AN Historical Relation OF THE CONSPIRACY OF John Lewis Count de Fieschi, AGAINST The CITY and REPUBLIC OF GENOVA, In the YEAR 1547.  
Written in Italian by Augustin Mascardi, Gentleman of the Bedchamber to Pope Vrban the Eighth.  
Done into English by the Honourable Hugh Hare Esq  
Conjura vere Cives Nobilissimi Patriam incendere. Gallorum gentem, insestissimam Nomini Romano, ad be'lum arcessunt; dux ●●stium cum exercitu supra caput oft. Vos cunctamini etiam nunc. & dubitatis, quid, in●ra moenia deprehensis hostibus faciatis?  Cato, in Sallust. Bell. Catiline. 
London, Printed for John Newton at the Three Pigeons over-against the Inner-Temple-Gate in Fleetstreet, 1693.   

Novemb. 8th, 1692. Imprimatur, Edmund Bohun.   

TO The QUEEN's Most Excellent Majesty.  
MADAM,  
IT is so high a Presumption in me to beg Your Majesty's Acceptance of the ensuing Translation, that were not Your Royal Clemency as extensive as Your Power, I could not hope for Pardon. There are but few Authors, whose Writings can without Arrogance intrude upon those small portions of Time, which the weighty Cares of Your Royal Station permit Your Majesty to call Your own. Nevertheless the consideration of Your Majesty's Indulgence to all Your Subjects induced me to think that, as the Almighty Being, whose Vicegerent You are, regards not so much the value of the Sacrifice, as the sincerity of him that offers it, so Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to forgive this Officious submission of one, who hath nothing to recommend himself, or what he Addresses to Your Great Name but an unfeigned Loyalty.  
The same Motive that first encouraged me to attempt the Translating this Historical Tract, inspired me likewise, in a great measure, with the Ambition of laying it at Your Majesty's Feet: Not only because it was written by an Author of an established Reputation, but also because it bears so visible a Resemblance to the late Happy Revolution, that placed Your Sacred Majesty on the Throne of these Kingdoms. The Parallel, I must confess, agrees not in all particulars. Genova bears no proportion to England, nor Doria to His present Majesty, whether we consider his Character or the Actions he performed. And besides, England hath received a far more signal and valuable Deliverance by His Majesty's Arrival, than Genova did by the means of her Great Benefactor. Their Civil Liberties were for a while under an Eclipse, & their Constitution was very much altered by that Faction that sided with the French: but their Religion was still the same with that of their Oppressors; nor had they the dismal Prospect, that we had continually before our Eyes, of the sad Choice of being either Martyrs or Apostates. And our Ingratitude, as well as Folly, is far worse than that of those Genoveses, who were so fatally blinded by Avarice, Ambition, or Revenge, as to mistake the Traitor for the Patriot, and lend Fieschi their Assistance to destroy Doria, and enslave themselves. But herein our side of the Parallel falls very short of that Conspiracy. For, to our great Comfort, the Enemies of Your Masty's Government are not likely to bring their Designs to so dangerous an Issue: They have not a Fieschi to lead them, nor a French Army so near at hand to second them, nor are they in themselves so numerous and powerful.  
May the Great God of Heaven and Earth every day lessen their Number, and their Power, and their Malice, and still preserve those Sacred Lives on which the Glory, Happiness, and Security of England does depend, from all Dangers, and from all Treacherous Attempts: May the Constant Care of Heaven defend Your Majesty's Government against all Opposition and Designs, Prosper Your Arms with Victory, and Your Counsels with Success, and long continue to us the Blessings we now enjoy by the Addition of many Periods of Years to Your Majesty's Happy and Auspicious Reign: May all Your Subjects endeavour to express their Sincere and Loyal Affections with as much Zeal and Vigour, as shall be always showed in Your Majesty's Service by,  
MADAM, Your Majesty's most Humble, most Obedient, and most Faithful Subject and Servant, H. Hare.   

THE AUTHOR's PREFACE.  
READER,  
I have resolved to give the World an Historical Account of the Affairs and Transactions of Italy in the last Century; what my Reasons are for setting myself such a Task, thou art not to expect I should at present impart to thee. How able I am to perform the Work I have undertaken, must be lest to thy Judgement: But as to the Candour and Sincerity which are indispenably requisite to a Good Historian, those, I promise thee, shall be faithfully and diligently observed. Truth, free from the Blemishes of irregular Passions, is the darling Object of my Pen, and shall be my first and greatest Care. Hatred, I know, too generally attends it, because Vicious Persons dread an Interview with this Beautiful Virgin, no less than weak Eyes avoid the Sun shine. But however, Wise Men, and Princes especially, (who are much the properer Judges) would not have the Public imposed upon, nor Posterity deluded by the Artificial Lies of a Mercenary or biased Historian. And if any of their Ancestors, or Kindred's Faults are transmitted to After Ages, 'tis not the Writer that Records them, but the Persons who commit them, that are to be blamed: And let those, who have any hard thoughts of such a Writer, remember, that the Evangelists who were guided by an infallible Spirit, and who are the best Patterns we can follow, have not concealed from us either St. Peter's Denial of his Master, or the Unbelief of St. Thomas, tho' they were both of them Apostles. But of this I shall treat more at length on 
* See Trattato Secundo dell' Arte Historica cap. 6. pag. 194. Scritta di Agost. Mascardi. Edit. Venet. 1635. Octavo.  another occasion.  
Among the Remarkable Accidents which are to be taken notice of, as happening within the period of time, I propose to write of, I have pitched upon the Conspiracy of John Lewis Count de Fieschi, that by this short Essay, the World may know what Judgement to make of the rest of the Work. For having never yet set myself to write History I should be very unwilling to be guilty either in my Style, or Method, of any thing that might distaste the Reader, and so render my Pains useless and ineffectual. 'Tis true, this short Essay in History, though now Published, was never designed for the Press, being begun by Chance, and writ in haste: And consequently not so free from Errors as I could wish it. I took it in hand more for my own diversion, than the Public View, and therefore the Critics must excuse it, if it falls short of an Exact History.  
But the Work I am a bout is of a larger Extent: 'Tis designed for the Public Good: Its end is to instruct as well as delight the Readers: It preserves the Memories of Brave Men from Oblivion: And is an Authentic Record of past Transactions: Therefore it must be managed in all its parts with Judgement and Discretion. However, as I am not so vain as to despise the Censures of so Learned an Age as is the present; so neither shall I be so inconsiderate as to Publish my own Composures till they have undergone the Examination of those, whose Opinions I can more safely rely on.  
Fieschi's Conspiracy now appears in Public: And as Apelles stood behind his Picture, Anxiously expecting what Sentence should be passed on it by the Judges of Painting, so am I no less desirous to know what the Learned World thinks of this Essay of mine. And I plainly and ingenuously declare, That I shall not only think myself extremely obliged to any Person who will impart freely to me his real Sentiments of this Tract; but also that whosoever finds any remarkable Error either in my Style or Method, and does not communicate to me his Animadversions on it, will be very unkind to the Public: For after such a Friendly Challenge, if the History I am about be tainted with those Blemishes, the World, I hope, will be so Just as to impute them to my want of due information, and not my unwillingness to receive it.  
Some perhaps will be of Opinion, that so small a part of an entire History should not have been Published by its self. To these, I Answer, that Fieschi's Conspiracy, as I have related it, is to be looked on as an Historical Tract not at all depending on the larger Volume; For in that it will appear under another Figure. Many of the particular Accidents, which I have here enlarged on, being there to be omitted, and the most Remarkable of them being only to be hinted at. 'Tis at present my intention, in this short Essay, to describe the Rise, Progress, and Conclusion of one Action, with all the Circumstances attending it: Which will give me occasion of trying how I can draw in Mignature, those Beauties, which a complete Body of History represents in their full proportions. Nor do I herein proceed without the Authority of very great Examples. I shall not insist on the Ancients, especially Sallust, since the present Age assords me a Pattern of equal Value. His Eminency Cardinal Bentivoglio hath writ some Historical Tracts in our Tongue with so much Eloquence and so Judicious an Exactness, that I desire no better a Precedent: His Style is always strong and noble, and yet it wants not a Copious and Harmonious Fluency: His Thoughts are always well linked together, and properly adapted to the Subject: His Observations show how throughly he Consider'd what he writ, and how clear a View he had of the Consequences of Things: His Sentences, whether Moral, or Political, are so weighty in themselves, and so seasonably brought in, that they are always welcome to the Reader: His Speeches are full of Life and Energy: In a word, whatever he has writ, shows us 'tis possible, that a Poetical Fancy, a Rhetorical Vein, and a Solid Judgement, may meet in one Person. In imitation of his Works, especially his Historical Essays, I have endeavoured to manage Fieschi's Conspiracy; though I must acknowledge after all, that my Writings are but a faint and ill drawn Copy of so Excellent and Perfect an Original.  
Perhaps some may think the Speeches in this small Tract are too long and too many: To these, I Answer, That were it seasonable, much might be alleged in 
* See this point fully discussed in Mascardi's Trattato Secondo dell Arte Historica, cap. 4. pag. 159, etc. Ed. Ven. 1655.  defence of them, but at present, though I have Considered what Objections may be urged, yet I think there is no need of defending myself, till I know what is laid to my charge. Let it suffice, if I repeat, what I have already told my Reader, that being desirous in this short Essay to touch upon all the parts of a Complete History, I was forced to Embrace those Occasions of enlarging, especially in the Speeches, which otherwise I should have let slip. Besides, let it be Considered, that when an Affair of this Moment comes to be debated, when the Persons that are to deliberate on it are of different Opinions, and when all the Reason's Pro and Con are to be seriously and maturely weighed, 'twill not be found so easy, as some may imagine, to end the dispute in Six Words. Nevertheless I submissively refer myself to the Judgement of the ingenious Reader: Which I shall eagerly expect to be informed of. As likewise I must earnestly entreat all Persons who are willing to forward the design I have in hand, to furnish me with such Memoirs as they are Masters of, and they may think I have not seen. For these will also be extremely useful to me. And the more exact and particular the Notices are which I shall receive, so much the less will the Reader be disappointed in the Matter and Method of my History. But if the Learned World, who I think have no small Interest in Works of this Nature, shall neglect to give me the Assistance I have begged of them, they must blame themselves, and not me, if my History falls short of their Expectation.  
Augustin Mascardi.   

The Life of the Author, as it is Recorded in the Book of the Glories of the Academy Degli Incogniti at Venice.  
AUgustin Mascardi derives his Original from a very Noble Family, which about Four Hundred Years ago began to flourish in Liguria: He was Born in the Castle Della Specie, a Place sufficiently remarkable, and situate on the Confines of Lunigia. He was hardly arrived to those Years, when others just begin to know that they are alive, before he showed himself wonderfully inclined to Learning: And this Natural Propensity of his being improved by a Liberal Education, his Youth proved very fruitful of excellent Composures both in Latin and Italian, wherewith he so obliged his Native Country, (being equally Master of both those Languages) that the Wits of that Time could not forbear vying with one another in the delightful Employment of giving him his due Encomiums. Hereupon the Great Cardinal Alexander d' Estè, and all that Illustrious Family, took him into their particular Favour and Protection; which he gratefully acknowledged by transmitting their Glorious Actions to Posterity in several of his Writings. About the same time the several Orations he occasionally made in Praise of 
(a) See Pros. Volg. Parte Secunda, p. 367, 396, 536.  Great Princes then Living, and 
(b) Aug. Mascardi's Pros. Volg. Parte Secunda, p. 271, 298, 325, 349.  Persons deceased who had been Eminent for their Piety, and 
(c) Pros. Volg. Parte Secunda, p. 414, 433, 456, 478  Canonised for their Zeal to the Catholic Religion, gained him the Glorious Character of the Tully of his Age, not only in Italy his Native Country, but also in all Foreign Parts, where the Italian Tongue was at all esteemed. After this he went to Rome, where his Merits were quickly taken notice of, and rewarded with the General Applause due to a Person of so extraordinary Wit and Learning. Put some unlucky Accident in his Affairs forcing him to remove to Genova, he had there an opportunity to display his Eloquence in that famous Academy; which he did to the extreme satisfaction of the Learned Nobility of that City, in his excellent Discourses on Cebes' Table. From hence after a while he came back to Rome, where being entertained in the Palace of Prince Maurice Cardinal of Savoy, he writ on the occasion of Pope Urban the 8th's Coronation, a description of the Solemnity, and a Panegyrical Discourse on that Pope, Entitled, The Pomp's of the Campidoglio, when His Holiness Pope Urban the 8th took Possession of the Church of St. John Lateran. This Discourse was so full of fine thoughts elegantly expressed, that all Italy admired it, and Mascardi's Fame received from it so great an increase, that he was ranked among the best Writers of the Age. Hereupon the Pope advanced him to the Dignity of Gentleman of his Bedchamber, and he likewise was made Rhetoric Professor in the Public Schools of Rome. These Employments were indeed of no inconsiderable value, but yet below his great Merit, Fortune always declaring herself an Enemy to Worth and Virtue. Some few Years after this Mascardi came to Venice, to take care of the Impression of his Works, and honoured our Academy so far as to be admitted a Member of it. But after a short stay with us, his Employments called him back to Rome, where his Ingenuity and Learning again exerted itself, no less to his own immortal honour, than to the enriching and beautifying our Language: For in all his Writings he showed himself a Man well skilled in all useful and genteel sorts of Learning, of a sound Judgement, pure Eloquence, fruitful Fancy, and a noble way of Expression peculiar to himself. The Conspiracy of John Lewis Count de Fieschi is a clear proof how well he would have succeeded in his design of Writing a general History of the Transactions of Italy in the last Century; since by this he hath made it evident, vident, that he was Master in the highest degree of all those perfections, without the concurrence of which, as he proves in his incomparable Tract of the Art of Writing History, no Man deserves the Name of a Complete Historian. At last when he had arrived to a very high pitch of Glory and Renown, Death robbed the Learned World of this inestimable Treasure; so great a loss was universally regretted: But his Memory still lives, his Reputation grows every day more and more Illustrious, and our Posterity many Ages hence will envy our happiness in having had for our Contemporary a person of so conspicuous and real Merits.   

THE TRANSLATOR's PREFACE.  
PRefaces, as they are generally managed, are a direct Contradiction to Horace's Rule, and prove neither Diverting nor Profitable to the Reader. For they usually consist of little besides the Common Excuses that Authors suspicious of their Fame, and distrustful of their Abilities (or at least desirous to seem so) are pleased to make for their exposing themselves to the Public View and ●ensure of the Age: Vainly conceiting that Three or Four Pages spent in such Apologies will either hide or atone for ●aults, or add fresh Lustre to the Real Beauties of the Books they Publssh. For my part I always looked upon such Introductions as tedious and impertinent; and I am the more consigned in that Sentiment, When I consider the Practice of those Writers who are worth imitating, the Intrinsic Value of whose Works daily gains an nnasked Applause, and will doubtless effectually recommend them to the deserved Esteem and Admiration of future Ages. Among these I cannot but reckon Mascardi, the Author of the ensuing Tract; the present scarcity of whose Writings, after so many Editions, is a sufficient Evidence how Universal an Applause they have met with in the Learned World. The short Character of him, which I have prefixed to the following Translation, fully informs us how highly he was Esteemed by the most Eminent Persons in Italy; nay, even by that Great Judge and Patron of Wit and Learning Pope Urban the Eighth, whose Poems probably will live when his Pontificate is forgotten. Nor will the Illustrious Character given of Mascardi by that Famous 
(a) Vt ingenio atque Natura praestanti nemini concedit, ita multa insuper obtinet variae Lectionis & scientiarum praesidia eruditissimus eloquentiae Professor Augustinus Mascardus: queis adjutus non secus in ejusmodi Tractatione [nempe de Historicâ method] quam in caeteris facere consuevit:— Se quoque possit Tollere humo victorque virum volitare per ora Gabr. Naudaei Bibliogr. Polit.  Naudaeus, contribute less to the Eternising his Memory, and Establishing his Reputation.  
As for the Historical Account of Fieschi's Conspiracy, which I have here Translated, it found so kind a reception, that in less than Twenty Tears, Two Impressions in 
(b) Venet. 1629. Bologna. 1639.  Quarto being sold off, it was Printed the Third time in a 
(c) Venet. 1647. in 240.  lesser Volume with the same success. Nor was it long confined to the Italian Language; for it appeared in French in the Year 1639, being Translated by the Sieur Bouchard Fontenay, and Printed by the Famous Camusat Printer and Bookseller to the French Academy then newly Erected by Cardinal Richelieu. 'Tis highly probable this Translation was not much inferior to the Original, when we consider the station that Camusat was placed in by that ingenious Society, and the Great Character that is given of him by Monsieur Pelisson; 
(d) Hist. de L'Academie Francoise, p. 12, 13. Impr. à La hay, 1688. in 120.  who tells us, That he was not only the most Excellent and Accurate in that Art, of any that then practised it, but that he was a Man of very good Sense, and never Printed any Books, but such as were of an intrinsic Value: Insomuch that it was reckoned almost an infallible Mark of the Excellency of any Treatise to be Published by Camusat. Thus bathe the ensuing Tract found its deserved Applause both in France nnd Italy, and therefore I cannot think those Hours misemployed that I spent in Translating it: However had I known that it had already appeared in our Language, which I did not till after I had finished my Translation, I should hardly have begun the Attempt. But after I had perused the Two former Versions of it, I found myself, out of Justice to my Author, rather obliged to proceed in the Publication of these Papers, then to desist from it. The First English Translation of this piece of Mascardi's, that I know of, makes up the Fifth part of the Third Book of Ibrahim, or the Illustrious Bassa, a Romance written by Monsieur Scudery, and Englished in the Year 1674. Scudery is indeed so ingenuons as to acknowledge that he is obliged to Mascardi for that part of his Story; and it were to be wished that he had been so just to our Author, as to have given us only a Translation of him. But instead of that he hath foisted in so many Fictions of his own, as degrade Mascardi from the Majesty of an Historian, and bring him down to his own Level of a tedious Romancer. And besides this, Mascardi hath been much abused by the Translator of Ibrahim, who exposes himself in almost every Page to his just Censure, That he was neither Master of his own Language, nor of the French; and consequently might have employed his time much better, then in troubling the World with an ill Translation of a Book tedious by its length, uselese in its design, and therefore on very good grounds disliked (as such Romancers generally are) by the present Age. Nay even the Fair Sex have now left these vain Amusements, of which they formerly were Zealous Admirers for the more delightful and profitable Study of True History: Being justly sensible that one of the strongest Motives to Virtue must be drawn from the Real Examples of it. And these a good Historian never fails to represent in their true Light, with the happy Consequences and great Rewards attending it. Whereas the Subject of our Modern Romancers is generally the unblamable excess of all Humane Passions and Desires, as an ungovernable Anger, an exorbitant and boundless Ambition, and insatiable Revenge, an inconsiderate and blind Rashness, and a foolish and irregular Love. These, and such like are the shining Accomplishments of the Fictitious Heroes and Heroines: And 'tis no wonder that when an Author of Wit and Fancy employs all his Art in representing Vice in so lovely a Dress, the unwary Readers are taken with its borrowed Charms, and are seduced into these fatal, tho' pleasing, Errors.  
As for the other Taanslation of Fieschi's Conspiracy, which I saw not till after the first Sheet of mine was Printed, it came out in the Year 1678, among other select Discourses Translated from those Celebrated Wits of France, Pelisson, Saracen, and Voiture. I expected in this to have found the faults of the former Translation, so well mended, that the Publishing of mine, would rather injure Mascardi's Reputation, than, in any measure, do him Justice. But upon perusing this Version, and comparing it with the Original, I found that besides the roughness of his English Style, and sevaral very obvious Errors, the Gentleman had allowed himself the extravagant Liberty of Omitting, where he pleased, several material passages of it: Whereby those Beauties that sbine through a regular and well connected History are quite lost; and Mascardi hath suffered no less by the Injudicious and Arbitrary Abbreviatures of this Translator, than by that barren superfluity, for which Scudery is so justly censured by Monsieur 
(e) Abondance Sterile Boileau L' Art Poetiqae Chant. premier.  Boileau.  
These Considerations induced me to believe, that this Third Translation would not be unacceptable to the World, nor much derogatory to the Fame of so Great an Author. How I have performed my Part in it, I freely leave to the Judgement of those who understand the Idioms of both Languages: Which though not so different from each other, as the English is from the French, yet are not so nearly alike, as to admit of a Translation too nicely and exactly Literal.  
For this Reason I have all along changed Mascardi's Expressions where I found them not suitable to the English Dialect: And where, I thought the turn of that required it, I have in some places abridged the length of his Periods, in others I have enlarged upon his thoughts, as I believe he himself would have done, had he been to write in English. But I have not at all, (as I know of) by either of these Methods, varied from my Author's Sense, or gone beyond the Liberty which he 
(f) Mascardi's Trattato Secundo dell' Arte Historica, p. 165. Edit. Venet. 1655. in 120.  himself allows, the Rules of Translation require, and all who have been successful in performances of this kind, either in Prose or Verse, have without scruple indulged themselves in, even where they pretend not to a Paraphrase, or an Allusion.  
Having said thus much concerning the ensuing Tract, and the several Translations of it, it will not I suppose be improper to take some notice of the subject it treats of. Fieschi's Conspiracy was a Transaction as remarkable as any that happened in the last Century: Whether we Consider the crafty and well disposed Methods by which it was carried on, the Foreign Force that was to have seconded the Attempt, or the Wonderful Providence of God in defeating so Egregious a Villainy, just as it was upon the point of being put in execution. The Copiousness of the subject might perhaps be some inducement to Mascardi to choose it for his first Historical Essay; but I suppose his main design in it was to encourage the Genoveses in a vigorous and resolute defence of their Liberties, by representing the good success that had in the last Age attended the supporters of that Noble Cause, and the shameful defeats and disappointments that blasted all the Projects of the Enemies of the Republic. And if we reflect on the Circumstances of those times, it was a very seasonable and necessary piece of Service not only to Genova, but also to all Italy.  
For it was not long before the 
(g) Venet. 1629.  first Impression of this Tract, that a 
(h) Dion. Petau. Ration. Temp. p. 1. l. 9 p. 654. Ed. Franc. 1665. Octavo.  French Army was sent against Genova under the Command of the Constable Les Diguieres, for the Assistance, as was pretended, of the Duke of Savoy. Though had the design succeeded, 'tis highly probable, the benefit of the Conquest would have accrued to the French King; who now began under the Conduct of Cardinal Richelieu to aspire at an Universal Monarchy to be founded on the Ruins of the House of Austria, which was then visibly declining.  
In order to this end it was necessary he should first Conquer Italy: Which, (as Monsieur de 
(i) Memoires de Monsieur de Brantome, T. 2. p. 39 Imp●. à Leyd. 1666. in 12.  Brantome told Charles the Ninth,) it was impossible he should ever compass till he could recover Genova, and be Master at Sea. Both these Advantages Francis the First lost by disobliging Doria; and the Genoveses have ever since had the greatest reason to be Jealous of a Crown that hath so often endeavoured, sometimes by open force, but much more frequently by secret Conspiracies, to Reduce them to a State of Slavery. The Irruption therefore of the French Forces into those Parts, and the daily increase of their Power, very probably induced Mascardi to employ his Pen for the safety of Genova, and the repose of Italy, by exciting in them a just and seasonable apprehension of so Formidable a Neighbour. And 'tis very great pity that this excellent Historical Tract is not again Reprinted in its Original Language, for the better Information of those Genoveses who may be apt to be wheedled by Monsieur Rebenac's smooth Harangues into a vain Opinion, that the French King really designs their Repose and Prosperity; and therefore desires their Friendship and Alliance, whom about Eight Years ago he treated like the Vilest and most Despicable Slaves. But the Circumstances of Affairs are not a little changed from what they were: And Lovis the XIVth who then laid his peremptory Commands on this Republic, to Restore the Fieschis to those Dignities and Possessions that their Ancestors had justly forfeited by this Execrable Conspiracy, and upon their Wise Refusal, expressed his Resentments of it, (as all Europe knows) with an unheard of Insolence, is now fain to sue to them for a Neutrality: And that in Terms but little suitable to those Pompous and Swelling Titles his Flatterers have forged for him.  
It would be no difficult matter to draw a Parallel between the Genoveses of Fieschi's Party in the last Age, and the English Malcontents in this. Their Forgetfulness of their late Miserable Servitude, their Ingratitude to Doria the Restorer of their Liberty, their Fondness of a French Government, the Fickleness and Instability of their Resolutions, their easy Credulity in being more than once deluded by the same fair Pretences and specious Promises, and the wonderful Defeat of all their Designs, should methinks make the Application Obvious enough to the most bigoted Enemy of our present Settlement, But perhaps this Obstinate Sect will be as regardless of the Examples drawn from History, as they have hitherto been of all the Arguments that have been urged from Reason, to Convince them of their Error: However, let them consult their own Experience, and that may sufficiently inform them, that Providence seldom (I might say, never) fails even at the last Critical Instant, to rescue an Established and well Administered Government from the Tyrannical Yoke of a Foreign Invader, or a Rebellious Subject. They might likewise for their farther discouragement remember what a constant Series of ill Success has attended all their Projects; that their Plots have been still disappointed, their most Cunning Designs unravelled; and that after their incessant and restless Endeavours for almost Four Years, Their Majesty's Sacred Persons are yet safe, and their Government stands secure. So that unless this discontented Party continue under the same change, Infatuation that hath so long possessed them, they must certainly now despair of ever seeing Popery and Arbitrary Power again Triumphant in England. And this, if any thing, will perhaps induce them out of a tender regard to their own safety to desist from their unnatural Conspiracies and Barbarous Attempts against the Religion and Liberties of Providence of God hath fixed on so firm a Basis, that, I doubt not but, the final Consequence of all their Malicious Projects, how subtly soever they may be contrived and carried on, will be the destruction of their Cause, and their own unpitied Ruin.  
H. Hare.   

A RELATION OF THE Conspiracy OF John Lewis Count de Fieschi.  
IT pleased the Divine Providence to grant to the Republic of Genova, a respite from the Miseries under which they had lately Groaned: For the Citizens being wea●ed out as well by their Civil Dissensions, as by the Oppression of a Foreign ●ower, were at last made sensible by ●hese their Misfortunes, how necessary it was for them to Agree. They presently found the good effects of a settled Government, every Man's private Stock daily increasing even beyond expectation, when instead of misapplying their Industry, and weakening their strength, he fomenting different Factions, they wisely studied to improve their own Estates; and when that Money which was before consumed in providing for an Army, and imfeeding the insatiable Lusts of the Foreign Governors, was far better employed in Traffic and Merchandise. This Happiness the Republic enjoyed when, of a sudden, there happened a most unfortunate accident, which had like to have deprived the Genoveses, of the Liberty they had so lately regained, by the intended Subversion of the Established Government: I me●n the horrid Conspiracy of John Lewis Count de Fieschi, the Original where of is so necessary to be known, that shall derive it from its first Source.  
During the heat of those never to be forgotten Wars in Italy between the Emperor Charles the 5th. and Francis the first King of France; Andrew Doria, a General very Famous both for Courage and Skill in Maritime Affairs, fought under the French Colours; his conduct wonderfully kept up the Reputation and promoted the Interests of that Crown: While at the same time that he faithfully discharged the Trust reposed in him he took a severe Revenge of the Spaniards, for those Cruelties they exercised at the sacking of Genova in the Year 1522.  
But Princes are very often so satally unhappy as to disesteem their bravest Subjects, while they are ready and willing to serve them with Faithfulness and Diligence. Thus did Francis the first, who by these indiscreet Methods exasperated the mind of Andrew Doria, though he was at that time so absolutely necessary to the carrying on the French Designs. The Pay assigned him, was not returned to him; Philibert the Chalons Prince of Orange, whom Doria had made a Prisoner of War, was set at Liberty by King Francis, without paying the Ransom due to Doria; the King did likewise with great importunity, and (when that was denied) with high words, demand the Marquis del Vasto, and Ascan●● Colonna, who had been taken in Battle by Philippin Doria Vice-Admiral to Andrew. But that which afflicted this good old Man far beyond the Considerations of his own private Interest was to find that the King would not perform those his Promises, which regarded the profit and the reputation of the Republic of Genova; whereof this was an eminent Instance. The City of Savona having transferred there Obedience from the Republic of Genova to the Crown of France, proposed to themselves great advantage from the Conveniency of their Haven, which brought them in a vas● profit, to the irreparable damage to the Trade of Genova. This Andrew Doria frequently complained of to the King, earnestly desiring, that as a ●compence for his past Services, h●● Majesty would restore to the Republics that which by all the Rules of Justice entirely belonged to her. The King was so well satisfied of the reasonableness of this Petition, that he promised it should be granted: But when he had balanced in his Mind on the one side the Obligations he was under to be Just to his Word, and on the other side the hopes of improving his Interest, he rosolved (contrary to his promises,) to keep the City in his possession. He had found by experience how instable the Genoveses were in their Resolutions, and how little he could rely upon the assistance of the Republic for the advancing the Interests of his Crown in Italy. For the City of Genova, being sometimes oppressed by a ●action of the Nobility, and sometimes objected to the Caprices of the giddy Mobile, did, without due consideration, ●lter the Form of its Government according to the Temper of the prevailing Party. Therefore the King thinking it so necessary for the furtherance of his designs in Lombardy, to ●ave at his command a convenient Port, he made choice of Savona, and gave the charge of it to Monseigneur de Montmorancy. By this stratagem the King assured himself, that he had both put a check to the inconstancy of the Genoveses, and made his own undertake more easy to be accomplished: For the City of Savona lying near to Piedmont, Montferrat and Lombardy, was by its situation no less proper for War, than for Commerce; which gave the Genoveses occasion to fear, that its increase in Wealth and Reputation would in a few Years spoil the Traffic of the Port of Genova, and thereby enable Savona to claim an equal share with them in the Dominion of the adjacent Seas. All these matters had been frequently represented to the King, but without any good effect, so that at last Doria was necessitated out of his sincere Love to his Country to abandon the French Interests. He being now throughly exasperated by the many Contempts before related, grew every day less and less exact in the furthering the King's designs and it happening luckily about this time, (1528,) that the City of Naples was besieged by the French under the Command of Lautrech Viceroy of Milan, Philippin Doria in pursuance of the directions given him by Andrew, did by his voluntary negligence suffer the French King's Affairs to receive an irreparable damage. For he, who but a little before had with incredible Valour, obtained a remarkable Victory over the Emperor's Fleet in the Gulf of Salernum, (in which Fight the Imperalists lost Don Hugh de Moncada Viceroy of Sicily, their Admiral,) was now pleased to permit, without any opposition, some small Vessels laden with Provisions, to sail by his Fleet into Naples: And this Relief coming so seasonably to the Besieged, proved the ruin of this Enterprise. As soon as Pope Clement the Seventh had received notice that Doria began to fall off from the Interests of France, he dispatched orders to Cardinal Salviati his Nuncio in that Court, to represent to the King, how necessary it was for him by just and satisfactory Concessions, to regain to the service of his Crown a Person of so approved Courage and Skill in Maritime Affairs; since it was highly probable, that Doria, if he were throughly exasperated, would shelter himself, and the Interests of the Republic, under the Emperor's Protection; which could not fail to defeat the Expectations the French then had of the Conquest of Naples. At the same time that these friendly intimations were posted away to the Court of France, the Pope dispatched Sanga his Secretary to Cajole Doria into his Service, with the offer of a large Pension. The Court of Rome was at that time justly apprehensive, that Doria's Interest and Reputation might probably overbalance the Affairs of Italy to the advantage of the Emperor, if he should be induced to comply with the honourable proposals offered him by his Imperial Majesty: Therefore that this foreseen accident might be effectually provided against, and not (as was falsely pretended) for any occasion the Pope then had of Doria's commanding his Fleet, this Crafty Embassy was resolved on as the most likely method to prevail. When this important affair came to be debated in the French King's Privy Council, some that were Enemies to Doria, took this occasion to represent him as a Person so excessively haughty in the exercise of his Authority, and so throughly disgusted at the King's Usage of him, that it would be impossible ever to regain him to the French Interests; therefore that a sudden stroke might frustrate those designs, which could not without vast difficulties (if at all) be diverted by an amicable accommodation; and that the Emperor might want so necessary an Assistant in this juncture of Affairs, it was thought advisable that Doria should be Assassinated. This advice was not rejected, but in pursuance of it, (as was generally reported,) necessary Instructions were privately given to Monsieur de Barbezieux who was then Sailing for Italy, with the French Fleet, of which he had been created Admiral a little before. Doria in the mean time received private intelligence of these designs; and being throughly exasperated with so ungrateful and perfidious a return for his former Services, he immediately entered into a close correspondence with the Marquis del Vasto his Prisoner of War, by whom he offered his Service to the Emperor, which was very readily and kindly accepted. And now Doria made a public Renunciation of his Friendship with the French King, by sending him back the Collar and the Instrument of his Admission to the Order of St. Michael.  
The Articles that Doria made with the Emperor when he first entered into his Service, were such as the Republic might reasonably promise themselves from a sincere Patriot. He wholly neglected this advantageous occasion of increasing the Honours and Revenues of his Family, contenting himself that he had effectually secured the Liberty of Genova, and restored to them their Dominion over Savona, by the Protection and Assistance of his Imperial Majesty. This Resolution of Doria so throughly awakened the French King out of the slumber into which the false Policy of his Ministers had cast him, that being desirous to repair his past negligence, by his present sedulity, he thought it advisable to endeavour to regain Doria to his Interests by honourable and advantageous Proposals: But the King's Repentance began so late that it proved absolutely fruitless. For Doria being now throughly bend upon the delivering his Country from the power of Foreigners, would not admit of any offers that might delay the execution of these his generous designs. Nevertheless the French King who had been so careless to keep in the friendship of Doria, became now so eagerly impatient to recover that without considering how great respect was due to a Crowned Head, he stooped so low as voluntarily to offer a full satisfaction in all those particulars, which Doria had often Petitioned for, and had been as often denied: Nay, with so great indiscretion was this affair managed, that, by making these Proposals to Doria, before some other person had privately sounded his Intentions in it, the King exposed his Royal Dignity to the disgrace, and himself to the shame and vexation, of receiving a peremptory repulse. Accidents of this nature are often observed to happen in the Courts of Princes; who being puffed up with insolent thoughts of their own power, believe that their Fortune needs not the assistance of any one to establish or support it. And sometimes brave Men, who are constantly in the Camp, or at Court, miss of that esteem which is due to their Merits, and which is daily bestowed on far less deserving persons, if they have but the advantageous Character of being Foreigners: It being too Natural to Princes, as well as the rest of Mankind, to undervalue their present Enjoyments, and hanker after unexperienced Novelties, no less in the Public, than in the Private, Circumstances of their Lives.  
Doria having for these reasons, settled himself, and the Twelve Galleys under his Command, in the Emperor's Service, he presently applied his Mind to the deliverance of his Country from the Dominion of France; for, like a true Patriot, the Liberty of his Country had always been the only Object of his Thoughts. The Republic was at this time overpowered by a Popular Faction, who under the pretence of the public safety, fomented with Arms and Tumults the unwarrantable Passions of Private Families; not making a due difference between the Liberty of the Commonwealth, and the Licentiousness of some of the Members of it. Hence it came to pass, that whenever any Faction found that their own Forces were too weak to descend them in their Irregularities, they reinforced themselves with Foreign Auxiliaries, and thereby brought into the City a new Model of Government. One while the Faction of the Adorni Expelled that of the Fregosis; a while after the Fregosis overpowered the Adorni: Sometimes they gave themselves into the Protection of the Duke of Milan, then again they removed the Governors he sent them Next they chose to be under the Government of the French, by and by they shook off that Yoke, and then were again willing to receive it. So that by the frequent change of Applications the dangerous wounds that had so long afflicted the Republic, (and that ought to have been once for all throughly healed by a general Concord,) were still kept open: All this Doria was sensible of, and therefore, that he might encourage the good intentions of those persons who joined with him in their earnest Wishes for the Public Safety, he approached with his Galleys near the City of Genova.  
Nor was a prosperous success wanting to these his generous designs. For many of the Citizens, being throughly wearied out with the Calamities of their past Dissensions, and being afflicted with the Plague, returned to more sober Thoughts, and heartily Prayed for a safe and lasting Concord. At this time the City was Governed in the French King's Name by Monsieur Theodore de Trivalce, a person whose signal behaviour in those Martial Employments wherewith he had been entrusted, had acquired him the Character of a Prudent as well as a Courageous Commander. Nevertheless his Conduct was at this time such as was greatly wondered at by those that knew him, and the rather because it did not seem to answer those former Actions by which he had so deservedly established his Reputation. For although he very well knew that the discourse and the designs of the Genoveses tended strongly to a mutual agreement among themselves; yet he was very negligent in the thwarting these their Inclinations: Either because he thought, the end of it would only be a Reconciliation of the private Animosities between the Families of the Nobility and of the Commonalty: Or because, he could hardly think it possible that the Government of Genoun, which was put in the French King's Hands merely by their intestine divisions, could be taken from him by the united strength of the Citizens; he presumptuously conceited that to be much too weak to resist the King's Forces, when headed by so Valiant a Leader as himself: Doria finding the Citizens so well disposed, and being throughly apprehensive of the vast Advantages so unexpectedly given him by Monsieur de Trivulce's oversight, immediately applied himself to the bringing this his Enterprise to a conclusion; which succeeded so well, that without the shedding of any blood he took the City, and drove out of it the French Garrison. The Genoveses received him with all the marks of an incredible Joy, and many of them persuaded him to accept of the Principality of Liguria, now that Fortune had so kindly offered it him: But he generously refused it, his Mind being far above the dazzling splendour of a Crown. The next thing he did was to exhort the Citizens in a well weighed Speech, (fitly becoming the Father of his Country,) to repent of their past Errors, to know their true Interest, and for the future to maintain their Liberty, (which he now freely presented to them,) by laying aside all those Dissensions, which had for so many Years kept their Country in continual Miseries. The City being thus restored to its Ancient Liberty, it proved no difficult matter for them, either to gain the Castle, into which Monsieur de Trivulce presently retreated, or by force of Arms to Conquer Savona: As a punishment of whose Rebellion, its Harbour was made useless Two Vessels of the largest size being sunk just at the mouth of it to choke the passage. The City of Genova being thus vastly obliged to Doria for so many signal Kindnesses to them, they were desirous to give effectual demonstrations of their Real Gratitude to himself and his Family; hereupon they granted to him and to his descendants very large and noble Privileges, and erected to his Immortal Memory a Statue of Lunigian Marble, in the base whereof an Inscription was Engraven, which declared him to be the Author of the Public Liberty. Then, for their better security, the Genoveses, with the advice of Doria their Deliverer, Constituted a Form of Government answerable to a Free State, under which their Ancient Splendour began to revive: And this renowned Patriot having Achieved many Glorious Erterprises, and growing decrepit with the Infirmities of Old Age, retired from the hurry of the World to a pleasing Repose in his own Country, them enjoying in his own Mind the fruit of those Victories, and that Quiet, which he had been the happy Instrument of He kept with him in his Family Jannetin Doria, the Son of Thomas, his Cousin-German: This Jannetin was a young Man of a very ready Wit, and of approved Courage; of which he had given so many signal demonstrations in those Employments which he managed under Andrew, that he was deservedly adopted for his Son, and by the Emperor's consent designed to succeed him in his supreme Command of the Maritime Affairs. Hence it came to pass that Doria, being highly esteemed by all the Princes of Europe for his excellent Endowments, being reverenced by the Genoveses as their common Benefactor, and having gained a large Stock both of Reputation and Wealth, his House was frequented more like the Palace of a Prince, than the Residence of a private Citizen. These things, (which I have here related in as few words as the matter will allow,) were the true occasion of the Conspiracy so cunningly and deliberately contrived by John Lewis Count de Fieschi: And by this Memorable Example all free Cities may perceive, how vastly prejudicial it is to their Public Affairs, to advance any of their Members, (though never so Eminent for Virtue, Valour and Conduct,) to a great degree of Honour, Riches, or Power, above their Fellow-Subjects: The necessity of preventing which dangers, induced the Athenians wisely to Publish their Law of Ostracism.  
This happy settlement of the Public Affairs of Genova, and of Doria's private concerns, was much envied by Pope Paul the Third, (of the House of Farnese,) Successor to Clement the Seventh, (of the Family of Medici,) and by the King of France. For the City of Genova having thrown off the French Yoke, and being sheltered under the Emperor's Protection, proved the occasion of very great hindrances to the French King in his designs upon the Duchy of Milan, wherein the Pope was very desirous he should be successful; that the Emperor's Power, which was now grown Formidable to all Europe, might be a little checked; and that he might be revenged of the Emperor for his putting by one of the Farneses' from the Acquisition of that Duchy, in which transaction the Ambitious Self-Interested Pope showed himself very Zealous.  
These considerations so exasperated both the Pope and the French King that they could not endure that Doria the only Adviser and Promoter of those Measures, should be so safely fixed in an Honourable Repose, as to be only an unconcerned Spectator of their Misfortunes. Besides this, Paul the Third had an Animosity against him upon another account: And this made the more lasting Impression upon his Mind, because it was occasioned by some private Injuries which had mutually passed between them; the Original whereof I think it necessary to relate, as serving to my present purpose.  
Imperial Doria, Bishop of 
* A City in the Isle of Corfica.  Sagona, having by the kindness and assistance of his Counsin Andrew, got together a great Sum of Money, he Purchased with it an Estate in the Kingdom of Naples, which upon his Deathbed he bequeathed to Andrew; on this condition, That he should take care to Relieve the Necessities of some of his Relations who were ●ow in the World. But the Pope's Officers, pretending that the Inheritance of this Estate was wholly devolved to the Apostolic See by the Ancient Customs of the Church, took possession of it immediately; and executed their Commission with so much insolence and extortion, that they seemed rather to be common High-way-men, than Collectors deputed to enter upon the Lands and receive the Rents. Doria represented to the Pope the ill usage he had suffered from his Officers, and made out his claim to the Estate; which, though it was not allowed by the Officers of the Pope's Exchequer, yet it proved an inducement to Cardinal Alexander Farnese the Pope's Nephew, to offer him civilly to resign his pretended interest in it, on condition he would receive it as his free gift. Doria being irritated with Scorn and Anger at the Cardinal's unseasonable Liberality, in giving him what was his own, (though the Cardinal's covetous temper did seldom permit him to be guilty even of that seeming Generosity) and thinking the usage he had met with to be directly contrary to the measures of Justice, as well as unpardonable affronts offered to a Person of his Rank, he resolved, notwithstanding the apparent dangers of such an Enterprise, to lay aside for a while his wont respect to the Roman See, and the usual calmness of his Temper, that he might gain Satisfaction by those methods, which best become a Soldier, sensible of injuries and desirous to revenge them. Hereupon he imparted his Intentions to Jannetin Doria his Cousin, and gave him orders to seize the Pope's Galleys and bring them into the Port of Genova, which was accordingly done. After he had detained them for some days, he released them of his own accord; being very well pleased to let the World see, that though he wanted neither Power nor Courage to show his resentments of the Indignities put upon him, yet he had so much respect for the head of the Church, as to restrain himself, (though he had these great advantages) from taking a complete Revenge. The most judicious Politicians commended Doria's Prudence in this Action for these two Reasons: First, that he did it at the instance of the Genoveses, upon whom the Pope had taken reprizals in his own Territories, using them withal very ill, since the Seizure of his Galleys: And next (which they supposed the chief reason) that enjoying so high a Command under the Emperor, he would not make use of his Prince's Authority to revenge his own private Injuries; knowing better how to make the due distinction between Public and Private concerns, whereby he prevented a Flame from bursting out, which though kindled at first upon a trisling Quarrel, might not perhaps have been extinguished without much Bloodshed.  
The Pope and the French King being throughly vexed to find their Affairs both Public and Private in so ill a Posture, applied their minds with the utmost intention, to cause such alterations in Genova, as might give them a fair opportunity to open the Scene they had laid for the Execution of their Designs. The King had twice tho' very unsuccessfully, attempted by Arms to recover Genova, wherein he first employed the Count de St. Paul, and then Caesar Fregose: This alarmed the Genoveses to stand upon their Guard with Vigour and Diligence, for the preservation of their Liberty, fully confiding that their City would victoriously repel the attacks of a Foregin Power, unless it should be betrayed by the intestine discord of the Citizens. However (it being beyond the reach of humane Wisdom to foresee all Accidents, or to discover Conspiracies so secretly laid, and cunningly carried on) Fortune, which was not yet entirely reconciled to the interests of Genova, offered her Enemies a prospect of unexpected success, by the methods I am now going to relate.  
John Lewis de Fieschi a young Man of a Haughty and Turbulent Spirit, was about this time almost distracted with ambitious Thoughts, how he might advance his Title and Reputation. He descended from the noble Family of the Lords of the Territory of Lavagna, and as his Estate was large, so his Interest was very great, being attended by his Friends and Adherents, (who were substantial Men) and served in great Splendour by many of his own Vassals. Nevertheless he was not contented with these happy and honourable Circumstances, derived to him by Inheritance from his Ancestors; but suffered himself to be carried away by the impetuous heat of his Youth, and the pernicious dictates of Ambition (the too common Seducer of noble Persons) to aspire at a height of Power and Dignity, no less dangerous to be obtained than difficult to be kept. Even from his very Childhood there was observed in several of his Actions a Fierceness and Arrogance hardly to be found in any of so tender an Age: From whence several considerate Persons were induced to suspect, that his riper Years might push him on to endeavour the Disturbance of his Country's Peace. These his natural inclinations (pernicious enough of themselves) grew more prevalent by an ill Education, that pestilent distemper which too often infects young Men beyond a possibility of cure. For although Paul Pansa a Man of Eminent Learning and Virtue, was appointed to instruct him in the Liberal Arts, yet those with whom he most intimately conversed, being very lewd and profligate Fellows, made it their endeavour to cherish and propagate, in the mind of the young Count, the wicked design of subverting the Republic, applauding these proposed Erterprises as worthy of the most noble and generous Spirits. To this new kindled and increasing Flame his Mother continually added a supply of Fuel: For being very Ambitious, and not having Discretion enough to foresee the dismal consequences of her Proceedings, she often excited her Son, who was of an aspiring Temper with sharp reproofs; as if by enjoying his own Estate and living upon it, he sunk into the despicable Character of a private Country Gentleman, and degenerated from the Reputation of his Ancestors, who always maintained a considerable interest both in their own Country and in the Courts of Foreign Princes. And that nothing might be wanting to force this falling weight to the bottom of the precipice from whence he had slipped by his wild Ambition, his Friends advised to peruse diligently the life of Nero, the History of Cataline's Conspiracy, and Nicholas machiavel's little Book, Entitled the Prince: By reading these Authors, his mind was by degrees tinctured with Cruelty, Perfidiousness, and a love so great to his private Interests, as to banish all Apprehensions of Divine and Humane Laws. These vices he first admired, and though the innate Sense of good and evil was sometimes so prevalent, as to suggest to him that he ought to detest and abhor such Practices as unworthy of a Man of Honour, yet at length yielding to his corrupt Inclinations, he excused them by the Actions of these great Men, recorded by Historians, and too much imitated by the most Politic Statesmen. So powersully are the Actions of our lives insluenced either to Virtue or Vice, and our wills insensibly changed by reading the Works of eloquent Authors; whose charming way of Writing seldom fails to overbalance the sober Dictates of our own Reason, which rather ought to be our Guide.  
These qualifications of the young Count were quickly found out by those who diligently watched for all opportunities of raising their own Fortunes by the Ruin of Genova. Upon several accounts they thought him the most proper Instrument that could be, to carry on this their important Design; and therefore they failed not very often to excite him to it, by proposing to him very great Honours and Advantages. The first who by the French King's Order held a correspondence with him to this end, where Caesar Fregose and Cagnino Conzaga, as was discovered not long after by some Papers, which fell into the hands of the Marquis del Vasto, Governor of Milan by the Emperor's Commission. He being desirous by a provident Caution to prevent the Disorders which might hereby interrupt the Peace of Italy, acquainted Doria with his Suspicions: But the good old Man gave no credit to them, being overswayed by the Affection he bore to the Count, and by the Observations he had made of the indiscretion of altering his measures upon a bare conjecture. Afterwards William Bellay the King's Principal Minister of State, managed this business by the assistance of Peter Luke Fieschi; and as the report went, the Pope was as zealous in it as the French King. For the Count having taken a journey to Piacenza, the Residence of Peter Lewis Farnese, the Pope's Natural Son, who assumed the Title of Duke of that State; he bought of him four Galleys at a moderate Price, on this express Condition that the Count should receive out of the Pope's Exchequer a sufficient allowance for the Manning, Arming, and Maintaining of them. For the Ratification of this Bargain, the Count de Fieschi continued his Journey to Rome, where he was received by the Pope, with all the signs of an extraordinary love and an entire confidence; and obtained of him without any difficulty the encouragement he had so earnestly wished for. It was the conjecture of some Persons that the Story of the Count's buying the Galleys of the Duke of Piacenza, was invented to save the Pope's credit, he being unwilling to afford his assistance to Fieschi's enterprise in so public a manner, as it must have been, had he declared that they were fitted out by his Order. I know that some Writers are very solicitous to acquit the Pope and his Son from the scandal of having stirred up the Count to so black a design against his Country, by the Testimony of Apollonio the Duke's Secretary and intimate Friend; who being kept Prisoner at Milan, and being put to the Torture to force from him a satisfactory answer to this Question proposed by Don Ferrante Gonzaga, did even in the extremity of his Suffering, constantly deny that either the Duke or the Pope had any hand in Fieschi's Conspiracy. Nor do I think it worth my while to contradict them herein, but shall leave these conjectures on both sides to be sifted by those whose copious Writings may adinit of a longer digression. This is beyond dispute, that the general Opinion at that time was that the Count's final resolutions were determined by the advice and encouragements he received from Rome: And the Emperor's Ministers of State thought it was so manifest, that when the Pope sent Camillo Vrsino to the Emperor, after the Duke's death, to desire the restitution of Piacenza, they very freely and sharply reproached his Master the Pope, with the favouring and forwarding so infamous a design. That this was likewise the Opinion of Andrew Doria, may appear by the following Circumstance. The Pope sent him a Letter of Condoleance upon the 
f Janu. 2. 1547.  death of his Cousin Jannetin, to which he returned no answer, slighting it as a piece of ill timed Ceremony: But a while after when the Duke of Piacenza was 
* Sep. 28. 1547.  killed by several Conspirators, Doria took the Pope's Letter, and having altered some expressions in it as he thought necessary, he sent it back to the Pope by vay of Condoleance for the Duke's Death Besides this, it is most certain that while the Count de Fieschi stayed in Rome, the French King's Ministers did again solicit him to put those designs in Execution, to which they perceived him very much inclined. To this end Cardinal Augustine Trivulce Protector of the Affairs of France, being sensible how much diligence had been used by the other Ministers of that Crown, and particularly a little before by Petter Strozzi when he passed over the Alps with his Army into Piedmont) resolved not to be behind any of them, in manifesting his zeal for the King's Interests. Therefore he fixed a time for meeting the Count, and knowing him to be excessively ambitious of Fame and Glory, he applied himself to him in this manner.  
Were Fortune propitious to your virtue (most noble Youth) I should then have just occasion to rejoice with you, whom I should now behold exalted far above that middle State of life enjoyed by trading Citizens. But since the Iniquity of the times denies you a reward suitable to your Merit, I desire you kindly to accept my affection, by which I Sympathise with you in your Misfortunes, and from my heart wish you (as all good Men do) a concurrence of more happy Events. Your Birth is so noble, and your Endowments are so Rare, that the general voice of the World calls you to a higher Station, that you may be the better able to promote their common good. Among the rest of your Admirers, I, who upon the account of my Employments have a nearer view of Public Transactions, do heartily wish to see your Valour displayed to the eyes of Europe, on a Theatre more stately than that whereon you now so well act your part. You were born in such an unhappy juncture of time, that the present constitution of your own Country makes it unlawful and dangerous for you to aspire to any very eminent Dignity; for the Genoveses having disclaimed their Obedience to the King of France, and brought all to a common equality, will by no means permit you to enjoy any Character above the ordinary level of a Citizen. Besides this, Andrew Doria and his Cousin Jannetin, under the specious pretence of restoring to Genova its ancient Liberty, have so firmly established their own Power, that the most universal Concord of the Genoveses consists in their being willing to enslave themselves to the Arbitrary commands of that Family. Thus by a servile Subjection to the Tyranny of two private Persons, do this foolish People sufficiently punish themselves, for having rashly executed their blind Resolution of withdrawing themselves from the Protection of a most powerful Prince. These Doria's being thus Bolstered up by the assistance of the Emperor's Army, (to whose affairs the late turn in Genova has been very advantageous) and growing more formidable by their numerous Fleet which almost fills the Port, you may be sure will never permit any noble and resolute mind to exert its self: For if any of the Citizens should give Proofs of a remarkable Courage, they would presently be jealous of it, fearing lest it should portend danger to the increasing Fortune of their Family; and would under the pretence of securing the public Safety, abuse those ambitious Titles granted to Andrew, of Fathers of their Country, and Restorers of its lost Freedom to the oppression of Persons more Valiant and Deserving than themselves. Hence it is that any so well Born and Accomplished as yourself, cannot fail while their Power is so great to be continually disturbed with Injuries, besides the danger that their lives are daily exposed to. 'Tis true, none of the Disorders I have hinted at have hitherto appeared; but the reason of that is to be ascribed partly to the distrust, the Doria's have of their new gotten and yet unsettled Power, and in a great measure to the moderation of Andrew, who curbs Jannetin in his rash and ill advised Designs. Can you think that this Young Man, whose haughty Temper, and impetuous Passions, know no limits, will be hindered by any consideration of the unlawfulness of the Action, from executing those designs his Fancy may prompt him to? Since he finds himself guarded by Soldiers whom he can trust, and is upon the account of the important office he bears, every day addressed to with vast respect by the young Nobility of the City? Can you think that so high a Spirit will suffer itself to be confined within the bounds of a reasonable Power? Or that his thirst of Empire, which increases daily by the near view he has of it, will be satisfied without the Blood of many innocent Persons? Can you think that that addition of Honour and Authority which Fortune partial in his Favour, and the Genoveses blinded with an excessive love to Andrew have fixed upon him, will content him? Or can you believe that he does not aspire after the acquisition of a more pompous Title, than that of Jannetin Doria? As for my part, I cannot give credit to a supposition so improbable. For he has not Moderation enough, either to know how, or to be willing to give a check to so fierce torrent of extraordinary Felicity. These his Projects are for a while retarded (as far as I can guests) by his expectation of Andrew's Death, which cannot be very far off; and than you will see him assume to himself an absolute Power: Although by so villainous an Invasion he casts indelible stain on all the benefits done by Andrew to his Country To this end being already possessed of the hearts of the Nobility and the Populace, he encourages the one in Idleness and Luxury, and takes care to give the other full employment by the profits of Merchandise, that being disused to any bold Erterprises; nay, even to the handling their Weapons, neither of them may dare to make any Opposition to his Designs. Thus under the appearance of a settled Peace, he cunningly conceals his intended Parricide. But supposing that the Divine Providence, (which has hitherto preserved the Republic) should cut off all possibility of his succeeding in these his attempts: How great a reproach to their Birth ought the rest of the Citizens who descend from as noble a Parentage, to think it, that Jannetin Doria their equal, continues in the secure enjoyment of a Power and Dignity so far above theirs? What colour of Reason can be alleged for it, that in a Free State (where so many no ways inferior to him, either for Birth or Valour, are contented to live privately) he only should keep up the magnificent Port of a Sovereign Prince, treating the rest of the Nobility as if they depended upon him like his Menial Servants? By what Law of any well constituted Republic? By what custom of any Nation not altogether Barbarous? In what History of any civilised People is such a Precedent to be met with? And if you have not hitherto been sensible of the contemptuous behaviour of this insolent Man towards your own Person, it must rather be abscribed to the inadvertency of your tender Years, than to Jannetin's Affability.  
However, you will be greatly deceived, if hereafter you expect to be exempted from the common Miseries that attend your Country. You must, believe me, Sir, you must join with others of the Nobility, in offering him your Attendance and your Service: And Jannetin may then reekon it among the chief Trophies of his insufferable Arrogance, that he is caressed, reverenced, and humbly bowed to by John Lewis de Fieschi, Count of Lavagna, the Proprietor of a large and well peopled Territory. How much more eligible therefore would it be for you to awaken your mind to such Resolutions as are worthy of your Country, your Family, and your own Personal Endowments? And immediately to apply your utmost endeavours to free yourself and your Countrymen from so fordid an Infamy? Perhaps you may object, that tho' you should be willing to undertake this Enterprise, yet you want a sufficient force and seasonable Opportunities to bring it to perfection. But I hope these difficulties will be cleared, when I assure you that before your departure from Rome, you shall receive all necessary Instructions and Succours for the furthering this Design; in which, when it is ripe for Execution, I am impower'd by my Master the King of France to promise you the assistance of his Forces. You will likewise find these further encouragements even in Genova itself. The Populace (urged by their irreconcilable hatred to the Nobility,) will not only be as a Sword to fight for you, but as a Shield to defend you. Jannetin's prosperous Fortune will enchant him to so great a degree of Stupidity, that he will fall an easy Prey to your Artifices. Your own Subjects and those of the Duke of Piacenza will be powerful enough to guard you from the attacks of any that shall dare to oppose you. In a word, all things invite you to a certain Victory: Nothing is now wanting but your own final Resolution, not to Fight, but to Conquer and Triumph. Therefore consider well the necessity that lies upon you, either to be a Prince or a Slave, either to make yourself formidable to your Enemies, or to live under continual apprehensions of their Malice.  
Cardinal Trivulce could not have touched Fieschi's Soul in a more sensible part: For his envy was excited to so high a degree by this representation of Doria's Grandeur, that he looked upon it as a continual Reproach to himself; as if he were inferior to Jannetin in any sort of Accomplishments. Thus Fieschi's inclinations being so strongly disposed towards this desperate Design, it was no difficult matter for the Cardinal to kindle the Flame, when he made use of so proper an incentive, as fallacious Arguments eloquently expressed. And the Count hereupon grew very desirous to know what Proposals the King had empowered Cardinal Trivulce to offer him; and when the Cardinal had accordingly informed him, he thought the Conditions were too valuable to be despised. The Particulars of them are as follow.  
That he should forthwith enter into the King's Pay, and receive a sufficient Allowance for the Maintenance of six Galleys. That there should be secured to him the full Pay for 200 Men to be put in Garrison in the Castle of Montobbio. That he should be declared Captain of the Horse, and that 12000 Crowns a year should be assigned him for his own Allowance. These Articles were quickly after ratified on the King's part at a little distance from Naples, by John Caracciolo Prince of Melsi; Fieschi nevertheless deferred his final Resolution in this matter, till his return to Genova; having satisfied the Cardinal both by the Alteration of his Countenance, and by some Words that dropped from him, after this Interview that he would follow the Measures directed by the Crown of France. This his delay it is thought proceeded from one of these Reasons, either because he was not yet fully satisfied in his mind of the justice or the feasibleness of this attempt; or because he desired to have leisure for a free Conference with his friends by whose advice he might the better know what Methods to follow in the design he had undertaken. When he came to Genova, he made it his Bustness to observe Jannetin's conduct with more than usual Diligence: For altho' the spendor of the Doria's Family was principally derived from Andrew, yet it being too generally the Practice of the World to worship the rising Sun, the Citizens of Genova followed that Maxim, and paid their Court to Jannetin, as the chief object of their hopes. Jannetin's Temper was naturally haughty, which added to his Military Education, and the respect that was paid him as the Commander of 20 Galleys, and as designed by the Emperor to be his Uncle's Successor in the office of Admiral, increased his Pride to a high degree. He was likewise so far exalted in his own Opinion, upon the account of some signal Proofs he had given of his Valour, that his Spirit seemed to aim at a higher Condition, than the equality of the Subjects of a Free State could allow of. This made him neglect to gain by affability the affections of those Persons whom he thought would be obliged to adhere to him, for the sake of their own Interest; seeming to think himself safer and greater in a vain ostentation of his Power, than in being really beloved and esteemed by his Country. For these causes he was hated by the popular Faction: But the young Nobility who attended him, had a greater regard to the profitable Employments they hoped to receive from him, than to the imperious manner in which he behaved himself towards all. Sometimes he treated the Count Fieschi with haughty and arrogant Language; at which he was so exasperated, that instead of endeavouring to gain his Friendship by the servile Submissions then generally practised, he rather wanted Caution and Temper to hide his Resentments; but gave him plainly enough to understand by his deportment, how little he cared to see him.  
And that Jannetin might want no Demonstrations, that Fieschi resolved to have no dependence on him, even in the maritime concerns, which made him so much respected, he bought of the Duke of Piacenza the 4 Galleys, (as I before related) to the infinite dissatisfaction of Jannetin. In the mean time Cardinal Trivulce fearing lest if he should abate of his former Diligence, his hopes of fixing Fieschi in the French Interests might be disappointed, and well knowing that in all Resolutions of importance, Young Men must be brought to a Determination while their Temper and Fancy are warm with the Project, to prevent any Lukewarmness which serious thoughts might suggest; he dispatched Nicholas Foderato, a Gentleman of Savona, one of the Count's Relations, to him at Genova. This Person by frequently representing the Cardinal's Demands, and vastly magnifying his Promises, at last brought the Count to an express Declaration that he would assist the French Forces in reducing the Republic to its former subjection; on condition that the King would fully make good the offers that had been formerly proposed to him to increase his Grandeur and enlarge his Power. Hereupon Foderato rid Post for Rome, to get the Capitulation ratified by the subscriptions of those Ministers, whom the King had Authorised for that purpose: As soon as Foderato had begun his Journey, Count Fieschi imparted the whole Affair, to some few of his confidents, and having asked their Advice concerning it, they very freely blamed him, not for the design itself, but for the Methods he intended to take for the putting it in Execution.  
For this reason he sent in all haste to recall Foderato; from whom having received the Packet of Letters, and dispatches he had entrusted him withal, he proposed in a few words his Intentions to be deliberately canvassed by his Friends. The Persons whom he thought worthy to be of this private Consult, were these three: Vincentio Calcagno of Varese, a Servant entirely faithful to Count Fieschi, who sincerely endeavoured to preserve his Master's Life and Honour: Raphael Sacco a Lawyer of Savona, whom Fieschi made use of as the Judge and Auditor of the concerns of his Territory: And John Baptist Verrina a Citizen of Genova: Verrina having the advantage of living very near Fieschi's Palace, he by degrees insinuated himself into the Count's Familiarity, cunningly pretending a great zeal for his Interests that he might by Fieschi's assistance prop up his own decaying Fortunes; and herein the sly Hypocrite succeeded so well, that he soon gained the Ascendant over him, having engaged him to lend him several Sums of Money, and (which is far more considerable) to communicate to him his most important Secrets.  
His Ambition was large, and prompted him to form great Designs; for the effecting whereof, his natural Ingenuity never failed to suggest to him, the likeliest Methods: His inveterate hatred to the Nobility, proceeded partly from the resentment of private Injuries, and partly from a Factious dislike of the present Constitution; wherein, by Andrew Doria's Advice, the Nobiity were restored to the Administration of Affairs which they had formerly enjoyed, and from which they had been so long unjustly excluded. This frustrated Verrina's Expectations, of having any share in the management of the Government: Which, together with the uneasy consideration of approaching Poverty, (his Debts every day increasing, and his Estate decaying,) proved an irresistible incitement to him (his mind being exasperated with the disappointment of Honour and Wealth) as it generally does to Persons involved in the like Difficulties, desperately to engage in this rash Deign; hoping it might give him some prospect of being delivered from the inconveniences of his present Circumstances, and of being reinstated in that happiness and those advantages, which his disturbing Memory told him he formerly possessed.  
Thus Verrina being sensible, that he you'd no longer conceal his Misfortunes, while the Public Tranquillity lasted, made it his endeavour to bury the remembrance of them under the ruins of his native Country. For if the designed Villainy proved successful, he assured himself, that his Circumstances would be every way vastly improved; but if it should not (as was a very great hazard) he buoyed up his mind against all ominous fears of future Calamities, with the prospect he had that his name should live, tho' under a Character remarkably infamous; for dering to be crushed under the weight of so bold an attempt, and to expose himself to a destruction almost certain, for the gratifying his Revenge, by involing his Enemies under the same fate So stupid and heedless are Men animated with Ambition, that, tho' it is their chief aim to advance and eterni●● their Reputation, yet it is equal to the● by what Methods they acquire it, whether by the noble pursuits of Virtue, or the mean and inglorious Practices of Vice.— But Calcagno was a Man of a very solid and mature Judgement; and having been long accustomed to the delights and the plenty of a wealthy Family, abhorred the very thoughts of those Dangers into which he foresaw the Count would precipitate himself: But, besides this, he acted upon the generous Principles of Sincerity and Gratitude: For having been bred up in the Fieschi's Family from his Infancy, he had a real affection for the Count's Person, without any selfish regard to the advantages he might reap from his Estate; whereby those who have distinct Interests of their own to pursue are (too generally) influenced to expose their Patrons to the utmost hazards, that they may accomplish their covetous Designs.— Sacco perceiving that the prosecution of this affair would be liable to great Hazards, stood Neuter, that he might have the better opportunity to declare his Sentiments in favour of those measures that Fieschi should resolve to follow. The Count imparted his mind to them, in a short but very pathetic Speech: Telling them that he was positively resolved to endeavour some considerable Alteration in the present Constitution of Genona, and that he therefore desired them to give their Opinions what Methods would be the likeliest to accomplish it. Nevertheless Calcagno, whose cordial Affection to his Patron, and many years Domestic dependence on him had inspired him with the greater confidence, took the freedom to speak to him to this purpose,  
If (Sir) you are so unalterably resolved to proceed in your attempts against the Government of Genova, as your expressions seem to declare to us; it will then be in vain for me to think that my contradicting you in it can produce any good Effect, or prevent those common Calamities which I heartily deplore: But if the dictates of Prudence, and your good Genius can induce you to admit of second thoughts, (which usually are the wisest and the safest) I shall on this occasion give you as great a proof of my Fidelity, by my freedom in speaking, as I have done all the rest of my life by my diligent and industrious management of your concerns. You have hitherto enjoyed a constant course of Felicity; Fortune hath never yet made you the object of her frowns: Hence it comes to pass that your mind is not accustomed to entertain any impressions but what represent all your designs crowned with Victory, your Dignity advanced, and your Dominions enlarged. These (Sir) are generally the Dreams of those who have long been the Favourites of Fortune. But I am very apprehensive that some cross accident will dissipate these pleasing Shadows, and then your disappointment will be much more grievous to you, because you did not in the least foresee or expect it. To effect an alteration of the Government of the Republic, is at this time a work liable to so many difficulties, and exposed to so evident dangers, that should I represent it to you safe and easy, I should offer the greatest violence to my own Reason. For you can propose to yourself but these two Methods to accomplish your design; either to make use of a Foreign Force, or to prevay by a secret correspondence with some of the Citizens: As for the former, do not yet see any Preparations made towards it; and if there were, 'tis impossible that an Army can March either so fast or so privately, but that it must give an Alarm to the Emperor, to Doria, and to the Genoveses. All Italy is at this time to our great Misfortune in such a Ferment, that the eyes of Europe are vigilant in watching our Motions; and Genova, being the only Maritime Frontier of this Province, is you know suspected, and therefore strongly guarded and jealously observed. And since the Duchy of Milan is already become the Seat of the War, and is destined to be at last a Prey either to the Italians or the French Forces, you must needs think that, in common Policy the Emperor will take the greater care of Genova, which he esteems as the main Bulwark of his Power in Italy: Doria will herein, attend him not only with his twenty Galleys, but also (which is much more considerable) with the sincere affection of the Citizens (whom he has so much befriended) and with the assistance of the whole Fleet bound for the Levant, which is entirely devoted to his Service. The City of Genova is now so exasperated at the Tyrannical proceedings of the Dukes of Milan and the French Kings, that the very mention of a Foreign Force is become odious and detestable to them. Therefore unless your Army is very numerous, you can only discover your Intentions, but never bring them to any effect; and that you may be sensible how irreparable a damage this would prove to you, you must consider that nothing but a conclusion unexpectedly successful can ever obtain applause, or even, justify an undertaking of this Nature. And how or from whom you can expect to be supplied with such an Army I cannot imagine; for supposing that the French King (on whose Protection you so much rely) is desirous to raise new Tumults in Italy, yet his own pretensions to the Kingdom of Naples and the Duchy of Milan, will keep the best part of his Army (whose present Business is to secure their own Frontiers) so fully employed, that the Auxiliaries he sends you, must be very few and inconsiderable. Or if I could so far impose on my own Reason, as to believe that either he or any other Potentate would supply you with Forces proportionable to your design, yet even than you must expect to be opposed with perhaps a greater, to be sure an equal force, by his Imperial Majesty who has taken the Genoveses into his Protection. So that at last your Happiness or Misery will entirely depend on so great a hazard, as the uncertain event of a Battle: And whether it goes against or for you, you must be contented to accept of such Terms as the Conqueror shall Prescribe, and the only reward firmly entailed on you will be the indelible infamy, of having ungratefully robbed your Country of her Liberty, and put her under the Yoke of a Barbarous Enemy. Perhaps you may expect to receive a nearer and speedier assistance from those Citizens who are of your Faction; but I am sure if I am at all acquainted with the Temper and Inclinations of the Genoveses, you build your hopes on a very crazy and tottering Foundation. From which order of them, pray, Sir, is it that you expect these Succours? Is it from the Nobility; These you know are already of Doria's Party, to whom they are engaged by many Obligations, and to whom they owe their share in the Administration of the Government, and the happiness of an honourable Peace: And how can you think that they, who run the risk of worsting their Fortunes by every slight alteration, should now, out of Complaisance to you, help forward a turbulent Revolution, which must precipitate them into greater and more inextricable difficulties than they have yet been involved in? Will they to comply with your Ambition forget all the Obligations they lie under to their Country, their Liberty, their Families and their Estates? Can you believe that they will prefer your Friendship before Doria's Protection, whom on many accounts both Private and Public they have for a long time reverenced as their Father? Nor can you reasonably suppose that the inclinations of the Populace are a whit more favourable to your designs; for how much the greater their Aversion is to the very name of the Nobility, so much the less (you may be sure) will they trust you, who being the chief of them, make it your endeavour to destroy your own order, without a reasonable pretence or Provocation. And if some few of the Mob should give credit to your Proposals, their Leaders will never sink their own Reputation so low as to accept of a Deliverance obtained for them by you. If your design be to set up yourself as Prince or absolute Governor of Genova, what Action can be less agreeable to the Populace than this? What can be farther from meriting a general Applause? But perhaps you will tell me, your intentious are only to re-establish the Ancient Democratick Constitution, which Genova till Doria subverted it by force of Arms; and such a Declaration as this you think will so charm the Commonalty, that they will presently take up Arms in your Favour. For my part I am so far from obstinately maintaining the contrary Opinion, that I verily believe, those who are dissatisfied at the present State of Affairs, will greedily embrace so fair an occasion of acting over again their former Tragedies. The more readiness and vigour they exert in Prosecuting this Cause, so much the more do they advance their own Interest, and this consideration will not suffer them to be Idle; but you will find when the Spoils come to be divided, your share will only be the infamy of having begun the Insurrection; unless you can be so credulous as to suppose that the Families of the Adorni and the Fregosis, will resign to a Nobleman that Power and Pre-eminence, in the management of the Democracy, for which they have for so many years had mutual contests. They will give to your Rashness the honourable Character of Valour; they will follow your Standards, because they shall be thereby freed from their Subjection; they will rejoice to see the Nobility pulled down by a Nobleman; to see the Bowels of your Native Country pierced by your Weapons; the Public Tranquillity disturbed by your Madness; and their own Tyranny once more set up by your folly: And while they preserve in a great measure their Reputation from being tainted with the infamy of promoting your wicked designs, (Pardon me, Sir, that I am so free as to call every thing by its true name) they will only wait at a due distance till the times invite them to share with you in the reward of your Labours, the glory of your Boldness, and the Triumphs of your Victory. And how deplorable would your circumstances then be? Or to what Party could you without shame and blushes apply yourself? The Nobility will hate you for betraying them: The populace will deride you, and laugh at those Policies, whereby they only reap so great advantages; your Country will detest you for having been the occasion of the loss of her Liberty: The Emperor who has taken the Republic into his Protection, will be your declared Enemy: Nor can you with a secure confidence rely on the Friendship of the French King, who has himself aimed at an absolute command over Genova. In a word, you will be odious to the whole World; for all Mankind do on very reasonable grounds detest treacherous Practices. I am indeed very unwilling to speak, what it is absolutely necessary you should hearken to and seriously consider; but the constant fidelity I have always showed in your Service, and the sincere affection I bear to your Person, inspire me with a boldness suitable to this occasion. I am afraid (may Heaven avert the ill Omens my mind portends,) I tell you, Sir, I am more than ordinarily apprehensive, that these turbulent and unquiet thoughts are suggested by your evil Genius, which has destined you to the loss of your Reputation, your Life, and your Estate. You are sensible that Jannetin Doria looks on you with an envious Eye, and you have sometimes complained to me, that you did not think yourself secure from his treacherous designs: Why then, (Sir) will you furnish him with Arms to destroy you even by the Rules of Justice? How gladly will he embrace this opportunity of gratifying his private Revenge, under the colour of preserving his Country from Ruin and Confusion? How greatly will he rejoice within himself, when he shall hear that you have precipitately engaged yourself in such Resolutions, as will on very good grounds justify him and his Party in the forcible opposition he will openly make you? You will be declared the Disturber of the Public Peace, an Enemy to the common Liberty, the betrayer of your Country, a rebel to the Republic, and (in a word) the Catiline of Genova. I am struck with so much horror at the thoughts of it, that I have not the power to represent to you, how many Enemies, this odious Character publicly given of you, will arm for your destruction; and these not only the Nobility, the Tradesmen, the Labourers, and the Mob of Genova, (whose resistance perhaps you may think despicable) but also Foreign Princes and their Subjects, will oppose you with so unanimous a vigour, that the sad conclusion of the whole will be your sinking under the violence of this part of the World joined together in a Confederacy, to punish your dangerous attempts by the infamous death of a Malefactor. Your territories will be forfeited to the Public Bank: Your memory will be Scandalous and Detestable in the Annals of Genova: Jannetin will be acknowledged as the second deliverer of his Country, and the restorer of her Liberties, and all his glory will be built upon your Ruins? Perhaps the gratitude of the Genoveses will induce them to set up near Andrew Doria's Statue, another equally magnificent, to the Honour of Jannetin, in the Pedestal whereof shall be inscribed: John Lewis de ' Fieschi the Public Enemy my subdued by Jannetin Doria, the Public Benefactor. Therefore let not the impetuous rashness of your age, and the violence of your resentments, hurry you into designs of so hazardous a Consequence; but let the consideration of yourself, your Family, and your Vassals, lay some restraint on these blind and unruly Passions: Remember (Sir) what you owe to God, to your Country, to your Reputation, and to your Birth: Reflect with a generous compassion on the Miseries in which you will involve your Mother and your Wife: And by abandoning your present thoughts, free the minds of all that love you, from these just and necessary apprehensions. Your blooming Youth, and your early Valour are too rich a treasure, to be so prodigally Sacrificed to the Mercy of Fortune. Therefore (your faithful Servant once more entreats you) enjoy with a contented mind the affluent Patrimony your Ancestors have left you, for you are yet in a station every way so eminent, that you may (if you please) live the object of Jannetin's envy, and beyond the reach of his Malice or his Treachery?  
This discourse of Calcagno, founded on so many powerful reasons, and coming from a Person who had given many undoubted Testimonies of his zealous affection, made so good an impression on Fieschi's mind, that his resolutions seemed to be pretty well inclined to the safer side: But Verrina, foreseeing that the whole design might yet be left unattempted, if he should suffer the Count calmly to consider of what had been alleged, he made this detestably impious, tho' plausible opposition, to the solid Arguments produced by Calcagno.  
Would to God the affairs of the Republic were in those happy circumstances, that the Citizens might quietly enjoy their Estates; then (Sir) there would be no reason for you (as there is at present) to desire a Reformation: For, as Calcagno has well observed, there ●s no one at this time in Genova, who ●s equal to you either in the extent of Territories, the Nobility of Birth, or a Treasury well furnished with ready Cash; and therefore (I am of his mind) it is not the part of a Wise Man when he is in Prosperity, to tempt his Fortune, which generally changes to his disadvantage. But Destiny, the cruel Enemy of your Repose, hath so entangled the affairs of the Republic, tha● unless you undertake some great, tho● hazardous design, you must inevitably Perish. Jannetin Doria, who for so many years has gratified his ambition thoughts, with the expectation of being Master of Genova, cannot endure you who are so able to cope with him, and to ruin these his vast Projects. The implacable hatred this Proud Man beam to you, you may plainly discover by his imperious Looks, and his contemptuous Behaviour: If you think these Testimonies fallible, surely you cannot but conclude, that since your purchase of the Gallics, you are (as a Nail struck through and dencht in his heart) an insupportable Torment to him. His Arrogance aims at the free and absolute Dominion of the Sea, nor will he suffer any one to presume to disturb him in his possession, or to share the power of it. How then can you suppose, that since Princes very often Sacrifice their Brethren, Children, and even Parents, to a groundless Jealousy that they weaken the security of their Empire, Jannetin should suffer you to partake with him in his Maritime Dominion? His stubborn Nature, which will not bend, must therefore be forced to a compliance. And you must either tamely resign your Galleys, and by a shameful Retirement to your own Palaces, yield him all that his Ambition craves; or you must by the Arts of Policy, and an unwearied Industry, excite against your Rival a sufficient number of Enemies to curb and restrain him. However if you resolve to purchase your safety from the dangers now imminent, with the loss of your Reputation, and to accept of your Life as granted you by Jannetin; God forbid I should be too importunate an opposer of those Dictates of Self-preservation; tho' even his inveterate hatred cannot (I am sure) prompt him to wish you in circumstances more despicable and wretched. But the greatness of your mind checks my unworthy Suspicions of your Conduct, and promises that I shall see the Vanity and Pride of this Arrogant Man pulled down and crushed by your Courage. Therefore (Sir) propose to yourself, and that with an inflexible resolution, the undertaking this Enterprise, which is so brave, as even Jannetin himself will envy you for it Fortune has placed between you two, the absolute Command of all Liguria, and it is impossible for either of you to acquire so great a Dignity, till he has (like Tullia) driven the Wheels of his Triumphant Chariot over the breast of his Competitour. He will be the surest of the Victory, who can by the most expedite Methods dispatch his Enemy out of the World. There is an equal necessity lies on both of you, to take care of your safety; therefore he will be the wisest of you, who by a swift and resolute Stroke, shall ruin his Adversaries slow Projects before they are half ripe. You must either be the Aggressor, or you must expect to be Attacked; you must either fall into your Enemy's Snares, or catch him in yours; in a word you must either Kill or be Killed.  
Perhaps Calcagno may think my expressions are too sharp; but Necessity, which in desperate Cases gives an edge to Fortitude, in Villainous Attempts shields the Innocent from Danger and Infamy. Therefore let him blame Janetin's Folly, your country's Ingratitude, and the Injustice of your Partial Destiny, which have plunged you in these inevitable Difficulties. While you stand upon your own defence, you injure none, but only obey the Dictates of Nature. And when you see a Tempest of ill Accidents threatening your Ruin, Prudence will direct you, to throw them (if you can) on your Enemy's Head: If this carries along with it some colour of Injustice, who can blame you for it, when Providence has left you no other means to secure your own Life, but by the death of your Rival, nor permits you to defend your Innocence and exerts your Courage in any other Methods, but those of Villainy? But why do 〈◊〉 give it so undeserved an Epitheted That Term you have learned (Friend Calcagno,) from the Trivial Notions of some Pedant, whose humble studies never gave him an insight into Machiavel's Rules of Policy. These reproachful Characters are (I grant you,) fixed on the Actions of Private Men, when for their Covetous Ends they encroach on their Neighbours: But should you by this Rule involve under the same Odium the Gallant Undertake of Princes, all the Empires and Principalities of the World would be founded on Villainy, for they all at first began, and have since increased, by Oppression; the weaker being still crushed by the power of the stronger. By Nature all Men are on a Level; 'tis Boldness and Courage only, that in favour of some particular Men destroys this equality. Hence those who by subtlety or force could possess themselves of the Supreme Power, have assumed the Magnificent Style of Emperors, Kings, and Princes. Perhaps some few (like Calvagno) may, because they distrust the success, blame your Resolution: For hazardous Attempts are never praised, till they are completely executed: Then the happy Event, makes the Undertaking appear not only Lawful but Honourable; and what before was censured as Rashness, shall then receive the Encomium of Valour and Conduct. Thus while Julius Caesar the Dictator was at the head of his Army striving for the Roman Empire, not only Pompey, but the greatest part of the Senate, stuck obstinately to the defence of their Privileges, and declared themselves his Enemies; but when the Battle of Pharsalia had decided the Controversy, by the Total Rout of Pompey's Forces, and he had taken upon him the Government of the Republic, those Hatreds and Prejudices were quite extinguished, and how sincerely the Romans loved him, their Remarkable Zeal in Prosecuting and Punishing his Murderers will sufficiently inform you. Let the Genoveses then for a while call you Tyrant and Usurper, and trouble not yourself at these Reproaches, which will only be the impertinent expressions of their Malice, and the last groans of their expiring Liberty. By degrees they will accustom themselves to acknowledge and respect you as their Lawful Prince. You see (Sir,) how firmly I rely on your good Fortune; since I call this Principality yours, even before I see any preparations made for the acquiring of it. But the present posture of affairs is such, that Genova must be yours if you are not wanting to yourself: For though there are (as Calcagno thinks) some obstacles in your way, yet how easily may they be surmounted by your Forces, which are so much superior to them? And suppose there were such Hazards and Difficulties in this Enterprise as have been represented, 'tis no more than has been the Fate of all Ancient and Modern Hero's, as History will inform you. Great Undertake are always accompanied with great Dangers; as (you see) the highest Hills border on the steepest Precipices. And what Man of a daring Spirit, and aspiring Thoughts, would ever, for the uncertain fear of some eminent Misfortunes, yield himself a willing Prey to Calamities that must unavoidably fall upon him? 'Tis indeed the best Counsel can be given to private Men, to rest satisfied with a competent Fortune; but in affairs of State these trimming Counsels are pernicious, especially where the execution of the grand design opens the Scene: For then 'tis so far out of our power, either to retrieve past Errors, or politicly to regulate each step of future proceedings, that we must either gain the utmost point we aim at, or meet our Ruin in the prosecution of it. But let us not suppose so sad an Event of our Undertaking: 'Tis a necessary piece of Sagacity to have a prospect of distant Misfortunes; not that we should torment ourselves with the daily expectation of them, but that prudent Considerations may pull out their sting, and make them more tolerable; 'tis fit, indeed, that we should proceed cautiously, but then we must take care that an excess of Caution do not abate our Courage, or slacken our Resolution. Something after all, must be left to the disposal of Providence, and the direction of your good Genius, which having chosen you to be the Deliver of Genova, and the Restorer of the Ancient Renown of Italy, will certainly find a way to extricate you out of all your Difficulties: Therefore why should you refuse to accept the Monopoly of these Favours which Fortune liberally offers you? To what end should you call in the French to share with you both your Fame and your Conquest? They have lost their own Reputation, as well as their Territories on this side of the Alps; and their Spirits are no less sunk than their Credit, since King Francis' Imprisonment, so that they are hardly able to secure their own Frontiers from the Emperor's Forces, whose Triumphs have already reached to the bordering parts of Germany. Besides this, I beg you would look back on their inveterate Hatred to the Italian Nation; and let their Usage of Andrew Doria, be a warning to you; who after he had served that Crown, with so much Honour and Success, met with such unworthy Treatment, by the influence of the Nobility (for they could not allow even him so high a place in the King's Favour, till his Gold had purchased their Intercession in order to it,) that he was forced to accept the Emperor's Protection, and to serve under him. 'Tis true, the French King has many Accomplishments truly Royal, but yet he suffers (as almost all great Princes do) the Inconveniences of being imposed upon by his Ministers of State; of whose worth and integrity he has so excessive an esteem deeply impressed on his Mind, that there is no Prince more liable to be ensnared by the Artifices of his Courtiers, nor any less sensible of his Infirmity, and of the ill Consequences of it. You must either therefore be a Slave to these Ambitious and Covetous Men, or else you may assuredly expect to lose (as Doria has already done,) both the King's Favour, and the uncertain Rewards of your past Services. But what Recompense can the French make you, suitable to the Hazards and Fatigues you will undergo, for them? Perhaps they will entrust you with the Government of Genova, encumbered with the vile dependences I told you of: But this would be to abase yourself to the inferior quality of a mercenary Officer in that Country, wherein Nature has already given you so large a share of Power, and seems to promise you the absolute Command. And if the Emperor, or the City, should make a vigorous opposition to your designs, with what Succours can the French assist you, whose Territories are at so vast a distance, and who are themselves strangely disordered by intestine Jealousies and Animosities? 'Tis undoubtedly certain that you must rely on the Loyalty of your own Subjects and the sincerity of your Friends and Allies; and why should you not make use of these Forces (so properly your own) to set on your own head a Crown so fit for you, and which you so justly deserve? Then, when your Power over Genova is throughly settled, and you have in your possession the Keys of the Maritime Gate into Italy, the greatest Kings in Christendom will be Ambitious to be your Friends and Confederates. Then the Envy of your Competitors being Conquered, we shall see the Family of Fieschi raised to a higher Dignity than any Family of Genova ever yet arrived to. Then your Enemies, who have despised and ridiculed your Youth, being crushed under your Feet, you will have it in your power to satiate your Revenge in their Blood. Jannetin, even Jannetin Doria himself, your Treacherous Enemy, in spite of his Pride, and notwithstanding his Nobility, the station he so much boasts of, will fall a suppliant at your Feet, will Reverence you as his Lord, and Obey you as his Prince; by your Nods he will Regulate his Actions, your Will shall give Law to his Desires, and he shall acknowledge that he holds his Life only during your pleasure. Therefore let the French keep at home, and there let them hear the Echoes of your resounding Triumphs.  
It is your part (Sir) Vigorously to oppose and surmount all Obstacles, which may make the Execution of your Project seem difficult: Perform it (I beseech you) with a Courage and Boldness worthy of your Birth. Let the Merit of your own Exploits purchase that Renown which Heaven has decreed you: Let the World see that you owe your Advancement only to yourself: And though the hopes I have entertained of you are vastly large, yet let your Actions exceed them: In short, do not sheathe your Sword till you have entailed this Princely Dignity on your Family, and thereby secured to your own Name an Immortal Reputation.  
Fieschi, till now, never thought of acquiring the Principality of Genova for himself, but for the French King; being content to reduce the excessive Power of the Doria's into narrower Limits, and to better his own Condition by calling in the French: But being desirous of Glory, and naturally inclined to attempt hazardous Undertake, it proved no difficult matter for Verriva to dissuade him from his Affection to the French, by proposing to him these methods of setting up himself: Which having overbalanced the weight of Calcagne's Reasons, hurried him on to the execution of a Project both Villainous and Dangerous in the highest degree. However he was much shocked at the apprehension of the difficulties which would attend his design, without the assistance of the French Forces: And Raphael Sacco made it his endeavour to confirm him in these Perplexities, out of a partial Affection to France his Native Country: he advised him to accept of the Conditions proposed to him in the King's Name by Cardinal Trivulce, and to Act by that Model, till a silent and leisurely progress, should open a Path towards the completing his grand design.  
But Verrina, who looked upon all Moderation extremely prejudicial in an affair which required an inflexible Resolution, applied himself to remove those difficultics which made Fieschi grow lukewarm in it. He replied with great vehemence, that to be terrified with Phantasms, was below the Spirit of a Nobleman: That the Garrison in Genova consisted not of above Two Hundred Men: That Doria's Galleys, though many in number, were not now in a posture of defence; the Season of the Year obliging them to be laid up in their Harbours; that Andrew and Jannetin were so far from suspecting any Violence, that both their Persons and their Houses were without a Guard: That the Count might quickly bring in a good number of the likeliest Men that the Neighbouring Country and Villages would afford, and that these should Kill the Two Doria's in their own House: That it would be easy at the same time to send another party of Men by Sea to seize Doria's Galleys: That the remaining part of the design would effect itself, the Populace bearing such an Inveterate hatred to the Nobility, that a slender invitation would be sufficient to make them espouse his Quarrel: And that he himself had already disposed their Minds for it, and would take care they should not fail to rise when their Assistance should be requisite.  
These and several other things subtly aggravated by Verrina, who knew how great an influence he had over Fieschi, dissipated all his Doubts, and fixed his Resolution to proceed according as Verrina had persuaded him. Hereupon he set his thoughts to devise a Method how to bring this affair to a happy conclusion. The first and unanimous Resolution of all the Conspirators was, That since the safety of the present Government depended so entirely on the lives of the Doria's, 'twas absolutely necessary in order to a change of the constitution, that they two should be killed: And to make sure of a complete Revenge, it was likewise resolved that Adam Centurio Father-in-Law to Jannetin, and several of the Prime of the Nobility should be used in the same manner. As soon as Count Fieschi began to entertain thoughts of this Project, and after he had bought the Galleys, he retired into his own Territories; where he spent his time chiefly in training and reviewing the Militia of those Countries, pretending that he apprehended an Invasion from his Neighbour the Duke of Piacenza, whereas his real design was to make his Subjects capable of serving him in his undertaking against the Republic towards the latter end of the Autumn he returned to Genova, where he used great Artifice to obtain the Friendship of those Senators who were of the Popular Faction: He insinuated himself into their acquaintance with a wonderful Affability: To some of them he made liberal Presents: Others he assisted both in paying their Debts, and in making a party for them to gain the preferments they desired: To every one of them he applied himself with all possible demonstrations of a sincere Friendship. And being of a very quick wit, and naturally very easy and complaisant, 'tis hardly credible how soon he gained an entire Confidence with them, and thereby secured himself of the assistance of their dependants. When he sound that he had won their Affections, and could rely upon their Secrecy, he began as opportunities were offered, to speak of the Tyrannical Government of the Nobility, sometimes showing by his Speeches (which were often interrupted by dissembled sighs) how much he pitied the sad Estare of the Populace; sometimes hinting that, if they would not be wanting to themselves, some effectual remedy might be found out, to repress the Arrogance of the Nobility; at other times he advised them with the sharpest Ironies to Passive Obedience under their Slavery leaving always in their minds a greater Propension to Discontents, by his perplexed and dubious Expressions: But above all, if any accident happened which crossed the Inclinations of the Popular Faction, he took occasion from thence to discourse largely to them of the Maladministration of Affairs, under the present Government. Nor did he disdain to seek with diligence the good opinion of the meanest Plebeians, but was always ready to court them, with smiles and affable discourse, and he took care to please their eyes with the dazzling splendour of his clothes. These Artificial Advantages were much set off by a graceful Person and a face adorned with all the charms of a healthy Youth: 
Youth, Beauty, graceful Action seldom fail.  His Air and his Behaviour were so extremely genteel and easy, that he failed not to gain the People's affections as soon as he showed himself in Public to them; 
Dryden's Misc. Poems. 1. part P. 59  which he often did for the ends, and according to the Methods 
* 2 Sam. 14.25  unhappy deluded Absolom formerly pursued.  
Besides this he delighted frequently to exercise his skill in Martial Discipline and Horsemanship, for the excellent performance of both which, his body was so proportionably framed, that in this posture especially he always appeared a most lovely object to the Spectators.  
But because the reputation of Liberality is the certainest Snare to entangle the Mobile, Count Fieschi (as is reported) called to him one day 
* il Console.  the Warden of the Silk-weavers Company, of whom there is in Genova a very great number. He asked him very civilly concerning the circumstances of his Associates, and understanding that they were reduced to extreme want (their Trade in Genova being much decayed by the excessive increase of it in other Places) he expressed a most tender compassion towards the poor Sufferers, saying, he would not abandon them at a time of so great necessity; and therefore ordered that those whose Poverty was known to be most pressing, should be secretly sent to his House to be relieved. The next day a great number of these Wretches flocked together to visit their Benefactor; who to signalise his Liberality, caused a large quantity of Corn to be divided among them, telling them, that as the relieving the needy and the afflicted, had always been the Character of his Family, so he would never by any means degenerate from his Ancestors, therefore whenever they wanted sustenance for their Families, they might confidently expect it from him, and (tho' their modesty should restrain them from the importunity of Beggars) they might at any time find at his House all necessaries ready provided for them. Thus did he add a greater lustre to his Bounty, by seeming desirous to conceal from the view of the World, both that and the miseries of the persons relieved: Who went home no less cheered by the assistance, than astonished at the liberality of Count Fieschi, who they thought deserved as a reward from Heaven, the highest dignities and the happiest success.  
However being apprehensive that the Nobility would suspect his designs, if he made it his whole business to gain the affections of the Mobile, his next study was how to poise the Balance so even, as to secure himself of a confidence and friendship with both. To this end he perfected himself in the art of Dissimulation: He went oftener than usual to visit the Doria's, and not only made many professions of an affectionate esteem for Andrew, (to whom he openly declared himself to be under many obligations) but also disguising the inveterate hatred he bore to Jannetin, he treated him with the intimacy of a Friend, ask his advice and praying his assistance in the management of his concerns. And because there had formerly been some quarrels between them, which had imbittered their Spirits towards one another, he begged of Jannetin, with the promises of a sincere kindness for the future, that he would absolutely forget what was passed.  
By the secret League between the Duke of Piacenza and Count Fieschi, the Duke agreed to send him two thousand Men, which, with two thousand more raised in the Count's Territories, were thought sufficient to quell the risings of the Citizens if any should oppose him; and to this end, he sent one of his Galleys to the coasts of Genova, under the pretence of fitting and manning it for a Maritime Expedition against the Algierines' and other Infidels in their own Seas. Nor was Verrina wanting to forward these designs; for he made it his business to gain over to Fieschi as great a party as he could; and being expert in the Artifices of Popularity, he in a little time engaged some hundreds of the Populace under a promise, to stand by him in a great undertaking that was then carrying on for their advantage.  
By these preparatory Methods they thought they had laid a sufficient Foundation for their Project, and therefore held another consult to determine in what manner they should attempt the final Execution of it. Their first Opinion was that there should be notice given of the Solemnity of 
* una Messa nova.  an extraordinary Mass to be celebrated in St. Andrew's Church, unto which the two Doria's, and those of the Nobility, whose lives they aimed at, should be invited. But this resolution appeared no less uncertain as to the success of it than Inhuman and Sacrilegious; for they thought it was very probable Andrew Doria would excuse his absence on the account of his Age, and send in his stead Philippea or some other near Relation with his accustomed offering. And it shockt them not a little to consider how horrid a thing it would be, to begin their enterprise with so unparallelled a Profanation of the Church, and of the highest Mysteries of Religion. This proposal therefore was absolutely rejected; altho' Verrina, as he was prompted by the violence of his Temper, assured them he would at that very instant dispatch Andrew, under the plausible disguise of a friendly visit. But as Men when once they have broke through the Restraints of Virtue, fall headlong into all manner of Wickedness, so these slender remains of a modest Scrupulosity, which checked them in their former resolution, a little after proved too weak to hinder them from projecting a more detestable piece of Villainy.  
For it happening about this time, that the Marriage was to be celebrated between Julius Cibo Marquis of Massa, related to Fieschi, and one of Jannetin Doria's Sister; it was resolved that Fieschi should invite the Bride and several Ladies to Supper, and with them not only the two Doria's, but also those of the Nobility whom they thought the most dangerous Enemies to their Project, all of whom were to be Murdered barbarously, by hired Ruffians, concealed in the House for that purpose, 
* Inter sacra mensae. Thuanus in Anno 1547.  against the sacred Laws of Hospitality and Converse. That immediately after the commission of this unparallelled Treachery, Fieschi attended with his Guards should ride about the Streets of Genova, calling upon the Mob to assist him in the recovery of their Liberty: That during these Tumults, some of the Count's Party should possess themselves of the Town-Hall, where Verrina in a plausible Harangue should discover to the Populace, Fieschi's intention to change the state of Genova into an absolute Monarchy, and having represented to them how necessary it was to reform the Government, which had been so much corrupted by the insolence and selfishness of the Nobility, should Crown the Count Fieschi Duke of Genova, and force the Plebians, whom they before hand bribed to it, to swear Allegiance to him; and if any Man either by his Words or Actions should testify his dislike, he should be presently killed.  
To complete this design the more easily, it was ordered that the ablest Soldiers the Count had, should in the least suspected manner they could, lodge themselves in Genova, and the Duke of Piacenza was again solicited to hasten the promised Succours. These Transactions (especially the raising of Soldiers) could not be managed so secretly, but Don Ferrand Gonzaga, whom the Emperor had appointed Governor of the Duchy of Milan, in the room of the Marquis del Vasto, had very shrewd suspicions of what was intended: For watching carefully, for the security of his own Government, over every Motion of his Neighbours, and receiving constant intelligence concerning the Actions of those Princes whom he mistrusted, by able and faithful Persons employed by him in that Office, he quickly came to be informed, that there were Two Thousand Men raising in the Duchy of Piacenza with great haste for the Service of Count Fieschi. And guessing by the silent Methods of their Proceedure, that there was a Private Treaty between Fieschi and that Duke, he presently dispatches a Courier to Genova with Advice to Doria, and to Don Gomez Suarez the emperor's Resident there, that they should be watchful, and stand on their Guard, for that the young Count Fieschi was underhand contriving some great design. Andrew Doria was nevertheless so far deceived by the flattering shows of Affection, and by the serenity of Countenance which he constantly observed in Fieschi, and finding all things in the City in the same quiet posture they were before, that he again refused to give Credit to these likely Symptoms of the Conspiracy. It happened, that while Doria and the Resident were discoursing of this Affair, Fieschi unexpectedly came into the Room, with so pleasing and cheerful a Look, and while he stayed there discoursed with them so solidly concerning several matters, that Doria being charmed with his Conversation, whispered the Resident, and asked him, How he could suppose, that a Mind so well Accomplished, and a Person of so Angelical a Beauty would attempt so cruel a piece of Villainy? Nor did he change his Opinion when Gonzaga having from the Court of France received some Confirmation of his former suspicions, sent another Message to him, seriously advising him to search to the bottom of the design; informing him likewise, that the Pope's Galleys were ready at Civita Vecchia, and the French Galleys in the Port of Marseilles, to support and assist, if occasion were, the Fortune of Fieschi.  
And certainly, did not History mention several very eminent Persons, who on light grounds were incredulous to what they heard concerning Designs against themselves, Andrew Doria's excessive good Nature would deserve a sharp Censure: For that when he had such assurances given him, that his own Life, and, through that, the Constitution of the Republic was aimed at, he gave greater Credit to Fieschi's dissembled Looks and Actions, than to the pregnant Evidences of so foul a Conspiracy; as if it were not usual for those who have such designs in hand, to dissemble, for a while, their intended Mischief under a smooth Countenance; or as if any Care and Vigilance were too much to preserve one's own Life in Safety, and one's Country from Ruin. But since Ancient Histories afford us several Examples of very Wise Men, who have suffered themselves to be deluded by a fatal Incredulity in matters of the greatest importance, we may reasonably affirm, that these Events preordained, or inevitably permitted, by an overruling Providence, could not be completed, but by these Momentary Mistakes of the wisest Politicians, (as an Epidemical Distemper may sometimes seize on the soundest Body) that we may not attribute too much to Worldly Wisdom, when we find it so defective in matters of the greatest moment. But certainly Paul Pansa was much more overseen, who viewing Fieschi's Actions with a careful and friendly Eye, from the time that he bought the Galleys, could not but suspect there was some extraordinary design in hand, and yet did not then give that Check to it which his Station and Dignity allowed. The Transactions which he every Day saw and heard were just occasion for the increase of these suspicions. For Fieschi, whose usual custom it had been to impart to Pansa his most secret affairs and designs, now became very close and reserved to him, and very frequent in his Consultations with his other ill chosen Confidents, whose Characters I have before represented. For although, while he entertained his Friends, or appeared on Horse back in the streets of Genova, he wonderfully disguised his thoughts from the public view, by a dissembled cheerfulness in his countenance and behaviour, yet when he returned home the Scene was quite changed, and the perplexing agitations of his Soul plainly discovered themselves by a profound Melancholy, and a wild distracted Look. His aim in concealing his designs from Pansa's knowledge, was only because he knew for certain, a Man so well principled in Piety and Morality, would use his utmost endeavour to deter him from so wicked an Enterprise: Or at least he suspected that Pansa, who had been bred up at a distance from the warlike sound of Drums and Trumpets, under the Peaceful Influence of the Muses, (who always choose a quiet retreat from Noise and Tumult) would examine every Circumstance of the Project with an excessive Caution, and dissuade him from proceeding in it beyond the limits of security; which in undertake of this Nature no Man ought to flatter himself with, because 'tis utterly impossible.  
One Day, it so happened that Count Fieschi being after his return home, more than ordinarily disturbed with Melancholy Thoughts, and Pansa perceiving by the apparent uneasiness in his Looks and Behaviour, that his Mind was strangely distempered, he resolved immediately to discourse with him concerning it, lest if he should delay any longer, the Disease might grow incurable, before any Remedy were administered. Finding him therefore retired into a private Apartment, he accosted him in this manner.  
As it is very unbesitting a well-bred Person to pry into the secrets of others, so it is on the other hand very laudable to conceal what is so imparted; and as I have not given you my promise of Secrecy, because I hope all my Actions have sufficiently demonstrated my Fidelity, so I have hitherto forborn enquiring into your Concerns, lest I should be guilty of any thing that might incur your displeasure. Nevertheless your unaccustomed reservedness plainly declares to me, that the Project you are now designing, is of the highest moment, since you take such pains to hide it from your Friends. Your Looks, so full of disturbance and inquietude, give me occasion to share with you in your solicitous Apprehensions; and though I know not the reason, yet I am full of fears for your safety. This proceeds from no other cause, (Sir) but the excess of my Love to your Person, and my sincere and ardent Wishes (as is my duty) for your Prosperity. For how can I persuade myself that what you aim at is really desirable, since the thoughts of it do so violently shock the usual Serenity of your Mind? Certainly the conclusion of that affair, which, though yet in Embryo, gives you these disturbances, cannot be so tranquil as a wise Man would wish: And this mighty Inquietude and Commotion of your Soul, is But an unhappy Omen of the unsuccessful Event of your Enterprise. I will not pretend to dive into the Secret which you have thought fit to conceal from me: (though what Service am I able to do you, if you at all suspect my Truth and Faithfulness?) but (pray Sir consider) whither can their persuasions lead you, whose Conversation always leaves you oppressed with a Load of Cares and Discontents? And (if you will allow me to probe your Wound, that it may the more easily be cured,) I do more than doubt, that these your secret Conferences with crafty and ill designing Persons, will by degrees alienate your Mind from the Rules of Virtue and True Honour. Their Piety is not so sincere, nor their Moral Principles so well founded, that I can expect they should give you any advice consistent with your Honour or Religion. Perhaps they impose on the Candour of your Nature, and the small experience of your Years, thinking, that because your Temper is inclinable to the pursuit of Glorious Actions, you will the more easily join with them in any rash Project, which they shall disguise under those colours. Shut not your Eyes (I beg you Sir) against these dangers, but rather exert your utmost and most diligent Attention: For one Mad Man may push you into a precipice, from whence a Thousand Wise Men with all their Arts cannot retrieve you.  
'Tis an easy matter to set your own, or your Neighbour's House on Fire, but how much Toil and Labour and Sweat will it cost to stop and extinguish it? Therefore (pray Sir) take good heed that these Fellows do not make you their Property to bring about their own Ends; and by their deceiving you into an irreparable loss, do not from thence build up their own Fortunes. There are but few Counsellors (too few alas!) so honest, as without the prospect of Self-Interest, to promote and aim at what is Just and Honourable; therefore it is absolutely necessary for you to try them by this Touchstone. For my part I cannot persuade myself, that those, whose Lives are a continued Scene of Flagitious Crimes, will ever instill or advance the progress of Virtue in any other Person. For although a Man's Discourse and his Actions may be separately considered, revertheless, Experience informs us, that a good Example preaches Reformation more effectually than the most Eloquent Discourses; for these grow contemptible when the daily practice of him that gives the Advice contradicts his Exhortations. Therefore (Sir) what unreasonable things do your importunate Confidents demand of you? Into what new and dangerous designs do they endeavour to wheedle you? Your Circumstances cannot be bettered by any public Confusions, though theirs may. Fortune, which has so long smiled on your Family, may very probably alter her Countenance to an Angry Frown, should you be so imprudent as to irritate her; and (I almost dare assure you) every alteration that may happen, will be much less desirable than your present Condition. Envy has a long time been endeavouring to canker your Happiness, and when your Mind and your Affairs are once in a disorder, that unlucky Fury will quickly force her entrance, by the means of several Persons, now much your inferiors both in Honour and Estate, who make it their business to find some reasonable grounds, on which, to found their Calumnies against you.  
'Tis true, the chief delights of Youth flow from the Prospect their large Hopes afford them: But 'tis as true, no state is more dangerous than a secure Prosperity. Therefore, pray Sir, take care that (according to the Fable of our Ancient Mythologist) you lose not the real Substance which you now possess, by catching at a distant and uncertain, though perhaps, a very tempting Shadow. They (alas!) who fill your Head with these designs, have nothing of their own to lose: Tumults, Seditions, and a public Anarchy, assord such Wretches, Shelter, Maintenance, and, too often, an increase of Honour and Riches; for those whose Fortunes are low built, cannot fear, as the great ones do, any shock in their easy descent to Ruin and Beggary. But (Sir) for you it is absolutely necessary to order your steps with Caution; for Fame expects it from you, that your Actions, if they do not exceed (as I hope they will) yet at least shall not come behind, the performances of your Ancestors.  
Fieschi heard this discourse with great uneasiness and impatience; for his resolutions were unalterably fixed on the design from which Pansa tried to dissuade him; nevertheless with some marks of Confusion in his Looks and Gesture, he returned him this Answer in few words, That he proposed no Aims to himself but those that were Generous and Worthy of his Birth, which in due time he would be sure to acquaint him withal.  
While the Conspirators were in great expectations of the Day appointed for the Feast, (which was to be the Fourth of January,) there happened an Accident which forced them to hasten the execution of their Project, though to their unspeakble regret, because it deprived them of the opportunity of cutting off a great part of the Nobility, whom otherwise they might have surprised all together, they being then to assemble for the choosing a new Duke of that Republic. For Andrew Doria being seized with a violent Fit of the Gout, which with its excessive Torments threw him into a dangerous Fever, he could not meet according to his promise; and Jannetin was obliged by some urgent business to leave Genova. So that Fieschi, and his Confidents, considering that Conspiracies have often been ruined, but hardly ever forwarded by unnecessary delays, resolved that on the Second of January, very early in the Morning, or as soon as they could possibly get ready the preceding Night, they would put their great design in execution. Hereupon Fieschi began to give out, that he would send out one of his Galleys to molest the Corsaires, for the Pope allowing him but just enough to maintain Three, he was desirous to supply his Fourth Galley with all Necessaries, by the Prizes she should take from the Infidels. By this specious and well disguised Artifice he brought in several of the Men sent him from Piacenza, and some of hisown Vassals, pretending he would choose out the likeliest of them for his Expedition: And lest the number of those that came from Piacenza should seem to exceed what was requisite for the Manning a Galley, and thereby give some suspicion of a farther design in it, he caused some of them to be chained together, and so led like Men designed for the Oar: Others he caused to be disarmed, and to come into the City by several of the Gates, and he afterwards took care to furnish them with Arms. Then for the more easy deceiving of Jannetin, he first imparted this his Project to him as a Token of his Friendship, requesting him earnestly to interceded with Andrew Doria, that there might be no Obstacle put to his Enterprise; for, as he pretended, he was under some apprehensions, lest in pursuance of the Truce between Solyman the Grand Signior, and the Emperor Charles the Fifth, he might be stopped in his intentions of Privateering.  
On the First of January, (the Day preceding that Night which had like to have been Fatal to Genova) Count Fieschi sent for certain Soldiers of the City Guards to his Palace, some of whom were his own Subjects, others had by his means obtained their Freedoms of the City of Genova; having done this, he went to Andrew Doria's House, where he stayed till it grew late, expressing all the Marks of a Cordial Love and True Respect for him and his Family: And it so happening, that John Adorea, and Pagano, Two Young Children of Jannetin's, as they were playing about the House met Fieschi, he took them in his Arms and kissed them several times in the presence of their Father. Just as he was going, he again desired Jannetin, to order his Soldiers not to stop his Galley, which was that Night to begin its Voyage towards the Aegran Sea, and earnestly entreated him not to be disturbed if he should hear the discharging of Guns, or any other Noise; for those Erterprises (as he very well knew) could not be managed without some sort of Tumult. When Day was quite shut in, Count Fieschi caused all those Armed Men, whose assistance he thought requisite, to come into his Palace: Those, of whose Courage and Fidelity he had, had the greatest experience, he posted at all the Gates and Avenues, giving 'em strict Orders to let all enter that would, but to suffer none to go out again.  
Count Fieschi's Palace was situated in that higher part of Genova, which is called Carignan, a place, as it were, divided from the rest of the City. For as two sides of it are bounded by the Walls of Genova, so from the East it views the delightful Villas of Albaro, and the pleasant Valley of Bisagne, and its front is towards the Sea. Thus by its lofty situation it is in a manner separated from, and proudly seems to domineer over the City that lies at its Feet. On this Ascent, and in an Island, stood Fieschi's Palace: So that 'twas as conveniently placed, as could be, for carrying on such a design; for none of the adjacent Houses could be at all Alarmed by the Tumultuous Noise of Military preparations.  
When they came to set the Watch in the Castle of Genona, Gigante Corso the Governor (whose Integrity was equal to his Valour) found several of his Soldiers missing: And having enquired diligently at their several Quarters, he received information, that Count Fieschi had enticed them to follow him to Carignan. The Novelty of the thing made him suspect some dangerous design; so that he immediately imparted, what he had observed, to Doria, and to the Senators that kept their Residence in the Ducal Palace.  
Now began to appear the Fatal Effects of Fieschi's cautious Hypocrisy; for Jannetin Doria, being prepossessed with the Count's pretended design of fitting out a Galley, dissipated these Suspicions, by declaring to them (what he thought was real) that Fieschi had recalled these Soldiers, his Subjects and Dependants, to serve him in Privateering towards the Levant.  
Thus short sighted are the Apprehensions of us Mortals, who too often think ourselves secure, when our Enemy hath not only designed, but is just upon the point, of completing our Ruin.  
Count Fieschi, after he had stayed a while in his own Palace to give necessary Orders, he went out again to visit some of the Merry LeVeglie. Meetings, which in the depth of Winter the Nobility use to keep by turns in their several Houses. About Four Hours after he had began his Rounds, he came to Thomas Asseretoes House, where he found got together, by the contrivance of Verrina, Three and Twenty Young Gentlemen who favoured the Popular Faction. He stayed there with them a while, entertaining them with great Civility, and then invited them to Sup with him at Carignan; towards which he urged this as a great inducement, that the Night was calm, and the Moon shone clear. As soon as they came to Carignan, he carried them into some of the farthest Apartments, and ordered Pansa to keep his Wife Lemora at the other end of the House, till he came to her, which should be in a little time. This Lady was of the illustrious Family of Cibo, Sister to Julius, Marquis of Massa, and to Aubrey, who after he had lived to see a Century of Years completed, and had enjoyed a Prosperous, though decrepit, Old Age, Died in the Year 1623., being Honoured and Lamented by all Italy.  
While these things were transacting in Fieschi's Palace, Verrina very cunningly went into the City as a Scout to spy, whether there was any motion or disturbance in the Ducal, or at Doria's Palace, or in any other part of Genova.  
In the mean time Fieschi's Guests looked on one another, being mightily Amazed to see the House more than usually full of Arms and Armed Men: But at last the Count himself, whose Countenance was quite changed, (whether by the Apprehensions of the Parricide he was just going to commit, or by the excess of his Rage and Malice against Jannetin, which having been hitherto stifled within his Breast, began now plainly to show itself in his Looks and Words, leaning upon the Table, and having struck it with great Vehemence, spoke to them in this manner.  
Gentlemen,  
Matters are now come to that pass, that no one who has a drop of noble Blood in his Veins, can any longer tamely bear these Oppressions. My patience and constancy have long since been shockt, by the dreadful prospect of my Country's Ruin, and my Countrymen's falling under the Tyranny designed for them by an ungrateful Villain. Were it possible that these dangerous Distempers, which have already attacked the vitals of the Republic, could receive any remedy by our delays, I for my part would be very willing to consent to any Truce which might secure our common Safety: But since our affairs are driven to the last Extremity, there lies a necessity upon us to exert our utmost force for the preservation of our Country from Ruin. Dangers, such as ours are to be conquered by a bold Resistance, for nothing increases the weight of them more than a lazy expectation of Events. Jannetin Doria hath long since been surfeited with a series of prosperous successes attending him: Now he is become a Vassal to Ambition, that tormenting extravagancy of the Mind, and is got so near to the conclusion of his wicked designs, that neither fear nor modesty restrain him from threatening (more by Actions than by words) Genova with Servitude, and me with Death. Was it not enough for this Villain to, behold the Genovese Populace, who but a little while ago possessed the Sovereignty of all Liguria, now deprived of that power and dignity, and subjected to the insolent scorn of the Nobility; but must he aim at enslaving us to an absolute Monarchy, wherewith he is designing to invest himself? To this purpose he grows uneasy at his present condition, and in his own Country (which yet enjoys the happiness of being a free State) he puts on the barbarity of a Foreign Invader; his Pride and Stubbornness are so great, that they cannot be mollisied by our humble and modest compliance, nor can we by any Methods, how cautious soever, escape the fatal consequences of being suspected and hated by him. You see how strongly he has environed our Maritime Coasts, with his twenty Galleys; you see how proudly he passes through the City, attended by such of the Nobility, who having by the means of Andrew Doria usurped that Dignity which was lately yours, now pay Jannetin for it the price of a servile obsequiousness; but that which most sensibly affects me is the invincible reasons I have to think, that he designs to oppress the public Liberty by the assistance of the Emperor his too powerful Patron. And because I alone, out of a sense of the duty I owe to my Country, and of the particular obligations I have to your Party, would never consent (as several others of the Nobility have done) to the unjust depredations that have been made on the rights of the People, Jannetin is employing all his Engines for my destruction. Why therefore, Gentlemen, do we yet continue careless and cowardly Spectators of our approaching Calamities? For what enterprise do we reserve our Strength and Courage, if we now unhappily abandon our own and our Country's safety, when there is need of our utmost force to preseve it from Desolation? 'Tis now the time for us to punish, if we can, these Villainous Conspiracies, and not to lament and deplore them: Tears, Sighs, and querulous Language, are Weapons proper only for Women, but whosoever deserves the nobler Character of a Man, aught to revenge his injuries in such vigorous Methods as are worthy that Sex, which Nature has honoured with so large Prerogatives. We have all of us too long patiently endured the insolence of those, who impute this our good Nature, to a servile and base Temper. And the impunity with which their former Crimes have escaped, do only encourage these oppressors to increase the grievances which we have till now disguised under a forced silence and a dissembled contentedness. And what further are we yet to expect from these Villain? Perhaps when you are wholly deprived of the small share you now have in the Administration of affairs, their cruel mercy may induce them to spare some of your lives; but how much wished for will Death be by those who will daily be entertained with the dismal prospect of the ruin of Estates, the destruction of Families, Murders treacherously perpetrated under the pretence of Law and Justice, Matrons and Virgins ravished, and many more Villainies committed, by Jannetin Doria's Soldiers, and by his approbation? These and many more Calamities are the unavoidable consequences of a Tyranny, which owes its Birth to the ruin of a flourishing State, and cannot be established but by the Death of all brave and worthy Patriots.  
Therefore (my Friends; are our Souls so degenerated? Is our Blood so spiritless and i'll? Are our Weapons so very dull and blunted, that we cannot exert a vigorous Revenge, and put an end to the infamous life of him, who glories in that he hath reduced us to this unfortunate and despicable condition? Shall we not pierce every fiber of that Heart that hath harboured projects so villainous and cruel? Shall we suffer one, who at the best, is but our equal, imperiously to trample upon us, and to have the same absolute power of Life and Death over us, as if we had been born his Slaves? For my own part I declare, I had much rather purchase my liberty with the utmost toil and hazard, than to slide with ease and sloth into the state of Servitude; and as I may (without arrogance) believe that our common Enemies, design my death as well as the subversion of the Republic, so do I with the most cheerful willingness Sacrifice my life for the preservation of our National Liberty, which if I should not much prefer before the safety of my own Person, I were unworthy to live a moment longer. But however, I would fain see in you, those vigorous Emotions of mind, which not only your Quality and Educattion, but even those great dangers which at this time threaten your ruin, require from you. And whether you would have me act the part of your Leader, or of a common Soldier in so just a cause, I am ready according to your Orders, either to Command, or to obey. I here consign myself to you with an assurance, that as my Person shall be always in your Power, so my Soul shall be undaunted, and unshaken under whatsoever event may attend our undertaking.  
But, Gentlemen, whether your honour or your safety is dear to you, you must be of good Courage, and take up Arms with me: For this resolution is absolutely necessary to you all, to those of you who are inspired with a forward valour 'tis exceeding glorious, and to those with whom a cautious abhorrence of War is more prevalent, self-preservation makes it indispensably requisite. Nor do I invite you to join with me in a rash, and inconsiderate enterprise, for 'tis many Months since I not only projected all the methods to effect it, but made it my business to provide a sufficient number of Soldiers; who being now conveniently posted about the City, seem to give us full assurance of an easy and certain victory, almost without the hazard of a Battle. So that when you call to mind the contemptuous behaviour of our governing Nobility, and the excessive pride of Jannetin Doria, I am sure these Reflections must awaken in you a desire of an honourable revenge: And this will inspire you with so vigorous a courage in the use of your Weapons, that our Enemies will, to their loss and shame, admire the courage of us whom they have so much despised, and on the other side we shall know by experience, whether their fortitude in War is any ways equal to their Arrogance and Luxury in times of Peace. Thus far, my Friends, I have laid before you my thoughts of the present state of affairs: 'Tis time now to put an end to my discourse, that we may proceed in our successful enterprise. Let us march into the City, where multitudes are ready to join with us in our honourable undertaking. The Gates and Avenues are in the power of such Soldiers as I have brought over to my Interests; and when I give the signal, the Genouse Galleys will fall into the possession of some stout Seamen, who will with their lives defend their Prize, and annoy the Enemy.  
In the City fifteen hundred Tradesmen and Artificers wait ready armed for our coming: By this time two thousand of the Infantry of Piacenza, and as many of my own Subjects are got into the Suburbs, and are calling upon the Populace to assist them in restoring the Liberty, resettling the ancient Government of Genova, and extirpating the insolent Tyranny and Usurpation of Jannetin Doria, and his confederate Nobility.  
Therefore rouse up your Courage, and march with me; that this Night (which in Brightness Rivals the clearest Day) may put an end to the Memory of our past Servitude, by restoring to the despised Populace their Just Dignities and Rightful Privileges.  
And if, after what I have said, there is any one of you, who shall be so Obstinate and Selfconceited, as to make any Objection or Opposition to an Exploit so Noble and Generous, as is the preserving our Country from imminent Servitude, let him look upon this Dreadful Scene of Warlike Preparations, and assure himself, that where there are so many Swords, his Breast shall not escape unpierced. I must freely and plainly declare to you, that 'tis absolutely necessary for us all to Fight, or to Die: And his Blood who shall refuse to Succour his Country in this time of Danger, shall be shed in this very place to wash out the stain of his Ingratitude and Perfidiousness: And this Hand of mine shall Slay the first Victim, which Consecrates this Night to the Love of our Country, if any one dares be so untimely scrupulous as to make any Resistance.  
This Threatening Speech, together with such a number of Armed Men appearing in their view ready to execute these Menaces, so much Astonished the Imprisoned Guests, that for some time they remained silent: But at last being more affected with the Apprehensions of their present Danger, (being on all sides hemmed in by Count Fieschi's Soldiers) then with the Horror of the Impious Action they were going about, expressed their readiness to Obey the Count's Orders, and to sollow him as their Leader. Two only of the whole Company dissembling a Cowardice, (Honourable on such an occasion) Petitioned Fieschi not to engage them in an Affair so far distant from their Profession; lest (being surprised with excessive Fear in the heat of the Fight) they should rather be a hindrance than a help to his Enterprise. And so tightly did they feign this unusual Torrour, that the Count, after he had a while discoursed with them, supposing as they pretended, their Company might be prejudicial to him, was well satisfied that they should continue in an Apartment of his Palace confined under a strong Guard. These were John Baptist Cattaneo Bava, and John Baptist Justiniano, the Son of urban; who voluntarily Acting the Cowards at such a seasonable Juncture, to keep themselves from being the Infamous partakers in this Public Parricide, deserve for it much greater Praise, than Junius Brutus for counterfeiting the Madman: For by that dissimulation he only secured himself from the Jealousy of the Proud Tyrant Tarquin, but these Worthies by their pretended Timorousness, did what in them lay, for the common safety of the Republic.  
Fieschi's Servants had by this time furnished a Table with several Dishes of Meat, as a Collation rather than a Supper; of which hasty Banquet while some few of his Guests without sitting down just tasted, the Count himself went into his Wife's Apartment, where he found her discoursing with Pansa, and in a few words imparted to her the design he was going about. This Lady being strangely surprised at the horridness of the Fact, and the consideration of the Dangers her Husband exposed himself to in the prosecution of it, fell at his Feet in the manner of a Suppliant, and accompanying her Words with Sighs and Tears, and all the Marks of a real and intense Sorrow, spoke to him to this effect.  
I beg you (my Dearest Lord) by the sincere and ardent Love I bear you, and by whatever in the World you value at the highest Rate, take care of your Life, and do not by so base an Act Blemish the Honour of your Family. By these Tears I shed, and by these Knees of yours which I now embrace, do not, I entreat you, so far forget the Duty you owe to God, to your Country, to me, and to yourself: Why will my Fieschi precipitate himself and me into Calamities which he may so easily avoid? How shall I be able to undergo the weight, of expecting every Minute, (with the Ominous Presages of a Trembling Heart) the piercing News of your Death; which will be but the beginning of my Disconsolate and Disgraceful Widowhood; for how can I expect better Usage (though the Calamities of that State seldom fail to move Compassion) than to be pointed at, and taken notice of, as the Partner of your Bed, and the Concealer, if not Sharer, of your Treason. Can you be so Cruel as to abandon me for a Prey to the Lust of the Soldiers, and the Fury of the Populace, who (I fear) will ere it be long come to pillage and destroy this House, as part of the Just Punishment due for your Rebellion; and in that Lamentable Outrage how can I expect to be free from their Violence and Rudeness? Therefore, my Dear Lord, alter yet your Resolutions, and proceed no further in this.  
She would have proceeded, but her Grief interrupted her, and Fieschi perceiving that Panla was prepared to second the Countesses Request with Arguments to dissuade him from so Flagitious an Enterprise, put an end to their intended Debate by this Answer.  
Let not my Leonora presage so unhappy a conclusion to my Enterprise, but rather entertain her Mind, during my absence, with the pleasing hopes of a Fortunate Event. My Destiny has engaged me in this Design, and my Affairs are now in that posture, that whether I will or no, I must proceed; therefore (my Dearest) compose your Mind to that temper, as not to be surprised with excessive Joy at my good Success, nor with too intense a Grief, if the contrary should happen. Within a sew Hours you will hear either of my Death or Victory. And so Farewell.  
About this time Verrina returned to the Palace, and assured Count Fieschi, that there was no reason for him to apprehend any manner of opposition in any part of the City: that his Galley well Manned and Armed stood ready for a Signal to block up the entrance of the Darsenne, and shut up (as it were) Doria's Vessels which were then in that Harbour. Fieschi upon this distributes Arms to those whom he had got together, and about Ten at Night began his Expedition, having Marshaled his Men in this order. His Vanguard consisted of One Hundred and Fifty Chosen Men, whose Courage and Skill in these Affairs he had frequent Experience of. Next Marched the Count himself (attended by the Nobles of his Party,) and, as it became a careful General, he made it his business to see that his Soldiers observed the necessary Discipline of keeping in their Ranks and Files. When they were come near to the Suburbs, Fieschi dispatched his Natural Brother Cornelius to seize the Gate del Arco; which he took without great difficulty, the Garrison-Soldiers who were but few, not expecting to find themselves in a time of Peace to be so fiercely Attacked from without, and at the same time betrayed from within their Walls by the Treachery of Fieschi's Adherents. The Count being flushed with this good Success, sends away presently his Two Brothers Jerome and Ottobuoni, together with Vincentio Calcagno, to possess themselves of the Gate of St. Thomas. Just at this time the Galley discharged their Cannon, which was the Signal agreed on to give them notice of its arrival to the place appointed. As soon as Fieschi heard this, he and the Soldiers that attended him hastened their March to the Bridge of Cattani, having in their way thither passed through St. Andrew's Arch to St. Donate's, and from thence all along the Street called Piazza de i Salvaghi. When they came to the Bridge of Cattani, Verrina being got on board the Galley, Thomas Assereto endeavoured to make sure of the entrance into the Darsenne; who at first had a free admittance granted him by those who guarded this Port, because when he told them his Name they knew him to be a Servant of Jannetin's; but as soon as they saw how many Soldiers followed him, they suspected his design, and by main force thrust him out again, and put themselves vigorously on the defensive. So that this Stratagem failing, and it being very necessary that some Body should get in at that passage, and open the Gate for Fieschi's entrance, it was resolved that Scipio Borgognoni, one of the Count's Subjects, famed for his Courage and Conduct, should Arm and Man some of the smallest Vessels, with which, thus provided against all Exigences, he should by Sea force his passage into the Darsenne, and open a way for the Conspirators Irruption at the place, where the Imposts upon Wines are assessed and paid. And thus was the design successfully executed: For although there were some Contrasts before the Soldiers in Garrison would quit their Post; yet the Assailants being more in number, and of a more daring Courage, than the Besieged, they quickly forced them to abandon their Fort.  
By this time Fieschi arrived by Land to the Darsenne, and waited every Moment for the Signal which was to give notice that his Galley was got safely thither: But it happened that she came some time later than had been agreed on; for, the Water being shallow, she ran aground, and it cost them full half an Hour to Launch her out again into the Deep.  
These tumultuous motions by this time had raised a Hurly Burly in the Darsenne; but before the Genoveses could be throughly alarmed with it, Count Fieschi hearing the Signal given, ordered his Soldiers to fall upon Doria's Galleys with all imaginable vigour and fury, which was accordingly executed, he himself performing his part in this Assault. This unexpected violence, and the sight of such a number of armed Men in possession of the Port, quickly alarmed both the Seamen and the Galley Slaves; and now the Air was filled with a confused and dreadful noise, the Slaves joining together in the common cry of Liberty, and endeavouring to burst their Chains, the detestable Badges of their Villainy and Servitude. But Count Fieschi never intended (nor would it have much forwarded his design) to be Master only of so many empty Vessels; therefore to prevent the damage that would accrue to him by the flight of these Slaves; he made all possible haste to get on Board the Admiral Galley which made no great haste either to escape or to return the violence the Enemies had offered its Commander and Soldiers, 
La Capitana  being startled at these unexpected disorders. Fieschi being eager to accomplish this design, ordered a plank to be laid for his Passage, one end of it resting on the shore, and the other on the ladder in the poup of the Vessel; this movable Bridge proved the ruin of the whole Project; for neither end of it being fastened, and the Galley happening, by some accident or other, to thrust farther from the shore, Fieschi and the Bridge he so rashly trusted with his life, were of a sudden plunged in the Waves.  
He was armed at all points, and with the weight of this he was so oppressed, that he could not save himself by swimming back to the Shore; and the darkness of the Night, and the tumultuous Noises of so great a concourse of People, hindered his Friends from perceiving the fatal Accident, or hearing the cries and shrieks of their Leader in this desperate Extremity, which quickly put an end to his life; he being rather stifled in a puddle of Muddy Water, than drowned in the clear Ocean, and being clogged and weighed down by that Armour, in which he had placed his greatest security.  
Thus the Almighty by his unerring Providence derides and frustrates those Cobweb Policies and vain Projects, wherewith unhappy unbiased Mortals amuse themselves, for this formidable Conspiracy, which had been framed and carried on at the expense of so much time, and so many cunning Artifices, which was now secured and strengthened by a competent Army, and was just ripe for Execution, was at this very instant shattered and destroyed, by an event sudden, unexpected, and in all appearance purely casual: Divine Justice involving the Conspirators in those dreadful Calamities, to which their Treacherous cruelty had designed to sacrifice their Native Country.  
In the mean time (notwithstanding this Accident) the Conspirators boarded Doria's Galleys, and mauned them with a sufficient number of their own Soldiers, of whose fidelity they had had the greatest experience.  
Nor were Fieschi's two Brothers Jerome and Ottobuoni any ways wanting in the Execution of their Commission; for as soon as they heard the Cannon discharged, (which was the signal agreed on) they attacked the Gate of St. Thomas with 600 Men; intending when this was in their Power, to march from hence directly to Doria's Palace (which was situated without the City Walls, and at a small distance from this Gate) and there barbarously to assassinate Andrew Doria and his Nephew Jannetin. The Garrison that was posted at this Gate, made an honourable resistance for some time, and had not Fieschi corrupted some of the Soldiers with Bribes, it is not a little probable that this attempt had proved unsuccessful. For Sebastiani Lerearo and his Brother, one of them being Captain, and the other Ensign of that party, coming in at that instance to their assistance, held the Conspirators to a sharp and bloody Combat, till at last the Captain being taken Prisoner and the Ensign killed in the Skirmish, the defendants being betrayed by some of their fellow Soldiers, and briskly assaulted by their Enemies, were at last put to flight, and so lost that Gate they had so well defended; and which the Conspirators rather bought with their Money than acquired by their valour. The Shouts of the Soldiers, the Clashing of Weapons, and the Noise of the tumult grew so loud that it was heard to Doria's Palace. The old Man was at this time confined to his Bed by a violent fit of the Gout; but however was mightily alarmed at these unaccountable Confusions; as was also Jannetin's Wife, who being waked by them presently, told her Husband she apprehended the Galley Slaves were in a Mutiny. He presently got up, and persuading himself that he should only find his own Seamen engaged in some 
* una rissa accesa per cagione dignoco.  jocular quarrel, or some accidental squabble easily reconcilable, he marched towards the Gate of St. Thomas. And as if sat had hurried him on to his certain destruction, he took no Arms with him but a Sword, nor any attendants but one Servant, and a Page, who carried a Torch before him; although his Uncle, prudently considering that the danger might be greater than it at first appeared, had advised him to take with him a sufficient number of Men and Arms to defend himself against any Violence that might be offered him; and his Wife had with the most tender and affectionate Entreaties endeavoured to persuade him not to stir abroad till Morning: But he was deaf to her Prayers, and regardless of his Uncle's Advice.  
Jannetin, when he came to the Gate, supposing it was still Guarded by those Soldiers of his own Party, whose Charge it used to be, being vexed at this unseasonable Disturbance, and not finding so ready an admittance as he expected, called out to them aloud 
* con Pusata alterezza.  in an imperious manner (as was his custom) and commanded them to open the Gate to him; which the Conspirators very joyfully did, as soon as they knew by his voice, that it was Jannetin Doria, whom they hated and feared as one of the greatest Obstacles to their wicked designs.  
Having thus a fair opportunity for executing their Malice, they lost no time; but as soon as ever Jannet in had put his head within the Wicket, they fell upon him with all the Weapons they had at command, and barbarously Murdered him leaving hardly any part of his body free from the bloody Characters of their Cruelty. But Divine Justice signalised itself in the revenge of this Murder, for at the same instant that unhappy Doria sell a Sacrifice to the fury of his Enemies, Count Fieschi (as some Writers observe) who was the chief contriver of this Murder, and by whose particular order his Soldiers perpetrated it, ended his life in the wretched manner above related.  
Jannetin Doria was a Person worthy of a longer life, for he was a true lover of his Country, and a Scourge and Terror to the Corsaires of Barbary and other Pirates, who cruised about the Coasts of Genova, and interrupted the freedom of Commerce: Therefore (if Genova must have lost him in the Flower of his Age) his Death would have been much more glorious, had he expired in the heat of Battle, fight against the common Enemy, than to perish (as he did) by the inhuman Malice of Seditious Assassins and Traitors, who had set their Country in a Flame and were just upon the point of completing its ruin.  
It was a thing to be wondered at that those who murdered Jannetin did not, as was at first resolved, run presently to Andrew Doria's Palace, and at the same time (as would have been no difficult matter) have secured themselves (by acting the same Villainy on the Uncle which they had lately done on the Nephew) from the possibility of another Revolution, under the Conduct of that Patriot, who had once before, and might again restore the liberty of Genuoa. Nor had they reason to expect any thing at his hands in case he should furvive their Malice and overthrow their Designs, but to be made memorable examples of Public Justice, both for their bold Rebellion and their many Murders, especially that of Jannetin which they might be sure would most nearly affect him. But this Flagitious Act they forbore; whether it were that the horror of what they had already done raised such a tumult in their minds, as is usual with wicked Men that they knew not for a while, what to resolve on next. Or whether they were stopped in the violence of their Carcer by Jerome Fieschi the Count's Brother, who had no great apprehensions of any ill Consequences from the life of Andrew Doria, a Man of Fourscore years Old, and very infirm in his Body, left without guards and very thinly attended; now that he had dispatched Jannetin a bold and resolute Young Man, and that Doria's Galleys and those of the Republic were (as he believed) in the possession of his own adherents, and that he had subdued his Enemies within the City, and taken their most considerable Fortresses, so that he thought himself secure of the Conquest: Or lastly, whether he feared that while the Soldiers greedy of Rapine where wholly intent upon the Plunder of so rich a Palace as Doria's, their Enemies might surprise them and cut them in pieces; or were desirous (as is probable enough) to reserve that magnificent furniture, (which the rudeness of the Soldiers would not have spared) whole and entire, as it then stood, to grace the Triumphs of his Brother at his Victorious Entry.  
In the mean time the Noise and Tumults increasing, and Andrew Doria not knowing the occasion of them, enquired often what was become of Jannetin, but could hear no Tidings at all of him, nor receive any satisfactory Information about the Dreadful Confusions that reigned in all Quarters of the City: At last he sent Lovis Julia, one of his Domestics, into the City to learn the cause of these Disorders, who brought him word in a very little time, that Count Fieschi was become Master of the City; that the Circumstances of the Republic were extremely dangerous; that the Galleys were in the possession of the Conspirators; that the Populace were in so high a Sedition, as to declare openly for Liberty, and to wish Success to the Arms of Fieschi whom they looked upon as their Deliverer; that Armed Men outrageously Violent were to be met with in every Street, who like Mad Men threatened Destruction, and a general Plunder to all the Houses of Rich Men; that there was nothing to be seen but Quarrels, Bloodshed, and Murder; and that in all parts Opprobrious and Reproachful Language, with the bitterest Curses and Execrations against the Nobility were to be heard; and lastly, that himself was in a particular manner destined a Sacrifice to their Rage and Malice.  
This News, though it did not at all affrighten the good Old Man, yet it touched his Soul with so sensible a Grief, to see his Country, which he had always loved with the tenderest Affection, just upon the brink of Ruin, that he resolved without making any resistance to yield himself a Prey to the Impetuous Fury of the Conspirators: Saying, that he ought not to live after the Subversion of the Republic; and that he was now willing and desirous that the small and unhappy remainder of his Life, should have the same Period with the expiring Liberty of Genova.  
But the earnest Requests and Tears of his Wife, together with the obliging Violence of his Servants, overruled his former Resolutions, and prevailed with him to hasten his departure; which, they told him, was now become necessary: Representing to him withal, that since the Annals of his Life were full of so many generous and public spirited Actions, he ought to reserve the close of it for the Common Good of his Country: That therefore he ought to be willing to Live, that he might see his own Glory and Reputation redoubled, by restoring Genova once more to her Liberty, and repelling that Tyranny which was now imminent, but under his Auspicious Conduct might yet be Crushed: That now was the time for him to render his former Conduct the more illustrious, by supporting these Misfortunes with a calm Fortitude, and by consulting the Dictates of his own Mind, which he used to preserve serene and free from the surprise of sudden Accidents, or the oppression of Despair: That Genova had now nothing to rely on for her Recovery, but the safety of his Person: That though the Republic were for a while Oppressed by the Arbitrary Sway of the most Egregious Villains, yet she could not despair of a Resurrection to her former Glorious State, while she knew her Deliverer to be safe: That on all these Considerations he should retire to some more secure place, and there prepare those Remedies for the Public Distempers, which the present state of affairs made it impossible for him to do while he continued in the City, (besides the extreme danger his Life was in every Minute) that he must not look upon his Retreat, as a timorous flight from the Perils and Disorders of his Country, but as an Embassy in which at this Exigency Afflicted Genova employed him, for her own Safety and Benefit.  
Thus by the united persuasions and entreaties of his whole Family, the good Old Man, (who bent beneath the weight of so many Years, and was no less afflicted in his Mind with the sad prospect of the Miseries of his Country, than in his Body with the tormenting pains of the Gout) was prevailed with to suffer himself to be carried on his Servants Shoulders, and by them set on his Mule, which conveyed him to Mazone a Fortified Castle belonging to the Family of Spinola, and Fifteen Miles distant from Genova; in his way thither he stopped at Sestri, and there heard the afflicting News of his Nephew Jannet in's Death.  
While such a series of good Success attended the Arms of the Conspirators, they at last began to miss Count Fieschi their Leader, and several of them were detached to make a narrow search and enquiry after him. At last, when no news at all could be heard of him, they grew suspicious of the Fatal Accident that had ended his Life: However, the Governing Party among them smothered these rising Jealousies as well as they could, lest if it should be noised among the Soldiers, they should desert their Colours, and through despair throw up a Conquest already so far advanced. They loft a strong Guard at every Gate, Ottobuoni Fieschi was entrusted with the Galleys, and Two Hundred of the most Valiant of the whole Army, under the Command of Jerome Fieschi, were detached according to their first Resolutions, to March through the Streets of Genova and excite the Mobile to take up Arms and join them. But this design did not succeed according to their expectation, for although a vast number of the Scum of the People fell in with the Conspirators, when they first Proclaimed a General Liberty to be obtained for them by the means of Count Fieschi, and that under his Protection they should continue in the secure enjoyment of it, yet not one Tradesman of any Wealth or Reputation stirred a Finger in their behalf. Whether it were that they abhorred and dreaded these Tumults and Confusions, out of a sincere desire for the continuance of the Public Tranquillity; or that they thought it a Precedent too dangerous to be allowed of, that one of the Nobility should make use of the Populace only as Tools, for the gratifying his own private Ambition, Avarice, or Vanity: Or whether they thought themselves slighted by Count Fieschi, in that he undertook an Affair of so public an Importance, without communicating his designs and intentions to them from the very first: Or lastly, whether the remembrance of those excessive Grievances under which they had been formerly Oppressed, made them hate the Democratick Form of Government. For the Sovereign Power being placed in the hands of the most despicable of the Populace, Public Affairs were managed without any respect either to Discretion, or Decency, and the determination of the most difficult matters falling to the share of Fellows that had neither Sense, Virtue, Education, nor Experience, their Resolutions were consequently Indeliberate, Violent, and Dangerous.  
'Tis hardly to be expressed what a disorder these Tumultuous Transactions had put the whole City into. The People run about as if they had been distracted, without knowing whither they had best to go; they asked one another what was the cause of these Dreadful Confusions, but they were all struck with such a Panic Fear, that they had not the power to return an Answer. Women of all Qualities appeared at their Windows, and with the moving Eloquence of Sighs and Tears, Lamented the Dangers to which their Husbands, Brothers, and Sons, were forced in this Exigency to expose themselves for the necessary defence of their Country. The Nobility were so Amazed, that they knew not whether it were best for them, to assemble in a Body at the Doge's Palace, or to stay at their several Houses, and defend them, as well as they could, from being Pillaged. The Emperor's Ambassador being surprised at this unexpected Accident, was preparing to leave Genova, that his Master's Dignity might not receive any Affront, or Outrage, by the Insolence which the Enraged Mobile might offer to his Minister; but being over-persuaded by Paul Lasagna, a Man who had a great influence over the Populace, he went to his House and stayed there. This Lasagna during these Distractions, got together a considerable number of his Friends and Dependants; and having an inveterate Pique and Emulation with the Family of Spinola on the account of their vast Riches and powerful Alliances, he stayed at home expecting the upshot of Fieschi's Rebellion; that he might accordingly take such Measures as would best promote his own Interests. For he hoped that by this Revolution there would be a way opened for the reinstating the Family of the Adorni in their Ancient Possession of the Principality of Genova; several of those who now declared for Fieschi, being sincere and affectionate Friends to the Adorni. The Emperor's Ambassador being resolved to stay in Genova, and to give what Assistance he could to a Republic so entirely devoted to the Interests of the House of Austria, went with all speed to the Ducal-Palace, where he found Jerome Doria the Cardinal, Adam Centurio, and others of the Nobility, who met the rest of the Senate, and consulted with them, Nicholas Franco being Precedent of the Assembly, for at this time there was no 
* Or Duke.  Doge of Genova. The result of their Deliberations, was, that Boniface Lomellino, Christopher Pallavicino, and Anthony Calva, with a Cornet of the Guards, and Fifty Soldiers, should march to the defence of the Gate of St. Thomas; but in the way thither meeting with a Squadron of Fieschi's Party, they Engaged with it, and being deserted and betrayed by several of their own Men, were forced to retreat for shelter to the Palace of Adam Centurio: There having reinforced themselves with several fresh Men, and being joined by Francis Grimaldi, and Dominic Doria, they went boldly by another way towards the Gate, to inquire what was become of Andrew Doria. But finding the Gate strongly Guarded, and Lomellino (who had bravely attempted to break through their Ranks) being taken Prisoner by the Conspirators, they were again put to slight, and were quickly followed by Lomellino, who had had the good Luck to make his Escape.  
The Conspirators had not yet heard any Tidings of Count Fieschi, and Verrina, who foresaw that without him their whole Project, though so far advanced, was in an extreme hazard of being totally frustrated, and having in vain searched all places where he thought he might find him, began to grow desperate, and betook himself to his Galley: For by securing this he thought himself, safe, what Event soever should happen. If Fieschi's Design succeeded well, than he should be Master of the Darsenne, and preserve the strength and flower of the Count's Army for other necessary Services: If the Attempt should fail, as the present Circumstances of Affairs seemed to Threaten, he could then save himself from the danger of being taken and punished as a Rebel, by Rowing as fast as he could towards Marseilles. Nevertheless his keeping at such a distance proved a very great inconvenience to Jerome Fieschi: For that Party of the Conspirators which were on Land, seeing themselves, as it were, abandoned, both by Count Fieschi their Leader, and by Verrina the Adviser and Contriver of this Design, and both of them being Instruments absolutely necessary for the carrying of it on, they could not entirely confide in the Conduct of Jerome Fieschi. Who being very Young, had neither Experience nor Prudence, but in all his Management showed himself to be hurried on by an Impetuous Rashness, without considering himself, or harkening to the Reasons that others offered him. Besides this, the Soldiers could not have that Esteem and Reverence for him, which they generally bear towards Persons of an approved Valour, and an established Reputation; which are the surest Methods to gain an Ascendant over the Hearts of the People. So that they did not only begin to fall of from their first Ardour, but also took all occasions that they could to desert the Service. Of so great Moment is the Esteem Soldiers have of their General, towards the good or bad Success of any Enterprise. But one Accident, which on all accounts should much rather have abated the Heat and Rashness of Jerome Fieschi, helped rather to increase it, and to puff him up with that senseless Ambition which afterwards proved his Ruin. By this time the certain News of Count Fieschi's Death was confidently reported among his Adherents: And his Brother Jerome looking upon himself as now the absolute Master of all these Forces, and thinking that the prosecution of his Brother's Ambitious Designs was devolved to him as part of his Inheritance, he flattered himself with the Prospect of obtaining for himself that Principality, for which he had hitherto Fought in his Brother's behalf. These deluding hopes, and the near view which he thought he had of their Accomplishment, made him exert his utmost Vigour to complete his Victory; for the Inducements are vastly greater when we know that we ourselves shall reap the Fruit of our Toil and Hazard, than when we only Act, as Engines, for the Profit and Advancement of others.  
In the mean time the Senators, and the other Citizens, who were assembled in the Palace, were not wanting in their Assistance to their Country, now in all appearance reduced to the last Extremity; but not having a sufficient number of Forces to Cope with the Conspirators, and being Ignorant of Count Fieschi's designs, they could not after all fix on any certain Resolutions. They thought fit however to dispatch Jerome Fiesco, and Benedict Canavale, as Commissioners from the Republic to Count Fieschi, to demand of him what his pretences were for raising these Commotions, and what End he designed by them. And quickly after Cardinal Jerome Doria, a near Relation of Count Fieschi, accompanied by John Baptist Lercaro, and Bernard Castagna, two Senators, was preparing to go at the entreaty of the Senate, to desire a Personal Conference with the Count himself; that so he might try whether the dignity of his Character, which sometimes hath greater power than the Ties of Blood, or the Force of Eloquence, would be sufficient to restrain him from making any farther progress in so dangerous an Affair. But several Wise Men dissuaded the Cardinal from exposing the Reverence of his Order to the Insults and Affronts of the Populace, who at the best are Rude and Inconsiderate, but were now in a very high Ferment. Hereupon he turned back again, thinking it safer and better to defer the interposing the Authority of his Office, till he should have an opportunity to discourse privately with Count Fieschi. So that the Senate proceeded to a new Choice of some Gentlemen who were sent to know the Count's demands. Their Names were, Augustin Lomellino, Hector Fiesco, Ansald Justiniano, Ambrose Spinola, and John Balliano. These stopped at (the Church of the Theatins) St. Cyro, and there waited for Count Fieschi, whom they saw coming towards them, as they thought, with his Friends, Guards and Attendants. As soon as the two Parties were come pretty near to one another, Thomas Assereto, and others of the Conspirators, drew their Weapons and begun to Assault the Genovese Commissioners so fircely, that Lomellino and Hector Fiesco being not prepared for so rude a Treatment, got back into the City with great hazard of their Lives. When this Tumult was a little appeased, Ansald Justiniano went up to Jerome Fieschi, and demanded of him where he might find the Count, that he might impart to him the Message wherewith the Senate had entrusted him. To this Jerome Fieschi returned a surly Answer, telling him, That he need not inquire any farther for Count Fieschi, that he himself was possessed of that Dignity, and that therefore he expected they should presently yield up to him the Senate House, with all other Public Buildings and Fortifications which they were yet Masters of. By this unadvised and ill timed Answer, the Genoveses concluded, that John Lewis Count Fieschi was Dead. This inspired them with a new Life; for after these Public Commissioners were returned to the Senate, and had acquainted them with the certain News of the Elder Fieschi's Death, and with the Arrogance of the Younger Brother, they Ordered that Twelve of their Number, should get together as many of the Guards and the Populace, as being well Armed, would be sufficient either to drive Fieschi's Vanguard out of the City, or to cut them off if they should make a stubborn Resistance. But however, upon second thoughts, they found it was not requisite to run the hazard of a Battle. For those of the Mobile who, at the general cry of Liberty, went out and joined with the Conspirators, chiefly out of a desire to plunder the Palaces of the Nobility, now finding their expectations frustrated, and repenting of the Sedition they had raised, fell off by little and little, and returned to their own homes. For the Morning coming on apace, none of them were willing to be discovered to be Accomplices of the Conspiracy. And several of their own Men were inclined to follow this Example, thinking it better worth their while, to contrive a secure retreat for themselves, than with the hazard of their Lives to obtain a complete Victory, the profitable Consequences whereof would fall only to the share of their Leader. So that Jerome Fieschi being arrived to St. Laurence's Church, (which is the Metropolitical Church, and not far distant from the Palace, whither he was marching in order to possess himself of it) and being startled no less at the thinness of his own Troops, and their unwillingness to engage the Genoveses than at the Number of Men which had been got together by the order of the Senate, he was at a plunge what course he should take. But at last, out of extreme caution for his own security, he went back by St. Donate's, marching slowly to the Gate del Arco.  
On the other side the Senators and chief Citizens of Genova, who were assembled at the Palace, received new Life and Vigour by this unexpected turn of their Affairs: Insomuch that some of them were of Opinion, that, since Fieschi's Troops were in such a disorder and consternation, it would be rather advisable that those Genovese Soldiers, whom they had got together, should make a brisk Assault upon them, than that the dignity of the Senate should descend so low, as to Treat with their Rebellious Subjects on a Capitulation for Peace. But those whose Age entitled them to the Character of Prudent and Experienced Persons, were against this Proposal; as thinking it less Politic, though more specious than the other: For, by avoiding a Battle, they should save the Lives of many Citizens, who must have perished in it, (and how Laudable is this Avarice, if I may so call it, in Governors and Generals!) as also by the same caution prevent any sudden Accident, that might turn the Scale of Affairs, and again involve the Commonwealth in those Miseries and Dangers, which, like a Ship that has escaped the Perils of a Tempestuous Sea, and is now almost got within sight of her desired Haven, having lately felt, she had reason to be cautious of those Methods that perhaps might again reduce her to the same Calamitous State. For the City being already in a great Ferment, and it being in the Night time, and several Eminent Citizens being dissatisfied at the present Constitution, and several others of them being already declared Rebels, 'twould have been as great an Error in Politics for the Government of Genova to have trusted them with Arms, as it would be ill management in a Physician to perplex his Patient with such Medicines as would stir the Humours of his Body, and set them on working, when he is so extremely Weak, that nothing but a quiet and gentle course of Physic can possibly keep him alive. The Glory therefore of healing these Public Distempers is to be attributed to the Prudent Advice of Paul Pansa, who had before tried, but in vain, by the most reasonable dissuasives, to prevent them, and to preserve Fieschi's Family from the sad Fate that attends Perfidiousness and Rebellion. He was called into their Assembly, where having given them a satisfactory account of the Reasons of his Conduct, he was ordered to go to Jerome, now Count Fieschi, and command him from the Senate to quit the City, and to disband his Forces: Which if he would comply with, the Republic promised an Act of Oblivion for what was past, and a General Pardon to all the Conspirators. Hereupon, and by Pansa's persuasions, and the Advice of Nicholas Doria his near Kinsman, who went with Pansa to make up this Accommodation, Fieschi having left the City, an Instrument was drawn up signed by Ambrose Senarega Secretary to the Senate, whereby the Public Faith was given as a Security, that the Government would make good what they had promised. So that Fieschi quietly retreated to Montobbio with his Guards and Adherents. His Brother Ottobuoni, with Verrina, Calcagno, and Sacco, who secured themselves on board the late Count Fieschi's best Galley, when they saw their Affairs entirely ruined, they steered their course to Marseilles, carrying with them in Chains Sebastian Lercaro, Manfred Centurio, and Vincent Vaccaro, who were taken Prisoners at the beginning of the Tumult, between the Darsenne and the Gate of St. Thomas: But these Gentlemen they afterwards released, setting them on shore at the Mouth of the River Varo. Thus Fieschi's best Galley Sailing with all possible haste towards France, and the Galliots being likewise dispersed, the Haven of Genova was again open, and a free passage left for all Vessels to come in and go out without opposition. Hence it came to pass that about Three Hundred Turkish Slaves, 
(a) So lospuntar dell' Alba.  who were Cruising about the Island 
(b) An Isle of Tuscany.  Elba, took the opportunity offered them by the general Confusion; and having Armed and Manned Doria's Galley, called the Temperance, they presently turned her Prow towards afric, and made such haste, that, though Don Bernardin Mendozza's Two Galleys pursued her with great Expedition and indefatigable Diligence, they could not overtake her. To this considerable loss of Andrew Doria's, we may also add the slight of the Galliots boarded by Fieschi, which were rowed off by the Slaves that Managed them, and the plundering the other Galleys that remained, of all their Arms and Furniture.  
'Twas Four Days before the Body of John Lewis Count Fieschi was found: So that the Populace were inclined to believe he, with the others, had escaped to Marseilles. This made several Apprehensive that the War was rather deferred than ended, and that after Count Fieschi had openly thrown off the Allegiance of a Subject, and begged the Assistance of the French, for completing his Ambitious Designs, he would at his return prosecute the War with greater Vigour, and with a Cruelty suitable to his Perfidiousness. But this suspicion lasted not long; for in a little time Fieschi's Body was found and taken up; and after it had for a while been exposed to the Public View, near the place where he fell in, it was, by the order of Andrew Doria, carried to the Main Ocean, and there Buried in the Waves, though some indeed falsely gave out, that it was hanged on a Gibbet, which Ignominy, though the Person deceased had very well deserved, yet it would have looked more like the Vain Efforts of an Impotent Malice, in Executing a Dead Man, than the Just Punishment of a Criminal.  
Now were the Genoveses perfectly free from all Fears and Apprehensions; and the Morning after the Senate being Assembled, sent Benedict Centurio, and Dominic Doria, to Condole with Andrew on the loss of his Nephew Jannetin, and to conduct him back to the City; where, all Tumults being appeased, Benedict Gentile a Person of known Prudence and Integrity, and much beloved for his Candid and Affable Behaviour, was chosen Duke of the Republic of Genova. As soon as the Genoveses found themselves released from those excessive Fears which had lately possessed them, and saw their Public Affairs again restored to their former Channel, of an undisturbed Tranquillity, they began to reflect on the greatness of their past Dangers; which appearing much more Formidable now that they were calmly debated and considered, than when the General Confusion hindered them from thinking of any thing, but how to escape or surmount the particular Danger that at that instant Threatened them, they were inclined to be of Opinion, that the Terms of Accommodation lately granted by the Republic, were not only too gentle, but also might be unsafe and dishonourable. This occasioned a long Debate in the Senate, many of them being of the contrary Opinion, but at last all Doubts were so throughly cleared, and all Objections so fully answered, that it being put to the Vote, it was Resolved, Nemine Contradicente, That the Public Faith given to the Conspirators ought not to retard the Executing on them the Punishment due to their Villainy. This their Resolution was grounded on the following Reasons: That the Pardon lately granted had passed in an Assembly, where there was not the Number of Senators requisite by the Constitutions of Genova, to give this or any other Public Act a sufficient Validity: That a Promise extorted from any Man by Fear or Necessity was not at all Obligatory: And what greater and juster Fears could any on ebe sensible of, than those they had lately felt, when they saw the Republic in such extreme danger of an irrecoverable Ruin? That the Crime of High-Treason was in all respects so Heinous, that no Plea could be allowed of for the mitigation of its Punishment: That 'tis hardly possible to invent Tortures severe enough for the Betrayers of their Country to suffer: And that so remarkable an Example of Impunity, when the Villainy had been so horrid, and the Consequences of it had like to have been so Fatal, would probably encourage others in the like Attempts. On these Grounds they declared their Capitulation with the Conspirators to be ipso facto invalid, and that being thus set aside, they formed Processes against the chief of those who were concerned in the Treason and Rebellion. The Palaces of John Lewis Count Fieschi were Confiscated, and by the Emperor's consent divided into several Houses for Merchants, and other Private Men, and Leased out as the Senate thought most proper for the increasing their Revenue: Fieschi's 
(*) La casa de Fieschi all Inviolata.  Palace in the Street called L'Inviolata, a large, Princely, and Magnificent Stucture, was demolished and raised even to the very Foundations: Fieschi's Three Brothers, and Verrina, who were looked upon as the Prime Contrivers and Managers of the Conspiracy, were declared Traitors and Rebels: As for other Persons concerned in it, they being adjudged only Accessaries and Abettors of the Fact, were several of them by Name Condemned to Banishment for Fifty Years.  
But Ottobuoni Fieschi, not content with the secure retreat he enjoyed at Marseilles, came back a while after to Mirandola, and by his frequent Journeys from the French Army, which then lay Encamped thereabouts, into France, and his returns thither again, gave the Republic just occasion to suspect that there was some new design carrying on against them. Jerome Fieschi having Lodged himself in Montobbio, and Verrina being come back to him with several others of his Adherents, he made it his business to Fortify the Castle, and to lay in vast Stores of Ammunition and Provision. This gave so great an Alarm to the Senate, that having consulted the Emperor, they were all of Opinion (as he was likewise) that it was absolutely necessary for them to possess themselves of that Fort. It stands just at the back of the City, and besides other Natural Advantages for strength, its high situation made it formidable to the Genoveses, as being a place able to do them a great deal of Mischief, if that Nest of Traitors that had sheltered themselves there, should prevail with the French to make use of it, towards the recovery of their former Power in Genova; which could not be compassed without the Ruin of their present Constitution. For these Reasons therefore the Senate sent Pansa again to Count Jerome Fieschi, to try if he could persuade him, and those of his Family who had any Interest in the Reversion, to sell it to the Genoveses on such Terms as should be agreed on at a Treaty between both Parties. But Fieschi having but a small stock of Prudence, and perhaps being puffed up with a vain Opinion of Success from the Liberal Promises wherewith the French had buoyed him up, he did not only deny to comply with the Senate's Proposal, but also, as if he had studied to increase the Jealousies they had of him, and to hasten his own Ruin, he told Pausa, That he kept the Fort for the Service of a far greater Prince than himself, meaning the French King. This Answer so surprised the Genoveses, that after many threatening Messages sent to Fieschi, and Public Declarations against his Proceedings, they resolved to try if they could out him by force. In order hereunto they sent several Companies of Soldiers, with a good Train of Artillery, under the Command of August in Spinola, an Experienced Captain, to besiege the Fort, which, after having hold out for some time, was forced to Capitulate, but could obtain no better Terms, than that Jerome Fieschi and his Adherents should surrender themselves at discretion. This dedition of theirs occasioned many Disputes in Genova, which were at first whispered about, till being debated in the Senate, both sides of the Question found its resolute Assertors both in that Assembly, and in all Public Meetings. When it was proposed in the Senate, what should be done with Jerome Fieschi, and the rest of the Prisoners, the House divided upon it, some were for Pardoning, and others were for Executing the Conspirators. And, (as it commonly happens when any thing is debated by Men that are bigoted to their Opinions,) every one defended his own Sentiments with so much Zeal, and Animosity, that laying aside all thoughts of Moderation between both, some aggravated the Fact as the most Execrable Parricide that ever was committed, and others represented it as the consequences of Juvenile Rashness and Levity, severely enough punished by the Death of Count Fieschi, and the other Penalties I have already mentioned, and therefore not deserving any farther Censure. This Party had so well exerted their Eloquence, in praising Clemency even to an excess, styling it a Quality absolutely necessary for those that sit at the Helm of Government, and in extenuating the Crimes of the Conspirators, calling their design the effects of the late Count Fieschi's Ambitious and Revengeful Temper, and the Inconsiderateness of his Brothers who were very Young, that they had almost gained their Point, and got it resolved that they should be acquitted. But Andrew Doria hearing of what Vote was like to pass, and being extremely grieved, that the Traitors had so strong a Party even in the Senate-House, who seemed rather Betrayers of their Country, than such Patriots as deserved a place in that Assembly, he came thither, and discoursed to them so excellently on the Subject, that he turned the Scales to the Juster side: And without any Debate, it was Resolved Nemine Contradicente, That Jerome Fieschi, and the rest of the Prisoners, should be put to Death: Which was accordingly Executed upon them.  
Thus the Conspiracy of John Lewis Count Fieschi, which had so much Affrighted and Disturbed Genova, ended at last in the Ruin of himself, his Family, and his Adherents. Had it proved Successful, and Advanced him to the Power he so much aimed at, of being absolute Prince of Genova, yet it is my Opinion, that he could not have long enjoyed the Fruits of his Prosperous Villainy. For (to say nothing of the Interests of several Princes in Europe, and particularly of the Emperor) the Genoveses cannot bear the heavy Yoke of Servitude. Therefore although some Rich Men, of the inferior Rank of Citizens, growing Proud and Turbulent, have always had a Pique against the Nobility, and have been ready to join with any Seditious Tumult, or Foreign Force, that pretended to divest them of their Authority; nevertheless the Populace in general, who Enjoy the Ease and Tranquillity of Living under a Moderate Government, cannot hanker after so great Change as is that of a Free Republic, into a Despotic Monarchy. 'Tis true, the Plebeians of Genova have sometimes Revolted out of their Natural Inconstancy; sometimes out of Covetousness and Envy at the Wealth of some particular Men; sometimes out of an insatiable desire of Revenge on some Person, Family, or Party, whom they Hated: Yet nevertheless I cannot find by their Annals, that any of these Revolts ever ended in the loss and extinction of their Liberty, but only in changing their Governors, and in making some small alterations in the Form of their Government. As for Example, the Governors whom they received from France, and from the Dukes of Milan, never pretended to Act as Absolute Princes, or to be Obeyed without Reserve. And when at any time they stretched their Authority beyond its due Limits, the same Genoveses, whose Discord had first given them Footing, began to grow Jealous that their Liberty was struck at, and formed an Association for the Expelling the Foreigners. Nor did the French King's Entry into Genova with a Victorious Army, or his Building Fortresses almost inexpugnable, accomplish his Design of Governing the Republic after the French manner. For the innate Love of Freedom, always inspired this Nation with an undaunted Courage and irresistible Vigour, in opposing any Foreign Force whenever they grew Jealous of it; and besides this, those few Eminent Citizens that were Malcontents, had so slender grounds for their Dissatisfaction, that 'twas a very easy matter, in times of common danger, to sweeten their Tempers into a Mutual Reconciliation with each other, and an entire Affection to their Fundamental Constitution. For although the being excluded from the Honours and Dignities of the Republic, (whereunto nevertheless by a Law peculiar to Gennua, called The Law of Ascription, there is a way left open for Deserving Men,) and the being sometimes subjected to the Insolences of a Proud and Indiscreet Senator, may seem a great Hardship and Misfortune, yet if with this are balanced the many Advantages flowing from a freedom and security of Commerce, and the many Privileges and Liberties enjoyed in the Chief City of so Wealthy a Republic, the cause of Complaint, if there be any, is extremely Minute and Inconsiderable. For in Genova there is not only an Impartial Administration of Justice exactly observed in all Cases without respect of Persons, the Nobility themselves, notwithstanding their Superiority over others, as to Birth, Fortune, or Quality, being Punishable for the Injuries and Oppressions they are guilty of towards the meanest Complainant; but also every one is absolute Master of his own Estate, which under an Arbitrary and Despotic Government, must (together with his Life, and the Honour of his Family) lie exposed to the unbridled Passions of a Flattered and Abused Tyrant These Reasons incline me to believe, that Count Fieschi, with the Assistance of those few Villains whom Verrina had procured for him, might have Plundered the City, and Enriched himself with the Spoils of so many Wealthy Families, and besides all this, taken a full Revenge on his Enemies; but I can hardly persuade myself that he could ever have Oppressed their Liberties, and Established himself their Prince, unless the Genoveses had so far lost their Senses as to think to Cure some small Malady, by applying a Remedy much more Sharp and Violent than the Distemper, which instead of healing the Disease, must unavoidably destroy the Patient.  
FINIS.   

ERRATA.  
IN the Translator's Preface, P. 2. l. 4. r. confirmed. P. 3. l. 1. r. the famous. P. 14. l. 22. r. same strange. In the Book, P. 2. l. 7. r. in fomenting. P. 21. l. 13. r. Imperial Doria in Italic Letters. P. 29. l. 17. r. were. P. 38. l. 10. r. an indelible. P. 44. l. 7. r. splendour. P. 53. l. r. grievous. P. 77. l. 25. r. and the station. P. 80. l. 13. r. such Phantasms. P. 82. l. 6. r. Adam Centurtone. P. 84. l. 15. r. with the attractive splendour of his Dress and Equipage. P. 89. l. 12. r. Phillippin. P. 90. l. 14. r. Sisters. P. 91. l. 25. r. in the Margin alla Sfilata singly, or not in a Body. P. 107. l. 12. r. Aegean. P. 111. l. 20. r. words. P. 122. l. 17. r. they expressed. P. 126. l. 4. r. this. P. 137. in Margin, r. con L' Vsata alterezza. P. 135. in the Marg. r. di givoco. P. 159. l. 5. r. arrived at. P. 163. l. 21. r. Turkish Slaves at break of day took the Opportunity. l. 32. deal who were Crusing about the Island Elba. In Marg. deal (b) an Isle of Tuscany. P. 164. l. 2. r. toward the Coast of afric. P. 167. l. 20. r. any one.   

Books Printed for John Newton at the Three Pigeons against the Temple-Gate in Fleetstreet.  
A Discourse of Natural and Revealed Religion in several Essays, or the Light of Nature a Guide to Divine Truth, by Mr. Tim. Nurse, in Octavo.  
A Charge given at the general Quarter Sessions of the Peace for the County of Surrey holden at Darking the 5th of April 1692, by the Honourable Hugh Hare Esq one of their Majesty's Justices of the Peace for that County.  
The History of Don Quixot of Sancha, and his Trusty Squire Sancha Pancha, now made English, according to the humour of our Modern Language, and Adorned with several Copper-Cuts, By J. P.  
The Historical Relation of Count de Fieschi's Conspiracy against the City and Republic of Genova, done into English by the Honourable Hugh Hare Esq  
The Ghost of the Emperor Charles the Fifth appearing to Volcart the Porter, being a comparison between the said Emperor, and the present King of France, in a Dialogue concerning the times.  
A Memorial for the Learned, or Miscellany of Choice Collections from most Eminent Authors in Philosophy, Physic, History, and Heraldry.  
A Sermon Preached at St. Hilary's in the Isle of Jersey before the Garrison, April the 10th, 1692. By Philip Fall, M. A. Rector of St. Saviour's in the said Island.