunity of rendering him suspected and odious to the King, and of working him up still more and more to a greater height of hatred and indignation against him. And in requital of those ill offices, the Duke of Guise was not wanting on his side to animate the People of Paris against Espernon; who one day, ran the hazard, (in passing over the Pont Nostre Dame, of being murdered by the Citizens, who running out of their Shops in multitudes, went about to encompass him, if he had not escaped by speedy flight. 'Tis true, that the Nuncio Morosini foreseeing the fatal consequences of this their enmity, did all he was able by his prudent admonitions to extinguish it; but though he smothered it for a little time, he could not hinder it from blazing out immediately afterwards. Insomuch that it grew to a greater height than ever, when the King who either would not, or durst not refuse any thing to this Favourite, united in his only person, what before had been shared betwixt him and joyeuse; and conferred on him both the Government of Normandy, and the Admiralty, which the Duke of Guise had requested for Brissac. The Ceremony was performed with great magnificence; and the Attorney General in a long Harangue which he made at the Admission of the Duke of Espernon, said publicly, that the King who had made so worthy a choice was a great Saint, and deserved to be Canonised at least as well as Saint Lewis; that the New made Admiral, would expiate for all the crimes of the late Admiral de Coligny, and make the Catholic Religion once more to flourish in the Kingdom. An insipid Panegyrique, which is indeed no better than a base and fulsome flattery, if the Author does not intend to fpeak by contraries should no more be suffered by great men, who are lovers of true glory, than an affront or a Libel; neither ought they to allow any commendations to be given them, but such as are solid and established on such known truths, that their very enemies shall not be able to deny them. That Speech which the King's Attorney made on this occasion, did his Master and the Admiral more mischief than all the furious Libels of the League. It drew upon them the contempt and raillery of the people; which sometimes make a man more uneasy than a satire, which is but the impotent anger of a Scribbler. And it occasioned that famous Epigramm, which concludes that Henry cannot be denied to be a great Saint, and a worker of Miracles, since of a little Valley he has in a moment made a mighty Mountain. The Verses run thus, Quis neget Henricum miracula prodere mundo, Qui fecit montem, qui modo vallis erat? A Saint at least, our Henry we account; Who of a Vale so soon has made a Monte An Allusion was made to his Surname of La Valette, by a kind of clenching Witticism, much in fashion in those times, but which is now exploded. And an offer was likewise made at vilifying his birth, not unlike what Busbequius, the Emperor Rodolphus his Ambassador to that King, has written in one of his Letters, perhaps with some little malignity, and following the foolish reports of the rabble, who commonly love to speak disgracefully of Favourites; what we may receive for undoubted truth, is this, that this prodigious raising of the Duke of Espernon, a declared Enemy to the Duke of Guise, was the reason that he, being furiously incensed at the refusal which he had, and at the greatning of a man who sought his ruin, believed himself now authorised to give the reins to his resentment, and push his fortune as far as it would go. And from thence ensued all those dismal and tragical events, the very remembrance of which strikes an horror into my Soul; and which nevertheless in performance of my duty, I shall faithfully represent in the following Book. THE HISTORY OF THE LEAGUE. LIB. III. IF I intended to follow the Example of Livy, Ann. 1588. the Prince of Latin Historians, who never suffers a Prodigy to escape him, and describes it perhaps with as much superstition as exactness; I should here make long narrations how the Sun was obscured on the sudden, without the interposition of any Cloud appearing in the Sky, with a flaming Sword shooting out from the Centre of the Body; palpable darkness like that of the Egyptians at noonday; extraordinary Tempests, Earthquakes, fiery Phantasms in the Air, and an hundred other Prodigies, which are said to have been produced and seen in this unhappy year of one thousand five hundred eighty eight, and which were fancied to be so many ominous presages of those horrible disorders that ensued in it. But because I am not of the opinion that much credit ought to be given to those sorts of Signs, which are commonly the effects of natural causes, though very often unknown to us; nor to the predictions of Astrologers, some of which verily believed they had found in the Stars, that this year should be the conclusion of the World: I will only say that the most sure presage of so many misfortunes then impending, was the minds of men too much exasperated on both sides, to live in peace with each other; and not rather to be searching out for means of making sure of those whom they suspected, and disposing of them according to their jealousies. In order to this the Duke of Guise, after he had made an end of ruining the County of Montbelliard, took his way to Nancy, whither he had invited all the Princes of his house, to assemble in the Month of january, there to take their resolutions, in reference to the present condition of affairs; and of that happy success which they had in the War against the Reyters. Some of them there were, as it is reported, so swollen with that Victory, and so blinded with their prosperity, that they proposed in this Conference, the most dangerous and most violent expedients; to which the Duke of Lorraine a moderate and wary Prince would by no means listen. Howsoever it were, (for I find nothing to confirm these relations, not even in the Memoires of their greatest Enemies, who have written most exactly of that Assembly,) 'tis most undoubted, that if they proceeded not so far as to those terrible extremities, yet what was then concluded, passed in the World for a most unjust and unlawful undertaking, and was condemned by all those who were not blindly devoted to the League. It was, that a Request should be presented to the King, containing Articles, which under the ordinary pretence of their desire to preserve in France the Catholic Religion, tended manifestly to despoil him of his Authority and Power, and to invest the Heads of the League in both. For those scandalous Articles bore this substance in them, that for the service of God, and the maintenance and security of Religion, the King should not only be most humbly Petitioned, but also summoned to establish the Holy Inquisition in his Realm; to cause the Council of Trent to be there Published, suspending nevertheless that Article which revokes the exemption pretended by some Chapters and Abbeys against the Bishops: to continue the War against the Huguenots, and to cause the goods both of them and of their Associates to be sold, with which to defray the charges of that War; and to pay the Debts in which the Heads of the League had been constrained to involve themselves for the prosecution of it: To refuse quarter to all Prisoners who should be taken in that War, unless upon condition of paying the full value of their goods, and giving caution, of living afterwards like good Catholics. Behold here a most specious appearance of Zeal for Religion; but in the next place observe the Venom which lies hidden under all these fair pretences. That the King shall unite himself more cordially and more openly than before to this Holy League: thereby to keep exactly all its Laws, to which men are obliged by this the most solemn and most inviolable of all Oaths. That besides the Forces which he shall be obliged to set on foot to wage that War against the Huguenots he shall maintain an Army on the Frontiers of Lorraine to oppose the Germane Protestants, if they should determine once again to enter France. That besides those places which the Leaguers already held for their security, there should be delivered to them other Towns of more importance which should be specified to him, where they might establish for Governors those of their Heads which they shall name, with power of introducing such Garrisons and making such Fortifications, as they shall think fit, at the charges of the Provinces in which they are situate. And in conclusion, to secure them that they shall be no more hindered, as till this present they have always been, in the executing of those things which have been promised them for the safety of Religion, his Majesty shall displace from his Council, and from the Court, and shall deprive of their Governments and Offices, those who shall be named to him, as Patrons of Heretics, and Enemies to Religion and the State. These were those extravagant demands which began to open the eyes of many good Catholics, who had suffered themselves to be innocently seduced by the appearances of true zeal, which being little illuminated, was not according to knowledge, as the Apostle speaks. For they now more clearly saw into some of those Articles; that the League to engage the Pope and the King of Spain in their Interests, would be content to abandon those Privileges and Liberties, which our Ancestors have always maintained with so much vigour and resolution: and to subject to the yoke of a Spanish Inquisition, the French, who have never been able to undergo it. And in others of them, that they designed to bereave the King of all the solid and essential parts of Royalty, to leave him only the shadow and appearance of it, and afterwards to dispose even of his Person, as the Heads of their party should think fit. And accordingly when the Request was presented to the King on the part of the Associated Princes, and the Cardinal of Bourbon, whose simplicity and whose name they abused, and made it a cloak to their Ambition, he conceived an extreme indignation against it, which immediately appeared in his eyes and countenance. Yet he thought it necessary at that time to dissemble, not finding himself then in a condition of returning such an answer to it, as was becoming a King justly provoked against his Subjects, who stood on terms with him like Lords and Masters. For which reason, and withal to gain farther time, he contented himself, to say, that he would examine those Articles in his Council, in order to his Answer: which should be in such sort, that all good Catholics should have reason to be satisfied. But in the mean time, the Duke of Guise, who took not fair words for payment, well understanding the King's design, and resolving not to give the Duke of Espernon the leisure to conjure down that Tempest which was raised against him, and to infuse into his Master those vigorous resolutions which were necessary for him to take, pressed the King continually to give a precise Answer to every particular in those Articles: For he doubted not that in case it proved favourable, he should engross all power in himself, and if it were otherwise, that it would be thought the King resolved to maintain the Huguenots, and that by consequence the Catholics would enter into a War against him. On which considerations, being then retired into his Government of Champagne, to which place he went after the Conference at Nancy, he plied the King incessantly with Messages sent by Gentlemen one after another, to urge him to a speedy and punctual Answer: And this he did with the more eagerness and importunity, because on the one side he found himself more powerful than ever, having a great part of the Gentry, and almost all the People, and especially the Parisians for him. And on the other side he observed the party of the Huguenots to be very low and infinitely weakened, by the defeat of their great Germane Succours, and by their late loss of the Prince of Condé, a person of all others the most strictly tied to their Religion, and on whom they more relied than any man, not excepting the King of Navarre himself. He deceased on the fifth of March at St. jean de Angely, of an exceeding violent distemper, with which he was suddenly seized one evening after Supper, and which carried him off in two days time. The Sixteen with infamous baseness, made a great rejoicing for it, and their Preachers failed not to roar out in their Sermons, that it was the effect of the Excommunication, with which he had been Thunderstruck by Pope Sixtus. But besides that the King of Navarre who had been struck in the same manner by the Bull, had his health never the worse for it, the King, to whom that poor creature the Cardinal of Bourbon had been telling the same story, and making wonderful exclamations in relating it, answered him with a smile, That it might very well be the occasion of his death, but withal there was something else which helped him on his journey. And truly the matter was put beyond all doubt, after the attestation of four Physicians, and of two Master Surgeons, who deposed upon their Oaths, that they had manifestly seen in almost all the parts of his Body, all the most evident signs and effects of a Caustique Poison, burning and ulcerating. A most execrable action, which could not be too rigorously punished; and yet the Laws inflicted what was possible on the person of one of his domestic servants, who was drawn in pieces by four Horses in the place of St. jean de Angely. As to the rest, he was a Prince, who excepting only his obstinate adhering to a Religion, in which he was born, and who●e falsehood he might have known in time, if he had not been too much prepossessed, had at the Age of five and thirty years, at which he died, all the perfections which can meet together in one man, to render him one of the greatest and most accomplished persons in the World: if at least there might not possibly be discerned in his carriage and customs some of those little failings, from which the most wise are not exempted, and which may easily be pardoned, without lessening the esteem which we have for them. And if Fortune which is not always propitious to merit, was not favourable to him on some occasions, wherein he had need of her assistance, yet in this she was his friend, that she gave him the greater opportunity of showing his invincible courage in his adversities, in which he raised himself infinitely above her, by the vigour and greatness of his Soul. Accordingly the death of this great Prince was lamented, not only by those of his own party who loved him passionately, but also by the Catholics, and even by the Duke of Guise himself; who, Head as he was of an infamous and wicked Faction, which he made sub●ervient to his ends, had of his own stock, and the excellency of his nature, which was infinitely noble, all the generosity which is requisite to love and respect virtue, even in the person of his greatest and most formidable Enemy. All which notwithstanding, he was content to make what advantage he could of so lamentable an accident, towards the compass of his designs: And as he observed, not only by this but by a multitude of concomitant accidents and misfortunes, that the Huguenot party decreased in strength and reputation, and his own grew more bold and undertaking, he set himself more vigorously to push his fortune, and to demand an entire satisfaction to all the Articles of his request; which had so puffed up the spirits of the Sixteen, that they forgot all manner of moderation, and grew daily more and more insupportable. It happened also at the same time, that the King received several advertisements of the resolution which had been taken in their Council to seize his Person, and to enclose him in a Monastery. And the same Lieutenant of the Provostship of the Isle of Paris, Nicholas Poulain, who had formerly discovered the like Conspiracy, to which belief was not given, told him so many particular circumstances in relation to this, that though he was very diffident of that double dealing man, whose integrity he much suspected, yet his evidence concurring with the extreme insolence of the Sixteen, which rendered his report more credible, could not but leave a strong impression on his Soul. Insomuch that at last following the counsel of those who had so long advised him, to employ his power and justice against those Mutineers, he took up a resolution once for all to take that thorn out of his side, to reduce Paris into that state of submission and obedience which belongs to Subjects; and to extinguish the Faction of Sixteen, by the exemplary chastisement of the most seditious amongst them. The preparations which of necessity he was to make to secure the success of this undertaking, the three thousand Swissers whom he caused to be quartered at Lagny, the Companies of Guards which were reinforced, the Troops which were sent him from the Duke of Espernon, who was gone into his Government of Normandy, and all the passages of the River both above Paris and below it being possessed by him, were so many Alarms to those Mutineers who believing themselves already lost, implored the assistance of the Duke of Guise. That Prince who had advanced from Rheims as far as Soissons, in favour of the Duke of Aumale his Cousin, who met with trouble and resistance in his Government of Picardy, satisfied himself at first with sending them some of his most experienced Captains, to regulate and manage their Militia in case of need. But some few days after, finding himself still pressed more eagerly by the solicitations of those people, who were now driven to despair, and believing that this foundation of the League on which he had built his hopes being once shaken he himself must perish under its ruins, for that being destroyed the next design was certainly to fall on him, who was the Head and Protector of it; he gave immediate notice to his Friends and Creatures, to get into Paris, one after another, at several Gates, and ordered some to assure the Sixteen in his name, that he would suddenly be there in person to live and die with them. The King, who was advertised of this resolution, and who was under great apprehensions of his coming, lest his presence might hinder the execution of his Enterprise, and arm with a word speaking that great City which was entirely at his devotion, sent the Precedent de Bellieure, a man of great Authority and known Prudence, to tell the Duke from him, that in the present juncture of affairs, and just apprehension which he had, that his coming would produce great troubles in Paris, he thought good he should not come till he received new orders from him, for otherwise he would render himself guilty of all those disorders which might thence ensue. To this the Duke, who was never to be beaten off from any resolution which he had once taken, answered calmly, but in doubtful terms, that he was ready to obey the King, that he had never intended to go to Paris, but in the condition of a Private man, and without a Train: that he desired to justify himself from those aspersions with which he knew his Enemies had basely charged him in his absence, that he had reason to believe there was a design on foot to oppress the good Catholics, whose Protector he had declared himself; and that he humbly besought his Majesty to give him some security against so just an apprehension: Bellieure, who well knew that the King would stick at no manner of verbal satisfaction, in case that would prove sufficient to break his Journey, promised he should have all the security he could possibly desire. In effect the King was fully resolved to have given him all manner of assurances: But as ill luck would have it, this was not done at the same time it was determined. Insomuch that without more delay, he got on Horseback, and crossing the Country out of the common Roads, that he might avoid the Messengers which he knew would be sent with new orders to him, entered Paris on Monday the Ninth of May, with eight more in his company, just about Noon by the Gate of St. Denis. It may be said in one sort of meaning, that this day was the most unfortunate, and yet the most glorious of all his life. For whether it were that the people, who were made to believe by the Sixteen, that the City was to be Sacked, were advertised by them of his arrival, or that the report was spread at an instant, when he was first seen to approach the Fauxbourg, 'tis most certain that he had no sooner passed it, but the whole Town running together from all parts of it, crowded up the Street, and all the rest through which he passed; the Windows were filled, and even the Tiles of Houses; the Air echoed with a thousand sorts of acclamations, and the loud cries of Vive Guise were repeated with far higher peals than had been formerly of Vive le Roy; for those loyal shouts were grown out of date, and, the League in a manner had abolished them. There was a kind of madness in this Transport, or rather in this furious torrent of their joy; which was so extravagant, that it passed even to Idolatry. They haled and tore each other to get nearest to this Prince: Those who were born off by the throng to a farther distance, stretched out their Arms to him, with their hands clasped over their heads; they thought themselves happy, who could crowd so near as to touch any part of his Cloak or Boots. Some there were amongst them who kneeled to him, when he was passing by, and others who when they could not reach him with their hands, endeavoured to touch him with their Chapelets, which they kissed when they had received that honour, as the custom is in adoration at the Shrines of Saints. A thousand praises were given him, and a thousand blessings. He was called aloud the Pillar of the Church, the Prop of Faith, the Protector of the Catholics, the Saviour of Paris; and from all the Windows there fell upon him a shower of Flowers and of Greene's, with redoubled acclamations of Vive Guise. To conclude, no imaginable demonstrations and testimonies of love, honour and veneration, but were shown to the height at this tumultuous entry, by that sudden overflow of joy; and that wonderful dilatation of hearts and affections, which was to him a sort of triumph, more pleasing than any of the Caesar's. Accordingly he enjoyed the full gust of it, with all the satisfaction of extreme pleasure; passing on Horseback very leisurely through that infinite press of people, bore headed, beholding them with a smiling countenance, and with that courteous and engaging air, which was so natural to him, saluting on the right and on the left, bowing to those below in the Streets, and to those above in the Windows, not neglecting the very meanest, holding out his hand to the nearest, and casting his obliging glances on the more remote, he passed in this manner to the Queen-Mother's Palace, near St. Eustache, where he alighted, and from thence to the Lovure, following her on foot, who had taken her Chair to conduct him to the King, and was witness to those incredible transports of public joy, and acclamations of that innumerable herd of people, which beat her ears incessantly with the name of Guise, bellowed from more than an hundred thousand mouths. In the mean time, the King, who had heard with infinite rage of this sudden arrival of the Duke, was shut up in his Closet, where he was in consultation on that Prince's life or death; who had been so blindly rash, as to precipitate himself, in his single ●erson, into inevitable danger, from whence only his good fortune, (of which he was not Master,) could deliver him. Some there were, and amongst others the Abbot d' Elbene, and Colonel Alphonso d' Ornano, with the most resolute of those Gascons, whom the Duke of Espernon had placed amongst the five and forty, to be always near the King's person, who counselled that irresolute and wavering Prince to dispatch him on the spot, having so fair a pretence, and the means so ready in his hand, to punish a rebellious Subject; who in opposition to his express orders, had audaciously presumed to come to Paris, as it were on purpose to let him know, that he was absolute Master of it. The rest more moderate, and amongst them the Chancellor de Chiverny, and the Sieurs de Bellieure, de la Guiche, and de Villequier Governor of Paris, dissuaded him from that attempt, laying before him, besides the dangerous consequences which this terrible action might produce in such a juncture, that it always concerned him, both for his reputation, and for the maintenance of the most inviolable Laws of natural equity, before he passed to extremities, to hear a man who came to put himself so freely into the hands of his King, and to be answerable for all that was alleged against him. While these things were in debating, and the king in suspense betwixt his anger and his fear uncertain which way to resolve, the Duke, (who had passed through the French Guards commanded by Grillon who loved him not, and through the Swissers, which stood ranked on both sides of the great Staircase; and afterwards had traversed the Hall and the Antichamber filled with people who made no very ceremonious returns to his salutations and civilities) entered into the Presence Chamber, disguising a sudden fright which seized him, intrepid as he was, with the best face he could set upon the matter, which yet he could not act so well, but that it was easy to discern through that affectation of bravery, that he could have been well contented to have been in some other place, and not to have engaged himself so far, especially when a certain Princess whispered him in the ear to have a care of himself, and that his life and death were under consideration in the Closet. Yet immediately after, as his courage was usually raised at the sight of the greatest dangers, he resumed his wont boldness, and was not able to hinder himself, perhaps by a sudden motion purely natural, and arising from the magnanimity of his heart, from laying his hand on the pommel of his Sword, without his own perceiving it, and from stepping hastily two or three paces forward, with a haughty walk, as if he were putting himself into a posture of selling his life as dear as he was able to his Enemies. But the King at that instant coming out of the Closet with Bellieure, he changed posture suddenly, made a low reverence, and threw himself almost at his feet, protesting to him, that not believing his presence ought to be displeasing to him, he was come to bring him his head, and fully to justify his carriage against the calumnies of his Enemies; and withal to assure his Majesty, that he had not a more faithful Servant than himself. But the King demanding in a grave and serious tone of voice, Who had bid him come, and if he had not received an express prohibition from him? the business was then brought to a scanning, and some little contest there was betwixt him and Bellieure, the last maintaining that he had delivered him the King's commands, and the former instead of answer, ask him if he had not engaged himself to return with all possible speed to Soissons, which he had not done, and protesting that he had never received those Letters, which Bellieure justified he had written to him. Then the Queen, who though she seemed to be in much affliction for the Duke's arrival, yet held a private correspondence with him, broke off the discourse, and taking aside the King her Son, she managed his mind so dextrously, that whether she made him apprehend a general revolt of Paris, which she had seen so openly to own the Duke of Guise, or whether he himself were mollified by the submissive, humble way of speaking which that Prince had used, he contented himself for that time to tell him, that his innocence which he was so desirous to prove, would be more manifest if his presence should cau●e no stirs in Paris; and thereupon he sat down to Table, remitting till the Afternoon what he had farther to say to him, and appointing the Queen's Garden for the place. Then the Duke bowing very low retired, without being accompanied by any of the King's Servants, but as well attended by all the Town, to the Hostel de Guise, as he had been from the Gate of St. Denis to the Lovure. When he had made reflection on the danger, into which he had so rashly thrown himself, and which now appeared more formidable, by considering it with cooler thoughts, than he could possibly in that agitation of spirits, and that anxiety wherein he was in spite of all his courage, when he found himself so far engaged; he resolved he would never hazard his life in that sort again, and took such order concerning it, that from the next day, and so onward, he had in his Palace four hundred Gentlemen who assembling there from all parts of Paris, according to his orders, never afterwards abandoned him. Neither would he adventure to go that afternoon to the Queen's Garden, but well accompanied by the bravest of his Officers, amongst whom Captain St. Paul, se●ing that after his Master was entered, he who kept the door was going to shut it on him, thrust him back roughly, and entered by force, followed by his Companions, protesting and swearing that if the game was there to be played he was resolved to have his stake in it. So that if the King had designed to have him murdered in that Garden, which I believe not, though some have written it, 'tis easy to see that the presence of those brave men, who were fully resolved to defend their Master, that of the Queen who made the third in this interview, the daring countenance of the Duke, who from time to time was casting his eyes towards his Sword, and to sum up all, that infinite multitude of Parisians which encompassed the Queen's Palace, and many of which were got upon the walls, had hindered the execution of such a purpose. For that which passed betwixt them at this Conference, since I find nothing of it in the most exact Memoirs of those times, I shall not offer to relate it, as Davila has done by a certain Poetical licence which he and some other Historians have used, to make men think and speak without their leave, whatever they please to put into their thoughts and mouths. What I can deliver for undoubted truth is this, that there was nothing concluded at this Interview; and that the King who had resolved before hand, to chastise the most Seditious of the Sixteen, and to make himself Master of Paris, after a long consultation taken by Night, with those in whom he most confided, continued firm to the same resolution, and set up his rest to stand by it, in spite of the arrival of the Duke. With this determination, he sent the next morning for the Prevost of the Merchants, and the Sheriffs, and Commanded them in company of the Lords, de Villequier and Francis d' O. to make an exact search for all those Strangers who were come to Paris some few days since, without any urgent occasion to call them thither, and to cause them forthwith to depart the Town, without respect of persons. This was a manifest endeavour to weaken the Duke of Guise; to reduce him to those seven or eight Gentlemen, who attended him into Paris, and consequently to give him occasion of believing that after they had rid themselves of the others, they would attack him. Perhaps the design was so laid, as some have conjectured with probability enough: but if this were really their intention, there are others, who believe that according to the advice which was given by the Abbot of Elbene, they had done more wisely to have begun with the Duke of Guise, when they had him single and at their mercy cooped up in the Lovure: and they ground this opinion on the meaning of that Abbot's words, who quoted the Scripture to this purpose, It is written I will strike the Shepherd, and the Flock shall be scattered. However it was intended, the Paristans' immediately took the Alarm, perceiving clearly that those Strangers who were to be sent out of the City, were no others but those very men whom the Duke of Guise had conveyed into the Town for their defence and for his own. Insomuch that when they went about to execute that Order, and to search their Houses, every one opposed them; and the Citizens set themselves with so much obstinacy to conceal their Lodgers, that the Deputies and Commissaries fearing a general Insurrection through all the Quarters, durst proceed no farther. And in the mean time, the Duke of Guise, who was the Soul that actuated this great Body, forbore not going to the Lovure, but well accompanied; and the very Evening before the Barricades he presented the Napkin to the King. But, as after the flashes of the Lightning, and the rattling of the Thunder, comes a furious Tempest and lays waste the Field; so after those mutual fears and jealousies, those Nightly meetings, those Murmurs and Menaces, and those preparations which were made on both sides with so much tumult, either for assaulting or for defence, they came to the fatal day of the Barricado's, which was followed by that horrible deluge of misfortunes, with which all France was overflowed. For at last, the King more incensed than ever, by the resistance which was made to his Orders, and fully resolved to make himself be obeyed one way or other, caused the French Guards to enter Paris, with some other Companies and the Swissers, which in all, made up six thousand men: this was done on Thursday the twelfth of May, just at day break; he being present himself to receive them on Horseback, at the Gate of Saint Honorè. And after having given out his Orders to their Officers, to Post them according to his direction, he enjoined them above all things, to be no ways injurious to the Citizens, but only to repress the insolence of such, who should go about to hinder the search for Strangers: After which himself retiring to the Lovure, the Marshals d' Aumont and Byron, who were at the Head of the Troops, went to Post them with beat of Drum, in the Church yard of St. Innocent, and the adjoining places, on the Pont Nostre Dame, on that of St. Michael, on the Pont au Change, at the Town-House, at the Greve, and at the Avenues of the Place Mauhert. It appeared immediately by what followed, that this was in effect to give the signal of a mutiny, and general revolt to all Paris. For a Rumour being spread, that the King had determined to put to Death a great number of the principal of the League, and a List being also forged of their Names who were to be Executed, and shown openly to the people, the Citizens, according to the order of their Captains and Overseers of their Wards, were in a readiness to put themselves into a posture of defence, at the least motion that was made. For which reason, so soon as they heard the Drums and Fifes, and that they beheld the Swissers and the Guards advancing through the Street of Saint Honoré, they doubted not but the report which was noised about by the Sixteen was true, and farther believed (as they had been also assured) that the Town would be sacked, and exposed to Pillage. The Alarm therefore was given round the City: They began by shutting up their Shops, and the Church doors on that side of the Town: They rang the Tocsin (or alarm Bell) first in one Parish and then in another: and immediately afterwards through all Paris, as if the whole City had been on fire. Then the Citizens came out in Arms, under the Overseers of their Wards, and their Captains, and other Officers of the Duke of Guise, who had mingled themselves amongst them, to encourage and to marshal them. The Count of Brissac, who had placed himself at the Quarter of the University towards the place Maubert, (where Crucè, one of the most hotheaded of the Sixteen, caused the alarm to be Sounded,) being himself encompassed with a multitude of Students, a rabble of Porters, Watermen, and Handicrafts men all Armed, who waited only for the signal to assault the Swissers, was the first who gave Orders to Chain the Streets, to unpave them, and erect the Barricades, with great logs of Timber, and Barrels filled with Earth and Dung, at the Avenues of the Palace: And this word of Barricades passing in a moment from mouth to mouth, from the University into the ●●ty, and from the City into the Town, the same was done everywhere, and that with such exceeding haste, that before Noon, these Barricades which were continued from Street to Street, at the distance of thirty paces from each other, well Flanked and Man'd with Musquetiers, were advanced within fifty paces of the Lovure: Insomuch that the King's Soldiers found themselves so encompassed on every side, that they could neither March forward nor retreat, nor make the least motion, without exposing themselves unprofitably to the inevitable danger of the Musket shot, (which the Citizens could fire upon them without missing, from behind their Barricades,) or of being beaten down with a tempest of Stones, which came pouring upon their Heads from every Window. The Marshals d' Aumont and Byron, and Villequier the Governor of Paris, gained little by crying out to the Citizens, that they intended them no harm, for they were too much enraged to give them the hearing; and were possessed with a belief of what Brissac, Bois Dauphin, and the other Creatures of the Duke of Guise had told them; who roared out, on purpose to envenom them against the Royalists, that those Troops which were entered into Paris, were sent for to no other end, than to make a general Massacre of all good Catholics, who were members of the Holy Union, and to give up to the Soldiers, their Houses, their Money, and their Wives. Upon this the Musket shot, and the Stones from above, were redoubled on those miserable men, and more especially upon the Swissers, to whom the Citizens were most inexorable. More than threescore were either slain, or dangerously hurt, as well in St. Innocents' Church yard, as below on the Place Maubert, without giving Quarter, till Brissac (who with his Sword in his hand was continually pushing forward the Barricades) arriving there, and beholding those poor Strangers who cried out for mercy, with clasped Hands, and both Knees on the ground, and sometimes making the sign of the Cross, in testimony of their being Catholics,) stopped the fury of the Citizens, and commanding them to cry out vive Guise, which they did as loud as they could for safeguard of their Lives, he satisfied himself with leading them disarmed and Prisoners into the bouchery of the New Market, by the Bridge of St. Michael, which he had already mastered. It cannot be denied but that this Count was he, amongst all the Leaguers who acted with the most ardour against the Royalists on that fatal day. As being infinitely exasperated, because the King had refused him the Admiralty, and refused it in a manner so disobliging, as to say openly he was a man that was good for nothing either by Sea or Land, accusing him at the same time, that he had not done his Duty in the Battle of the Azores, where the Navy of Philippo Strozzi was defeated by the Marquis of Santa-Cruz, he burned inwardly with desire of Revenge. And when he saw the Soldiers enclosed on all sides, by the Barricades, which were of his raising, and the Swissers at his mercy, 'tis reported that he cried out, as insulting on the King, with a bitter Scoff, and magnifying himself at the same time; At least the King shall understand to day, that I have found my Element, and though I am good for nothing either at Sea or Land, yet I am some Body in the Streets. In this manner it was, that the people making use of their advantage, still pushed their fortune more and more, and seemed to be just upon the point of investing the Lovure; while the Duke of Guise by whose secret orders, all things were regularly managed amidst that horrible con●usion, was walking almost unaccompanied, in his own House, and coldly answering the Queen, and those who came one on the neck of another with Messages to him from the King, entreating him to appease the tumult, that he was not Master of those wild Beasts, which had escaped the toils; and that they were in the wrong to provoke them as they had done. But at last, when he perceived that all things were absolutely at his command, he went himself from Barricade to Barricade, with only a riding switch in his hand, forbidding the people who paid a blind obedience to him, from proceeding any farther; and desiring them to keep themselves only on the defensive. He spoke also very civilly to the French Guards, who at that time were wholly in his power, to be disposed of as he thought good, for Life or Death. Only he complained to their Officers, of the violent counsels which his Enemies had given the King to oppress his Innocence, and that of so many good Catholics, who had united themselves on no other consideration than the defence and support of the ancient Religion. After which, he gave Orders to Captain St. Paul, to reconduct those Soldiers to the Lovure; but their Arms were first laid down, and their Heads bare, in the posture of vanquished men; that he might give that satisfaction to the Parisians, who beheld the spectacle with Joy, as the most pleasing effect of their present Victory. He also caused the Swissers to be returned in the same manner by Brissac, and gave the King to understand, that provided the Catholic Religion were secured and maintained in France, in the condition it ought to be, and that himself and his Friends were put in safety from the attempts of their Enemies, they would pay him all manner of Duty and Service, which is owing from good Subjects, to their Lord and Sovereign. This in my opinion makes it evident, that the Duke had never any intention to seize the person of the King, and to enclose him in a Monastery, as that Nicholas Poulain who gave in so many false informations, and many Writers as well of the one Religion as of the other, have endeavoured to make the World believe. For if that had been his purpose, what could have hindered him from causing the Lovure to be invested? as he might easily have done the same day, by carrying on the Barricades close to it, while the tumult was at the height; and for what reason did he return the French Guards and Swissers to the King, if his intention had been to have attacked him in the Lovure? This was not his business, nor his present aim, but to defend and protect his Leaguers with a high hand, and to avail himself of so favourable an opportunity, to obtain the thing which he demanded; and which doubtless had put him into condition of mounting the throne after the King's decease, and becoming absolute Master of all affairs even during his Life. In effect, the Queen having undertaken to make the reconcilement, as believing that thereby she might reenter into the management of business, from which the Favourites had removed her, and having asked him what were his pretensions, he proposed such extravagant terms, and with so much haughtiness and resolv'dness, speaking like a Conqueror, who took upon him to dispose at his pleasure of the Vanquished, that as dextrous as she was, in the art of managing men's minds, from the very beginning of the conference she despaired of her success. For inhancing upon the Articles of Nancy, he demanded that for the Security of the Catholic Religion in this Realm, the King of Navarre, and all the Princes of the House of Bourbon, who had followed him in these last Wars, should be declared to have forfeited for ever their right of succeeding to the Crown: That the Duke of Esperno●, La Valeite his Brother, Francis d' O. the Marshals of Retz and of Byron, Colonel Alphonso d' Ornano, and all others who like them were favourers of the Huguenots, or were found to have held any correspondence with them, should be deprived of their Governments and Offices, and banished from the Court, without hope of ever being restored again. That the spoils of all these should be given to the Princes of his House, and to those Lords who had engaged with him, of whom he made a long List: That the King should cashier his Guard of five and forty, as a thing unknown in the times of his Predecessors, protesting that otherwise he could place no manner of confidence in him, nor ever dare to approach his person. That it would please his Majesty to declare him his Lieutenant General through all his Estates, with the same Authority which the late Duke of Guise his Father had, under the Reign of Francis the Second: by virtue of which he hoped to give him so good an account of the Huguenots, that in a little time there should remain no other but the Catholic Religion in all his Kingdom. To conclude, that there should be called immediately an Assembly of the three Estates, to sit at Paris where all this should be confirmed, and to hinder for the future, that the Minions who would dispose of all things at their pleasure, should not abuse their favour, that there should be established an unchangeable form of Government, which it should not be in the power of the King to alter. 'Tis most evident that Demands so unreasonable, so arrogant, and so offensive, tended to put the Government, and the power of it into the Duke's hands, who being Master of the Armies, the Offices, and the Governments of the most principal Provinces, in his own person by his Relations, his Creatures, and the Estates, where he doubted not of carrying all before him, especially at Paris, would be the absolute disposer of Affairs. Insomuch that there would be nothing wanting to him but the Crown itself, to which 'tis very probable, that at this time he pretended, in case he should survive the King, to the exclusion of the Bourbons, whom he would have declared incapable of succeeding to it. For which reason, the Queen seeing that he would recede from no part of these Articles, and beginning to fear, that he would go farther than she desired, counselled the King to get out of Paris with all speed, while it was yet in his power so to do. And though some of his chief Officers, as amongst others the Chancellor de Chiverny, and the Sieurs of Villeroy and Villequier, who were of opinion that more would be gained by the Negotiation, and who foresaw that the Huguenots and the Duke of Espernon, whom they had no great cause to love, would make their advantage of this retreat so unworthy of a King, endeavoured to dissuade him from it, yet a thousand false advertisements, which came every moment, that they were going to invest the Lovure, and his accustomed fear, together with the diffidence he had of the Duke of Guise, whom he considered at that time as his greatest Enemy, caused him at the last to resolve on his departure. Accordingly, about noon the next day, while the Queen Mother went to the Duke with propositions only to amuse him, the King making show to take a turn or two in the Tuilleries, put on Boots in the Stables, and getting on Horseback, attended by fifteen or sixteen Gentlemen, and by ten or twelve Lackeys, having caused notice to be given to his Guards to follow him, went out by the Port Neuve, riding always on full gallop, for fear of being pursued by the Parisians, till having gained the ascent above Challiot, he stopped his Horse to look back on Paris. 'Tis said, that then reproaching that great City, which he had always honoured, and enriched by his Royal presence, and upbraiding its ingratitude, he Swore he would not return into it but through a Breach, and that he would lay it so low, that it should never more be in a condition of lifting up its self against the King. After this he went to Lodge that night at Traps, and the next morning arrived at Chartres; where his Officers, those of his Council, and the Courtiers came up to him, one after another in great disorder; some on Foot, others on Horseback without Boots, several on their Mules, and in their Robes, every man making his escape as he was best able, and in a great hurry for fear of being stopped; in short, all of them in a condition not unlike the Servants of David, at his departure from jerusalem, travelling in a miserable Equipage, after their distressed Master, when he fled before the Rebel Absalon. The Duke of Guise, who on the one side, had been unwilling to push things to an extremity, to the end he might make his Treaty with the King, and that it might not be said he was not at liberty; and on the other side, not believing that he would have gone away in that manner, as if he fled from his Subjects, who stopping short of the Lovure by fifty paces, seemed unwilling to pursue their advantage any farther, was much surprised at this retreat which broke the measures he had taken: but as he was endued with an admirable presence of mind, and that he could at a moment's warning accommodate his resolutions to any accident, how unexpected or troublesome soever, he immediately applied himself to put Paris in a condition of fearing nothing, to quiet all things there, and restore them to their former tranquillity, and withal to give notice to the whole Kingdom how matters had passed at the Barricades, as much to his own advantage, as possibly he could. To this effect he possessed himself of the strongest places in the City; of the Temple, of the Palace, of the Town-House, of the two Chastelets, of the Gates, where he set Guards, of the Arsenal and of the Bastille, which was surrendered to him too easily by the Governor Testu; the Government of which he gave to Bussy Le Clerc, the most audacious of the Sixteen: He obliged the Magistrates to proceed in the Courts of Judicature as formerly: He made a new Provost of Merchants, and Sheriffs, a Lieutenant Civil, Colonels, and Captains of the several Wards, all devoted to the League, in the room of those whom he suspected. He retook without much trouble all the places both above and below, on the River, that the passages for Provisions might be free. He writ at last to the King, to the Towns, and to his particular Friends, and drew up Manifests (or Declarations) in a style, which had nothing in it but what was great and generous, while he endeavoured to justify his proceedings, and at the same time to preserve the respect which was owing to the King, protesting always that he was most ready to pay him an entire Obedience, and that he proposed nothing to himself, but that provision should be made for the safety of Religion, and of good Catholics, which were designed to be oppressed, through the pernicious Counsels of such as held intelligence with Heretics, and projected nothing but the ruin of Religion and the State. These Letters, together with those which the Parisians wrote to the other Towns, exhorting all men to combine with them for their common preservation in the Catholic Faith, and those of the King, which on the contrary were written, in too soft a style, and where there appeared more of fear and of excuse, than of resentment and just complaint for so sacrilegious an attempt, had this effect, that the greatest part of the people, far from being scandalised at the Barricades, approved them, loudly praising the conduct of the Duke of Guise, whom they believed to be full of Zeal for the Catholic Faith, for the good of the Kingdom, and for the Service of the King. And as he desired nothing so much as to confirm them in that opinion, he was willing that the body of the City, should send their Deputies to the King, humbly to beseech his Majesty, that he would forget what was passed, and return to his good Town of Paris, where his most Loyal Subjects were ready to give him all the highest demonstrations of their Obedience and devotion to his Service. He permitted that even processions should be made, in the Habit of Penitents, to desire of God, that he would please to mollify the King's Heart and this was performed with so much ardour, that there was one which went from Paris as far as Chartres, in a most extraordinary Equipage, under the conduct of the famous Friar Ange. This honest Father was Henry de joyeuse, Count of Bouchage, and Brother to the late Duke. He had given up himself to be a Capuchin, about a year before this time: having such strong impressions made upon him, by the death and good example of his Wife, Catharine de Nogaret, Sister to the Duke of Espernon, that he was inflamed with a desire of repentance; insomuch that neither the tears of his Brother, nor the entreaties and favours of the King, who loved him exceedingly, nor the ardent solicitations of all the Court, were able to remove him from the resolution he had taken of leading so austere a Life. This noble Friar, having put a Crown of Thorns upon his head, and carrying an overgrown Cross upon his Shoulders, followed by his Fraternity, and by a great number of Penitents, and others who represented in their Habits the several persons of the Passion, led on that procession, singing Psalms and Litanies. The march of these Penitents was so well managed, that they entered the great Church of Chartres, just as the King was there at Vespers: As they entered, they began to sing the Miserere, in a very doleful tone; And at the same time, two swingeing Friars armed with Disciplines, laid on lustily poor Friar Ange, whose back was naked. The application was not hard to make, nor very advantageous to the Parisians, for the charitable creature seemed evidently to desire the King, that he would please to pardon them, as jesus Christ was willing to forgive the jews, for those horrible outrages which they had committed against him. A Spectacle so surprising produced different effects in the minds of the standers by; according to the variety of their tempers, some of them were melted into compassion, others were moved to Laughter, and some even to indignation: And more than all the rest, the Marshal de Byron, who having no manner of relish for this sort of devotion, and fearing besides, that some dangerous Leaguers, might have crowded in amongst them, with intention to Preach the people into a Mutiny, counselled the King to clap them up in Prison every Mothers Son. But that good Prince, who notwithstanding all his faults, had a stock of Piety at the bottom, and much respect for all things that related to Religion, rejected wholly this advice. He listened to them much more favourably, than he had heard all the Harangues of the former Deputies: and promised to grant them the pardon they desired for the Town, which he had so much favoured, on condition they would return to their Obedience. And truly 'tis exceeding probable, that he had so done from that very time, if they had not afterwards given him fresh provocations, by proposing the terms on which they insisted for the Peace, which they desired. For the Duke of Guise, to whom all these fair appearances were very serviceable, and could be no ways prejudicial, and who always pursued his designs in a direct line, knew so well to manage the disposition of the Queen Mother, who had seemed at first to be much startled at his demands, that he recalled her with much dexterity into his interests; by working on those two passions which were rooted in her Soul. She desired to raise to the Throne, after the death of the King her Son, her Grandson Henry de Lorraine, Marquis du Pont; and believed that the Duke of Guise would contribute to it all that was in his power. But as cunning as she was, she saw not into the bottom of that Prince, who fed her only with vain hopes of that Succession for another, to which he personally aspired. She infinitely hated the Duke of Espernon, and believing he was the man, who having possessed himself of the King's Soul, had rendered her suspected to him, longed to turn him out of Court; promising herself by that means to be re-established in the management of affairs from which the Favourites had removed her. And the Duke of Guise who had as little kindness as herself for the Duke of Espernon, concurred in the same design, with at least as much earnestness, but for a much different end; for he desired to be absolute himself. In this manner this subtle Prince, always dissembling, and artifically hiding the true motives by which he acted, drew the Queen at last to consent to all that he desired: and above all, to give her allowance that a request should be presented to the King in the name of the Cardinals, the Princes, the Peers of France, the Lords, the Deputies of Paris and the other Towns, and of all the Catholics united for the defence of the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Religion. This reqest which in the manner of its expressions, was couched in most respectful terms, contained notwithstanding in the bottom of it, certain Propositions, at least as hard as the Articles of Nancy; and even as those, which not long before were proposed to the Queen by the Duke of Guise. For after a protestation in the beginning of it, that in whatsoever had passed till that present time, there had been nothing done, but by a pure zeal for God's honour, and for the preservation of his Church, they demand of the King, That he would make War with the Huguenots, and that he would conclude no Peace till all Heresies were rooted out. That it would please him to use the Service of the Duke of Guise, in so just and holy an undertaking; that he would drive out of the Court, and despoil of all their Offices, all those who held a secret correspondence with the Huguenots, and principally the Duke of Espernon, and his Brother La Valette. Against whom there are recited in that request, all imaginable crimes that could be thought most capable of rendering them odious and insupportable to the whole Kingdom. That he would deliver the Nation from the just apprehensions it had, of falling one day under the power and dominion of Heretics. And (that there might be given to the City of Paris a full assurance henceforth to enjoy a perfect tranquillity, without fear of oppression,) he would not only please to confirm the new Provosts, and Sheriffs, but that also the ●aid City may have full and entire liberty for the future, to make choice of such as shall succeed in those places, and in those of City Colonels and Captains. This request was extremely displeasing to the King, who saw but too clearly, that their intention was to give the Law to him hereafter, whom they had first so haughtily affronted. He therefore caused it to be examined in his Council, where there was but small agreement, because the Members of it were divided in their Interests. There were but two methods to be taken on that subject; either for the King to join with the League against the Huguenots, as the request demanded, or to make War against the League with all his Power, in conjunction with the Huguenots; for unless he espoused one of these interests it was impossible for him to succeed. Those of the Council who loved not the Duke of Espernon, who were many, and who feared that the acting of the King's Forces in combination with the Huguenots, would prove of great prejudice to his Reputation, and of greater to Religion, were for the former Proposition and Counsel, that all differences should be accommodated in the best manner they could with the Duke of Guise, which was also the de●ire of the Queen Mother: But the rest, who for the most part consisted of those persons, whose disgrace and banishment was demanded in the Request, insisted strongly on the second: and gave their voice for a War to be made against the Duke to the uttermost; fortifying their opinion by the number of Forces, which the King might raise promiscuously, both from Catholics and Protestants, because this was not a War of Religion, but that the Sovereign only 〈◊〉 himself; to quell and chastise his rebellious Subjects. It would be a matter of much difficulty to tell precisely what was the true resolution which the King took, betwixt the extremes of these different Counsels. But it may be told for a certain truth, that having a long time deliberated, and that much more in his own breast than with his Council, he seemed at length all on the sudden to pitch upon the first; whether it were, that being as he was, a good Catholic, and hating the Huguenots, he could not yet come to a resolution of uniting himself to them; or were it, that he thought not himself at that time strong enough, even with the King of Navarre's assistance, to destroy the League, which was grown more powerful than ever since the Barricades, and Headed by a man so able, so bold, and so successful as the Duke of Guise; or lastly, as many have believed, that being strongly persuaded, he should never be in safety, nor be Master in his Kingdom, while that 〈◊〉 whom he hated mortally was 〈◊〉, he took up from that very moment a resolution within himself to dispatch him out of the World, and that he might draw him into the Net which he was spreading for him, was willing to grant in a manner whatsoever he desired, as if it were done in contemplation of a Peace. Whatsoever were his true motive, (for I desire not that random guesses should be taken for truths,) 'tis certain that though the King was highly exasperated against the League, yet he answered their request with much gentleness and moderation, assuring them that he would assemble the three Estates at Blois, in the Month of September, there to advise of the means to give them satisfaction, and to deliver them from the jealousy they had of falling one day under the dominion of a Huguenot Prince; that for what related to the Duke of Espernon, he would do them Justice, like an Equitable King, and would make it manifest that he preferred the public welfare, before the consideration of any private person. Accordingly in the first place, that Duke was despoiled of his Government of Normandy, commanded to depart from Court, and retire himself to Angouleme. Not long time afterwards the King concluded a Treaty with the Lords of the League, to whom, besides the Places which they had already in possession, the Towns of Montrevil, Orleans and Bourges were given for six Years. A publication of the Council of Trent was promised, with provision against that part of it which was contrary to the liberties of the Gallicane Church. ●There was given to the Duke of Guise, instead of the title of Constable, that of Head of the French gendarmery, which signifies the same thing. Two Armies were promised to be raised against the Huguenots, one in Dauphinè under the command of Duke of Mayenne, and the other in Saintonge and Poitou, which shoved be Commanded by a General of the King's own choice: For the New Constable under another name would not be so far from Court, lest his absence from thence might be of ill consequence to his Party. In conclusion the King caused to be published the famous Edict of july, which he commanded to be called the Edict of the Reunion, where he did more in favour of the League, than the League itself desired from him. For, after having declared in that Edict, that he would have all his Subjects united to himself, that in like manner as their Souls are redeemed with the same price, by the Blood of our Lord and Saviour jesus Christ, so also they and their posterity should be one Body with him; he swears, that he will employ all his Forces, without sparing his proper life, to exterminate from his Realm all Heresies condemned by Councils, and principally by that of Trent, without ever making any Peace or Truce with Heretics, or any Edict in their favour. He wills that all Princes, Lords, Gentlemen, and Inhabitants of Towns, and generally all his Subjects, as well Ecclesiastical as Secular, should take the same Oath. That farther, they should swear and promise, for the time present, and for ever, after it shall have pleased God to dispose of his life, without having given him Issue Male, not to receive for King, any Prince whatsoever, who shall be a Heretic or a promoter of Heresy. He declares Rebels and guilty of High Treason, and to have forfeited all Privileges which have formerly been granted to them, all persons and all Towns, which shall refuse to take this Oath, and sign this Union. He promises never to bestow any Military employment, but on such as shall make a signal profession of the Roman Catholic Religion. And prohibits in express terms, that any man whosoever shall be admitted to the exercise of any office Judicature, or any employment belonging to the Treasury, whose profession of the Roman Catholic Religion, appears not under the Attestation of the Bishop or his substitutes, or at least of the Curates or their Vicars, together with the deposition of ten Witnesses, all qualified, and unsuspected persons. He also swears to hold for his good and Loyal Subjects, and to protect and defend as well those who have always followed the League, as those others who have formerly united and associated themselves against the Heretics; and that at this present he unites them to himself; to the end they may all act together in order to one common end. And that he holds for null, and as never done, that which seems to have been done against him; as well in the Town of Paris, as elsewhere particularly since the twelfth of May to the day of the publication of this Edict: without future molestation or bringing into trouble any person whomsoever, for any thing relating to the premises. But he also wills that all his Subjects of what Quality soever, swear that they will and do renounce all Leagues and Confederations, as well without as within the Realm, which are contrary to this Union, on pain of being punished, as infringers of their Oath, and guilty of High Treason. This Edict was verified in Parliament the one and twentieth of july; and published immediately after; being received with extraordinary transports of joy by the Leaguers, who believed that by it, they had obtained a clear Victory against the King, whom they beheld entirely subjected to the will and good pleasure of their Heads. He himself also as it is reported, with profound dissimulation endeavoured all he was able to confirm them in that opinion, by making public demonstrations of his joy, and satisfaction for the peace. He was very solicitous to cause his Edict to be signed by all the Princes and Lords who were then at Court: He proclaimed the convention of the three Estates at Blois, which was to be at the beginning of October following. He procured the Letters Patents for the Duke of Guise's Commission of Intendant General, over all his Armies, with the same power which is annexed to that of Constable, to be verified in Parliament. He received him at Chartres with such particular tokens of esteem, affection, and trust, that it was believed the tender friendship which was betwixt them when the King was then but Duke of Anjou, was once more renewed. He favoured all his creatures, on whom he bestowed considerable Employments, and at last, to satisfy him in that point, which of all others was most nice, he caused the Cardinal of Bourbon to be solemnly declared the next of Blood to him, by allowing him all the Privileges and Prerogatives which belong to the Heir presumptive of the Crown. After all, as it is almost impossible that a violent passion in the Soul, what care soever be taken to conceal it, should not discover itself by its consequences, and by some indications, which break out even from the closest men: So this Prince as great a Master as he was in the art of dissimulation, could not act his part so well, but that he gave occasion to those who were more clear sighted, to believe, or at leastwise to suspect, that all which at that time was done by him to testify his joy, was only to cover his indignation and his hatred, which urged him incessantly to revenge himself on those from whom he had received such unworthy usage. For being departed from Chartres, and going thence to Roüen, where he made the Edict of Reunion, he would never be persuaded to go to Paris at his return, what instance soever the Deputies of the Parliament, and those of the Town could make to him: always alleging faint excuses, which he grounded only on the preparations which he was to make in order to his meeting the Estates at Blois. He still retained near his person his Guard of the five and forty which the Duke of Guise had requested him to dismiss. He gave the command of the Army designed for Poitou to the Duke of Nevers, whom the Duke of Guise his Brother-in-law could never endure, since his renunciation of the League. He admitted none to his private friendship, but the Marshal d' Aumont, the Lord Nicholas d' Angennes, de Rambovillet, Colonel Alphonso. d' Ornano, and some few others, who were no friends to the Duke of Guise. In fine, that which made the greatest noise, was, that the Chancellor de Chiverny, the Precedents Bellieure and Brulart, and the Sieurs de Villeroy, and Pinart, (the two Secretaries of State, who had given him advice, to accommodate matters with the Duke of Guise) were absolutely disgraced. The Queen Mother who had managed that accommodation, had little or no part in business; and was wholly excluded from the Cabinet Council. The Seals were given to Francis de Monthelon a famous Advocate, a man of rare integrity, and of inviolable fidelity to the King's service, who raised him to that high Employment, without his own seeking, at the recommendation of the Duke of Nevers, who was known to be on very ill terms with the Duke of Guise. All this was sufficient without doubt to alarm that Prince, and give him caution to look about him, or at least to suspect the King's intentions towards him, but the flourishing condition, wherein he was placed, the applauses which were given him both by the people and by the Court itself, which admired both his conduct and his perpetual felicity, and regarded him as Arbitrator and Master of Affairs; and the certain opinion which he had, that all things would go for him in the Estates, had so far blinded him, that he believed it was not in the power of fortune to do him any prejudice, not so much as to shake him, or to give the smallest stop to the full carrier of his success. Thus he entered as it were in triumph into Blois at the end of September; and the King came thither about the same time, to order the preparations for the Estates. He commanded that all future proceedings should be as it were sanctified by two solemn and conspicuous acts of piety; which were a most devout and magnificent Procession made on the first Sunday of October, the second day of that Month, and by a general Communion, taken by all the Deputies on the Sunday following, the ninth of the same Month; on which the King, in token of a perfect reconcilement, received with the Duke of Guise, the precious Body of jesus Christ, from the hands of the Cardinal de Bourbon, in the Church of Saint Saviour. After which, all those who were expected being at length arrived, the Assembly of the Estates was opened on Sunday the sixteenth of that Month, in the great Hall of the Castle of Blois. As it is not my business to say any thing of this Assembly, which relates not precisely to the History of the League, I shall not trouble myself with every particular which passed in it. I shall only say, that the King who was naturally eloquent, opened the Assembly with an excellent Oration; wherein after he had in a most Majestic manner, and with most pathetic words, exhorted the Deputies to their duty, he either could not or would not conceal from them, that he had not so far forgotten the past actions, but that he had taken up a firm resolution, to inflict an exemplary punishment on such who should persist in acting against his Authority, and continue to be still possessed with that spirit of Leaguing and Caballing, which was upon the point of ruining the State; neither would he henceforth spare those who should have any other union, than that which the Members ought to have with their Head, and Subjects with their Sovereign. This touched so sensibly the Leaguers of that Assembly, and principally their Head, who looked on this Speech as particularly addressed to himself, that they proceeded even to threatening that they would break off the Estates by their departure, if the King, who had commanded his Speech to be Printed, would not give order to suppress it, or at least correct that passage. There are some who affirm, that after a rough dispute concerning it, the King permitted at last that something should be altered, and the harshness of his expressions a little mollified. But there are others, and even of their number who heard it spoken, who assure us, that it came out in public in the same terms it was pronounced. However it were, 'tis certain, that this complaint of theirs much exasperated the King's mind, who saw clearly by this proceeding, that the League, notwithstanding its Reunion with him, had still a separate interest of its own, and extremely opposite to his. I will adventure to say farther, that he was then fully persuaded of it, when he perceived that the Duke of Guise, who was the true Head of it, was evidently more powerful than himself in those Estates. For besides that the greatest part of the Deputies had been elected by the factious intrigues of his dependants in the Provinces, those who were chosen to preside over the several Orders, that is to say the Cardinals of B●urbon and of Guise, for the Clergy, the Count of Brissac, and the Baron of Magnac for the Nobility, and the Provost of Merchants, La Chapelle Martau for the third order, were all of them entirely at the Duke's devotion. Insomuch that at the second Session, after the Edict of Reunion had been solemnly confirmed, sworn to again, and passed into a fundamental Law of the State, when the Petitions of the three Orders were read, he saw that under pretence of desiring to reform some abuses which were crept into the State, they were filled with an infinite number of Propositions, which tended to the manifest diminution, or rather the annihilation of the Royal Authority, and to reduce the Government to that pass, that there should remain to the King no more than the empty name and vain appearance of a Sovereign Monarch; and that all the real and essential part of Sovereignty should be in the League, which absolutely depended on the Duke of Guise. Yet farther they were not satisfied barely to propose these things, leaving to the King, according to the Ancient Laws and Constitution of the Monarchy, the power of either passing or refusing them, according to his pleasure, ●after they had been well examined in his Council; but they pretended that after they had been received by the consent of the three Orders, they should become Laws of course, and be inviolable, so that the King should not have the power either to change or abrogate them in his Council. Then they would have an abatement of Taxes and Imposts, but so much out of measure, that they took away from the King the means of making that War, in which themselves had engaged him. They would also that the Council of Trent should be received absolutely, and without modification. And the famous Attorney General jaques de Say, d' Espesses, who in a great Assembly held on that occasion, maintained with strength of reason, against some decrees of that Council, the Prerogatives of the King (or Regalia) and the Immunities of the Gallicane Church, was so ill treated there, though he had baffled the Archbishop of Lions, who undertook to destroy those Privileges, that the King who was affronted in the person of his Attorney, was not a little displeased at their proceedings. But above all things they were urgent with him, and pressed it with incredible obstinacy, that the King of Navarre, who at the same time had assembled the Estates of his Party at Rochel, and from thence had sent to those at Blois, intimating his desire of a General Council to be summoned, where all things might be accommodated, should from that time forward be declared uncapable of ever succeeding to the Crown. They had made a Decree concerning this, by consent of the three Orders, at the particular instance of the Order of the Clergy. And the King who clearly foresaw the terrible consequences of this unparallelled injustice, and who was plied incessantly to subscribe it, was not able to defend himself otherwise, than by amusing them with delays, and rubs which he dextrously caused to be thrown in their way, on sundry pretences. It was not doubted but that the Duke of Guise, (who having two thirds of the Estates for him, was consequently the Master there,) was Author of all these Propositions so contrary to the true Interests and Authority of the King, especially when it was evident, that he employed all his Managers, to cause himself to be declared in the Estates, Lieutenant General through the whole Kingdom, as if he would possess himself of that Supreme Command, without dependence on the King, and that he pretended his Prince to be no more his Master, as not having power to deprive him of a dignity which he was to hold, from a Commission given him by others. All these things so unworthy of the Majesty of a great King, at the length quite wearied out his patience; which after so long dissembling his injuries, on the sudden broke out into the extremity of rage: Insomuch that those among his Confidents, who ardently desired the destruction of the Duke for their own advantage, found not the least trouble, in passing on the King for truths, many reports and oftentimes very groundless rumours, which ran of the Duke, adding to them that it was he, who underhand had drawn the Duke of Savoy to possess himself of the Marquisate of Saluces, as he had lately done. And this they confidently affirmed, though the Duke by his own interest in the Estates, had procured them to vote a War against the Savoyard. Thus, whether it were that the King had long since resolved to rid his hands of the Duke of Guise, in revenge of some ancient grudge and sense of the affronts he had received from him, particularly on that fatal day of the Barricades; or were it, that being sincerely reconciled to him he had taken, or perhaps resumed that resolution when he saw him act against him in the Estates, of which he had made himself the Master, and believing his own condition desperate, if he made not haste to prevent him, most certain it is, that he deliberated no more, but only concerning the manner of executing what he had determined. He had only two ways to choose, the one by justice, first committing him, and afterwards making his process; the other by Fact, which was to have him slain. He managed this consultation with exceeding secrecy, admitting only four or five of his Confidents, on whom he most relied. One of these was Beauvais Nangis, who having served the King well, in his Army against the Reyters, was restored so fully to his favour, that in recompense of the Command, of Colonel of the French Infantry, which the Duke of Espernon had got over his head, he made him afterwards Admiral of France, though he never enjoyed that great dignity, which he had only under the Signet. This Lord, who was as prudent, and temperate in Council, as prompt and daring in execution, concluded for the methods of Justice, maintaining that they were not only the more honest, but also the more safe, because the fear alone which would possess the Duke's party, lest they should kill him, in case they attempted to deliver him by force, and by that means hinder the course of Justice, would stop all manner of such proceeding, and restrain them within the terms of Duty. That after all, if he were once made Prisoner, which might be done without noise or tumult, it would be easy to give him such Judges, as should soon dispatch his Trial, and that afterwards he might be executed in Prison, according to the Laws. But if on the contrary, they should enter crudely on so bloody an execution, there was danger lest that action which was never to be well justified, and which the Leaguers would certainly cause to pass in the World, for tyrannical and perfidious, might raise a rebellion in the greatest part of France, which had already declared so loudly for that Prince, whom they regarded as the pillar of Religion, and would afterwards look on as the Martyr of it. But the rest, who believed it impossible on that occasion, to observe the ordinary forms of Law and Justice, and thought that the Head being once cut off, the Body of the League would immediately fall like a dead Body, were of opinion that he should be dispatched with all possible speed, which was easy to perform, especially in the Castle, where the Duke was almost hourly in the King's power, whom he had in no manner of distrust, as sufficiently appeared by his Lodging there. In the mean time 'tis most certain, that this secret was not kept so close, but that he received advertisement from more than one, of his imminent danger, and that his death already was resolved. And he slighted not so much these informations, as intrepid as he was, or as he affected to appear, by replying continually, they dare not, but that two or three days before his death, he consulted on this affair, which so nearly concerned him, with the Cardinal of Guise, his Brother, the Archbishop of Lions, the Precedent de Nevilly, the Provost of the Merchants, and the Sieur de Mandrevile Governor of St. Menehoud, on whom he principally relied. In weighing those proofs which in a manner were indubitable, that a design was laid against him, they were unanimously of opinion that the safest course was to be taken, and that under some pretence or other, he should instantly retire. Excepting only the Archbishop, who continued obstinate to the contrary, fortifying his opinion with this argument, that since he was upon the point, of carrying all things in the Estates according to his wi●h, he ran the hazard of losing all by leaving them. And, that for the rest, it was not credible that the King should be so ill advised, as to incur the manifest danger of ruining himself, by striking that unhappy blow. To which Mandrevile replied, Swearing, that for a man of Sense as he was, he was the worst Arguer he ever knew. For, said he, you talk of the King, as if he were a wary and cool-headed Prince, looking before him at every step, and will not understand that he is only a hot-brained Fool, who thinks no farther than how to execute, what his two base passions, Fear and Hatred which possess him, have once made sink into his imagination, and never considers what a wise man ought to do on this occasion. It were a folly therefore, for the Duke to hazard himself in such a manner, and to be moved by so weak a reason, to lose all in a moment. 'Tis wonderful to observe, that the most clear sighted men, who have it in their power if they will use the means before them, to avoid that which is called their Destiny, after the misfortune is happened, should suffer themselves to be dragged and hurried to it as it were by force, in spite of their understanding and their foresight, which their own rashness, and not a pretended fatality renders unprofitable to them. 'Tis reported that the Duke of Guise, confessed that this dsicourse of Mandrevile carried the greater force of reason, yet nevertheless he added, that having gone so far forward as he then was, if he should see death coming in at the Windows upon him, he would not give one step backward to the door, though by so doing, he were certain to avoid it. Nevertheless 'tis very probable, that the encouragement he had to speak with so much loftiness and resolution, was the assurance, which he thought he had, that the King, whose Genius he knew, particularly since the day when he entered into the Lovure, where the Duke gave himself for lost, would never afterwards dare to take up so bold a resolution as to kill him. 'Tis certain, that when the Sieur de Vins, one of his greatest Confidents, had written to him from Provence, that he should beware of keeping so near the King, and not rely on those large testimonies of his affection, which he said he had received, the Duke answered him, that he reposed not the hopes of his own safety on the King's Virtue, whom he knew to be ill natured, and a Hypocrite, but on his Judgement and on his Fear, because it was not credible, but he must needs understand, that he himself was ruined in case he made any attempt against his person. But he learned at his own cost, by the unhappy experiment which he made, that it had been better for him to have followed the wise advice which was given him, and which he himself had approved, than a bare conjecture, and the impulse of his inborn generosity, which his bloody and lamentable death, as things are commonly judged by their event, has caused to pass in the World for an effect of the greatest rashness. It ought not here to be expected, that I should dwell on an exact and long description of all the circumstances of that tragical action, which has been so unfortunate to France, and so ill received in the World. Besides that they are recounted, in very different manners, by the Historians of one and the other Religion, according to their different passions, and that the greatest part of them are either false, or have little in them worth observation; the thing was done with so great facility, and precipitation, and withal, in so brutal a manner, that it cannot be too hastily passed over: this than is the plain and succinct relation of it. After that the Brave Grillon, Mestre de Camp of the Regiment of Guards had generously refused to kill the Duke of Guise, unless in single Duel, and in an honourable way, the King had recourse to Lognac, the first Gentleman of his Chamber, and Captain of the forty five, who promised him eighteen or twenty of the most resolute amongst them, and for whom he durst be answerable. They were of the number of those whom the Duke of Guise, who had always a distrust of those Gascons, as creatures of the Duke of Espernon, had formerly demanded that they might be dismissed, from which request he had afterwards desisted. Insomuch that it may be said he foresaw the misfortune that attended him, without being able to avoid it. For, on Friday the twenty third of December, being entered about eight of the Clock in the Morning, into the great Hall, where the King had intimated on Thursday night, that he intended to hold the Council very early, that he might afterwards go to Nostre dame de Clery; some came to tell him that His Majesty expected him in the old Closet, yet he was not there, but in the other which looks into the Garden. Upon this, he arose from the fire side, where finding himself somewhat indisposed, he had been seated; and passed through a narrow Entry, which was on one side the Hall, into the Chamber, where he found Lognac with seven or eight of the forty five: the King himself having caused them to enter into that room very secretly before daybreak: the rest of them were posted in the old Closet, and all of them had great Poniards hid under their Cloaks, expecting only the coming of the Duke of Guise, to make sure work with him whether it were in the Chamber or in the Closet, in case he should retire thither for his defence. There needed not so great a preparation for the kill of a single man, who came thither without distrust of any thing that was designed against him: and who holding his Hat in one hand, and with the other the lappet of his Cloak, which he had wrapped under his left Arm, was in no condition of defence. In this posture he advanced towards the old Closet, saluting very civilly as his custom was, those Gentlemen who made show of attending him out of respect, as far as the door. And as in lifting up the Hangings, with the help of one of them, he stooped to enter, he was suddenly seized by the Arms, and by the Legs; and at the same instant struck into the Body before, with five or six Poniards, and from behind, into the Nape of the Neck, and the Throat, which hindered him from speaking one single word, of all that he is made to say, or so much as drawing out his Sword. All that he could do, was to drag along his Murderers, with the last and strongest effort that he could make, struggling and striving till he fell down at the Beds-Feet, where some while after, with a deep Groan, he yielded up his breath. The Cardinal of Guise, and Archbishop of Lions, who were in the Council Hall, rising up at the Noise, with intention of running to his aid, were made Prisoners by the Marshals D' Aumont and de Retz: At the same time the Cardinal of Bourbon was also seized in the Castle, together with Anne d' Este Duchess of Nemours, and Mother of the Guises, and the Prince of joinville, the Dukes of Elbeuf, and Nemours, Brissac and Boisdauphin with many other Lords, who were Confidents of the Duke, and Pericard his Secretary. And in the mean time the Grand Prevost of the King's House went with his Archers to the Chamber of the third Estate, in the Town-House, and there arrested the Precedent Nevilly, the Prevost of Merchants, the Sheriff's Compan and Cotte-Blanch, who were Deputies for Paris, and some other notorious Leaguers. This being done, the King himself brought the News of it to the Queen Mother, telling her that now he was a real King since he had cut off the Duke of Guise. At which that Princess being much surprised and moved, ask him if he had made provision against future accidents, he answered her in an angry kind of tone, much differing from his accustomed manner of speaking to her, that she might set her heart at rest, for he had taken order for what might happen, and so went out surlily to go to Mass; yet before he went, he sent particularly to Cardinal Gondi, and to the Cardinal Legat Morosini, and informed them both of what had passed, with his reasons to justify his proceedings. Davila the Historian reports, that before he went to Mass, the King met the Legate, and walking with him a long time, gave him all his reasons for that action, which he takes the pains to set down at large, as if he had been present at that long Conference, and that he had heard, (without losing one single word;) all the King said to the Cardinal, together with the Cardinal's politic reflections upon it, and his reply to the King's discourse. For he tells us, that the Legate fearing to lessen Henry's affection to the Holy See, assured him that the Pope as being a common Father, would listen favourably to his excuses, and withal exhorted him to make War against the Huguenots, that he might make demonstrations of his sincerity, and that it might be evident, he killed not the Duke of Guise, the great Enemy of the Heretics, out of intention to favour the King of Navarre and that party. He adds, that the King promised him, and confirmed it with an Oath, that provided the Pope would join with him he would proceed to make War against them, with more eagerness than ever, and would not suffer any other Religion but the Roman Catholic in his Kingdom. That after this solemn Protestation, the Legate judged it not expedient, to proceed any farther in the Conference, and that without saying any thing for the present in favour of the Prelates who were Prisoners, he continued to treat with him in the same manner he had used formerly: There are those also who are bold enough to affirm, that by the freedom of his action and carriage, while he was discoursing with the King, sometimes whispering to him, and sometimes laughing with him, it was believed that the King had done nothing without the consent and privity of the Pope: And they add with Davila, that this carriage of the Cardinal, gave the King encouragement to proceed yet farther, and to cause the Cardinal of Guise to be also slain; as observing that he made so light a matter of the imprisonment of Prelates. You see these Authors have related with great seriousness and gravity, as an undoubted truth, the passages of this conference which they say was publicly beheld, in the Court of the Castle of Blois. Notwithstanding which, 'tis all a most manifest falsehood; and all that Davila has said in relation to it, is no better than one of those fictions which only Poets have Authority to make. The proof of this amounts to no less than a demonstration, and leaves not a scruple remaining to be satisfied. We have the Printed Memoires of Cardinal Morosini's Life, written in Italian, in an Elegant and Manly style, by Monsignor Stephano Cosmi, Archbishop of Spalleto; who did me the honour to send them to me from Venice more than three years since. And 'tis evident from the Letters of this Cardinal Legat, to Cardinal Montalto, Nephew of Pope Sixtus the fifth, to whom he gives a most exact account, of all the passages on the twenty third of December, and the following days, that whatsoever importunity he had used at the request of Madam de Nemours, to obtain an Audience of the King, on the morning of that day, the entrance even of the Castle was refused to him, notwithstanding that he used his utmost endeavours at the Gate to get admission, and that he could never procure an Audience till the twenty sixth, which was three days after the Murder of the Cardinal. After this what will become of all those fine discourses, and all the particular circumstances of that pretended Conference in the Castle Court, on the twenty third? and of that easy and unconcerned, or rather light behaviour of the Cardinal to the King, when he whispered in his Ear and laughed so heartily; which gave men occasion to believe, that according to his Orders from Rome, he was of intelligence with the King, who seeing him so merrily disposed, was resolved to prosecute his design yet farther, and to rid his hands of the Cardinal of Guise? What else is this, than to turn History into Romance; as on this very occasion two Protestant Writers have also done, I mean d' Aubignè, and the Author of the Discourse of that which passed at Blois, until the death of the Duke of Guise? And our Catholic Historians who have followed their Authority, having suffered themselves to be imposed on by those Huguenots, have consequently imposed upon their Readers. There is so little appearance that the complaisant Discourses of the Legate Morosini, had given the King occasion to resolve on the death of the Cardinal de Guise, that you see on the contrary he refused to grant him an Audience, because he would not hear what he could urge in favour of that Cardinal, whose death already was determined. In effect, that Cardinal grown desperate by reason of his Brother's death, having uttered in the first transports of his grief and fury, all that those passions could possibly inspire into a man of his hot temper, in the most opprobrious and affronting terms he could invent against the person of the King; that Prince thereby more incensed than ever, and fearing all things from the revenge of his violent and haughty Soul, who was almost as formidable to him as his Brother, Swore he should die for it. That which provoked him more to hold this resolution, was the report which had been made to him, that the Cardinal had the impudence to say, that he should not die, before he held the King's Head to be shaved and made a Monk of him; for these are the very words of the King in his Letter of the 24th. of December, to the Marquis Pisani, his Ambassador at Rome. Nevertheless, they had trouble enough to find out men, who would undertake the Execution of this Order. Those of the 45 who had Poniarded the Duke, refused in plain terms to imbrue their hands in the blood of a Cardinal, a Priest, and Archbishop of Rheyms. Yet at last they lighted on four Soldiers, who not having so much Honour as those Gentlemen, offered themselves to kill him for four hundred Crowns, which were promised them. So that after the wretched Cardinal was returned by little and little from the extravagance of his Passion, and had passed the remainder of the day, and the greatest part of the night following in Prayers, with the Archbishop of Lions, in a little Chamber where they confessed themselves to each other, one came to tell him in the morning about ten of the Clock, that the King asked for him: then having recommended his Soul to God, and received yet once more the benediction of the Archbishop, who believing that he himself should likewise die, exhorted him to receive his death with constancy of mind, and like a Christian, he went out, and perceiving the Soldiers who expected him in an obscure passage, he covered his Face with his Cloak, and leaning his Body against the Wall, suffered himself to be wounded, with strong thrusts of their Hallbards, without giving the least Groan or sigh, or even shaking in the least, till he fell down dead at the Feet of his inhuman Murderers. His Body together with his Brother's, were put into the hands of a Chirurgeon, who consumed the Flesh with unslak'd Lime, and then burned the Bones in a Chamber of the Castle, that they might not come into the possession of the Leaguers, who would be sure to have used them, to inflame the people who were his Idolaters, and to have made relics of them, to which they would have paid the same Honours, as are given to the Bones of Martyrs. Thus perished in the middle of his course, one of the most illustrious men who ever lived; at the age of 42 years, Henry of Lorraine, Duke of Guise, who by the incomparable perfections of his Body, of his Mind, and of his Soul, which made him admired even by his Enemies, had merited all that Fortune seemed to be preparing for him, had he not presumed to have pushed it beyond the bounds, which the providence of God to whom it is subservient, had prescribed him. For in conclusion, the following events have made it evident, that the divine providence which disposes Sovereignly of Empires, had ordained to take away that of France, from the Family of Valois, and to transfer it to the House of Bourbon; and by consequence whatever was set up in opposition to this eternal Decree, must fall under it at last; neither Conspiracies, nor Leagues, nor Fortune, nor any power on Earth, being able to resist it. In the mean time the violent death of those Princes, far from bringing those advantages to the King, which he had promised himself from it, and which his passion had represented to him through false optics, as exceeding great and most assured, threw him headlong on the sudden into a more deplorable condition, than that which he thought he had escaped. He well knew after he had considered, what he had done in cold Blood, that the Murder of the Cardinal of Guise, would be extremely offensive to the Pope, and that it was necessary he should endeavour to appease him, lest he who carried all things with a high hand, and was not of a temper to endure the least affront to his Authority, should declare himself for the League in opposition to him, which as yet he had not done: In consideration of which, he writ a Note to the Legate on Christmas day, in these very words which follow. Now at last I am a King, and am resolved from henceforth, not to suffer myself to be affronted: I will give them to understand, and make them feel whosoever they are, who dare to attack me, that I will always remain in this generous resolution, following therein the example of our Holy Father the Pope, whose common saying it is, that we must make ourselves be obeyed, and punish those who injure us. And since I have accomplished my purpose according to this Maxim, to morrow I will see you. Farewell. Accordingly on the twenty sixth of December, the Legate had a long Audience: wherein the King having informed him of the reasons which he had to kill the Duke and Cardinal, took God to witness that he had debated within himself, and opposed his own Arguments with all manner of severity, for six days together; and during all that time, was firmly resolved not to have come to those extremities for fear of offending Almighty God. But at length considering that He who had made him a King, made it part of his duty to maintain himself in that Dignity, and that the Pope had sent him word by Monsieur de Luxembourg, and had often spoken to the same purpose to the Cardinal of joyeuse, that he ought to make himself be obeyed, and punish those who affronted him; he had accordingly resolved to prevent them, by taking their lives, rather than stay, till his own were taken by them: the design of which they had already laid. And if he had not proceeded by the ordinary forms of Justice, the reason was, that in the low condition to which they had reduced him, 'twas impossible to make use of Law. To this the Legate, who had leisure in the mean time, to consider of what he ought to say, answered, without mentioning the Duke of Guise's death, that he thought it his duty to advertise him, that supposing the Cardinal had been guilty, yet his Majesty in causing him to be put to death as he had done, had incurred the Censures, contained in the Bull, called In Coena Domini; as much as those who had executed his Orders, and either counselled or approved that action. That therefore it was his duty to ask pardon, and absolution of his Sin from the Pope, who alone was able to give it him, and in the mean time he ought to abstain from entering into the Church. The King, surprised exceedingly at so brisk a declaration, answered him, that there was no Sovereign Prince, who was not endued with power, to punish his Ecclesiastical Subjects for crimes of High Treason, and more especially when his own Life was concerned in them: for which reason, he believed not that he had incurred any manner of censure, principally considering that the Kings of France have the privilege to be exempted from excommunication. 'Tis certain that he failed not on New-year's day to perform his Devotions, in ceremony with the Knights of the Order, and to communicate publicly in the Church of Saint Sauveur. And when the Legate had made complaint concerning it, he sent to him the Sieur de Revol, Secretary of State, who showed him a Breviat of the 21st. of july, in the year foregoing, by which the Pope permitted him to choose what Confessor he pleased, and who in virtue of that Breviat, had power to absolve him from all manner of crimes, even the most enormous, from all those particular cases reserved to the Pope's own person, from all censures and Ecclesiastical punishments, even those which are contained in the Bull which is called In Coenâ Domini. And the Secretary added, that though the King by virtue of his Privileges had no need of that Breviat, in order to his frequenting the Sacraments, yet it was passed all manner of dispute, that having it, he might communicate without either scruple or scandal, after having received Absolution from his Confessor. The Legate having nothing to reply to this, said no more, and satisfied himself with the remonstrance which he had made. But Pope Sixtus stopped not there, for he was strangely transported against his Legate whom he accused of Cowardice, because that having seen a Cardinal Murdered, he had not published the censures against the King with the Interdictions, even though it should have cost him (as he said) an hundred Lives. He testified his resentment of it to the Marquis de Pisany the King's Ambassador at Rome, with much sharpness, as also to Cardinal de joyeuse Protector of France, and yet more vehemently to the Sacred College in full Consistory, though the Cardinal de Saint Croix speaking to him immediately before, had told him, that having consulted the Books of the Doctors on this Subject, he had there read, that a King who had found a Cardinal plotting against his Estate, might cause him to be put to death, without either form or figure of Process, and that he had no need of absolution in such a case. The Pope was incensed at this freedom which he took, and loudly protested, that he would never grant any favour, nor would suffer any consistorial Remission to be made, before the King had sent to beg Absolution, which yet should not be granted him, till the whole business had been throughly examined in a Congregation of Cardinals, which he established for that purpose. The King was very willing, that the Pope if he so pleased, should give him yet another absolution, which could have done him no prejudice, though he believed it not to be necessary. But he would by no means allow that it should be juridically scanned, whether he had the right of punishing his Subjects as he had done. Upon which, the Cardinal de joyeuse made no scruple of remonstrating to the Pope, with all the respect which was due to his Holiness, that the best and most devout Catholics of France, (they are his very words) held not for authentic the opinions which were received at Rome, in that which concerns not the Doctrine and Tradition of the Church, (in both which, there was no difference betwixt Rome and France) but that in France, they held the Prerogatives or Rights of the King, to be much greater than they were thought at Rome, and they believed themselves, to stand on so sure Foundations for what they held, that they would not depart from it on any considerations whatever. That in this particular Fact, the King would not want most Zealous Catholics to maintain, that not only his Majesty, who has an especial privilege to stand exempted from Excommunication, but that also the meanest man can incur no censures for having done a thing which is of absolute necessity, for the preservation of his liberty, and of his Life. And that which way soever it be determined, yet his Majesty was absolved by the Authority of his Holiness himself, in virtue of the Breviat which he had granted him. To which the Pope made no other reply than this, that it belonged to him to interpret his own Breviat, and that it ought only to be understood of crimes committed, before the Breviat was given, and not of those which were committed afterwards. But one of the most understanding Prelates of the Roman Court, had the confidence to make it appear, by a writing which was sent to the King, that this Breviat being conceived as it was in general terms, without any restriction, extended as well to the future as to the past. In the mean time, the Pope as it were by immediate inspiration, changing his Humour on the sudden, began to tell the Cardinal, that he acknowledged the King had great provocations to do what he had done; that God had suffered the Cardinal of Guise and the Duke his Brother, to die in that manner for their Sins; That the League had ruined the affairs of France, and even the Catholic Religion itself: That it was at no time lawful to take up Arms against the will of the Sovereign, for it never succeeded happily: That he called that very Cardinal to witness what he had formerly told him concerning this, and that he had then prophesied what since had happened. The Cardinal ravished with joy to hear the Pope speak after this manner, gave him his most humble acknowledgements, and earnestly besought him always to persist in so just an opinion, without suffering himself to be imposed on, by the artifices of the Spaniards and the Leaguers. But when he perceived that after all this fair discourse the Pope, according to the obstinacy of his temper which was never to be moved, when once he had fixed his resolution, still continued to suspend all the expeditions, till the King had sent to desire absolution, he had the courage to tell him plainly, that this suspension which was prejudicial to the service of God, the salvation of Souls, and even to the authority of the Holy See, could be laid to no other man's charge, but the whole burden of it would fall on the Conscience of his Holiness. And that all the evils which arise from the long vacancies of Churches, would be imputed to him only not to the King, who had done on his part what he ought, by naming (or presenting) men to Bishoprics and Abbeys according to the Concordat, and that in mean time they who were thus presented to the Prelacy, had wherewithal to comfort themselves easily in their disgrace, by enjoying their Oeconomats' a longer time, without putting themselves to the trouble of providing and sending to Rome so much money, for obtaining the Apostolical Provisions. And after all, it might well happen that the King, moved by the remonstrances of the French Clergy and even of the Estates themselves, which were still assembled at Blois, and also because his nominations were refused at Rome, might set all things again upon the Foundation of the ancient right, in which case there would be no more trudging from France to Rome, but only for the confirmation of three or four primacies, and those too to be expedited gratis. In fine, this prudent and honest Cardinal, concluded his long dispatches by the advice he gave the King, that according to the opinion of the wisest men, and those who meant him best, the longer he delayed to send, or write to his Holiness, in case either of them were his intention, the more satisfaction he should receive, provided that his affairs prospered at home. For added he, your Majesty has nothing more to hope or fear, but only from your own management, and you are to expect that as matters go well or ill in France, you shall be treated here accordingly. So that to know how you stand in grace at Rome, you will have no need to be informed, by your Ambassador's dispatches or by mine, you will find the truest Intilligence from day to day by your own success. The event verified his prediction, for some time after Sixtus perceiving that the League grew exceeding powerful, and the King much weaker by the Revolt of the greatest part of France, caused a thundering Monitory to be posted up at Rome against him, in which he declares at the first dash, that the King had incurred the Excommunication provided by the Canons, for the Murder committed on the person of a Cardinal. The death of the Duke of Guise, was yet more ruinous to his affairs, and produced an effect quite contrary to what he had expected from it. He believed, that having cut off the Head of the League, it would thenceforth be no more than a body without life or motion, and that he should then be absolute Master and truly a King, as he had used to say. But it was not long before he found how much he had deceived himself. His supposition may come to pass, when a faction is weak in its beginning, and that they who are entered into it are irresolute, wavering betwixt their first fury, which has hurried them into a Rebellion, and their fear of a Master justly incensed against them, whom they also see well armed, and in condition to take Vengeance on them, as well as on their Head, in case they prove obstinate in their revolt. But here all things were in a contrary posture; the League had taken root so deeply in the people's Hearts, that there was no probability it should be torn out, at one single pull: and the faction was too strongly supported both within the Kingdom and without it, to beget a reasonable hope that it would easily be destroyed. On the other side, that love and respect, which the French have naturally for their Kings, was almost wholly extinguished in the greater part of them, in reference to Henry the third, who was equally hated both by Huguenots and Leaguers, and so very much despised, especially by the last, that he was not feared by any one. Thus instead of arming himself as he ought in reason to have done, after so terrible a blow as he had given, and advancing towards Paris, with all the Forces he either had in readiness, or could raise immediately, without giving leisure to the Leaguers to recover from their first amazement, and to provide themselves of a new Head against him, He trifled away his time according to his custom, in making specious Declarations, and writing fine Letters which he sent far and near, wherein amongst other things which he alleged for his justification, he said (what no body then believed, and what the Duke of Mayenne positively denied to the Cardinal Legat,) that he had received from that Duke, and from the Duchess of Aumale, a most certain information of the Conspiracy which the two Brothers had contrived against his person. Doubtless he was ignorant that having done an action of this nature, a King can never justify it better, than with his Arms in his hand, and by putting himself into a condition of forcing the vanquished to approve his reasons. And truly by making such an insignificant and verbal Apology, so inconsistent with the greatness of a King, he brought his matters to that pass, that he was neither believed by his own Subjects, nor by Foreigners. And was so unfortunate, that not only the Leaguers but even the Huguenots themselves, and principally the Gentlemen amongst them condemned his action in most reproachful Language, and thought it contrary to the Genius of the French Nation. In the mean time he was much surprised, that while he was losing his time in writing and continuing the Estates, which he held on till three weeks after the execution, he heard the news that Orleans was revolted against him; that the Duke of Mayenne, (who was advertised at Lions of the death of his Brothers before Alphonso d' Ornano, who had been sent either to make him Prisoner, or to kill him, could arrive there,) had refuged himself in his Government of Burgundy, where he was Master of almost all the Towns; and especially that Paris had reinflamed the League with more ardour than before to revenge the death of the two Brothers. There is nothing more prodigiously strange in all this History, than the transactions in that great City, when they heard the news of this amazing accident. The Sixteen, who had it first, even before the Parliament had notice of it, (so great was the negligence of the Court) commanded immediately on Christmas-Evening, that they should stand to their Arms in all the Wards, secured all the strong places, placed Corpse de Garde upon the Bridges, and in the Squares, and put Soldiers into the Houses of the Politiqúes, for by that name they called suspected persons, that is to say, all those who were not carried away by the Torrent of so hot-brained and furious a Faction. Afterwards finding themselves absolute Masters of Paris, where the People being enraged almost to madness for the murder of the Duke of Guise, were one and all for a Revolt, they held a General Assembly at the Townhouse, where notwithstanding the opposition which was made by Achilles de Harlay, the first Precedent, who was in danger of his life on that occasion, they elected the Duke of Aumale their Governor, and made amongst themselves a more strict Union than ever, for defence, as they gave out, of their Lives and Liberties, and of the Catholic Religion. In this manner they disguised Rebellion under a specious name; which their Preachers, and the Doctors of the League bauled out, and thundered through all Paris. For the Preachers, of whom the most furious were Pelletier Boucher, Guincestre, Pigenat, and Aubry the Curates, Father Bernard de Montgalliard, surnamed the Petit Fevillant, and the famous Cordelier Feu Ardent, Preaching in the Parishes of Paris, during the Christmas Holidays, changed their Sermons into Satyrs against the Sacred person of the King, and described so movingly the Tragical death of the two Brothers, whom they lifted up to the Skies as Martyrs, that they melted their Audience into tears, and nothing but sighs and groans were heard in their well-filled Congregations. And instead of proposing to them the example of St. Stephen, they inspired into them the desire of vengeance. Insomuch that even they who were not disposed to sob and cry, and who were even scandalised at this manner of behaviour, which was so unworthy of the holy Ministry of the Gospel, were constrained to act their parts, and squeeze out tears for fear of being murdered, if they had not wept for company. 'Tis certain that when Guincestre who had Preached the Advent at St. bartholomew's, had said in one of his Sermons, (after a terrible Declamation against the King, and lamentation for the Duke of Guise,) that it behoved his Auditors to lift up their hands, every man of them, in token that they would revenge his death, and live and die in the Holy Covenant, which was now renewed, the whole Congregation immediately obeyed him, excepting only the first Precedent, Ann. 1589. who that day which was the first of the Year 1589, was present at the Sermon in his Parish Church, seated overagainst the Preacher. Then that Enthusiastic Zealot had the impudence to say to him, Lift up your hand too like the rest, you Monsieur the first Precedent. The Leaguers had caused a report to be spread, that this excellent Magistrate, who was known to be a Loyal Servant to the King, was one of those who advised the death of the Duke of Guise; for which reason he was of necessity to obey, lest otherwise he should indiscreetly expose himself to the fury of the multitude, who in case he had refused, had absolutely believed the lie which was forged against him, and consequently had torn him piece-meal: He therefore lifted up his hand, but to no great height, as an action that was forced from him; upon which that impudent covenanting Preacher, had the insolence to bid him lift it higher, that the whole Congregation might be satisfied, he was under the same obligation with the rest. The Curate of St. Nicholas in the fields, Francis Pigenat, was yet more audacious and more impious, than his brother in iniquity. For, making the Funeral Oration for the Duke of Guise, in the Parish of St. jean en Greve, (as it was made in all the Parishes of Paris and even at the Cathedral of Nostre Dame, with more than Royal pomp and Ceremonies,) he rose to that excess of fury, as to ask of his Auditors, if they could not find one brave Spirit amongst them all, who would undertake to revenge the Duke's murder, by killing the Tyrant? And more to enrage the People, he spoke in the person of the Duchess Dowager to the late Duke, who was then big with Child and ready to lie down, and made her pronounce those terrible imprecations of Virgil's Dido; thus imitated by him. Exoriare aliquis, nostris ex ossibus Vltor, Qui face Valesios', ferróque sequare Tyrannos. Arise some offspring of my murdered Lord; Revenge him on Valois with Fire and Sword. These Seditious Preachments occasioned infinite disorders: but the mortal stroke was given by the scandalous Decree which the Doctors made, who being blinded with that furious passion, which possessed the League, and they leading the blind multitude, brought them to tumble headlong with themselves, into that frightful gulf of crimes and of misfortunes. The body of the Town which was composed of Leaguers, to authorise that horrible revolt which they designed, was of opinion to propose to the College of Sorbonne, not only by a verbal request, but by an Authentic Act, which was signed by the Magistrate, and Sealed with the Town Seal, these two important cases of Conscience; the one was, Whether the French were effectively discharged from the Oath of Allegiance and Faith, which they had made to the King? the other, Whether in Conscience they might Arm, and unite themselves, and whether in order to it, they might raise Money and Contributions for the defence and preservation of the Catholic, Apostolic and Roman Religion in France, in opposition to the detestable designs and endeavours of the King and all his Adherents, since he had violated the public Faith at Blois, in prejudice of the Catholic Religion, the Edict of the Holy Union, and the natural liberty of the Estates? On which occasion, the Faculty assembling on the Seventh of january, to the number of Seventy Doctors, after a solemn Procession, and a Mass of the Holy Ghost, concluded for the affirmative, on both the points by a common consent, without so much as the opposition of one man; (as the Decree itself informs us,) and that this resolution should be sent to the Pope, to the end he might approve and confirm it by his Authority, desiring that he would have the goodness to succour the Gallicane Church, which suffered under great oppressions. To confess the truth, this Decree gave great scandal; and the Huguenots who were not wanting to report it word for word, and to make an Examen of it in their Writings, drew a great advantage from it, to insult over our Divines, of whom they had reason to say that both their Doctrine and their Morals in this respect, are directly opposite to the word of God, which teaches us the quite contrary. But 'tis easy to answer them, by letting them know, what is most true, namely that this Decree was passed by a faction of seditious Doctors; Boucher, Prevost, Aubry, Bourgoin, Pelletier, and seven or eight old Doctors, who were violent Leaguers, and also of the Council of Sixteen, drew after them by their Cabals, and by their inveterate malice, fifty or threescore Doctors, the greatest part of whom were those young, hotheaded, and turbulent ●ellows whom we have already mentioned; and the rest, in fear of their lives, if they should dare to oppose them, assented only upon compulsion to this Decree, which the Sorbonne itself, at all times when it was free, has held abominable, and which Doctor john Le Feure, at that time Dean of the Faculty, resisted what he could, without gaining any thing upon that wretched faction, which constrained him at last in spite of his opposition, to Subscribe it with them. In like manner the King, who complained extremely of this proceeding, having Assembled at Blois twenty Bishops and twelve Doctors of the Sorbonne, who were of the number of the Deputies, when that Decree was read to them, they all concluded without the least hesitation, that it was execrable, and could never have passed without compulsion, and for safeguard of their lives from the rage and fury of the Parisian Leaguers. In the mean time it must be acknowledged, in what manner soever it were gained, yet being of the Sorbonne, whose name and authority were had in singular veneration through all Europe, and particularly in France, that Decree was the Trumpet to the general Revolt, which was made in Paris, and from thence in a short time after extended itself through the greatest part of all the Cities in the Kingdom. For as soon as it was published in that great Town, by the most furious and giddy-brained Preachers of the League, who exalted it to the People in their declamatory style, they ran on the sudden into such horrible extremes, and such transports of rage, so contrary to the duty of Subjects to their lawful Sovereign, that though our Writers have made them public, yet I believe it more decent to suppress them, than to profane my History by a Relation, which would render it unpleasant, and even odious. I shall only say, that at the same time when by virtue of this damnable Decree, they bereft him of the title of King, leaving him only the bare name of Henry de Valois, they heaped upon him all sorts of outrages and villainies, which the impotent fury of the Rabble could produce. They vented their rage against him in Satyrs, Lampoons, and Libels, infamous Reports and Calumnies, and those too in the foulest terms, of which the most moderate were Tyrant and Aposltate. And that they might not be wanting to discharge their fury in the most brutal manner they could invent; they extended it even to his Arms, his Statues and his Pictures, which they tore in pieces, or trampled under their feet, or dragged about the Streets, through the mire and dirt, or burned them, or cast them into the River, with a volee of curses and imprecations against him; in the mean adoring the Duke of Guise, and his Brother the Cardinal, as Martyrs, and placing their Images upon Altars. At last this blind fury went so far, that after the Decree, the Curates and Confessors of the Faction of Sixteen abusing the power which was given them by their Sacred Ministry, of binding and losing, refused Absolution to those who acknowledged to them in Confession, that their Conscience would not suffer them to renounce Henry the third their lawful King. This impious practice, was the first effect that was produced by the Decree of the Faculty, the news of which was received by the King with much sadness, at the same time when he was busied in paying his last duties to the Queen his Mother, who deceased at the Castle of Blois, on the fifth of january, in the seventy second year of her age, whether it were out of melancholy for the death of the Guises, which was upbraided to her by the old Cardinal of Bourbon, or of a Hectic Fever, or a false Pleurisy. Certain it is, that there was no mean or moderation used either in praise or dispraise of that Princess; who indeed has afforded sufficient matter to Historians, to speak both good and ill of her, and either of them in excess. Both the one and the other are easy to be discerned, by what I have related of her in this History, and in that of Calvinism. I shall only add this last touching, to finish her picture, that it cannot be denied but that she was endued with great perfections of mind and body; a carriage extremely Majestical, a certain air of Greatness and Authority, worthy of her high Estate, her Behaviour noble and engaging, her Wit polite, her Apprehension prompt, her Judgement piercing, a great talon for Business and Treaties, and a singular address of managing and turning others to her own bent; a Royal Magnificence, Constancy and Fortitude of mind, extraordinary in her Sex, a masculine courage and greatness of Soul, which naturally carried her to the highest undertake: In one word, she might have passed for a Heroine, if so many illustrious qualities had not been blasted by great vices, which appeared so openly in all her conduct, that History neither aught, nor is able to dissemble them. For it was but too apparent, for her honour, what prodigality, what luxury, what shameful dissoluteness she permitted in her Court; and which she herself made use of for gaining such whom she desired to engage in her interests. Add to this her want of sincerity and faith in her promises, the too much credit she gave to Astrologers and Fortune-tellers, whom she consulted in reference to the future, and above all her immoderate and vast ambition, on the account of which, and out of her insatiable desire of being always absolute, she made no scruple to sacrifice the interests of the State and of Religion, both which she had almost ruined, by wavering betwixt the Huguenots and Catholics, sometimes seeming to be on one side, sometimes on the other, according as this or that Religion appeared most conducing to her designs. In fine, to conclude her character, by what relates to the essential part of this History, the hatred which she bore to the King of Navarre her Son-in-law, and the love which she had to her Grandson of Lorraine, caused her underhand to favour the League, of which nevertheless she was the gull, and was cozened by those whom she intended to deceive. For she had this misfortune which commonly happens to those who would manage two contrary Factions, and poise themselves Trimmer-like betwixt them, that she was in a manner equally hated both by the Catholics and Protestants. Such was this Princess, whose good and ill qualities were in extremes. Yet happy both in relation to God and man. For she died at a time, when the World believed her life would be profitable and indeed necessary for the King, to draw him out of that Labyrinth of confusions wherein he was entangled; and also because she died with all the serenity of a good Christian, having first received the Sacraments with much devotion, though the Huguenot Historians, who naturally hated her, have written to the contrary. And because she was not less abhorred by the Leaguers of Paris, (who believed she had a share in the death of the Guises, as others also have thought therein following the relation, which was written by Miron the Physician,) they said publicly that if her Body should be brought to Paris to be laid in the magnificent Tomb which she had built at St. Denis, for herself and King Henry the Second her Husband, they would certainly throw it into the Seine. In the mean time the King who was still of opinion that they might be reduced to their obedience by the ways of clemency and mildness, sent thither the Duchess of Nemours, mother of the Guises and of the young Duke of Nemours, their Brother by the Mother's side, who had made his escape, not long after he had been imprisoned by the King. That Princes● who was very prudent, preferring the benefits of Peace before the unprofitable revenge of her children's death, had begun to treat by Letter with the Dukes of Nemours and Mayenne, her two remaining Sons, endeavouring to reduce them by gentle means, and offering them all the advantages and all the security which they possibly could wish: which gave the King occasion to believe, that in the end she might conquer their resentments, and appease the commotions in Paris. He was willing also that she should be accompanied by the Sheriff's Compan and Cotteblanche; who promised him to use their best endeavours to that effect; or to return to Prison in Blois, if they succeeded not in their negotiation; and at the same time sent his express order to the Parliament to enrol the Declaration which he had published immediately after the execution at Blois. The Duchess was received at Paris with great honour, and incredible joy of the people; who paid their veneration to her, as to the Mother of two Holy Martyrs. And the Petit Fevillant Preaching one day before her, flew out into so high a transport, that turning himself towards her, he made an Apostrophé to the late Duke of Guise in these words; O Holy and Glorious Martyr of God, blessed is the Womb that bore thee, and the Breasts that gave thee suck. But after all she succeeded not in her negotiation. The two Sheriffs forswore themselves, and joined with the Factious, according to their former practice: And upon the request (the original of which is kept in the Library of Monsieur Colbert, and which I have seen signed by forty eight of the principal Citizens,) a prohibition was made them to return to Blois; and the Oath which they had taken, was declared Null, by an order of the New Parliament, which the Leaguers set up, after they had broken the old one, by one of the most Horrible Encroachments, which was ever made upon the Royal Authority. For the Duke of Aumale, and the Council of Sixteen, having that August Body in suspicion, the Principal Members of which, were Loyally devoted to the King's service, resolved to take them into custody, and all the other Officers whom they disinherited. jean Le Clerc, otherwise called Bussy, heretofore a Procurer in Parliament, one of the most heady and impudent fellows that ever breathed, and whom the Duke of Guise, well knowing him to be a desperate Leaguer, had made Governor of the Bastille, demanded and obtained that Commission; which he executed on the sixteenth of january. For in the Morning possessing himself of the Palace-Gates, he entered, armed Cap a pie, into the great Chamber at eight of the Clock, where the Parliament was assembled, and told them, that the good Catholics of Paris had given him in charge to present them a Request. Afterwards having put it into the hands of one of the Members, he retired to the Parquet des Huissiers where his men waited for him. The Request was this in substance, That it would please that Court to unite itself with the Prevost of Merchants, the Sheriffs, and the good Citizens of Paris, for the defence of Religion, and of the Town. That in conformity to the Decree of the Sorbonne, it would declare that the French were discharged from their Oath of Allegiance and Obedience to the King, and that they would use his name no more in their Orders. This was the way which that Villain took, to lay hold of an occasion, which he knew would be specious and popular, under the shadow of which he might use the Parliament as afterwards he did; for he knew full well, that they would never confirm a Decree so impious as was that of the Sorbonne. This is a passage which all of our Historians have omitted, and which I learned from the Manuscript Journal which the famous M. Anthony Loysel, an Advocate in Parliament, who was then at Paris, left to his Children for their instruction. It was nobly communicated to me by Monsieur jolly his Grandson, Chanter of the Church of Nostre Dame, a man commendable for his Integrity and Learning, and to whom the Chapter of the Metropolitan of Paris is much acknowledging, for his rare Library which he has bestowed on it. This, then, was the snare which Bussy Le Clerc laid for the Parliament, thereby to pick an occasion of treating them with the most unworthy usage which they could possibly receive. For without expecting an answer to his insolent request, finding that they debated it much longer than he thought fitting, he returned into the great Chamber, with his Sword in his hand, followed by five and twenty or thirty men armed Breast and Back, and with Pistols; and after having told them at the first, that the business was delayed too long, and that it was well known, that there were those amongst them who betrayed the Town, and held correspondence with Henry de Valois, he added, that he had order to secure them; and commanded with an imperious voice, that they whom he should name, should immediately follow him, if they had a mind to avoid worse usage. At which, when looking over his list, he had named the first Precedent Achilles de Harlay, the Precedents de Blanc Mesnil Potier, de Thou, and the most ancient Counselors, all the rest rose up, as by common consent, protesting that they would not abandon their Head; whom they followed to the number of about threescore, of all the Chambers, walking two and two after Bussy Le Clerc, who led them as it were in triumph through an infinite multitude of people to the Bastille; where those of them only were imprisoned who were known to be inviolably faithful to the King's service. The most considerable of them in desert as well as dignity, was the great Achilles de Harlay, whom to name is to commend; a Magistrate every way accomplished, and of that illustrious house, which having for four hundred years together signalised itself in Arms, has since added to that glory all that can be acquired by the highest preferments of the long Robe, and of the Church. I should be ungrateful to their memory, if I did not justice to the merit of those Senators, who followed their Head; and if I made not their names known to posterity which are not found in our Historians, but which I have collected from the forementioned Manuscripts of Monsieur Loysel the Advocate, who knew them all. Besides the Precedents already named, the Counselors who were imprisoned in the Bastille with them, were Chartier, Spifame, Malvault, Perrot, Fleury, Le Viry, Molé, Scarron, Gayant, Amelot, jourdain, Forget, Herivaux, Tournebu, Du Puy, Gillot, de Moussy, Pinney, Goddard, Fortin, Le Meneur, and the Sieur Denis de Here. This last was a man of Wit, and of Quality, one of the most resolute of the whole Company; who from a warm Leaguer, (as formerly he had been, out of an ill guided Zeal,) was now become a great servant of the King; having discovered at last the pernicious designs of the League; of whose extraordinary merit Henry the Fourth, after his conversion, made great account. Insomuch that he had the credit to get his name struck out of the Catholicon, in which the Author of that witty satire, had placed it but little to his advantage. For whereas in the first Edition, of the year 1594. Machaut and Here were named as great sticklers for the League; in all the rest of the Editions we find Machaut and Baston. That hotheaded Baston, who was so furious a Leaguer, that he signed the Covenant with his own blood drawn from his hand, which remained lame after it; and who, after Paris was reduced to the King's service, chose rather to go out of it with the Spaniards and retire to Flanders, where he died starved, than to stay in France, and live at his ease under the Government of his lawful King. Thus you have the names of those Loyal MEN WORTHY of the Parliament, who were clapped up in the Bastille with their first Precedent. There were others of them whose names I could not recover, but who well deserve to be known, and had in veneration by the world. The rest of them whether they turned Leaguers for company, or seemed to turn for fear of Death, or that by such their dissimulation, they thought they might put themselves in a way of doing the King some considerable service, having engaged to be faithful to that party, were left at their liberty, and continued in their stations, with the Precedent Brisson, who from the next morning began to sit and take the Chair as Head of the new Parliament of the League, with which it was believed he held correspondence, on purpose to procure himself this new dignity. An action much unworthy of a man who had so high a reputation for his rare learning, who ought rather to have lost his life, than to have so basely abandoned his King, and to have made himself a Slave to the passions of his mortal Enemies, under pretence that all he did was only to shelter himself from the violence of the Faction, as he privately protested. But so it is, that the greatest Clerks are not always the wisest Men; and that good sense accompanied with constancy of mind, and an unshaken fidelity in our duty, is imcomparably more useful to the Service of God and of the State, than all the knowledge of Books and Learning of Colleges, huddled together in a Soul without integrity and resolution. And truly, it manifestly appeared, that all these good qualities were wanting to this pretended Parliament, at that time; for about nine or ten days after that action, all the Members of it, to the number of an hundred and twenty, (comprehending in that account the Princes and the Prelates,) swore upon the Crucifix, that they would never depart from their League, and that they would prosecute by all manner of ways their revenge for the death of the two Guises; against all those who were either Authors of it, or accomplices in it. This protestation which was dispatched away to all the Towns that held for the party of the League, increased the fury of the people, who every day grew worse and worse, even to that degree, that some of them by an abominable mixture of Sacrilege, Parricide, and Magical Enchantments, made Images of Wax resembling the King, which they placed upon the Altars, and pricked them in divers parts, pronouncing certain Diabolical words at every one of the forty Masses which they caused to be said in many Churches, to make their charms more powerful; and at the fortieth, they pierced the image to the heart, as intending thereby to give their King the stroke of death. And in the mean time their Bedlam Guincestre showing in the midst of his Sermon, certain little Silver Candlesticks made an hundred years before, and curiously cast into the shape of Satyrs, carrying Flambeaus, which had been found amongst the rich ornaments of the Capuchins Oratory, and the Minims of the Bois de Vincennes lately plundered by the Rabble, accused the King himself of Sorcery, saying, that those were the Idols, and the figures of those Devils to which Henry de Valois was accustomed to Sacrifice, in his retirement to Bois de Vincennes; and that they had commanded him to murder the Duke of Guise, the Protector of their Faith. But that which gave the mortal blow to the Royal Authority, and settled the Revolt in Absolute power, by giving it a kind of regular form of a popular Government, or rather of an Aristocracy, against the fundamental law of the French Monarchy, was the arrival of the Duke of Mayenne. 'Tis true that Prince was not endued with all those great and Heroic qualities, which raised the admiration of the World in the person of his elder brother the late Duke of Guise: but if we consider him in himself, and without comparing him to the former, whose merit being incomparably greater, and his actions more glorious, would certainly obscure him, it must be said, if we will do him right, that he had as much spirit, as much courage, wisdom, moderation, sincerity and probity, as was necessary for him, to maintain an honourable place amongst the great men of his time: but not so much resolution, constancy, greatness of Soul, vigour, activity and good fortune, as he ought to have had for the sustaining of so powerful a party as that, which he took upon himself to Head, in opposition to two Kings. On the one side he was strongly solicited by the Council of Sixteen, and by the Duchess of Montpensier his Sister, to come and take the place of his dead Brother, and to put himself at the head of those, who were all in a readiness to obey his orders, and to give up themselves to his command: and on the other side he had received the King's Letters, which assured him in most obliging terms, that being as fully persuaded of his innocence, as he was convinced of his Brother's crimes, he was ready to give him all the part he could desire both in his favour, and his bounty, provided that he still continued in that obedience and fidelity, which he owed him. But the extreme grief he had conceived, for the cruel treatment of his Brothers, after so many promises, and such solemn protestations, that all past actions should be forgotten, the obligation, which he thought his honour imposed on him to revenge their death; and more than all, the distrust he had of the King, which was insuperable in him, whose fair words he took for no security, after so horrible an action, made him at last resolve to take up Arms, though he was not naturally inclined to rashness, and to precipitate himself blindfold, into such an Abyss of hazards and confusions, as are inseparable from Civil Wars. He thought he should ●ind much less security in the King's word and honour, than in fortune, unconstant and variable as she is; and that he ran not so much hazard in declaring himself openly his Enemy, as in trusting to his Promises and Oaths. So that at the first, it was neither hatred, nor ambition, but only distrust, which hurried him as it were by force into the Civil Wars; and he had never exposed himself to so manifest a danger of being ruined, but that he imagined that by not hazarding himself, he had been ruined. In the mean time, the beginning of his unhappy Enterprise, was exceeding prosperous: He marched from Dijon, with many Troops, which he had drawn out of his Government of Bourgog●e, and of Champaign, which declared generally for the League, excepting only Chaälons, the Magistrates of which place having received information of the Duke of Guise's death before the Sieur de Rone, whom that Duke had there established Governor, constrained him immediately to depart out of it: And as a River swells and enlarges its channels, the farther it flows from its Spring, and the nearer it approaches to the Sea; so the Forces of this new Head of the League increased on his march, by the concourse of those whom his own reputation, the memory of the late Duke his Brother, the common hatred to the King, the example of Paris, the false Zeal of Religion, and above all, the Interest and desire which many had to make their advantage of these troubles, drew to him in all the Countries through which he passed; and all the Towns, as it were in Emulation of each other, opened their Gates for his reception. He was received at Troy's, with the same Honours which are peculiar to Kings; and he acted there as a Sovereign Prince; from thence sending out his Commissions to the Creatures of the Duke of Guise, and especially 〈◊〉 Rosne and St. Paul, to whom he expedited his Orders for them to command in Champaign and Brye. He possessed himself of Sens, to which ●●ace those of his party invited him. 〈◊〉 things bend under his Authority wheresoever he passed. He entered like a Conqueror into Orleans; where the fame alone of his coming, constrained the Royalists to surrender the Citadel to the Townsmen who besieged it. He made himself Master of Chartres by the intelligence which he held there: where the people changing on the sudden, as it were by Enchantment, were become quite another sort of creatures than they were formerly, when the King retired thither after the Barricades, and where they received him with wonderful acclamations. Thus covered with glory, and now becoming much more haughty than his nature seemed to allow, by reason of so many prosperous events, which appeared like good Omens of the future, he entered on the twelfth of February into Paris, where as if the Duke of Guise had been raised from the dead in his person, there was a loose given to all public demonstrations of joy, with so much transport and excess, that they proceeded so far as even to expose his Picture Crowned, and to erect a Royal Throne for him; and if he had had ambition and boldness enough to have accepted it, he had found perhaps enough to have acknowledged him, that they might have held under him those Governments which he could have given them, with the titles of Dutchies, and Counties in homage, as Hugh Capet had given him the example. But whether it were, that he durst not attempt it out of fear, or would not out of prudence, as foreseeing in it insuperable difficulties, which by his endeavouring to have risen higher, had thrown him down from the steep of the Precipice; certain it is, that by refusing to accept that honour, which yet in the sequel he desired not any other should possess, he saved the State, and besides his present intention, or rather against it, preserved the Crown to the King of Navarre who was the rightful presumptive Heir of it. He satisfied himself then, with establishing his own authority in the first place; and with rendering himself more powerful than the Council of the League, composed of those famous forty, amongst which, were the most seditious Mutineers of the whole party, who, whatsoever protestation they made to obey him, had carried all matters in Council against him, and had not failed, whensoever it had pleased them, to have given the Law to him. To this effect he weakened that Council by augmenting it to a greater number of the most qualified of the party, on whom he knew he might safely rely, as being of his own Election. For under pretence that it was necessary, that this Assembly, which ought to be the General Council of the Union, should be enlarged, and be authorised by the whole Party, he caused an Order to be passed, that all the Princes might assist in it, whensoever they pleased, and that all the Bishops, the Precedents, the Procureurs, and the Advocate's General of Parliaments, fifteen Counsellors whom he named, the Prevost of Merchants, the Sheriffs, the Town Solicitor, and the Deputies of the three Orders of all the Provinces of the League, should have places in it, and deliberative Votes. Thus being always the strongest in that Assembly, by the great number of voices, which were for him, he caused whatsoever he pleased to pass, in spig●t of the Sixteen; and procured an authority to himself, near approaching to the Sovereign Power of a King. For the first thing which was ordered in this new Council, was that in sign of this absolute Dominion, which either they suffered him to take, or they gave him, he should have from thenceforth, till the holding of the Estates, the most extraordinary and unexampled quality of Lieutenant General, not of the King, for the League acknowledged none at that time, but of the Estate, and Crown of France. As if he who commands and governs could represent a Kingdom, and hold, in quality of Lieutenant, the place of an Estate, which is not that which governs, but what is, or aught to be governed. Notwithstanding which, he took his Oath for that new fantastic dignity, on the thirteenth of March in the Parliament, which verified the Letters Patents of it, under the new Seals, made instead of those of the King, which were broken by them. And, to begin the Exercise of his Office by an act of Sovereignty, he caused immediately to be published his new Laws, contained in one and twenty Articles, for the uniting under one form of Government, all the Towns which were entered into the League; and those which in process of time should enter, the number of which in a short space grew very great. For, there is nothing more surprising, than to see with what rapidity that torrent of Rebellion spreading from the Capital City into the Provinces, drew along with it the greatest Towns, which under pretence of revenging the death of the pretended Patrons of the Faith, and of preserving Religion, associated themselves against God's Anointed, either to make themselves a new Master, or to have none at all. Almost all the Towns of Burgundy, of Champaign, of Picardy, and of the Isle of France, the greater part of those of Normandy, maine, Bretagne, Anjou, Auvergne, Dauphine, Provence, Berry, and the greatest Cities of the Kingdom next to Paris, as Roüen, Lions, Tholouse, and Poitiers, had put themselves under the protection of the Union, and were members of it, before the end of March, and in every place were committed the like disorders as were at Paris. But principally at Tholouse, where the furious Rabble having set upon the first Precedent Duranti, and Daphis the Advocate General, two men of great understanding, singular Virtue, and uncommon fidelity to the King's Service, Massacred them in the open Street. After which their faculty of Divines, confirmed the decree of the Sorbonne, which was proposed in a general Assembly at the Town-House, by which they authorised the Revolt. The greatest part of Provence, had also thrown itself with the same impetuosity into the League, under the leading of the famous Hubert de Garde Sieur de Vins, who by his courage and extraordinary Valour, accompanied with his great prudence, and the wonderful talon he had, of gaining the affections of the people, had acquired more reputation and power than any Gentleman not supported by the Royal Authority had ever obtained in his own Country. He had formerly saved the Life of Henry the Third at Rochel, when that Prince who was then but Duke of Anjou, approaching too near to a Retrenchment, a Soldier who had singled him out from all the rest, had just taken aim at him, which the Sieur de Vins perceiving, threw himself before him, in the Bullets way, and received the Musket shot, which wanted little of costing him his Life. He expected as he had reason, some great preferment from the Duke when he was King, in recompense of so generous an action, but perceiving that all was played into the Minions hands, without so much as taking the least notice of his worth, the indignation of being slighted, caused him to enter into the Duke of Guise's Interests, and to engage in the League, (of which he was Head in Provence,) the Count of Carcase his Uncle, his Brother-in-Law the Count de Sault, a great part of the Nobility, and the Parliament of Aix, as also to expose the whole Province to the manifest danger of being lost, by calling in the Duke of Savoy, who nevertheless was constrained at last, to retire with shame into his own Dominions. In the mean time, the King who from time to time received the unpleasant News of the Rebellion of his Subjects, had been forced to send back the Deputies of the Estates to their several Provinces, where the greatest part of them being hot Leaguers, blew up the Fire to that height, that he was constrained at the length to lay aside the ways of Clemency and Mildness, and to take up, (though somewhat of the latest,) those of Rigour and Compulsion. He began by sending a Herald to Paris, who bore an Injunction to the Duke of Aumale, the pretended Governor, immediately to depart the Town; an Interdiction to the Parliament, to the Exchequer, and the Court of Aids, with prohibition to all other Officers, of any farther exercise of their employments; But he was remanded, without an hearing, loaded with affronts, and threatened with an Halter, if he presumed to return on such an Errand. He declared the Dukes of Mayenne and Aumale, the Citizens of Paris, Orleans, Amiens, Abbeville, and the other Associated Towns, to be guilty of High Treason, if within a time prefixed, they return not to their Duty. He transferred the Parliament of Paris to Tours, and all the Courts of Judicature, which were in the Cities of the League to other Towns, which continued faithful to him. But they without being concerned at his angry Declarations, revenged themselves in all places, on such as were of the Royal Party, by all manner of ill usage. He did in the month of March, what he ought to have done in December: He called together his Gendarmery, and Rendezvous'd what Forces he could raise in the Neighbourhood of Tours; to which place he had retired, as not thinking himself secure in so open and weak a Town as Blois; but first he secured his Prisoners, whom he caused to be carried from the Castle of Amboise, and distributed them into several Prisons. But the Duke of Mayenne who overpowered him in men, was already upon the point of coming out from Paris with a strong Army, with a resolution of preventing his designs, and assaulting him in Tours. And upon that consideration it was, that he was forced to resolve upon the only way, which remained for his Shelter, from the last extremities of Violence, and for the preservation of his Crown and Person. France at that time was in a most deplorable condition, divided, and as it were broken into three Parties, which laid it waste. That of the League the most powerful of any, by the Rebellion of so many Towns: that of the King of Navarre, which had greatly strengthened itself, dureing the first troubles; and that of the King, which in a manner was reduced to his own Household, and some very few depending Towns. It was impossible for him in this condition to carry on the War, which he had undertaken against the Huguenots, and at the same time, to maintain himself against the Army of the Leaguers. It remained then, that of necessity he must close with one of those Parties, that by its assistance he might reduce the other to Obedience, or at least that he might save himself from ruin, which was inevitable, if he stood single and exposed to the violence of the other two. Now the Leaguers would neither admit of Peace nor Truce with him, having Sworn in the Oath, which was administered to them by the Duke of Mayenne, that they would prosecute their Vengeance to the extremity, for the death of the two Guises. 'Tis manifest by consequence, that he was indispensably obliged, to unite himself with the King of Navarre, and to accept the aid he offered him, with so much frankness and generosity. After the death of the Guises, that Prince making his advantage of so favourable an opportunity, while all things were in confusion amongst the Catholics, had much advanced the affairs of his Party, by taking of Niort, Saint Maxent, Maillezais, and some other Towns in Poitou, since when, upon his quick recovery from a dangerous Sickness whereof he was like to die, he had pushed his conquests as far as the Frontiers of Touraine, having made himself Master of Loudun, Thovars, Montreivil Bellay, Mirebeau, Lisle Bouchard, Chastelleraud, Argenton, and of Blanc in Berry. At which time, observing the wretched Estate to which the Kingdom was reduced, by the three Parties which dismembered it, he published a Declaration on the fourth of March, addressed to the three Estates of France, therein exhorting them to Peace, which was the only remedy for so many distempers, as afflicted the miserable Nation. Then, having clearly proved, that it was impossible for the King to succeed in a Civil War, to be prosecuted as some advised him, at the same time against the Huguenots and Leaguers, he offered him his Service, and all the Forces of his Party, not for bringing the Leaguers and the Revolted Towns to punishment, but for reducing them to the terms of desiring Peace, which he most humbly petitioned him to grant them, and to pardon and pass by the injuries he had received, after they had been subdued by the joint Forces of all good Frenchmen, both of the one Religion and the other; marching under the conduct of his Majesty against Rebels. After which, he protested in the sight of God, and engaged his Faith and Honour, that forasmuch as that union of his most faithful Servants, as well Catholics as Protestants was only intended, to restore the Royal Authority, and Peace in France, he would never permit that the Roman Catholic Faith, should receive the least prejudice in consideration of it, but that it should always be preserved in such Towns as should be taken, without making any alteration of Religion in them. This Declaration made way for the Treaty, which was begun with great secrecy, immediately after it, in order to the Union of the two Kings. There were some in the Council who endeavoured to oppose that Negotiation, as fearing that it would much fortify the Party of the League, by contributing to the belief of that report, which was already spread by the Leaguers amongst the people, that the King had always maintained a private Correspondence with the Huguenots; besides, that the Pope whose Friendship was necessary, would be scandalised at such an Union. The King himself had a great repugnance to it, and doubtless would much rather have compounded his differences with the Princes of the League, if it had been possible, and thereby to have renewed his Edict of Reunion, a thing not unknown to the King of Navarre, who easily perceived that the Court would never apply to him, but for want of others. In effect, the King in the beginning of March, had written to the Duke of Lorraine, and had sent him very advantageous conditions for the Princes of his House, with all manner of Security for them, in case he could prevail with them, to receive the Peace and Treaty which he offered. But being refused on that side, those of his Council, who were of opinion that the King of Navarre's propositions should be accepted, enforced so far their strongest Argument, which was pure Necessity, farther alleging the examples of so many Catholic Kings and Princes, who like the great Emperor Theodosius made use of Infidel's and Heretics against their Enemies, that the King at last consented to set on foot the Treaty. It was concluded at Tours on the third of April, by the Sieur du Plessis-Mornay, who capitulated on the King of Navarre's behalf, on these conditions: That the said King, during the Truce which was made for one year, should serve the King with all his Forces: That he should have a passage on the Loire, which at length was declared to be the Town of Saumur; after some difficulties which were removed concerning the trusting it in his hands. That he should therein have the free exercise of his Religion, and in some other little Towns, which were left to him by way of caution, for his reimbursement of his charges in the War. This Negotiation of Du Plessis, could not be transacted with so much Secrecy, but that it was vented by the Legate Morosini, who thereupon used his utmost endeavours in three vigorous Remonstrances to hinder that blow, which he believed would be fatal to Religion, according to the false notions which he had of the King of Navarre. And the King having told him, that after having tried all ways of accommodation with the Duke of Mayenne, which that Prince had always haughtily rejected, necessity compelled him to make use of the only remaining means to defend his Life; the Legate earnestly besought him to allow him ten days more, that he might have opportunity of treating in person with that Duke, whom he hoped he should be able to prevail with, to accept those advantageous terms of Peace, which were presented him. Though the Treaty was not only concluded, but also signed, as appears by the Memoires of Du Plessis Mornay, yet the King to make it evident, that it was only through necessity, that he entered into this Union with the Huguenots against the League, was consenting that before the publication of it, there should be made a last attempt on the inclinations of the Duke of Mayenne, to induce him to a reconcilement. To this effect, he gave in writing to the Legate the same Articles, which he had already proposed to the Duke of Lorraine, and which were as advantageous to his Family, as he could reasonably desire. For there was offered to the Duke of Mayenne, his Government of Burgundy, with full power of placing such Governors in the Towns, as he himself should choose; of disposing all vacant Offices, and levying on the Province forty thousand Crowns yearly. To the young Duke of Guise his Nephew, the Government of Champagne, with two Cities at his choice, therein to keep what Garrisons he pleased, twenty thousand Crowns of Pension, and thirty thousand Livres of Income in Benefices for his Brother. To the Duke of Nemours the Government of Lions, with a Pension of ten thousand Crowns; to the Duke of Aumale the Government of Picardy, and two Cities in that Province; to the Duke of Elbeuf a Government, and five and twenty thousand Livres of Pension; and what was of greatest importance for that Family, to the Marquis du Pont, eldest Son of the Duke of Lorraine, the Government of Toul, Metz and Verdun, with assurance, that if his Majesty had no Issue Male, those three Bishoprics should remain to the Duke of Lorraine. To all which, the King caused this addition to be made, that to remove all difficulties, which might arise in the execution of this Treaty, he would remit himself to the Arbitration of his Holiness, who might please to join in the Umpirage with him the Senate of Venice, the great Duke of Thuscany, the Duke of Ferrara, and the Duke of Lorraine himself, who had so great an interest in those Articles. With these conditions the Legate went from Tours on the tenth of April, towards the Duke of Mayenne, who was already advanced with his Army, as far as Chasteaudun. He was received with all manner of respect, and dureing the two days conference he had with the Duke, employed the most powerful considerations he could propose to win his consent to a Peace so advantageous for all his House, and so necessary to Religion and the public welfare: or at least to gain thus far upon him, that if any thing were yet wanting to his entire satisfaction, he would remit his interests and those of his Party into the hands of the Pope, as the King on his side was already disposed to refer his own. But after all his endeavours, he could not work him to any condescension. And whatever arguments he used, he always answered with great respect as to the Pope and the person of the Legate, but with extreme contempt for the King, whom he perpetually called that Wretch, that he and his would ever be obedient to the Pope; but that he was very well assured, that his Holiness would never lay his Commands upon him, to make any agreement to the prejudice of Religion, with a man who had none at all, and who was united with the Huguenots, against the Catholics. That he could not bear the mention of a reconcilement with a perjured man, who had neither Faith nor Honour, and that he could never trust his word, who had Murdered his Brothers so inhumanely, and violated so perfidiously, not only the public Faith, but also the Oath which he had taken on the Evangelists at the most holy Sacrament of the Altar. After this, the Cardinal farther observing, (what he could not otherways have believed,) that even more opprobrious terms than these were used of the King, through all the Army, and in every City, which owned the League, where no man durst presume to give him the name of King, wrote him word that he could do him no Service with the Duke; and himself not daring to be near his person, while the King of Navarre continued with him, went to Bourbonnois, where he waited the Orders which he received from the Pope not long after, to return to Rome, and there to give an account of his Legation. Thus, after all hope was utterly lost of concluding any peace with the Leaguers, the Treaty with the King of Navarre took place. He was put into possession of Saumur, the Government of which he gave to the Sieur du Plessis-Mornay, who had so well succeeded in his Negotiation: And it was from that very place that he published his Declaration, concerning his intended passage over the Loire, for the Service of his Majesty, where he protests amongst other things, that being first Prince of the Blood, whom his Birth obliged before all others to defend his King, he holds none for Enemies, but such as are Rebels, forbidding most strictly all his Soldiers, to commit any manner of offence against those Catholics who were faithful Subjects to his Majesty, and particularly against the Clergy, whom he takes into his protection. The King also made his own at large, wherein he declares the reasons, that obliged him to join with the King of Navarre, for the preservation of his person and the Estate, without any prejudice which could thence ensue, to the Catholic Religion, which he would always maintain in his Kingdom, even with the hazard of his Life. But that which at length completed the Happiness of this Union betwixt the two Kings, was their Interview which was made in the Park of Plessis, on the thirtieth day of April, amidst the acclamations of a multitude of people there assembled, and with all the signs of an entire confidence on both sides: Though the old Huguenot Captains who had not yet forgot St. Bartholomew, used their best endeavours that their Master should not have put himself in the King's Power, as he did with all frankness and generosity. He did yet more, for being gone back with his Guards, and the Gentlemen who attended him to the Fauxbourgs of St. Simphorian beyond the Bridges; on the next Morning, which was the first of May, he repassed the River, followed only by one Page, and returned to Tours, to be present at the King's Leuè, who was infinitely pleased with this generous procedure, and clearly saw by it, that he had no occasion to suspect him, and that he had reason to hope all things from a Prince, who relied so fully on his word, though he had broken it more than once to him, by revoking the Edicts which he had made in favour of him, only to content the League. In this manner they passed two days together, and held a Council, where the King of Navarre caused a resolution to be taken, that for the speedy ending of the War, they should assemble their whole Forces, with all possible diligence, and March directly on to Paris, which was the Head of the League, and on which the body of it depended. After which, leaving with the King, about four or five thousand men, which he had in the Neighbourhood of Tours, he went from thence to Chinon, and into Loudunois, to bring up the remainder of his Forces, who were as yet in doubt of his Union with the Royalists, and by so doing, gave the Duke of Mayenne that opportunity which he took of attacking Tours. That Prince had Marched out of Paris, in the beginning of April, with one half of his Army, and after having taken in Melun, and some other little places, which might cause an immediate hindrance to the supplies of that great City; he went to join the rest of his Forces, which were Quartered in La Beauce; after which, leaving on his left hand Beaugency and Blois, which it was believed he would or ought to have attacked, he advanced as far as Chasteaudun to execute the design which he had on Vandome, and even upon Tours itself, by help of the intelligence which those of the League had prepared for him in both those places. Maille Benehard, who had sold Vandome, of which he was Governor, set open the Gates of it to Rosne, the Marshal de Camp, who made Prisoners almost all the Members of the great Council, which the King had removed thither. The Duke of Mayenne arrived there immediately after, and having rejoined the Troops of Rosne, went to fall upon the Quarters of Charles de Luxembourg, Count of Brienne, who was lodged at Saint Ouin, and the Country thereabouts, within a League of Amboise; he cut off six hundred of his Men, dispersed the rest and took him Prisoner; afterwards he went to post himself right over against Saumur, thereby to hinder the passage of the remainder of the King of Navarre's Forces. But, when he had heard not long after, that the said King was removed from Tours, he believed it would be a convenient time for him to execute his design which he judged impossible to fail, by reason of the Correspondence which he held in the Town: Whereupon taking his way back, he Marched with all possible expedition, contrary to the slowness of his temper, and appeared in Battalia all on the sudden, the seventh of May in the morning, on the Hills which overlook the Fauxbourg of St. Simphorian. It wanted but little, that the King, who was gone betimes that day to Marmoutier, had not been surprised by the Scouts who were within an hundred paces of him. And it was not without great pains and danger, that he got to his first Corpse de Guard, from whence he returned into the Town, and there gave so good directions in all places, that they who held Intelligence with the Enemy, durst attempt no disturbance: for which reason the Duke, (who had spun out the time with faint Skirmishes till four of the Clock in the Afternoon, still expecting that the Leaguers of the Town would rise for him;) now seeing that there was not the least motion made, gave on with his whole Army so vigorously at three several passages, that he forced the Barricades which were made at those three Avenues, and Guarded with twelve hundred men: this he performed in the space of half an hour, with the loss of about an hundred of his own, and the slaughter of three or four hundred of the King's Soldiers. This was all that was effected by that attempt of the great Army, which was set on foot by the League, which after this first success did nothing more, but fell to committing all manner of Disorders, and horrible Outrages in the Suburbs where they had no farther opposition. For when the Duke of Mayenne found, that part of the King of Navarre's Forces were arrived in the Evening, under the Conduct of the brave Chastillon, who was already retrenched in the Island, over against the Fauxbourg, and that the rest would immediately be there, with the King of Navarre who would not fail to give him more employment, than his raw, and for the most part new raised Soldiers would well suffer, he took occasion to Dislodge silently before day, the next Morning, after his Troops had left their fame behind them in the Suburbs, by all manner of Villainies which they there committed. From thence he went to gather up some Regiments which were levying for him in Anjou and Maine; after which possessing himself of Alencon, which surrendered without resistance for want of a Garrison, he was forced to return hastily to Paris, where they were in a wonderful consternation, for the loss of the Battle of Senlis, which I shall next relate. William de Montmorancy, Sieur de Thorè, had so well negotiated while he was at Chantilly, with the principal persons of that Town, which at the first had been drawn along by the torrent of the League, that he had made himself Master of it at the latter end of April, and was entered into it, with an hundred Gentlemen of his Friends, and five hundred Foot which he had levied in the Valley of Montmorancy. The Parisians astonished at this surprise, which took from them their communication with Picardy, were absolutely bend on the retaking of that place, as soon as was possible; and were so urgent with the Duke of Aumale, and the Sieur de Maineville, Lieutenant to the Duke of Mayenne, that in three days time they were before the Town, and besieged it with four of five thousand Citizens of Paris, and three pieces of Cannon; to whom Balagny not long after joined himself with three or four thousand men, some of them drawn out of the Towns of the Low Countries, and the rest from those of Picardy, and brought along with him a train of seven pieces of Artillery, which he had taken out of Peronne and Amiens. But while the Siege was thus forming, that Prudent and Valiant Captain Monsieur de la Noüe, who commanded the Troops of Sedan, the Truce being now made with the Duke of Lorraine, had joined his Forces with those of the Duke of Longueville at St. Quentin, with intention according to the King's Orders, to meet and embody with the Swissers, whom Monsieur de Sancy had levied for his Majesty's Service in the Cantons. There seemed to be offered them a fair occasion of doing a piece of good Service to the King, by raising of that Siege, before they put themselves upon their March. To this effect, they advanced as far as Compeigne, where they had appointed a Rendezvouz for the Gentlemen Royalists of Picardy, who failed not of coming in at the time prefixed. Insomuch that on the very day, which was the seventh of May, when the Town was so battered by the Cannon, that it was laid quite open, and must of necessity have Surrender'd, if it had not been succoured before Night, they appeared at Noon in view of the place, to the number of a thousand or twelve hundred Horse, and three thousand Foot all experienced Soldiers, and resolved upon the point, either to force their passage into the Town, or to perish in the attempt. The Duke of Aumale deceived by his Spies, who assured him that the Enemy had no Cannon, and knowing himself to be twice as strong, doubted not but he should be able to defeat them with his Cavalry alone. Accordingly having drawn up with much trouble his Parisian Infantry, brisk men to appearance and well armed, but a little out of countenance, when they saw the Business in hand, was somewhat more than bare Training, and that Life was at stake, he advanced so hastily with his Horse, having Maineville on his right hand, and Balagny on his left, that those two great Bodies of Horse and Foot, were made uncapable of relieving and serving each other in the Fight. La Noiie, to whom for the sake of his experience, the young Duke of Longueville had entrusted the care and conduct of the Army, having observed the countenance of the Enemy, and finding the Parisians disordered and wavering, was confident he could beat them with those few Troops, which he had then in the Field, and who were embattled in this order. The Duke of Longueville was in the main Body, with his Squadron composed of a great number of brave Gentlemen, having at the Head of them, the Lord Charles de Humieres, Marquis d' Encre, and Governor of Compeigne, who had furnished the Army with Cannon and Ammunition, which occasioned the gaining of the Battle. This was he who having soon discovered the pernicious designs of the League, served the King so well against it, that Henry the Fourth at his coming to the Crown, made him his Lieutenant in Picardy, with an extraordinary privilege, that he should have the full Authority of disposing all things in that Province. His great Services, his extraordinary Deserts, his high Reputation, his Performances on this great day, and many signal actions during the War, gained him without any other recommendation his Commission for General of the Artillery, which was signed not long before his Death; and he was yet in a way of mounting higher, if his too great Courage had not exposed him to that fatal Musket shot, which killed him at the taking of Han; though the Garrison of Spaniards had small cause to boast of it, who were all sacrificed to the just sorrow of the Army for the loss of so brave a Gentleman. They who came in to the Duke of Longueville with him, were Louis Dongniez, Count de Chaulne his Brother-in-Law, the Sieurs de Mauleurier, Lanoy, Longueval, Cany, Bonnivet, Giury, Fretoy, Mesvillier, and La Tour. This Squadron was slanked on the right and left with two gross Battalions, having each of them two Field pieces, which were not drawn out of Compeigne till some time after the Army was Marched, on purpose to deceive the Spies, who thereupon gave intelligence that they had none. He placed on his right Wing the Cavalry of Sedan, at the Head of which he was resolved to Fight in Person: and on his left, the Horsemen which were drawn out from those places, that held for the King in Picardy. The Duke of Aumale who made such over haste to the Victory, of which he made sure in his conceit, that he left his Cannon behind him, was the first who founded the Charge, and Balagny with his Squadron of Cambresians and Walloons, advanced eagerly to attack the right Wing of the Royalists, which was much inferior to his own in strength; but when he was almost just upon them, the gross Battalion which covered the left side of that Squadron, opening in a moment, he was surprisingly saluted with a Volley of Cannon, which carried off at once whole ranks of his Squadron, and constrained him to retire in great disorder. Then the Duke of Aumale, who plainly saw that there was no other remedy for this unexpected mischief, but speedily to win the Enemy's Cannon, put himself upon the gallop, followed by Maineville and Balagny, who had recovered his disorder, and all three went at the Head of their men, to force that Infantry of the Enemy. But they were scarce come up within an hundred paces of them, when their other Battalion opening, a second Volley came thundering upon them, and raking them in the Flank, did more execution than the former. A third which immediately succeeded it, shook their whole Body, which having advanced a little farther, the Musquetiers which flanked their Horse, made their discharge, so justly both against Man and Horse, that the Field was strewed with dead Bodies; and in the mean time the whole Cavalry of the Royalists charged upon them who were already wavering and half routed: and the Besieged at the same time sallying out, fell upon the rear of the Parisian Infantry, who had been abandoned by their Cavalry, so that now it was no longer to be called a Battle, but a downright Slaughter, and a general defeat. Never was any Victory more complete, with so little loss to the Conquerors: the Field of Battle remained in their Possession, covered with above two thousand Slain, without reckoning into the number, those who were killed by the Peasants, or such as could not recover themselves out of the Marshes, which are about the Abbey de la Victoire. The Camp of the Vanquished, the Merchandises, and Commodities which had been brought thither from Paris, the Cannon, the Ammunition, the Colours, the Baggage, and twelve hundred Prisoners were the conquerors reward: Who some few days after as they Marched towards Burgundy, there to join the Swissers, saluted the Parisians from the Heights of Montfaucon, with some Volleys of Cannon, and thereby gave them notice of their defeat, with a truer account of it than had been given them by the Duke of Aumale and Balagny, whereof the one saved himself in St. Denis, and the other in Paris. And as it often happens, that one misfortune comes on the Neck of another, to those who are in the way of being beaten, this defeat was followed the very next day after it, being the eighteenth of May, with the loss of three hundred brave Gentlemen of Picardy, whom the Governor of Dourlens, Charles Tiercelin de Saveuse, was bringing to the Duke of Mayenne; who being met in La Beauce towards Bonneval, by the Count of Chastillon, with a greater strength, were almost all of them Slain, after having fought like Lions without ask Quarter, or so much as promising for safety of their Lives, that they would never bear Arms against the King. Such violent Leaguers were these men, and above all, Saveuse their Captain, who being carried off to Baugency, wounded in all parts of his Body, where the King of Navarre a great lover of brave Men was very desirous to have saved him, refused all kind of remedies, for the sullen pleasure of Dying, having nothing in his mouth but the praises of the Duke of Guise, and a thousand imprecations against his Murderers. These fortunate events, accompanied by the great success which the Duke of Montpensier had in Normandy against the Leaguers, occasioned the King of Navarre who was advanced as far as Baugency, with part of his Forces, to return to Tours, that he might advise the King no longer to delay the time in fruitless Treaties, which were still counselled him by some, and were so agreeable to his lazy and unactive genius; and to let him know, that it was now high time to put in execution a more generous design, which was to attaque the Enemy in their chiefest strength, by besieging Paris. He resolved on this at last; but first he was desirous of getting Orleans into his power; which if he could compass, he should thereby deprive Paris of the great supplies which might be drawn from thence. To effect this, having in the beginning of june passed his Army over the Bridge of Baugency in La Sologne, he caused Gergeau to be assaulted: the Governor of which place, who had the confidence to stay till the Cannon had made a breach, which he was not able to defend, was taken, and hanged for an example. Those of Gien, terrified by this just severity, made haste to surrender before the Artillery had played; and the Inhabitants of La Charité put themselves immediately into the King's hands of their own accord; so that his Majesty, excepting only Nantz, was Master of all the passages on the Loire, both above and below Orleans, which he invested on all parts of it. The Sieur de la Chastre, who after the death of the Guises had promised fidelity to the King, and not long afterwards had declared a second time for the League, in his Government of Berry, put himself into that Town, with all the Forces he could make; and the Inhabitants, encouraged by his presence, refused with great scorn those advantageous propositions which were made them by the King, laughed at his threatenings, and took up a resolution of defending themselves to the last extremity. Insomuch that it being concluded, it was but loss of time to undertake that Siege, the first design of going directly on to Paris was resumed. For which reason they repassed the Loire, and upon the March without much trouble took in the Towns of Pluviers, Dourdan and Estampes; at which last place the King received the unwelcome news of the Monitory which Pope Sixtus had published against him; and this was the occasion of it. Not long after the death of the Guises, the King, who clearly saw by the Remonstrations which the Legate Morosini had made him, that the absolution which he had received by virtue of his Breviat, would not be received at Rome; had sent thither Claude d' Angennes Bishop of Man's to intercede for another, notwithstanding all the discouraging Letters which had been written him by his friends from thence, to dissuade him from it; or at least to delay a submission of this nature, which might prove prejudicial to him. In farther prosecution of this the Marquis de Pisany his Ambassador, and the Cardinal de joyeuse, acting in joint commission with the Bishop by his order, had represented to Pope Sixtus the most powerful reasons they could urge, to procure this favour from him: to which the Pope who was grown inflexible on that point, had answered them ruggedly according to his nature; that he was willing to take no cognisance of the Duke of Guise's death, because he was the King's Subject; but the Cardinal of Bourbon, and the Archbishop of Lions whom he held Prisoners, not being his Subjects, (since none but the Pope had a Sovereign Power over Cardinals and Bishops,) he would never grant him absolution before he had restored them to their liberty, or at least put them into the hands of his Legate, that they might be sent to Rome, where himself would execute justice on them, in case he found them guilty. On the other side, the Commander of Diu, the Sieur Coquelaire Counsellor in Parliament, Nicholas de Piles Abbot of Orbais, and the Sieur Frison Dean of the Church of Rheims, who were Deputies for the League at Rome, to hinder the Pope from giving this Absolution, not only opposed it with all their force, but also used their best endeavours to persuade him, that he would publish the Excommunication, which he himself had said was incurred by the King for the murder of the Cardinal of Guise; and amongst other arguments which they alleged, to carry him to this extreme severity against a most Christian King, they failed not to urge the Authority of the Decrees of the Sorbonne, and principally that of the fifth of April. In that Decree, the Faculty declare that Henry de Valois, ought not to be prayed for in any Ecclesiastic Prayer; much less at the Canon of the Mass, in regard of the Excommunication, which he had incurred; and that these words Pro Rege nostro, aught to be taken out of the Canon, lest it should be believed that they prayed for him; even though the Priest by directing his intention otherwise should call down the effect of those Prayers on the present Governors, or on him to whom God Almighty had reserved the kingdom. The same Decree wills, that instead of them, there should be said at Mass three Prayers which are not in the Canon, Pro Christianis Principibus nostris, which were Printed and remain at this day to be seen. Lastly, it adds, that all such, who will not conform to this Decree, shall be deprived of the Prayers and other rights of the Faculty, from which they shall be driven out, like Excommunicated Persons: and this was approved by the general consent of all the Doctors. 'Tis most certain that these Decrees, together with what was continually buzzed in the Pope's ears, that the King's party was absolutely ruined, contributed not a little to the resolution which he took of prosecuting the King by the ways of rigour, and without fear. But that which put the last hand to his determination, was the Manifesto of the two Kings, who were now in conjunction against the League. For being a man of an haughty temper, he was not able to endure that the King should be united, with a person whom he had excommunicated as a relapsed Heretic, by a thundering Bull, which he had caused to be inserted in the Bullary, reprinted by him, for that only purpose: he easily believed whatever reports were raised by the Leaguers to the disadvantage of the King's party or his cause, and accordingly set up in Rome his Monitory against him. In which he commands him to set at full liberty the Cardinal of Bourbon, and the Archbishop of Lions, within ten days after the publication of his Monitory, at the Gates of two or three of six Cathedral Churches which are named, and which are those of Poitiers, Orleans, Chartres, Meaux, Again, and Man's, and to give him assurance of it within thirty days by an Authentic Act. In default of which he pronounces from that present time, and for the future, that he and all his Accomplices in the murder of the Cardinal of Guise, and the imprisonment of the other Prelates, have damnably incurred the greater Excommunication, and the other Ecclesiastical censures, denounced by the Bull, In Coena Domini, from which they can never be absolved, except only in the article of death, by giving security that they will obey the Mandates of the Church. Farthermore, he citys them to make their appearance within two months, before his Tribunal, the King himself in person, or by his Proctor, and the rest personally, to give in their reasons why they believe they have not incurred the censures, and why the King's Subjects are not absolved from their Oath of Allegiance; and in fine invalidates all Privileges to the contrary which the King himself, or his Predecessors have formerly obtained from the Holy See. This Monitory was posted up at Rome, on the twenty fourth of May; and the Leaguers Printed it at Paris, and published it with all the formalities accustomed, at Paris, Chartres, and Meaux on the twenty third of june; and I have seen the Acts of it, which were Printed immediately after at Paris, with the Monitory, by Nicholas Nivelle, and Rolin Thierry Stationers and Printers for the Holy Union, with the Privilege of the Body of the Council General of the same Holy Union, Signed by Senault, their Secretary. It was then at Estampes, that the King received this information, that he was prosecuted in this manner, both at Rome and in France by the Arms of the Church, at the same time when the Rebels assaulted him with theirs, to pull him from the Throne. It was told him indeed, that there were contained in that Monitory, many heads which were nullities in their own nature, and which consequently made the whole invalid, even though it were against a private person. But when notwithstanding all these reasons, he still answered that it gave him exceeding trouble; the King of Navarre, who desired nothing more than speedily to prosecute the design of besieging Paris, told him pleasantly as well as truly, that he had found out a sure expedient for him; And, Sir, said he, with his accustomed quickness, 'tis only this, that we overcome; and the sooner the better; for if we succeed, you may assure yourself of your Absolution; but in case we are beaten, we shall be still Excommunicated, over and over, and damned with three piled curses on our heads. This saying was much of a piece with what the Bishop of Man's, had written to the King from Rome; that if he were desirous of the Absolution, which was refused him in that Court, he had no more to do but to make himself the strongest in his own Kingdom. Thus the King thinking it his best course to dissemble his knowledge of the Monitory, never owned that he had seen or heard of it; but marched still forward, to pass the Seine at the Bridge of Poissy, which he forced; after which having taken Pontoise, which was surrendered on the 25th of july, after a fortnight's siege, having been vigorously defended by the Sieur d' Alincour, who was there grievously wounded, and the Sieur de Hautefort, who lost his life; he went to Constans, and there received the Army of the Swisses, which was conducted to him by Nicholas de Harlay, Sieur de Sancy; who by performing so great and seasonable a service to the King his Master, has deserved the praise of all posterity. At the beginning of this War, there being a Council held, wherein were proposed the most speedy and efficacious means that could be found to carry it on, the King being then reduced to a very low condition; Sancy, who had been formerly his Ambassador in Switzerland, maintained that there was no better expedient, than to treat with the Cantons, who to defend themselves from the Arms of Savoy, which threatened Geneva, and designed to shut it up on the side of France, would willingly permit a great Levy of their Subjects to be made in favour of the King, who might hereafter be in a condition to succour them, in case they should be driven to extremity. But, because the Exchequer was wholly drained, and No Money no Swiss was the common Proverb, his proposition was turned into ridicule, and he was asked if he knew the man who would undertake to raise an Army, without any other ingredient than Pen and Paper? Then Sancy, who though he was of the long Robe, had a Soldier's heart, (for at that time, he was only a Master of Requests) Since, said he, not one of all those who have been enriched by the King's bounty, will make offer of himself to serve him, I declare that I will be the man. And thereupon accepted a very ample Commission which was given him by the King, but without a penny to bear his charges, to treat with the Swisses and Germans for the raising of an Army. To go through with his business, he Mortgaged all he had, and took up what he could procure upon his Credit; and in sequel, acted with so much fortune and such good management with the Magistrates of Bern, of Basile, of Soleure, and of Geneva, that after having taken from the Duke of Savoy the Bailywicks of Gex and Thonon, the Fort of Ripaille, and some other places, thereby to employ him for some time, and to hinder him from molesting of his neighbours, he put himself at the head of the Royal Army, composed of ten or twelve thousand Foot, Swisses, Grisons, and Genevians, with near two thousand Reyters, and twelve pieces of Cannon. With these Forces he traversed all the Country from Geneva by Switzerland, as far as the County of Montbelliard, from whence crossing the French County, and passing the Saone towards joinville, he came to Langres which held for the King, and thence to Chastillon on the Seine, to join the Duke of Longueville and La Noüe. From whence marching through Champagne, all three in company, with twenty thousand men, they passed the Seine at Poissy, and in conclusion arrived happily at the King's Army. His Majesty received Sancy with tears in his eyes, and protested in presence of all the Officers of his Army, that he wept for joy, and grief together, that he had not wherewithal at present to reward the greatest service, which a Subject could perform to his King; and that what he had done for him in making him Colonel of the Swisses, was nothing in comparison of what he intended him, being resolved that one day he would make him so great, that there should not be a man in his Kingdom, who might not have occasion to envy him. But fortune, which is pleased with persecuting of virtue, disposed quite otherwise of the matter, by that deplorable accident, which happened three days after, and by the misery which his own noble heartedness had drawn upon him. For instead of those large recompenses which he might reasonably expect, after having done so worthy an action, he was reduced so low, that he was constrained at last to sell all he had, therewith to pay the debts which he had contracted by Levying at his own charges that gallant Army, which put the King in a condition of conquering his Rebels, and by consequence of triumphing over the League. In effect, after the conjunction of the two Armies, in the general review of all his Troops, he saw himself at the head of more than forty five thousand Men, experienced Soldiers, with which, after having possessed himself on the thirtieth of july, of the Bridge of St. Clou, (from whence he drove the Leaguers with his Cannon,) he was resolved, within two days, to attaque the Fauxbourgs of Paris, on both sides of the River. There is all the appearance of probability, that he had carried them, at the first onset, and by consequence the Town itself, where they were already in extreme consternation, all the passages for provisions, being blocked up; and the Duke of Mayenne, not having about him above five or six thousand Soldiers at the most; who were not the third part of the number which was necessary for the defence of the Retrenchments of so great a compass, as those which he had made for all the Fauxbourgs; considering besides that the King had within the Town so great a number of good Subjects, who having taken courage at his approach, had drawn over a great party of the honest Citizens, receiving an assurance that the punishment would only fall on the Principal of the Leaguers, in case the King entering the Town as a Conqueror, should think fit to remember the old business of the Barricades. Insomuch that the Duke of Mayenne had occasion to fear, that at the same time when the Fauxbourgs were attaqu'd there would be a sudden rising for the King, within the Town, and that those who had thus risen, would make themselves Masters of one of the Gates, which they would open to him, and afterwards act in conjunction with his Army. To this purpose 'tis reported, that the Duke who, notwithstanding all his temper and his slowness, was very brave, being sensible of his desperate condition, though in outward show he seemed confident of good success, still plying the people from the Pulpits with a thousand Lies for their encouragement; had resolved with a chosen Troup of his bravest men, who were willing to follow his fortune, to throw himself into the midst of the Royal Army, with his Sword in his hand, either to overcome, against all appearance of probability, by a generous despair, (which is sometimes prospered by the chance of Arms,) or to die honourably in using the only means which were now left him, to revenge the death of his two Brothers. In this flourishing condition the King's affairs then stood, and to this low ebb was the League reduced, when fortune which plays with the lives of men, of which she sometimes makes a ridiculous Comedy, and at other times a bloody Tragedy, all on the sudden changed the Scene, as if the action had been upon a Theatre, by the most Sacrilegious blow which was ever given, I say not by a Man but by a Devil incarnate. 'Tis not necessary that I should here relate every particular circumstance of so execrable a deed, which is already known to all the world: 'Tis sufficient that in performance of my duty, as an Historian, I only say, That a young jacobin, called jaques Clement, a man of mean capacity, Superstitious, and Fanatically devout, being persuaded by the furious Sermons of the Preachers, and by a certain Vision which he thought he had, that he should be a Martyr if he lost his life, for having killed Henry de Valois, was so far intoxicated with this damnable opinion, that he scrupled not to say openly, that the people needed not to give themselves so much trouble; and that he knew well enough how to deliver Paris, in due time. And when it was known that the King was at St. Clou, where he had taken up his quarters, and was lodged at the House of Monsieur Jerome de Gondy, he went out of Paris, the next morning, which was the last of july, with a Letter of Credence addressed to the King, from the first Precedent de Harlay, who was at that time a Prisoner in the Bastill●; 'tis uncertain whether that Letter in reality was written by that illustrious person, deluded by the jacobin, whom he thought a fitting Messenger to convey such intelligence, as he had to send, or whether it were counterfeited, as an assured means of gaining him access, and opportunity to put in practice his damnable resolution. For being introduced the day following, about seven or eight a clock in the morning into the King's Chamber, while that good Prince, who always received men in Orders with great kindness, was reading the Letter attentively, and bowing his body to listen so some secret message which he believed was brought him by the Friar, (as was imported by his Credentials,) the Parricide who was kneeling before him, pulling out a knife from his sleeve, stabbed him with it into the belly, and left it in the wound; from whence the King drawing it, and at the same time rising from his Chair, and crying out, Thrust it very deep into the friar's forehead. There were at that time in the room only Bellegarde, first Gentleman of the Bedchamber, and La Guesle the Attorney General, who having the day before interrogated the Villain without finding any thing in his discourse, that might administer the least cause of suspicion, had brought him to the King, by his own command. But many of the forty five entering suddenly upon the King's outcry, fell inconsiderately upon him in the first transport of their fury, and in a moment stuck him in with many thrusts without giving any attention to La Guesle, who after he had struck him with the handle of his Sword, cried out as loud as he could possibly, that they should not kill him: The wretch immediately expiring, they threw his Corpse all bloody out of the Window, which the grand Prevost of the King's house, caused immediately to be tied to four Horses, and dragged about till it was torn in pieces. There are some who, not being able to believe that one in Orders could be capable of so impious an action, have doubted that this Monster of a man was either some Leaguer, or some True Protestant disguised into a Friar; and a Modern Author to save the honour of the jacobins, has endeavoured of late to renew and fortify this doubt, in the best manner he was able: But besides that the Parricide was known by some who were of his acquaintance; 'tis most certain that the same jaques Clement, who was examined the evening before by La Guesle, which is agreed on all sides, was introduced by himself, the next morning into the King's Chamber; for it can never be thought, that the Attorney General, a man of good understanding, should be so far mistaken, as to take another man for him whom he had interrogated with so much circumspection. And yet farther, since the King, in the Letters which he sent to the Governors of Provinces and to his Allies, immediately after he was wounded, says positively, that when he was stabbed by the jacobin, there were only in his Chamber Bellegarde and La Guesle, whom he had commanded to stand at a distance, that he might hear what the Traitor had to say to him in private, it follows necessarily, that either the one or the other of these two committed this detestable action, if it were not jaques Clement: and the former of these two suppositions, is what can never enter into the imagination of any reasonable man. For which reason, without losing my time either to destroy or leave doubtful a truth so known, and so generally agreed on by all the Writers of those times, and confirmed besides by so many authentic Witnesses; I believe it safer to rest satisfied with the universal opinion of Mankind, without the least daubing of the matter in regard of his profession, which can reflect no manner of dishonour on the jacobins. For there is no dispute but all crimes are personal; and there is no man of good sense, who can think it reasonable to upbraid a whole Order, with the guilt of one particular person in it; and principally that of Saint Dominic, which is always stored with excellent men, renowned for their Virtue, their Learning, and their Pious conversation. Now, though the wound was great, and had pierced very deep, yet the Surgeons at the first dressing were of opinion that the Knife had slipped betwixt the Bowels without entering into them, and that therefore the King was not hurt to death: of this they all assured him, and thereupon he sent advice to the Princes his Allies, that in ten days he should be able to get on horseback. But whether it were that the wound was not searched to the bottom, or that the knife was empoisoned, it was known, not long after, that the hurt was mortal. Never Prince was less surprised than he, at the certainty of death: nor received it more calmly, more Christianly, or more devoutly. He confessed himself three several times to the Sieur de Boulogne, the Chaplain of his Closet, and being advertised by him that there was a Monitory out against him, and exhorted to satisfy the Church in what was demanded of him, before he could have absolution given him, I am, answered he, without the least hesitation, the Eldest Son of the Roman Catholic Church, and will die such. I promise in the presence of God, and before you all, that I have no other desire, than to content his Holiness in all he can require from me. Upon which the Confessor being fully satisfied gave him Absolution. All the remainder of the day, he passed in his Devotions, and in Contemplation of Holy things; till the King of Navarre being arrived from his Quarters at Meudon, it being now well onward in the night, and throwing himself on his knees before him, with his eyes full of tears, and without being able to pronounce one word, he raised himself up a little, and leaning gently on his head, declared him his lawful Successor, commanding all the Nobility, who filled the Chamber, to acknowledge and obey him as their King, at the same time telling him, that if he would Reign peaceably, it was necessary for him to return into the Church, and to profess the Religion of all the most Christian Kings his Predecessors. When he felt the approaches of death, about two of the Clock in the Morning, he confessed himself once more, after which he called for the holy Sacrament; which Viaticum he received with incredible devotion. After which he continued in all the most fervent actions of Faith, Hope, and Charity, relying wholly on the infinite merits of the Passion of our Saviour jesus Christ, pardoning all his Enemies from the bottom of his heart, and particularly those who had procured his death; and thereupon he desired for the third time to receive Absolution, beseeching God to forgive him all his Sins, even as he forgave all the injuries which had been done him. After this he began to say the Miserere, which he was not able to finish, having lost his Speech, at these words, And restore to me the joy of thy Salvation; and having twice signed himself with the sign of the Cross, he quietly gave up his breath, about four of the clock in the morning, on the second day of August, and in the thirty ninth year of his Age. Thus died Henry the third King of France and Poland, making it appear at his death, that during his Life he had in his Soul a true foundation of Piety, and that those extraordinary and odd actions, which he did from time to time, though they were not altogether regular, nor becoming his Quality, yet proceeded not from that unworthy principle of Hypocrisy, with which the Leaguers have so ignominiously branded him: As to the rest, he was a Prince who being endued with all the Noble Qualities, which I have described in his Character in the beginning of this History, had been one of the most excellent Kings who ever Reigned, if he could have shown them to the World, after his assumption to the Crown, with the same lustre in which they appeared before it. The Huguenots and Leaguers, who agreed in nothing but their common hatred to this Prince, rejoiced equally at his Death, and spoke of it as a kind of Miracle, and as a stroke proceeding from the hand of God. The Protestants have written that he was wounded, and died afterwards in the same Chamber, where he had procured the Massacre of St. Bartholomew, to be resolved. Notwithstanding which it is most certain, that the House wherein the King was hurt to Death, was not Built by the Sieur Jerome de Gondy, till the year 1577, which was five years after the forefaid Massacre. For which reason that imposture being manifest, the Parliament upon the complaint, which the Attorney General made concerning it, ordained that this passage should be razed out from the addition which was made by Monliard; to the Inventaire of the History of France. But the Zealots of Geneva have not been wanting, to restore it entirely as it was before, in the Impression which they made of that Book. As for the Leaguers they proclaimed their Joy so loudly, and in so scandalous a manner, that their Books cannot be read without an extreme abhorrence to the Writers. They published in their Narratives Printed at Paris and at Lions, that an Angel had declared to jaques Clement, that a Crown of Martyrdom was prepared for him, when he had delivered France from Henry de Valois; and that having communicated his Vision to a knowing man in Orders, he had approved it; assuring him that by giving this Stroke, he should make himself as well pleasing to God, as judith was by killing Holophernes. And because his Prior who was called Father Edm. Bourgoing, was accused to be the man, amongst all the Preachers of the League, who was the most transported in the praises of this abominable Parricide, his Subject, Apostrophising to him in the Pulpit, and calling him the blessed Child of his Patriarch, and the Holy Martyr of jesus Christ, and also comparing him to judith; It was not doubted but that he was the person, by whom this young man who was under his charge, had been advised and was afterwards confirmed, in this his execrable resolution. For which reason, being taken with Arms in his hand three Months after, at the assault of the Fauxbourgs of Paris, his process was made, and though he obstinately denied it to his Death, (which he suffered with a wonderful resolution;) yet since he could not convince the Witnesses of falsehood who Swore against him, he was judged according to the forms of Justice, as he himself acknowledged, and drawn in pieces by four Horses, according to the decree of the Parliament sitting at Tours. Howsoever it were, 'tis certain, that the greatest part of those outrageous Preachers of the League, said altogether as much as what was alleged against the Prior: for Monsieur Anthoine Loysel has left it Written in his Journal, that on the very same day whereon the King was Wounded, and before the news of it was come to Paris, he heard at St. Merry the Sermon of Doctor Boucher, who said by way of consolation to his Auditors, that as on that day, (namely the first of August when the Feast of St. Peter in Prison is celebrated,) God had delivered that Apostle from the hands of Herod, so they ought to hope, he had the like mercy in store for them. And immediately made no scruple to maintain this damnable proposition to them, that it was an action of great merit to kill an Heretic King, or a favourer of Heretics. The rest of the same fraternity of Preachers, joining in the Consort, on the same day, held forth in the Pulpits with more violence than ever, against Henry de Valois, and gave the people (says the same undeniable Witness,) a hope almost in the nature of a certainty, that God would speedily deliver them, which gave just occasion for many to believe, that the devilish design of that Assassinate had been communicated to them. And when it was known that the Blow was given, it was ordered that public Prayers should be made in all the Churches of the City, together with a solemn action of thanksgiving to Almighty God. For a whole Week together they made Processions from all the Parishes, to the Church of the jacobins, and exhorted the people to distribute their Alms liberally to the Religious of that Cloister, for the sake of Friar jaques Clement; as also to extend their Charity to his poor Relations. To conclude, Doctor Roze, Bishop of Senlis an old man, and most outrageous Leaguer Preached there, according to the direction of the Council of Sixteen, which was sent in Tickets to all the Preachers in the City, on Sunday the sixth of August, wherein they were appointed to insist particularly on three Heads, which I will here set down as they are expressed in the Tickets themselves; that it may be notorious with what an Egyptian blindness, that infamous Cabal of the League was then struck. Take them in their own Words. 1. You are to justify the action of the jacobin, because it is a parallel to that of judith, so much magnified in the Holy Scriptures. For he who hears not the Church, aught to be accounted as an Heathen or an Holofernes. 2. Cry out against those, who say that the King of Navarre is to be received, in case he goes to Mass: Because he can be but an Usurper of the Kingdom, being Excommunicated, and also standing excluded from that of Navarre. 3. Exhort the Magistracy, to publish against all those who shall maintain the King of Navarre, that they are attainted of the crime of Heresy, and as such to proceed against them. But after all these doings, this brutal joy of the Leaguers for the Death of Henry the Third, was immediately after turned into sadness, and at the last into despair, by the wise management, and incomparable valour of his Successor Henry de Bourbon, to whom God had preordained the Glory of restoring the happiness of France, by the utter destruction of the League, which had laid it desolate. The relation of which, is the Business of the fourth and last part of my present History. THE HISTORY OF THE LEAGUE. LIB. IV. THough Henry King of Navarre, Ann. 1589. whom the deceased King had at his Death declared his Lawful Successor, immediately took upon himself, the Sovereign Title of King of France, yet was he not acknowledged for such, at the same time by the whole Army. The Hugonots, whom he had brought to the Assistance of his Predecessor, were the first to render him Homage, as no ways doubting, but that the World was now their own, and that Calvinism should be the predominant Religion in France, under a Protestant King. But this very Consideration, gave great trouble and anxiety of Mind to that prudent Prince; who plainly saw, that the Catholics foreseeing this Misfortune, of which they were extremely apprehensive, might possibly reunite themselves against him; and that the Huguenots, who were without Comparison the weaker Party, could never be able to support him on the Throne. In effect, there was, during all that day, and the whole night following, a great Contestation of Opinions, amongst the Catholic Lords of the Army, in relation to this Affair. Many of them, who considered more their private Interest, than the public Good, were de●irous to make advantage of a Juncture, so favourable for the establishment of their Fortunes, and to sell their Obedience at the highest Rate they could, by raising their Governments into Principalities, which had been to cantonize the Monarchy. There were great numbers of them, led by different Motives, some by a true Zeal for Religion, others by the Aversion which they had for this new King, which they disguised with a specious pretence of Zeal, who would absolutely have it, that he should instantly declare himself a Catholic; which could not possibly be done, either with the King's Honour, or with Provision of security to the Catholics; because too much of Constraint was evident in such an Action. Some there were also, who maintained, that since his Birth, and the Fundamental Law of the Land, had brought him to the Throne▪ of which his Heroic Virtues had rendered him most worthy, it was their Duty to acknowledge him, and to obey him cheerfully, without imposing on him the least Conditions. But this was it, which the greatest part of them thought too dangerous to Religion, which they were unwilling to hazard by such a Compliment. In conclusion, after this important Affair had been throughly examined in the King's Council, and in the general Assembly of the Catholic Princes and Lords, which was held in the Lodgings of Francis de Luxembourg, Duke de Piney, they came to an Agreement the next Morning, by holding a just Temperament betwixt the two Extremes. For, without insisting on their private Interests, that they might act frankly, and like Gentlemen, it was determined that the King should be acknowledged; but upon condition, that he should cause himself to be instructed within six months' time, by the most able Prelates of the Kingdom; that he should restore the Exercise of the Catholic Religion, in all places from whence it had been banished, and remit the ecclesiastics into the full and entire Possession of all their Goods; that he should bestow no Governments on Hugonots; and that this Assembly might have leave to depute some persons to the Pope, to render him an account of their Proceedings. This Accommodation was signed by all the Lords, excepting only the Duke of Espernon, and the Sieur de Vitry; who absolutely refused their Consent to it. Vitry went immediately into Paris, and there put himself into the Service of the League; which he believed at that time, to be the cause of Religion. As for the Duke of Espernon, he had no inclination to go over to the League, which had so often solicited his Banishment from Court. But whether it were, that being no longer supported since his Master's Death, he feared the Hatred and Resentment of the greatest Persons about the King, and even of the King himself, whom he had very much offended during the time of his Favour, in which it was his only business to enrich himself; or were it that he was afraid he should be required to lend some part of that great Wealth, which he had scraped together; he, very unseasonably, and more unhandsomely, began to raise Scruples, and seemed to be troubled with Pangs of Conscience, which never had been thought any great grievance to him formerly; so that he took his leave of the King, and retired to his Government, with 2 or 3000 Foot, and 500 Horse, which he had brought to the Service of his late Master. This pernicious Example was followed by many others, who under pretence of ordering their Domestic Affairs, asked leave to be gone (which the King dared not to refuse them) or suffered themselves to be seduced by the Proffers and Solicitations of the League; so that the King, not being in a condition any longer to besiege Paris, was forced to divide his remaining Troops, comprehending in that number, those which Sancy still preserved for his Use and Service. Of the whole, he formed three little Bodies; one for Picardy, under the Command of the Duke of Longuevill●, another for Champagne, under the Marshal d' Aumont; and himself led the third into Normandy, where he was to receive Supplies from England; and where, with that small Remainder of his Forces, he gave the first Shock to the Army of the League, which at that time, was become more powerful, than ever it had been formerly, or than ever it was afterwards. In effect, those, who after the Barricades had their eyes so far opened, as to discover, that the League in which they were engaged, was no other than a manifest Rebellion against their King, seeing him now dead, believed there was no other Interest remaining on their side, but that of Religion, and therefore reunited themselves with the rest, to keep out a Heretic Prince from the Possession of the Crown. And truly this pretence became at that time so very plausible, that an infinite number of Catholics, of all Ranks and Qualities, dazzled with so specious an appearance, made no doubt, but that it was better for them to perish, than to endure that he whom they believed obstinate in his Heresy, should ascend the Throne of St. Lewis; and were desirous that some other King might be elected. Nay farther, there were some of them, who took this occasion, once more, to press the Duke of Mayenne, that he would assume that Regal Office, which it would be easy for him to maintain, with all the Forces of the united Catholics, of which he already was the Head; but that Prince, who was a prudent man, fearing the dangerous consequences of so bold an Undertaking, liked better at the first, to retain for himself all the Essentials of Kingship, and to leave the Title of it to the old Cardinal of Bourbon, who was a Prisoner, and whom he declared King, under the Name of Charles the Tenth, by the Council of the Union. At this time it was, that there were scattered through all the Kingdom, a vast number of scandalous Pamphlets, and other Writings, in which the Authors of them pretended to prove, that Henry of Bourbon, stood lawfully excluded from the Crown; those who were the most eminent of them, were the two Advocates general for the League, in the Parliament of Paris; Lewis d'Orl●ans, and Anthony Hotman. The first, was Author of that very seditious Libel, called The English Catholic. And the second, wrote a Treatise, called The Right of the Uncle against the Nephew, in the Succession of the Crown. But there happened a pleasant Accident, concerning this: Francis Hotman a Civilian, and Brother to the Advocate, seeing this Book, which passed from hand to hand in Germany, where he than was, maintained with solid Arguments and great Learning; The Right of the Nephew against the Uncle; and made manifest in an excellent Book, which he published on this Subject, the Weakness and false Reasoning of his Adversaries Treatise, without knowing that it was written by his Brother, who had not put his Name to it. The League having a King, to whom the Crown of right belonged, after Henry the Fourth his Nephew, in case he had survived him, by this Pretence increased in Power▪ because the King of Spain and the Duke of Lorraine and Savoy, who, during the Life of the late King their Ally, durst not declare openly against him, for his Rebellious Subjects; now, after his Death, acknowledging this Charles the Tenth for King, made no difficulty to send Supplies to the Duke of Mayenne, insomuch that he, after having published through all France, a Declaration made in August, by which he exhorts all French Catholics to reunite themselves with those, who would not suffer an Heretic to be King, had raised at the beginning of September, an Army of 25000 Foot and 8000 Horse. With these Forces he passed the Seine at Vernon, marching directly towards the King, who after he had been received into Pont del' Arch, and deep, which Captain Rol●t, and the Commander de Chates, had surrendered to him; made a show of besieging Roven, not having about him above 7 or 8000 Men. This so potent an Army of the Leaguers, composed of French and Germane, Lorrainers and Walloons, which he had not imagined could have been so soon assembled, and which was now coming on to overwhelm him; constrained him to retire speedily towards deep, where he was in danger to have been encompassed round without any possibility of Escape, but only by Sea into England, if the Duke of Mayenne had taken up the resolution, as he ought to have done, from the first moment when he took the Field, to pursue him eagerly and without the least delay. But while he proceeding with his natural slowness, which was his way of being wise, trifled out his time in long deliberations, when he should have come to Action, he gave leisure to the King to fortify his Camp at Arques, a League and half from deep; enclosing with strong retrenchments the Castle, and the Bourg situated on the Brow of an Hill, which overlooks the little River of Bethune, the Mouth of which forms the Haven that belongs to deep. He had scarcely finished this great work, wherein all his Army was employed, after the Example of their King, during three days with incredible diligence; when the Duke of Mayenne, who had squandered away his time, yet once again, in retaking those little Places round about, of which the King had lately possessed himself, drew near to Arques, with purpose to dislodge him. But when he had observed that he was too strong on that side to be forced, he turned on the Right Hand, passing the Bethune somewhat higher, and went to post himself on the other Hill, which is over against Arques, with the River betwixt both Parties; from whence he might more easily attack the Bourg below, and possess himself of Polet, the Fauxbourg of deep, on the same side. But the foresight of the King had provided for all Events in every place; for he had carried on his Retrenchments as far as an Hospital for sick People, called the Maladery, near the River, and placed Chatillon, Colonel of the Foot, with 900 Men in Polet, which also was retrenched. In the mean time, the Duke having fixed his resolution to win the Fauxbourg, and to force the Quarters at Arques, appeared in Battalia the sixteenth of September, on the Hills, marched the one half of his Army at daybreak towards Polet, and lodged the other half at the Village of Martingli●e, in the Valley, to attack the fortified Maladery. The two attempts which he made that day, proved very unsuccessful to him: For the King, who in Person hastened to Polet, putting himself at the Head of his Forces, on the outside of the Retrenchments, maintained the Skirmish with great bravery during the whole day, the Enemy not daring all the while to close with him, nor being able to gain the least inch of ground from him, and at last, forced them to retire shamefully in the Night, into the ruins of a Village which was burned, after having killed and made Prisoners a great number of their most forward men. And the next morning, his Soldiers encouraged by his presence, and by the contempt which they had of their cowardly Enemies, went to attack them in their barricaded Village, where they killed above an hundred of them, without the loss of a single man. Those of the Enemy, who were posted at Martinglise, behaved themselves much better than their Fellows, and accordingly they came off with greater loss: For having maintained the skirmish for some time, and endeavouring to dislodge those, who had lined the Hedges that were near the River, they drew out a great detachment of their Men, who gave an Assault to the Corpse de garde of the Maladery, in hope to carry the Retrenchments. But the Marshal de Byron, who commanded in Arques, and who was advanced to the Maladery, to sustain those who defended it, gave orders to the Grand Prior of France and Damville, to charge those bold Leaguers, with a chosen Squadron of his bravest Men; who gave in upon them with so much fury, that he forced them back to Martinglise in much disorder, after having killed them 150 of their best Soldiers, and wounded a much greater number. The Cornet of the Duke de Nemours was taken in this Fight, and 20 Gentlemen of Note made Prisoners. This double Misfortune having discouraged the Army of the League, the Duke of Mayenne lay still four or five days together in his Quarters, that he might give his Soldiers a little time to recover of their Fright; after which, having reassembled all his Forces, he commanded them to pass the River somewhat after Midnight, in order to attack the Retrenchments, from which some of them had been repulsed so vigorously, and which he now hoped he might carry by surprise: For this Attempt was to be made at break of Day, and with his whole Army, which was thrice the number of the Royalists. But the King having had timely notice of his Design, was gone in Person into the Trenches two or three hours before day, and had disposed all things in good order for their Reception; having strongly man'd the Trenches with his Infantry, and drawn up his Cavalry without the Lines, to break the first Onset of the Enemy. This hindered no● the Duke of Mayenne from pursuing his Enterprise, till he brought it to an Engagement; which was very long, and exceeding sharp betwixt the two Armies. The King's Cavalry, gained immediately some Advantage against that of the League. The Grand Prieur, who was afterwards Count of Anvergne, and Duke of Angoulesme, having killed with his Pistol, the Sieur de Sagonne, who was Colonel of the Leagu's Light Horse, drove back that Squadron, consisting of four or five hundred men, as far as the Standard of the Union; and the Duke of Aumale, who with a Gross of six hundred Horse, had put him to the Retreat, together with three Troops of Men at Arms, who sustained him as far as to the edge of the Retrenchments, was then constrained to give back himself in some disorder, to get out of danger from the Cannon, which furiously played upon his Squadron. But the second Onset, which the Duke of Mayenne commanded to be given by the Lansquenets of Colalte, and Tremble-court, having the Count of Belin at their Head, sustained on the Right, by the Duke of Nemours (who had brought from his Government of Lions three thousand Foot, with a brisk Body of Cavalry) and on the Left, by the Duke of Aumale, with twelve hundred Horse, was much more successful. For while they were furiously combating, both on the Right and Left, with the French and Swisses of Galati, and Meru Montmorancy-Damville their Colonel, the Lansquenets of the League, whether it were by Stratagem, or through Cowardice, cried out to the Royalists, who defended that Quarter, that they would come over to their Side, and were thereupon received within the Lines. Their Captains in like manner, made solemn Protestation to serve the King, provided they might have Security, that their Musters should be paid, which was promised them by the King. But while that gallant Prince went hastily from place to place, giving out his Orders to repulse the Enemy, these perfidious People, observing that the Duke of Nemours had broken the Battalion of the Swisses, immediately turned their Arms against those who had received them; and possessed themselves of that part of the Lines, which they delivered to the Leaguers, who pursuing their Fortune, made themselves Masters of the Maladery. Insomuch, that the King's Forces having at the same time to deal with their Enemies who were without, and those who were within; if the Duke of Mayenne, whose business it was to have sustained those who made the Attaque with the Gross of his Army, had taken hold of that happy Opportunity, to break into the Lines after them, with all his Forces, 'tis exceeding probable, that the greater number must have oppressed the less, by multitudes poured in upon them, and that he had that day obtained an absolute and decisive Victory. But as he never did any thing in haste, but when he fled for safety of his Life, his March was to slow, to make fitting use of so fair an Occasion, where also his good Fortune depended on his Speed; which occasioned the loss of that Advantage. For the Count of Chastillon on the one side, running to the Succour of the King with the two Regiments, which were in Arques; and on the other side the Duke of Montpensier, and the brave La Noüe, ranging themselves with their Gendarmery by his side; that valiant Prince, who had already rallied the greatest part of his Soldiers, whom the Surprise had affrighted and put into disorder, so furiously charged the Regiments of Colalte, and Tremblecour, that they were forced to quit the Retrenchments and the Maladery, with more speed than they had entered them, and to retreat towards the Duke of Mayenne, who seemed by his heavy March and slow Advance, as if his Business was only to receive them, and not to sustain and second them. And, at the same time, the Cannon of the Castle, which had him fair before them, playing terribly into his Army, constrained him to take his way back to his Quarters, and leave the Victory to the King, who still maintained the Possession of Arques, from which his Enemies had endeavoured to dislodge him. And what was yet a greater disgrace to the Duke of Mayenne, four or five days after this, fetching a long compass, and posting himself before deep, with purpose of besieging it, he was himself besieged by the little Army of the King, who being lodged out of the Town over against his Camp, plied him night and day with perpetual Alarms, without his daring once to come forth and make his Approaches. Insomuch, that after ten days stay, without having performed any thing, he raised this pretended Siege, repassed this River, and retired into Picardy, under pretence that his Presence was necessary in those Parts, to hinder the associated Towns of that Province, from putting themselves into the Protection of the Spaniards, who were labouring underhand, to beguile the Simplicity of those poor People. This was the success of that Enterprise of the League, which, with their thirty thousand men, boasted that they would take the King of Navarre, or the Bearnois, as those Rebels insolently called him, and bring him Prisoner to Paris, where the Duchess of Montpensier and other Ladies had already hired Windows and Balconies in St. Dennis-Street, from whence they might have the Pleasure, to see him grace the Triumph of the Duke de Mayenne with his Captivity. But God had otherwise ordained, and that memorable Fight at Arques, wherein, according to all humane probability, the King with that handful of men, should have have fallen under the weight of so formidable a Power, was the fatal point of declination to the League. For though their General had not lost above seven or eight hundred men in that Engagement, yet he lost in it, the Honour and Reputation of the party, which since that day, never did any thing considerable, but what made for the glory of their Conqueror; by furnishing him with new occasions, to make appear his Clemency in pardoning, or his Valour in subduing them, which succeeded not long afterwards, to his immortal Fame. For as soon as he had received the Succours, which he expected from England, of four thousand men; and that the Duke of Long●eville, and Marshal Byron had joined him with their Forces, which they brought from Picardy and Champagne, he marched upward against the Course of the Seine, as far as Meulan, where perceiving that the Duke of Mayenne (who might have marched directly towards him, if his Heart had served him for the Combat) appeared not in those Parts, he passed the River, and on the thirty first of October, took up his Quarters in the sight of Paris, at the Villages of Isly, Vaugirard, Montrouge and Gentilly, with resolution, the next morning to attaque the Fauxbourgs of that great City, which the Parisians had fortified. In order to which, he divided all his Infantry into three Bodies, that the Assault might be made at the same time, in three several places. The first under Marshal de Byron, on the side of the Fauxbourgs St. Marceau, and St. Victor; the next, commanded by Marshal d' Aumont, assisted by Damville the Colonel of the Swisses, and Bellegard the Grand Escuyer, at the Head of the Fauxbourg St. jacques, and at that of St. Michael; and the third led on by the Sieurs de Chastillon and La No●e, right over against the Gates of St. german, Bussy, and Nesle. They were sustained by as many gross Squadrons of Cavalry; at the Head of which, was the Count de Soissons, on the right hand, the Duke of Longueville on the left, and the King himself in the midst; on the side of the Fauxbourg St. jacques: and four pieces of Cannon followed each of these great Bodies, to discharge against the Gates of the City, so soon as the Fauxburgs should be won. Never was any Enterprise better laid; so that the success of it already seemed infallible. For besides the strength of the Assailants without the Town, they held a secret Intelgence within it, which was dextrously managed by the Precedent Nicholas Potier, de Blanc Mesnil, who who having freed himself out of the Hands of Bussy, by a great sum of Money, had gained a good number of those whom the Leaguers suspected to be Royalists, and whom they called Pollitiques, by whose Assistance, he was to make himself Master of one of the Gates, and then deliver it to the King. The invincible courage of that Precedent, and his inviolable fidelity, in the service of the Kings his Masters, in those troublesome and rebellious times, will perpetuate his Memory in all Ages, and raise a Veneration to his Name in France, particularly in Paris, his Native Town, which he honoured as much by his singular Virtue, as he was honoured by it in his Birth, being descended from one of the most Ancient Families of that Great City. He had the generosity, for the service of his Prince and the safety of the State, to expose himself to the imminent danger of death, by the fury of the Sixteen. For those brutal Wretches fearing his great parts, his Courage and his Virtue, which they knew was never to be diverted from the plain ways of Honesty and Honour, put him twice in Prison, once in the Bastile, and again in the Tower of the Lovure, where he ran the hazard of his Life, if he had not been delivered by the good Offices which were done him by some Persons, who had the resolution to oppose the fury of those Tyrants. And when in process of time, he found he could do no more service to the King in Paris, he retired to him who made him Precedent of that part of his Parliament which was established at Chaalons. He had the happiness to be Son to a Counsellor, who acquired so much reputation in the exercise of his Office, that the Chancellor de l' Hospital has said of him in one of his Poems, that he deserved the Court should erect his Statue in the Temple of Justice; and at this day, after his death, has the honour to be Grandfather to another Nicholas de Potier, whom the Wisest and Greatest of all Kings, who understands the merit of Men, and understands also to reward it, has placed at the Head of his Parliament of Peers. All things then being well disposed (by means of the Intelligence which was held with the Precedent, De Blanc Mesnil) to make the King's Enterprise succeed; on All Saint's day, very early in the morning, and under covert of a thick mist, the Fortifications, and the Head of the Fauxbourgs were attacked at once in three several parts, with so much vigour and resolution, that they were all carried by plain force, in less than an hour. Seven or Eight Hundred of the Defendants were slain in the Assault, Thirteen Pieces of Cannon were taken, and if the King's Artillery had come up at the time which he designed, 'tis certain that this great Prince, who at Seven of the Clock entered the Fauxbourg of St. jacques, and was there received with the loud acclamations of Vive Le Roy, had made himself Master of the Quarter of the University, without much difficulty or hazard. But the Sieur de Rosne, who commanded at that time in Paris, having had the leisure to fortify the Gates, by reason of that delay, and the Duke of Mayenne, to whom he had given notice of the King's approach, being entered into the Town the next morning, with all his Forces; the King satisfied himself with letting the Parisians know by what he had done, that the News which was industriously spread amongst them of his defeat at deep, was notoriously false. And after having stayed three long hours in Battalia before the Town, as it were, to reproach the weakness or cowardice of their Commanders, who durst not venture without their Walls, he went to retake, during the Winter, in Vandomois, Tourain, Anjou, maine, Perche, and the Lower Normandy, the greatest part of the Towns and Strong Places which held for the League; which now began to destroy itself by the same means which were intended for its preservation. In this following manner. Those of the Union endeavoured all they could, to oblige his Holiness and the King of Spain, that they would openly espouse their Party, in which at length they succeeded, through the protestations which were made by their Agents at Rome and at Madrid, that in case they were not speedily and powerfully assisted by both of them, they must of necessity make an Accommodation with the King of Navarre; which neither the Pope nor King Philip could bear with patience. The First, for fear that France should fall under the Dominion of a Prince who was an Heretic: And the Second, because he was desirous to foment the divisions which were amongst us, hoping to make his advantage of them, either by reducing the whole Kingdom into his power, or at least by dismembering a great part of it. In this manner, Pope Sixtus, as intelligent as he was, being deluded by the Commander of Diu, and by his Partners, who made him believe, that the Navarrois could not possibly escape from the hands of the Duke of Ma●enne, who had cooped him up and surrounded him in a corner of Normandy, sent Cardinal Cajetan his Legate into France, who was born Subject to the King of Spain, and was also a Spaniard in his Principles, and by his Obligations; who came to Paris in the beginning of january, bringing with him Bills of Exchange for 300000 Crowns, together with an Express Order, to cause a Catholic King to be Elected. On the other side, Don Bernardin de M●ndoza, Ann. 1590. King Philip's Ambassador, being supported by the Faction of the Sixteen, the Preachers of the League, and the Monks, of which the greatest part were entirely devoted to the Spaniard, made, in the General Council of the Union, on the part of his Master, very plausible and advantageous Propositions for the ease of the People, with promise of assisting them with all the Forces of that Monarchy: Protesting also, that his King, who was Master of so many Countries, the Titles of which he haughtily set forth, pretended not to that of France, either for himself or for his Son; and that in recompense of those great Succours which he intended to give the Catholics, he demanded nothing more, than the honour to be solemnly declared, The Protector of France. Now this was in effect the very thing which most contributed to the ruin of the League, and the safeguard of the State; because this artificial Proposition, joined with the Instructions of the Legate, fully opened the Duke of Mayenne's Eyes, and gave him the means of discovering the intentions of the Spaniards, whose design was to establish their King's Authority on the ruins of his; and consequently, he took up a firm resolution of opposing their endeavours, as he always did from that time forward, by the advice of some honest men about him, and particularly Monsieur de Villeroy. That wise and able Minister of State, who served five of our Kings, with so much Fidelity and Reputation, having observed, that by reason of some ill Offices which were done him to the Late King his Master, he could no longer remain with safety in the Towns which obeyed him, nor at his own House during the War, and that he had not been able to procure so much as a Passport for his departure out of the Kingdom, was constrained to make his retreat to Paris with his Father, and to enter into the Party of the Union. But it may be truly said of him that he entered into it, as did the Loyal and Wise Hushai into that of Absalon at jerusalem; there to destroy all the devices and pernicious Counsels of the wicked Achitophel, which only tended to the total ruin of David the lawful King, against whom the Capital City of his Kingdom was revolted. In the same manner, the Sieur de Villeroy embraced, not out of pure necessity, the Party of the League, and placed not himself with the Duke of Mayenne in Paris, who was in Actual War with his King, but only to obtain the means, by his good Counsels, to undermine the purposes of the Spaniards; who under pretence of endeavouring the preservation of Religion in France, designed the Subversion of the State. And as David thought it fitting, that Hushai should continue at jerusalem, without leaving Absalon, because he well knew that he would be more serviceable to him there, than if he kept him near his Person; in like manner Henry the Fourth, who knew the dexterity and faithfulness of Monsieur de Villeroy, would not that he should go out from Paris, after the death of his Predecessor, or be with him, because he was satisfied that this Great Man, would be able to do him greater Service by staying with the Duke of Mayenne, where by his wise Remonstrations, and the credit which he had acquired with that Prince, he might break the measures of the Spaniards and their Adherents. He continued this politic management to the end, and principally on that occasion, whereon depended either the felicity or the unhappiness of this Kingdom, according to the resolution which should be taken: For the Duke of Mayenne having asked him his opinion, in relation to what the Legate and Mendoza had proposed, he gave him easily to understand, that all those plausible Propositions which were made by the Legate, by Mendoza, and the Sixteen, were intended only to deprive him of his Authority, and to subject him, and the whole Party of the Union, under the domination of the Spaniards, who would not fail to usurp upon the French, and to perpetuate the War, thereby to maintain their own greatness. That in his present condition, without suffering an Head to be constituted above him, he had War and Peace at his disposing, together with the glory of having sustained, himself alone, both Religion and the State; but by acknowledging the King of Spain for Protector of the Kingdom, he should only debase himself, under the proud Title of a powerful Master, who would serve his own interests too well, to leave him the means, of either continuing the War, or of concluding a Peace, to the advantage of his Country. There needed no more to persuade a man so knowing, and so prudent, as was the Duke of Mayenne: 'Tis to be confessed, that he was a Self lover, which is natural to all men; but he was also a Lover of the Common Good, which is the distinguishing character of an Honest Man. Since he could not himself pretend to the Crown, which he clearly saw it was impossible for him to obtain, for many reasons, he was resolved no Foreigner should have it, nor even any other but that only Person to whom it belonged rightfully, Religion being first secured. He thereupon firmly purposed from that time, both in regard of his particular interest, and that of the State, to oppose whatsoever attempts should be made by the Spaniards, or by his own nearest Relations, under any pretence or colour; which was undoubtedly one great cause of the preservation of the State. For which reason, that he might for ever cut off the Spaniards from all hope of procuring their Master to be made Protector of the Realm of France, and consequently of having in his hands the Government of the Kingdom, and the concernments of the League, under this new Title, as the Sixteen, who were already at his Devotion, had designed; he politicly told them in a full Assembly, that since the cause of Religion was the only thing, for which the Union was ingageed in this War which they had undertaken, it would be injurious to the Pope, to put themselves under any other protection than that of his Holiness: Which Proposition was so gladly received by all, excepting only the Faction of Sixteen, that the Spaniards were constrained to desist, and to let their pretensions wholly fall. And to obviate the design of causing any other King to be Elected, besides the Old Cardinal of Bourbon, under whose Name he governed all things; he procured the Parliament to verify the Ordinance of the Council General of the Union, by which that Cardinal, was declared King, and caused him so to be Proclaimed, in all the Towns and Places of their party; retaining for himself by the same Ordinance, the Quality and Power of Lieutenant General of the Crown, till the King should be delivered from Imprisonment. And at the same time, to ruin the Faction of Sixteen, which was wholly Spaniardized, he broke the Council of the Union: Saying, That since there was a King Proclaimed, whose Lieutenant he also was, there ought to be no other Council but his, which in duty was to follow him wheresoever he should be. Thus the Duke of Mayenne having possessed himself of all Royal Authority, under the imaginary Title of another, and having overcome all the designs of the Spaniards, took the Field; and after having taken in the Castle of Bois de Vincennes by composition, which had been invested for a year together, he retook Pontoise, and some other places, which hindered the freedom of commerce; and being afterwards willing to regain all the passages of the Seine, thereby to establish the communication of Paris with Roven, and to have the Sea open, he went to besiege the Fort of Meulan, where he lost much time to little purpose; while the Legate, against whom the King's Parliament at Tours had made a terrible Decree, was labouring at Paris with all his might, that no accommodation should be made with the King, not even though he should be converted. To this effect, seeing that the Faction of Sixteen, and the Spaniards, were extremely weakened, after what the Duke of Mayenne had done against them, and that the Royalists, who were generally called Politics. had resumed courage, and began to say openly, that it was the common duty of all good Subjects, to unite themselves with the Catholics who followed the King; he opposed them, with a Declaration lately made against them by the factious Doctors of the Sorbo●ne, on the tenth of February, in the same year 1590. For by that Decree it was ordained, That all Doctors and Bachelors should have in abhorrence, and strongly combat, the pestilential and damnable Opinions which the Workers of Iniquity endeavoured, with all their force, to insinuate daily into the Minds of Ignorant and Simple Men, principally these Propositions. That Henry de Bourbon might, and aught to be honoured with the Title of King: That it Conscience men might hold his Party, and Pay him Taxes, and acknowledge him for King, on condition he turned Catholic, etc. And then they added, That in case any one shall refuse to obey this Decree, the Faculty declares him an Enemy to the Church of God, Perjured and Disobedient to his Mother, and, in conclusion, cuts him off from her Body, as a gangrened Member which corrupts the rest. A Decree of this force was of great service to the Bigots of the League, because it deprived the wiser sort of the Licence they had taken, to persuade the people to make peace: And the Legate, that he might hinder any from taking it for the time to come, bethought himself, that a new Oath should be imposed on the Holy Evangelists, betwixt his hands, in the Church of the Augustine's, to be taken by all the Officers of the Town, and the Captains of the several Wards, which was: That they should always persevere in the Holy Union; that they should never make Peace or Truce with the King of Navarre, and that they should employ their Lives and Fortunes in deliverance of their King Charles the Tenth: Which was also enjoined to be taken by all the Officers of Parliament, and the other Companies, no one man daring to oppose it: So much had Fear prevailed over Courage and Virtue at that time, even in those who knowing and detesting in their hearts the injustice of that Oath, ought rather to have died, than basely to have acted against their Consciences. But the good success of the King's Arms, was in the mean time preparing the means for them, of receiving one day an happy dispensation from himself, of that abominable Oath by which 'tis most manifest they never could be tied. For after having made himself Master of all the Lower Normandy, he made haste to relieve the Fort of Meulan, and thereby constrained the Duke of Mayenne to raise his Siege. After which, having taken the Bridge of Poissy by plain force, and in view of the Enemy; he led his Victorious Army before Dreux, which occasioned the memorable Battle of jury. Since the taking of that Town had extremely straightened Paris, by excluding it on that side from the passage and the commerce of Normandy, La Beauce, and the Country about Chartres; the Duke of Mayenne resolved to relieve it with all his Forces. For this purpose, having received a recruit of 1500 Lansquenets and 500 Carabines, which King Philip (who at the same time published his Manifesto in justification of his Arms) had given to the League by the Duke of Parma, under the conduct of the Count of Egmont, he passed the Seine at the Bridge of Mant, and advanced towards Dreux; yet resolving only to put succours into the Town, and to keep always on this side the River of Ewer, that he might avoid the hazard of a Battle. But upon the false intelligence which he received from his Scouts, that the King (who had really quitted the Siege because he designed to Fight him) was gone from Nonancour, and had taken on the left hand the way to Verneüil, as if his intentions had been to return to the Lower Normandy, he was constrained, against his own opinion, by the clamours of the Superior Officers, and especially by the young Count Philip of Egmont, to pass over the Bridge of jury, and to pursue the King in his feigned retreat, till he brought him to a Battle. But as the King, who wished for nothing more than to come to a pitched Field with him (which he feared he would have declined) was pleasingly surprised to find that he had already passed the River; so the Duke was not a little amazed, when he perceived that, far from shunning the Engagement, the King was marching directly towards him, and that he must be forced to make good his challenge. But as the day was already far spent, that every moment there came in to the King some Gentlemen or Soldiers from the neighbouring Garrisons, who were desirous to have their share of honour in the Battle, and that the Duke of Mayenne on his side moved not forward, but only kept his ground, observing the nature of the Place, and what advantages might be taken from its situation; the two Armies which were but a League distant from each other, after some light skirmishes, retired to their Camps, resolved on both sides to decide the quarrel the next day, which was Wednesday the fourteenth of March. Betwixt the River of Ewer and that of Itton, which passes by Eureux, there lies right over against jury a fair Plain, of about a League in breadth, free from Hedges, Ditches, Mounds, or even so much as Bushes, to hinder an open passage through it, on all sides, bounded on the East with a little Wood, and the River of Ewer, on which the Burrow of jury is situate; and on the West by the Villages of St. Andr● and Fourcanville, where the King was quartered the Night before the Battle: In this Plain, the Royal Army, and that of the League, were drawn up almost at the same time, betwixt the Hours of Eight and Nine, in the following order. The King advancing five or six hundred paces before the Villages of St. André and Fourcanville, which he had at his back, formed his gross Squadron of 600 Horse in five Divisions, each of 120: The first of which, wherein he intended to Fight in Person, was composed of Princes, Dukes, Counts, Marquesses, Blue Ribbons, and great Lords, for the most part Catholics, the strength of his Army consisting chiefly in those of that Religion: For when it was known that the League, for the maintenance of their cause, was turned Spaniard, the French Nobility and Gentry, whose hearts were too generous to suffer that such a reproach should be fastened on them, abandoned that Party, and every day came over in great numbers to the King: So that he soon found himself in a condition of overpowering the League and Spaniard, with the assistance of their Arms, even though there had not been an Huguenot in his Army; who in reality were but an incosiderable number, in comparison of that great multitude of Soldiers, and especially Gentlemen Catholics, which came in by whole Troops together from all parts, and made up almost all the strength of his Army. And that which drew down the Blessing and Protection of God Almighty on it, was, that the day before the Engagement, when it was evident that the Enemy, who had passed the River, could not avoid coming to a Battle; these Princes, Lords, Gentlemen-Catholiques, and Soldiers, who followed their example, were all at the celebration of Mass at Nonancour, and there communicated together. The King, for his part, having already in his Soul great inclinations to be converted, protested the same day to those Princes and Great Persons, that he humbly prayed the Almighty God, who is the searcher of all hearts, to dispose of his Person in that bloody day, accordingly as he should please to judge it necessary for the universal good of Christendom, and in particular for the safety and repose of France. With these pious thoughts, he placed himself the next morning at the Head of his gross Squadron, of six hundred Horse; he was flanked on the right hand with a gross Battalion of two Swiss Regiments, raised from the Cantons of Soleure; and on the left, with another Battalion of two Regiments, of the Canton of Glaris and of Grisons; these Battalions being sustained, that on the right hand, by the Regiment of Guards and of Brigneux, and that on the left, by the Regiments of Vignoles, and of St. jean. The Duke of Montpensier followed them, drawing a little towards the left, with his Squadron of betwixt 5 and 600 Horse, betwixt two Regiments, one of Lansquenets, and the other of Swisses, covered by two Battalions, which were the Flower of the French Infantry; the Marshal d' Aumont closed his left, having in his Squadron 300 good Horse, flanked with two French Regiments, and before him, the light Horse, in two Troops, each consisting of 200 men, commanded by the Grand Prior their Colonel, and by Giury their Marshal the Camp; and these last had on their right hand, on the same Line, the Baron de Byron; who, with his Squadron of 250 Horse, covered that of the Duke of Montpensier; and the Artillery of four Cannons and two Culverines', was placed upon their Left. On the other side, the Marshal de Byron, with 250 Horse, and two French Regiments which flanked him, stood on the right hand of the gross Squadron of the King, after the Regiment of Guards and that of Brigneux; but somewhat backward, that his Men might be for a Body of reserve: And the Count Theodorick de Schomberg, who commanded the Squadron of Reiters, flanked in the same manner by two small Bodies of French Infantry, made the right Wing a little hollowed, in form of a Crescent, like the left. Thus was the Royal Army Marshaled, which consisted of betwixt 9 and 10000 Foot, and 2800 Horse, divided into seven Squadrons, each of them with a Plotoon of Forlorn Hope before them. The Army of the League appeared at the same time but posted on somewhat higher Ground, and more backward towards the River, than it was the day before; being Marshaled much after the manner of the King's Forces, unless it were, that being more numerous, as consisting of 4 or 5000 Horse, and of 12000 Foot, the Wings of it advanced farther, and bend more inward, in the form of a larger Crescent. The Duke of Mayenne with his Cornet of about 300 Horse, (to which the Duke of Nemours, his Brother by the Mother's side, joined his own Squadron, of the like number of Gendarms) placed himself just opposite to that of the King, in the very bottom of his Crescent, betwixt two gross Squadrons, each of them of 6 or 700 Lanciers, which were Fleming's and Walloons, commanded by Count Egmont. They were flanked on their Right and Left, with two gross Battalions of Swisses, raised from the Catholic Cantons, covered with French Infantry, and flanked with two Squadrons of Walloon Carabins. Those were followed by two other Squadrons, one of 5 or 600 Horse on the Right hand, and the other by 3 or 400 on the Left; where their Artillery was placed, consisting of two Culverines', and two Bastard Cannons. The Light Horsemen, commanded by the Baron de Rosne, extended themselves on the right hand, before a gross Squadron of Gendarms, which sustained them, and two Squadrons of Reiters, led by the Duke of Brunswick, and Bassompierre stood on the right Wing, with the Regiment of Horse, commanded by the Chevalier de Aumale, who put them under the Conduct of his Lieutenant, that he might have liberty to fight by the Duke of Mayenne's side, in that formidable gross of 1800 Lanciers, which were opposed to the King's Squadron, not so strong as themselves by two thirds, and only armed with Sword and Pistol, there not being in the whole Army of the King, so much as one single Lance. The Lansquenets of the League, and the rest of the French Infantry, were divided into many Battalions, which, like those of the King, were placed on the Flanks of their Squadrons; betwixt whom, and their Battalions, there was not interval enough, to make room for the Reiters, when they were to wheel about after discharging, which occasioned their great disorder. The two Armies being thus Marshaled about ten of the Clock, stood viewing, and considering each other for some time, but in very different Postures. There was scarcely any thing to be seen in that of the League, but Gold and Silver Embroideries, upon costly and magnificent Coats of Velvet, of all sorts of Colours, and an infinite number of Banderolles fluttering about that thick Forest of Lances, which seemed to threaten the Overthrow of their Enemies at the first Shock, before they could come up so close, as to single out their Men, and discharge Breast to Breast; or even so much as to hold out their Pistols. On the other side, the King's Army had no other Ornament than Iron; but their Joy sparkled in their Eyes, and all the Soldiers marched to the Fight, as to a certain Victory; especially that invincible Troop of 2 or 3000 Gentlemen, which were the Flower of the Army; and whom the King himself, in plain Armour like the rest, inspired with Vigour by his only Presence, and the sprightfulness of his Behaviour. In the mean time, when he had observed, that if he approached not nearer to the Enemy, there would be no Battle, because they were resolved on the other side, to stand their Ground, without quitting their advantageous Post; he advanced towards them above 150 Paces, leaving no more distance betwixt the two Armies, than what was necessary for the Charge; and by that motion, which he made with so much judgement, and Military Skill, drawing somewhat on the left hand, that he might have the Wind in his Back, which otherwise had blown the Smoke of the Powder in the Faces of his Soldiers, he came up so close to the Enemy, that it was no longer possible to avoid the Battle. Then putting on his Head-piece, the Crest of which was shaded with three white Plumes, which might easily be discerned from far, and being mounted on a large N●apol●t●an Courser, whose Colour was of a brown Bay, adorned with a Tu●t of Feathers, which proudly distinguished him from the rest; he made a short Ejaculation to God, which was followed by the loud Cries of Viv● l● Roy. As to those Florid, long Orations, which our Historians, on this occasion, make for him and the Duke of Mayenn●, as if they had spoken them at the Head of their Armies, 'tis most certain, they were invented in the Studies of their Authors. For one who was present in the Battle, has assured us, that the King spoke only with his Gesture and his Looks, to those who were more remote, and said no more but these few Words, to the great Lords, who charged with him in the first Rank of his Squadron. See, my Companions, the Enemy before us; Now we have ●ound them, our business is to ●ight them, and God is for us. If you lose the sight of your Colours, look about for my Plume of Feathers, and rally there: you will find it in the direct way to Honour and to Victory. For the Duke of Ma●enne, who was both a great Captain, and in spite of his natural Heaviness, a brave Soldier, when he was once come to a Resolution of fight, all he did, was to show to the first ranks of his Army, the Crucifix, which a jolly Friar, who had said public Prayers, carried before him: He would have it understood by this only gesture, without loss of time in tedious speeches, which could never have been understood, that it was for Religion that they fought against Heretics and Promoters of Heresy, who were the declared Enemies of Jesus Christ, and of his Church. It was almost Noon, when the King was told that Charl●s d' H●mieres, Marques d' Anchor, he who was in part the cause of gaining the Battle of Senlis, was coming up within a quarter of a League of the Field of Battle, with 2 or 300 Gentlemen, whom he brought with him out of Picardy; in which Country, almost all the Noblemen and Gentlemen, who had been the first to sign the League, had now totally relinquished it. But that the courage of the Soldiers might not cool, who were eager to be at blows with the Enemy, he satisfied himself with bidding the Sieur de Vic, who was Sergeant Major General, to show them the Post he had appointed for them, which immediately, on their Arrival, they too● up, with resolution to signalise themselves that day. This being ordered, without more delay he gave the sign of Battle, and the work began with the discharge of their Cannon, which was so well performed by the Master of the Ordnance, Philibert de la Guiche, that before those of the League began to play, nine Cannonades were given by ●he Royalists, which did great execution on the Enemy, and particularly shattered the Squadrons of the Reiters. Thus, after three or four volleys on either side, two gross Squadrons, made up of Italians and French, and flanked with Lansquenets, advanced, and came up to the charge, against the Left Wing of the Royal Army, that they might put themselves under covert from the storm of the Great Guns. But the Marshal d' Aumont, who was in that Wing, having advanced likewise the better half of the way to meet them, drove upon them so furiously, that they turned their backs, and pursuing them with slaughter to the entry of the little Wood, which bounds the Plain, he immediately returned to his Post, according to the Orders which he had received from the King. While these men were so ill treated, the Reiters on the Right Hand, being desirous to gain the Cannon, by which their Squadron had been so miserably torn, went to Charge the King's light Horsemen with so much fury, that they forced them immediately to give back; and at the same time two other Squadrons of Flemings and Walloons, seeing them already shaken, advanced to break them. But the Baron of Byron on the one side, and the Duke of Montpensier on the other, charging them on the Flanks, first stopped them, then broke in upon them, and afterwards pierced quite through them; and the Light Horse, who had this time given them to rally, returning to the charge, the Rei●ers gave ground, most basely abandoning the Walloons; and not being able to make their retreat, or rather to save themselves, through the intervals which were too narrow, they overturned their own men, and put all things in a terrible con●usion, notwithstanding the care which was used by the Duke of Bru●swick, their Colonel, who was never able to rally them, and therefore put himself into the Squadron of Walloons; desiring rather to perish with those valiant men, who were enclosed on all sides, and cut in pieces, than to save himself by flying with his own Runaways. In this manner the Battle was maintained on either part, with extreme obstinacy for some time, and all the Squadrons of both Armies fell in so vigorously, that they were mixed with each other; excepting only that of Marshal d● Byron, who with his Body of Reserve, made it his business to hinder the Enemy from rallying, which he performed. But that which decided the fortune of this great day, and assured the Victory to the King, was his own Heroic Valour, which he made conspicuous, by combating that formidable Squadron of 1800 Lanciers, which the Duke of Mayenne had made so strong for no other reason, than to charge with great advantage of number upon that of the King, not at all doubting but if he could break that Body, the Victory would be his own. Observing then that the Reiters were absolutely routed, and fearing lest they should disorder his men, by falling back upon them; he drew after him that great Body of Horse, and caused 400 chosen Carabins to advance first, who were all of them armed Head and Breast, whom the Count d● Tavann●s, who led them up, commanded to discharge within five and twenty Paces of the first Rank of the Royal Squadron, with intention to clear it. And at the same time, the Duke of Mayenne, who appeared at the Head of his Men, mounted on a Turkish Horse, the most beautiful that could be seen, made up furiously, with his Lance couched, and followed by the gross of his Cavalry, to the Kings own Troop, which he believed to be already well shaken, by that sudden and terrible Discharge: who, nevertheless, sustained the fury of that Shock, keeping firm in their Saddles; and some there were, who had three Lances broken on them, without losing of their Stirrups. But the most admirable part of this Encounter, was, that the King advancing twice the length of his Horse before the Front of his Squadron, with his Pistol in his hand, thrust into the midst of that thick Wood of Lances, and charged with so much ardour of Courage into their Body, that he gave them to understand by this wonderful Action, he was no less, a most valiant Soldier, than a most expert and great Commander. And indeed, he was so bravely followed, by the Princes and Lords of that Squadron, whom his Example had raised to emulation, that after an obstinate Dispute, which endured a long quarter of an hour, and was maintained with Swords and Pistols, in that confused Medley, where the Lances were of no farther use; this great Squadron of the Duke of Mayenne, was broken, dispersed, and cut in pieces, or wholly routed; neither could the Duke (who that day performed all the parts of a valiant Soldier, and a great General, even in the opinion of the King himself) either stay their Flight, or rally them afterwards, with all the endeavours he could use: Insomuch, that seeing himself almost enclosed, he retired amongst the last of his men, to the Bridge of jury, which he caused to be broken down, after he had passed the greatest part of his routed Army over it, and then for his own safety fled to Mant. The rest, with the Duke of Nemours, the Chevalier d' Aumale, Rosne, Tavannes, and Bassompierre, having taken the way of the Plain, escaped to Chartres. In the mean time, the Victorious Party were in great trouble for the King, who had vanished out of their sight in that gross Squadron of 1800 Lances, into which he had charged before the rest; when at length they beheld him returning, and bearing aloft his bloody Sword; having defeated three Cornets of Walloons, which were left amongst the two Battalions of Swisses, and came desperately upon him, after he had Charged through the Duke of Mayenne's Squadron. At his appearance, the whole Field of Battle rang wi●h loud Acclamations and Shouts of Vive Le Roy. Then, the Victory being assured and absolute, no other Enemies remaining in the Field but those Swisses, (for the rest of the Foot, and particularly the Lansquenets, being forsaken by their Cavalry, had been cut in pieces, excepting those who provided early for their safety) the King, that he might gratify the Cantons, took them to mercy, on condition they should henceforth keep more faithfully the Treaty of Alliance which they had made with the Crown of France, and never more bear Arms against him. After which, being accompanied by the Prince of Conty, the Duke of Montpensier, the Count of St. Paul, the Marshal d' Aumont, and all the rest of the Lords and Gentlemen, he pursued the Enemy as far as Rosny, leaving the Body of his Army, which marched slowly after him, under the Command of the Marshal de Byron. This was the success of that famous Battle of jury, wherein the League lost both its reputation and its strength. Almost all the Infantry of that Party was cut in pieces, or taken Prisoners: Of their Cavalry more than 1500 were killed upon the place, or drowned at the Ford of jury, the passage of which is extremely dangerous. Count Egmont, General of the Spanish Troops, and William of Brunswick, Colonel of the Reiters, Natural Son to Duke Henry, were found amongst the slain, and a short time after honourably interred by the King's Order, in the Church of Eureux: Besides the French Soldiers, whom the King commanded to be spared, and who took quarter amongst his Troops, there were above 400 Prisoners of Quality, amongst whom was a Count of East Friez●land, who fought amongst the Reiters, the Baron of Huren, the Sieurs of Medavid, Bois Dauphin, Castelier, Fontain Martel, Sigogne, who yielded himself, with the Duke of Mayenne's Standard to Rosny (the same who was afterwards Duke de Sully) and many other Lords and Gentlemen, as well Foreigners as French. The Cannon, Ammunition, Baggage, and Standard of the Flemings, twenty Cornets, the Standard of the Reiters, and above sixty Ensigns of Foot, without putting into the reckoning the fourscore Swiss Colours, which the King sent back to their Superiors, were the illustrious Testimonies of so glorious a Victory; which cost the Conqueror but little Blood: For there were killed on the King's side, of men of Quality, only Clermont de Entragues, Captain of the Guards, who was slain near the Person of his Majesty; the Count de Schomberg, the Sieurs de Feuquieres, de Crenay, Cornet to the Duke of Montpensier, and the Long auny, an old Norman Gentleman, aged threescore and twelve years, the only man who was slain by the Cannon of the League, and five and twenty or thirty Gentlemen more, who were killed in the King's Squadron. Amongst the Wounded, was Francis de Daillon, Count de Lude (Son to that Prudent and Valiant Guy de Daillon, Governor of Poitou, who defended Poitiers with so much reputation against the Admiral Coligni, and preserved that Province to the King, with so much Fidelity and Valour against the Hugonots and Leaguers, to whom he was always a professed Enemy) Henry de Laval, Marques de Nesle, the Count of Choisy, the Sieurs d'O, de Rosny, Lauvergne, Monloüet, and about twenty other Gentlemen, who were all cured of their Wounds. That which was yet more wonderfully remarkable, and which demonstrates the peculiar care which God Almighty took of his Majesty's rightful Cause, was, that on the same day, jean Lovis, de Rouchefoucault, Count of Randan, General of the League in Auvergne, who besieged the Town of Issoire, lost both his Life and his little Army; which was entirely defeated by the Marquis of Curton, Head of the Royalists; and that the Sieur de Lansac, who endeavoured to have surprised Mans for the League, whose Party, after having once abandoned it, he had again espoused, was bravely repulsed from before the Town. To conclude, since that happy day, the Royal Party had a continued series of prosperity, in every Province of France, and in a multitude of occasions, which it is not my business to relate paticularly; because my Design is only to relate the most essential affairs of the League, and not to involve myself too far in the History of France, which comprehends much more than I have undertaken. Following therefore this Model, which I have proposed to myself, that which I ought to observe on this occasion, is, that this glorious Victory, had caused the immediate and total ruin of the League; if after the Surrender of Vernon, and Mant, which yielded the next day, the King, who was now Master of all the Passages of the Seine, as far up as Paris, had presented himself, with his victorious Army, before that Capital City of his Kingdom, which at that time, was neither provided with Victuals, nor Ammunition, nor Governor, nor Garrison, and wherein the People, who found themselves destitute of all these things, were already wavering in a general Consternation. For 'tis exceeding probable, that the Politics, doubly encouraged by his Victory and by his Presence, had carried it over the Sixteen, and had opened the Gates to him. And indeed this very Counsel was given him by the wise La Noüe; but whether it were that the Marshal de Byron, who had no great inclinations to retire to his Countryhouse, and mind his Gardening, desired to spin out the War, and therefore gave him a contrary Advice; or that perhaps it was his own Opinion, as not believing himself yet strong enough for such an Attempt, he continued fifteen days at Mante, without enterprising any thing against the Leaguers; to whom he gave leisure by that means to recover Courage, and put themselves into a condition of Resistance. In effect, the false Relations which were spread amongst the People, to soothe them into a Belief, that the Loss which they had received, was not so considerable as was at first reported; the Sermons of their Preachers, the Promises of the Spaniards, the Presence of the Legate, and of the Archbishop of Lions, who not long before had been ransomed by the League, and the good order which the Duke of Mayenne had caused to be established in Paris, which he left well garrisoned with his Soldiers, before he went from St. Dennis, to draw near to the Law-Countries, from whence he expected new supplies: all these Considerations put together, buoyd up their sinking spirits, and gave them new courage, so that there appeared no manner of commotion in the Town: but all was hushed and peaceable, and a resolution taken to defend themselves to the last Extremity. As indeed they did not long time after, during the Siege of Paris, so much to the wonder and amazement of Mankind, that it may be placed in the number of those extraordinary and admirable accidents which may be called the Miracles of History; and which would never enter into the belief of men, if they were not supported with an infinite number of most credible witnesses. For, in conclusion, the King well knowing, that the end of the War, and of the League, depended absolutely on the taking of Paris, resolved to defer no longer the laying hold on that occasion, which he believed to be still within his reach, not perceiving that already he had let it slip by his long delay. He departed therefore out of Mante on the last of March, with his Army, consisting at that time, of 12000 Foot, and betwixt 3 and 4000 Horse, and during the Month of April, made himself Master of Corbeil, Melun, Bray, Montereau-faut-Yonne, Lagny, Beaumond upon Oyse, Provins, and the Bridges of St. Maur, and Charenton. The Intelligence which he held in Sens, having not succeeded, he gave two brisk Assaults to it, in both which, his men were vigorously repulsed, by the Lord Chanvallon, jaques de Harlay, who there commanded for the League. Notwithstanding which, that great Prince, who was a true lover of all brave men, being afterwards acquainted with his excellent Parts, and his inviolable fidelity, reposed great confidence in him; insomuch that he placed him with the Duke of Lorraine, to retain him, as he always did, in the Interests of France. But the King, unwilling to lose more time, on a place which was so well defended, and which, if he should take, would contribute nothing to the Execution of his main Design; as also knowing, that by means of the Towns and Bridges, of which he already stood possessed, he held shut up the four Rivers that supplied Paris; he went from thence, to besiege that City, about the end of the Month, without expecting certain Conferences which the League proposed, as he believed, either to delay, or to divert him. And that he might have the freedom of sending out Parties through the whole adjoining Country, on both sides of the Seine, thereby to hinder the Town from receiving Provisions by Land, he made a Bridge of Boats somewhat below Con●lans; so that Paris was immediately invested on all Quarters. There were some, and amongst others La 〈◊〉, with the greatest part of the Hugonots, who had not much kindness for the Parisians, desired that the Town might be assaulted as imagining it might be carried by plain force at the first attempt, and that the citizen's, who are never so very stout, as when they have got behind their Barricades, would not be altogether so courageous upon the Works. This was their Opinion; but it manifestly appeared, by the Skirmishes and other Trials which were made in the beginning of the Siege, and by which, the King's Party were no great gainers; that those Gentlemen had taken no just measures. La 〈◊〉 himself, who would needs attack the 〈◊〉 St. Martin, was beaten off with loss; and learned, to his cost, by a Musket Shot, which wounded him in the Thigh, and disabled him from fight, that he had to do with galiant men, who were neither to be vanquished at the Breach▪ nor by scaling, so easily as he believed. There were at that time in Paris, not above two hundred and thirty thousand Souls; because almost half the Inhabitants apprehending the consequences of a Siege, were departed out of it and the wealthier sort of citizen's, who had the Courage to continue there, had sent off their Wives and Children to other Places. But a Garrison which the Parisians had received, of 5 or 6000 old Spanish Soldiers, Lansquenets, Swisses, and French, and 50000 citizen's well armed, and resolved to perish in the Defence of their Town and Religion, (for which they were persuaded that they fought) had not easily been forced by that little Army, which rather seemed to block them up, than to besiege them. And besides the young and valiant Duke of Nemours their Governor, had exellently well provided for all things, during more than a month, which he had to prepare himself for the sustaining of this memorable Siege, wherein by his Courage and good Conduct, he acquired the Reputation of an old experienced General. For he had fortified all the weakest parts, repaired the Breaches of the Walls, new raised the Ramparts and the Terraces, drawn large Retrenchments, both within and without the heads of the Fauxbourgs, prepared Chains, and Barrels filled with Earth, to make Barricades for all the Streets, that the Enemies might be stopped at every Passage, while, in the mean time, they were to be slaughtered with Musket Shot, and Stones from Windows, after they should have entered the Town. He had earthed up the greatest part of the Gates, beaten down the Houses, which might have been of Service to the Enemy; cast and mounted above threescore pieces of Cannon, which were planted on the Ramparts, and shut up the River both above and below, by massy Chains, sustained by Palisades, and defended by strong Corpse de Guard, to preserve the Town from being surprised, and to hinder the Entrance into it at low water. In conlusion, he had forgot nothing, that could possibly be necessary for a stout Defence, and for the repulsing Force by Force. For which cause, the King, who understood the difficulty better than those about him, who, at that time, listened rather to their Passion than their Reason, being not of Opinion, that his Enterprise could succeed by Assault, in the present condition of his Affairs, always rejected that Advice; besides loving his Subjects with a paternal Affection, and principally Paris, as he has always made it manifest, he could never resolve on the Destruction of the fairest Flower in his Crown, and the noblest City in the Universe, by taking it in the way which they advised; which had been to expose it to the Fury of his Men of War, and especially of the Hugonots, who, in revenge of their Massacre at St. Bartholomew, would have laid it desolate with Fire and Sword. He resolved therefore to take it by Famine, not doubting, but that all the Passages for Provisions being shut up, it would soon be forced to a Surrender for want of Bread. And certainly his Design was very reasonably laid, and according to all appearances ought to have succeeded, if his Expectation had not been deceived, by one of the most wonderful Prodigies of invincible Patience, or rather extreme Obstinacy, in that almost unimaginable Distress, to which they were reduced. I shall not here describe it in all the exactness of its Circumstances; 'tis enough if I barely say, what is generally known to all the World, that the common Provisions, which were well husbanded, and distributed very sparingly, were consumed in the month of june; that the Fauxbourgs being taken in july, they were shut up in the Town, and restrained from going out to search for Herbs, Leaves, and Roots, in the neighbouring Fields, and in the Ditches: that after they had eaten their Horses, Asses, Dogs, and Cats, they were reduced in August, to Rats and Mice, and then to Skins and Leather, and an abominable kind of Bread, which instead of Meal, was made of the Powder of dead men's Bones, taken out of the Churchyard of St. Innocent; that there were some, whom that Famine (by which twenty thousand persons died) brought to those horrible Extremities which are mentioned in the Sieges of Samaria and jerusalem. Notwithstanding all which Miseries, 'tis wonderful to consider, that the Parisians, accustomed to Plenty, and even to live luxuriously, chose rather to endure this dreadful Famine to the end, and to expose themselves to certain Death, whose terrible Image they had daily before their Eyes in every Street, than to hear the least word of a Surrender. And questionless, they had many Inducements, which contributed otheir obstinate Resolution of suffering so long and so contentedly. The Examples of the Princesses and great Ladies, who satisfied Nature with a very small Pittance of Oat Bread, taught them to bear those Miseries with constancy of Mind, which their Superiors of a more delicate and tender Sex, supported with so much cheerfulness of Spirit. Add to this, the great Care and Vigilance of their Heads, to hinder Tumults and Seditions, and the immediate Execution of Mutineers. Then the Awe and Terror which was struck into them by the Sixteen, who had resumed their first Authority in the Town; and who commonly threw into the Seine, without judicial Process, or form of Law, all such as were suspected to hold Intelligence with the King, or to make the least mention of a Treaty. But the most comfortable consideration, was the great Alms, which were daily distributed amongst the Poor, by the Order, and at the Charges of the Legate Cajetan, the Archbishop of Lions, the Spanish Ambassador, the Wealthiest of the City Companies, and the Cardinal Gondy Bishop of Paris, who voluntarily enclosed himself within those Walls, for the Relief and Ease of his poor Flock. Besides, they had no small Encouragement from the false Reports which the Duchess of Montpensier, who was very skilful in coining News, caused daily to be spread about Paris, and the Assurances by Letters, whether true or forged, which she said she had received from her Brother the Duke of Mayenne, from time to time, of speedy Succours: All which Considerations, served not a little to encourage the People, and to inure them to that wonderful sufferance of their Miseries. But after all, it must be ingenuously acknowledged, that the Cause which principally produced this great Effect, was the Zeal of Religion, which was easily inspired into the People of Paris, and the great care which they took to persuade them, as really they did, that it was no less than to betray it, and expose it to the inevitable danger of being utterly destroyed, as had happened in England, if they should submit themselves to a King, who made an open Profession of Calvinism. For in fine, they omitted no manner of Arts, and of Persuasions, to make this Opinion be swallowed by the Multitude, and consequently to harden them against the fear of Death itself, rather than endure the Dominion of a Prince who was an Heretic. In the first place, they made use of the Sorbonnists, which (as their Liberty was then oppressed) immediately made a new Decree, on the seventh of May, in which it is declared, That Henry de Bourbon, being a relapsed Heretic, and excommunicated personally by our Holy Father; there was manifest danger, that he would deceive the Church, and ruin the Catholic Religion, though he should obtain an exterior Absolution, and that therefore the French are obliged in Conscience, to hinder him with all their Power, from coming to the Crown, in case King Charles the Tenth should die, or even if he should release his Right to him; and that, as all such who favour his Party, are actually Deserters of Religion, and continue in mortal Sin, which makes them liable to eternal Damnation; so also, by the same reason, all such as shall persevere to the Death in resistance of him, as Champions of the Faith, shall be rewarded with the Crown of Martyrdom. On the occasion of this new Decree, a General Assembly was held at the Town-House, where all the Assistants were sworn to die, rather than to receive an Heretic King. This Oath was renewed yet more solemnly on the Holy Evangelists, betwixt the Hands of the Legate, at the foot of the great Altar of the Church of Notre dame, after a general Procession, at which, besides the Clergy, were present, all the Princes and Princesses, and all the Companies, the Bishops and Abbots, the Colonels and Officers, and the Persons of Quality, followed by vast Multitudes, of People, where the Relics of all the Churches in Paris were carried. This Oath, reduced into Writing, was sent to every House, by the Overseers of the several Wards, who obliged all persons to take it. After which, the Parliament made an Ordinance, prohibiting, on pain of Death, that any one should speak of making a Composition with the King of Navarre. and above all the rest, the Preachers of the League, and the famous Cordelier Panigarole, Bishop of Ast, with Bellarmine the Learned Jesuit, who both acted in Conjunction with them; the Divines of the Legate Cajetan, who preached like the rest, during the Siege, encouraged their Auditors to suffer all Miseries, rather than subject themselves to an Heretic, assuring them, according to the Decree of the Sorbonne, that if they should lose their Lives for such a Cause, they died undoubtedly for the Faith, and were to be esteemed no less than Martyrs. There also happened an Accident, which as fantastical and ridiculous as it appeared, was yet of use to animate the People, and to fortify them in their Belief, that it was their Duty to make opposition, even to Death, against the setting up an Heretic King. For above twelve hundred ecclesiastics, as well Seculars as Regulars, amongst whom, were the most reformed, and most austere of every Order, such as were the Carthusians, Minims, Capuchins, and Fevillants, made a kind of Muster, marching in Rank and File through the Streets, wearing over their ordinary Habits, the Arms of Foot Soldiers, having William Roze the Bishop of Senlis at their Head, and the Figures of the Crucifix and the Blessed Virgin flaunting in their Standard, to make it appear, that since Religion was the Matter in dispute; their Profession, as peaceable as it was, gave them no Dispensation in that Case, from hazarding their Lives in War like other Men, and that they were all resolved to die with their Brethren, in the Defence of Faith. All Paris ran to this Spiritual Show, which was like to have proved fatal to the Legate; for making a Stop with his Coach at the end of Pont Notre dame, to behold this noble Spectacle of the Church Militant; while they were giving a Salve in honour of him, one of those good Fathers, who had borrowed his Musket from a Citisen, and knew not that it was charged with Bullets, let fly, with no worse Intention than to show his Manhood, and fairly killed one of his men who sat in the Boot; which caused the Prelate, who liked not that unchristian Proceeding very well, to make haste away for his own Security. But this made no other Impression in the Parisians, than to confirm them in their Resolution: For when they beheld their Confessors and Guides of their Consciences, in that Warlike Posture, they believed such men would never have appeared in Arms, unless they were satisfied that it was for the Cause of God, in which it was their common Duty both to live and die. But what most confirmed them in this Belief, was, that the King, whose hour of Conversion was not yet come, would never hear speak of it, in any Overtures which were made to no purpose for a Peace. And though the Duke of Nemours, whom he had invited by a kind Letter to Submission, since he had already satisfied his Honour to the full, had protested, that he would be the first to throw himself at his Feet, and that he would make it his Business too, that Paris should acknowledge him, provided he returned into the Church, he always rejected that Proposition. On which account, whatsoever solemn Promises he made, that he would maintain the Catholic Religion; the Parisians, (to whom their Preachers, who had an absolute Dominion over their Consciences, still represented the Example of England) could never resolve to confide in him. Thus, being persuaded that it was impossible for them to surrender, without giving up their Religion by the same Act; they had the Courage, in the midst of their Sufferings, to expect the great Succours which the Duke of Parma brought to their Relief at the end of August. And that excellent Commander, without giving Battle, (to which the King, who was constrained to retire with all his Forces from before Paris, could never force him, so well he was retrenched at Clay) had the Glory to execute his own design, and after his own manner, by taking Lagny in the sight of the King, and freeing Paris, which was the end of his Undertaking. It belongs to the general History of France, to describe all the particular Passages of that famous Expedition; I shall only say (that I may omit nothing which precisely concerns my Subject) that before the King had licenced the Nobility and Gentry which attended him, to depart, and divided his Forces into several small Bodies, as he afterwards did, he would needs make a last Attempt upon the Town. To which effect, on Saturday night, the eighth of September, he conveyed secretly three or four thousand chosen Soldiers into the Fauxbourgs, St. jacques, and St. Marceau, under the Leading of the Count de Chastillon, to scale the Walls betwixt those two Gates after Midnight, while the Town was buried (as it were) in the depth of Sleep. For he believed not that the Parisians, who knew that his Army was drawn up in Battalia on the Plain of Bondy, all Saturday, would keep themselves upon their Guard, on that side which he purposed to attaque. But as some notice had been given of his Design, and that besides, his Troops could not possibly enter those Fauxbourgs, without noise, the Alarm was immediately taken, the Bells were rung, and the Citizens in Crowds mounted the Ramparts, especially, where he meant to have planted his Ladders. But at last, when after a long Expectation, no Enemy appeared, and that no more noise was heard, because the King's Soldiers, who were covered by the Fauxbourgs, made not the least motion, and also kept a profound Silence, it was taken only for a false Alarm. The Bells ceased ringing, and every man retired to his own Lodging, excepting only ten Jesuits, who being more vigilant than the rest, continued all the remainder of that Night on the same Post, which was not far distant from their College. In the mean time, the Soldiers of Chastillon, who were softly crept down into the Ditch, began about four of the Clock in the Morning, to set up their Ladders, being favoured by a thick Mist, which hindered them from being discerned. The Design was well enough laid, for there needed not above ten or twelve men to have got over into the Town, who might have opened the Gate of St. Marceau to their Fellows, by means of a Correspondence which was held with a Captain belonging to that Quarter; after which it had been easy to have possessed themselves of the University, and consequently both the Town and the City, would have submitted themselves to the King, rather than have exposed Paris as a Prey to two great Armies, by admitting that of the Duke of Parma, at the Gate of St. Martin. But the Vigilance of the ten Jesuits, broke all these Measures which were so justly taken; for having heard a Noise in the Ditch, which was made by thos● who were setting up their Ladders against the Walls; they cried out as loud as they could stretch their Voices, to Arms, to Arms. Notwithstanding which, the Soldiers were still getting up, and the first of them, who was ready to leap upon the Rampart, happened to show his Head, just where one of those honest Fathers was placed; who gave him such a lusty knock, with an old Halberd, which he had in his hand, as he stood Sentry, that he broke it in two upon his Head, and tumbled him down with the Blow into the Ditch. The Companions of this valiant Jesuit, did as mu●h to two other Soldiers, and a fourth, who was already got up, and held his Ladder with one Hand, to descend into the Town, and with the other a broad Curtle-axe, to cleave the Head of the first who should oppose him, was stopped short by two of these Fathers, who, each of them, with a Partisan, so vigorously pushed him, that notwithstanding all the Blows which he made in vain, at too great a distance, for fear of their long Weapons, they forced him at the last to quit his Ladder, and having hurt him in the Throat, overturned him backward into the Ditch after his Fellows. The two first Citizens who ran to their Relief, Ann. 1591. were the Advocate William Balden, and the famous Bookseller Nicholas Nivelle; these two, finding one of those Jesuits grappling with a Soldier, who was getting up in spite of the poor Father's weak resistance, came into the rescue, and lent him their helping Hands to kill him: And the Advocate immediately turning himself to another, who had already got upon the Ramparts, discharged so terrible a Reverse upon his right hand, with his Falchion, that he cut it sheer off, and sent him headlong to the Bottom; in the mean time, the Alarm being once more warmly taken in the Town; the Citizens and Soldiers made haste to Man the Walls, especially on that side, and heaps of kindled Straw were thrown down to light the Ditch, and make discovery what was doing below; whereupon the King's Soldiers being easily discerned, left both their Ladders and their Attempt, which now could not possibly succeed, and retired to the Body of their Army. So little was there wanting to bring about so great an Enterprise: For 'tis most certain, that if these ten Jesuits had done like the Townsmen▪ and had gone back to take their rest in their College, after the first Alarm which was held for false, the King had that day entered Paris. But the Divine Providence had reserved that happiness for a time more favourable to Religion, and to that City; into which the King, being Victorious over the League, was ordained to make a peaceable entrance, after he had solemnly professed the Catholic Faith. In the mean time, the affairs of the League, far from being advanced after this expedition, which was so glorious to the Duke of Parma, were soon after reduced into a worse estate than formerly, by reason of that horrible division which arose among their Party, and by the prudent conduct of the King. For perceiving that his hopes were frustrate of drawing them to a Battle, who were now at their ease, after the taking of Lagny, and had their Quarters securely extended in La Brie; he remanded one part of his Forces to refresh themselves in the Neighbouring Provinces, and put another into Garrisons, in such places as might serve to hinder the commerce with the Parisians, and particularly in St. Denis, which he had taken during the Siege of Paris, and where the Chevalier d' Aumale, who endeavoured to retake it some small time afterwards, was killed when he was almost in possession of the place. Himself, in the mean time, with a flying Army beat the Field, to cut off Provisions from Paris, and from the Army of the Duke of Parma; who having lost much time in taking Corbeil, which was immediately retaken from the League, was constrained to return into Flanders, having always the King at his heels, who perpetually harassed him, and put him to very great inconveniences and hardships, during his march to the Frontiers of Artois▪ for so far he took the pains to bring him on his Journey. After which he made another attempt on Paris, which he hoped to have surprised by the Gate of St. Honorè, with many Wagons loaden with Meal, and driven by stout Soldiers disguised in the habits of Countrymen. The stratagem not succeeding, because there was some suspicion of the design, he reassembled all his Forces, and went to lay Siege to Chartres, which after a vigorous defence of more than two months, not being relieved by the Duke of Mayenne, was constrained at last to come to a surrender. It was particularly by the Valour, Policy, and Industry of the Brave Count of Chastillon, Colonel of the French Infantry, that this considerable place was taken: For that young Lord, who had as much understanding as courage, and was very knowing, especially in the Mathematics, invented a kind of wooden Bridge, which he cast by a new sort of machine, over the Ditch; by means of which they could pass under covert, and without danger, as far as the foot of a great breach, which he had made on the side of Galardon. After which, Monsieur de la Bourdaisiere, who had bravely defended himself till then, seeing there was no longer a possibility of resistance, made his capitulation; which the King, always generous, and a great Lover of valour even in his Enemies, granted him on very honourable terms. This was the last action of Chastillon, who having served his Prince all along with so much gallantry, ended his Life in the flower of his Age; dying not long after at his House of Chastillon on the Loire, of a disease which he had brought upon himself, by his over-labour at a Siege, wherein he had acquired so just a reputation and so much glory. He was extremely lamented even by the Catholics, who had observed in him a great inclination to renounce his Calvinism in short time, as he who already had begun to find out the falsities of that opinion; tho' the Admiral de Coligny his Father, who was a strong Huguenot, had caused him to be carefully instructed in that way. But that happiness which he lived not to enjoy, was reserved for his younger Brother, Monsieur d' Andelot, who, like another jacob, succeeded to the blessing which was denied to the Elder Son. He was happy also in his Posterity, who by serving their King and the True Religion with great zeal, have repaired the mischiefs which have been done to both, by the Admiral their Predecessor. And certainly 'tis one great sign of this good fortune, that we have seen in our own days, the Forces of the King, commanded by the Count of Coligny, for the assistance of the Emperor against the Turk, obtain a glorious Victory over them, at that memorable Battle of Raab, the gaining of which preserved the Empire, and delivered it from the imminent danger of being overrun by Infidels. But to proceed. This last piece of service which was performed by Chastillon for the King, was of great importance to the happy success of his Affairs: For having already in his hands the passages of all the Rivers, which discharge themselves into the Seine, for the supply of Paris; and also being absolute Master of La Beauce, by the reduction of Chartres, and of the other small places of the same Province; that great City was on the sudden, as it were, invested on all sides: And about the same time he received intelligence, of the great successes which his Commanders had in other places against the Leaguers: Les diguieres in Dauphine, where he was received in Grenoble: Lafoy Valette in Provence, the Marshal of Matignon in Guyenne, where Bourdeaux, which had hitherto maintained itself in a kind of neutrality, returned to the Obedience of the King, and the Dukes of Montpensier and of Nevers, in Normandy and in Champagne. But that which, in conclusion, ruin'd the League, which was already weakened by Arms, was the furious division kindled amongst the Heads of it; the occasion of which I shall next relate. The Duke of Parma had sufficiently taken notice, that the Duke of Mayenne, of whose carriage he was not otherwise well satisfied, had designed to make use of the Spaniards, in order to his support against the King, but not to be of use to them, in making them Masters at least of some part of France, which was their intention, or to assist them in the Election of a new King, who should absolutely depend on them, now that the old Cardinal of Bourbon was deceased in Prison at Fontenay le Comte. For which reason he failed not to give notice to King Philip, that he ought not to build any assurance hereafter on that Prince, who had besides, lost much of his reputation, by the ill success of his affairs; and that it was much more expedient for him, to get an interest in the Corporations of great Towns, and above all in the Sixteen of Paris, who to compass the restoration of their Authority, which the Duke of Mayenne had once more taken from them, would easily consent to what he pleased. The King of Spain followed this advice, and the Sixteen, who mortally hated the Duke of Mayenne, seeing themselves supported by the Spaniards, with whom they had entered into a strict League of Interest and Friendship, openly enterprised, what contempt soever he had of them, in despite of him, to re-establish themselves in their first Authority. And that which raised their courage to a greater height, and made them more boldly put their resolutions in practice was, that Gregory the Fourteenth, who was newly exalted to the Papacy, had declared in ●avour of them; imitating the Spaniards in that particular, and going quite contrary to Sixtus the Fifth. That Pope Sixtus, who had so ill treated the King of Navarre, by the thundering Bull which he had published against him, and who afterwards opposed his being King of France, had very much altered his opinion, after he had been better informed of the French affairs: For having made solid reflections on the past, without suffering himself to be prepossessed, he clearly understood the great merits of the King, whom he then endeavoured to reconcile to the Church by gentle usage: The Ambition of the Heads of the League, the indirect dealing and cousenages of their Agents, (who had so often deceived him by false Relations; and more than all the rest, the pernicious designs of the Spaniards, who that they might irrevocably engage him in their Interests, were vehemently urgent with him to Excommunicate all the Catholics who followed the King, and that he should bind himself by Oath, never to receive him into the Bosom of the Church, what submission soever he should make;) had opened his eyes, and caused him to take much other measures. For they proceeded at length to plain threatenings, that if he denied them this satisfaction, they would protest in a full Assembly against him, and make provision of other means for the preservation of the Church which he had abandoned. This so far enraged him, as he was the Man amongst all the Popes, who was the least capable of bearing such affronts, that opposing threatenings to threatenings, he told the Ambassador Olivares in plain terms, he would out off his Head if he should presume to stir any farther in that matter. Which fair warning he was wise enough to take, as well knowing the fiery temper of the Pope, who was like enough to have kept his word. Nay, there are some who are apt to think, that far from joining with the League against the King, to which the Spaniards perpetually solicited him for their own interest, he had resolved to employ the five Millions of Gold, which he had heaped up in the Castle of St. Angelo, during his Popedom, to make War against them, and to beat them out of the Kingdom of Naples. But his measures were all broken by a sudden death, which carried him off on the twenty seventh day of August, in the Year precedent. The Leaguers, who observed not even common decency, so little dissembled their joy for his death, that the news of it being brought to Paris, on the fifth of September, Aubry, the Curate of St. Andrè des Arcs, an harebrained Fool, declaring it to the people in his Sermon, was impudent enough to say, that his death came by miracle, betwixt the two Feasts of our Lady. And added these his very words: God has delivered us from a wicked Pope, and an ill Politician: If he had lived longer, you would have been all amazed to hear Sermons Preached in Paris against a Pope; and yet it must of necessity have been done. Behold, how much these Preachers of the League were intoxicated with their passions, which they easily infused into the people; who followed quietly, like blind men, their Guides, who were blinder than themselves, and who led them to the Precipice, where they all perished. Gregory the Fourteenth, a Milanois, who was exalted to the Papacy after urban the seventh, who enjoyed that honour but thirteen days, proceeded in direct opposition to the conduct of Sixtus the Fifth. He joined with the Spaniards, and declared openly in favour of the League, according to the manner they desired: For laying aside the Duke of Mayenne, and the other Princes of his House, for whom the Spaniards little cared, he writ immediately to the Sixteen, to encourage them to persevere in the resolution which they had always testified, and never to submit themselves to Henry de Bourbon. He promised them fifteen thousand Crowns by the Month, for so long a time as he should judge it necessary for their supply, and an Army of 12000 men to be raised and entertained at his own charges, which he would suddenly send them, under the Conduct of Hercules Sfondrato his Nephew, whom he made Duke of Montemarciano. And that he might join his Spiritual Arms with his Temporal, he sent into France (by the Referendary Marcelin Landriano) a Monitory, by which he Excommunicated all Prelates, and all other ecclesiastics of the King's Party, depriving them of their Benefices, if within a certain short space of time they did not forsake him, and retire out of all places under his obedience: He obliged the Nobility and Gentry, the Magistracy and the People, to do the same; and, in conclusion, declared Henry of Bourbon to be a relapsed Heretic, Excommunicated, and to have forfeited the Crown and all his Possessions and Lordships. There are sometimes Thunders, which make a rattling noise and do no harm, because the fiery exhalation which breaks out of the Clouds, is evaporated, whether by the thinness of its body, or by the violent agitation of the Air, which disperses it before it reaches us. Of all the Thunderbolts which have been darted from the Vatican, against Sovereign Princes, there will be found but few which have been so noisy as this, which was accompanied with an Army that was to Act in conjunction with the League and Spaniards: All which notwithstanding it had little or no effect, by the care which was taken to make evident, by many Writings which were spread abroad, the nullities of this Bull; and by the vigorous resolutions of the King's Council of Parliament, sitting at Tours and at Chaalons, and of the Clergy of France, assembled at Mante, who condemned it as erroneous, every one of them after their own manner. Insomuch, that not a Man of all the Catholics, on that account forsook the Party of the King, whose conversion was continually hoped, as soon as he had the means and opportunity of causing himself to be instructed. So strongly were our Ancestors persuaded, that the power of Popes, as Heads of the Church, extends not at all upon the temporal, and much less on the Rights of the Crown; and that it can ordain nothing to the prejudice of that Fidelity and Allegiance which is due to Princes, in those things which are not manifestly against God. 'Tis true, that the Parliament at Paris being for the Le●gu●, received that Bull, and repealed the Decrees of Chaalons and Tours: But 'tis manifest, it was then no free Court, as being at that time oppressed under the Tyranny of the Sixteen, who had fettered it (as I may say) by the fear which every Member of it had, to be led Captives in Triumph to the Bastile. In this manner, those turbulent Spirits, who may justly be called the sixteen Tyrants of Paris, finding themselves supported by the Protection of a Pope, became daily more insolent and haughty, in opposition to the Duke of Mayenne's Authority: and their Boldness was increased yet more, by a most surprising Answer, which the King of Spain made to the Deputies of the Lorraine Princes. Those Princes being assembled at Rheims, where was present the Cardinal of Peluè, whom the Duke of Mayenne had made Archbishop of that Place, found themselves (in that low Condition to which they were reduced) unable by their own Power to resist the King, or to procure their safety by any other means, than obtaining from King Philip, the Assistance of all his Forces, to the end that they might be able to maintain that King, who was to be elected in the State's General, which were to be assembled for that purpose; each of them in his own Person pretending to that Honour, yet none of them daring to own his Ambition openly, for fear of drawing on himself the Hatred of his Rivals, who would certainly unite and band themselves together to exclude him. The Person who was chosen to negotiate in Spain, was the famous Peter jannin, Precedent of the Parliament of Bourgogne, a man of great Integrity, exquisite Understanding, rare Prudence, and inviolable Fidelity, which had caused the Duke of Mayenne to repose an absolute Confidence in him; who, for his own part, in the Honesty of his well meaning Soul, had followed him, and the Party of the League with an implicit Faith, that it was for the safety of Religion and of the State: for on the one side, he believed not that Religion cou●d be preserved in France, if the King were not a Catholic, and therefore he argued that he ought to be such; and on the other side▪ being an honest Frenchman, he would like his Master, make use of the Spaniards to compass his ends, but not serve them, by favouring their unjust Designs in the least circumstance, to the prejudice of the State. Being such as I have here described him, it was not hard for him to discover the Intentions of King Philip: who holding himself assured of the Sixteen, which he believed to be the prevailing Faction, and much more powerful than in effect it was, laid himself so open, as to make his Intentions be clearly understood, which the great Prudence and Policy, whereon he so much valued himself, should have kept undiscovered for a longer time, in expectation of a fitting opportunity to make them known, when all things were disposed, and in a due readiness for the Execution of his Designs. After the Precedent had represented to him in his Audiences, the weakness and necessities of the League, the Forces and Progress of the King, the extreme danger in which Religion then was, and the immortal glory which he might acquire by preserving it in the most Christian Kingdom, by the Assistance which was expected from his Zeal and Power, that Prince who was willing to sell his Aid at a higher Price than bare Glory, without more advantage, opened his mind, without any reserve, after a most surprising manner. For he caused him to be told by his Secretary Don john D' Idiaques, that he had resolved to marry his only Daughter the Infanta Isabel, to the Archduke Ernestus, and to give him in Dowry the Low-Countries, and since that for the Preservation of Religion in France, it was necessary they should have a Catholic King, they could not make a better Choice than of that Princess, who, being Niece to the three last Kings, and Granddaughter to Henry the Second, was without contradiction more nearly related to them than the Bourbons: that with her Person, all the Low-Countries would be re united to the Crown, and that having, besides these Advantages, the whole Forces of the House of A●stria in favour of her, the Heretics would soon be exterminated, and the Prince of Bearn expelled from the Kingdom. The Precedent overjoyed, that he had wherewithal to disabuse the Duke of Mayenne, by means of this strange Proposition, and confirm him in those good Opinions which the Sieur de Villeroy had infused into him; answered King Philip with great Prudence, and no less Policy; and faintly putting him in mind of the Salic Law, on which he did not much insist, seemed rather to encourage, than dash his Hopes, in the prosecution of of his Purpose. Insomuch, that he drew him to a Promise of great Supplies, both in Men and Money, which he failed not to send, with more speed than usual. And the Duke being satisfied, that according to that ambitious Design of the Spaniards, he could never pretend to the Kingdom, used all his Endeavours for the future, that the Election might not fall on any other; not even on a Prince of his own Family, who might marry the Infanta. On the contrary, the Sixteen, who were altogether at the Devotion of the Spaniards, by whom they were powerfully protected against him, wrote to King Philip, by one Father Matthew (not the Jesuit of that Name) a large Letter, the Original of which, being intercepted near Lions, was brought to the King; in which, after their humble Acknowledgements to his Catholic Majesty, of the many Favours and Benefits which they had received from him, they earnestly petition him, that in case he should refuse to accept the Crown of France, he would give them a King of his own Family, or at least some other Prince, whom he should please to elect for his Son in Law. 'Tis farther observable, that the Division which was betwixt the Duke of Mayenne, and his nearest Relations, exceedingly increased the Power, and by consequence, the Audacity and Insolence of those factious men: For on one side, the Duke of Nemours (who was much incensed, that after he had so bravely defended Paris, the Government of Normandy should be refused him, which Province he thought to have erected into a Principality, like that of Bretagne, of which, the Duke of Mercoeur had made himself a Sovereign Prince) was retired with a good part of the Forces into Lionnois, and by the Correspondence which he held with the Sixteen, did his best endeavours to supplant him; and cause himself to be chosen Head of the Party; on the other side, the young Duke of Guise, who had made his escape from the Castle of Tours where he was detained Prisoner, having been received with great Acclamations by the Leaguers, who believed, that in his Person, they had recovered his dead Father, their great Patron and Protector; gave him much anxiety, and filled his mind with jealous apprehensions, especially when he observed that the great Name of Guise, so much reverenced by the Parisians, drew after it not only the Crowd of common People, but also the Nobility and Gentlemen of the League. But above all things it grated him, that his Nephew had made a strict Alliance with the Faction of Sixteen, who were overjoyed to have him at their Head, in opposition to his Uncle, whom they hated: All these Considerations put together, swelled them to so great an arrogance, that they resolved to rid their hands of all such as were in a Condition of hindering them from being Absolute in Paris. To this effect, they bethought themselves of inventing a new kind of Oath, which excluded from the Crown all the Princes of the Blood; and presenting it to such, whom they knew to be too well principled to sign it, on their Refusal, they made Seizure of their Estates, and banished them. In fine, having by this abominable Practice, driven away all those who stood suspected by them, and even the Cardinal of Gondy their Bishop, who, together with the Curates of St. Merry, and of St. Eustache, endeavoured to incline the People, by gentle Persuasions, to return to their Obedience; they committed a most barbarous and inhuman Action, which by the just Judgement of God and Men, was in conclusion, the ruin of that execrable Faction. For, to intimidate the Parliament, which opposed their unjust and violent Undertake, and had newly acquitted one of those, whom they accused of holding Correspondence with the Royalists, and to revenge themselves of the Precedent Brisson, who had advertised the Duke of Mayenne, that those Villains had written to the King of Spain, and offered him the Crown; on the fifteenth of November, very early in the Morning, they seized that worthy Gentleman, together with the Sieur Larcher a Counsellor of Parliament, and the Sieur Tardif, his great Friends and Confidents; carried them one after the other, to the Petit Chastelet, and there having first declared them by their own private Authority, without other form of Process, to be attainted and convict of Treason, for having favoured the Party of the King of Navarre, they ordered them to be hanged on a Beam of the Council Chamber, and the next day tied them to three Gibbets, in the Place of the Greve, having each of them an Inscription fastened to him, signifying that they were Traitors to their Country, and favourers of Heretics. They believed that by this means, the People imagining that those unfortunate men intended to have sold them to the Enemy, would approve that action; but on the contrary, every one shook with horror at so piteous a Spectacle. Even those who were of their Faction, detested in their hearts this horrible Cruelty, and there were none who had not reason to fear that their own Lives might every moment be exposed to the fury of those Tyrants, if some speedy stop were not put to the course of their outrageous Proceedings. For which reason, when the Duke of Mayenne had received Notice of it at Laon, where he than was, and was withal advertised, that those furious People had incurred the general Hatred, and that they said openly, that they would do as much to him, as they had done to others; he came at length to be of Opinion, that he might sa●ely punish them, without fear of a Rising in their Favour. Upon which, he entered Paris with the Forces which he had about him, forced Bussy le Clerc to surrender the Bastile into his hands; and after having laid the Faction asleep, by a seeming negligence for some few days, while they believed that he had satisfied himself, with the Reproof which he had given them in the Townhouse, where he only advised them to be more moderate, he condemned nine of them to death, without observing more formalities than they had used on the like occasion. Four of them, namely, Ameline, Emonot, Anroux, and Commissary Louchard, who were apprehended on the fourth of September betimes in the morning at their houses, were brought to the Lovure, where the Duke of Mayenne, as they were told, desired to speak with them. But upon their entrance, they found the Sieur de Vitry, who caused their Sentence to be read to them: And at the same time, the Executioner, who stood ready with his Servants, his Halters, and his Ladder, hung them up all four on a Beam, in the Swisses Hall. The remaining five, amongst whom was Bussy Le Clerc, having received intimation that they were to be taken, saved themselves by flying into Flanders, where they died of want, being unrelieved and forsaken by all mankind. The Duke was contented to punish the rest in their purses, by forcing them to refund the wealth which they had scraped together during their Tyranny, with so much rapine and oppression. And to cut up by the roots, those evils which proceeded from the licentious meetings of the Sixteen, particularly at the houses of the two Curates, Bouch●r and Pelletier, as also to free the Citizens from their arbitrary power of commanding them to Arm when they thought good, which they durst never disobey; he caused to be verified in Parliament, and published an Ordinance by which all persons were prohibited on pain of Life, and especially those who were called The Council of Sixteen, to hold any more Assemblies. And all the Officers, Colonels, Captains, Lieutenants, Ensigns of the Town, and most considerable Citizens joining with him, to take from that accursed Race of factious men, all farther power of harming either the public or private persons, they all swore, and made a promise to Almighty God, on the Holy Evangelists, neither to take Arms themselves, nor permit others to take Arms, or to assemble themselves together, unless by authority from the Duke of Mayenne, or the Provost of Merchants and the Sheriffs, who were his Creatures: To fall on all such who should presume to Arm, or to Assemble, and to use them like Traitors, Mutineers, and Persons guilty of Impiety and High-Treason: And if they should discover any attempt or secret conspiracy, to give notice of it to the Magistrates, to the end the Authors and Accomplices of it might be brought to condign punishment, and themselves might live in peace and quietness, in the fear of God, and under the protection of the Laws. I have seen in the Library of Monsieur Colbert, (which is stored with great numbers of excellent Manuscripts, and most authentic pieces) the Original of this Oath in Parchment●, signed by five hundred fifty eight Persons, whereof two hundred sixty four signed on the fifth of September, (the day after the Execution of the four, who were hanged at the Lovure) and the rest on the twenty third of December, and the tenth of january, in the year following. This was the fatal blow, which beat down the Faction of the Sixteen, which from that time forward, was so far disarmed and weakened, that it never durst offer at any thing more: which was one of the principal Causes of the Freedom; and in consequence of the peaceable Reduction of Paris, to the Obedience of the King. For which reason, I believe my Reader will be glad to be acquainted with the Names of some amongst them, who, by the great Zeal which they testified on that occasion, to assure the Peace and Liberty of Paris, had the Happiness and Glory to have much contributed to the accomplishment of so good a Work. I could not here insert five hundred Names, without tiring the Patience of my Reader, who will therefore satisfy himself with those few, which I have selected from so great a number, be-because they appear to me to be the best known, and the most remarkable amongst them. Nicholay, Thiersaut, Le Feure, L' Huillier, Parfait, Rovilliard, Pasquier, Boulanger, Blondel, Rolland, Heber's, Des Cominge, Amelot, D' Aubray, and P. Le Tellier. The Duke of Mayenne, having in this manner re-established his own Authority, and the security of Paris, by the pulling down, or rather the total ruin of the Sixteen, would also repair the Loss which the Parliament had suffered of its only Precedent, remaining now without an Head: and acting with absolute Power, in the nature of a Sovereign Monarch, he created four new Precedents, out of their number, whom he believed to be entirely in his Interests, not doubting but they would employ themselves on all occasions, to maintain his Power in that Body. after which he was obliged to take the Field, and to beg, as he had done formerly the Assistance of the Spaniards against the King; who having made great progress during those Troubles and Divisions, which were likely at that time to ruin the Party of the League, had laid Siege to Roüen. He had already taken Noyon in view of the Enemy's Army, which which was then stronger than his own: And having lately received the Supplies of Money, and of three thousand men, which the Earl of Essex, the Queen of England's Favourite had brought him, he went with twelve hundred Horse to join upon the Frontier, on the Plains of Vandy, five or six thousand Reiters, and above ten thousand Lansquenets, which the Viscount de Turenne had brought him from Germany; where he negotiated so well with the three Protestant Electors, and William Landtgrave of Hesse, that he obtained this considerable Succour, notwithstanding all the Endeavours which the Emperor Rodolphus had used to hinder him. Which important Service, with many others which he had constantly performed from time to time, during the space of eighteen years that he had served the King, was immediately recompensed by his Royal Master, who having given him the Baston of Mareshall, made him Duke of Bovillon, and Sovereign Prince of Sedan, by giving him in marriage the Princess Charlotte de la Mark, Sister and Heir to the Duke deceased. He also on his side, being desirous to let the King understand, that he would endeavour to deserve that Honour which was done him by his Majesty, and what he might expect hereafter from him, did like David, who married not Saul's Daughter, till he had killed an hundred Philistims; for, as a Preparatory to his Marriage, in imitation of that Scripture-Hero, he took the Town of Stenay by Scalado, the day before his Marriage. The King now finding himself strengthened with so considerable a Supply, went to rejoin the Gross of his Army before Roüens, which the Marshal de Byron had invested. As that Town was well attaqu'd, so was it better defended, during the space of six months, by Andrew Brancas de Villars, who was afterwards Admiral of France, and at that time Lieutenant General in Normandy, and Governor of Roüens and Haure de Grace, for the League. He performed on that occasion, all that could be expected from a great Captain, for the defence of a Town committed to his Charge; and by his long and vigorous Resistance, twice gave leisure to the Duke of Mayenne, to bring him the Relief which he had obtained from the Spaniards. It was not without much difficulty that he gained these Succours; but at length, having artfully insinuated into the King of Spain's Ministers, that he would procure the Election to fall upon the Infanta, which thing they passionately desired, though he fed them only with false hopes of it; the Duke of Parma received such express Orders to march once more into France, for the Relief of Roüen, that it was impossible for him to resist them, though he would gladly have been dispensed with, from that expedition. He therefore advanced but very slowly, Ann. 1592. with a strong Army of thirteen or fourteen thousand old Soldiers, Spaniards and Walloons, and seven or eight thousand French, Lorrainers and Italians, which last, were the remainders of the Duke of Mayennes, and Montemarciano's Forces. The King in person, went to meet them on their way, with part of his Cavalry, to harrass them in their March, and advanced as far as Aumale, that he might defend that Passage against them. But considering that he had not strength enough to maintain it, and that their whole Army, which he went on purpose to view and to observe, was coming to fall upon him, and might easily enclose him, by passing the River, either above or below that Burrow, he thought it necessary to make a speedy Retreat. 'Tis true, that this Retreat which he made in view of so great an Army, was very brave, and that he never showed the greatness of his Courage and undaunted Resolution, more than on this occasion, which was the most dangerous in which he had ever been engaged; but the great Captains of that time, all concurred in one Opinion, that he performed it rather like a valiant Soldier, who was well seconded by Fortune, than like a prudent General, whose duty it is, to take his Measures so justly, that he may not absolutely depend on the inconstancy of chance, which often, by one sudden blow, has ruined the most fixed and solid Undertake. For, that he might give his men the leisure of retiring with the Baggage, he placed an hundred Arquebusiers, at the entrance of the Burrow, and putting himself at the Head of two hundred Horse, he advanced almost half a League towards the Enemy, coming up within Pistol-shot of them, and made many discharges upon the Carabins, which marched at the Head of the Army, whom he immediately stopped. But the Duke of Parma, having received information, that he was there in Person, so weakly attended, and out of his General's Post, first sent out his light-Horse against him, and after them, the Body of his men at Arms, who drove him back into Aumale. His hundred Arquebusiers were there almost all of them cut in pieces, and he was in danger to have been enclosed, and either killed or taken, had not the night come on apace, during which, the Enemies unwilling to engage themselves any farther, without having first discovered the Country, he fortunately brought off his men, in that dangerous Retreat; in which he was shot in the Reins with a Pistol●Bullet; but the Discharge being made at too great a distance, it only razed his Skin, without farther harm: His Enemies themselves, and principally the Duke of Parma, in this Combat, admired his Valour, and his good Fortune, but gave no great commendations to his Conduct, and the Marshal de Byron, who used to speak his mind freely, could not hold from telling him at his return, that it was unbecoming a great King to do the duty of a Carabin. In the mean time Villars, willing to make advantage of his Absence, performed one of the most gallant Actions which were done in the course of the whole War. For being informed by his Spies, in what order the Camp of the Besiegers lay; he on the twenty sixth of February, made a furious Sally out of all the Gates which were opposite to the Key; which, in effect, was worth to him the gaining of a Battle. For having surprised the Enemy, and carried all the Quarters which looked towards those Gates, at a brisk Charge, which he made on them severally, at the same time, he possessed himself of the Trenches and all the Camp which was on that side; where, during almost two hours that he was Master of them, his Infantry beat down, overthrew, wasted and burnt the Tents, Gabions, Batteries, Utensils, Ammunition, Powder and Baggage; filled up the Trenches, spoiled the Mines, nailed the Cannon, destroyed or made useless almost all their Labour, while himself advancing with four Squadrons of chosen men, against the Marshal de Byron (who was hasting thither, though somewhat of the latest, from his Quarters at Dernetal, to the Succour of his Men) made good his Retreat with great bravery, returning often to the Charge, that his Infantry might have leisure to make havoc of all things, and afterwards to retire with him, which they did, and he re-entered the Town in triumph, with more than an hundred Prisoners, and five great pieces of Cannon, having killed above five hundred men, twelve Captains, two Colonels, and disordered and routed the greatest part of the Camp, without the loss of more than thirty men. After this great Success, Villars held himself to be in so good a Condition of defence, that he sent, to desire of the two Dukes, to supply him only with Money for Payment of the Garrison, as believing that he should need no other Succours. But the King, who at his return, soon redressed the Disorders, and forwarded the Siege, having shut up the River both above and below the Town, with a great number of Barks, which were well equipped, and ten great Holland Vessels, which were brought him by Count Philip of Nassau, the Town was reduced to a want of Provisions, in two month's time. Insomuch, that Villars was constrained to give notice to the Dukes, who were refreshing their Army beyond the Somme, that the Citizens were not of the same mind with the Parisians, to die of Famine, and that therefore he should be forced to capitulate, in case he was not relieved within eight days. At this News, the Dukes, who on the other hand understood, that the King's Army was much weakened with hard Duty and Suffering at so long a Siege, in one day reassembled all their Forces, marched without their Baggage, repassed the Somme, made thirty Leagues in four days time, and on the twentieth of April, appeared in Battalia within a League of Roven. The Head-officers entered the City that Evening, because the King, (who was not able to make Resistance at one time, against a great Army which lay without, and a Garrison within the Town, encouraged by the presence of so powerful a Relief) was constrained to raise the Siege, and to retire to Pont de l' Arch, where the Nobility, and the Troops which he had before sent off, to refresh themselves in the adjacent Country, reassembled within five or six days, to the number of three thousand Horse, and six thousand Foot. Then finding himself superior in strength to the Army of the Dukes, who having taken the small Town of Caudebec, were gone to take up their Quarters at Yvetot, and to cover it; he marched directly towards them, with a Resolution, either to force them to a Battle, or to enclose them within a little corner of the Country of Caux, cutting them off from all manner of Provisions, and taking from them all means of their Retreat. And truly his Design in all probability must have succeeded; for having forced them, after many small Skirmishes, wherein he had still the advantage, to forsake their Quarters at Yvetot, and to retire by night to a more secure Post, within a quarter of a League of Caudebec, he surrounded them, and shut them up so straightly, that they could neither subsist any longer, all the Passages for Victuals being seized, nor yet retire, having at their Back an Arm of the Sea, and before them an Enemy, who was stronger than themselves▪ nor could they fight, without being evidently exposed to a total Overthrow. But the good Fortune, the Skill and great Genius of the Duke of Parma, overcame all these Difficulties, and in one night drew them out of that imminent Danger of perishing, when no appearance of safety was remaining to them. For under protection of two great Forts, which he had raised on the two Banks of the River, with Redoubts, which commanded the Water, and great Outworks, which on his side were advanced towards the King's Army, as if he had intended to have expected them within his Retrenchments; on the twelfth of May at night, he passed over his whole Army, his Baggage, and his Cannon, in a great number of large Boats, covered with Beams and Board's, which he had ordered to be conveyed down from Ro●en. Insomuch, that at break of Day, every thing was in safety on the other side the Seine; and the King, who discovered this wonderful Stratagem too late, was not able to hinder the Prince Ranuccio Farnese, who with fourteen or fifteen hundred men had covered this Retreat in the great Fort, and in the Outworks, from filing off with his Men, and passing them them all over together with his four pieces of Cannon, on the Boats and Ferry-boats, which he afterwards set on fire. Thus the Duke of Parma found the means in one night, to put a great River, which in that place was a mile and a half broad, betwixt his Army and that of the King, who admired that Action, as the Masterpiece of one of the greatest Captains in the World. And without giving the King leisure to pursue him by Pont de l' Arch, he prevented him in such manner by his diligence, that in four days he was got into La Brie, by repassing the Seine on a Bridge of Boats, right over against Charenton. After which, having reinforced Paris with fifteen hundred Walloons, and taken the Town of Epernay, where he passed the Marne, he reconducted his Forces into the Low-Countries, having acquired immortal Glory, by performing his Designs at two several times, against a great King, without hazarding his Army, and forcing him to raise his Sieges from before two the greatest Cities in the Kingdom, Paris and Roüen. Now, as it often happens, that evil is the unexpected occasion of good, so the Siege of Roüen, which succeeded not happily to the King, produced a Negotiation, which disposed all things so well, in order to his Conversion, that it may be said to have sowed the Seeds, which not long afterwards produced so excellent a Fruit. The Duke of Mayenne mortally hated the Spaniards, who had openly declared, they would not succour him, in case he did not oblige himself, to act in such manner, that the States should elect the Infanta, with that Person, who should be given her for Husband; of which he had been constrained to give them Hopes, though he had resolved beforehand to do nothing in it. He had likewise joined with the Politics, who were now the strongest in Paris, against the shattered remnants of the Faction of Sixteen: Those Politics had also admitted him to be their Head, but on condition that a Treaty should be set on foot with the King, provided he made himself a Catholic; to which terms, the Duke, who plainly saw that he could no longer pretend to the Crown, had at length submitted. On the other side, the King found himself very uneasy, and much perplexed, betwixt the Hugonots and Catholics of his Party; for the first perpetually apprehending that he would escape out of their Possession, kept close about him, and growing more and more jealous of his Carriage, were thinking to choose themselves another Protector. And the greatest part of the Catholics, some of them really despighted, and others seemingly, that he delayed too long to be instructed in the Catholic Religion, and consequently converted to it, formed amongst themselves a new Union, which they called by the Name of the third Party, of which the young Cardinal of Bourbon was declared Head; who expected, that if the King should continue obstinate in his Heresy, those who had hitherto followed him only in hopes of his Conversion, would in conclusion abandon his Party, and place him on the Throne. And truly it might reasonably be feared, that the Duke of Mayenne, who was strongly solicited to have joined that Party with his own, in order to elect a King of the Royal House, would at length have consented to that Proposition, rather than endure the Spaniards should elect that Person who was to espouse their Infanta, even though he were a Prince of his own Family. Things being thus favourably disposed on both sides, towards the conclusion of a Peace, the Sieurs du Plessis Mornay, and de Villeroy, were chosen to labour in this Treaty, which was to be kept exceeding private. In the beginning of it, there was started a great preliminary Difficulty, which was of necessity to be surmounted before any thing could be proposed, touching the Conditions and Articles of the Treaty itself. For Villeroy was resolved not to enter upon it, till in the first place, the King gave assurance, that he would embrace the Catholic Faith, immediately after he had been instructed in it; and du Pl●ssis remonstrated on the other side, that this Proposal shocked both his Honour and his Conscience, because in case he held not both Religions to be indifferent to him, and by that means wou●d pass for an Atheist, he ought not to be obliged, to make choice of one in particular, before his Doubts were removed, and his Conscience satisfied that it was the true Religion. But in conclusion, a temperament was found, which was, that the King, without offending either his Honour or his Conscience, should cause himself to be instructed within six Months, with a true desire to be converted; that, in the mean time, he should grant leave to the Catholic Princes and Lords of his Party, to send a Deputation to the Pope, to petition him, that he would confirm by his Authority, this holy Resolution; and that in expectation of its Accomplishment, the treaty of Peace should still proceed; which being once concluded, the King should be acknowledged by the Princes of the League. He consented without making any difficulties, to these two preliminary Articles, without which, there was no entering into the Negotiation. And with the same ease they came to an Agreement on the Articles, which concerned in general the Party of the League; but when they proceeded to the particular Interests of the several Confederate Lords, the Duke of Mayenne made such high and exorbitant Demands for himself and them, as were manifestly tending to the dismembering of the State; so that in conclusion, seeing he would abate nothing of them, they were forced to break off the Conference, after two Months that were spent in the Negotiation. It procured notwithstanding, this good effect, that the King continued fixed in the Resolution which he had taken, to cause himself to be instructed in good earnest, and to permit his Catholic Lords to send their Deputies to the Pope, who were the Cardinal de Gondy, and the Marquis de Pisany. Innocent the Ninth, who had succeeded Gregor● the Fourteenth the year before, had, like him, declared openly in favour of the League. He had also created Cardinal Philippo Sega, Bishop of Placentia, and made him his Legate in France; whom Cardinal Cajetan, returning to Rome after the death of Sixtus Quintus, had left at Paris in his place, there to be serviceable to the League, as in effect he was to the utmost of his power. Clement the Eighth, having succeeded this Pope, who enjoyed not the Papacy above two months, at the beginning followed the steps of his two Predecessors, and suffering himself to be prepossessed by the Spaniards, would not so much as give Audience to those Deputies; yet their Deputation, as shall be manifest in due time, failed not to produce those happy effects which were expected from it, and which were fatal to the League. In the mean time, the King always pursuing his point, went to retake the Town of Epernay, after the Marshal de Byron, who was set down before it, and had begun to form the Siege, was slain by the shot of a Falconet, which took off his Head as he was going to observe the place. In pursuance therefore of his design, that he might make himself Master of all Brye, he besieged and took in the space of three days the Town of Provins, which is the Capital of that Country: After which he built a Fortress in the Isle of Go●rnay, betwixt Meaux and Paris, within four Leagues of that great City; thereby to hinder it from being any ways supplied by the Marne, which brings into it a great part of the Commodities of La Brie and Champaign. On the other side, the Duke of Mayenne, who having not strength sufficient to oppose this progress of the King's success, was unable to do any thing for the relief of Paris, but only to take Crespy in Valois, resolved at last to employ that formidable machine against the King, with which he had so long been threatened; I mean, the Assembly General of the States, therein to proceed to the Election of a new King, who should be of the Catholic Religion; of which all the Kings of France, as Eldest Sons of the Church, have made a constant profession since the time of Clovis the Great, who after his Baptism deserved the glorious Surname of Most Christian, which he has transmitted without the least interruption, to all his Successors, during the space of almost twelve hundred years, from him to King Henry the Third deceased. The Duke had solemnly obliged himself, more than once to call this Assembly, but he had always delayed it with great Art, both for the Interest of the State, and for his own particular concernment. For on the one side, he always feared that the Spaniards (who spared for nothing to gain the Deputies from him, partly by Bribes, and partly by the presence of a great Army, which they intended yet once again to send into France, under the Duke of Parma, to protect the States as they gave out) at length should compass their design, which was, to procure their Infanta to be Elected: And on the other, plainly foreseeing that he should not be Elected himself, because he could not marry the Infanta; he resolved no other should be chosen, that he might not lose that Sovereign Authority, which he could maintain no longer than till the States had made an Election of a new King. But after all, he could no longer resist the pressing solicitations, which the great Cities of his Party, the Spaniards, the Pope himself and his Legate made him continually, putting him in mind of the promise he had so often given of calling that Assembly. And that which fixed him at last in this determination, was, that the Duke of Parma, who was assembling his Forces to enter France for the third time, died in the midst of these consul●ations, on the fifth of December: For he believed that the Spaniards, having now no General, who was any way comparable to the Genius of that great Man, would leave him the command of their Armies, or at least, not being able to make any great progress, would be no longer so formidable to him, which fell out accordingly. On which consideration, he made no longer scruple to assemble the Deputies, which already had been chosen in the Provinces and in the Towns, not doubting but since he had for him, besides a great part of those Deputies, the Parliament, the Town house, the greatest part of the Colonels, and the Faction of the Politics; that he should be able with ease, to break all the measures of the Spaniards, and those few Malcontents which were yet remaining of the Sixteen, whom he no longer regarded but as a sort of Rabble, whose impotent fury he contemned. And it was for this very reason, that he at last resolved the Assembly should be held at Paris, notwithstanding all the Artifices of the Spaniards, who endeavoured that it should be at Rheims, or at Soissons, where the Duke could not secure to himself those great advantages which he had at Paris. The Assembly than was appointed to be held in the Month of january: Ann. 1593. And while the Deputies were coming to Paris, the Duke of Mayenne published an ample Declaration, bearing date the fifth of january, in which, after he had justified the Arms of the League, by all the most plausible reasons he cou●d urge, and principally by the great motive of Religion, which at last must give place to Heresy, if an Heretic King should be received; he invited all the Princes, Prelates, Lords, and Catholic Officers, who were of the opposite party, to meet the rest of that Assembly, that they might all cooperate without other consideration, than only the Glory of God and the public good, in choice of those means, which should be found most proper for the preservation of Religion and the State; making his pr●●●●tation against such who should refuse so reasonable a way, that they were to be esteemed the cause of all those mischiefs and misfortunes, which from that time forward should ensue. The Legate made his Declaration apart, but in a much more odious manner; because instead of containing himself within the general terms of the good of Religion and the State, as the Duke of Mayenne had done, he invited the Catholics to meet in the States, for the Election of a King, who should be a Catholic in practice as well as in profession, and who, by his power, was able to support Religion and the State: By which words he seemed evidently to point out the King of Spain. It was not hard for the King to answer these two Declarations, with solid Arguments, and to make a like protestation against the Authors of them, by an Edict of the same Month. And in the mean while, the Deputies being almost all arrived they went in procession to the Church of Nostre-Dame, where having received the holy Communion, they heard a Sermon, which was Preached to them by the famous Genebrard, to the great scandal of all true Frenchmen, and well-meaning people in that Congregation. This Doctor was certainly one of the most able Men of the Age, but especially in the knowledge of the holy Scriptures, and the Hebrew Tongue, whereof he was the King's Professor at Paris: But by that unhappy fatality, or rather excess of immoderate Zeal, which drew almost all the Doctors of Paris into the League, he embraced it so passionately, that he was always one of the most fiery, and headstrong defenders of it; which quality, joined to his profound Learning, was the cause that Gregory the Fourteenth, that great Protector of the League, gave him the Archbishopric of Aix, after the death of Alexander Canigrany; who died at Rome. Now, he being one of the principal Deputies for the Order of the Clergy, and having acquired much Reputation and Authority by his rare knowledge, was desired to Preach this Sermon: In which, instead of exhorting the Deputies according to God's Word, that they should have nothing before their eyes, in all their Debates and Consultations, but only the preservation of the State and of Religion, which is the strongest support of it; he inforc'd himself to prove by weak, sophistical reasons, that their Assembly had power to change and abolish the Salic Law, that is, the fundamental Law of the Realm, which has been always inviolably observed, since the establishment of the French Monarchy even to this day: As if the States, who have no other power than that of representing by way of Petition, what they believe to be necessary for the good and maintenance of the State, had the authority of destroying it, by ruining and undermining the foundations which support it, and which preserve it from falling into the hands of strangers. But the reason of this was, that the Doctor, being a true Leaguer, and a false Frenchman, as one who was devoted to the service of King Philip, like the Sixteen, in whose Faction he was engaged, endeavoured to incline the Minds of the Deputies, to dispose of the Crown of France to the Infanta of Spain, according to the intentions of the Spaniards, who had given him instructions to Preach up this wicked and notoriously false maxim, for sound Doctrine and for Gospel-Truth. The Duke of Mayenne, who notwithstanding that he was Head of the League, had the Soul of a good Frenchman, and was one who loved his Country, as the King himself acknowledged, had a much different prospect of things, and without concerning himself at this idle discourse, because he knew it was in his power to hinder it from taking effect, opened the States-General on the Twenty sixth of january, in the Great Hall of the Lovure; where all Ceremonies were punctually observed in the same manner, as they are always practised in States which are lawfully Assembled. And all that pleasant turn of Burlesque, which is given to the description of it, by the ingenious Author of the Catholicon of Spain, is no other than pure invention of a great Wit, who under those delightful Fictions, hides many sharp Truths, which justly decry the Party of the League. For indeed there was no other Procession, than that which was made by all the Deputies, when they went in a Body to perform their Devotions at Nostre-Dame. As for that other of Monks, who were armed, over the different habits of their Orders, which is described so pleasantly in the beginning of the Catholicon, and which is still to be seen in several Prints, it means no more than the Muster of those ecclesiastics and Religious, whom the Author of that satire has transported from the Siege of Paris, to those States, disguising his Fable into a Procession, to make his Work more divertising to the Reader. The Formalities there were according to the usual custom, excepting only that the Duke of Mayenne, as Lieutenant-General of the State, and Crown of France, was seated under a Canopy of Clo●h of Gold, which was never seen practised in former times. The three Orders took their places, after the usual manner: That of the Clergy was very numerous: There was but a thin appearance of Lords and Gentlemen in that of the Nobless: But to add more lustre to it, Monsieur de Mayenne, as if he were invested with Sovereign Power and Authority, took that Prerogative which belongs only to the King; which was, to create an Admiral, namely, the Marquis de Villars; and four Marshals of France, the Sieurs de Ch●stre and de Boisda●phin, whose Families are well known to be ancient; 〈◊〉 a Gentleman of Lorraine, Younger Brother of the House of Savigny, Lord of 〈◊〉 in the Duchy of Bar, and St. Paul, a Soldier of Fortune, who by his Valour and Military Skill, had acquired the Title of Nobless. Monsieur de Mayenne, after the death of the Duke of Guis●, whose Creature this Captain was, had entrusted him with the Government of Champagne, where after having made himself Master of Rheims, Mezieres, and Vitry, he had the boldness to possess himself by force of the Duchy of Rhetelois, and to hold it in quality of Duke, by virtue of the Donation which he said he had from the Pope, as the King writ word to the Duke of Nevers from the Camp before Chartres: But at last his intolerable pride, accompanied with the Tyranny which he exercised in that Province, cost him his Life by the hand of the young Duke of Guise, who laid him dead at his feet by a thrust of his Sword which pierced his heart; because that Prince having civilly requested him to withdraw the Soldiers out of Rheims, which he had placed there to assure himself of that City; this pretended Marshal, who would in contempt of him be absolute, had told him in a haughty manner, and laying his hand on his Sword, that he would not do it. To proceed, the Duke of Mayenne, as Lieutenant-General of the State, having thus created an Admiral, and four Marshals of France, thought what he had done would be of great consequence to the Authorising these mock-States of Paris, and to confirm his own power together with the establishment of his Party. But the Lord of Chanvallon, who had as much Wit as he had Courage, and who foresaw the consequences of that action, said freely to him: Look well to yourself, Sir, for by this new Creation, you have begotten so many Bastards, as wi● one day legitimate themselves at your cost and charges. And this indeed was verified not long after, in the Persons of Villars, La Chastre, and Boisdauphin, who forsook the Duke, and made their Treaty with the King, that they might be maintained by a lawful Authority, in those high dignities which the King alone, to the exclusion of all others, can bestow. And if the Baron of Rosne, who was of Birth and Merit sufficient to have been Marshal, had been possessed of Towns like the others, which he might have surrendered to the King after their example, he might have been legitimated as well as they; and then those Cities had not been lost, which the Spaniards (to whom he went over, after having been refused by the King) took under his conduct and by his valour, in the Province of Picardy. Thus I have given an account of the Order of the Nobless in these States: As for the third Order, it was composed of a few considerable persons, and of a great number of such as were packed together, and who served only to make a show of a full Assembly. The Speeches which are to be seen in the Catholicon, as if made by Rapine, Monsieur Gillot, Counsellor of the Court, Florent Chrestien, and Mr. Pierre Pithou, are only invented for the pleasure of the Reader. For there were spoken only four, according to the usual custom of other States: Monsieur de Mayenne opened these by a Speech of his own; wherein to answer the expectation of the Deputies, he declared, that this Assembly was only called, that therein they might proceed to the election of a Catholic King; which notwithstanding was far from his intention, for his whole endeavours were to frustrate that choice, as in effect he did. The Cardinal of Pellev●, who began very much to decline in his Parts, said nothing that was material in speaking for the Order of the Clergy, which he represented: The Baron of Senecey for the Nobless, and the Sieur de Laurence, Advocate General of the Parliament of Provence, for the third State, spoke incomparably better, each of them after his own manner; the last like a great Orator, and the former like a prudent Gentleman. In the mean time, the King, who was unacquainted with the secret drift of the Duke of Mayenne's intentions, was very much in fear that in this Assembly they would elect a King, who being owned for such by the Pope, the King of Spain, and the greatest part of the Potentates of Christendom, by all the Catholics of the League, and perhaps also by those of the third Party, whom he ever suspected, would at least prolong the War, and might possibly remain Conqueror. In order to the prevention of so great an evil, he thought good that the Catholics of his Party should send a Trumpet to the Assembly with an Authentic Act, by which they gave them to understand, that since the Duke of Mayenne had signified by his Declaration, that he had called that Assembly with intention to find the means of preserving Religion and the State; they were most ready to send their Deputies, to confer with theirs at some place near Paris, which should be agreed on by both Parties, to the end they might compass so great a blessing, which was the aim of their desires; protesting that in case they refused this reasonable Proposition, they should be held guilty of all those evils, which should be produced by the continuation of so bloody a War. 'Tis a wonderful kind of blindness, which a strong passion produces in a Mind that suffers itself to be prepossessed with it; that how clearsighted soever it be naturally, yet it sees not those things which are obvious to the most common capacities at the first glance. The Proposition was made in the plainest and most intelligible terms, without the least ambiguity in their meaning, that there should be a conference betwixt the Catholics of the two Parties, to consider of the safest ways which could be found for the preservation of Religion and the State; yet the Cardinal Legat consulting only the violent passion which he had to support the Faction of the Sixteen against the King, and to exclude him from the Crown, cried out, that this Proposition of the Catholic Royalists was contrary to the Law of God, who forbids any communication with Heretics; and the Doctors, who were devoted to the League, to whom that message was sent to be examined, declared it to be schismatical and Heretical. But the Duke of Mayenne, who had another prospect of things than the Leaguers and Spaniards, and who was resolved to hinder the election of a King, managed that affair so dexterously, that it was concluded in the States, that the conference should be accepted, betwixt those only who were Catholics of the two Parties, in the same manner as it was proposed. Notwithstanding which, it was not held till two months after, at the end of April, in the Burrow of Surenne, because the Duke of Mayenne, who desired only to gain time for the compassing his ends, was gone, before he returned his answer, to meet the Spanish Army, which was commanded by Count Charles of M●nsfield. That Duke was of opinion, that with their assistance he might take all the places on the Seine, both above and below, which inconvenienced Paris. But the Army being so very weak, that with his own Forces which were added to it, there were not in all above 10000 Men; all that he could do was only to take Noyon, which employed his time; after which, it was so much diminished by the protraction of that Siege which had cost so much blood, that the Count was forced to return to Flanders. As for the Conference, though it was made with much more preparation and magnificence than all the former, it had yet the same destiny attending it, because the two Heads of the Deputation on either side, Renaud de Beaune, Archbishop of Bourges, for the Royalists, and Peter d' Espinac, Archbishop of Lions, for the League, two of the most dextrous and eloquent men of that Age, were both of them somewhat too well conceited of their own parts, and maintained their opinions with too much wit and too great vehemence, to come to an agreement in their disputations against each other. The Archbishop of Bourges, in the three Speeches which he made for the establishment of his Proposition, and for the confirmation of it, by refuting those answers which were made him, omitted no force of Arguments, which could be drawn from Reason, to induce those of the League to a belief of these three points, which he maintained constantly, and with great vigour, to the end, as Truth's indubitable. The First was, That there is an indispensable obligation of Acknowledging and Honouring as King, Him to whom the Crown belongs, by the inviolable right of Lawful Succession, without regard to the Religion he professes, or to his way of Life. And this he proved first by the Testimonies of Jesus Christ and his Apostles, who command us to honour Kings and Higher Powers, and to pay them that obedience which is due to them, even though they should be Unbelievers and wicked men; declaring that every man ought to submit himself to the powers which are ordained by God, and that to do otherwise is to resist his Will, and trouble the order and tranquillity of the Public. Secondly, By examples drawn from the Old Testament, where we see that Zedekiah was sharply reprehended and punished by God, for having revolted against the King of the Chaldeans; that the People of Israel obeyed Nabuchadnezzar in the Babylonish Captivity by the Command of God; and that the Prophets Ahijah and Elijah, were content to reprove those Kings, who believed not in God, as jeroboam and Ahab, without ever revolting against them. Thirdly, By the Example of the Christians in all Ages, who had suffered peaceably the dominion of Idolatrous Emperors, Tyrants, and Persecutors of the Church; and had not refused to acknowledge for their Sovereigns, those Emperors who had fallen into Heresy, such as Constantius, Valens, Zeno, Anastasius, H●raclius, Constantine the Fourth, and the Fifth, Leo the Third and Fourth, Theophilus, and the Gothique Kings in Italy, the Vandals in Africa, and the Visigoths in Spain, and in Gaul, though they were all of them Arians. From thence passing to the second point, he added, That by a more convincing reason, they were bound to obey the present King, who by God's Grace was neither Pagan nor Arian, nor a Persecutor of the Church and of Catholics, whom he protected and maintained in all their Rights; who believed with them in the same God, the same Jesus Christ, and the same Creed: And though he was divided from them by some errors, which he had sucked in, as we may say, with his milk, and which he had never renounced but by a forced conversion with the Dagger at his Throat; yet this notwithstanding it could not be said, that he was confirmed in them with that obstinacy which constitutes Heresy, since he was wholly resolved to forsake them as soon as he should be instructed in the truth; which occasioned him with all modesty to maintain, that he ought not to pass with them for an Heretic. That for the rest, by God's blessing there was great probability of hope, that he would suddenly be converted; that he was already altogether inclined to it, as appeared by the permission which he had given to the Catholic Princes and Lords, to send at his proper costs and charges, the Marquis of Pisany to our Holy Father, and to make this present Conference with them: That he had even uncovered his Head with great respect, in beholding a Procession at Mante, which passed by his Windows; that not long before this time, he had solemnly renewed the promise which he had made, to cause himself to be instructed, and that he would infallibly accomplish it with the soon. And upon this, to acquit himself of what he had proposed in the third place, he set himself to adjure them, with the strongest reasons, and the most tender expressions he could use, that they would join themselves with the King's Party, for the accomplishment of so good a work, and bear their part in that Instruction, and consequently Conversion of so great a King; who receiving at their hands that duty to which they were obliged, would assuredly give them the satisfaction which they wished, and which he was not in a capacity of giving ●hem, at a time when they demanding it with Arms in their hands, it would have appeared that he had done it only on compulsion. On the other side, the Archbishop of Lions, who was not endued with less Eloquence and Knowledge than the Archbishop of Bourges, answering in order to those three points which were proposed by that Prelate; said, in the name of all his Colleagues, That they acknowledged they ought to own for King, Sovereign Lord, and Head of the French Monarchy, Him to whom the Kingdom belonged by a lawful Succession: But since Religion ought to be preferred before Flesh and Blood, this Monarch of necessity must be a Most Christian King, both in name and reality; and that according to all Laws both Divine and Humane, it was not permitted them to give obedience to an Heretic King, in a Kingdom subjected to Jesus Christ, by receiving and professing the Catholic Religion. That God in the Old Testament had forbidden a King to be set up, who was not of the number of the Brethren, that is to say, of the same Religion, which constitutes a true Brotherhood: That in prosecution of this order, the Priests and Sacrificers of Israel had withdrawn themselves from the obedience of King jeroboam, as soon as he had renounced the worship of the true God. That the Towns of— and Libnah, which were the portion of the Levites, who were the best instructed in the Law of God, had forsaken joram, King of judah, for the same reason: That Amaziah and Queen Athaliah, having abandoned the Religion of their Forefathers, had been deposed by the general consent of all the Orders of the Kingdom; and that the Macchabees were renowned and praised through all the World, as the last Heroes of the ancient Law, because they had taken Arms against Antiochus their Sovereign Prince, for the defence of their Religion. That the people of the jews did indeed obey the King of the Chaldeans, but they had bound themselves by Oath so to do, according to the express command which God had given them by his Prophets, for pupunishment of their abominations; for which reason he subjected them to the dominion of an Infidel: But as for themselves, they were so far from having entered into such an engagement, that they had made one, by the Authority of his Holiness, quite to the contrary, that they would never acknowledge an Heretic for their King. And as for the Christians, who threw not off their obedience to their Emperors and Kings who were Heretics, 'tis most certain that they obeyed only out of pure necessity, and because they wanted power; but that their Hearts and Affections had no part in it: Witness the harshness with which the Holy Fathers have treated them in their Writings; where they call them Wolves, Dogs, Serpents, Tigers, Dragons, Lions, and Antichrists, in conformity to the Gospel, which will, that he who is revolted from the Church, should be held and treated like a Pagan; so far it is from authorising us to hold him for a King, much less a Most Christian King. For what remains, besides the Councils received in France, and the Imperial Laws, which declare Heretics to be unworthy of any kind of honour, dignity, or public office, much more of Royalty: The Fundamental Law of the French Monarchy is most express in this particular, by the Oath which the Most Christian Kings take at their Coronation, to maintain the Catholic Religion, and to exterminate all Heresies; in consideration of which, they receive the Oath of Allegiance from their Subjects; and that the last States had decreed, with the general applause of all good Frenchmen, that they would never depart from that Law, which was accepted and sworn to solemnly, as a fundamental of the State. In fine, to close up all which he had to say, in relation to this first point, he added, That without this, it was impossible to preserve Religion in France, because an Heretic Prince would not be wanting to establish Heresy in his States; as well by his example which would be leading to his Subjects, as by his authority which could not long be resisted: As it was too manifest in the Kingdom of Israel, which jeroboam turned to Idolatry; and as it has since been seen in Denmark, Sweden, the Protestant States of Germany, and in England; where the people following the example of their Princes, and bending under their authority, have suffered themselves to be unhappily drawn into that Abyss of Heresies, in which they are plunged at this very day. And thereupon, passing to the other points of the Archbishop of Bourges his Speech, he said in few words, That it could not be doubted but the King of Navarre was an obstinate Heretic, and no way inclined to be converted, since for so long a time he had continued to maintain Errors condemned for Heresies by General Councils, and that he still favoured the Huguenots more than ever, and especially his Preachers; that he had been often invited, but still in vain, to reconcile himself to the Church; after which it would be lost labour for them to exhort him, particularly after being first acknowledged, as he thought to be; that therefore they would never endeavour it, and that they had all sworn, not only not to acknowledge him, but also to have no manner of commerce with him, so long as he should remain an Heretic. Now when the Archbishop of Bourges, who was pre-acquainted with the King's secret purpose, saw, that after a strong reply which he had made to that noisy Harangue, they still held fast to that one point, from which it was impossible to remove them; he was of opinion, that by yielding it to them, the business would soon come to an happy conclusion. For which reason, having demanded time to consult thereupon, the Princes and Lords by whom they were deputed, as soon as he had received the answer, which he knew before hand they would make, he told the Deputies of the League, at the seventh Session, which was the seventeenth of May, That God had at the last heard their prayers and vows, and that they should have whatsoever they had required for the safety of Religion and the State, by the conversion of the King, which they had been encouraged to hope, and which at present was assured to them; since the King, who was resolved to abjure his Heresy, had already assembled the Prelates and the Doctors, from whom he would receive the instruction, which ought to precede that great action, which all good Catholics of both Parties had so ardently desired, for the reunition of themselves in a lasting peace. And to the end that it might be to the satisfaction of every man in particular, they might treat with them concerning the securities and other conditions, which they should demand for their interests: Assuring them, that in order to remove all occasion of distrust, nothing should be done on their side, till the King had declared himself effectually to be a Catholic. This Proposition which the Deputies of the Union little expected▪ and which ruin'd all the pretensions of their Heads, disordered them so much, that after they had consulted amongst themselves for an Answer, not being able to conclude on any, they thought themselves bound to report it to the Assembly of the Estates at Paris. And then it was clearly to be seen, that the Heads of the Party, who thought on nothing but how to satisfy each man his Ambition, under the specious pretence of great Zeal for the Catholic Faith, were much more afraid than desirous of the king's Conversion. Though it had been made evident to them, by invincible Reasons, supported by the Authority of the most learned Doctors, that Absolution might be given to the King in France, without recourse to Rome, especially since it would be given only ad Cautelam, and that afterwards they would send to the Pope for his Confirmation of it; they returned this Answer by the Archbishop of Lions, That they ardently desired the Conversion of the King of Navarre, but that they could not believe it sincere, till his Holiness, to whose judgement they submitted themselves, and who alone had the power of absolving him, had reconciled him to the Church: before which time it was not permitted them to enter into any Treaty of Peace, or to take any Securities, because that would be to prevent the Judgement of the Pope, and to treat at least indirectly with him, who was yet out of the Pale of the Church, which would be directly against the Oath which they had taken. And thereupon, the Duke of Mayenne, who only ●ought the means of retaining as long as possibly he could, that almost sovereign Authority which he had usurped, together with the greatest part of the Princes and Lords of his Party, took a new Oath, betwixt the Hands of the Legate, that they would never acknowledge the King of Navarre, even though he should turn Catholic, unless by the Commandment of the Pope. Thus remaining always fixed in that Resolution, which absolutely hindered any farther progress in the Conference, after seven or eight Sessions held at Surenne, and two more at Roquette, an House belonging to the Chancellor de Chiverny, without St. Anthony's Gate, and at La Villette, betwixt Paris and St. Denis, they concluded on nothing that was tending to the Peace, while the Spaniards still employed all their Cunning and their Friends, in the Estates, to perpetuate the War by the election of a King. For even before the Conference of Surenne was begun, the Duke of Feria, Ambassador Extraordinary from the King of Spain to the General Estates at Paris, accompanied by Don Bernardin Mendoza, Ambassador in Ordinary, Don Diego d' Ibarra, and john Baptista Tassis, presented in a full Assembly, (where he was received with great Honour) his Master's Letters, in which he exhorted them to proceed without delay to the election of a Catholic King. 'Twas that indeed, which King Philip infinitely desired, as well thereby to continue the Enmity betwixt the two Parties, which doubtless would have been effected by the choice of a new King, as to procure the Crown for his Daughter the Infanta, as he had explained himself more than once already. In effect, those Spaniards were not wanting some time after, to propose her pretended Right of Proximity, as being issued from the Daughter of King Henry the Second. But seeing afterwards, that they were bend upon a King, they renewed the Proposal of marrying her to the Archduke Ernestus; till at last perceiving, that both these Propositions were ill relished, even by their most zealous Partisans, who adhered to all the rest, in the election of a King who should be▪ a Frenchman, and to whom the King of Spain might give his Daughter in Marriage; they made a new Overture, after they had taken time to deliberate on an Affair of that importance, and said, That the King their Master, that he might give them full satisfaction, was ready to agree on the Marriage of the Infanta, with some French Prince, whom he would nominate, therein comprehending the Family of Lorraine, since it was but reasonable that himself should have the choice of the Person whom he intended for his Son in-law: but that it was also necessary that the Estates should elect them, and should declare both of them King and Queen of France, for the whole and every part of it; and that he would employ the whole Forces of his Kingdoms to maintain them in it. As almost all the Deputies were desirous of nothing more than to elect a new King who should be a Frenchman, this Proposition which seemed very advantageous, was received by them with so great Applause, that the Duke of Mayenne, who was newly returned to the Estates, there to frustrate the Designs of the Spaniards, durst not undertake to oppose it directly, though he was strongly resolved to hinder it from taking effect, by all the ways in his power, because the Election could not possibly fall on him. And while he was plotting the means in order to it, that part of the Parliament of Peers, which was at Paris for the League, having still retained, notwithstanding the division of their Members, those generous Thoughts and inviolable Maxims, which they have always made appear, on all occasions, and in whatsoever condition they were, to maintain the fundamental Laws and Prerogatives of the French Monarchy, furnished him with an excellent Expedient. For that Court, being informed that the Proposition of the Spaniards seemed to be approved by the Estates, on the 18th. day of june, made this memorable Decree, which contains in substance, That not having, as indeed they never had, any other intention, than the maintenance of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Religion in France, under the Protection of a Most Christian King, who should be both Catholic and French, they have ordained, and do hereby ordain, that it shall be this day remonstrated to Monsieur de Mayenne, Lieutenant-General of the State and Crown of France, in the presence of the Princes and Officers of the Crown, being now at Paris, that no Treaty shall be made for the transferring of the Crown into the Hands of foreign Princes or Princesses, and that he should employ the Authority committed to him, to hinder the Crown from being transferred into a foreign Hand, against the Laws of the Realm, under the pretence of Religion; and that the said Court, has from this present time declared, and does hereby declare, all those Treaties which are made, and which shall be hereafter made, for the establishment of any foreign Prince or Princess, to be null, and of no effect and value, as made in prejudice to the Salic Law, and other fundamental Laws of the Realm of France. The Duke of Mayenne seemed to be very much incensed, that they had made this Ordinance without his Participation; and vehemently upbraided Monsieur, the first Precedent jean le Maistre, whom he had constituted in that Office: who not being acquainted with his secret intentions, answered him with that Gravity and Resolution, which is becoming the Head of so venerable a Company, when he performs his Duty. But in reality that dextrous Prince was glad of such an occasion, because he well hoped, this Ordinance would at least put a block in the Spaniard's way. But he found the contrary; for when they saw by this Decree, and by the taking of Dreux, (which the King had besieged, and after carried by force, during these Agitations) that if they made not haste in their election of a King, 'twas very probable that it would be out of their power to elect one afterwards, they used their utmost Endeavours to have one chosen, in the same manner as they had first proposed it. To put by this Blow, the Duke of Mayenn●, who believed the Spaniards had been empowered only with general Instructions, and not to name him whom they judged most proper for their Interests, told them, that of necessity they were to expect a more particular Order from their Master, wherein he should declare the individual Person, whom he chose for his Son in law. But he was much surprised, when they, who in all appearance had many Blanks, which were ready signed, and which they could fill up with any Name to serve their occasions, showed him before the Cardinal Legat, and the principal Members of the Assembly, at a meeting in his House, that they were empowered, in due form, to name the Duke of Guise: yet he strove in the best manner he could to conceal his inward Trouble and Anxiety for this Nomination, which his Wi●e the Duchess was not able to endure, but counselled him rather to make a Peace with the King, than to be so mean-spirited as to acknowledge that raw young Creature (for so, by way of contempt, she called her Nephew) for his King and Master. But the Duke of Mayenn●, who at that time could not bear any Master whomsoever, took another course, and required eight days time to give in writing his Demands, for his own indemnifying, which the Spaniards allowed him as fully as he could desire. And in the mean time, he knew so well to manage the Minds of the greatest part of the Deputies, the Lords and Princes, and even of the Duke of Guise himself, by making them comprehend how unseasonable it was to create a King, before they had Forces sufficient to support him against a powerful and victorious Prince; that in spite of all those who were of the Spanish Interest, the Ministers of Spain were answered, that the Estates were resolved to proceed no farther in their Election, till they had received those great Supplies which had been promised them by the King their Master. In this manner the Election was deferred by the Address of the Duke of Mayenne; which Dr. Mauclere, a great Leaguer, most bitterly bewailed, in a Letter which he wrote from Paris, to Dr. de Creil, another stiff Leaguer then residing at Rome, to manage the Interests of that Party; and therein discov'rd the whole Secret, which in effect overthrew all the Cabals of the Spaniards, and the League, and utterly destroyed their whole Fabric. For many things afterwards happened, which broke off all speech of an Election; of which the first and most principal, was the Conversion of the King, which is next in order to be related. Above 9 years were already past, since he, though Head of the Hugonots, had been endeavouring the means of reuniting himself, together with his whole Party, to the Catholic Church. For, in the year 1584. a little before the Associated Princes of the League had taken Arms, the late King, having sent Monsieur de Bellieure to Pamiers, to declare to him, that he would have the Mass re established in the County of Foix, and in all the other Countries which he held under the Sovereignty of the Crown of France, he caused one of the Ministers of his Family, who was already well inclined, to sound the Dispositions of the other Ministers of that Country, and to try if there were any hope, that they would use their Endeavours uprightly and sincerely, to find the means of making a general Reunion with the Catholic Church. They gave up, without any great difficulty, all the Points in Controversy, excepting one which they laid to heart; namely, their Interest, demanding such vast proportions of Maintenance, as he was not then in a condition to give them, saying with great simplicity these very words: That they would not go a begging for their Living, (or live upon charity) like so many poor Scholars. Many of his Counsel, and amongst others the Sieur de Segur, one of those in whom he most confided, were of opinion, nevertheless, that he should not give over that Undertaking; and that he should endeavour to bring it about quietly, and without any bustle, by gaining the leading men of his Party. And he was so well inclined to do it, that he could not curb himself from protesting frequently, after his coming to the Crown, and particularly after the Battle of jury, that he wished with all his heart, they were reunited with that Church from which they had separated, and that he should believe, that he had done more than any of his Predecessors, if God would one day enable him to make that Reunion which was so necessary, that he might live to see all Frenchmen, united under the same Faith, as well as under the same King. But there is great probability for us to hope, that God had reserved that Glory for King Lovis the Great his Grandson, whose unbloody Victories, which he daily obtains, in full Peace, over Heresy, by his prudent management and his Zeal, which have found the means of reducing the Protestants in crowds, and without violence, into the Church, may under his Reign, show us the final accomplishment of that great Work, which his Grandfather so ardently desired. It is also known, that this Prince being then only King of Navarre, at the time when he projected that Reunion, of which I have spoken, said one day in private to one of the Ministers, That he could see no manner of devotion in his Religion, which all consisted in hearing a Sermon delivered in good French, and that he had always an opinion, that the Body of our Lord is in the holy Sacrament; for otherwise the Communion was but an exterior Ceremony, which had nothing real and essential in it. 'Tis in this place, that I cannot hinder myself from rendering Justice to the merit of one of the greatest Men, whom any of our Kings have employed in their most important Negotiations, and who most contributed to the infusing these good Inclinations into the King of Navarre; namely, Francis de Noailles, Bishop of Acq's, who has gained an immortal Reputation, by those great Services which he performed for France, during 35 years, under four of our Kings, in fifteen Voyages out of the Kingdom, and four solemn Embassies into England, Venice, Rome, and Constantinople. In which last Employment he did so much for the interest of our Religion, with Selim the Grand Signior, the 2d. of that Name, and by travelling into Syria, Palestine, and Egypt, where he procured great Advantages and Comfort to the poor Christians, that the greatest Princes of Christendom thought themselves obliged, to make their thankful Acknowledgements of his labour to our King. Pope Gregory the 13th. commanded his Nuncio himself to thank the Ambassador from him, at his passage from Venice, on his return to France: and to desire him, that he would use his Interest with his Brother the Abbot of L' Isle, who had succeeded him in many of his Negotiations, and in that Embassy, as he also did in the Bishopric of Acq's, that he would follow the worthy Examples which he had given him. 'Tis true that Pope Pius the 5th. Predecessor to Gregory, thought it very strange at first, that a Bishop should be Ambassador for the most Christian King at the Ottoman Port. But, besides that the Bishop of Agria, a most prudent and virtuous Prelate, had exercised that Charge during five years, for the Emperor Maximilian the 2d. without the least fault found with it, he very much changed his opinion, after the Bishop of Acq's, by his credit with the Grand Signior, had obtained from him, that an express Prohibition should be made to Piali Bassa, General of his Navy, of making any descent on the Territories of the Church: in consideration of which Benefit, his Holiness made him a promise to promote him to the highest Dignities, with which a Pope can recompense the greatest Services that are rendered to the Church. These were the Employments of that Bishop, whose Deserts were not less eminent than those of his elder Brother, Anthony de Noailles, Head of that illustrious Family, which is one of the most ancient and remarkable in Limousin; who was Ambassador in England, Governor of Bourdeaux, and Lieutenant for the King in Guyenne, where he served the State and Religion with the same Zeal, which appears at this day, with so much Success and Glory in his Posterity. It was then by the Motives of the same Zeal for Religion, that Francis de Noailles, after he had reduced 100 Huguenot Families, which he found in Acq's, at his coming to that Bishopric, to the number of 12, was not wanting to make use of so fair an opportunity, as he had, to work upon the King of Navarre's Inclinations, which good advice, in God's due time, had the desired effect. For having conferred with him at Nerac, by the King's Orders, twice or thrice, with endeavours to procure from him the re-establishment of the Catholic Religion in Bearn, when he found that new Difficulties were still started, he laid aside that particular Point, and coming to the Springhead, whereon all the rest depended, he told him in the presence of Segur, with all the sincerity of a faithful Minister, That his Majesty could not reasonably hope to support himself by that Party, which how powerful soever it appeared, would always be too weak to bear him up (in spite of the Catholics, who were infinitely more strong) to that pitch of height, to which his Birth and Fortune might one day carry him: that whatsoever Wonders his Valour might perform, yet they would never be of any advantage to him, till he reconciled himself sincerely to the Catholic Church: and that it was impossible (they were his very words) that he could ever raise any thing that was durable for the establishment of his Fortune, either within the Realm, or without it, unless he built on this Foundation. This was what he said, when he took his leave of the King of Navarre: And some few days after this, writing from Again to the Sieur de Segur, he protested to him, That his Master could never arrive to the possession of that Crown, to which he might lawfully pretend, if he made not his entrance by the Gate of the Catholic Religion▪ and prayed him therefore that he would think seriously of that Matter, for if he followed not his Counsel, he should one day speak to him in Petrarch 's Verse, When Error goes before, Repentance comes behind. This Discourse startled Segur, who had much power over his Master's Inclinations; and it was principally on this account, that he gave him the Counsel abovementioned, which consequently caused the King of Navarre, to consider of the means of reuniting himself to the Catholics. But it happening that in the midst of these Agitations, the Leaguers began openly to rebel, and afterwards, capitulating with Arms in their hands, obtained an Edict, by which the King obliged himself to make War with all his Power against the Hugonots, Segur, whom the King of Navarre had lately sent into Germany to desire assistance, writ to him, after he had obtained it, that this was not a time to think of turning Catholic, though he himself had formerly advised it: and that since his Enemies would make him change his Religion by force, almost in the same manner as they had used him at the Massacre of St. Barthol'mew, he ought to stand bend against them, and defend his Liberty by Arms, that it might not be said, he was basely pliant to their will; and that he might change freely, with safeguard to his Honour at some other time, which now he could not without shame, as being by constraint. He followed this Advice, which was also seconded by his Counsel. He made the War, and always appeared at the Head of the Hugonots, with the success which has already been related. But being a man of a sprightly and piercing Wit, he was not wanting in the mean time to instruct himself, and that by a very artificial way. Sometimes by proposing difficult Points to his Ministers, or to speak more properly, his own Doubts and Scruples in matters of Religion, to understand on what Foundations their Opinions were built: sometimes by conferring with knowing Catholics, and maintaining against them with the strongest Reasons he could urge, the Principles which had been infused into him by his Ministers, on purpose to discover by their Answers, (which he compared with what had been told him on the other side) what was real and solid truth betwixt them. And he always continued in this manner of Instruction, clearing and fathoming the principal Points of the Controversy and causing them to give in writing, what they had to argue pro or con; which produced this effect, that the Hugonots never believed him to be sound at bottom, and settled in their Religion, but reposed much greater confidence in the late Prince of Conde, who was in reality a better Protestant than he. And truly it appears exceeding credible, that, when at his coming to the Crown, he made a promise to the Catholic Princes and Lords, that he would cause himself to be instructed within six months, he was already resolved on his Conversion; there remaining but very few things which he then scrupled, and for which he demanded some longer time, in order to his fuller satisfaction. But, as he afterwards acknowledged, he thought himself obliged to defer that good action to some more convenient opportunity, because the Huguenots would certainly have cantonized themselves, and set up under the protection of some powerful Foreigner, whom they would have chosen for their Head; which must have occasioned new Troubles in the Kingdom. Besides which, the Head of the League was at that time too strong, to think of submitting to him, even though he had declared himself a Catholic: and the People not being yet made sensible of the Extremities of War, and their sufferings by reason of it, were obstinately resolved to maintain it against him; and consequently, he could not then compass what he so ardently desired, which was to restore the Quiet of his Kingdom, and to settle it in peace, by embracing the Religion of his Predecessors. But somewhat before the beginning of the Conference at Surenne, after making a sober Reflection on the present estate of his Affairs, he plainly saw, that all things at that time concurred, to oblige him not to defer his Conversion any longer. For on the one side, he was assured of the Leading men amongst the H●gonots, who had the power of raising new Disturbances, many of whom, and such as were men of the greatest Interest, made no scruple to acknowledge, that in good policy he ought to go to Mass, and that the peaceable possession of a Great Kingdom, was worth the pains it would cost him in going. Add to this, that the Heads of the Union were so much weakened, and so little united amongst themselves, that they were in no condition of making any long resistance to his Arms, though they should refuse to acknowledge him: And for the common people of the League, they were so overburdened by the War which wasted them, that they desired nothing so much as Peace. On the other side, he observed the Spaniards used all imaginable means, and did their utmost to persuade the States to create a Catholic King. That there was great danger, lest the Third Party, which not long before had laid a Plot to have surprised him in Mante, and carried him away, now joining with the Catholic Leaguers who were against the Spaniards, should elect a King on their side, which would be to embroil France in worse confusions: And to conclude, that even they who were not of that Party, and who had always served him with inviolable faith, now besought him to defer no longer his conversion; and besought him in such a manner, that they gave him easily to understand they would forsake him, in case he forsook not his false Religion. All these Considerations put together, by the Grace of God, who makes use of second causes, put an end to his delays, and brought him to resolve on accomplishing what he had so long designed, by making a public profession of the Catholic Faith. Insomuch, that when the Sieur Francis D, O, who of all the Court-Lords, spoke to him with the greatest freedom, went to press him somewhat bluntly on behalf of the Catholics of his Party, that he would make good his promise to them: He with great calmness gave him those three Reasons which I have already set down, why he had till that time deferred his Conversion, and afterwards gave him his positive word, that within three months at the farthest, when he had seen what the Conference of Surenne would produce, he would make an abjuration of Heresy, after he had received the instruction of the Bishops and Doctors, which, according to the forms of the Church, aught to precede so great an action; farther ordering him to assure the Archbishop of Bourges of those his intentions, before he went to that Conference, being then on his departure. And on that account it was, that the Archbishop, after having received the Answer which he well knew would be sent from Mante, where the Court then was, spoke as he did at Surenne, and believing that he had now brought the business to a conclusion, on the seventeenth of May, and at the seventh Session, gave the Deputies of the League a full assurance of the King's Conversion. His Majesty also on his part, having firmly resolved on that holy action, failed not to write a Letter on the sixteenth of the same Month, to many Prelates and Doctors, both of his own side and of the League; in which he invited them to be with him on the fifteenth of july, to the end he might receive those good instructions which he expected from them: Assuring them in these very words, That they should find him most inclinable to be informed of all that belongs to a Most Christian King to know; having nothing so lively engraven in his heart, as the Zeal for God's Service, and the maintenance of his true Church. In the mean time, the Ministers, and the old rigid Huguenots, those false Zealots of their Sect, fearing this blow would be fatal to their pretended Religion, made frequent Assemblies in private, to invent some means of diverting him from this pious resolution. And there were some of them who had the impudence to tell him publicly of it in their Sermons, and to threaten him with a judgement from Heaven, if he forsook the Gospel, (for it has pleased them to honour their Errors with that venerable Name.) This occasioned him to assemble all the principal Lords of that new Religion, together with their Preachers, who were at that time in great numbers at the Court, and who to the great grief of the Catholics, perpetually besieged him: and to tell them plainly (that he might free himself once for all, from that troublesome persecution) That after he had in the presence of Almighty God, made all necessary reflections on an affair of that importance, he had, in conclusion, resolved to return into the Catholic Church, from which he ought never to have been separated. And when La Say the Minister had adjured him in the name of all his Brethren, Not to suffer (they are his very words) that so great a scandal should come to them; If, said he, I should follow your advice, in a little time there would be neither King nor Kingdom left in France: I desire to give peace to all my Subjects, and quiet to my own Soul, and you shall have also from me, all the provisions which you can reasonably desire. Thus, being without comparison the strongest, and in much better condition than he had ever been formerly; immediately after he had taken the Town of Dreux, which the League, though it was of great consequence to them, yet durst never attempt to relieve; he assigned the place where he would receive the Instruction, which ought to precede the act of Abjuration, to be at St. Denis, on the twenty second of july. The Cardinal of Piacenza caused a Declaration to be published, in which, taking upon him, as Legate from the Holy See, to pronounce, that whatsoever should be done in relation to that Conversion, was to be accounted void and null, he exhorted all Catholics both of the one and the other Party, not to suffer themselves to be deluded in an Affair of that consequence: Prohibiting all men, and especially the ecclesiastics, on pain of Excommunication and privation of their Benefices, from going to St. Denis, and assisting at that Action. But notwithstanding all these prohibitions, (which were thought to be made by the solicitation of the Spaniards) the Princes, the Officers of the Crown, the principal Members of the Parliaments, the Lords of the Court, the Bishops, and many Doctors, not only of the Royal Party, but also of the League, went thither, and amongst others, three famous Curates of Paris, Rene Benoist of St. Eustache, Charignac of St. Sulpice, and Morennes of St. Merry, who far from being tainted with the seditious principles of their fellows (the Curates of St. Severin, St. Cosme, St. jaques, St. Gervais, St. Nicholas in the Fields, and St. André, who had ran riot in their scandalous Satyrs, as I may call them, more properly than Sermons, against the Person of the King) had the honour of bearing their parts in the Conversion of so Great a Prince. Being therefore arrived at St. Denis from Mante on the twenty second of july, the next morning he entered into Conference, and held close at it from six in the Morning to one in the Afternoon, with the Archbishop of Bourges, and seven or eight Bishops, amongst whom was Monsieur du Perron, nominated to the Bishopric of Eureux. Many Doctors of great reputation were present in that Assembly, with the three Curates of Paris, and Father Oliver Beranger, a Learned jacobin, Chaplain in Ordinary to the late King. The Instruction was made particularly touching three points, concerning which, the King proposed some scruples. The first was on the Invocation of Saints, to know if it were absolutely necessary for us to pray to them: On which point they easily satisfied him, by giving him to understand the Doctrine of the Church concerning it, viz. That as it is profitable for us to recommend ourselves to the prayers of our living Brethren, without derogating thereby from the Office of Jesus Christ our Mediator; in like manner it is very advantageous for us, to have recourse to Saints, and pray them to intercede for us, to the end we may obtain benefits and favour from God by Jesus Christ; God imparting to them the knowledge of our necessities and of our prayers, by some way best pleasing to himself, as he makes known to the Angels according to the Scripture, what is done here below, and foretells to the Prophet's future things, though they are more particularly reserved to his own knowledge. The second was concerning Auricular Confession: And it was clearly proved to him, That Jesus Christ having given commission to his Ministers in general terms of binding and of losing sins, that power could not be restrained only to public sins, and by consequence it was necessary, that Penitents should give the Priests full knowledge of all the sins they had committed, to the end they may make a just distinction betwixt those offences which they ought to remit, and those they ought not. The third Particular, in which he desired to be throughly instructed, was concerning the Authority of the Pope: To which he submitted without difficulty, after it was made out to him, that according to the Gospels, the Councils, and the Holy Fathers, it extended no farther than to things that were purely spiritual, and nothing relating to temporals: not at all interfering with the Rights and Prerogatives of Kings, or the Liberties of Kingdoms. When they would have proceeded from this, to the Point of the real Presence of Christ's Body in the Holy Sacrament, which of all other Articles is the most contested betwixt Catholics and Huguenots, and in which, they never come to an agreement, he stopped the Bishops by telling them, that he was entirely persuaded of that Truth, that he had no manner of scruple concerning it, and that he always had believed it. 'Tis also said, that having appointed a Conference betwixt the Doctors and the Ministers, when one of the Huguenot Preachers had yielded, that Salvation might be had in the Church of Rome (for at that time they granted it) he said with great reason, There is then no longer deliberation to be used: I must of necessity be a Catholic, and take the surest side, as every prudent man would do in a business of so great importance as that of Salvation: Since, according to the joint opinion of both Parties, I may be saved being a Catholic, and if I still continue a Huguenot, I shall be damned according to the opinion of the Catholics. But whether this be true indeed, or only a report, 'tis certain, that being perfectly instructed and well assured of all points of belief, which are held by the Roman Church, they drew up a form of the Profession of Faith, which was signed by him: After which there remained no more, but only to make his profession solemnly, according to the custom of the Church, and to receive Absolution from his Heresy, and from the sentence of Excommunication, which had been given against him. But it was first to be examined anew, in a regular Conference (which would make the Decision more authentic) whether the Bishops had power to absolve him in France, of the Excommunication which he had incurred, in a Case reserved by the Popes to the Holy See. For not only the Legate, and those Doctors who were devoted to the League, and above all others the Archbishop of Lions, as he had made appear at the Conference of Surenne, but also the Cardinal of Bourbon, who had much ado to part with his imaginary Headship of a third Party, maintained openly and boldly, that the Pope alone had power to absolve him, and that all other Absolution would be null, because the Pope had solely and positively made a reservation of that Power to the Holy See. Notwithstanding which, in a great Assembly of Bishops and learned Doctors, which was held for the resolving of this Case, the contrary opinion passed, nemine contradicente, in spite of the Remonstrances of that Cardinal, who was indeed no very able man. The Curate of St. Eustache himself, René Benoist, who was afterwards Bishop of Troy's, Monsieur de Morennes, Curate of St. Merry, who died Bishop of Se●z, those I say, who had been of the League till that very time, and some other knowing Doctors, gave an account to the Public in their printed Writings, of the Reasons on which they grounded their opinion; and they are reducible to this ensuing Argumentation, which the Reader will not be unwilling to understand, as I have extracted it from their Books, without interposing my own Judgement in the Matter, because I write not as a Divine, who declares and maintains a Doctrine, but as an Historian, who makes a faithful Relation of Actions done, as he finds them in the best Accounts. 'Tis indubitable, say these Doctors, according to the most knowing Canonists, that he who is excommunicated for a Case reserved to the Holy See, if he have any Canonical hindrance, that is to say, expressed and approved by the Canons, which permits him not to go and present himself before the Pope, may be absolved by some other, without being bound to send to Rome for his Absolution; provided nevertheless, that when the hindrance (if it endures not always) shall be removed, he shall go and present himself before His Holiness, submitting in all humility to what he shall reasonably ordain: Now 'tis most manifest, (they say) that there are three sorts of Canonical Hindrances, which dispense the King from going, and consequently from sending to Rome, to desire Absolution from the Pope. The first is the manifest danger, wherein he is continually, of losing his Life, in so many Battles and Sieges, where he is forced to expose it daily, for the preservation of the Crown which is devolved to him, by the invioable Right of Succssion, according to the fundamental Law of the Kingdom; and which one half of his Subjects, who are in Rebellion against him, do their utmost to take away. A Danger of this nature, and many of the same, which are included under it, as that of Conspiracies, Enmities, Robbers, a long Voyage by Sea, are esteemed according to right Reason, and by the Doctors, to be of that number which is comprehended in what we call the Article of Death; which is not to be understood alone of that fatal moment, when we give up our Breath, but also of any another time, when we are visibly exposed to Death. And it is on these occasions, as in the Article of Death, that not only the Bishops, but also all Priests, can give Absolution from all Sins, and Ecclesiastic Censures, with this Proviso, that he shall afterwards present himself before the Pope, if there be not some other Hindrance; as for example, that which follows. And that is the greatness and dignity of the Persons excommunicated, and particularly of Sovereign Princes, who cannot leave the People whom they govern, to go to Rome, without manifest prejudice to their Crown. For if a Father of a Family, or suppose an ordinary Servant, may be dispensed with from going thither, in case his absence would inconvenience his Family, much more strongly may it be concluded in the Person of a great King, whose presence is always necessary, or at least wise very advantageous to his Kingdom: Therefore it ought to be presumed, that Persons of that eminent Dignity, are perpetually hindered from leaving their Country, and taking such a Journey. In conclusion, the third Hindrance, which the Doctors call, Periculum in morâ, (the danger of delay) is the great hazard which the Nation might run: For by deferring that Absolution so long, till it were given at Rome, a thousand ill Accidents might intervene, and the happy opportunity be lost, of preserving in France, our Religion, the State, and the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom, by the conversion of the King. For all these Reasons it was concluded in that Assembly, that they not only might, but aught also to absolve him; and afterwards send a solemn Embassy to Rome, to desire the fatherly Benediction of the Pope, and the Approbation of what had been so justly done in France, in relation to his Conversion. It being resolved in this manner, the public and solemn Act of this Conversion, which was so much the wish of all good men, was performed on the Sunday following, being the 25th of july, with Magnificence worthy of so great an Action, and of the Majesty of him who made it. The King clothed all in white, excepting only his Cloak and Hat, which were black, came forth from his Lodgings, betwixt the hours of 8 and 9 in the morning, preceded by the Swiss, the French, and the Scottish Guards, and the Officers of his House, with beat of Drum accompanied by the Princes, the Crown Officers, and those of the Sovereign Courts, the Bishops and Prelates, and all those who had assisted at his Instruction, twelve Trumpets going before him, and five ●r six hundred Gentlemen following him, all magnificently clothed; the Streets were hung with Tapissery, and the Pavements strowed with Flowers and Greene's; there were present an infinite multitude of People, and principally of Parisians, who notwithstanding all the Prohibitions of the Legate and the Duke of Mayenne, were come in Crowds to St. Denis, and joined heartily with the rest in the loud Cries of Vive le Roy, while his Majesty walked through the midst of them to the Church Porch of St. Denis. There he found the Archbishop of Bourges, who was to perform the Ceremony, sitting on a great Chair, in his pontifical Habit. Immediately he asked the King, according to the form, Who he was, and what he would have? To which Questions the King having answered, I am the King, who desire to be received into the bosom of the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Church. He fell upon his Knees, and presented the Confession of his Faith, signed with his Hand, to the Archbishop, saying these words, I swear and protest, before the Face of Almighty God, that I will live and die in the Catholic, Apostolic, and Roman Church, that I will protect and defend it with the hazard of my Blood and Life, renouncing all Heresies which are contrary to it. After which he received from that Prelate an Absolution from the Censures which he had incurred; immediately the whole Church resounded with the often repeated Cries of Vive le Roy; and he was conducted by the Bishops before the great Altar, where he renewed his Oath upon the holy Evangelists; and after having confessed himself to the Archbishop behind the Altar, while they were singing the Te Deum, he heard High Mass; which was celebrated by the Bishop of Nantes, and then the Music sang Vive le Roy, with several repetitions of it. At which the Parisians, (who were present in great numbers at that triumphal Ceremony) breaking out into tears, drowned the voices of the Musicians, with their Cries of Vive le Roy: which makes it evident, that the People of Paris, excepting only the Rabble of the Faction, were only Leaguers, by reason of that invincible Aversion, which they have always had for Hugonotism. For so soon as they saw the King converted, they no longer called him the Bearnois, or the King of Navarre, but plainly the King; whom already they desired to see in Paris; as appeared not long afterwards, by the peaceable reduction of that capital City of the Kingdom. Truly after this day, which by the Effects it produced, may properly be called the last day of the League, when the Piety of the King was observed at Mass, at Vespers, at the Archbishop's Sermon, and after it, in the Visit which he made to the Tombs of the Martyrs at Montmartre, all which Actions were well known to proceed from the Sincerity of a Soul, which was too great to be capable of Hypocrisy; the People did but laugh at what the Spaniards, the remainders of the Sixteen, their Preachers, and above all others, the fiery Doctor Boucher, published in their Libels, and in their Sermons which were but Libels, against this Conversion, which they laboured in vain to decry by many impudent and forged Defamations. 'Twas almost every man's business, as secretly as he could to make Peace with the King; and deliver up the Towns without noise, especially after they had begun to taste the Sweets of Peace, by means of the Truce, which being earnestly desired by the great Cities, was concluded for three months, beginning four days after the Conversion. 'Tis true, the Duke of Mayenne, fearing that it would soon deprive him of the Authority, which he enjoyed as Lieutenant of the Crown, procured in his pretended Estates, that the Oath should be renewed, of perseverance in the Union, and obedience to the Pope's Decrees. He went yet farther; for in order to oblige his Holiness, always to support his Party, he caused the Estates to confirm the Declaration which he had made for the publishing of the Council of Trent: though they had formerly enrolled the Exceptions which they had made in bar of it, containing 23 Articles, which were held to be inconsistent with the Royal Prerogative of our Kings, and the Liberties of the Gallican Church. But in conclusion, neither that Publication, which they had no great mind to make valid, had any effect; neither did the Oath which they had taken, hinder them from treating privately, and considering of the best methods, to receive the King into Paris, in spite of the Duke of Mayenne. But that which wholly turned the Balance, and made the justice of his Cause apparent in the eyes of all men, reducing almost all his Subjects to their Duty, was, that according to his promise, he sent the Duke of Nevers to Rome, to render that filial Obedience which is owing to his Holiness from the most Christian Kings, and to desire that Absolution, which they believed at Rome the Pope had only power to give him. This met with great Obstructions; and Pope Clement, being earnestly solicited by the Spaniards, who used their utmost Endeavours to hinder him from granting it, refused it for a long time together, after a manner, which was somewhat disrespectful, to so great a King. But when his Holiness perceived, that he began to be less courted for his Gift, and that it was believed in France, considering what Applications had been made, that the King had done all which could reasonably be expected on his part, and consequently no farther Absolution was necessary; he advanced of his own accord, as fast as they went back, and encouraged them to renew that Negotiation, which had been wholly given over by the Duke of Nevers, whom he wou●d not receive as the Ambassador of the King of France, and who for that Reason he was departed from Rome in Discontent. The King therefore being desirous to omit nothing on that occasion, which could be expected from a most religious Prince, named two new Deputies, and both great Men, jacques David du Perron, and Arnaud d' Ossat, whose extraordinary Deserts were not long after rewarded with Cardinalships; and they acted both of them with so much prudence, that after many Disputes and Difficulties raised by the Spaniards, both concerning the Essentials, and the Formalities of that Affair, the Pope at length resolved on giving a second Absolution, and to keep himself precisely within the bounds of spiritual authority, without mentioning the Rehabilitation to which he pretended: For they would not admit that term, by which it might have seemed that the Crown of France, which depends on God alone, should either directly or indirectly be subjected to the Pope. In this manner, that Absolution which had been desired almost two years before that time, was given at Rome on the sixteenth of September, in the year 1595. by which it is easy to be observed, that the League had not the mortal blow from thence; but on the contrary, that which made the Pope so pliable, was, that he saw the League was going to destruction. In effect, as when the two great Pillars which sustained the Palace of the Philistims, were overthrown by the strength of Samson, all the Building went to the ground; so when those two specious pretences of the Public Good and of Religion, which the Heads of the League had taken for the Columns of their Fabric, were thrown down by the Conversion of the King, and that Conversion known to be real, notwithstanding all the juggle of the Spaniards, who would have rendered it suspected; that impious Building, already more than half ruined, and now having not the least support, fell down of itself and came to nothing. Insomuch that in the year ensuing, Ann. 1594. almost all the Heads, and all the Cities of the League, made each of them their separate Treaty with the King, who was better pleased to win upon their hearts by gentle means, with his admirable clemency and Fatherly goodness, granting them advantageous conditions, which did him the more honour the less they had deserved them, than to force them, as he was able, by his victorious Arms to return to their duty in their own despite. As the Marquis d● Vitry, was the first who forsook the King's Party, after the death of Henry the Third, entering into that of the League, which at that time he believed to be the juster Cause; he was also the first, who being disabused of that false opinion, returned to his obedience with the Town of Meaux, of which he was Governor. The Sieur da la Chastre immediately followed his example, and brought back with him Orleans and Bourges. The Lionnois, after they had shaken off the yoke of the Duke of Nemours, whom they kept Prisoner in Pierre Encise, and that of the Duke of Mayenne, his Brother by the Mother's side, (who had underhand wrought them to secure him, that he might join his Government of Bourgogne to that of Lionnois, and set up a kind of independent principality in both) turned the Leaguers out of the Town, and declared unanimously for the King. Provence was the first of all the Provinces, which openly disowned the Party of the League, taking up Arms at the same time against the Savoyards and the Duke of Espernon, who had possessed himself of that Government against the Kings Will. This voluntary reduction was made by the courage and good management of four brave Gentlemen, of the House of Fourbin, one of the most Noble and most remarkable Families of Provence. Their Names were Palamede de Fourbin, Lord of Soliers, and his two Sons, jaspar de Soliers, and Saint Canat; and Nicholas de Fourbin, Knight of Malta, with whom joined Melchior de Fourbin, Sieur de janson, Baron of Ville-Laure, and Mane. These being related by kindred and alliance to john de Pontevez, Count de Carces, Governor and Grand Seneschal of Provence, whose two Sisters were married to janson and Saint Canat, wrought so well with him, that they brought him over from the League; of which he had declared himself Head, after the death of Monsieur de Vins, his Nephew, who was killed with a Musket Shot as he was besieging Grass. After which, having persuaded the greatest part of the Nobility and Gentry to enter into their confederacy, the Count, without much trouble, reduced the City of Aix, and the Parliament of that place, which reunited itself at the same time with that party of its Officers, which held their Sessions at Manosque, under the authority of the King. In sequel of this, the greatest part of the Provençals being reunited, and strengthened by the Succours which they received from Monsieur de Lesdiguieres, managed their undertake with so much prudence, courage, and good fortune, that at length they constrained both the Savoyards and the Duke of Espernon, to depart out of that Country, and to leave the Government of it free to the Duke of Guise. And that Prince, by the deliverance of Marseilles, finished that great work which the four Lords of Fourbin had so generously begun, and so well carried on, immediately after the King's Conversion, and when he had made his entry into Paris, which in a very short time was followed by the reduction of all the remaining parts of the Kingdom. Many Months were already past, since the Parliament and Magistrates of that Town, by the care of the Precedent Le Maistre, the Counsellors du Vair, D'Amours, and Molé, (who exercised the Office of Procurer General) the Sieur Huillier, Provost of the Merchants, the Sieurs Beaurepaire, L'Anglois, and Neret the Sheriffs, the Colonels and Captains of the several Wards, had disposed the minds of all the Persons of Quality, the Officers, and good Citizens of Paris, openly to renounce the League, without regarding either the Spanish Garrison, or the Faction of Sixteen, which consisted of not above 3 or 4000 seditious People, who were the very Scum of all the Rabble, whom the Colonels and Captains of the Wards, could easily cut in pieces, in case they should presume to take up Arms. The Treaty was also already concluded for the safety of the Parisians, and all necessary Measures taken with the Count of Belin, Governor of Paris, for the bringing in of the King, particularly, after he had been Crowned at Chastres, on the 17th. of February, and nothing hindered the execution of so noble Design, but only the presence of the Duke of Mayenne, who beginning to have the Count of Belin in distrust, had put the Count of Brissac in his place, whom he believed to be the most confiding man of all his Followers. But that Count, the King being now converted, and his Affairs in a flourishing condition, considered that he had a stronger tye of Fidelity to him, than to any other Person without exception; and therefore made his Treaty betimes, on the most advantageous terms he could procure. So that the Duke, who had sworn never to treat with the King, whatsoever Conditions might be offered, before he had received Absolution from the Pope, foreseeing that he could be no longer Master of Paris: and fearing to be apprehended in the Town, departed out of it, with the Duchess, his Wife, and his Children, whom he brought to Soissons, and leaving them there, went into Picardy, to order his Affairs in that Province, and to retain the Cities in his obedience. In the mean time, the King, who had drawn his Army together at St. Denis, hastened so well the execution of the Treaty, that the day was appointed to be the 22d. of March: at which time, advancing as far as Montmartre, and afterwards within 200 paces of the Town, towards the lower part of the River near the Tuilleries, with the choice of his Cavalry, the infantry was let in by the new Gate, and the Gate of St. Denis, very early in the morning: so that the Ramparts were seized, without the least tumult, or any manner of Resistance; after which, they possessed themselves of all the principal Places, the two Chastelets, the Palace, and the Avenues of the Bridges. At the same time, the King's Garrisons of Melun and Corbeil, marching down by the River side, till they came right against the Celestines, were received by Captain Grossier into the Arsenal; and on the other side, the loyal Citizens, secured their own Wards by strong Corpse de guard, and scattering among the multitude, many printed Tickets, containing a general Indemnity, raised loud Acclamations, and Cries of Vive le Roy through the whole City. This caused so great an amazement in those who were the hottest Leaguers, and in the Spaniards, that after the King's Party had either cut in pi●ces, or thrown into the River a Corpse de guard of 25 or 30 Lansquenets, who made an offer of resistance on the Key, not a man of them durst afterwards appear; so that all things being now in great Tranquillity, and the whole City secured for the King, he entered, at the New Gate, as it were in Triumph, attended by all his Nobility and Gentry, after he had received from the Count of Brissac, the Keys of the Town, and a magnificent embroidered Scarf, instead of which he put his own upon the Count, and made him Mareshal of France upon the place. Then with 5 or 600 men armed Cap a pe, before him, their Pikes being trailed, in show that the Town was voluntarily surrendered he marched directly to the Church of Notre dame, the Trumpets on every side sounding, the Bells ringing, and innumerable multitudes of People continually echoing each other from all parts of the Town, with incessant Acclamations, and Shouts of Vive le Roy. From thence, when the Te Deum was sung during the Mass, which he heard with such demonstrations of Piety, as overjoyed the Parisians, he went to the Lovure, where, after Dinner, having received the Submissions of all the Companies, at Three of the Clock he went to see the dismission of the Spanish Garrison, at the Gate of St. Denis: they were not in number above 3 or 4000 men at most; in the midst of them was the Duke of Feria, Don Diego d' Ybarra, and the Lord juan Baptista Taxis, who all three of them, with the whole Body of their Soldiers, bowing lowly to him with infinite Respect, were safely convoyed, till they came to Guise. About 30 of the most violent Leaguers, amongst whom, were Dr. Boucher, and the Petit Fevillant, believing, like Cain, that their horrible Impieties were uncapable of Pardon, departed with that foreign Garrison, and retired into Flanders, where they passed the rest of their days, some of them in extreme misery, some others well rewarded by the Spaniards, to the end that Example might be serviceable to them on some other occasion; and that their Liberality might encourage others to be like them, wholly at their Devotion. It seems they were little acquainted with the King's Temper, who was Goodness and Clemency itself; for he lost the memory of all that was past, as soon as ever he set Foot in Paris. He even sent to offer his Protection, and all manner of Security, to the Cardinal of Piacenza, the Pope's Legate, and to Cardinal Pelleuè, his greatest Enemies; the first of whom, to whom he had given his safe Conduct, died by the way, on his return to Rome; the second, who was then desperately sick, expired, not at the very moment of the King's entrance into Paris, as the greatest part of our Historians have written, but six days after it, as his Epitaph bears witness, which is to be seen, in the Metropolitan Church of Rheims. In conclusion, all things were restored in Paris, to their first Estate: The Parliament solemnly re-established, in its natural Seat; all its Ordinances, which had been made, during the Troubles, against the King's Authority, razed out of their Rolls, and the general Lieutenancy of the Crown and Estate, judicially repealed. And the Faculty of Divines in Body assembled, (their Freedom being no longer oppressed, as it had been during the League, by the Tyranny of the Sixteen) declared null all the scandalous Decrees which it had made, in prejudice of the inviolable Rights of our Kings, swore Fidelity to King Henry the Fourth, and declared that all Frenchmen were obliged in Conscience, to acknowledge him for their lawful Sovereign, ordained by God; notwithstanding that through the Intrigues of the Spaniards, the Pope had not yet given him Absolution. Now, as they say, the Primum mobile, draws along with it all the other Heavens by the rapidity of its motion, so the happy reduction of this capital City of the Monarchy, was followed by that of the Princes, the Lords, and the Cities of the League, who vied with each other, who should first come in, and returned in Crowds to the King's Obedience. For in the year ensuing, Ann. 1595. the Admiral Villars, the Duke of Guise with his Brothers, his Cousins, and the Sieurs of Bois Dauphin and La Chastre, made their Treaties for the Towns which they yet held in their Governments. Those of Picardy and Bourgogne, were almost all reduced, either by voluntary Submission, or by the taking of Laon, Noyon, and the Castle of Beaume; and the Duke of Lorraine, prudently withdrawing himself from a Party, which must have overwhelmed him under its Ruins, had at last obtained the Peace, which he sought from the King. Insomuch that there remained only Soissons, Chaalons upon the Saone, Seurre, and the Castles of Dijon and Talant, to the Duke of Mayenne, who saw himself forsaken by the Head of his Family, and the Princes of it, and indeed by all those in whom he had reposed his confidence. Which notwithstanding, he still hoped, he might set himself up again, by the assistance of a great Army of 18000 men, which Ferdinand de Velasco, Constable of Spain, had brought from the Duchy of Milan, into the French County: which, in conclusion, only afforded new Matter, to increase the King's Glory, by one of the most hazardous, but also of the most glorious Actions, which he ever did perform. The new Mareshal Byron, having fought successfully in Dijon, against the Viscount de Tavannes, whom he forced to leave the Town, besieged the Castle, and at the same time, the Castle of Talant, into which the Enemies were retired. It being feared, that the Constable of Castille with his great Army, which was upon the point to pass the Saone, should come upon him, there was notice of it given to the King, who was already advanced with 1500 Horse as far as Troy's. Upon this Advertisement, he came up speedily to Dijon, about the end of june. From whence, after he had given all necessary Orders, for carrying on the Siege of the two Castles, he marched towards the Saone with Mareshal Byron, and 7 or 800 Horse, with design to stop the Constable at least for two or three days, at the passage of the River, to the end that his men might have leisure, to finish the Retrenchments, which he had appointed, to hinder any Relief from coming into the Castles. But being arrived near the Borough of Fontain Francoise, half way betwixt Dijon and Grey, he had Intelligence from his Scouts, that the whole Spanish Army, to which the Duke of Mayenne had joined all his remaining Forces, having already passed the River at Grey, was coming up, and just ready to fall on him. Doubtless here was sufficient occasion of Fear, even for a great Captain, to find himself in this terrible Dilemma: To stay and expect the Enemy, who was twenty times stronger than himself, was extreme rashness; to retire before him in full day, was almost impossible to be done, without manifest danger of being routed, and cut off in his Retreat. Nevertheless he formed his Resolution upon the Place, with wonderful presence of mind, and showing a bold countenance to the Enemy, as if he had been sustained by his whole Army, commanded the Marshal to advance with 300 men, who possessing themselves of a rising Ground, from whence they chased about 60 Horse of the Enemy, discovered the whole Army of the Spaniards marching in Battalia, who made a Halt on this side the Village of St. Seyne upon the Vigennes. Four hundred Horse of the French Troops belonging to the Duke of Mayenne, and commanded by the Baron● de Thianges, de Thenisse, and de Villars Houdan, appeared at the Head of their Army, sustained by 800 more detached from a great Body of the Vanguard, where the Duke was in Person, purposely, that he might bring it to the issue of a Battle, which the Constable should not be able to avoid. As these were marching right on to Byron, he having the Marquis of Mirebeau on one side, and the Baron of Lux, on the other, each of them commanding an 100 Horse, spread them as wide as he could possible, to hinder himself from being encompassed, and received the Enemies with his usual Valour: but they being French, old Soldiers, and much out-numbring him, immediately charged with so much fury, upon the Squardrons of Mirebeau and Lux, that they broke into them, and put them in Disorder. The Marshal was not wanting on his side, to give admirable proofs of his Courage and his Conduct, in rallying and sustaining his men, who in spite of their vigorous Resistance began to bend. He made one particular Charge with extreme bravery, to disengage the Baron de Lux, who was the worst handled; himself, and the boldest of his Soldiers, being unhorsed; but seeing fresh Squadrons coming on, whereof some were marching up directly to him, others turning on the right hand and on the left, to enclose him, he was at last constrained to give ground with the rest, and endeavour to make his Retreat, in which he was so extremely pressed, that it wanted but little of plain flight. And the detachment which was sent by the King, to receive those who fled, and to sustain Byron, (who wounded as he was in the Head, and blood all over, yet disdaining to turn his back, fought retreating, accompanied by very few) were as ill handled as the first, and driven back to the place where the King was himself in Person. It was on this occasion that Great Prince performed a most heroic and most memorable action: For though he saw himself in the greatest danger imaginable, having in front of him near 1200 Horse in six Squadrons, sustained by the gross of the Army, which was coming to attaque him; he who had not at that time above an hundred Horse about him in good order, far from retiring, which one would have thought he should have endeavoured, as being able to have done it without danger, while the Enemies were employed, either in fight those who yet made resistance, or in pursuing those who fled; he marched strait forward, bearing his Sword aloft, and calling by their names the most considerable Persons who attended him, as the Duke of Elbeuf, the Marquis of Pisany, de Treinel, de Roquelaure, de Chasteau Vieux, De Liencour, de Montigny, d' Inteville and de Mirepoix, and inviting them to act like himself, he made so furious a charge on those who believed themselves to be already in possession of the Victory, that he stopped them short, and broke into them, followed by all his brave Attendants, whoafter his example fought like Lions, and pushed the Enemy with so much vigour, that those six Squadrons fell back in confusion upon each other. In the heat of this Combat, he killed with his own hand the valiant Colonel Sanson, who was using his uttermost endeavours though in vain, to restore the Fight: and being seconded by Byron, who had rallyed about an hundred and twenty Horse, and by the Duke of Trimoville, who was come up to the Charge in the midst of the action with his Company of Gendarmes, he pursued them at full spur as far as the great Body of Cavalry, which the Duke of Mayenne commanded in the Vanguard. And doubtless he had not failed to attaque him, as he was very desirous to have done, seeing his valour seconded with such good fortune, if that gross had not been flanked with two little Copses, lined with Musqueteers, and sustained by the whole Spanish Army, which had certainly overwhelmed him, in case they had taken that critical opportunity. In effect, the Duke of Mayenne having observed, during the Combat, the extreme danger in which the King had involved himself, which according to his heavy maxim, might pass for inconsideration and rashness, sent three or four times with all imaginable earnestness to the Constable, to desire him not to let slip that favourable minute, but to march as to a certain victory; giving him to understand, that the King having neither Foot nor Cannon, could not possibly escape either from being killed, or at least from being taken. But whether the castilian feared the fortune of the King, and much more apprehended that his whole Army was not far behind; or were it the Hatred which the Spaniards bore the Duke, who for his part hated them not less; or perhaps the Vanity and Pride of the Constable, who could not endure to be taught his Duty: 'tis certain that he absolutely refused to move, but only on his Retreat the same day, to his Quarters at St. Seyne, and the next morning to Grey. The King, who in the mean time had rallied all his Troops, having still pursued him, till he had repassed the Saone. Thus it may be said, that in this famous Skirmish at Fontain Francoise, the happy success of which is wholly to be attributed to the incomparable Valour of the King, he performed an Action not unlike that of the great Maccabee, who with 800 men, durst bear up against a numerous Army; with this difference notwithstanding, that the jewish▪ Hero was lost in the too eager prosecution of his Victory, but ours, on the contrary, returned from the pursuit of his flying Enemies, covered with Glory, after he had driven a powerful Army out of his Kingdom, with an handful of men, not exceeding the number of 6 or 700. This was the last Enterprise of the League, which was then gasping in the pangs of death, and expired immediately after it. For the Duke of Mayenne, in despair to see himself abandoned by the Constable, with no hope of recovery in his Affairs, was upon the point of taking a Journey into Spain, and throwing himself into the Arms of King Philip, with intention to inform him of the Malice and Cowardice of those, whom he entrusted with the Command of his Armies, when the King, willing by an admirable effect of his Goodness, to withdraw his vanquished Enemy from the steep of that Precipice, where he was seeking his destruction, let him understand that he was ready to receive him into Grace, and grant him, in that his low estate, very advantageous Conditions; that while the Treaty betwixt them was depending, he might stay at Ch●lon on the Saone, the only good Town remaining to him in Bourgogne, and take his word for his security. And the Duke to answer this Generosity, as much as lay in him, accepting this Offer, gave immediate Order, that the Castles of Dijon and Talant should be surrendered. But what was most admirable in this procedure of the King, was, that to save the Honour of that Prince, who had engaged himself by Oath, not to acknowledge him, till he had received Absolution from the Pope, he deferred the conclusion of his Treaty, till he had obtained it from his Holiness; after which, in the beginning of the year ensuing, he made an Edict in his Favour. It was not, indeed, Ann. 1596. so advantageous as it might have been, if he could have resolved to have accepted those Propositions sooner, which were offered him more than once; at a time, when he might have treated not only for himself, but for all that powerful Party which he headed. Yet it was infinitely beyond what he could reasonably have expected at that time: for, in consideration, that he had always opposed the pernicious Designs of the Sixteen, and of the Spaniards, and that making War like a man of Honour, he had constantly spoken of the King with great Respect, as one who infinitely esteemed his Person, his Merit, and his Quality; the King who valued him exceedingly, granted, in his favour, (even against the opinion of the greatest part of his Counsel) that Edict, in which, making very honourable mention of him, and commending the Zeal, which he always had for the preservation of the Catholic Religion, and the Monarchy in its entire estate, he granted him amongst other things, (besides an Amnesty of the past, the re-establishment of himself and his Friends, in all their Possessions, the Towns of Soissons, S●urre, and Chalon on the Saone, for his security) a Declaration, importing that he had no Accusation either against himself, or the Princes and Princesses of his Family, touching the Parricide committed on the People of the late King; and that he bound himself and his Successors, to the payment of all Debts which he had contracted, as well without the Kingdom as within it, to make War against him. After this, the Duke going to pay his Respects to him at M●nceaux, was received with great Honour, and testimony of Affection: and it happening, that the King in walking with him, at his ordinary rate▪ which was very swift, that poor Prince, who was fat and unwieldy, grew out of breath, freely told him, That he was quite spent, and could go no farther: The King embracing him, said only this: For my o●n part, Cousin, I 〈◊〉 to you, this is all the 〈◊〉 I will ever take on you, for all the 〈◊〉 you have done me, when you were 〈◊〉 of the League. Thus, the Duke being charmed with so much Generosity and Goodness, which won upon his Nature, devoted himself wholly to his service, and served him afterwards to his great advantage, especially against the Spaniards, in the retaking of La Fere and Amiens. Now, after this Agreement, there remained no more towards the total extinguishment of that great Fire, which had spread itself through all the Kingdom, than the reduction of the Dukes of Mercaeur and of joyeuse, who yet held for the League, the one in Bretagne, and the other in Languedoc. For, as to the Town of Marseilles, (which the Duke of Guise, to whom the King had given that Government of Provence, had retaken from the Rebels, it being then under the dominion of two petty Tyrants, who acknowledged neither the King, nor the Duke of Mayenne, and who would have given it up to the Spaniards) the History of its Deliverance, belongs not to that of the League: for the Duke of joyeuse, three years were already past, when after the death of his Brother, who was drowned in the Tarn, when he had been forced in his Retrenchments at the Siege of Villemur, he was returned from Father A●ge the Capuchin, to be Duke of joyeuse, and General of the League in Languedoc. This change of his was made, at the earnest Solicitations, of the Faculty of Divines in Tholouse; the Doctors, (who were consulted on this Case of Conscience, and especially his Brother the Cardinal, who after the death of the late King, was entered into the Party of the League) having declared to him, that he was obliged, under pain of mortal Sin, to accept of that Employment, for the good of Religion. Yet he would not take it, without a Dispensation from the Pope, who transferred him from the Order of St. Francis, to that of St. john of jerusalem. He had maintained, till that time, the Party of the Union in that Province, as well as he was able; but when he saw, that the greatest part of the Towns, made their voluntary submission, after the Conversion of the King; and that those few Officers of Parliament, who were remaining at Tholouse, were resolved, in case he would not accommodate himself to them, that they would join with the Members of their Company, who, during the Troubles, were retired to Castle Sarazin, and Besiers. He made his Treaty, and in january obtained from the ●in●, in the same manner as the Duke of 〈◊〉 had done, an Edict in favour of him, by which he was made Marshal of France, and Lieutenant of the King in Languedoc, and Tholo●se, and the other Towns of that Province, which yet held for the League. He lived for three years afterwards, in the midst of the Pomps. Pleasures, and Vanities of the World. But it caused a wonderful Surprise, when after he had solemnised with great Magnificence, the Marriage of his only Daughter, H●nrie●●e Char●otte, only Heir of that rich and illustrious House of Ioyeus●, with Henry Duke of Montp●nsi●r, it was told, on the second Tuesday of Lent, by the Capuchin who preached at St. german de l' Auxerrois, that having for the second time, renounced the World, he was returned the last night into the Cloister, from whence he had departed eight or nine years before, for the service of Religion, as he believed: but at the last, his Mind having been enlightened by God's holy Spirit, and being strongly wrought upon by the Impu●ses of his Grace, he had resolved to do Justice on himself; considering, in the presence of God, that the Motive on which the Pope had given him the Dispensation, no longer subsisting, it was his duty, dealing sincerely with God, who is not to be deceived, no longer to make use of it, when the Causes which supported it, were no more in being. For which Reasons, he piously resolved, to resume his ancient Habit of Penitence, in which, after he had edified all Paris, by his rare Virtues, and his fervent Sermons, he died in our days, a most religious Death. All that now remained, was to reduce the Duke of M●rcaeur; which was indeed, to give the fatal Blow to the League, and to cut off the last Head of that monstrous Hydra. That Prince, who was Son to the Count of Va●demont, and Brother of Queen Lovise, Wife to the late King, being carried away with the furious Torrent of the League, after the death of the Guises, following the example of the other Princes of his Family, had caused almost a general Revolt in his Government of Bretagne, where he made War for almost ten years, with Fortune not unlike that of the Duke of Mayenne, but with much greater Obstinacy. For not withstanding that in the declination of the League, he had lost the greatest part of his Towns, which were either taken from him, or of their own accord forsook his Party, yet he still fed his Imagination with flattering Hopes, that this fair Duchy, to which he had some Pretensions in right of his Wife, might at last remain in his possession, by some favourable revolution of Fortune, in case the War continued. Ann. 15●7. But when he saw the King approaching Bretagne, with such Forces, as there was no appearance of resisting, he made his Applications to the Duchess of Beaufort, to whom he offered the Princess his only Daughter, for the young Duke of Vandome her Son. And it was in consideration of that Marriage, that she obtained from the King, an Edict yet more honourable, and at least as advantageous as that which she had obtained for the Duke of Mayenne, whom she desired to have in her Interests, Ann. 1598. designing to make herself powerful Friends, by whose assistance she might compass her high Pretensions, which all vanished by her sudden Death, in the year ensuing. Thus ended the League, by the reduction of the Duke of Mercaeur, who had this advantage above all the Princes of that Party, that his Accommodation was followed by an Employment, wherein he obtained all the Glory, that a Christian Hero could desire, and which has recommended his Name to late Posterity. For the Emperor Rodolphus, dissatisfied with his Germane Generals, who had served him ill against the Turks, and being informed of the rare Merit of this Prince, having entertained him with leave from the King, and given him the Command of his Forces in Hungary, he extended his Reputation through all Christendom, by his wonderful Exploits in War: particularly in the famous Retreat of Canisia, with 1500 men, before an Army of 60000 Turks; at the taking of Alba Regalis, and at the Battle wherein he defeated the Infidels, who came to the relief of their men besieged in that City. And being upon his return to France, after so many heroic Actions, it pleased God to reward him, with another Crown of Glory▪ infinitely surpassing that on Earth, and to receive him into Heaven, by means of a contagious Disease, which took him from the World at Nuremberg. The King was not yet satisfied, to have wholly extinguished that Firebrand of Civil War, which the League had lighted up in all the Provinces of France, he farther desired, in order to the security and quiet of his People, after so great Troubles, to make an end of foreign War, which he accomplished not long after the Treaty of the Duke of Mercaeur, by the Peace of Veruins. Since that War which was openly made against the Spaniard, during the space of four years, had nothing of relation to the League, nor the Peace which concluded it, I shall forbear any mention of it in this History, that I may not exceed the Limits of my Subject. I shall only say, that after the Spaniard had been obliged by virtue of the Articles of Peace, to restore all the Places, which he had taken from us, or that had been basely given up to him, during our Troubles, we have seen, since that time, under the glorious Reigns of the Bourbons, that imperial House still increasing with the French Monarchy, by Peace and War, in Greatness, in Power, and in Wealth, even till this present time, when Lovis the Great, by his victorious Arms, and by his Laws, has raised it to the highest pitch of Glory, on the Ruins of those who had attempted its destruction by the League. A wonderful effect of the divine Providence and Justice; and a plain demonstration to all Subjects, that they are indispensably obliged, to give to Caesar what belongs to Caesar; and that with good Reason, founded on the express Commands of Jesus Christ, the fourth Council of Toledo, inspired by God's holy Spirit, has made a Decree, against such kind of Leaguers, containing, That whoever shall have violated by any League, the Oath of Allegiance, by which he is bound to maintain the state of his Country and of his King, or shall have made any Attempt against his sacred Person, or endeavoured to depose him, and tyrannically usurped the Sovereign Power, let him be Anathema before God the Father and his holy Angels;— before jesus Christ and his Apostles;— before the holy Ghost and the Martyrs;— let him be cut off from the Catholic Church, which be has profaned by his execrable Perjury; and let him be excluded from the Company of the Faithful, together with all those who have been partakers of his Impiety; for 'tis most just, that they who are Accomplices, and guilty of the same Crime, should also be involved in the same Punishment. THE POSTSCRIPT Of the TRANSLATOR. THat Government generally considered, is of divine Authority, will admit of no dispute: For whoever will seriously consider, that no man has naturally a right over his own Life, so as to murder himself; will find by consequence, that he has no right to take away another's Life; and that no pact betwixt man and man, or of Corporations and Individuals, or of Sovereigns and Subjects, can entitle them to this right. So that no Offender can lawfully, and without sin, be punished, unless that power be derived from God. 'Tis He who has commissioned Magistrates, and authorised them to prevent future Crimes by punishing Offenders, and to redress the injured by distributive Justice: Subjects therefore are accountable to Superiors, and the Superior to Him alone. For the Sovereign being once invested with lawful Authority, the Subject has irrevocably given up his power, and the dependence of a Monarch is alone on God. A King, at his Coronation, swears to govern his Subjects by the Laws of the Land, and to maintain the several Orders of Men under him, in their lawful privileges; and those Orders swear Allegiance and Fidelity to him, but with this distinction, that the failure of the People is punishable by the King, that of the King is only punishable by the King of Kings. The People then are not Judges of good or ill administration in their King; for 'tis inconsistent with the Nature of Sovereignty, that they should be so: And if at some times they suffer, through the irregularities of a bad Prince, they enjoy more often the benefits and advantages of a good one, as God in his Providence shall dispose, either for their blessing or their punishment. The advantages, and disadvantages of such subjection are supposed to have been first considered, and upon this balance they have given up their power without a capacity of resumption: So that it is in vain for a Commonwealth Party to plead, that men, for example, now in being, cannot bind their Posterity or give up their power: For if Subjects can swear only for themselves, when the Father dies the subjection ends, and the Son who has not sworn can be no Traitor or Offender, either to the King or to the Laws. And at this rate a long-lived Prince may outlive his Sovereignty, and be no longer lawfully a King: But in the mean time, 'tis evident that the Son enjoys the benefit of the Laws and Government, which is an implicit acknowledgement of subjection. 'Tis endless to run through all the extravagancies of these men, and 'tis enough for us that we are settled under a Lawful Government of a Most Gracious Prince; that our Monarchy is Hereditary; that it is naturally poised by our municipal Laws, with equal benefit of Prince and People; that he Governs as he has promised by explicit Laws; and what the Laws are silent in, I think I may conclude to be part of his Prerogative; for what the King has not granted away, is inherent in him. The point of Succession has sufficiently been discussed, both as to the Right of it, and to the interest of the People: One main Argument of the other side is, how often it has been removed from the Right Line? As in the case of King Stephen, and of Henry the Fourth, and his Descendants of the House of Lancaster. But 'tis easy to answer them, that matter of Fact, and matter of Right, are different Considerations: Both those Kings were but Usurpers in effect, and the Providence of God restored the Posterities of those who were dispossessed. By the same Argument they might as well justify the Rebellion and Murder of the Late King: For there was not only a Prince inhumanly put to death, but a Government overturned; and first an Arbitrary Commonwealth, than two Usurpers set up against the Lawful Sovereign; but to our happiness the same Providence has miraculously restored the Right Heir, and to their confusion, as miraculously preserved him. In this present History, to go no further, we see Henry the Third, by a Decree of the Sorbonne, divested, what in them lay, of his Imperial Rights, a Parliament of Paris, such another as our first long Parliament, confirming their Decree, a Pope authorising all this by his Excommunication, and an Holy League and Covenant, prosecuting this Deposition by Arms: Yet an untimely death only hindered him from reseating himself in Glory on the Throne, after he was in manifest possession of the Victory. We see also the same Sorbonists, the same Pope, Parliament, and League, with greater force opposing the undoubted Right of King Henry the Fourth; and we see him, in the end▪ surmounting all these difficulties, and triumphing over all these dangers. God Almighty taking care of his own Anointed, and the True Succession: Neither the Papist nor Presbyterian Association prevailing at the last in their attempts, but both baffled and ruined, and the whole Rebellion ending either in the submission, or destruction of the Conspirators. 'Tis true, as my Author has observed in the beginning of his History, that before the Catholic League, or Holy Union, which is the Subject of this Book, there was a League or Combination of Huguenots, against the Government of France, which produced the Conspiracy of Amboise; and the Calvinist Preachers (as M●zeray, a most impartial Historian, informs us) gave their opinion, that they might take up Arms in their own defence, and make way for a free access to the King, to present their Remonstrances: But it was ordered at the same time, that they should seize on the Duke of Gu●se, and the Cardinal of Lorraine his Brother, who were then Chief Ministers, that they might be brought to Trial by process before the States; but he adds immediately, who could answer for them, that the Prisoners should not have been killed out of hand, and that they would not have made themselves Masters of the Queen Mother's Person, and of the young King's, which was laid afterwards to their charge? The concealed Heads of this Conspiracy, were Lewis Prince of Condè, and the famous Admiral de Coligny; who being discontented at Court, because their Enemies the Guises had the management of affairs, under the Queen Regent, to their exclusion, and being before turned Calvinists; made use of that Rebellious Sect, and the pretence of Religion, to cover their Ambition and Revenge. The same Mezeray tells us in one of the next Pages, That the name of Huguenots or Fidnos (from whence it was corrupted) signifies League or Association, in the Swiss Language; and was brought, together with the Sect, from Geneva into France. But from whencesoever they had their name, 'tis most certain that pestilent race of people cannot by their principles, be good Subjects: For whatever enforced Obedience they pay to Authority, they believe their Class above the King; and how they would order him if they had him in their power, our Most Gracious Sovereign has sufficiently experienced when he was in Scotland. As for their boast that they brought him in, 'tis much as true, as that of the Calvinists, who pretend, as my Author tells you in his Preface, That they seated his Grandfather Henry the Fourth upon the Throne. For both French and English Presbyterians were fundamentally and practically Rebels; and the French have this advantage over ours, that they came in to the aid of H●nry the Third, at his greatest need, or rather were brought over by the King of Navarr● their declared Head, on a prospect of great advantage to their Religion; whereas ours, never inclined to the King's Restauration, till themselves had been trodden underfoot by the Independent Party, and till the voice of three Nations called aloud for him, that is to say, when they had no possibility of keeping him any longer out of England. But the beginning of Leagues, Unions, and Associations, by those who called themselves God's People, for Reformation of Religious Worship, and for the redress of pretended Grievances in the State, is of a higher rise, and is justly to be dated from Luther's time; and the private Spirit, or the gift of interpreting Scriptures by private Persons, without Learning, was certainly the Original Cause of such Cabals in the Reformed Churches: So dangerous an instrument of Rebellion is the Holy Scripture, in the hands of ignorant and bigoted men. The Anabaptists of Germany led up the Dance, who had always in their mouths, Faith, Charity, the Fear of God, and mortifications of the Flesh; Prayers, Fast, Meditations, contempt of Riches and Honours were their first specious practices: From thence they grew up by little and little to a separation from other men, who according to their Pharisaical account, were less holy than themselves; and Decency, Civility, neatness of Attire, good Furniture and Order in their Houses, were the brands of carnal-minded men. Then they proceeded to nickname the days of the Weeks, and Sunday, Monday, Tuesday, etc. as Heathen names, must be rejected for the First, Second, and Third Days, distinguishing only by their numbers. Thus they began to play, as it were, at cross purposes with mankind; and to do every thing by contraries, that they might be esteemed more godly and more illuminated. It had been a wonder, considering their fanciful perfections, if they had stopped here. They were now knowing and pure enough to extend their private Reformation to the Church and State; for God's people love always to be dealing as well in Temporals as Spirituals; or rather, they love to be fingering Spirituals, in order to their grasping Temporals. Therefore they had the impudence to pretend to Inspiration in the Exposition of Scriptures; a trick which since that time has been familiarly used by every Sect, in its turn, to advance their interests. Not content with this, they assumed to themselves a more particular intimacy with God's Holy Spirit; as if it guided them, even beyond the power of the Scriptures, to know more of him than was therein taught: For now the Bible began to be a dead Letter, of itself; and no virtue was attributed to the reading of it, but all to the inward man, the call of the Holy Ghost, and the engrafting of the Word, opening their Understanding to hidden Mysteries by Faith: And here the Mountebank way of canting words came first in use: as if there were something more in Religion than could be expressed in intelligible terms, or Nonsense were the way to Heaven. This of necessity must breed divisions amongst them; for every man's Inspiration being particular to himself, must clash with another's, who set up for the same qualification; the Holy Ghost being infallible in all alike, though he spoke contradictions in several mouths: But they had a way of licking one another whole; mistakes were to be forgiven to weak Brethren; the failing was excused for the right intention; he who was more illuminated, would allow some light to be in the less, and degrees were made in contradictory Propositions. But Godfathers and Godmothers, by common consent, were already set aside, together with the observation of Festivals, which they said were of Antichristian Institution. They began at last to Preach openly, that they had no other King but Christ, and by consequence, Earthly Magistrates were out of doors: All the gracious Promises in Scripture they applied to themselves, as Gods chosen, and all the Judgements were the portion of their Enemies. These impieties were at first unregarded, and afterwards tolerated by their Sovereigns: And Luther himself made request to the Duke of Saxony, to deal favourably with them, as honest-meaning men who were misled. But in the end, when by these specious pretences they had gathered strength, they who had before concluded, that Christ was the only King on Earth, and at the same time assumed to themselves, that Christ was theirs; inferred by good consequence, that they were to maintain their King; and not only so, but to propagate that belief in others; for what God wills, man must obey: And for that reason they entered into a League of Association amongst themselves, to deliver their Israel out of Egypt; to seize Canaan, and to turn the Idolaters out of possession. Thus you see by what degrees of Saintship they grew up into Rebellion, under their Successive Heads, Muncer, Phifer, john of Leyden, and Knipperdolling, where, what Violences, Impieties, and Sacrileges they committed, those who are not satisfied, may read in Sleydan. The general Tradition is, that after they had been besieged in Munster, and were forced by assault, their Ringleaders being punished, and they dispersed; two Ships-lading of these precious Saints was disembogued in Scotland, where they set up again, and broached anew their pernicious Principles. If this be true, we may easily perceive on what a Noble stock Presbytery was grafted. From Scotland they had a blessed passage into England; or at least arriving here from other parts, they soon came to a considerable increase. Calvin, to do him right, writ to King Edward the Sixth, a sharp Letter against these People; but our Presbyterians after him, have been content to make use of them in the late Civil Wars, where they and all the rest of the Sectaries were joined in the Good Old Cause of Rebellion against His Late Majesty; though they could not agree about dividing the Spoils, when they had obtained the Victory: And 'tis impossible they ever should; for all claiming to the Spirit, no Party will suffer another to be uppermost, nor indeed will they tolerate each other; because the Scriptures interpreted by each to their own purpose, is always the best weapon in the strongest hand: Observe them all along, and Providence is still the prevailing Argument: They who happen to be in power, will ever urge it against those who are undermost; as they who are depressed, will never fail to call it Persecution. They are never united but in Adversity, for cold gathers together Bodies of contrary Natures, and warmth divides them. How Presbytery was transplanted into England, I have formerly related out of good Authors. The Persecution arising in Queen Mary's Reign, forced many Protestants out of their Native Country into Foreign parts, where Calvinism having already taken root (as at Francfort, Strasburg, and Geneva) those Exiles grew tainted with that new Discipline; and returning in the beginning of Queen Elizabeth's Reign, spread the contagion of it both amongst the Clergy and Laity of this Nation. Any man who will look into the Tenets of the first Sectaries, will find these to be more or less embued with them: Here they were supported underhand by Great Men for private interests: What trouble they gave that Queen, and how she curbed them, is notoriously known to all who are conversant in the Histories of those times. How King james was plagued with them is known as well, to any man who has read the Reverend and Sincere Spotswood: And how they were baffled by the Church of England, in a Disputation which he allowed them at Hampton-Court, even to the Conversion of Dr. Sparks, who was one of the two Disputants of their Party, and afterwards writ against them, any one who pleases may be satisfied. The Agreement of their Principles with the fiercest Jesuits, is as easy to be demonstrated, and has already been done by several hands: I will only mention some few of them, to show how well prepared they came to that solemn Covenant of theirs, which they borrowed first from the Holy League of France; and have lately copied out again in their intended Association against his present Majesty. Bellarmine, as the Author of this History has told you, was himself a Preacher for the League in Paris, during the Rebellion there, in the Reign of King Henry the Fourth. Some of his Principles are these following. In the Kingdoms of Men, the Power of the King is from the People, because the People make the King: Observing that he says, In the Kingdoms of Men, there is no doubt but he restrains this Principle to the subordination of the Pope: For his Holiness, in that Rebellion, as you have read, was declared Protector of the League: So that the Pope first Excommunicates (which is the Outlawry of the Church) and by virtue of this Excommunication, the People are left to their own natural liberty, and may without farther Process from Rome depose him. Accordingly you see it practised, in the same Instance: Pope Sixtus first thunderstruck King Henry the Third, and the King of Navarre; then the Sorbonne make Decrees, that they have successively forfeited the Crown; the Parliament verifies these Decrees, and the Pope is petitioned to confirm the sense of the Nation; that is, of the Rebels. But I have related this too favourably for Bellarmine; for we hear him in another place, positively affirming it as matter of Faith, If any Christian Prince shall depart from the Catholic Religion, and shall withdraw others from it, he immediately forfeits all Power and Dignity, even before the Pope has pronounced Sentence on him; and his Subjects, in case they have power to do it, may and aught to cast out such an Heretic, from his Sovereignty over Christians. Now consonant to this is Buchanan 's Principle, That the People may confer the Government on whom they please. And the Maxim of Knox, That if Princes be Tyrants against God and his Truth, their Subjects are released from their Oath of Obedience. And Goodman 's, That when Magistrates cease to do their Duties, God gives the Sword into the People's hands: evil Princes ought to be deposed by inferior Magistrates; and a private man, having an inward Call, may kill a Tyrant. 'Tis the work of a Scavenger, to rake together and carry off all these Dunghills; they are easy to be found at the Doors of all our Sects, and all our Atheistical Commonwealths men. And, besides, 'tis a needless labour; they are so far from disowning such Positions, that they glory in them; and wear them like Marks of Honour, as an Indian does a Ring in his Nose, or a Souldanian a Belt of Garbage. In the mean time I appeal to any impartial man, whether men of such Principles can reasonably expect any Favour from the Government in which they live, and which Viperlike they would devour. What I have remarked of them is no more than necessary, to show how aptly their Principles are suited to their Practices: The History itself has sufficiently discovered to the unbiass'd Reader, that both the last Rebellion, and this present Conspiracy, (which is the mystery of Iniquity still working in the three Nations) were originally founded on the French League: that was their Model, according to which they built their Babel. You have seen how warily the first Association in Picardy was worded: nothing was to be attempted but for the King's Service, and an Acknowledgement was formally made, that both the Right and Power of the Government was in him: but it was pretended, that by occasion of the true Protestant Rebels, the Crown was not any longer in condition, either of maintaining itself, or protecting them. And that therefore in the Name of God, and by the Power of the holy Ghost, they joined together in their own Defence, and that of their Religion. But all this while, though they would seem to act by the King's Authority, and under him, the Combination was kept as secret as possibly they could, and even without the participation of the Sovereign; a sure Sign, that they intended him no good at the bottom. Nay, they had an Evasion ready too, against his Authority; for 'tis plain, they joined Humieres, the Governor of the Province, in Commission with him; and only named the King for show; but engaged themselves at the same time to his Lieutenant, to be obedient to all his Commands; levying Men and Money, without the King's Knowledge, or any Law, but what they made amongst themselves. So, that in effect, the Rebellion and Combination of the Hugonots, was only a leading Card, and an example to the Papists, to rebel, on their side. And there was only this difference in the Cause, that the Calvinists set up for their Reformation, by the superior Power of Religion, and inherent Right of the People, against the King and Pope. The Papists pretended the same popular Right for their Rebellion against the King, and for the same end of Reformation, only they faced it, with Church and Pope. Our Sectaries, and Long Parliament of 41, had certainly these French Precedents in their eye. They copied their Methods of Rebellion; at first with great professions of Duty and Affection to the King; all they did was in order to make him glorious; all that was done against him was pretended to be under his Authority and in his Name; and even the War they raised, was pretended for the King and Parliament. But those Proceedings are so notoriously known, and have employed so many Pens, that it would be a nauseous Work for me to dwell on them. To draw the likeness of the French Transactions and ours, were in effect to transcribe the History I have translated. Every Page is full of it. Every man has seen the Parallel of the Holy League, and our Covenant; and cannot but observe, that besides the Names of the Countries, France and England, and the Names of Religions, Protestant and Papist, there is scarcely to be found the least difference, in the project of the whole, and in the substance of the Articles. In the mean time I cannot but take notice, that our Rebels have left this eternal Brand upon their Memories, that while all their pretence was for the setting up the Protestant Religion, and pulling down of Popery, they have borrowed from Papists both the Model of their Design, and their Arguments to defend it. And not from loyal, well principled Papists; but from the worst the most bigoted, and most violent of that Religion. From some of the Jesuits, an Order founded on purpose to combat Lutheranism and Calvinism. The matter of Fact is so palpably true, and so notorious, that they cannot have the Impudence to deny it. But some of the jesuits are the shame of the Roman Church, as the Sectaries are of ours. Their Tenets in Politics are the same; both of them hate Monarchy, and love Democracy: both of them are superlatively violent; they are inveterate haters of each other in Religion, and yet agree in the Principles of Government. And if after so many Advices to a Painter, I might advise a Dutch-maker of Emblems; he should draw a Presbyterian in Arms on one side, a jesuit on the other, and a crowned Head betwixt them: for 'tis perfectly a Battel-royal. Each of them is endeavouring the destruction of his Adversary; but the Monarch is sure to get Blows on both sides. But for those Sectaries and Commonwealthsmen of 41, before I leave them, I must crave leave to observe of them, that generally they were a sour sort of thinking men, grim and surly Hypocrites; such as could cover their Vices, with an appearance of great Devotion and austerity of Manners: neither Profaneness, nor Luxury, were encouraged by them, nor practised publicly, which gave them a great opinion of Sanctity amongst the Multitude; and by that opinion principally they did their business: Though their Politics were taken from the Catholic League, yet their Christianity much resembled those Anabaptists, who were their Original in Doctrine; and these indeed were formidable Instruments of a religious Rebellion. But our new Conspirators of these seven last years, are men of quite another Make: I speak not of their nonconformist Preachers, who pretend to Enthusiasm, and are as morose in their Worship, as were those first Sectaries, but of their Leading men, the Heads of their Faction, and the principal Members of it: what greater looseness of Life, more atheistical Discourse, more open Lewdness was ever seen, than generally was and is to be observed in those men? I am neither making a satire nor a Sermon here; but I would remark a little the ridiculousness of their Management. The strictness of Religion is their pretence; and the men who are to set it up, have theirs to choose. The Long Parliaments Rebels frequented Sermons, and observed Prayers and Fast with all solemnity: but these new Reformers, who ought in prudence to have trodden in their steps, because their End was the same, to gull the People by an outside of Devotion, never used the means of insinuating themselves into the opinion of the Multitude. Swearing, Drunkenness, Blasphemies, and worse sins than Adultery, are the Badges of the Party: nothing but Liberty in their mouths, nothing but Licence in their practice. For which reason they were never esteemed by the Zealots of their Faction, but as their Tools; and had they got uppermost, after the Royalists had been crushed, they would have been blown off, as too light for their Society. For my own part, when I had once observed this fundamental error in their Politics, I was no longer afraid of their success: No Government was ever ruined by the open scandal of its opposers. This was just a Catiline's Conspiracy, of profligate, debauched, and bankrupt men: The wealthy amongst them were the fools of the Party, drawn in by the rest whose Fortunes were desperate; and the Wits of the Cabal sought only their private advantages. They had either lost their Preferments, and consequently were piqued, or were in hope to raise themselves by the general disturbance. Upon which account, they never could be true to one another: There was neither Honour nor Conscience in the Foundation of their League, but every man having an eye to his own particular advancement, was no longer a Friend, than while his Interest was carrying on: So that Treachery was at the bottom of their design, first against the Monarchy, and if that failed, against each other; in which, be it spoken to the honour of our Nation, the English are not behind any other Country. In few words, just as much fidelity might be expected from them in a common cause, as there is amongst a Troop of honest murdering and ravishing Bandits; while the Booty is in prospect, they combine heartily and faithfully, but when a Proclamation of Pardon comes out, and a good reward into the bargain, for any one who brings in another's Head; the Scene is changed, and they are in more danger of being betrayed every man by his Companion, than they were formerly by the joint forces of their Enemies. 'Tis true, they are still to be accounted dangerous, because, though they are dispersed at present, and without an Head, yet time and lenity may furnish them again with a Commander: And all men are satisfied that the debauched Party of them, have no principle of Godliness to restrain them from Violence and Murders; nor the pretended Saints any principle of Charity, for 'tis an action of Piety in them to destroy their Enemies, having first pronounced them Enemies of God. What my Author says in general of the Huguenots, may justly be applied to all our Sectaries: They are a malicious and bloody Generation, they bespatter honest Men with their Pens when they are not in power; and when they are uppermost, they hang them up like Dogs. To such kind of people all means of reclaiming, but only severity, are useless, while they continue obstinate in their designs against Church and Government: For tho● now their claws are pared, they may gro● again to be more sharp; they are still Lions in their Nature, and may profit so much by their own errors in their ●are m●n●gements, th●t they may become more sanctify'd Traitors another time. In the former part of our History, we see what Henry the Third gained from them by his remissness and concessions: Though our last King was not only incomparably more pious than that Prince, but also was far from being taxed with any of his Vices; yet in this they may be compared, without the least manner of reflection, that extreme Indulgence and too great Concessions, were the ruin of them both: And by how much the more, a King is subject by his Nature, to this frailty of too much mildness, which is so near resembling the God● like Attribute of Mercy; by so much is he the more liable to be taxed with Tyranny. A strange Paradox, but which was sadly verified in the Persons of those two Princes: For a Faction appearing zealous for the Public Liberty, counts him a Tyrant who yields not up whatever they demand, even his most undoubted and just Prerogatives; all that distinguishes a Sovereign from a Subject, and the yielding up, or taking away of which, is the very Subversion of the Government. Every point which a Monarch loses or relinquishes, but renders him the weaker to maintain the rest; and besides, they so construe it, as if what he gave up were the natural right of the people, which he or his Ancestors had usurped from them; which makes it the more dangerous for him to quit his hold, and is truly the reason why so many mild Princes have been branded with the names of Tyrants, by their encroaching Subjects. I have not room to enlarge upon this matter as I would, neither dare I presume to press the Argument more closely: But passing by, as I promised, all the remarkable passages in the late King's Reign, which resemble the Transactions of the League; I will briefly take notice of some few particulars, wherein our late Associators and Conspirators have made a Third Copy of the League. For the Original of their first Politics was certainly no other than the French: This was first copied by the Rebels in Forty One, and since recopyed within these late years by some of those who are lately dead, and by too many others yet alive, and still drawing after the same design. In which, for want of time, many a fair blot shall be left unhit, neither do I promise to observe any method of times, or to take things in order as they happened. As for the Persons who managed the two Associations, theirs and ours, 'tis most certain that in them is found the least resemblance: And 'tis well for us▪ they were not like: For they had men of Subtlety and Valour to design, and then to carry on their Conspiracy; ours were but bunglers in comparison of them, who having a Faction not made by them, but ready formed and fashioned to their hands, (thanks to their Fathers) yet failed in every one of their Projections, and managed their business with much less dexterity, though far more wickedness than the French. They had indeed at their Head an old Conspirator, witty and turbulent, like the Cardinal of Lorraine, and for courage in Execution much such another. But the good sense and conduct was clearly wanting on the English side; so that if we will allow him the contrivance of the Plot, or at least of the Conspiracy, which is an honour that no man will be willing to take from him; in all other circumstances he more resembled the old decrepit Cardinal of Bourbon, who fed himself with imaginary hopes of power, dreamed of outliving a King and his Successor, much more young and vigorous than himself, and of governing the World after their decease: To die in Prison, or in Banishment, I think will make no mighty difference, but this is a main one; that the one was the Dupe of all his Party, the other led after him, and made fools of all his Faction. As for a Duke of Guise, or even so much as a Duke of May●nne, I can find none in their whole Cabal. I cannot believe that any man now living could have the vanity to pretend to it: 'Tis not every Age that can produce a Duke of Guise; a man who without the least shadow of a Title (unless we will believe the Memoires of the crack-brained Advocate David, who gave him one from Charlemaign) durst make himself Head of a Party, and was not only so in his own conceit, but really; presumed to beard a King, and was upon the point of being declared his Lieutenant General, and his Successor. None of these instances will hold in the Comparison, and therefore I leave it to be boasted, it may be, by one Party, but I am sure to be laughed at by another. Many hotheaded Chevaliers d' Aumale, and ambitious Bravoes like Captain St. Paul, may be found amongst them, Intriguing Ladies, and Gallants of the Times, such as are described in the Army of the League, at the Battle of Yury; and besides them, many underling Knaves, Pimps, and Fools; but these are not worthy to be drawn into resemblance. Therefore to pass by their Persons, and consider their Design: 'tis evident that on both sides they began with a League, and ended with a Conspiracy. In this they have copied, even to the word Association, which you may observe was used by Humieres, in the first wary League, which was formed in Picardy: and we see to what it tended in the Event; For when Henry the Third, by the assistance of the King of Navarre, had in a manner vanquished his Rebels, and was just upon the point of mastering Paris, a jacobin, set on by the Preachers of the League, most barbarously murdered him; and by the way take notice, that he pretended Enthusiasm, or Inspiration of God's holy Spirit, for the commission of his Parricide. I leave my Superiors to conclude from thence, the danger of tolerating Non-conformists, who (be it said with Reverence) under pretence of a Whisper from the holy Ghost, think themselves obliged to perpetrate the most enormous Crimes against the Person of their Sovereign, when they have first voted him a Tyrant, and an Enemy to God's People. This indeed was not so impudent a Method as what was used in the formal process of a pretended high-Court of Justice, in the Murder of King Charles the First; and therefore I do not compare those Actions: but 'tis much resembling, the intended Murder of our gracious King, at the Rye, and other Places: and that the Head of a College might not be wanting to urge the perfor●mance of this horrible Attempt, instead of Father Edm. Bourgoing, let Father Ferguson appear, who was not wanting in his spiritual Exhortations to our Conspirators, and to make them believe, that to assassinate the King, was only to take away another Holophernes. 'Tis true, the jacobin was but one, and there were many joined in our Conspiracy, and more perhaps than Rumsey or West have ever named; but this, though it takes from the justness of the Comparison, adds incomparably more to the Gild of it, and makes it fouler on our side of the Water. My Author makes mention of another Conspiracy against Henry the Fourth, for the seizing of his Person at Mante, by the young Cardinal of Bourbon, who was Head of the third Party, called at that time the Politics, that is to say in modern English, Trimmers: This too was a Limb of our Conspiracy; and the more moderate Party of our Traitors were engaged in it. But had it taken effect, the least it could have produced, was to have overthrown the Succession; and no reasonable man would believe, but they who could forget their Duty so much as to have seized the King, might afterwards have been induced to have him made away, especially when so fair a provision was made, by the House of Commons, that the Papists were to suffer for it. But they have not only rummaged the French Histories of the League, for Conspiracies and Parricides of Kings; I shall make it apparent that they have studied those execrable Times, for Precedents of undermining the lawful Authority of their Sovereigns. Our English are not generally commended for Invention; but these were Merchants of small Wares; very Pedlars in Policy: they must like our Tailors have all their Fashions from the French: and study the French League for every Alteration, as our Snippers go over once a year into France, to bring back the newest Mode, and to learn to cut and shape it. For example: The first Estates convened at Blois by Henry the Third, (the League being then on foot, and most of the three Orders dipped in it,) demanded of that King, that the Articles which should be approved by the three Orders should pass for inviolable Laws, without leaving to the King the power of changing any thing in them. That the same was designed here by the Leading men of their Faction, is obvious to every one: for they had it commonly in their mouths, in ordinary Discourse: and it was offered in Print by Plato Redivivus, as a good Expedient for the Nation, in case his Majesty would have consented to it. Both in the first and last Estates at Blois, the Bill of Exclusion, against the King of Navarre was pressed; and in the last carried by all the three Orders, though the King would never pass it: The end of that Bill was very evident; it was to have introduced the Duke of Guise into the Throne, after the King's decease: to which he had no manner of Title, or at least a very cracked one, of which his own Party were ashamed. Our Bill of Exclusion. was copied from hence; but thrown out by the House of Peers, before it came to the King's turn to have wholly quashed it. After the Duke of Guise had forced the King to fly from Paris by the Barricades, the Queen-Mother being then in the Traitor's Interests, when he had outwitted her so far, as to persuade her, to join in the Banishment of the Duke of Espernon his Enemy; and to make her believe, that if the King of Navarre, whom she hated, were excluded, he would assist her, in bringing her beloved Grandchild of Lorraine, to the possession of the Crown; it was proposed by him, for the Parisians, that the Lieutenancy of the City might be wholly put into their hands: that the new Provost of Merchants, and present Sheriffs of the Faction, might be confirmed by the King; and for the future, they should not only elect their Sheriffs, but the Colonels and Captains of the several Wards. How nearly this was copied in the tumultuous meetings of the City for their Sheriffs, both we and they have cause to remember; and Mr. Hunt's Book, concerning their Rights in the City Charter, mingled with infamous aspersions of the Government, confirms the Notions to have been the same. And I could produce some very probable instances out of another Libel, (considering the time at which it was written, which was just before the detection of the Conspiracy) that the Author of it, as well as the Supervisor, was engaged in it, or at least privy to it; but let Villainy and Ingratitude be safe and flourish. By the way, an Observation of Philip de Comines comes into my mind: That when the Dukes of Burgundy, who were Lords of Ghent, had the choice of the Sheriffs of that City, in that year all was quiet and well governed; but when they were elected by the people, nothing but tumults and seditions followed. I might carry this resemblance a little farther: For in the heat of the Plot, when the Spanish Pilgrims were coming over, nay more, were reported to be landed; when the Representatives of the Commons were either mortally afraid, or pretended to be so of this airy Invasion; a Request was actually made to the King, that he would put the Militia into their hands: which how prudently he refused, the example of his Father has informed the Nation. To show how the Heads of their Party had conned over their Lesson of the Barricades of Paris, in the midst of Oats his Popish Plot, when they had fermented the City with the leaven of their Sedition, and they were all prepared for a rising against the Government; let it be remembered, that as the Duke of Guise and the Council of Sixteen, forged a List of Names, which they pretended to be of such as the King had set down for destruction; so a certain Earl of blessed Memory, caused a false report to be spread of his own danger, and some of his Accomplices, who were to be murdered by the Papists and the Royal Party; which was a design to endear themselves to the multitude, as the Martyrs of their cause; and at the same time, to cast an odious reflection on the King and Ministers, as if they sought their blood with unchristian cruelty, without the ordinary forms of Justice. To which may be added, as an Appendix, their pretended fear, when they went to the Parliament at Oxford; before which some of them made their Wills, and showed them publicly; others sent to search about the places where the two Houses were to sit, as if another Gunpowder Plot was contriving against them, and almost every man of them, according to his quality, went attended with his Guard of Janissaries, like Titus: So that what with their followers, and the seditious Townsmen of that City, they made the formidable appearance of an Army; at least sufficient to have swallowed up the Guards, and to have seized the Person of the King, in case he had not prevented it by a speedy removal, as soon as he had Dissolved that Parliament. I begin already to be tired with drawing after their deformities, as a Painter would be, who had nothing before him in his Table but Lazars, Cripples, and hideous Faces, which he was obliged to represent: Yet I must not omit some few of their most notorious Copying. Take for example their Council of Six, which was an imitation of the League, who set up their famous Council, commonly called Of the Sixteen: And take notice, that on both sides they picked out the most heady and violent men of the whole Party; nay they considered not so much as their natural parts, but heavy Blockheads were thrown in for lumber, to make up the weight: Their Zeal for the Party, and their Ambition, atoned for their want of Judgement, especially if they were thought to have any interest in the people. Loud roarers of Ay and No in the Parliament, without common sense in ordinary discourses, if they were favourites of the Multitude, were made Privy Counsellors of their Cabal; and Fools, who only wanted a particoloured Coat, a Cap, and a Bauble, to pass for such amongst reasonable men, were to redress the imaginary Grievances of a Nation, by murdering, or at least seizing of the King. Men of scandalous Lives, Cheats and Murderers, were to Reform the Nation, and propagate the Protestant Religion: And the rich Idiots to hazard their Estates and Expectations, to forsake their Ease, Honour, and Preferments, for an empty name of Heading a Party: The wittiest man amongst them to encumber and vex his decrepit Age, for a silly picque of revenge, and to maintain his Character to the last, of never being satisfied with any Government, in which he was not more a King than the present Master. To give the last stroke to this resemblance, Fortune did her part; and the same fate of division amongst themselves, ruin'd both those Councils which were contriving their King's destruction. The Duke of Mayenne and his Adherents, who were much the most honest of the Leaguers, were not only for a King, but for a King of the Royal Line, in case that Duke could not cause the Election to fall on himself, which was impossible, because he was already married: The rest were some for this man, some for another, and all in a lump for the Daughter of Spain; this disunited them, and in the end ruined their conspiracy. In our Council of Six, some were for murdering, and some for securing of the King; some for a rising in the West, and some for an Insurrection of the brisk Boys of Wapping: In short, some were for a mongrel kind of Kingship, to the exclusion of the Royal Line, but the greater part for a barefaced Commonwealth. This raised a division in their Counsel, that division was fomented into a mutual hatred of each other; and the conclusion was, that instead of one Conspiracy, the Machine's played double, and produced two, which were carried on at the same time: A kind of Spread Eagle Plot was hatched, with two Heads growing out of the same Body; such twin Treasons are apt to struggle like Esau and jacob, in the Womb, and both endeavouring to be first born, the Younger pulls back the Elder by the Heel. I promised to observe no order, and am performing my word before I was aware: After the Barricades, and at many other times, the Duke of Guise, and Council of Sixteen, amongst the rest of the Articles, demanded of the King to cashier his Guards of the forty five Gentlemen, as unknown in the times of his Predecessors, and unlawful; as also to remove his surest Friends from about his Person, and from their Places both Military and Civil. I leave any man to judge, whether our Conspirators did not play the Second Part to the same Tune: Whether his Majesty's Guards were not alleged to be unlawful, and a grievance to the Subjects; and whether frequent Votes did not pass in the House of Commons at several times, for removing and turning out of Office, those who on all occasions behaved themselves most Loyally to the King, without so much as giving any other reason of their misdemeanours, than public same: That is to say, reports forged and spread by their own Faction, or without allowing them the common justice of vindicating themselves from those calumnies and aspersions. I omit the many illegal Imprisonments of freeborn men, by their own Representatives, who from a Jury erected themselves into Judges; because I find nothing resembling it in the worst and most seditious Times of France. But let the History be searched, and I believe Bussy Le Clerc never committed more outrages in pillaging of Houses, than Waller, in pretending to search for Popish Relics: Neither do I remember that the French Leaguers ever took the evidence of a jew, as ours did of Faria: But this I wonder at the less, considering what Christian Witnesses have been used, if at least the chief of them was ever Christened. Bussy le Clerc, 'tis true, turned out a whole Parliament together, and brought them Prisoners to the Bastille; and Bussy Oats was for garbling too, when he informed against a worthy and Loyal Member, whom he caused to be expelled the House, and sent Prisoner to the Tower: But that which was then accounted a disgrace to him, will make him be remembered with honour to Posterity. I will trouble the Reader but with one Observation more, and that shall be to show how dully and pedantically they have copied, even the false steps of the League, in Politics, and those very Maxims which ruin'd the Heads of it. The Duke of Guise was always oftentatious of his power in the States, where he carried all things in opposition to the King: But by relying too much on the power he had there, and not using Arms when he had them in his hand, I mean by not prosecuting his Victory to the uttermost, when he had the King enclosed in the Lovure, he missed his opportunity, and Fortune never gave it him again. The late Earl of Shaftsbury, who was the undoubted Head and Soul of that Party, went upon the same maxims, being (as we may reasonably conclude) fearful of hazarding his Fortunes, and observing that the late Rebellion under the former King, though successful in War, yet ended in the Restauration of His Present Majesty, his aim was to have excluded His Royal Highness by an Act of Parliament; and to have forced such concessions from the King, by pressing the chimerical dangers of a Popish Plot, as wou●d not only have destroyed the Succession, but have subverted the Monarchy. For he presumed he ventured nothing, if he could have executed his design by form of Law, and in a Parliamentary way. In the mean time, he made notorious mistakes: First, in imagining that his pretensions would have passed in the House of Peers, and afterwards by the King. When the death of Sir Edmondbury Godfrey had fermented the people, when the City had taken the alarm of a Popish Plot, and the Government of it was in Fanatique hands; when a Body of white Boys was already appearing in the West, and many other Counties waited but the word to rise, than was the time to have pushed his business: But Almighty God, who had otherwise disposed of the Event, infatuated his Counsels, and made him slip his opportunity, which he himself observed too late, and would have redressed by an Insurrection which was to have begun at Wapping, after the King had been murdered at the Rye. And now it will be but Justice before I conclude, to say a word or two of my Author. He was formerly a Jesuit: He has amongst others of his works, written the History of Arianism, of Lutheranism, of Calvinism, the Holy War, and the Fall of the Western Empire. In all his Writings, he has supported the Temporal Power of Sovereigns, and especially of his Master the French King, against the usurpations and encroachments of the Papacy: For which reason being in disgrace at Rome, he was in a manner forced to quit his Order, and from Father Maimbourg, is now become Monsieur Maimbourg: The Great King his Patron, has provided plentifully for him by a large Salary, and indeed he has deserved it from him. As for his style, 'tis rather Ciceronian, copious, florid, and figurative; than succinct: He is esteemed in the French Court ●qual to their best Writers, which has procured him the Envy of some who set up for Critics. Being a professed Enemy of the Calvinists, he is particularly hated by them; so that their testimonies against him stand suspected of prejudice. This History of the League is generally allowed to be one of his best pieces: He has quoted every where his Authors in the Margin to show his Impartiality; in which, if I have not followed him, 'tis because the chiefest of them are unknown to us, as not being hitherto translated into English. His particular Commendations of Men and Families, is all which I think superfluous in his Book; but that too is pardonable in a man, who having created himself many Enemies, has need of the support of Friends. This particular work was written by express order of the French King, and is now translated by our King's Command: I hope the effect of it in this Nation will be, to make the well-meaning men of the other Party sensible of their past errors, the worst of them ashamed, and prevent Posterity from the like unlawful and impious designs. FINIS. THE TABLE. A. ABsolution given by the Archbishop of Bourges, to Henry the Fourth, held good, and why? Page 924 Acarie, Master of Accounts, a grand Leaguer, 96 Francis, Duke of Alanson, puts himself at the Head of the Protestant Army against the King his Brother, 10. Is Crowned Duke of Brabant, 79. His Death, 85 George de Clermont d' Amboises, 147. joins the Prince of Conde in Anjou with 1500 Men that he had levied, 150. Is Grand Master of the Ordnance for the King of Navarre at the Battle of Courtras, 209 Arques, its situation, and the great Battle that was fought there, 742, etc. John d' Aumont Marshal of France, 114. His Elegy, 195. The good Counsel be gave the King, but unprofitably, 114. He Commands the Army Royal under the King, against the Reyters, 260. A grand Confident of Henry the Third's, 383. Commands a Party of Henry the Fourth's Army in Campagne, and at the attacking of the Suburbs of Paris, 752. At the Battle at jury, 774 The Duke d' Aumale at the Battle of Vimory, 270. Is made Governor of Paris by the Leaguers, 428. Besieges Sen●is, 483. Loses the Battle there, 486 Auneau, a little City of La Beauce, its situation, 279. How the Reyters were there defeated by the Duke of Guise, 280, etc. Don John of Austria treats secretly with the Duke of Guise at Joinville, 20 Aubry, Curate of St. Andrews, a grand Leaguer; his extravagance in his Sermon, 825 B. THe Sieur Balagny sends Troops to the Duke of Guise, 235. Besieges Senlis with the the Duke d' Aumale, 484. His defeat at that Battle, 486, etc. The journal of the Barricades, 357, etc. Colonel Christopher de Bassom-Pierre, 103, 250, 777 Baston a furious Leaguer, that Signs the Covenant with his Blood. 449 The Battle of Courtras, 200, etc. The Battle at Senlis, 485 The Battle or Combats at Arques, 742 The Battle at jury, 770 Claude de Baufremont, Baron of Sen●cey, enters into the League. 106. is Precedent of the Nobles at the Estates at Paris. Pag. 875 John de Beaumanoir, Marquis de Laverdin, Marshal the Camp, to the Duke de Joyeuse, 196. is beaten by the King of Navarre, 197. Draws up the Duke's Army into Battalia, at the Battle of Courtras, 209. breaks the Light Horse, 215. his honourable Retreat, and his Elegy; his Services recompensed with a Marshal of France's Staff. 226 Renaud de Beaune, Archbishop of Bourges, chief of the Deputation of the Royalists at the Conference at Suresne, 879. The sum of his Harangue, and of his Proofs, 880, etc. gives the King Absolution. 928 Bellarmine, a jesuit, and a Divine of Legate Cajetan's, preaches at Paris during the Siege. 806 President de Bellieure sent to the Duke of Guise, 335. is not of advice, that the King should cause the Duke to be killed in the Lovure, 341. his Contest with the Duke of Guise, about the Orders he brought him on behalf of the King, 343. his banishment from Court. 384 Rene Benoist Curate of St. Eustach, acts and writes for the King. 836, 923 The Marshal de Byron commands an Army in Poictou, 144. he artfully breaks the designs of the Duke of Mayenne, ib. his Valour at the Combat of Arques, 748, etc. at the attacking the Suburbs of Paris, 752. at the Battle of jury, 775. at the Siege of Rouen, 845. he is killed before Espernay, 862. counsels the King to put Friar Ange and his Penitents in Prison. Pag. 369, 367 The Baron of Byron at the Battle of jury, 775. at the Battle of Fontan Francoise, 946, 947 The Sieur de Bois-Dauphin enters into the League. 105 John Boucher Curate of St. Benet's, a grand Leaguer, and his Character, 95. his Chamber is called the Cradle of the League, 99 causes the Alarm-Bell to be rung in his Parish Church, at the Sergeants and Archers that would seize the Seditious, 304. preaches against the King, 431, 432. retires into Flanders with the Spaniards, after the reducing of Paris. 943 The Duke of Bovillon la Mark, General of the Germane Army. 231, 233 Charles Cardinal de Bou●bon, put, by the Duke of Guise, as a Ghost at the Head of the League, 92. his weakness, and ridiculous pretention, 93, 102, 114. his Manifesto, or that of the League under his name, 114. the King declares him to be the nearest of Blood, and gives him the Prerogatives of the Presumptive Heir of the Crown, 382. He presides over the Clergy at the Estates of Blois, 388. is seized Prisoner, 403. is declared King by the Council of the Union, 739. and proclaimed by the Name of Charles X. 764, 765. his death in Prison. Pag. 821 Charles de Bourbon, Count de Soissons, joins with the King of Navarre at Monforeau, 198. his Valour at the Battle of Coutras, 221, 222. at the attacking the Suburbs of Paris. 753 Henry de Bourbon, Prince de Conde, brings an Army of Germans into France, 10. is excommunicated by Pope Sixtus Quintus, 132. drives the Duke of Mercoeur from Poitou, 146. the History of his unhappy Expedition upon Angers, 145, 146. espouses Charlotte Catharine de la Trimoille, 147. quits the Siege of Brovage, where he leaves his Infantry, and marches with his Cavalry, to relieve Angers, where his Army is scattered, and how, 150. his firmness at the Conference of St. Brix, 162, 163. his Valour at the Battle of Coutras, 207, etc. his Death and Elegy, 329, 330, etc. Henry XI. de Bourbon, Prince de Conde, a grand Enemy to the Heresy of the Calvinists, notwithstanding that he was born of a Calvinistical Father and Mother, 148. his Elegy. ib. etc. Lovis de Bourbon, Duke of Monpensier, manages the Conference at St. Brix, 162. joins with the Troops of the King's Army at Gien, 260. his Valour at the Combat of Arques, 748. at the Battle of jury, 774. Andrew Brancas de Villars maintains the Siege of Rouen with great honour, 845. puts all the Camp in disorder, 850, 851. is made Admiral of the League. Pag. 872 Anthony de Brichanteau Beauvais Nangis, enters into the League, and why, 106, 107, etc. reenters into the King's favour, who gives him the Signet of Admiral of France. 393, 394 The Precedent Brisson, head of the Parliament of the League, 450. secretly protests before Notari, of the violence that he suffers, ib. the Sixteen cause him to be hanged. 837 Peter Brulart sent to the King of Navarre to convert him, 140, 141, etc. his Elegy, and that of his House, ib. his Banishment from Court. 384 William Duke of Brunswick, at the Battle of jury, where he is slain. 789 Bussy le Clerc a furious Leaguer, 98. takes Arms to hinder de Prevost, Curate of St. Severnes, from being apprehended, who had preached seditiously against the King, 303, 304. is made Governor of the Bastille, after the Barricades, 365. leads the Parliament to the Bastille, how, and under what pretext, 444, 445. is constrained to surrender the Bastille to the Duke of Mayenne, 838. saves himself in Flanders, where he dies miserable. 839, 840 C. CArdinal Cajetan sent Legate into France by Sixtus Quintus, 758. hinders an Accommodation being made with the King, though he should be converted, 766. runs the risque of being killed at the Show of the Ecclesiastics and Monks during the Siege of Paris. Pag. 808 Queen Catharine de Medicis engages the King in the War against the Hugonots, 7. concludes a Peace at the Court of the Religion, 11, 12, 13. she hinders the King from opposing the League at first, 60. she maintains it underhand, 80. she would exclude the King of Navarre from the Succession, that the Prince of Lorraine her Grandson might reign, 85. she holds a Correspondence with the Duke of Guise, and hinders the King from arming himself against him, 117. her Conference with the King of Navarre at St. Brix's, 161. she carries the Duke of Guise to the Lovure, and mollifies the King's anger, 344. counsels the King to go out of Paris, 362. she suffers herself to be amused by the Duke of Guise, who enters very dextrously into her Interests, 371, 372. her surprise, at the death of the Guises, 403. her Death, 437. 438. her Elegy, and Portrait. 438, 439, etc. Claude de la Chastre, Bailiff of Beny, 105. Marshal of the Camp in the Duke ●f Guise's Army against the R●yters, 246, 250, 266. marches the first to Montargis, to surprise the Reyters at Vimory, 266, 267, 268. his advance to Dourdan, to surround them in Aun●au, 279. what part he had in the defeat of the Reyters at Auneau, 268. he preserves Berry and Orleans for the League, 493. is made Marshal of the League, 872. he makes his Peace, and reenters into Obedience, Pag. Pag. 936 The Count de Chastillon, Son of the Admiral, brings assistance to the Army of the Reyters, 233, 258. his brave retreat in the middle of an infinite number of Enemies, 298. repulses the Troops of the Duke of Mayenne, before Tours, 482. defeats the Troops of Sieur de Saveuse, 491. his Valour at the Combat of Arques, 742, 748. he misses taking Paris by storm, 812. he's the principal cause of the happy success at the Siege at Chartres, 817, 818. his Death and Elegy. ib. & 819 Clement VIII. Pope, would not receive the Catholic Deputies of the Royal Party, 861. nor the Duke of Nevers that went to render him Obedience, 933. after having a long time refused to give the King Absolution, he gives it at last. 934 The Combat and Retreat at Pont St. Vincent. 246, etc. The Combat at Vimoroy. 267, etc. The Combat at Auneau, where the Reyters were defeated. Pag. 277, etc. Combat at Fontain Francoise. 947 The Conference of the Duke of Espernon, with the King of Navarre, about his Conversion. 87, etc. Conference at d'Espernay and de Meaux, 121 The Conference of Sieur Lennoncour, and Precedent Brulart, with the King of Navarre, for his Conversion. 140, 141, etc. The Conference at St. Brix between the Queen-mother, and the King of Navarre, the Prince of Conde, and the Viscount de Turenne. 161, 162, etc. The Conference at Nancy between the Princes of the House of Lorraine. 184, etc. The Conference of Henry III. with Cardinal Morosini, Legate, touching the Murder of the Guis●s. 413, 414, etc. The Conference of Cardinal Morosini with the Duke of Mayenne. 474, etc. The Conference of the two Kings at Tours, 478 The Conference of the Lorraine Princes at Rheims. 829 The Conference of du Plessis Mornay, and of Sieur de Ville-Roy for the Peace. 858, 859, etc. The Conference at Suresne. 879, 880, etc. Charles de Coss, Count de Brissac, 105. ●uted the Government of the Castle of Angers, 153, 189. he joins with the Troops of the Duke of Guise, 259. he's refused the Admiralty that the Duke of Guise asked for him, and was given to the Duke of Espernon, 312. his Elegy, ibid. causes the Barricades to be made, 352. his scoffing raillery upon this Subject, 355. he leads the King's Soldiers disarmed to the New market, ib. is Precedent of the Nobles at the Estates of Blois, 388. is there arrested Prisoner, and presently delivered, 403. is made Governor of Paris by M. de Mayenne, 939. he receives the King into Paris, who makes him Marshal of France. Pag. 942 Coutras, its situation, and the Battle fought there. 202, 203, etc. D. FRancis de Daillon Count du Lude, wounded at the Battle of jury. 790 Guy de Daillon, Count du Lude, and Governor of Poitou, his Elegy. 791 The Advocate David and his M●moirs. 63 The Baron of Dona, General of the Reyters, 230. his birth and qualities, 231, etc. his negligence repaired, in part, by his courage and val●ur at the combat of Vimory, 272. suffers himself to be surprised in Auneau, where the Reyters are defeated, 280, 281. saves himself in the defeat, 293. his return into Germany in a very pitiful condition. 300 E. THE Fifth Edict of the Pacification extremely advantageous to the Huguenots, called the Edict of May, 14. 'tis revoked. Pag. 61 The Edict of Blois against the Huguenots. ib. The Edict of Poitiers favourable to the Huguenots 74 The Edict of July against the Huguenots. 121 The Edict of Reunion against the Huguenots, in favour of the League. 378 Philip, Count d'Egmont, at the Battle of jury, where he is slain. 789 John d'Escovedo, Secretary to Don John d'Austria, assassinated by Order of Philip the Second, and why. 21 The Duke d'Espernon, the King's Favourite, confers with the King of Navarre about his Conversion, and what happens thereupon, 87, 88 the hatred which was boar him, was the cause that many brave persons entered into the League, 105. he treats with the Reyters, 160, 161, 275. is made Admiral of France, and Governor of Normandy, 313. his Character and Portrait, 314. a great Enemy to the Duke of Guise, 315. his Banishment from Court, 377. he abandons Henry IU. 735 Francis d'Espinay de Saint Luc. 105, 211. defeats the Rearguard of St. Mesme, 151. his brave Action at the Battle of Coutras. Pag. 224 Peter d'Espinal, Archbishop of Lions, counsels the Duke of Guise not to quit the Estates, 396, etc. is arrested Prisoner at Blois with the Cardinal de Guise, 403. is ransomed for money, and made Chancellor of the League, 794. is chief of the Deputation for the League, at the Conference at Suresne, 879. the sum of his Answer to the Harangues of the Archbishop of Bourges. 884, etc. The Estates of France have but deliberative voices. 36, 61 The first Estates of Blois. where the King declares himself Head of the League. 61, etc. The second Estates of Blois. 385, etc. They act openly against the King's Authority. 388, etc. They declare the King of Navarre incapable to succeed to the Crown. 289, etc. The Estates of the League at Paris. 865 F. AN horrible Famine in Paris during the Siege. 800, 801 James Say d'Espesses, Advocate General, maintains strongly the Rights of the King, and the Liberties of the Gallicane Church, against the Leaguers, at the Estates of Blois. 390 The Precedent Ferrier, Chancellor to the King of Navarre, is made Huguenot, towards the end of his days. Pag. 87, 88 The Form of the League. 32 Form of the League of Sixteen. 100, 101 Form which was made to be signed by the Huguenots that re-entered into the Church. 154 Four Gentlemen of the House of Fourbin, are cause of the reducing of Provence. 936 G. GEnebrard makes a Sermon against the Salic Law, at the Procession of the Estates of the League. 867, 868, etc. The Cardinal of Gondy Bishop of Paris, encloses himself during the Siege with his Flock for their relief, 803. he endeavours to make the People return to their Duty. 836 Ludovic de Gonzague, Duke de Nevers, renounces the League, and why, 111, 112. he goes Ambassador to Rome to yield Obedience, and to desire Absolution of the King, 932, etc. Gregory XIII. would never approve of the League, 112, 113. his death. 130 Gregory XIV. declares for the League against the King, whom he excommunicates with all his Adherents, 825, 826, 827. sends an Army into France, ib. his Bull is condemned, and has no effect. ib. Philibert de la Guiche, Grand Master of the Ordnance at the Battle of jury. Pag. 782 Guincestre Curate of St. Gervais, a grand Leaguer, 98. lists up his hand at his Auditors, in the midst of his Sermon, and even at the first Precedent, and assures them the death of the Guises would be revenged, 429, etc. he accuses King Henry III. of Sorcery, in the midst of his Sermon. 452 H. Achilles' de Harlay, first Precedent of the Parliament of Paris, runs the ●isque of his life, in opposing the Leaguers, 248. They constrained him in the midst of a Sermon to lift up his hand with others, 429. is carried Prisoner to the Bastille, 446. his Elegy. 447 James de Harlay, Sieur de Chanvallon, Governor of S●ns for the League, repulses the King's Army at two Assaults, and keeps the place, 795. his spiritual Raillery upon the four Marshals of the League. 873 Nicholas de Harlay, Bar●n of Sancy, levies an Army of Swisses and Germans for the King at his own proper charges, 502, etc. and joins them to the King's Army. 504 The Sieur Denis de Here, Counsellor of Parliament, carried to the Bastille by the Leaguers, 448. his Elegy. ib. Henry III. King of France and Poland, 5, 10. his Portrait. Pag. ib. The Change made in his Conduct and Manners when he was King of France. ib. He engages presently in the War against the Huguenots, contrary to the counsel of the Emperor, the Venetians, and his best Servants. 6, 7, 8 He declares himself Head of the League. 73 He is not the Institutor, but the Restorer of the Order of the Holy Ghost. 75, 78 Solicits in vain the King of Navarre to re-enter into the Catholic Church, 87, 88 is calumniated by the Leaguers. 89, 90 His weak Resolutions. 86, 116, 123, 139. His Declaration against the Leaguers too weak. 119 Makes a Peace very advantageous to the Leaguers. 123, 124 Makes War against the King of Navarre with great repugnancy. 143, 144 Raises the Duke of Joyeuse prodigiously, 192, 193 His smart and majestical Answer to the Ambassadors of the Protestant Princes of Germany, that pressed him to revoke his Edicts against the Huguenots. 158, 159. His Confrery and Processions of Penitents. 173 His close design in the War, which he is constrained to make against his will. 333 He puts himself at the Head of his Army at Gien upon Loir, and opposes the passage of the Army of the Reyters. 260 He testifies his too much weakness, and his too much fear of the Seditious, whom he durst not punish. Pag. 305 He is contented to reprehend the seditious Doctors and Preachers, in lieu of punishing them. 308 He incenses the Duke of Guise, in refusing him the Admiralty, which he had asked for Brissac. 312, 313 Makes a resolution at last to punish the Leaguers. 332, 333 His irresolution, when he sees the Duke of Guise at the Lovure. 200, 201, etc. Makes the Guards and the Swisses enter Paris, 208, 209 The excessive Demands they made him at the Barricades. 359, 360, 361 Goes from Paris in poor equipage, and retires to Chartres. 363, 364 He favourably hearkens to them, who with Friar Ange de Joyeuse, went in Procession at Chartres to ask his pardon. 367, 368, 369 His profound dissimulation. 325, 375, etc. Causes the Edict of Reunion to be published in favour of the League. 378, 379 Lets lose the marks of his choler and indignation, which he would conceal. 382, 383 Opens the second Estates, where be communicates with the Duke of Guise. 385, 386 His Oration, which checks the Leaguers, ib. & 387 His extreme indignation, by reason of the unworthy Resolutions which they took against his Authority in the Estates. Pag. 392, 393 Is resolved to have the Duke of Guise killed, 394, etc. Causes him to be killed in his Chamber. 400, 401, etc. Causes the Cardinal de Guise to be killed. 410, 411 Writes to the Legate Morosini, and gives him Audience three days after, to declare to him his Reasons 413 Maintains that he hath incurred no Censure, and has no need of Absolution. 415 In lieu of arming, he amuses himself, in making Declarations, which are slighted and contemned. 425 Makes great offers to the Duke of Mayenne in vain. 454 Takes rigorous courses, but too late. 464, 465 How, and why he treats with the King of Navarre. 466, 467 Offers very advantageous Conditions to the Princes of Lorraine. 472, 473 Publishes, and causes to be executed, his Treaty with the King of Navarre. 477 His Conference with this King at Tours. 478 Marches in the Body of the Army, with the King of Navarre, towards Paris. 492 Receives and dissembles the News of the Monitory against him. 494 Takes up his quarters at St. Clou, and is unhappily killed. 509, 510, etc. His most christian, and most holy Death, and Elegy. 514, 515, etc. Henry de Bourbon, King of Navarre, protests against the first Estates at Blois. Pag. 61 His Conference with the Duke d'Espernon, about the Subject of his Conversion. 86, 87, etc. His Fidelity towards Henry III. 109 His forcible Declaration against the Leaguers. 117, 118 Gives the Duke of Guise the Lie in writing, and offers to fight him, to save the French Blood. ib. Draws the Marshal de Damville to his side against the League. 124 He desired not the ruin of Religion, but of the League, to preserve the Monarchy. 126 Causes his Protestation against Sixtus Quintus' Bull, to be fixed upon the Gates of the Vatican in Rome. 137, 138 His Conference with the Queen Mother at St. Brix. 161, 162 His Exploits against the Army at Joyeuse. 197, etc. His Valour and good Conduct at the Battle of Courtras. 202, 204, etc. His Clemency after his Victory. 227 He knew not how to, or would not, make use of his Victory. 228 Assembles the Estates on his side, at Rochel; at the same time, that the Estates were held at Blois. 390 His proceedings after the death of the Guises, 467 His Declaration to all Frenchmen. Pag. 468 He treats with, and is united to the King. 470, 471 His Conference with the King at Tours. 478 His march towards Paris. 492, 493 He succeeds Henry III. and is acknowledged for King of France, by the Catholics of the Army, upon certain conditions. 734 Divides his Troops into three parts, and carries one into Normandy. 736 His Conduct and Valour at the Battle of Arques. 741, etc. Attaques and takes the Suburbs of Paris. 752, etc. Besieges Dreux. 769 Gives and gains the Battle of jury. 770, etc. His Exploits after his Victory. 795, etc. Is repulsed before Sens. ib. Besieges Paris. 796 Why he would not attaque it by Force. 800 Rejects the Proposition which they made him to surrender Paris, provided he would become Catholic. 809, etc. Pursues the Duke of Parma just to Artois. 816, 817 The two Attempts he made unsuccessfully to surprise Paris. 811, 816, etc. He takes Noyen. 844 Besieges Rouen. 845 His Combat and Retreat from Aumale. 847 Raises the Siege of Rouen, and a little while after besieges the Duke of Parma's Army. 852, etc. His proceedings after the Retreat of that Duke. Pag. 861 The History of his Conversion. 900, etc. The Points upon which he causes himself to be instructed. 918, 919, etc. He makes his solemn Abjuration, and receives Absolution at St. Denis. 927, 928 Sends the Duke of Nevers to Rome, in Obedience, and to ask the Pope's Absolution; who after having long time de●err'd it, at last gives it him. 932, 933, etc. His happy entrance into Paris. 938, 939 His heroic Valour at the Combat of Fontain Francois. 948, etc. Grants a Treaty, and very favourable Edict to the Duke of Mayenne. 954 His rare bounty in receiving him at Monceaux. 955 Anthony Hotman, Advocate General for the League at the Parliament of Paris, is Author of the Treaty of the Right of Uncle against the Nephew. 738, etc. Francis Hotman a Civilian, Brother to the Advocate, refutes his Book, without knowing that it was his Brothers. ib. The Huguenots have the advantage in the first War, that Henry III. made against them. 7, 8 They become powerful, by joining with the politic Party. ib. They were the first that leagued themselves against the Kings. 14 James de Humieres, Governor of Peronne, his Elegy; and what made him begin the League in Picardy. Pag. 22, 23 Charles de Humieres, Marquis d'Encre, Governor of Campeigne for the King. 486 Is the cause of gaining the Battle of Senlis, ib. etc. His Elegy. ib. etc. Carries a great supply of the Nobles of Picardy to the King at the Battle of jury. 781 I. JAmes Clement, the History of his abominable Parricide. 508, 509, etc. The Precedent Jeannin, sent by the Duke of Mayenne into Spain. 830 His Elegy. ib. His prudent Negotiation with the King of Spain. 833 Ten Jesuits save Paris, which had been taken by scaling the walls, if they had been asleep, as all the rest were. 813 Innocent IX. Pope, declares himself for the League. 861 Duke Anne de Joyeuse the King's Favourite. 192, 193 His prodigious rise. ib. His Elegy. ib. He commands the Army against the King of Navarre. 194 His Exploits in Poitou. 195, etc. His faults and presumption at the Battle of Coutras. Pag. 202, 203 His death ib. Henry de Joyeuse, Count de Bouchage, becomes Capucin, under the name of Friar Auge, and why. 368, 369 His most extraordinary Procession, from Paris to Chartres, to ask mercy of the King. ib. His going out, and re-entering the Capucins. 960, etc. Francis de Joyeuse Cardinal, Protector of France, generously maintains the King's Rights. 418 His effectual Remonstrance, to Pope Sixtus, upon his proceedings after the death of the Guises. ib. jury, its situation, and the Battle was fought there. 770, 771, etc. L. FRrancis de la Nove, at the relief of Senlis. 484 Ranges the Army, and gains the Battle. 485, etc. His Valour at the Combat of Arques. 748 Wounded and beaten back at the attaquing the Suburbs of St. Martin. 353, etc. M. de Launoy, a grand Leaguer. 75 Philip de Lenoncour, Cardinal. 140 The Sieur de I'Esdiguieres takes Montelimar and Ambrun, where the Huguenots plunder the great Church. 145 The League and Leaguers, its true Original. Pag. 2, 3 Wherein it is like to that of Calvinism. 3 The success it had quite contrary to the end it was proposed for. ib. The first that conceived the design, was the Cardinal de Lorraine at the Council of Trent, 15, 16 The occasion that gave it birth in France. 22, 23, etc. It's Project in Form, to which all the Leaguers are made subscribe. 32, 33 The Refutation of the Articles of the said Form. 33, etc. It would usurp the Authority Royal, in the first Estates at Blois. 60, 61, etc. It's horrible Calumnies against Henry III. 89, 166, 234, 262, 234, 303, 304 The League of Sixteen at Paris, its original, and progress. 93, etc. It's twelve Founders. 94, etc. The Treaty of the League with the Spaniard. 102 It hinders the Low-Countries from being united to the Crown. 108 In taking Arms at so mischievous a time, hinders the ruin of Huguenotism, which was going to be destroyed during the Peace. ib. It sends new Memoirs, and a new Form of Oath to the Provinces, at the coming of the Reyters. 234 The Insolence of the Leaguers after the defeat of the Reyters. 302 They take Arms, and fall upon the Archers who would seize the Prevost, Curate of St. Severin, that had preached seditiously against the King. Pag. 203, 204 They take the Alarm, seeing the King disposed to punish them, and implore the help of the Duke of Guise. 332, etc. Their Transports and Acclamations at the Duke's coming. 337 They oppose the going forth of Strangers, whom the King would have put out of Paris. 348 They make Barricades. 352 They act openly against the King's Authority at the Estates. 389 Their furious deportmen●s at Paris, after the death of the Guises. 427, 428, etc. They degrade King Henry III. and act ●all sorts of Outrages against him. 436 They accuse him of Enchantments, and Magic Charms. 452 The Cities that entered into the League. 461 At Tolous they massacre the first Precedent, and Advocate General. 462 Their Deputies press the Pope to publish the Excommunication against the King. 495, 496 They become stronger than ever after the death of Henry III. 737, 738 Their Power during the Siege of Paris. 800 They offer the Crown of France to the King of Spain. 833, 834 They cause Precedent Brisson to be hanged. 837 Four of the most Seditious are hanged at the Lovure. 839 They make it appear at the Estates at Paris, that they desire nothing less than the King's Conversion. Pag. 890, 891 Henry d'Orleans, Duke de Longueville, at the Relief of Senlis. 486 Gives Battle to the Leaguers, and gains it. 487, etc. Commands one part of the King's Army. 736 And at the Attaque of the Suburbs of Paris. 752, 753 Charles, Duke of Lorraine, would not have the passage of the Reyters through his Country opposed, and why. 239, 240, etc. Would not enter France after the Reyters. ib. Obtains Peace of the King. 946 Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, was the first that formed the design of a general League of the Catholics. 15, 16 His Portrait. ib. Charles de Lorraine, Duke of Mayenne, makes Wars with the King of Navarre in Guyenne with little success. 143, 144 Ioins himself with his Brother the Duke of Guise, against the Army of the Reyters, 258, 259 His brave Action at the Combat of Vimory, 270, etc. He retires to Lion in Bourgogn after the death of his two Brothers. 426, etc. His Encomium and Portrait. 453, etc. He refuses the great Offers the King made him, and goes to the Wars. ib. His happy beginnings. Pag. 455 His Entry into Paris. 457 Weakens the Council of Sixteen by augmenting it. 458, 459 Causes himself to be declared Lieutenant General of the Estate and Crown of France. 460 Acts as a Sovereign, and makes new Laws. 460, 461 Marches against the King, defeats the Count de Brienne's Troops, and takes him Prisoner. 480, 481, etc. He attaques, and takes the Suburbs of Tours, and returns without doing any thing else. ib. His generous Resolution when he saw himself besieged by the Royal Army. 507, 508 Makes the Cardinal of Bourbon be declared King, by the Council of the Union. 739 He attaques the King at Arques, and is repulsed and beaten. 742, 743, etc. He follows the counsel of M. de Ville-Roy, and opposes the designs of the Spaniards. 759, 760, etc. Causes to be proclaimed Charles X. 764, 765. Marches to the Relief of Dreux. 769 Loses the Battle of jury. 787 Breaks with the Spaniards, and why. 833, etc. Divides himself from the Princes of his House. 834, etc. Is jealous of the young Duke of Guise. 835 Causes Four of the principal of the Sixteen to be hanged up at the Lovure, and abates their Faction. Pag. 839 Carries the Duke of Parma to the Relief of Rouen. 846 He assembles the Estates at Paris. 862, 863 etc. His Declaration, wherein he invites all the Catholic Lords of the Royal Pa●ty, to meet at the Estates, for the good of the Religion and the State. 865, 866 His Speech and Design in the Estates. 875, etc. He creates one Admiral, and four Marshals of France. 873 Causes the Conference of Surene to be accepted by the Estates. 878 Takes Noyen. 879 Dextrously hinders the Election of a King at the Estates. 895, 896 Will not hold the King's Absolution good. 931 Retires from Paris to Soisons. 940 What he did at the Battle of Fontain Francoise. 947, 948, etc. Obtains from the King a Treaty, and a favourable Edict. 954, 955, etc. Is very well received by the King at Monceaux. 957 Henry de Lorraine, Duke of Guise, destined by his Uncle the Cardinal of Lorraine to be Head of a League General of the Catholics. 17, 18, 19, etc. Treats with▪ Don John d'Austria, at Joinville. ib. The occasion that caused him to begin the League. Pag. ib. His Portrait. 25, etc. Takes Arms after the death of Monsieur. 85, etc. Makes use of the old Cardinal de Bou●bon, as a Ghost, whom he puts at the Head of the League. 92 Treats at Joinville with the Agents of Spain, and the Cardinal de Bourbon, and the Conditions of the said Treaty. 100LS, 102, etc. He begins the War with the surprising of divers places by himself and his Friends, 104, etc. Makes the Treaty at N●mours very advantageous to the League. 121 Goes and finds the King at Meaux, and complains unjustly of divers matters. 188 Undertakes with a very few Troops to defeat the Army of the Reyters. 234, 235, etc. His honourable Retreat at Pont St. Vincent. 246, 247, etc. He continually harrasses the Army of the Reyters. 262 He attaques them, and defeats one Party of them at Vimory. 267, etc. He forms a design to attaque them at Auneau, and the execution of that Enterprise. 277, 278, etc. He pursues the rest of the Reyters as far as Savoy. 301, etc. He let them plunder the County of Montbeliard. Pag. ib. He receives from the Pope a consecrated Sword, and from the Duke of Parma his Arms, which they sent him, as to the greatest Captain of his time. 311 The refusing him the Admiralty for Brissac, the which was given to Espernon his Enemy, puts him on to determine it. 312, etc. He assembles the Princes of the House of Lorraine at Nancy, and there resolves to present to the King a Request, containing Articles against the Royal Authority. 322, 323 He resolves to relieve Paris. 334, 335 He goes to Paris, notwithstanding the King's Orders which were sent him by M. de Bellieure. ib. A description of his Entry into Paris, where he was received with extraordinary transports of joy. ib. etc. His Interview with the King at the Lovure. 343 In the Queen's Garden. 344 What he did at the Battle of the Barricades. 356 He disarms the King's Soldiers, and causes them to be reconducted to the Lovure. 357 His real design at the Battle of the Barricades. 358, etc. His excessive demands. 360, etc. Makes himself Master of Paris, and makes a Manifesto to justify the Barricades. 365, 366, etc. He dextrously draws the Queen Mother into his Interests. Pag. 371 Causes a Request to be presented to the King, containing Articles most prejudicial to his Authority. 371, 372, etc. Has given him all the Authority of a Constable, under another name. 377, 378 His Prosperity blinds him, and is the cause that he sees not an hundred things, to which he ought to give defiance. 385, etc. He is shocked at the Speech the King made to the second Estates at Blois. 386, 387 He disposes of the Estates at his pleasure. ib. etc. Would have himself declared, by the Estates, Lieutenant General of the whole Realm, independent from the King. 391, 392 Is advertised of the design formed against him, and consults thereupon with his Confidents. ib. etc. Is resolved to stay, contrary to the Advice of the most part. 396, etc. The History of his Tragical Death. 399, 400, etc. His Encomium. 411 Lewis de Lorraine, Cardinal de Guise, presides for the Clergy at the Estates of Blois. 388 The History of his Tragical Death. 410, 411 N. de Lorraine, Duke de Guise, escaping out of Prison, comes to Paris, where he's received of the Leaguers, with open Arms, 835. he kills Colonel St. Paul. 872, 873 M. THE Marshal of Matignon, Governor of Guyenne, hinders the Leaguers from surprising Bourdeaux. Pag. 113 Breaks the Measures of the Duke of Mayenne dextrously. 243, 244 Gives good Advice to the Duke of Joyeuse, which he follows not. 203 Reduces Bourdeaux to Obedience. 820 Father Claude Mathiu grand Leaguer, solicits the Excommunication of the King of Navarre. 182 Father Bernard de Montgaillard, Surnamed, The Petit Fevillant, a Seditious Preacher. 428 His Extravagance in a Sermon. 442, 443 He retires into Flanders with the Spaniards, after the reduction of Paris. 943 Francis de Monthelon, a famous Advocate, is made Lord Keeper by Henry III. 384 Henry de Montmorency, Marshal de Damville, Head of the Politics or Malcontents, for to maintain himself in the Government of Languedoc. 9 Draws his Brothers and Friends to him. ib. Ioins with the King of Navarre, and Prince of Conde, against the League. 124 Protects the Catholic Religion, and receives acknowledgements from the Pope. 125, 126 His Fidelity in the Service of the King. 126, 127▪ Is at last made Constable of France by Henry IU. Pag. ib. William de Montmorancy, Sieur de Thore, joins with the Malcontent Politics. 9 Is defeated in conducting a Party of Duke Casimir's Reyters. 25, 26 Retakes Chantilly from the League. 483 The Sieur de Montausier fights most valiantly, and insults agreeably over the Gascons which were at the Battle of Courtras. 217 The Sieur de Montigny enters and breaks the Squadron of the Gascons, at the Battle of Courtras. 215, 216 The Sieur de Morennes Curate of St. Merry, labours to make the People return to the Obedience of their King. 836 Cardinal Morosini, Legate in France, could not obtain Audience the day of the Duke of Guise's Massacre. 406, 407 His Conference with the King, to whom he declares he had incurred the Censures, because of the Murder of the Cardinal de Guise. 414, 415 He incurs the Pope's indignation, for not having published the Censures. 417 His Conference with the Duke of Mayenne. 474, 4755, etc. John de Morvillier, Bishop of Orleans, his Encomium and Portrait. 68, 69, etc. He counsels the King to declare himself Head of the League. ib. N. Arm d'Este, Duchess de Nemours, Mother of the Guises, is arrested Prisoner at Blois. Pag. 403 She treats by Letters with the Dukes of Nemours and Mayenne, to reduce them to their Duty. 441, 442 The King sends her to Paris to appease the Troubles. ib. The young Duke of Nemours, is arrested Prisoner at Blois. 403 Makes his Escape out of Prison. 441 The Orders he gave for the Defence of Paris, where he maintains the Siege with all the Conduct and Vigour of an old General. 798 He offers the King to surrender Paris, provided he will be made Catholic. 809, 810 He abandons his Brother, and endeavours to make himself declared Head of the League in his place. 485, 486, etc. Francis de Noailles, Bishop of Acqs, his Encomium, his Ambassage, and the part he had in the Conversion of Henry IU. 309, 310, etc. O. THE Order of the Holy Ghost, and its true Origine. 74, 75, 76, etc. Lewis d' Orleans, a famous Advocate, a grand Leaguer. 96 Author of the Seditious Libel, Entitled, The English Catholic. Pag. 738. Is Advocate General for the League. ib. The Colonel Alphonso d'Ornano, defeats 4000 Swissers, Protestants in Dauphiny, 230 A Confident of Henry iii. 384 Counsels the King to dispatch the Duke of Guise in the Lovure. 380 P. PAnigerole Bishop of Ast, preaches at Paris during the Siege. 806 The parisians enter into the League, and how. 91, etc. Their Barricades. 351, etc. Their furious deportment after the death of the Guises. 427 Their admirable firmness during the Siege. 801 They declare against the Sixteen. 840 They run in Crowds to St. Denis, at the Conversion of the King. 928 The History of the Reduction of Paris. 938, 939, etc. The Duke of Parma sends Troops to the Duke of Guise. 236 He sends him his Arms after the Defeat of the Reyters, as to him, who of all the Princes, merited best the Title of Captain. 311 Comes to the Relief of Paris, and raises the Siege, by executing his own design, without giving Battle. Pag. 810 His Retreat to Artois. 817 He renders the Duke of Mayenne suspect to the King of Spain. 821 He marches to the Relief of Rouen. 846 He bushes at the King at the Battle of Aumale. 848 Causes the Siege of Rouen to be raised. 854, 855, etc. His admirable Retreat at Caudebec. 853 The Cardinal de Pelleve Solicitor of the Affairs of the League at Rome. 128 His Birth and Qualities. ib. He presides for the Clergy at the Estates of Paris. 875 His Death. 944 The Brotherhood of Penitents, and their Origine. 170, 171, etc. That which the King established at Paris. 173. Philip II. King of Spain, causes John d'Escovedo, Secretary to Don John d'Austria, to be assassinated, and why. 21 Solicits the King of Navarre and Damville to make War in favour of the Huguenots, 80, 110 Presses the Duke of Guise to take Arms. 81, 82, etc. Endeavours to cause himself to be declared Protector of the Realm of France. 761, 762, etc. Makes a Manifesto, and declares himself against the King. 769 He supports the Sixteen against the Duke of Mayenne. Pag. 822 He imprudently discovers his design he had to make the Infanta his Daughter to be chosen Queen of France. 831, 832, etc. He endeavours to have a King chosen at the Estates of Paris. 893, 894, etc. Francis Pigenat, Curate of St. Nicholas in the Fields, declaims, in a furious manner, against the King. 431 Du Plessis Mornay, makes a Writing, which alarms the League, 89. his Fidelity in the service of the King of Navarre, his Master, whom he serves extremely well with his Pen and his Sword, 118. he makes the treaty of the Union of the King with the King of Navarre against the League, 471. is made Governor of Saumour by the King of Navarre, 476. he confers with the Sieur de Ville Roy about the Peace. 858, 859, etc. The Politics; their Party joins with those of the Huguenots. 8 Dr. Poncent declaims insolently in open Pulpit against the King, 179. his punishment, 180, 181, etc. Le Pont St. Vincent, the brave Retreat the Duke of Guise made there. 246, 247, etc. The Portrait of Henry III. 5, 6, etc. The Portrait of the Cardinal of Lorraine. 16, 17, etc. Portrait of the Duke of Guise. 24, 25, 26. Portrait of John de Morvillier, Bishop of Orleans. 69, 70, 71, etc. Portrait of the Duke of Espernon. Pag. 313, 314, etc. The Portrait of Queen Catharine de Medicis. 437, 438, etc. The Portrait of the Duke of Mayenne. 453 The Precedent Potier de Blanc-Mesnill, is carried Prisoner to the Bastille by the Leaguers, 446. his intelligence with Henry IU. and his Encomium. 753, 754, 755, etc. John Prevost, Curate of St. Severines', a grand Leaguer, 95. declaims furiously against the King. 303 The Preachers of the League, declaim scandalously against the King, but above all, after the death of the Guises, 428, 429, etc. they encourage the People of Paris during the Siege, 807, 808, etc. their impudence. 824, 825 R. THE Reyters and their Army, 231, 232, etc. the Plundering they make in Lorraine, 243, 244, etc. their entrance into France, 257, 258, etc. their Consternation, finding, at the River Loir, quite contrary to what was promised them, 262, 263, etc. their Combat at Vimory, 267, 268, 269, etc. their Negligence and Debauchery, 283, 284, etc. their defeat at Auneau, 285, 286, 287, etc. their whole dissipation. 293, 294, 295, etc. Francis Count de Roche-Foucault. 147 John Lewis de la Roche-Foucault, Count de Randan, defeated and killed before I●ioir. Pag. 791, etc. The Captain Roche-Mort, surprises the Castle of Angers, and is there killed. 149, 150 Rene, Viscount de Rohan. 147 Colonel Rone beats up the Quarters of the Reyters Army, 241. receives Commission from the Duke de Mayenne to command in Champaign and Brye, 456. he seizes of Vandosme, 499, 480, etc. he defends Paris, after the taking of the Suburbs, 756, 757. he commands the Light Horse at the Battle of jury, 777. is made the Marshal of the League. 872 S. LEwis de Saint Gelais, 147. Marshal de Camp of the King of Navarr's Army at the Battle of Coutras. 207 Captain St. Paul, Officer of the Duke of Guise, 270, 271, etc. his Val●●r at the Combat of Auneau, 288, 289, etc. enters by force into the Queen's Garden, to defend the Duke his Master, 345. is made Marshal of the League, 872. his death. 783 Charles de Saveuse defeated by the Count de Chastillon. 491 Philip Sega, Cardinal of Placentia, Legat in France for the League, 861. endeavours to hinder the Conference at Surene, 877. forbids, but to no purpose, to go to St. Denis, to assist at the King's Abjuration, 921, 922, etc. he retires after the entry of the King, and dies upon the way returning to Rome. 944 Segur Pardaillon, Steward of the King of Navarr's Household, counsels him to be converted, and afterwards dissuades him for a time. Pag. 901, 902, etc. The ridiculous Show the Ecclesiastics and Monks made during the Siege of Paris. 807, 808, etc. The Siege of Brovage. 149 The Siege of Senlis. 483, 484, etc. The Siege of Paris, 797, 798, etc. the things that contributed to make the Parisians resolve to suffer all things, rather than surrender. 802, 803, etc. The Siege of Chartres. 817 The Siege of Rouen. 845 Sixtus Quintus Pope, his Birth, Fortune, and Genius, 130, 131, 132, etc. rebukes the Leaguers, ib. his Bull of Excommunication against the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde, 133, 134, etc. what the Catholics said against this Bull, 135, etc. the Writings against it, ib. & 136. the King of Navarr's Protestation, which he made to be fixed in Rome, against this Bull, 137, 138, etc. he praises the Generosity of this King, 138, 139. and sends the Cordeliers to the Galleys that preached against him, 309. he sends a consecrated Sword to the Du●e of Guise, after the defeat of the Reyters, 311. his resentment and choler he put himself in, for the murder of the Cardinal de Guise, 417, 418, etc. he suspends all Expeditions for Benefices, till the King should send to demand his Absolution, ibid. he causes a Monitory to be affixed against him at Rome, Pag. 423. he declares his Opinion against the League, and the Guises, to the Cardinal de Joyeuse, 419. he refuses the King Absolution, unless he would put the Prelates that were Prisoners into his bands, 495. his thundering Monitory against the King, 498, 499, etc. he sends Cardinal Cajetan his Legate into France, to cause a Catholic King to be chosen, 758. he disabuses himself in favour of the King, 822. he threatens the Spanish Ambassador to cause his Head to be cut off, 824. his death, ib. The Sorbonne, and its Encomium, 306. the Faction of the Leaguers prevails there upon the good Doctors, 307. it makes a naughty Decree against Kings, 308. makes one wherein 'tis declared, That all People are freed from the Oath of Allegiance, which they made to Henry III. 432, 433, etc. the incredible mischiefs of this cursed Decree, 433, 434, etc. makes another, where it declares, That the King ought not to be prayed for at the Mass, 496, 497. its Decree against Henry de Bourbon, 766, 767, etc. another Decree against him during the Siege of Paris, 805. the pernicious Sequels of this Decree, 806, 807, etc. declares all the Decrees it had made during the League to be null. 944, 945 T. TRaity of the League at Peronne, 42, Pag. 43, etc. Treaty of the Duke of Guise with Don John d'Austria. 19, 20 Treaty of the Heads of the League with the King of Spain. 101, 102, etc. The Traity of Nemours favourable to the Leaguers. 121, 122, etc. The Treaty of the Duke of Espernon with the Army of the Reyters. 296, 297, etc. The Treaty between the King and the Lords of the League. 378, 379 The Treaty between the King, and the King of Navarre, against the Leagne. 465, 466 The Treaty of the Duke of Mayenne. 954, 595, etc. Treaty of the Duke of Mercoeur. 958, 959 Lewis de Tremoville Head of the League in Tourain, and Poitou. 59, 60, 147, 148 Claude de Tremoville becomes Huguenot, and why, 147, 148, etc. seizes of the Post of Coutras, 202, etc. his Courage and his Valour in this Battle. 215, etc. Charlotte Catharine de la Tremoville, becomes Huguenot, and espouses the Prince de Conde. 147, 148, etc. Henry de la Tour, Viscount de Turenne, joins himself to the Marescal de Damville, with the Party of the Malcontents, 9 his audacious Answer at the Conference of St. Brix, 165, 166, etc. he brings a grand Reinforcement to the King of Navarre, 197, 198. he combats most valiantly at the Battle of Coutras, 216. he is made Marescal of France, Duke of Bovillon, and Sovereign Prince of Sedan. 844, 845, etc. he takes Stenay the evening before his marriage. Pag. ib. V. LE Sieur de Ville-Roy, Secretary of State under Henry III. 384. he enters into the League to serve the State, 759. his Encomium, ib. the good counsel he gave to M. de Mayenne, 761, 762, etc. Henry IV. obliges him to stay with the Duke of Mayenne in Paris, ib. his Conference with Du Plessis-Mornay about the Peace. 858, 859, 860 Vimory, a▪ description of the Combat that was there fought. 267, 268, 269, etc. The Sieur de Vins, commanding the Light Horse of the Duke of Guise, goes to make discovery of the Reyters in their Quarters about d'Auneau, 279. commands the Light Horse at the Combat of Auneau, 282, 286, 287, etc. he gives advice to the Duke of Guise not to trust the King, 398, 399, etc. why he enters into the Duke of Guise's Party, and how he is made Head of the League in Provence. 462, 463, etc. The Marquis de Vi●ry, after the death of Henry III. throws himself into the Party of the League, 734, 735. he was the first of all that returned to his obedience, after the coversion of the King. 935, 936, etc. FINIS.