Allowed to be Published, this 13 th', day of july, 1688.   

Dr. Burnett's REFLECTIONS Upon a Book, Entitled, Parliamentum Pacificum: (The First Part) ANSWERED, By the Author.  
LONDON, Printed, and are to be Sold by Matthew Turner At the Lamb in Holborn, 1688.   

Dr. Burnet's REFLECTIONS Answered, etc.  

SECT. I.  
IT could not be expected but that Dr. B. would bestir himself to Reflect, and Revy upon a piece that so nearly touched his Person: 'Tis natural for men, when they are pressed, to be uneasy; and since the Dr. will not put himself upon his Trial, and our English Law cannot reach him for standing mute; 'tis Argument alone that must press him to yield up his Cause, or submit it to the Decision of Sense and Reason, and the Judgement of Persons impartial and 
* Vid. His Letter to my Ld. M.  unprovok'd: For my own part, I must avow to the World, That no Prejudices or Provocations conceived against his Religion, or received from his Person, prevailed with me to pass upon him those just Animadversions; nothing but that Duty I owe to the Best of PRINCES libelled and defamed; (and as ill as he makes mine, that his Crimes may be the more illustrious) I will not say by the worst of Pens: This innocent Impartiality he does utterly disown, and declares himself, under hand, an a vowed Enemy to the Persuasion of his PRINCE, and His Person too; this I hope, with men of sober and sedate Judgement, or men of common Sense and Reason, will have this weight, that I deal more fairly with the Dr, than he does with his own Sovereign; that my Reasonings must be more the Result of the Merit of the Cause, and that, besides, his highest Misdemeanour against His Majesty, his greatest Insolency to the Sovereign Authority, (and what perhaps we may prove, not only from the Municipal Laws of Scotland, but those of most Nations) his High Treason: I have nothing against him (and desire no more) of Resentment, Prejudice, or Provocation.  
For his Revenge and Reflections on my Work, were it not for the Affront, Scandals, and Indignities, that none but he, and those that were ever famed for it, the Defenders of him, and (as he will have it) of his 
* Vid. Reflect. Sect. 7.  Faith too, do continually cast upon the KING, I would have saved the Pains of a Revy, my former Reasons should have stood by their Weight, or have fallen with it too: And let the Reflecter (to return him his affected Air, acquired from his most accomplished Travels) have retained his Opiniatre, applauded his own 
Vid. His Reflect. on Oxford Relation pag. 1.  Works and Originals, and commended this his most elaborate Cavil, for a solid Answer and Confutation, which how far it is from it, from every Paragraph, every Particular shall appear.  
His contentious Spirit, and most implacable Zeal, sets up here indeed for the Doctrine of Resistance, 
Vid. Reflect. Sect. 1.  had he not given us Evidence before in the Fate of a Lord that fell by it too; as also in some of his 
* Vid. Six Papers, pag. 4. It will look on, etc.  Papers penned for that purpose since: Such an Antipathy appears in him against Peace, that according to the Philosophical Definition of that unaccountable Passion, there is no Cause to be given for it; such an Aversion, that he must needs quarrel at the very Word; that his Enemies contended for War, 
Vid. Reflect. pag. 1.  when the Royal Psalmist laboured for Peace; was the Complaint too even of a King, after GOD's own heart; and if this be His Majesty's Case thus to suffer, His Piety, (on which the Dr. so profanely drolls) with that Primitive Pattern, 
Sect. 3.  may be as much admired, as well as all such Originals of Sedition, and Disturbance, detected and abhorred: It has been so far our Author's Task to verify the Application; that he has taken the most pernicious Pains, been industrious, even to Sedition, to apply it: At Our Anointed he has shot his Arrows, even bitter Words, he has encompased him with Words of Hatred, and would have us fight against Him too, without a Cause: If these are his best Expedients for Peace, our Nation has just as much occasion to thank Him, 
Pag. 6.  as (he says) some of their neighbouring Countries have his New Masters for their Management of that of Nimmeguen: I cannot see why we should not have as good a Notion of Peace here in England, as the Dr. has in a Country that has been so much the Seat of War; and if Implicit Faith, if Absolute Slavery, be the only Peace he is so much afraid of, they are but ill coupled with an Apoplexy too, that being a Disease sudden and unforeseen, when the former Maladies, even from the Dr's Confession, have been invading us this Hundred Years; and if we believe him, ever since the Reformation: No, to all impartial People, the Peace we aimed at, will appear still the same; however, he would disfigure and disguise it; the Tranquillity of the State, the Quiet of a Nation, composed by the gracious Favour of an indulgent Monarch; and confirmed by the reciprocal Happiness of a grateful and obedient People.   

SECT. II.  
IN the next place it will as plainly appear, how vainly he cavils at the Constitution of that Parliament which was Assembled for the Coming in of the KING; 
Vid. Sect. 1.  I am sure he had once a better Opinion of it, when he and Mr. Baxter were better acquainted; and he then had milder Thoughts of these moderate Presbyterians; but now that Gentleman is become his Enemy, and perhaps only for telling the Truth, for offering to be an Evidence against the Dr. in High Treason. The Restoration of His Late Majesty, was by this Dr. in his moderate days, imputed to these moderate Presbyterians, whom he will not now allow to be 
* Vid. His Reflect. on the K's. Indulgence in Scotland, Par. 5.  moderate at all, no not in his own Kirk of Scotland; these sort of People for the most part composed that Convention, which we must not now call a Parliament, and of which he once had a much better Opinion; I believe he could now wish too, from his kindness to that KING's Memory, that there had been no such Convention at all for the calling of him; and such is the Contrariety of some men's unsettled Sentiments and Thoughts, that are subjected to the prevalency of Passion & Prejudice, that there is a Proverbial saying, which for Civility sake I will not tell him in terminis, That the sound of the Bell does sometimes solely depend upon some People's Thoughts and Preconceptions: But the Dr. is very much deceived, when he thinks his Author did not consider the defect, that according to the ancient constitution of Parliaments attended the Convention (if he will call it so) of that assembled State. He, I'll assure him, sufficiently foresaw it, pondered upon it when he put Pen to Paper; but could never foresee, or imagine, that even the Dr. could have been so improvidently peevish; as in such a point, to have made it an objection; why for GOD's sake, does it follow from a necessitated imperfection in nice Law; that unavoidably attended that Session, that therefore now none of its sober debates, or wholesome constitutions can be recommended to posterity for imitation, and when His Late Majesty commanded that it should; when even we are governed at present by some of the very Laws that it made: if only the passing an Act, assented to by the King, made it a Legal Session, and which did determine but by express proviso against it; sure then the Parliament must be reputed Legal too in which it was Past; so that necessity which might occasion a defect, did not make an Essential Nullity (as he is pleased to name it more by Metaphysical Phraseology, than any term of Law,) for then all its Acts must have been Nulled too, which by the next we saw were only Confirmed.  
But besides (if among my many Slips, 
* Reflect. Sect. 9  which the Dr. leaves to others to find out, I mistake not now too;) the Continuance of the Parliament, 
Vid. Keebles Statute.  the Dissolving itself, the Calling Another without the King's Writ was assented to by special Act of Car 1. which could not be Repealed, till C. the Second was assembled amongst them, 
16, 17. Car. 1.  to Repeal it; and there to give it His Fiat Royal, to make it more forceable; or if it could, 'tis somewhat improbable from the unhappy Junctures of those Affairs, that it could be expected before; and therefore by the very first Act of the Session; (as if made to silence such Drs.) it was declared, 
* Vid. 12. Car 2 d. Cap 1.  That the Lords and Commons, then Sitting, were the Two Houses of Parliament; and that notwithstanding the King's Writ of Summons, as much as if His Majesty had been Present at its Commencement, and Called It; and tho' by the next of the 
* 13. Car 2. cap. 1.  same Reign, it was made Praemunire to defend what was done without the Royal Assent; yet the Act for perpetuating the Parliament, was passed by the 
* Car. 1.  King Himself; they continued till Military force pulled them out of the House; they met again after Secluded, dissolved themselves, and therefore 'twas made Criminal too, 
Vid. Ibid. cap. 7.  by the foresaid Act, to say they were still in Being; and if the bare Confirmation of former Acts, shall imply an essential Nullity to the foregoing Parliaments, the Dr. has ruined all his Reformation of King Edward, by the Confirmations of Queen Eliz. and therefore the very Act that Confirmed what was enacted by this convention before, 
Vid. 13. Car. 2 cap. 7.  never questions it for a Parliament, and calls it one; but only dissipates all doubts, from the difficulties that occasioned the manner of its assembling. I have met with heretofore, some Lawyers that would not allow it to be such a formal Parliament; but none ever yet went so far (to continue his Metaphysics) as to question it for an Actual one; I wish the Dr. would labour a little more in his own Province, and prove to the World the Series of Our Protestant Ordination, instead of the Succession of Parliaments; not that I so much doubt it, or that we may be ashamed to be obliged for it to the Church of Rome; but because some people of late have taken so much pains to Impeach it, and that I think from the faculty of the Dr. he would do better at the Naggs-head, than in Westminster-hall.  
But their is no need of any further defence to an Objection that is so needless, and ill offered, to baffle Dr. B. by imitation, would be in a manner but abusing of myself; 'tis plain, that the designs which some people had for power and Oppressing the Innocent (even from his own confession) more than the desires and distrust of some that were Guilty; or the necessity that was for it, hastened this dissolution of that peaceful Assembly, and for his inconsiderate suggestion, that the setting it for an example, was a design of placing the Sovereignty in the people, and courting a Commonwealth; he'll see now we make it solely depend upon a sanction of the Kings; and would he visit the Author, he should see his error in a refutation of his, of that pernicious Principle, of perfect confusion, by which he is bound to defend the very foundation of his state; and 'tis strange we must be reproached for 
* Page 1.  Courting a Commonwealth, at the same time we are so vainly menaced for having expressed against one too much of 
* Page 5.  resentment.   

SECT. III.  
IT is no wonder, to see the Dr. make His Late 
* Page 2.  Majesty so Ill a Man, when he had long before made Him so Bad a Christian: were it not his Peculiar to Libel KINGS, his Church might be mistrusted for that Loyal Deportment she ever paid him; but as she had ever better thoughts of him in his Life time; so she cannot be brought to entertain such Bad ones after his Death: common Morality, even with a Proverbial Authority, commands us to speak well of the Dead, 'tis hard if a King too, and the Sacred Dust of Princes, cannot put in for the privileges of common Clay; and Mortality, to make him a man of Treachery and Design, is too grossly invidious for a Prince that was Famed for good Nature, even to a Fault; it looks so much like one of the Medals of the Dutch upon His Late MAJESTY, (and they, you know always have their Reverse) that 'tis among them I believe he learned to value his Memory. I much fancy these his Mysterious Designs were never so clear to the Dr, till this transport and passion had enlightened his Eyes; for Choleric people are apt to see with Fire and Indignation, and so fancy all Things in Flames that are about them; this makes him fly so much to Smithfield Arguments, and the Conversion of Dragoons, under the easy Reign of a Merciful Monarch, manifested in his inclinations to Mildness and Indulgence.  
The late Celebrated Loyalist of the Long Parliament, whose Meritorious Services he would magnify; yet at the same time libels and defames them: They will live and last in our Annals, without his writing their History, nor be much blemished by his defamations: those honourable Representatives, that had sat so long at the Helm, and steered so well, that we still owe to them about Twenty Years quiet and tranquillity; who, had they concurred with what was their only defection, their KING's Inclination to Indulgence (and for which obstinacy by his own Maxims he must condemn them too) had continued the repose they enjoyed, and perhaps prevented all the Distempers that have since disturbed us; these Gentlemen are so little obliged to this Dr. at Amsterdam, as they were formerly to that of Salamanca, and indeed the Obligation is just the same. Oats accused them long ago, long before Dr. B. who it seems now begins to see with his Spectacles, Designs more clearly; that they were all Pensioners, 
Pag. 1. Par. 2  Creatures merely Depending on the Crown, tho' it appeared even from the very List that was printed, that it was only a malicious Libel, and a lie, that not Ten of the Two Hundred had really received the least Allowance; and even some of that was known to be for public Services, which then, forsooth, must most politicly be called secret, only to countenance the scandalous Imposture of the Plot of the Papists; this Design was then also clear to some, and I think now is so to all: Myself knew, and still do many of those Members most falsely to suffer under that malicious Imputation, whom the Dr. has no reason to reproach for the Selling of their Country, and betraying their Trust, when they truly served both that and the King; but sure it is but a bad Return he makes them, when I am sure it was all the same Peers, if not the same Parliament, that Complemented Him for His Mighty Performances, which perhaps they might have omitted, had they known what Amends He would have made them, or thought him so good at Commending of Himself; but this is a Kindness He kept in Reserve, and a Sublime acquired since his Travels and Accomplishments.  
I can't call this a Controversy with the Dr. when he gives up the Cause, when he seems to take pains to appear on my side: He shows us how the Late King was continually inclined to a Liberty of Conscience; 
Par. 2.  he declares the Act of Uniformity a severe Thing, the Terms of Conforming, Rigidity; and those that required it, Angry Men: Was the Dr. always of this mind? Why then it seems he only Conformed, fell in with the Church, for the sake of her Benefices, for officiating at the Rolls, just as he fell out with the State, because he lost it; but this cannot credit much the Reputation and Integrity of such a Celebrated Writer, and the Church of England's Chief Men are just as much obliged to him for his Characters, as the Loyal Members of the long Parliament; he has sufficiently attainted their honesty, and so most modestly taxes the Indiscretion of all his Clergy, that so the State, both Civil and Ecclesiastical, may more handsomely make up that excellent Composition of Knave and Fool: 'Tis strange that no party can escape the Fury of his enraged Pen; this doughty Wight may make a good Champion for the Truth, but will a much better in the Rehearsal. The Character of that Hero, as high as it is, may be more naturally applied to Dr. B, than it is by him to the Late Bishop of Oxford: 
Vid. his Enquiry.  If you consider him elevated to such an Hogen, or naturalised; for hectoring of KINGS, invading of Kingdoms, fight of France, combating England, defying of Papists, Presbyterians, Dissenters, Churchmen, and almost all Mankind: but if the Loyal Parliament (as he calls it in derision) were such arrant Knaves, (for if he is in earnest, than their Compliance with their KING is the best Test of their Loyalty, and it would be well His Present Majesty had more proof of it) and the Chief Men of the Church were such infatuated Fools as he makes them, to be wrought upon by the Roman Catholics for introducing their Religion; why here then, was a perfect Conspiracy for four and twenty Year, of the whole Kingdom, (some poor suppressed Dissenters excepted) for bringing us back into Popery; and what is more strange, could never bring it to pass.  
All our Power Civil and Ecclesiastical was concerned; all our Forces by Sea and Land; King and Successor on their side, and in his own dreadful Description; A Parliament of chosen Creatures, all depending upon Himself; and this for near Twenty Years together, and yet not one step toward Popery, unless what appeared in Andrew Marvels Growth of it; but on the contrary in this very Interval of Time, the Two severe Tests set up to prevent it, and that by this Parliament of Creatures, and this Treacherous designing King of his, (that he makes always to the very last contriving, to betray the Protestant Religion) from his own mere Motion, Marrying (that he may see I can use the Word) his two Nieces to two Renowned Princes of the Reformed Religion; 
Vid. pag. 8.  the greatest Security they could desire of his Sincerity, to preserve and protect it; and if I might add one thing more, which I wish as well as the Dr. might be forgotten, prevailed upon, from the tumultuous Proceedings of a Parliamentary Power, to part with a Brother that had done nothing, but to be more dear, a palliated Exile, that even the necessity of State could not so well excuse; and if neither Counsels, Force, Interest, Time, nor Religion itself could hitherto bring about all this Formidable Revolution, I must confess, notwithstanding the Discoveries of Dr. B, to sober Men, and honest, this Late King cannot be suspected so false, or any Catholics so designing.  
The Reformations in Henry 8 th'. Time, King Edward, Queen Marry, Queen Elizabeth, were certainly Four as great Changes and Revolutions, as any we now fear, and as I think, somewhat like the same; and yet we find they were not working for it underground for above Four and Twenty Year together; (to confine it only to his Reflections on the Late King) and if we must credit all such Historians Plot, we must add above an Hundred more, marching their Invisible Army, and Ammunition in the Air, on the Sea, under Earth; PLOTS! That Ourselves have blushed at, and even judicially baffled their Belief. But we still saw then, that assoon as there was any new Succession to the Throne, or any Prince of a different Sentiment, that designed to make any Alterations in the Church or State, they were sooner compassed with Ease and Expedition; certainly these plotting Papists have been a long time very unlucky, or very innocent, when our happier Protestant's had ever better Fortune, and could Reform here, more easily and openly, in some few Years, in the face, and in the sight of the Sun; and this I think, is as clear too, as some People's Designs, which even at a season, when they need not fly the Light; the Dr. says we must still suppose in the dark.  
His secret of the Dissenters having been encouraged to stand out against Nonconformity, even by the Court that pursued them with such Rigidity for not Conforming, I am persuaded is another peculiar among the many Mysterious Intelligences of the Dr, and not much inferior to his wonderful Discoveries of the Conference at Dover, his foreign Negotiations, and His Majesty's being so 
* Vid Reflect. Pag. 4.  nearly allied to the Society, when he might so well prove him from the same Evidence, A Priest in Orders, for the Authority of his Liege Letter lies only at that Author's door, who framed the other from Father Petre, to Pere le Chaise, both which will appear to those that have not abandoned themselves to folly, as entire Fictions, he ought to discover him for once a Prophet too, that having been essential of old to the Kingly Office, and then he'll have the better security for his Religion, and may take his Word for an Oracle, but the Dissenters will not thank him for thus making out their secret Correspondence with the Court and Jesuits, but rather believe that he searched no other Records for it, than the Original Manuscripts of Dr. Oates his Evidence: If this Advice to their standing out, was only in order to introduce a Toleration, how came it to pass, that when they had one actually granted, that those who had Interest enough to procure it, could not by the same Power have continued it to them too? Had the Late KING been so designing, so resolute to introduce this Religion so much contended against, He must from the Drs. Argument have stood to His Toleration, and which he might have done too, notwithstanding the Clamours of the Ensuing Parliament to suppress it; and if an Army alone alarms the Dr. with this Absolute Power, and must absolutely make any Monarch Arbitrary, with which such fearful Authors have made such a formidable Noise; then 'twas about that time too there was a standing one afoot; and 'tis but an Argument against him, for the quieting of all Minds, and assuring of Men they may the better acquiesce, when amidst an Army; and under an Indulgence; the Protestant Religion was entirely preserved, nothing was altered in the established Church; nothing in the Constitution of the State.  
His bitter Reflection, that Dissenters were pawned to the Rage of the Church, like the jewels of the Crown for want of Money, was only an Allegory forced in for a better inveighing against his Prince in a severer Sarcasm, and a more invidious Expression by way of Figure; 'tis only a sublimer touched of his Kindness to the Memory of His Majesty that is to be forgotten; 'tis but the Language of one that loves the Crown, like the Famous Author of the 
* March. Needh. Merc.  Mercurius Politicus, who as politicly knew how to render it contemptible, by representing of it poor, and so plainly called His Late Majesty the King of Beggars: I confess the practising upon the necessities of the Prince, was once a pretty Prologue, and expedient to promote a Rebellion; but I am sure the Church of England never liked it so well, and will think Herself but little obliged to this precious jewel, Her most gracious Son, for exposing Her for such a Pattern, that Her Loyalty was only a Pander for Oppression, and for giving no Money, till His Majesty had given Her up the Dissenters; however, the Observation as malicious as it is, will do now no Mischief, since our present Sovereign is as safe from the Consequences of it, as above the Fears.   

SECT. IV.  
ANd now we are come to the true Province of Dr. B, that looks indeed like one of his Seventeen, defying of his Prince, and reproaching of Him, for faithless, 
Vid. Pag. 2.  perfidious Designs to falsify all His Protestations, and waiting but for an Opportunity to break through all his Promises: I confess Liberty of Conscience, and the Writ de Comburendo cannot consist, and are as contrary things, as the Dr. is sometimes even to himself; but what occasion the King has given us to have the least suspicion, or shadow of such an injurious Thought, that after Liberty for a little while allowed, we shall come to the worst of Penal Laws, I cannot comprehend: Is it because his Word was ever Sacred, and was never violated, but in Dr. B's. Mouth? Was it to be relied on, even with an implicit Faith, when he was but a Subject, and a Successor? And must it be the less believed now, because his Character is much greater? Does His Person partake more of Infirmity, and human Nature, when the Church styles him next under GOD, and nearer to the Divine? Is it because 'tis His Interest so to do, when the Quiet and Tranquillity of the State will depend upon his not doing it, the Love of His Subjects, and the Ease of Himself? And Lastly, Is it probable he'll do all this, because possible to be done? No, the Dr. knows all this is good Sedition, but bad Argument: he knows with what difficulty the King is compassing for all His Dissenting Subjects, an Established Toleration, as sure any Prince would, that was not himself of the National Church Established, unless He could delight to see himself, and his persuasion Criminals to the State, and made obnoxious for their Faith to his Satutes and the Law, sentenced in some Cases, even to Death, by some of those Sanctions, to which in a Legal Sense, himself is supposed to give their Life: he knows that only for cancelling these Severities, and some other absurd Inconsistencies in the present Constitution of our State, his Prince Condescends to solicit the Repeal of these Laws, and for it, to gratify and indulge all his Subjects.  
And yet even this the Dr. sees, he knows will not be compassed, but with much time, care, and caution; and what these invidious Authors would observe, but by extraordinary Methods, and extrajudicial Proceedings, does he think it so easy then, when only the Laws and Tests are repealed with such difficulties to find a Parliament after a Session or Two, that will establish severer Acts of Uniformity to the Church of Rome, when that of England has but just lost Hers? And another formal Repeal must be made before, of the Toleration Established: I need not take notice, that the Number of Catholics of Quality, and Note, was never yet enough to make an House, and may be a long time before they be, that the National Religion will be ever that which is the most generally received; the former Treatise has superseded for it my Pains in this; but it is easy for the Dr, and a Man of Art, that juggles with the Government, with the turn of his Hand, or the shaking of his Box, to shuffle upon us, from a preceding Protestant, a very Loyal Catholic Parliament: No, 'tis not the Proof that His Majesty has given, that his Promises to this established Church are not to be relied on; 'tis not the Apparancy of his visible Interest, that obliges him to Ruin and suppress the Protestant; 'tis not the possibility of doing it so easily, were it so injuriously Designed to be done; 'tis none of this that thus disturbs him; no, 'tis his Zeal for his Religion, 
Vid. Par. 3.  'tis his Love for a particular Society, 'tis the Pope's Power to dissolve these Promises, and some private Doctrines that will instruct him in Equivocations: But will this Illuminato say, that all this Calumny is new too, his own peculiar Notion taken from Originals?— His Majesty's Zeal has long been known to the World, as well as His Courage, and that to none more, than his new Masters, the Dutch; and who have too much Honour in them to deny it. His constant perseverance in a Faith, which he too believes the True One; Maugre the many Temptations to a Change, and the Dangers that threatened his Continuance: This I confess, shows a well- settled Zeal, and somewhat like that which inspired some Primitive Professors of a Religion, which we all agree to have been the True Catholic Faith: A Zeal, not subject to Flattery, and as much above Fear; 'tis not Christian to make this Criminal, and if he will introduce this Doctrine among the Dutch, we must 
* Vid. Par. 8. Pag. 8.  in his own Words, believe there are brahmins there. That His Majesty's Favours are only extended to a particular Society, is an invidious Assertion more dogmatically laid down, than absolutely true, of which himself might even cease to wonder, did he believe his Whimsy, that His Majesty was a Member of it, but the Dr. is at too great a distance to make good Observations, and must needs commit most horrid Mistakes, should his Intelligence chance to be bad. I hope he'll have a care how he writes History upon hear-say; this would lay him open to himself, and even Varilla's; some People that see here without Telescopes, can observe that His Majesty's Favours are not so confined, but extended even to some Persons, and Orders, that have not been adjudged such intimate Friends to that of jesus; or if some of the Drs. 
* Vid. his Travels.  Letters don't lie, or he believes them himself; a sort of Enemies too; some that have contended with them are no such Strangers at Court; and tho' that Learned Person, Father P. a Man of a liberal Education, and no mean Extraction, whom this Dr. B's. Lines can never let pass without an Asterisk, or Mark of his Favour, has truly so much of His Majesties, as his Worth and Merit may deserve, does this monopolise the Favour of the Prince to that Party; or should we not hear Catholics themselves complain, if it were so Partial? Yet these are the Drs. Premises, these his Conclusions, these his Discoveries, in which he so prides himself; but should it prove so which is yet but Insinuation; and indeed, as the Dr. intends it for Disturbance, Sedition; did he never remember any Protestant Princes, that countenanced more especially, tho' not different Orders, yet a set of Divines of very different Opinions, even in their own Church? sure he does, or else our Books of more modern Reformation are very much belied: In King james the First's Reign he was sure to run himself up to Preferment, that could best baffle and run down Arminius; or (if he's pleased with the new Relation) his Countryman: The Old Arrians never seemed to them such Arch-heretics, and if he will have it more to the purpose, he may call this an Order too, or the Order of the Synod of Dort: But when the Tide turned again in K. Charles the First's Day's, not many Bishops were made, but what would stand stiff, and stoutly to His Principles; and preached down the other for a Doctrine, uncharitable, impious, blasphemous, damnable; this is so sadly true, that some wise People think it occasioned the War; but were this Society so solely, so zealously in Favour, they might be envied for't, but not abused; their Learning, and more liberal Education, by the little that I have seen abroad in most Catholic Countries comes up (to speak in the Drs. Dialect) more to a sublime, than is commonly observed in some other Regulars; their Foundations more sumptuous, their Revenues richer, their Libraries larger, and I believe the Dr. himself more obliged in the Progresses he made to their Courtesy and Communication: but what Reason Protestants have to upbraid their Prince here with Partiality, I cannot apprehend; who proposes not only an Universal Indulgence to all, but practices equal Dispensations and Distributions of his Favours, even among themselves: Are not the Protestants much the majority in His Council, in Employments, Civil, and Military? Are not some particular Loyal Peers of that Persuasion, known to have no little Interest and Influence? Does not their Chapel stand as quietly within his own Walls, as His own wherein he worships? And that perhaps, in spite of some Provocations upon the place; for as I heartily wish the continuance of it there, so I could wish too, a more prudential decency would attend it; Persons of great Learning, and good Lungs, may exercise themselves, and to much Edification, without thundering against Rome, to the shaking of the Church of England, and where now rests this partial Imputation of Zeal, of Bigotry, and Opinion? What must become of all this malicious Stuff? Must not the World be ashamed of it, I could almost have said the Dr.?  
But now for his invincible Arguments of the Pope's Dispensing Power, 
Par. 3. pag. 2.  and the monstrous Doctrine of Mental Reserves, and cunning Aequivocation; does this affect His Majesty any farther, than he submits to be governed by it, and has the Dr. proved in any single Instance, that he ever made use of such Evasions for a Salvo to his Sacred Word? So that supposing an unquestionable Verity in the Drs. Depositions, 'tis but a bad inference from the Principles of any Persons to calumniate the Prince, and to assert him actually affected with such Sentiments, only from a possibility of being so: But has this good Christian then the Charity to believe, to think, that all Romanists imbibe these Doctrines, suck them from the very Milk of their Mother Church? That the Pope can dissolve any solemn Promise, Contract, or Oath; certainly the Catholic Countries must have but bad Commerce, since so dangerous security; and yet I cannot see but we keep a good Correspondence with those Climates, true Returns made us in our Trade, and the Traffic for their Commodities, as secure upon the place; Contracts in themselves unlawful, are in some Cases de Facto void, and in others resolved so by some equitable Construction in the Law; Oaths necessitated, and in Illicitis, our Sanderson will satisfy us, we can Dispense with, without a Pope; and I cannot apprehend, either from Reading, 
Vid. Popery Represented, etc. Vid. Bish. of Con●.  or Conversation with any Catholic, that the Papal Power pretends to Dispense, but upon some such Considerations: The Reserus, by which all Jesuits must so unreasonably suffer, have as oft by themselves been as solemnly renounced, not only in some elaborate Writings, but sealed, even with their latest Breath; and if any particular Persons have positively asserted it, 'tis as injurious to paum it upon a whole Society; 'tis such a Reserve to their Enemies, such a Refuge, I confess, to those that will accuse them, that it is morally impossible to defend themselves from the Imputation, if when they sacrifice their Lives for it, invoke the Almighty, renounce these Reserves, even with a dying Imprecation, and they shall still be supposed to be dispensed withal for this; their Accusers Malice in common Charity, must be more presumed on, and suspected, than any such Principles in a Christian Faith; so that in short, the Papers of Dr. B. deal no otherwise with the Promises of the KING, than their old Descants did upon the Dying Speeches of the Jesuits, when their Animadversions superseded all possible Defence of their Innocency, and were the most infallible expedients for the fastening of Gild; and where the Interest of State, and the Sacred Resolutions of the Prince dispose him to maintain his unviolable Word, or his solemn Oath; it cannot but be the profanest Thought, to make his Religion betray his Morality; and even a fervent Faith and 
* Vid. Par. 3.]  Piety, to be but a perfidious Pander to a more deliberate Perjury.   

SECT. V.  
IT is a hard Fate for a Prince to be argued out of His Integrity, and to be made an ill Man with artificial Inferences and Insinuations: It is an acknowledged hardship, even to a common Prisoner at the Bar; and the Dr. in his Trial would be loath so to suffer; Constructive Treason, in the Case of a Subject, notwithstanding the 25 th'. of our Edward, has been much Complained of; and I think, 
Vid. Sidney's Paper.  Dr. B. has made it his Complaint, and shall his KING be called to an Account, as unaccountable as he is, for a Violation of His Faith, and that only by Construction; 'tis as great a Crime, as can blemish a Monarch, and aught to be as tenderly treated, as His Subjects Lives; the Greatness of His Person aggravates the Gild, and from the Meanness of his Condition, is more excusable, or less conspicuous in a common Man, Breach of Promise, or Faith; in the Sovereign Authority is as much the highest Violation, as Treachery against it, by a Parity of Reason, the greatest Gild; I hope Dr. B. does not deal with His Majesty, as 
* Vid. Trial of the Regicides▪  Harrison did with his Father they Martyred, study to blacken him: But I cannot but observe, That his Charge seem somewhat to savour of Cook the Solicitor; and Looks as if he was Retained Council against the KING, to prove this betraying of His Trust, and does every thing but call Him Traitor; I do not think the Drs. Intentions so bad, but must needs think that he seldom considers the Consquences that may be drawn from his own Discourses; The Calumniators of that King would only have proved an actual Violation of his Trust; and the Dr. deliberately studies here, from Reason and Religion, Politics, and Example, to prove in his Sovereign, a necessity to betray it; what is this, but the rendering Him odious and criminal, with the worst of Innuendo's, or to make him suffer by Anticipation; and what to a Subject no Laws will allow, by bare Presumption condemn him: I cannot in common Charity to the Dr. imagine this mighty Malice is directly meant to His Majesty, tho' too much I am afraid among such a deal of it must stick, but that his Transport and Passion against this Society, provoked him to such inconsiderate Reflections upon his Sovereign; and we have heard, I know, in our own History, of a Subject that in the heat of his Game, shot his Arrows at a Deer, but killed the King, I wish it were not applicable too to his bitter Words; and with them we have done here at present, having refuted them so far, as by pretence of Reason they would persuade us of the necessity of His Majesty's violating of His Word and Faith; but for fear lest that should fail in its Effects, or a Specimen of his Excellency in Speech and Declamation, he brings Precedents for it, and Examples, which we are now come to Consider.  
And the First, is the Famous Edict of Passaw in Germany, which the Dr. had much better omitted, than touched upon; it shows plainly the Disposition, and Inclination of no less than Four of the Emperors that were strict roman-catholics, and followed one another, for granting Indulgence, and Liberty to those that differed from them in Religion: In the First place, Ferdinand the First, from his own Confession did this, and this Edict by him was chiefly procured; and that, notwithstanding the Precedent that was set him by the Preceding Emperor, Charles the Fifth, who ruin'd the League made by the Protestants at Smalcade, and took Prisoners the Elector of Saxony, and Landtgrave of Hassia, and was so zealously addicted to the Devotion of the See of Rome, that he renounced the Crown, settled himself among the Monks, and died in a 
* St. Iust. Cloister in Spain.  Monastery. This Ferdinand setting aside the Relation of his Blood, 
Vid. Schultz. Chro. Lubeck.  had so great an Obligation to this CHARLES, and His Religion, that he had no reason to recede from those Severities, that our Author would make us believe both did require; and this does only more eminently show, That a Catholic King, notwithstanding the Ties of Blood and Religion, may think himself never the more obliged to persecute and oppress; for it was by the Procurement of Charles, that this Ferdinand his Brother, was chosen King of the Romans, and his Zealous Recess, his Devout Retirement, that facilitated to the other, his soonner and more easy Ascent to the Empire; so that both his Brother's Kindness, as well as Devotion, had very much obliged him: I know that Charles the Fifth is said by some, to have designed his Son Philip to succeed in his Empire; but that does not extenuate his Kindness to his Brother Ferdinand; and I mention it only for fear the Dr. should make another unnecessary Objection: after this, Ferdinand succeeded him, and as others say, even among the 
* Schultzen's Chron. printed in High-Dutch. Lubeck a Protestant.  Germane Writers, according to his own Intentions, giving the Low Countries to his Son Philip, and leaving the Empire to this his Brother, 
1558.  who upon his First Advancement to it, contended with the Pope, Paul the Fourth, for not confirming him, and that only for his 
* Ibid.  Indulgence to the Protestants, and taking upon him the Imperial Crown without his Permission: In the very next Year of his Reign, 
1559.  he Called a Convention at Ausburg, to have settled the Disputes in Religion, but the Protestants beginning to Clamour, that they would not submit it to be determined by the plurality of Voices, but by the Rule of God's Word, he confirmed to them again, that Pacification of Passaw, which he even in his Brother's time had so helped to procure, and had sent them upon their Liberty to return, Two Hundred Protestant Preachers out of Bohemia, and during his Reign all things were quiet, the Protestant Princes subscribing again the Ausburg Confession at Newburg; and he as peacably leaving them a Confirmation at his Death, and his Throne to his Son Maximilian the Second, after Six Years Reign. And the Clemency that He showed to those of the Reformed Religion you see is such, that 
* Par. 4.  Dr. B. would insinuate that himself was really a Professor of it, or at least much suspected, tho' none before has made what he is so wonderfully good at, the Discovery: Two Daughters that he had, he married to the than most Zealous Princes of the Romish Religion; the most Christian, and most Catholic Kings, Philip of Spain, and Charles of France: He did not only maintain the Edicts of Passaw, but permitted the Confession of Ausburg to all the Protestants of Austria, and that for the very same 
* Idque ob hanc Rationem; quod iniquum est & impium Conscientijs imperare. Gutberlet. Chron.  Reasons that His Majesty has expressed in His Declarations, viz. That Consciences could not be forced: And it was in his Reign, that the Reformation of Maygdeburg an whole Archbishopric was as entirely completed, and that the Doctor may see how the Protestants were obliged to him too, aswell as Mathias, he himself labouring to compose the Differences for the Low-Countries then both under Reformation, and a Revolt. After 12 Years Reign, which, our Germane Author calls the most happy days for the Protestants, Rudolphus his Son before King of Hungary, Romans, and Bohemia, succeeded him; in the beginning of his Reign, all things had as good success among the Protestants; the Reformation went on, the Ausburg Confession confirmed, a Convocation was called at Lubeck, in which it was resolved they should submit themselves with all Obedience to the Emperor; and that their Religion should be permitted to them without any molestation or opposition; 
1579  Pope Gregory the Thirteenth sent to him a new Calendar, as they called it, which the Protestant Princes opposed, 
1582  entered their Protestation against it, and were Countenanced in it by the Imperial Power: About the Year 1600 at Regenspurg, there was a Conference again about Religion, Divines deputed on both sides, but the Differences about the Rule of Faith dissolved the Assembly; the Emperor no way interrupting the Dispute, the Proceedings were printed by the Protestants at Wittenburg, and by the Papists at Ingolstadt; and I hope this will show that Rudolphus himself had no other design, but that all things should be determined according to the strength of Reason and Authority.  
About this time the Landtgrave of Hassia renewed again the Reformation, and went farther than the Germans are wont to carry it, by throwing down Pictures, & Images, which even among the Lutherans myself have seen allowed of, and applauded, and in all of their Eminent Churches, I could almost have said adored: so far was this Rudolp. from Severities and Oppressions in matters of Religion, that if he had been inclined to it, from his Zeal to a Persuasion, common Policy, and Interest of State, would have obliged him to the contrary, he being then in War with his Brother Mathias, and indeed both sides striving which should most secure to them the Protestant Party, as by the Sequel will appear; for upon his Brothers being in Arms, the States of Bohemia took a solemn Oath to assist the Emperor with their Lives and Fortunes; upon this he granted to them a further Confirmation of the Confession of Ausburg, and though Mathias was prevailed upon afterward by the Bishop of Passaw, and the Pope's Legate, Cardinal Melini to make an Edict to forbid it; yet he soon found his Error, and took occasion afterward to revoke it; for finding the Protestants more favoured by his Brother, 
1608  and the Troubles they had created him by their entering into an Union, occasioned by his Prosecution, which we'll say with the Dr. was set on by the House of Grats; why he presently thought it the wiser way to take a more moderate Course, and so permitted that the Pacification of Passaw should be indulged not only to the Nobility and Gentry, but the meanest Plebeians: The Emperor Rudolphus, when he saw some of the Protestant Party fall off to his Brother Mathias, and himself somewhat in a Condition not to value them, was animated so far, as for a time to forbid the public Profession of their Religion, and the Meeting of the States at Prague, thinking himself not obliged to maintain the Privileges that was granted then by Maximilian; but when he saw what a Disturbance it created, he soon Confirmed to them, their Ancient Privileges, and new Exercise of Religion, and that in a more extraordinary manner, viz. that none of the Popish Bishops should oppose the Protestants in Prague, that both Religions should live peaceably together, and that those that disobeyed, should be prosecuted as Disturbers of the Peace: (how near this comes to His Majesty's Proportions, even his Enemies must acknowledge) upon this, Protestant Churches were built, both in Germany and Bohemia, and little of Disturbance created to the Church, all the days of Rudolphus.  
And now after these Alterations for Empire and Opinion, the Emperor himself dies after six and Thirty Years Reign; a time, long enough to have rooted out all the new sown Seed of the Reformed Religion, 
1612.  had Rudolphus ever resolved it, or could have been prevailed upon for its Extirpation; it being long before the Swede, that Famous Defender of the Faith, or rather Invader of the Country, had entered Germany: I cannot but observe how injuriously the Dr. deals here with those very Princes, 
Vid. Reflect. pag. 3.  whom he cannot but confess to have been famed for their Justice and Gentleness; for the Fury and Violencys which Ferdinand of Gratz and his Family showed to the Reformed, how comes it to affect these gentle Dispositions, and who we see confirmed to them, so often their former Privileges, and Pacifications, which if they had wholly violated and evacuated, it still shows, that Catholic Princes can be supposed inclined from the Principles of Nature, to Toleration and Indulgence; and it must be somewhat extraordinary, and preternatural, that prevails with them to Tyrannize (to make use of Maximilians Words) over Consciences, 
Nihil aliud est quam Coeli arcem invadere, Gutberlet. ut supra.  and invade the very Prerogative of the Court of Heaven; what ever other Kings or Emperors have done and acted against the Rules of Religion, or justice, must certainly be most injuriously imputed to those that have been guilty of no such doings, or not known whither they will ever do so, much less to such who do declare against it, and show that most evidently they disapprove it; the Dr. would fasten Persecution I fancy upon Catholic Princes, not only as a Principle of Merit, but a Species of Original Sin, and so make all Contract the Gild of it by Imputation; for otherwise Arguments drawn from particulars, can never conclude universally, much less from the single instance of the severities of France to infer an absolute necessity for its being so here in England, when even among the Primitive Persecutions, there were those Emperors, that favoured the Christians; and it can never be admitted to conclude from the rage of a Nero, a Dioclesian, that never a Titus, a Vespasian, did ever reign at Rome; both CHARLES, and Ferdinand of Gratz may be condemned in History, for their severe Proceedings, when a Maximilian as much famed for his mildness, and gentle Disposition.  
But to follow our celebrated Author in his next Historical Instance, Mathias mounted the Imperial Throne, assoon almost as Rudolphus left it; he had a Disposition to mildness, as the Dr. himself observes; and in the First Year of his Reign, 
1631  received the Protestants Petition about the Confirmation of their Religion at Regenspurg; and when afterward by Mathias his means, Ferdinand the Second of that Name, that succeeded him, was made King of Bohemia, he was forced to confirm to them all their Privileges, and to promise the continuance of them after the death of Mathias, and that which truly influenced this Emperor, or rather incensed him to the Proceedings that followed, Was not the Jesuits, whom the Dr. cannot spare, even where they are unconcerned; or the Violences of the House of Gratz; for Chronicles of theirs can tell us, that even a Cardinal, and one of the Emperor Mathias his Privy-Counsellors was on the very Coronation day, when this Ferdinand of Gratz was Crowned King of Hungary, 
1618.  sent Prisoner to Tyrol, for endeavouring to stir up those Divisions that after followed: The first Begininngs of which, (as a 
* Schultz. Chron.  Germane and a Lutheran observes, and which from such an impartial Author, for the sake of the reformed Religion I am so sorry to relate) were occasioned by this Disorder: The Protestants held a Consultation at Prague, where among some of their Grievances was proposed, That the Edicts of Rudolphus which we recited before, not being by the Catholics strictly kept, for their being bound to a better Observance, the Reformed did agree to represent it at a Meeting of the Imperial Ministers to be redressed; but finding there 
* SmirsanzKy▪ & St. Labata.  two Men of Note to withstand them, and to make much of Opposition, they were so incensed, that they took occasion to throw both these Persons out at Window, as they stood next to the Secretary Fabritius himself, Firing at them as they fell; upon this great Outrage, which could not but with more force be defended, they united immediately into a League of Lives and Fortunes against GOD's, the King's Enemies, as they called them, and their own; went straight to the Listing of Soldiers, ordered 30 Directors or Administrators for the management of the Affairs of the Kingdom, and as if incensed with Dr. B. against the whole Society, banished all the Jesuits out of Bohemia, and published a Manifesto to justify these Outrageous Proceedings; the Emperor Mathias as mild as he was; as gentle even as our prejudiced Dr. can allow him, could not but resent these great Indignities, be alarmed at the Disturbances that were made and provide against a total Revolt and Rebellion, that did more than threaten him by being already commenced, those of Silesia siding with them, sent under the Marquis of Brandenburg a considerable Force to their Assistance; Count Mansfield set up for their General; and it was time then for the Emperor to seek out for his; his mildness had tried to make them before to lay down their Arms; and so for their persisting in Hostility, had the more right to declare them Rebels; they had besieged the Budeweis before the Emperor had ordered to proceed against them as such, and taken another Town by Storm, and even of his Intentions to attack them, gave them timely notice, when nothing could prevail with the Bohemians, and the Emperor bear nothing more; the Count de Bucquoy marched against them, and in Battle beat them, and in this, in thus manner, began that cursed Disturbance, as our Author calls it, that cost all Germany so dear: This Account I have faithfully translated from our Dutch Authors Chronology, 
Vid also Sleidan.  their own Countryman, their own Protestant; who laments the very Disturbance themselves created, and all the Miseries and Misfortunes that so justly followed; Dr. Heylin, an Historian, as famed too for Reformation; as our Reflecter we Revy on, as much a Member of the CHURCH of ENGLAND, and whatever are the Censures he must suffer, an Author as honest and sincere, and only more impartial, he gives us his sense of these Transactions, to this effect: Discoursing of that more Memorable Battle of Prague that followed afterward in Ferdinand the Seconds Time, to which he even himself was forced; for he before had admonished them to lay down their Arms; says, he cannot decide who had the juster 'Cause neither aught success of War to decide it, 
Vid. his Geography of that Country.  but of this he's sure that ever since the erecting of that Kingdom by the Sclaves, or Croatians, it depended upon the disposal of the Emperor, and observes that on the day that the Battle was decided, the Gospel appointed for it, had in it that Memorable Text of rendering unto Caesar the Things that are Coesars'; but such is that inconsiderate Zeal, praepossession or downright Sedition of some that set themselves only to contest it with a Crown, that the specious names of Reformation and Religion must sanctify any sort of Rebellion and Revolt; 'tis too much one would think, that it should excuse it, much less, make it lose its Nature, and forget its Name: The good Emperor Mathias, soon after the first Defeat was given them, to which he was by their own Confession forced, departed this Life, and left Ferdinand a more furious Prince in Military Matters, and more zealous in Ecclesiasticals, to follow and pursue it.  
This producing of such a Popish Prince for a precedent of Perfidiousness, and Persecution, whom himself confesses so mild, and relenting as to become a Protector to the Distressed States, even to revolting Protestants against a revengeful Prince, will make men distrust the weight of such an Argument that carries Contradiction and Boldness in triumph before it. The Dr. does not deserve the Protection of the Dutch for defaming thus their best of Protectors; 
Fam. Strad. de Bello Belg. Pag, 56.  but he deals with him as kindly here for the sake of his Religion, as the Dutch, his new Masters themselves did, when he assisted them in the defence of their Liberties, for they fell upon him and his Followers, in a solemn Procession at Antwerp, on Ascension day, killed some upon the place, forced their Defender to fly to the Church, 
Nullam ab ordinibus gratiam consecutus est. Ibid. p. 210.  and take sanctuary for his Life; 'tis hard I confess, to decide whither it was the result of Zeal in the Reformation; I will not say of the spirit of Rebellion, but this is certain this Protector was very scurvily treated, and but ill used, insomuch, that he protested if they served him so, he'd leave them to themselves, and return into Germany; which afterward for other Indignities Offered, he was forced to do.  
But this Author I cite, being one of the Society, will supersede all Credit with the Dr.; for Prejudice with some people will spoil the best of Authority; but then the most impartial 
* Neque magnam gratiam ob delatam ultro copiam ab ordinibus consecutus est Tom. 3. Pag. 514. B. Genev.  Thuanus, whose sincerity, even himself has applauded, I hope will be better believed, and truly he says but the same, that this Catholic Defender of the Protestant Cause, had but little thanks for that Assistance, which of his own accord he brought the States; if Protestants will not be obliged to Roman-Catholick Princes for Redress, or Preservation, pray don't let the Fact be libelled, and their Principles traduced against positive Proof, as if they were always ready to root them out, and studied to destroy them. Here are Precedents from History, and such too, as that to some of them, himself does give a sort of Approbation, that in former Reigns, in foreign Countries, 
Vid. par. 3.  where the Catholic Religion has been generally received, that by Princes of that Persuasion, the Protestants too, have been countenanced and protected; and the Peace we here do now enjoy at this present, in this Kingdom, in the same Circumstances, and the thankful Acknowledgements that are so universal for its Enjoyment, is an Additional Evidence, That the Dr. may be mistaken in his Arguments from Fact, as well as malicious in his Inferences, when they truly will appear both spiteful and false; so that his seditious Insinuations against His Majesty's Indulgence, 
Vid. Vindicat. of himself against the Parliam. Pacific. pag. 7,  and his ungrateful Dealing with the KING, that as he says, advised him once of his approaching Danger, helped him to prevent it, and perhaps, protected him too, are no more an Argument against the Mildness and Clemency that may be expected under the Reign of our merciful Monarch, than his Master's Ancestors ill usage of Archduke Mathias, can be made use of to prove they never had such a generous Protector.  
But setting aside these Precedents of the Germane Princes that were so favourable to Protestants; consider but the Cases and Circumstances of those Emperors that were condemned for such Severities to them; those that are said so much to have violated their Faith; and for that you'll find even Charles the Fifth, and Ferdinand the Second, if impartially examined, not to deserve so much of Reproach; in the Reign of the First, the Protestant Religion began to be received in Germany, and with that Monarch might be said to commence; for though Luther was born long before in Frederick the Third's Time, it was but a Year or two before Charles the Fifth, 
1517  that he began to write against the POPE, which whether the result of Passion, or Conviction of Reason, we shall not now examine; but only the Prince's Usage of him, and his Proselytes. The most impartial Author among the 
* Thuan. Tom. 1. p. 762. Neminem latere quantos labores in concilio procurando suscepit.  Papists tell us, that upon the propagating of his Doctrine, and the Troubles it created in the Empire; that the Emperor laboured to compose the Differences with all the Mildness imaginable, promised them a Council, and that 'twas known to all, what Pains he took to procure it; Sleidanus a German himself, one of the Primitive Proselytes, a Protestant, that lived all along that Reign; and so had all the Qualifications in the World, that can recommend him to those of the reformed Religion for a sincere Historian (since some People will believe nothing but what is writ on their side): I cannot see that he represents even that Emperor for such an Oppressor of the Protestants; tho' any impartial Person would consider that any Sovereign Authority will for its own Preservation oppose any Novel Opinion in the 
* Dr. B. him excuses this, Vid. Preface to Lanctan. against the first Reformation.  Church, to prevent the Disturbances that will unavoidably follow from the Propagating of it in the State, and whatever were the good Effects of the Reformation, that some of these bad ones did ensue, cannot certainly with any modesty be denied: The Emperor was so mild upon Luther's first appearing against Indulgences that were made too venial in Germany, by being too commonly sold, (which even sober Catholics in those times could condemn, 
Sleidan. lib. 1.  where they were abused) he writ to the Pope, 
* Dr. B. owns the Emperor granted a Toleration, and pressed the Council of Trent to Reform Abuses. Reform. part 2. p. 21. And notwithstanding this, the Protestants Combined at Franckfort.  that for avoiding of Controversies, and sophistical Disputes, these Matters might be Reformed by a general Council; which certainly was a much better way, all Protestants must allow then, that which Luther took by making but an unhappy Breach in the Church; for Reformation with Authority and Warrant will ever be built on a better Foundation; and then too much sooner defended, than any good that is done, tho' the greatest; by any ill and indirect means; why Friar Tecell's selling of Pardons so indiscriminately, even to a scandal, should make him renounce his Religion, or Sylvesters a strict Thomist, too zealous defence of the Pope's Authority, make Rome presently the Seat of Antichrist, as he 
* A Discourse like his Table Talk, printed with Authority in High-Dutch.  calls it, and warrant him to forsake the Church, if these escape with impunity, as himself did with threatenings declare, I cannot comprehend; yet tho' upon these Foundations, we still see the Emperor permitted it to go on peaceably, 
* He stopped the Process at Spire; the Bishop of Toledo pressed a condescension from the Papists; and the Emperor persuaded the Protestants not to demand too much. Vid. Dr. B's Reformation.  tho' he laboured too, that it might more regularly; for doubtless the Pope's condemning of Luther's Works to be burnt, did not empower him to burn the Pope's Decretals, no more than if a Libel of Dr. B's. should receive such a Sentence, it would authorize him in the same manner to serve the KING's Proclamation. The Churchmen, doubtless then, (as it concerned them, being then of the only Church established) were very zealous for the suppressing of Luther, and his Proselytes; but we do not find the Empr. too so furious in their Prosecution; he told them to their Applications that they made him, that he chiefly coveted the Quiet of the Empire, and that he had taken pains no Force should be used to any man; National Councils he called them several, to which they would never submit, and did wisely to protest, since they were sure to be out Voted: he allowed Luther a public Disputation at Leipsig, sent him an assurance of Security to come to Worms, 
1521.  and when some Zealous Churchmen persuaded the Emperor to order him his Process, 
Schultz. Chro.  they were so far from prevailing, that he smartly told them, Though there was no Faith in the World, it should be found in his Breast: I suppose the Dr. would not use this too, as an infallible Argument for all Catholic KINGS being compelled by their Religion, to violate their Faith: His Ausburg Confessions were at that Town graciously received by him, and ordered to be taken into Examination; he himself condescended to the Interim; in which were two Points gained, or granted, tho' obstinately refused, the Marriage of the Priests, and the Sacraments in both kinds; 
* Bucer in his Zeal, would not submit to this, tho' some of the Electors liked it, and modest Melancthon moderated for an Accommodation: A Conference was appointed, Lutherans, and Zwinglians fall out among themselves, which Dr. B. calls a popish Contrivance. Part. 2. L 2.  and such a Favour it was too to the Protestants, so highly resented by the Pope, that he threatened the Emperor for usurping his Authority, and offering to reform the Church; and as the Ausburg Confession was confirmed, so the Pacification of Passaw was in his Reign procured; and if we reflect on Ferdinand the Seconds Reign, the Protestants were in Arms, when he came to the Crown, he commanded them to lay them down, they oppose his being Emperor, protested against his Election, choose their King of Bohemia; and thus they fanned the Fire that set all the Country in a Flame, and to continue it too; at the Diet of Leipsig, league themselves to War with the Swedes, when at the same time the Emperor at another at Ratisbone, had made Proposals for Peace; and the Violations that at any time followed, were occasioned by mutual Jealousies on both sides; the Protestant Party growing powerful, and Princes falling with them into Leagues, made the Emperors look more to the preservation of their Authority, than their Subjects Privileges; and they thinking themselves injured in them, would remonstrate their Grievances; and the Emperors complain their Preachers were the occasion of Commotions, that they sided with their Enemies, 
* Vid. Sleidan. Com. Lib. 7. & 17.  and those of Christendom, and as Teckely now, with the Turks; and perhaps, each Party having its real Faults, 
Dr. B. owns the Emperors declared they made no War upon any Religious Accounts, but only for the maintaining of the Rights of the Empire. 1 st. Part. L. 1.  as well as human Infirmities, fell from inward Fears of one another, to open Hostility, even to the lamentable Effusion of too much Christian Blood; this is sincerely the substance I can Collect from Authors of all sorts of Complexions, which the Dr's. Endeavours to defame His Majesty's Person and Religion, has in this Point given me occasion to Consult.   

SECT. VI  
AS these Instances were foreign to our Nation, 
Vid. Reflect. Pag. 3.  and his Purpose too, for they make against him; and since so unlucky, he had better let it alone; so we will consider his more domestic Examples, and examine how far these Precedents of Perfidiousness and Falsehood which he would fix on the Popish Princes of Great Britain, make for his Purpose.  
The Promises of Queen Mary of England, whatever they were, were only made to the Suffolk Men, if any made; for besides what are related 
* They all borrow it from Fox, who himself recites no Declaration that She Published to that purpose; but only Oral Tradition, and That with some People has no Authority.  in History, no public Act under Her hand appears; and the Dr. knows His Present Majesty in the very First Act of His Reign, and in several repeated Proclamations since has solemnly signed it, and so signified it to the whole Kingdom, and the World; though his sacred Word was sufficient without such an Overt Act to secure us: But besides, I know Dr. B. values himself so much upon his understanding of History, especially about Reformation, that the Times to which he would apply his Comparative Reflections, as they are very distant, so too of a quite different Face and Complexion to what they were in Her Days; will the Dr. make no difference in the settling of the Protestant Religion, between the settlement of the Six Years of King Edward's Reign; and about an 
* From A. D. 1558. to the present.  Hundred and Thirty that have followed since, sure he is satisfied of the vast Disparity; he seems almost assured that his elaborate Writings will secure us against the repealing the Tests, (or else they are penned to no Purpose;) and then can he expect that an Act for Re-establishing Popery, should pass (as in her Reign) in the First Parliament. The Reformation in the former Reign was really a force, and what all impartial Protestants, can apprehend, carried on even sacrilegiously by the Court to serve some secular designs; tho' the consequences of their ill means might be truly good; and perhaps in my opinion will ever be so; 'twas easy then for her, without any breach upon Laws, Statutes, and Constitutions, to retrieve and establish a Religion that had been from all Ages received, and only for six years discontinued, yet still we saw, as appears from her 
* Published 18. Aug. 1553.  Proclamation, she so far adhered to any promise she might have made that she declared, she would never compel any of her Subjects in Matters of Religion, till by their common consent they had obliged themselves, that they did so, is too well known, both Houses putting up a Petition in the Name of the Kingdom, to the Cardinal to be received again into the Church of Rome; and this a Parliament that none have yet offered to prove, was procured by any indirect means; so that it plainly appears, that Laws will always depend upon the general opinion of the People; and as they could not find then an House of Commons to restore the Churchland; so it will as hardly be got now, for restoring the Religion.  
The Reflection he makes on the Queen-Regent of Scotland for breach of Promise, comes after examination of her History, and the Transactions of her Reign; in which she was then but a Princess subordinate, to the Criminating of those her very accusers; and the substance of it, sincerely this: After the death of Cardinal 
Spotswood l. 2.  Beaton (who by the way was as barbarously murdered;) the sufferings of some persons 
† The Burning only of Mills; an old Priest; vid. Dr. B's 2. Vol.  for Religion, which himself from his function in the Church, had too Zealously set a foot, many of the Commonalty began to Conspire against the Government; and at last Seven or Eight of the Nobility, took upon them to make an Act of Reformation: I confess had it been done in a more Parliamentary way, it might have been more Authentic: this Queen-Regent was so far from proceeding against them as Criminals, which doubtless she might have done, it being a manifest Usurpation, if not plain Rebellion; that she gave a favourable ear to their proposals, tho' the Clergy that were then Established, you may be sure persuaded her to the contrary; she offered all things to be redressed in a Parliamentary way; but Zeal being seldom attended with the greatest Prudence and Deliberation, they fell into open Riots before she could find a way to please them; disturbed a Procession, to which herself was present; demolished Monasteries, pulled down Images, and overturned Altars; till at Perth they appeared in open Rebellion, and up in Arms; what promises the Queen there made, are as well known, as the manner how she was forced to make them. They threatened her, if she would not accept of their Accord, 
Vid. also Foulis History.  or did ever violate and break it, they would join unanimously to depose her; Knox the Great Incendiary setting them on, and made them confederate into a perfect League: and I believe this too was as absolute a Power as was ever seen in Scotland, or into the Low Countries, 
Vid. Reflect. Parag. 4.  sent from Spain. After this pacification at Perth, the Lords of the Congregation, who were always the first in the field convene their forces again at Coupers-Moore; Besiege the Town of Perth, force it to surrender, sack Abbeys, subvert Monasteries, and sacrilegiously spoil all that was sacred; and all this without any regard of any Duty to their Sovereign, or Reverence to their GOD.  
The strictest of our Casuists, even in a common person ever resolved all obligations void, that are occasioned by terror and Constraint, and the Dr. need not have recourse again to the society; I know the lewdness of some 
* Matchiavel and Hobbs.  Politicians have extended the Obligations of Kings & Princes to a greater latitude from their public Concerns, than in Conscience can be allowed to Common Subjects: I am so far from that Sacrilegious thought, that I think the Sacred, and exalted Characters they bear, obliges them only more highly; and that to a stricter Observance, tho' still where Subjects can't be said to sin, 'tis hard to make our Princes Peccant; why does not the Dr. prove that this Regent, or her Daughter the real Queen did break their promises too, when they assumed their just Authority, after they had both been so injuriously brought to renounce it; but in this very case the Reflector had better spared his Animadversion, since it was one of the Articles too at Edinburgh, that there should be no injury done to the Catholic Churches, which the Queen complained of, was as soon violated; but since nothing will please some People, but arguments, such as the Schools call ad hominem; nor even those neither, when the man's mind is altered; does the Dr. think, that if King Charles the First, had been forced to the Nineteen Propositions, to the utter Subverting of the Church of England, it would by their Casuists have been adjudged an Indispensable Obligation, they could not think it so in the case of the Covenant, which the King (to whose memory the Dr. has such a Kindness) even in those Countries is said to have taken. But to see how these faithful Reformers dealt with their Queen, that must be upbraided for the violating of her Faith. After they had been the occasion of breaking some of those Accords (for which none but their Sovereign, it seems must suffer;) they left this Queen so little power to break her promise to them in matters of their Religion, that she had none left to maintain her own; for at a Conference at Preston she desired only the celebration of the Mass in the place where she resided, and even that was denied her. But to go further yet; tho' Allegiance be a sort of Faith too, and a most profound promise, which either the Municipal Law requires us, or our Birthright commands us to obey, that being also an old Oath observed in our Court-Leets, if we were not tied to our more modern ones, made since for some more Designing Ends; (setting aside those slight obligations to their Sovereign) they consulted for such Oracles of the Law, those Reformers of the Gospel, Knox, and his followers, about the deposing of this Queen from her Regency; insomuch, that 
* Spotwoods' Hist.  this Reverend Author, a Metropolitan in this Church established, honestly represents it as a Scandal to the very Reformation; they burlesqued the very Bible, to place the Power in the People; so that if their Religious Interpretations of the New Testament were not more agreeable to the Truth, than their political Constructions upon the 
* The Cases of Acha. & Macha. jehu, & jerom. Cited then by Willock. & Knox, for deposing of the Queen. Ibid. Lib. 3.  Old, Protestants would be ashamed of the very Doctrines they professed; they deposed this Queen Regent with a jure Divino, and the Prince instead of that was denied to have any at all; and to save the Dr. another Reflection, the Case was the same here, as if She had been an absolute Queen, themselves acknowledged it in the very Fact, for the other being out of their hands, they were forced to have recourse to another Principle of Democracy to proceed upon, By Virtue of that Authority of their Queen in France, with which She had never yet empowered them; they deposed that Queen-Regent in Scotland, which Herself had authorised; and this perhaps might be truly called the Courting of a Commonwealth Party; but if that won't serve the Turn, it is as well known their Hereditary Queen was served so too; 'tis too much to upbraid a Princess with a Breach of Promise to such Subjects who violated almost all that was Sacred, and only to sack the Town wherein their Sovereign resided, turned their very Temple into an Armoury, and Magazine, made the Church truly Militant, and their Doctrine in the literal Sense, an Evangelium Armatum; but yet to add after all this Dr. B's Aspersions, 
Lib. 3.  the better Authority of a Bishop of his Church; he that writes the History of it, gives this Regent a more agreeable Character, and honestly represents Her as one that avoided always giving any Occasion to those Troubles of the Kingdom, That her Dexterity was chiefly in Composing the Tumults, 
Vid. Spotswood. Lib. 3.  and pacifying the North, and that She was the greatest Lover of justice and Equity; and condemns mightily the History of Knox, from whose Work our Author borrowed the Blemishes that he has cast upon Her, and who in abusing of his own Prince and Country, cannot have better Associates, than Burnet and Buchanan. This habitual Excellencies of our Adversary, consisting so eminently in the Defamation of Princes, and especially his own, I wonder how his Hereditary Queen of Scotland could escape him; and that the Breach of Promise had not brought about all her Misfortunes too: by his way of writing, he had not been bound to consider, That when She was coming over from France, tho' so solicited by the Queen of England, She would not tie herself to any Promissory Obligations to confirm any of the former Ratifications, and so justify Her Rebellious Subjects, which She told to Throgmorton for a Message to his Mistress, and 'tis to be wished for the Credit of our English Nation, and the Protestant Religion, that That Princess had kept Her Promises too with the Queen of SCOTS.   

SECT. VII.  
AS for the Politics of France, 
Reflections pag. 3.  as they make a Book by themselves, so this Author might have omitted them for any Argument they are against mine; for in that I had observed the great difference that there is 
Vid. Parl. Pacific.  in the Constitution of that Government, and our own; the vast Disparity between the Temper of the Two Princes, that at present govern: the Multitude, and mighty Majority of Catholics in the One, and of Protestants in the Other; these sort of Suggestions with sober Men, and unprejudiced, may be so prevalent, as to satisfy them, that a Protestant Persecution is not so soon set afoot here, where we see even those that fly from it there so graciously received, and by the supreme Authority more especially provided for; let but Dr. B ' s. Concessions that secure the 
Vid. Reflect. Parag. 4.  Grisons, the Swissers, and some Principalities in Germany take place, and from his own Arguments they are safe, since the Want of Power, and the Circumstances of Affairs will prevent any Danger.  
The Massacre of Paris the Dr. knows was by most of the Roman Catholics condemned, & the truest & best Account we have of it, is from one of their own Authors, and of that Religion too; it was, as from him will appear, the deplorable Effects of a long Civil War, and the passionate Revenge that was coveted by some great Persons; with an eternal Animosity between the Two Houses; that inspired them first with such Bloody Thoughts, which afterward was turned against the Protestants in general, and like a Flame, dilated itself into Destruction before it could be stopped: The Occasions of this vast Effusion of Blood, the Dr. will repent that ever he touched upon, and even against my will has forced me to repeat; it will be none of the greatest Credit to their Reformation in France, to recapitulate the manner of its carrying on, and we had better be contented with its Establishment, than examine the manner how it came to be thus established; but since by his unjust Reflection, Princes and their Religion; their Sacred Person, and Christianity itself is brought to suffer; I must confess it has extorted from me that Truth, which from the Circumstances of our Affairs, and in kindness to some People, I could have sooner concealed: The Dr. must know then that I will not justify Kings, and Countries, just as he Libels; them only with a Reflection; but as the foregoing Defences I have made, are founded upon their Epitome, and impartial Histories, and Matter of Fact; so he'll find perhaps France too, may much in the same manner be defended? we shall not have recourse to their Antiquated Reformers, 
A▪ D. 1250.  those of Waldo, or the Albigenses, though shedding of Blood was brought up in their time too, when with no little Barbarity countenanced by the Earl of Tholouse, they basely murdered their Viscount in the City of Beziers, dashed out the Teeth of their Bishop, and almost his Brains too, to whom his own Church could hardly be a Sanctuary; for which Insolences, to give it the softest Term, (and as Protestant Authors 
* Dr. H.  say, many more of the same sort) Lewis the Ninth, was necessitated by force of Arms to suppress them; of a long War, and the much Blood that it cost; the Catholics alone, cannot with any Justice be brought to bear the blame, since there were no promises then made by the Prince, nor any Society to teach him Reserves.  
The times we shall touch upon, were when Luther's Opinions first took place there, but not without as great a disturbance to the State; 
A. D. 1517.  for Innovations tho' introduced for improvement, and Reformation; must unavoidably create Troubles and Confusions; nay, tho' there be nothing really new, but only some alteration of Old Customs, by bare Omission; and receding from former Opinions hitherto received; these sorts of Mutations, being looked upon as Novel, attract the consideration of those whom it may Concern; forms immediately a Party or a Sect, which sets up in opposition to that which is Established; and political bodies, like to those that are truly natural; having this common principle, to endeavour for their own preservation, there must unavoidable be great conflicts between that Party that would retain its Power, and that which in spite of it would aspire to it: our Henry the Eighth in's Reign, the first great Example amongst us, of such a scene of Change and Animosity, did himself best experience and describe it too; and had some occasion to say, that some people's standing so stiff to their old Mumpsimus, and others so Zealous for their new Sumpsimus, had occasioned a great deal of confusion in his Kingdom; and I think so too, tho' himself too was the most improper person in the world, to pass the Animadversion; for certainly, if any Party can be answerable, for the Ill consequences, that attend an Alteration, tho' the pretence be never so good, it must in Justice be charged on that which gives the occasion to the Change; there can be no Innovation either in a Church and State, without Invading somewhat of a right, either of Antiquity, and Prescription; Possession and the Law: now I never met with a Legislator yet, but what did allow him to be always in the wrong, that invaded another man's Right; and the Notion we have got in our Noddles of our Parliamentary power being able to do all this, and almost any thing; I believe some people will at present be loath to allow, tho' very well pleased with the Latitude it took in our Original Reformation; our Common Law did ever justify a Layman in the defence of his Inheritance, and his House; and if I mistake not, our Magna Charta made That 
* So that his relying on that Charter for the present Church, does it the greatest disservice. Vid. Apolog.  Church to have her Privileges and Patrimony too, and provides especially that they be kept unviolate; when a strong man Armed keepeth his Palace, his Goods are in peace; but when a stronger man shall come upon him, and overcome him, he taketh from him all wherein he trusted, and divideth the Spoil, and I wish I could not apply it here to the Revenues of our Church. And this, perhaps you'll find was like to have been the Case in France too: Francis the First of that Kingdom, having a mind to be Famous, took the wisest way to make himself so; by sending abroad for Men of Learning, whose Pens might transmit his Fame, with more advantage to Posterity; expecting I suppose, no Authors, could then be met with, that would write the Memoirs of their Monarch only to vilify him to Future Ages: this encouragement, you may be sure, drew a great concourse from all Countries, upon promise of being incorporated too, into a University at Paris; Luther was then a Reforming in Germany, where already they had 
* The P. Palatine from Luther to Zuing. from Suing. to Luther, etc.  fallen out amongst themselves, as well as with the Emperor: He takes this occasion to send Bucer, and some of the best of his followers thither, to propagate the Doctrine; where for about ten Years they Flourished, under the countenance of the King's 
* Margueret de valois.  Sister, and Wife to the King of Navarre, who, you may be sure, could have no kindness for the Pope, that had deprived her Husband; but the troubles these Innovations created to the Kingdom, and the contumacious carriage, and attempts they showed against the Church, from the Countenance of that angry Queen, provoked the King so far, that even her Power could not protect them from feeling his Resentment; so that by several Edicts their Preachers were expelled, & the name of Luther very nearly lost & extinguished; but Calvin comes on and had better success; for he being so debonair, as to be able to write to them in French; their own idioms, & the Vulgar tongue, and it could not but tickle the common sort, from hardly understanding it, to be made judges in Religion; so that all his doctrines could not but go down, as indeed they did; and spread so fast, that Hen. the Second was alarmed at it, as any Prince would to find a Party become so formidable, as to oppose the Church that was then established by Law: This made him endeavour to suppress them. Amidst these Troubles the King dies, and the Minority of his Son Francis soon raised them again to their former Vigour, and that the whole Kingdom did afterward sufficiently feel; for in this Conjuncture, the Greatness of the House of Guise animating that of Bourbon to Rebel; the Duke of Vendosme, 
1559.  and Prince of Conde disgusted and slighted, drew in the Two Chastilions, Admiral Coligny, and Mr. D' Andilot; these discontented Courtiers Consulting together, found no expedient so agreeable to promote their Designs, as the drawing in of the Hugonots into the Conspiracy, and by making themselves the Head of them; and though the Duke de Vendosme did for a long time dislike it; it was so carried on by Conde, Coligny, and his Brother, that in short, the Hugonots were drawn in to Unite, and League themselves under the Princes of that House; and this is that League or Union; (our Author shall call it which he pleases) that by me was plainly meant, into which the Protestants entered; and not that of the Papists which was long after; and I wish Dr. B. only more foresight, when he would Libel 
* Vid. Reflect. parag. 4.  and Invade my Sincerity, they raised Men, Monies, and Ammunition, come to Blois, with Petitions in one hand, and Swords in the other, with an intent to seize the King and Queen, and put the Guises to the Sword; this would have been a little Massacre too; but the Court having intimation of it, 
Vid. Heylin's History of Presbyt. l. 2.  was removed to the strong Castle of Amboise; there they come too, to pursue the design; but the D. of Guise, being made Lieutenant, ordered the matter so, that they were all routed, and Renaudy the chief of the Rebels killed: 
* Mark, that this business of Amboise is by Meteren, whom our Author admires so much, as to quote none other, made only a matter of Petitioning of unarmed People, where it is plain, that though the Petitioners went into the Castle without Arms, their armed men attended them to the Gates, & were afterward by the Duke of Guise defeated, and some Protestant writers can magnify the Clemency of the King to the Prisoners, and the discreet temper of the Guises.  this, tho' of their own seeking, set all the rest of the Neighbouring Provinces in a flame; they seized upon Catholic Churches by force, which if Calvin himself could call rashness, the Romanist's might well Rebellion, the same outrages they committed at Avignon; so that at an Assembly at Fountainbleau, it was thought best to make some favourable Edict in their behalf; but this, I hope will not excuse them from the blood that was spilt before, or the Insurrection that was made, since they prided themselves in it, and gloried in the Consternation they had cast on the Kingdom; and without considering their Obligation to the Edict, presently after, concluded to seize upon some of the most considerable Towns in France, and even Paris itself, to depose the Queen, remove the Guises, and get Navarre, and Conde to be Governors to the KING: This Plot was carried so far, that they mutined in most Towns against the Magistrates; and the Prince almost had made himself Master of Lions; but his Project being discovered, he was made Prisoner at Orleans, his process formed, himself condemned, and had as certainly been executed too, had not Francis the Second at the same time died, and so altered the Constitutions of the State, and the Measures of the Court; for the Queen Herself now began to be as much afraid of the growing Greatness of the Guises, comes to an Agreement with the King of Navarr, that She should be Regent, and himself Lieutenant of the Realm, that all Prisoners for Religion should be released, all Prosecution forborn; but these Favours to these Reformers made them more rebellious; insomuch, that they set upon the CATHOLICS at their Sacrifices, pulled them out of their Pulpits; insomuch, that at last the King of Navarr could not find in his heart any longer to defend them; and so it was resolved in a general Assembly at Paris, that their Ministers should be expelled; and none but the Catholic Religion allowed; after this they prevailed at last at 
* 10 Aug. 1561  Poissy for a Dispute, tho' the Council of Trent was then a foot for deciding any Differences, which as fairly as it is represented, and perhaps impartially, by Father Paul; and as foully by some that were more zealous and concerned; yet certainly was a much better expedient for settling the Disputes in the Church; then a private Assembly amongst themselves, where the Objection of pact, partiality, contrivance; the Clamours against that Council must needs with Aggravation recoil upon themselves; but the Result of this Divinity- Disputation was what usually attends such Polemical Debates, like a trial of Skill, both sides boasted they had the best; but certain it is the King of Navarr, upon seeing the Differences among the Reformed; some favouring the Augustan, others the Helvetian Confession, was the more confirmed in the Catholic Faith: but the other side by their Boastings growing so popular, insomuch, that it was thought dangerous almost to disturb them, another Edict was granted or forced for a Pacification, which juncture of Affairs made the cunning Queen fall to favouring of them too; that even as the sense of a Protestant Author observes, a dignifyed Member in the Church of England, this Prosperiny of the Reformation was the Cause of all the Miseries and Misfortunes that befell the Kingdom of FRANCE, to the Ruin almost of the Realm; their increasing in strength, increased so far the Power of the Prince of Conde, that his former Partner, the King of Navarr, made no Figure at all, which made him call in the Duke of Guise for his Assistance; and the Duke coming up, by the way, a Fray was commenced, by some of his Servants at a Protestant Sermon; the Duke coming to interpose, and part, was wounded by them himself, which so enraged some of his Soldiers and Followers, that about Sixty People were killed, the rest put to Flight; their Ministers being much of Dr. Burnet's Make, gave this out as a Design, and in all their Representations made it a Massacre; and for this occasional Fray, the most furious Outrages must be justified, Monasteries pulled down, Altars and Images defaced, and the whole Land filled and polluted with blood; and it may be also observed here, that this too is made by Meteran a designed Slaughter; and that the Duke came purposely to disperse and destroy them; 
Vid Lib. 1. Pag. 28, 29. Turbat, trucidat, fugiatque  but this Author confessing in his Preface his Prejudice against this most Catholic cause; it had been more consistent with our Author's sincerity in these Matters not to have meddled with him.  
And now both Parties labour to keep or get the KING into their Power; the Prince of Conde took Orleans, and the Catholics the KING, and the Protestants in their New Conquest, Spoil all the Churches in the Town, but upon none more furious than that of St. Cross, as if the Badge of their Profession were the Scandal of Christianity; then this Religious Violence must be justified with a Manifesto, criminating the Catholic Lords for detaining the King and Queen, when both of them declared they did them no Violence, but assisted them with their Service and Duty; tho' the forementioned Author in the same place represents the Queen in the name of the young King, writing Letters to Conde, that they were under Restraint and Confinement, and that he should come in and relieve them, when it is known too, that She exhorted them to come in and return to their Obedience; and so far complying they were, that the Duke of Guise offered himself to a voluntary Exile, if they would but return, as the Queen desired, to their Obedience; and for that they had their Pardon offered and Favour too; but for all this, the Reformers go on, seize most of the chief Towns, sack the Churches for Silver for their Mint; and thus defaced, made them fit for their Stables and Magazines; insisting upon insolent Demands, they were declared Traitors if they did not desist by such a day: The Queen that had no such abhorrence of them before, now detested them, and began to think how She might break and dissolve them; for this She prevails with the Constable, and Duke of Guise, to go and retire from the Court; they so did, and Conde having promised the Queen to return to his Obedience if ever they did so, was now as much confounded at their unexpected Retreat, advised with his Casuists, the Calvanist Doctors what to do in the case, who honestly told him, That he having made himself Head of their Union and League, no Obligation could bind him to any Promise; that Promises were not to kept that did hinder the Preaching of the Truth; the Queen not bringing over the King to him as She promised; he was bound to keep none of his Promises to Her, and so could not be said to violate his Faith: These I think are Promises too, not very well kept, or as ill expounded; the Dr. might spare us for it some of his Animadversions on the Reserves of the Society, and the keeping no Faith with Heretics, for they found out the best expedient of Aequivocation, that the Duke might seem to keep his Promise, they ordered him to meet the Queen, and surrender himself; but withal, that the Admiral by Ambuscade should be ready, and surprise him, and so bring him back to the Camp. They resolved it too, that for the Reformation sake, no regard was to be had to their Country, and so invited in our English Aid of Queen Elizabeth, who had nearly made herself Master of Normandy. About this time the Duke of Guise was treacherously murdered by Poltrot, one of the Reformers that had insinuated himself into his Service and Family; and after another Edict granted in their Favour, they tumult again to come up to the Pacification of january, and so fall again to their seizing of Towns, and overturning of Churches; the zealous Queen of Navarre encouraging them so far, that at Pamiers, 
Magis de Valour.  on a Corpus Christi Day, upon a solemn Procession, they put themselves in Arms, fell upon the unarmed Catholics, made a great Slaughter among the Churchmen; 
1566. 1567.  these escaping with impunity, encouraged the like Bloodshed in several other places; this may be called a little, tho' not such a famous Massacre; and this day of Corpus Christi almost as dreadful as St. Bartholomew; which from the abhorrence I have of both, I can hardly think that Providence could permit such severe Retaliation: and to match the Dr's Observations on the deposing Power; about that time, a Book came out, and was published by them, maintaining it lawful to kill the King if he turned an Idolater, and was followed by the most Antimonarchical Pieces, such as I am sure the Society never penned, or ever saw: and some Catholic Writers assert from the Confession of Prisoners that were racked, that they once had a Design to kill the King and Queen, and place the Crown on the Head of Conde; which from the partiality of the Authors, and the extortion of the Evidence; and our Charity to the Hugonots, we'll hope to be False, and rather disbelieve: After all these Revolutions of Revolt and Pacification, they join at last with the Rochellers to maintain the War, when other Towns had submitted to Peace; after all this Obstinacy, can their Kings be condemned for not keeping their Edicts, which themselves would never observe and obey: All foreign Forces were invited in, to the hazard of the whole Kingdom; and even our Queen Elizabeth a second time prevailed upon to succour them after they had betrayed her in the First; yet such was her Zeal or Interest of State, that She could never deny assistance to any of her 
* Dutch, french sores.  Neighbours, when in Arms against their Prince; but this to France proved very unlucky, for besides her Charges, and being beaten out of Normandy by those She had befriended; they sent her back the Plague for the Service She did them in the Civil War, I will not say a just Reward, since it fell upon a People, for whose Prosperity I had rather pray; but it must be remarkable, though we may not call it a judgement, for She had a League with the King of France at the same time, and which She had sworn too not long before; when She lent Money, Men, and Arms, to his Subjects to fight against him, but it was not to be called a Breach of it, because it must be supposed that the Forces of the Reformed were only raised to Fight for his Service, and the true Religion, though against his Person, Crown and Dignity; this Distinction I think must have in it some favour too of the Mental Reserve, and be an Instance of another Promise that was not very well kept.  
In short, with this Assistance they held out a long War, which ended at last in the Death of the Prince of Conde, at the Battle of jarnar, and let the World judge whither the Condemning the Admiral, and Confiscating his Estate for Rebellion was just; after this, there continued a dissembled Reconciliation on both sides, such an one as the most open Hostility had been less dangerous, which afterward that dismal 
* 1572.  Day of Death and Marriage did discover, some zealous on the Catholic side will tell us this Tragedy was Acted only to preserve themselves, that a Plot of the Hugonots was found out, for which purpose Edicts and Proclamations were published, and Medals stamped for the Deliverance; which whether only to palliate so many Murders, or that those who had all along been so restless, had further Machinations, must be left as a secret to the Searcher of Hearts: Most certain it is, it was more Cruel and Universal than that by the Protestants at Pamiers; the greatest Dangers could never justify so black a Deed, and Fate seemed to Revenge the Effusion of so much Blood in that of the KINGS, who poured out his own, and his Soul together, in some Two Years after: From this abstracted Narrative will appear to all impartial People, what was the Original, what occasioned the Continuance, and what promoted the end of all this bloody War; it is hard that Catholics should be condemned alone for it, and their Princes upbraided for those Transactions, which some 
* Dr. H.  Protestants have looked upon as the very Scandal of the Reformation: And from hence will appear too his Sincerity, as I observed before, how disingenuously the Dr. would fasten upon my meaning, his own Malice and Mistake, as if I had taken the Holy League of the Papists, for that which these Protestants entered into so long before: If he'll Quarrel with me for the Word, we will not call it a League, but an 
† Begun in Francis 2 d. Reign, 1559.  Union of the Protestants under the Prince of Conde, begun about Twenty Year before the 
* The other in Hen. 3 d. about 1579.  League of the Papist under the Duke of Guise: 'Tis plain, that I referred to this, and the Dr. in his Chronology as is much out now, as Mr. Varillas.  
Prepossession and Prejudice, whether the result of Education, Interest, or Religion, are all the same Inconsistencies with the Faithfulness of an Historian, and which in these Relations I have wholly abstracted; and taken these short Extracts from the comparing the different Complexions of Catholic and Protestant Writers; for the Light of Truth is so much a Spark too, that it is best Struck from the most solid and disagreeing Bodies, and is the sooner discovered from such a Collision; and such is my Charity too, that whatever were the Faults of the First Reformers in France, which themselves must own were too many, it can by no means justify the furious Proceedings against them at present, either with prudence or safety from the Maxims of the State, or any great Credit to the Doctrines of this Gallican Church; for as it cannot be supposed but that any Government Established will endeavour to 
* Vid. Dr. B's. Preface to Lactant. p. 47.  suppress all growing Opinions in their Original Productions, especially, should the Novelty, or but supposed Innovation threaten, not only the Religion of the State, but even the Subversion of the Constitution of the Government itself, as we see it did in this Kingdom, and in the Low-Countries, as hereafter will appear was actually completed; so a general Indulgence is as naturally requisite, where such different Sentiments have prevailed, and for a series of Time been settled and confirmed, especially, where the Professors of such a different Faith have comported themselves so long with all deference to the civil Magistrate, and even to the support of the Crown; and it is far from Reason and Justice, a Vengeance peculiar and assumed only by the Almighty Judge, to visit to the Third and Fourth Generation: Imputation of Gild was never transferred but in Original Sin; and those unfortunate Calamities, that by the Reformation were occasioned, can no more warrant that King's Persecutions, than they could excuse our Charity to those that he persecutes.   

SECT. VIII.  
WE will examine now the last Instance of his famous List, which he concludes with a Remark, taken from the Revolt of the Low-Countries; which, if the Terms of their own Historians may be allowed us, we must still call so; and what with our Adversaries own Authority, we shall ex Confesso conclude, that 
* Vid. preface to Lactant, ut supra.  those Severities were the more excusable, because these Reformations were looked on (as indeed they were) a Revolt then made from established Laws; the Doctor's Allegiance may be so far transferred, as in true Fidelity, to falsify for them Matter of Fact; and in an History of his own assure us they were never Subjects to Spain; but it is more than METERAN, or GROTIUS have done yet. 
* Their Author that gives us the Account of their Country in French, confesses how Charles the Fifth resigned them to his Son, in these Terms; je vous supple de luy obeir, de retenir la vieille Religion Orthodox.  The kindness that I have for that Kind Country of the Dr's, I confess is no more than what I have ever had to most Republics, and Commonwealths, that is, to think the Constitution of their State to be the result of some Revolt and Defection from their Ancient Prince, and their Lawful Lord; and that, though we could not trace in History their Beginnings, and date the Epoch of their usurped Government and Authority; an Imperfection, from which perhaps, that complete, and celebrated, and most ancient Aristocracy of Venice, will hardly be defended, though it retains still the shadow of that more Imperial Sway, from which their Aborigines might be said to Revolt, or by expulsion from their Country fall into: but the Defence of this so criminal Expression, we shall refer to its proper place: The Dr. at present is in his own Province, and affords us what is still his Kindness to Crowned Heads, a better Subject to defend, and that is King Philip the Second, from the Calumnies of an injurious Character that would defame him; for the Foundation of which Reproach, or the unreasonableness of it, there can be no more fair and candid Procedure, then to refer you, as in the former Essays to to the rest before, to some short Representation of Matter of Fact.  
It is known then, and beyond Dispute, that the Belgic Provinces in former times were first united under the Dominions of the Dukes of Burgundy, and from them by lineal or lawful Descent devolved to the Kings of Spain: after they came into their Power, they were all privileged so far, that there was no great need to fear they should fall under Oppression; and the miserable Condition, as the Dr. makes it, of absolute Slaves, so long as by their Obedience they only continued good Subjects: To tell us of their Privileges under the Goths, Vandals, and Gauls, their barbarous and confused Constitution, even 
* About a 1000 Years agone, about An. 860.  before their Counts, so long before the Emperor Lewis the Second had regulated and civilised them with such a Title; and that this Philip the Second forfeited his Right, for not maintaining them; is no more than if His Majesty were now to forgo His Three Kingdoms, for not observing the Rites and Rules of our old Druids, and the obsolete Customs of our antiquated Britain's: The Notion is so extravagantly wild, that with sober men it will pass only for the fancy of some of their First Governors and Legislators, who had no other Name but that of Foresters. Yet this Notion was entertained so far, and mixed with several other pernicious Principles, truly Democratical; that it served to dress up that 
* Vid. Grot. Annal. Lib. 3.  Oration which was afterward made in their Famous Senate by themselves assembled for the renouncing their Allegiance, and deposing of the King of Spain; which whether an Act of justice, or popular Outrage, from the subsequent Discourses will appear. Under the Dukes of Burgundy we do not find them tumultuous, tho' perhaps, 
* As in the Time of Char. the Hardy.  discontented, when under any great or more frequent Contributions: Charles the Fifth was too fortunate, and powerful to fear them; and no foreign Forces were then the Grievance, though most of all by him maintained; he knew his absolute Power, as well as Philip that followed after: In matters of Religion, and Reformation, though he was a little more moderate, it must be remembered the Reformers were then also more few, yet finding some Disturbance, he published an Edict against Innovation there, about the time that Luther's was condemned in Germany, he finding according to his old Aphorism, and Opinion, 
* Caesari persuasum; proculcatà Sacerdotum reverentià ne ipsi quidem mansurum Obsequium, Grot. id. L. 1.  That those who had no Reverence for the Church, would think they owed as little Obedience to himself, their KING; this put him indeed upon some Execution of the Laws, as Grotius observes, but with such ill success, that many times, when some of Note were brought to suffer, such Multitudes would meet, as with open Sedition to hinder and oppose it; but the Progress of such seditious Insurrections by his presence, and residing with them was soon interrupted; but when Philip the Second succeeded his Father, and the Fugitives from Foreign Parts began to fill those of Flanders, the Reformed began to be very powerful there, and could never be thought good Neighbours (if ever there were any Insurrections) to the Church-Government that there was then Established, and to which they had expressed so great an Aversion: Philip the Second foresaw this, and fearful of what followed, was forced to leave those Foreign Soldiers (as he told them) for their Defence, but indeed for his own; but for all this supposed strength, they finding he had left too the Government in the hands of a Woman, they soon discovered an apparent Weakness, and one of their Nobility, than the greatest Subject, and without any Detraction from his mighty Deeds, as greatly discontented too, whom out of Reverence to his Royal Dust, and respect to his Noble Line, we will leave without a Name, thinking himself as 
* Vid. Heylin's History of Presbyter, pag. 86. L. 3. Edit. 2 d. London, 72. Vid. Fam. Strad. Lib. 1. Dec. 2 d. Grot. Annal. Lib▪ 1. Decessu Philippi, de summa praefecturà certatum est, sed omissus uterque; perpetuis simultatibus Rempub. distraherent.  injuriously disappointed of the Government of those Provinces, which upon the King's returning into Spain, he had promised to himself, and indeed from his Merit and Desert might very well expect, was animated so far as to think upon an expedient for the heightening of his Power to make himself Head of the Protestant Party, which upon the absence of their King, began to multiply apace: for this purpose he Consults with the Counts of Egmont, and Horn, about redressing some Grievances that were necessary for them to be eased of, and that was first the three thousand Spanish Soldiers, though so far from being any thing dangerous to the People, that they themselves had the Command of them: They petition for their Removal, the King grants graciously their Request, but withal thought fit to detain them there, until the new Number of Bishops that he had instituted, were settled for fear of any further Insurrection; but they influence the People so, that no Contribution could be got to pay them; and the Duchess of Parma now empowr'd by the King, transports them all away for Spain: This one would think should have been sufficient to pacify them, but no sooner was this Grievance redressed, but Discontent like an Hydra from her Amputation, rises with another Head; Granvel then the greatest Minister of State, was then as great a Grievance too, and from his single Person, they now apprehended more danger, than from the whole disbanded Army: A Person from whose Worthiness and Abilities to govern, even 
* Vid. Heyl. Histor. Presb. Lib 3. Sir W. T'Tis Observations. Hug. Grot. l. 1.  Protestant Authors and his Enemies dare not detract; his removal is obtained too; but the want of him, the Governess soon found when it was too late; for presently after his dismission, the Tumults began at Tourney, Valenciens, etc. rescuing of Prisoners; threatening of Magistrates, and at last clamoring against their new Bishops; tho' persons all eminent in Learning, and of as excellent Lives; alarmed with these many Tumults, that like tumbling Waves, tossed, or tumultuated too upon one another; the King of Spain (as even an Historian of our Reformation too, if we may compare his sincerity with Dr. B, does honestly observe) did then first send to his Sister, the Governess, 
Dr. H. Hist. ibid.  to see his Father's Edicts severely executed, and to command a strict observance of the Canons of the Council of Trent. Encouraged even under these severe Injunctions which were more formidably menaced and commanded, than truly executed, the Lords declaring against it at the Council Table, and the Governess, with a great deal of difficulty got them past; which when done, the opposite Party so incensed the People, as to make it almost dangerous to put them in execution; and the Executive power was soon opposed, when they had intelligence given them, that the Prince Elector had promised them assistance if ever it should come to be decided by the Sword; and that they then, soon made it come too: For presently, they dispersed no less than five thousand Seditious 
† Libellos proponere tentamenta vulgi. Grotius An. l. 1.  Libels against the Government and the Governess; and open Sedition, when once it appears bare faced, has no other Helmet of Salvation, but by putting on complete Armour, and that you shall see they soon did; for immediately, amidst these Tumultuous Proceedings, nine of the Lords, without any Law or Authority, no Officers in the concerns of the State, assemble themselves at Breda: Marnixius, one of the best Abilities among them, makes them subscribe a Covenant of his own Composing; and so associate themselves with a solemn Oath, not to desert one another, send it about the several Provinces for Subscriptions, and some time after make an essay of their Fidelity to one another, by entering Brussels armed with Swords and Pistols, and Count de Brederode at the head of them, a Body of two hundred, which now might well be called Confederates; Grotius himself, as concerned as he is for his Country, cannot but call it a Conspiracy, tho' he would excuse them from the Gild; diminishes their number, and makes them come unarmed to the Court, 
Ibid. Lib. 1.  and no further design than the suppressing the Inquisition: 
Sir W.T. makes them 200 strong.  the severity of which when laid aside, could never appease them; for by his own confession, 
Malorum metum hoc magis attollentes, Obtendant turbas Civiles partim & ipsi faciunt. Ibid. Grot.  they made their fears greater, than indeed they were; pretended the danger of Civil Dissensions, and partly created them themselves, make their Marriages, Feasts, and Assemblies, but so many Meetings of Conspiracy to carry on the Plot; and when a Commotion was raised among the Common People, came out to animate it, by showing themselves unable to suppress it. Other Authors that will speak more liberally, represent these designed Conventions as the deepest Debauches, to draw in the most Dissolute Rabble, which was accomplished too with a great deal of Tumult and Acclamation; and so far were they seduced by them, that all the Declarations of the Governess could never resettle them in their Obedience; and so far were the Reformed inspired with these Proceedings, that at St. Omer's they 
† Qui timuerunt hactenus territare incipiunt, says Grotius himself. Ne Saevitiae quidem in sacerdotes & simulacra divum temperabatur; eadem in Libros & sepulchra rabie. L. 1.  force all the Doors of Churches and Religious Houses, demolished Altars, defaced Shrines, pull down Images, and pursue with the same Zeal all that was sacred; so also at Ipres, and several other places, expelling the Bishops, and as if all Learning were Superstition and Idolatry too, sacrificed their books, and best of Libraries, in the same flame; neither sparing things inanimate, nor the Unviolable Dust, and Sepulchers of the dead: The Mischief, Sacrilege, and Murders that were committed at Antwerp, were such, that they seemed to make a Massacre almost of all that was Sacred; assaulted the Procession and Image of the B. Virgin upon her very day of Assumption; fall upon them in the Church, drive out the Catholics, secure the doors, fall to that abominable work of rooting out Abominations; pull down all the Crucifixions of our Saviour, all the Saints from their Pedestals, deface all the Pictures, and even painted glass: and that this Zeal against Idolatry, might be sublimated into the highest Atheism, and lewdest Impiety; the Consecrated Host was taken out of the Pixes, and trampled upon with their feet; the Wine in the sacred Chalices, most solemnly drunk off in debauch; and their Holy Oil in derision applied to the greasing of their Shoes; certainly this was a sort of Zeal that would have passed better in japan, and with such Christians as can show more reverence to an Heathen Idol at Pegu; but this Brutal rage was not confined to the Limits of the Town, it so spread through the Country, that in ten days time, no fewer than four hundred Consecrated places, were destroyed or defaced; a Zeal so truly incensed, that it seemed to delight in flames, especially such as could consume any Sacred Pile; it seemed to defy any Heaven; and dare all the Terrors of Hell, and Everlasting burnings. And was it criminal now, and the Violation of Faith, or breach of Promise in the Prince or Governor, to think of subduing such Subjects by force of Arms; but no sooner had they intelligence of such a design; but they managed it so as to be before hand with their King, and to let the World know they could carry their disobedience further, (since Rebellion is looked upon as a term too injurious for the Confederates;) they contrived how to transfer their Allegiance to some Neighbouring Princes for Protection; in order to that, they first erect a supreme Consistory at Antwerp; and some inferior Judicatories in other Places, and so choose their own Magistrates, and at last alarmed with the News of their King's coming to give them a Visit, they were up in Arms before the Governess had got together any Horse or Foot for to suppress them besides the Train-Bands, they seized upon several Towns, turn their Canon against the King and his Commission; and all this before the Duke of Alva was arrived, whose cruel Disposition could not be the cause of those Outrages and Rebellions, that were committed, and commenced before his coming: 
Vid. his Trial.  Mr. Sidney's Papers were never seconded, or outdone in this point, till these of the Doctor's appeared; so unjustly do some people impute the disturbances in which those States were involved to the Tyranny of that cruel Man, that all things were in a Flame before ever he came to his Government, 'tis true, the King found that the mildness of the Duchess of Parma could not prevail to reduce them to Obedience, and so thought it high time to send a more severe Minister; for Diseases that are desperate, commonly require Remedies as dangerous too; tho' I must say as Grotius observes, That had been the season for Philip himself to have come to suppress them; for such necessitated Severities are sooner born with, and have better success when they come from the Prince himself, than from any common Subject, tho' the greatest Minister of State, especially when from one that has contracted a popular Odium: The Duke comes with a powerful Army of good old experienced Soldiers, to restore his Sovereign to that his Country, which as he had left, so that had almost entirely deserted him; the Duke seizes two of the chief of the Faction, Egmont, and Horn; they were Tried, Condemned, and Executed publicly at Brussels, judicially proscribes the Prince of O—: seizes upon his Eldest Son, sends him Prisoner into Spain, confiscates his Estate, and all this proceeding of Absolute Power, I conceive, among Civilians, will be still called Law; a judicial Process against Disobedient Subjects, for 
(a) Conjurationis reus est cum alicujus dolo malo jurejurando quis adactus quo quid adversus rem publicam facit. D. 48.44.  Conspiracy, 
(b) Seditiosi sunt▪ C. 9.30. & 48. qui plebem audent colligere, cujus dolo malo consilium initum est.  Sedition, 
(c) Qui in Ecclesia tumultum facit, & ministeria perturbat capitali supplicio afficiendus, C. 1.12.4.  Sacrilege, and 
(d) Perduellionis reus est qui adversus principem est Armalus vel cujus dolo malo contra eum consilium initum est, D. 48.4.11. D. 48.4.1.  High-Treason.  
These were the Laws by which he was to Govern; these Laws of Nations were then too those of all the Land; by which, most parts of it at this very time are governed; and how many of those were violated by that multitude of Tumultuous People, and whether every one of them was not in the highest manner broken, I hope, from the foregoing Relations, will appear; not one of these Crimes but was ever reputed by the Imperial Law, Capital, and no wonder then so many lost their heads; so general was the Defection, that an incensed King might well declare, the Provinces had forfeited their Liberty, and almost every Man his Life: Whatever were the Obligations of the Prince, they themselves had Violated all the former Pacifications, and indeed, without any regard to the mildness of the Duchess of Parma: she had got the Soldiers removed, Cardinal Granvell to be sent away, and connived at their Tumultuous Assemblies, and Religious Meetings: 'Tis true, these Pacifications and Condescensions did somewhat appease them, but no longer till they had an opportunity, and encouragement to demand greater Freedoms, or Licentiousness; and that offered itself when Lewis Count of Nassaw was returned from Heydelberg, with assurance that the Elector Palatin would lend them assistance; for than you see, as in the foresaid Relation, they fell to Libelling of the Government, the Lords associate themselves at Breda: Brederode comes in that bold manner to the Court; the Governess (as she could not well avoid in such a Seditious Juncture) gave them good hopes that the Emperor's Edicts should be moderated, and the Inquisition taken away, but it was fit the King should be first acquainted with it; but for this, it seems they would not stay, but run out into all those Extravagant Mischiefs we have repeated before; so when Egmont was somewhat before this sent into Spain, to sift the King's Inclinations, and to mollify him: From Grotius himself, I cannot discover, that the Duchess had therein granted them any public Edict of Pacification, nor indeed from any other Author: It appears from all, that she connived at their boldness till better times could come to suppress it; all that the King told the Count from his Annals, does appear to be only this, 
* Spem quoque nonnullum fecerat, etc. is all what Grotius says, Lib. 1. and Meteran-says no more. L. 2. 1565. Grot. Lib. 1.  That there might be some hopes of the moderating the severity of such Edicts; but it seemed to depend too upon the submissive Comportment of the People, for whom he expressed a great deal of Affection; but when he received an account of the several Tumults before recited, and especially the Seditious Carriage of the Senate of Bruges, who had imprisoned some of his Officers, only for Executing of his justice; it was then that he thought them to deserve no mercy, and so sent to his Sister to let her know all what he had promised Count Egmont; and that she should see the Edicts of the Emperor, and those of Trent put in Execution. The Dr. says, King Philip the 2 d. did ratify to Count Egmont, the Duchess of Parma's Edict of Pacification, if his Friend Meteran were not mistaken, and all other Authors; the Count's Negotiation in Spain, was two years before the Pacification at Brussels was penned or heard of; for he was sent away immediately after Granvel's Removal, in the year 1564/5, and the Duchess' Edict bears date 23 d. August 1566; neither is there any mention of his confirming made, nor could well be, for she sent out to all the Provinces her Pacificatory Letters by the 26 th'. of the same Month; but the Dr. depended upon the licence of a Traveller, and thought no one would offer to go so far as to disprove him: And the business of Bayonne, that presently ensued, and all that famous Conference between the two Crowns of France and Spain, for extirpating the Protestants, has no other foundation, than the Story of the King of France's confessing it to the Prince of O—: as a Secret when he was a Hunting; where if we consider what a weakness it must argue in the King, and the prejudice that might dispose the Prince to such a representation, it being his interest to make Spain as odious as he could, we may have some reason to suspend our belief; Grotius and those that have it from 
* Sir W. T. Vid. Meteran Lib. 2. cum nihil certi de hac re potuerit rescisci multis vana suspicio visa fuit. An. 1564.  him, have themselves no other foundation for it, but the Princes own Authority and Confession; it was otherwise received by the World; (Philip himself not appearing at it) only for an interview, for a kind Correspondence between the Mother of France and her Children, and perhaps nothing but the Duke of Alva's being present at the Conference, has given occasion to the countenancing the report of such cruel Intentions, where if a Subject of so great concern to the two Crowns had been to be debated; it is somewhat probable, the Queen-Mother would have brought with her one of the greatest Ministers of State, and brought the Duke of Guise to have matched that of Alva, for her Son Charles the Ninth was too young to be such a Counsellor, tho' if they really had (what is yet left so uncertain) consulted how to preserve themselves against a growing and formidable Party, that infested both their Kingdoms, and 
* preface to Lactantius. pag. 47.  mutually assisted one another, as Conde did the Mutineers in Flanders: It comes to no more than this, that those two Monarchies like mere natural Bodies, did Conspire for their own Preservation; for Princes in Prudence are obliged to preserve a Religion that has been long established in their Dominions; tho' the same Policy did at first oblige them to oppose its Establishment: And i'll engage Dr. B. to be of the same mind, when he says, If Persecution can be at any time excused, it is in the first beginning of Heresies, the Heats that were raised in the first Formation of the Breach, may take away from the Gild of the Sacrifices that were made; but always when Princes meet, especially with some jealous people, such an interview, though but a Compliment, is improved to an Intrigue of State, and their business can be thought no less than answerable to the great Characters that they bear: I wonder Dr. B. (it being so much to his purpose, and he so good an Historian) had not stumbled in upon this piece of Importance, to prove the Perfidiousness of King Philip, who procured this cruel Conference immediately after Egmont's civil Entertainment; and besides, it being a business somewhat like the Discovery he has made of the Negotiation at Dover, he might have had an Opportunity to have vouched it for his own Original; but after all his smart Animadversions on this King's Commission, and his bandied Observations through all his Papers upon those two poor Words, Absolute Power; I hope the Dr. will allow us, that it is ill applied to the Power of Spain; for where any Imperial Law obtains, the Princes were ever reputed as Absolute, and by the very Constitution of those Decrees, are absolutely made so; for those tell us, That the 
* For this purpose, Vid. C. 1.14.12. D. 1.4.1. C. 1.23.5.  Prince is ever esteemed both the Maker and Interpeter of all Laws; that which is his sole Pleasure hath the Force and Sanction of a Law, and that it is equivalent to sacrilege itself to resist it; and to this Absoluteness, perhaps, the House of Austria has the best of Pretensions, since in that is preserved the more immediate Right and Succession to those Imperial Constitutions, and all the poor Remains of the Roman Empire: But why this bloody Commission should be paralleled with his Majesty's most merciful Declarations to Scotland, I cannot comprehend, unless the Dr. by tranferring his Allegiance, has translated his Senses too, and so learnedly confounds a Liberty of Conscience with the Spanish Inquisition; but Malice, as it will always make the worst of Applications, so it seldom considers that Inconsistency that commonly attends them; but since the Dr. has vouchsafed us to quote one Author for his Justification, among the many Reflections that he makes, and that is Meteran, It must be known too, that from him alone can never be expected a most impartial Relation of those Transactions, and that from his own Confession in the very Preface; for he professes himself to be too True to his Country, 
Vid. Praefationem ad Historiam.  and too much an Enemy to the Tyranny of Spain; that he only writes and rehearses to us most of the Acts of the Reformers and Defenders of his Country: and that, because he had the greatest Opportunity to Consult and Converse with them, but still would not be thought to conceal any thing that made for his Adversaries, (though I think the Injury to the Truth will be still the same, whether the Author abuses it out of design, or for want of understanding; such a Writer was a proper instrument in the hand of such a Reflecter; and the Hatred of the one to the Tyranny of Spain, may come in Competition with the others Malice to this Absolute Power of Scotland: The Dr. would not have pardoned us, should we have paumed upon him the same piece of Partiality, and taken out our Accounts only from Famianus Strada, for whom I am sure he must have no great Kindness, being a Member of the Society; but yet in the Relation that 
* Lib. 2.  Meteran gives us of Count Egmont's Reception; he does not tell us of any Edict, or Pacification confirmed, but only as 
* Lib. 1.  Grotius tells us, that the King gave him some hopes of Indulgence, which doubtless was to depend upon their good Behaviour; and for the business of Bayone, represents it (you see) only as the vain suspicion of the Reformers, which for want of Foundation did as soon vanish: 'Tis no wonder than he refers us to Meteran, to judge of the Proceedings of the Duke of Alva, which though severe in themselves, were but Acts of justice still, though that when strained, is the highest Injury; the distance of time will not permit us to examine the critical Minutes of the State, but after so much Insurrection, the severest Executions, if we respect the political part of Government, may pass for necessitated Acts, though perhaps sometimes too, they may have as ill success; but 'tis no wonder to see men that are seditious themselves, to animadvert on the Justice of a Nation, after a Rebellion suppresed: Meteran calls such an Administration among them, the Council of Blood; and the Dr's Authority among us has made it the 
* Vid. Reflex. on Varill, 3 d. Tom.  Bloody Campagne. But because in common equity we are bound to carry the Case a little further, let us see whither, after all their Tumults and Insurrections that provoked an injured, and incensed KING, to send them such an odious and severe Minister of State; they did not proceed to far greater Enormities, against that Subjection they owed to their lawful Sovereign; than himself could be said to transgress in any irregularities of his Government: whatever were the Concessions of the Duchess of Parma, (for I do find she was indeed so far necessitated, as to be brought to Article with them;) they were only Terms, or good Words extorted from Her by the terror of their Tumults; for Brederode came so well interested or attended, that she could not but give him good Language, and a civil Reception; tho' he had made Her but an ill Compliment, and as bold an Address; also at an other time, when she had assembled her great Council, they gave out a Report, that if the Governess did not consent to their Demands, She should immediately see all the Churches in Brussels fired, the Priests murdered, and Herself imprisoned; So that Her indulging them for the present, was thought the best expedient: These Disorders were such, for which you may consult even METERAN himself at Antwerp; Delft, and the Hague, that the Duchess even then feared the general Defection that followed, (and as he calls it) Rebellion of all the Country, from a Factious and Seditious Crew, that the Governess herself was afraid of her Life, was going to leave Brussels, but being prevailed upon by some of the Lords, who promised to stand by her; She stayed, tho' She was told that Night, that there was a Plot to have killed two of Her Trusty Nobles, and make Her a Prisoner; so that when She writ to the Lords about an Edict of Pacification, She declares it the Result of Violence, 
† Violentiae & inevitabilis necessitatis nunc graffantis ratione habità, Meteran, Lib. 2.  and inevitable necessity; but no one will infer from thence, besides the Dr, that this Edict for Pacification was to continue, and be a perpetual Indemnity to all ages for any disorders they should hereafter commit; for she was so provoked with these Indignities repeated, that She had resolved to suppress them by Force of Arms, before that Alva was arrived, had several, and good Successes against them at Lisle, Tourney, and Valenciens, insomuch, that this progress of Her affairs, and the News of Alva's March, or Arrival, confounded them all, and put the Confederates into as much Consternation. In short, Alva's 
* Dr. B. his admired Meteran is forced to confess a bold Conspiracy and Attempt against Alva, for which there was but one suffered. Nemine eam obCausam praeter hunc solum poenas passo. Meter. Lib. 3. An. 1568.  Severities were as severely returned by three or four several Invasions, by the Forces of the Confederates, the Depredations of their Neighbours, and the United Assistance of some of the Princes of Germany; whatever were their pretended hardships before, it was no more than what their own Disobedience and Sedition had deserved; and supposing they had suffered injuriously, that is, by some excess of justice; it could no more warrant their incursions into their own Country of Flanders; Than the Rebellions of Monmouth and Argile could be justified by their being obnoxious to the King of Great Britain before; but interest, and opportunity, are too strong Temptations, to come in competition with Loyalty and Allegiance; Ludowick invades Friesland, Luma seizes upon the Brill, the Prince with his Germane and other Auxiliaries, designing upon Brabant, was by the Duke of Alva diverted, and forced to retire; but Flushing following the Fate of the Brill, these Seaport Towns drew after them the Defection of some of the most considerable Towns in Holland: this success animated the P. of O. to enter his Country once again; and tho' his Army was less, his Success was more; he possessed himself of some of the principal Towns of Brabant; and because the Dr. delights so much in the dismal Representations of Popish Cruelties, 
Vid. Heylin's History of Presby. Lib. 3.  so enraged were these Reformers, that under the Conquest of Luma, none suffered worse than the poor Priests, they did not only make them die, but in tortures too, & as if their lives could not appease their deadly Fury, nor their languishing Deaths defeat their Malice, it was extended even to their Carcases too; and their mangled Limbs hung up as bloody Trophies of their most triumphant Cruelty; and that it may be beyond contradiction, that the Severities of Alva, were not the sole Cause of their defection, after his removal, the heat of their fury still continued, as well as before his coming, the flames of it were broken forth; the many misfortunes, 
Vid. Strad. Grotius, Meteran.  and Defeats of their Germane Forces did not cool it; they Reformed so fast, till they fell out amongst themselves, tired at last, with their own Confusions, they fell into the Pacification of Gaunt; that is, they associated to make Peace among themselves, without any regard, or consideration of their King, which they seemed to salve afterward with an Explanation, and so by the name of perpetual Edict, was confirmed by Don john; but all this did not quiet them, or that Governor's easiness & Popular Affectation; they frame an Oath to renounce all Obedience to him too, from thence proceed to the union of Vtrecht, tho' the very Contradiction to that of Gaunt, and then second it with the deposition of their King, declaring he had forfeited his estate & interest in the several Provinces; & so outdid the Drs Commission of their Liberties and Lives: This is a Relation that does not lie for a Cause or Religion, for God, or Man, but shows how far the enraged Catholics were concerned in the Rebellion, upon which, the reforming Protestants proceeded to a Revolt, & entire defection.  
I shall not insist on our AUTHORS malicious Application of the Duke of Alva's Commission; to the Terms of Absolute Power expressed in our KING's Declaration; 'tis such a professed Talon of Dr. B's, to make the most odious Comparison of the King's Proceedings, that People will not be surprised to see him make the Duke's Reign cruel and bloody, only to represent his own Prince a more absolute Tyrant. The limitation of the Spanish Monarchy is as much the Mark of our Authors popular affectation, as the Reflection on our absolute Power, and indeed he cannot but in common Gratitude be for Courting a Commonwealth; but this express Proviso in their Constitution, that if the Prince broke such Limits, they might resist him, was rather a principle of Democracy that was then zealously contended for the limiting all Monarchies, as well as that of Spain, published in those 
† Populi ordines jus sibi reretinuisse fraenandorum principum de jure. Mag. Quest. 6. p. 73. Edit. Frankfort. Intelligimus magistratus, quasi Regum Ephoros, etc. Vid. juni. Brut. vind. contra Tyrannos. Vid. Also Calvinus Inst. Rex qui pactum violate, etc. hujus faederis seu pacti, Regni officiarii vindices & custodes sunt. vind. cont. Tyrant. Quaest 4. p. 69.  pernicious Pieces, in those very Times, for that very purpose, in France, in Scotland, in Flanders, by those very people that made all those Commotions, though it proceeds upon the most unjustest Principle, of making the same Persons judge and Party; against the Rules of common Equity, common Law, and that of all Nations, as in a particular Treatise I've shown: but I hope it does appear from this impartial Relation, that the perfidiousness he would have fixed upon the Promises of the King of Spain, had it been proved, would in a great measure have been excused by the Provocations of his most disobedient, and rebellious Subjects: I cannot help it, if History, the most impartial Authors, and even their own represent it so, without respect to any Religion whatsoever: Thuanus tells us, That it was partly upon that very Account that Archduke Mathias deserted them, as well as for the Indignities he had received from those he had without any return of Gratitude so eminently served; for when he came to examine their Cause, upon which they had put so good a Colour as to procure some compassionate Assistance, he soon saw how much their injured Sovereign was abused, and that he could not 
* Cum defectionem ab Austriacà Familia honestè non far poterat; Thuan. Genev. Edit. Tom. 3.540 B.  honestly defend their Defection, and Revolt from their Lawful Lord; 
| Vid. Grotius Lib. 3. Ut Superiores singulis, ita infra universos, id.  Grotius himself lets us know that they proceeded to the deposition of their Prince upon these old Principles of the Supreme Authority, being always radically in the People, that the King was accountable to them, that as he was above any single Subject, and individual, so he was inferior to them all in the State Collective, and that they could judge and punish him too; this was all agreeable to that Democracy they then designed to raise, and the Doctrines of those 
* Vid. Brutus. Vindiciae contra Tyrannos de jure Magistratus. Eusebius Philadelphus. Buchana, de jure regni.  pernicious Pens that were at that time employed (as the Dr. is now, for the Libelling of all Monarchy, and advancing the glorious Cause of a Republic and a Commonwealth. The modern 
† To Grot. Annal.  Preface to that excellent Author, glories in the Dedication of the Book upon that bold Attempt of their Ancestors, that could venture upon an Insurrection against the Power of Spain that had been formidable even to Kings and Princes, and even his most Admired and Authentic 
* Vid. Lib. 2. Lib. 10.  Meteran is forc d to confess them to have been extraordinary seditious in their Tumults and Insurrections, and gives us a full Relation of all those Reasons and Aphorisms, purely Democratical, by which they pretended to justify the deposing of their King, which are contained at length in that 
* 26. julij, A. D. 1681. Subsign. joan. Asseliers.  Instrument of defection, Dated from the Hague, the Metropolis of the Constituted State.  
I hope the Dr. does not now think this is in order to the Courting of the Common-wealth-Party; but if it be taken ill, I do not make my Court better; they must be angry with their own Authors, or their Ancestors; fall out with the Truth, or fall foul upon themselves; he is too much a man of integrity to desire, though it be for a National Concern, that History should be corrupted; and the vast Reputation, as he tells us, his own has got, I hope was never acquired by any Falsehood or Forgery: I could have heartily wished he had never brought us these unhappy Precedents to prove the Perfidiousness of Catholic Princes, and the lewd Principles of their Religion, since it must so unluckily lay open the Scandalous Progress of the Reformation abroad, which our Protestant Authors, and Dignifyed Churchmen have been themselves blushed at, and ashamed; and he may seem to deserve as severe an Execration for forcing me to revive so much of the Faults of the Reformers, the Protestant Church, and his Mother's Shame, as that undutiful Son that discovered too much of his Father's Nakedness; 'tis to be lamented, to see what dissolute, debauched, and Atheistical Opinions the Licentiousness of Reforming produced in those Low-Countries we last treated of, that of George of Delft, and Nicholas of Leyden; Grotius bewails, as produced by this Liberty of the First Reformers; and this Family of Love that set up there first, were of Opinion, that it was lawful to deny upon Oath, any thing, before a Person that was not of the same Family and Society; this is such a Mental Reserve, as the Dr. among the Jesuits can't easily discover: 'Tis to be deplored, as well as admired, and animadverted on; the Miseries, the Confusions, and the Rebellions that the Reformation brought with it in all places abroad, where ever it was carried on; and as great an Enemy as they make the Pope and Society, to all Monarches and Sovereigns; the most Antimonarchical Works you see, that ever were published, did in that very juncture of time appear; neither could it in common policy be avoided; for the Changes in Church-Government, and Religious Worship, being for the most part made in opposition to the Supreme Authority of the State; the vilifying of that was unavoidable, and the deposing POWER the most politic Position that could be maintained. Those Innovations that could not be made with their KING's Consent, were best carried on by that pretty Expedient of tranferring Allegiance; and when this Philip the second would not allow his Subjects all the Liberties they asked; they had no other Recourse, but to tell him, he had forfeited his Right.   

SECT. IX.  
THe Dr. tells us he could carry this view of History much farther, but I think it is carried already a little too far for his Credit; for the Faith of Roman Catholics I am afraid in those times will abide a better Test, than the Protestants Loyalty, which is easier to be deplored and lamented than disproven and denied: This Author found himself pressed in the former Treatise with matter of Fact, where the Protestants in Germany, find at present both Faith and Protection under Catholic Princes; but that his malice must impute to their want of Power to do Mischief, 
Vid. Reflect. Parag. 4.  and the Circumstances of Affairs; this Circumstances of Affairs, I do not see but may serve our turns here too, and hinder their power of doing Mischief, since we have the King's Word there shall be none done, and the PROTESTANT Party so strong a Circumstance to prevent it.  

Vid. Reflect. Parag. 5.  His Propositions, and Expedients of Pension, and Indemnity for the Papists are pretty projects; and worthy of such an Undertaker; but they would thank him more, would he undertake too, that when such Laws shall continue in force, they may not hereafter be put in execution with a Non Obstante even to a Statute of Impunity, and they be told beside with an Insulting Sarcasm, you are rightly served; their Pensions will do them or their posterity but little good; when once they get them again within the praemunire of the Tests; and if the Legislators chance to have no more Charity for them, than such Reflecters, they may be hanged by those that are so afraid of burning, ruined with interpretation, and most constructively destroyed, by those that will be too willing to void any Law that shall be made for their preservation, (and the Dr. himself does Menace as much in the very next page) an Act of Oblivion, will be made truly so, by being itself forgot; so that the sum of this hardiness of proposals, comes to this handsome, and easy definition; they are always to continue the condemned Prisoners to the State, to live upon the Basket, and the favour of a Reprieve.  
The Contest for Religion, I confess, is too great; but I can see none that contend so much to prevail, but such who are so contentious as to depress all different persuasions, for fear of Usurpation; if the Test is the sole security against the Catholic Religion; The Doctrine of the Church will much suffer in having only such a secular support from the State, when even that can hardly defend itself for establishing such an unreasonable Law, enacted merely by the contrivance of such that then sat at the Helm, whose Conduct was condemned by All, whose Proceedings by themselves represented as seditious, and that Zeal that animated such unjust undertake, found to have no other foundation, but upon Falsehood and Perjuries; so that if the Question were impartially put, it would come to this, whither these Tests ought sooner be repealed, than the rest of the Penal Laws; they being more eminently framed from mere malice and mistake; this prevailing Religion, which he would now bring to this very period of time, has been too long a prevailing to have so short an Epoch for its commencement and date, and for almost this hundred and fifty year was never prevalent, and whatever is the Prospect and Face of the State, while the Church still continues in that station she would be (as she has the best of Securities from so Gracious a King) and a Toleration Established as well as the Church, this Protestant Religion will not be so soon prevailed upon, but must needs be maintained in the mighty numbers of the free Professors of it.  

Rest. Parag. 6.  The disservice he would insinuate we have done in putting the justices in mind of their Oaths, one would think I had superseded the thoughts of, in the same Treatise, where I had appealed to himself to make an Essay in the point of the Dispensing Power, where his malice might be manifested in the prosecution, and his revenge frustrated by the Royal Authority's suspending of all the penalty; 
Vid. Six Papers.  and this a Resolution of those twelve men in Scarlet, the deepness of whose Crimes he would so maliciously represent by the badge of their Office; if he will persuade the justices of the Peace to prosecute Dissenters, notwithstanding His Majesty's Gracious Indulgence, I am afraid he'll do them no acceptable piece of Service, and give them more perplexity, than the trouble of repealing can create, which doubtless, must take off all Scruple about their execution; the Members of the Coll. he's pleased to Caress with their adhering to their Oaths, were perhaps, more true to their Zeal, and an Obstinate Disobedience; a Protestant Prince might have never met with that refractoriness, and a Catholic Founder, I fancy, did never more directly design his Statutes against the Prerogative of a Catholic King; but to show that a stubborn obstinacy was a great ingredient in this Conscience Plea; Nothing is more plain, than from this late Revolution in the Death of the Precedent; where if there had been but a submissive applicacation made to an offended Majesty, and an humble Petition to be restored to favour, if I may be forgiven the boldness of Imagination, as well as the Dr. would be pardoned the hardiness of Propositions; I fancy many might have met with as much of the King's mercy, as now they suffer under the effects of his justice, and might have hindered a Society from returning to its Primitive Institution; where some that possess it now, may upon another score, be too ready to observe, that in the beginning it was not so.  
The Dr. tells us we are to be governed by Law, and not by the Excesses of Government; 
Ibid. Parag. 6.  but if he can tell me from any Reign since the Conquest of the Normans, that there were not greater Excesses of Government complained of, and greater used, (as in a particular Treatise I have proved:) I'll grant him the Dispensing Power to be the greatest Grievance; Discontents, and Jealousies, under any Revolution of State, do only shift sides, and are never wanting in a Government where the People can but make a Party; had those Precedents of Excesses, which I cited from our former Reigns, but made for the Doctor's purpose, that had been Law, which is now Excess, and a Dispensation for the great Outrages that were committed upon the Church in Edw. 6th's Reign, before any Parliament had authorised it, it seems was truly Law; which as it was a power to save Men from being hanged for Sacrilege; so many will tell us too it was a sort of destroying the Government.  
The R. Cath. I am confident, will be glad to hear, that the Severities, by which they have so unreasonably suffered, and that so long, have been only the result of the Protestants fears, and not so much their deserved Punishments for any perpetrated Crimes: When the Elector Palatine had moved the King of France, that he would tolerate all the Hugonots, to Preach in Paris, he returned him the like motion, that all the Catholics might be allowed to say Public Mass in his Capital City; 
1566.  if we must exclude them from all employment, because of the dangerous Consequence under a Catholic King; must not they think themselves as much beset with dangers, when they shall have none but their Enemies in Office under a Protestant Successor? and if they than should move to be the only persons employed; would it not be as strange a Request as what is made now, that none but Protestants must be so? neither will this Establishment, and Constitution of the State, make any great disparity in the Parallel, unless it be to the disadvantage of those that would make the difference; for if Protestants will plead their Penal Laws, their Tests, their prescription of an hundred and fifty years' possession and enjoyment; in bar to their Pretensions, it will put Papists upon the retrospect; how they came to be thus excluded, and discover that they had for above five hundred years before, all the Laws of Church and State on their side, and none others herd of, or admitted into Office and Employment; and therefore, when the Doctor tells us, that in Holland the Government is wholly in the hands of Protestants; Papists will be apt to return, they know how it comes to be so; that both Holland and Zealand, sided with those of Flanders at first in the Pacification of Gaunt, to leave the governing part both of Church and State in the hands of the Catholics, but that when they came to Reform farther, and grew more powerful, nothing less would serve the turn than the Union of Utrecht, by which they were to be left to govern themselves as they pleased, and when their famous City of Amsterdam that now privileges all Subjects as well as all Religions, to its immortal honour made the stoutest resistance for the sake of their old Laws and Religion 
* Note, this was but about an 100 years agone.  (and its neighbour Harlem never resisted their King so stoutly, as this fought for him) for it was Besieged by Sea and Land, and at last yielded only upon these honourable Terms: That their former faith should continue established, their Magistrates confirmed, yet were forced to admit against their Capitulation, a Garrison, against their Articles of War, new Articles of Faith, and for their old Magistrates of the Peace to be governed by the standing Officers of the Army; so it is not fit it should be known how the Government came to be wholly there in the hands of Protestants, for fear it should reflect too much upon Promises too, that were not well kept, and that the same should become the seat and refuge for all sort of Sectaries, that was once such a Celebrated City for being at Unity with itself.  
I need not take much pains to show why my Precedents from the reign of Edward 3 d. might be recommended to the practice of this; since he gives no reason why they should not, unless his Authority be such in History, as some Dogmatists are said to have had in the Schools; a Dixit, and indisputable; if I mistake not our British Annals, cannot boast of a more Glorious and Auspicious Reign; both for our Foreign Expeditions, and victorious returns, two Neighbouring Kings a sort of Prisoners to our own; two Kingdoms but little better than our Tributaries; the Misfortunes of Scotland, the Fate of France will furnish us with too much matter to make those times for ever famed, and his present Majesties most Heroic mind, and military disposition may tell us too, that they can be imitated; I cant discover why the latter end of this King's Life may not be recommended as much for imitation; the recovering of the Kingdom of Castille, for its lawful Lord, and another expedition into France, were both such Actions of the renowned Prince his Son, by which the Nation cannot suffer much in the Consummation of his reign: but if any thing may make the latter end not to be imitated; it may by some people be thought to be the Disturbances in the Discipline of the Church, which was like to have made as great a Commotion in the affairs of the state, for it was in this latter end, that Wicklift divulged his new doctrines, drew in a great many Proselytes among the Common People; and made a Party among some of the greatest Nobility too; which terminated in this unhappy issue, to show us too soon the dangers and disturbances that always must attend any Innovation in Religion: for the suppressing of this, Gregory the XI. wrote the Archbishop, and Bishop of London; who cite Wickliff to appear at Paul's, whither he comes well attended with the Duke of Lancaster, and Piercy Lord Marshal; where they were no sooner come, but the Spiritual Lords fell out with the Temporal, the Temporal with the Spiritual; all about Wickliff's sitting down before his Ordinary, which the Reforming Lords in contempt to the Bishops contended for, and the Proselited Duke was so Zealous as to tell the Prelate he would pull down the Pride of him, and all the Bishops in England, pull him out of the Church by the Hair of the Head; 
Vid. Baker.  I think fit to recite this, for fear the Dr. should find fault with me, as well as Varillas, for not telling him the occasion the Bishops found to leave the Court, and I think 'twas time for them to be gone. If the Doctor remembers, this seems somewhat of those Sparks that afterward sat both Bohemia, and Hungary in a Flame; to one of which places, if (I mistake not) this very person here cited, did in his Banishment repair, 
Vid. Reflect. p. 3.  and to its missfortunes perhaps contribute, and as I think upon occasions like this, might be said to be begun that long War of Germany; and I do most professedly avow, that upon serious Reflection upon those miseries that attended the Reformation, which the Doctor has given me too much, and too sad occasion to consider and consult; I look upon this Juncture of the latter end of this Reign, very near that unfortunate Crisis of falling into all the Desolation and Calamities that afterward befell those miserable Countries, Bohemia, Hungary, Germany, France, and Flanders, but tho' fate for a while suspended our misfortunes, or the Military King that Reigned then, suppressed those more early divisions; yet alas, the Diversities of Religion did too soon lay us waste, and not long since made us as sad a Spectacle to our Neighbours, as they had been to us in the same Civil Wars: A Body would have thought Dr. B. might have sooner found fault with the beginnings of this King's Reign, than his latter end; for I must confess it began in the deposition of his Father, or at best, but a necessitated resignation; he being a Prince as ambitious of a Crown, as well as one that truly deserved to wear it; but this is a Precedent that cannot but please him, the transferring Allegiance is such a singular piece of Politics, in the Opinion of this Statesman, and helps so mightily to the constituting of some States, that he may be very desirous it should be much imitated.  
But to come to another Instance of his Excesses, in which he does so exceedingly delight himself, and that is, those of Richard the 2 d's Reign. I confess, 
Vid. Reflect. par. 6. pag. 5.  'tis another Precedent of Allegiance transferred, but that with good Subjects does not presently prove Excesses; neither warrant their Disloyalty if they were proved; if the Proceedings of his Reign must not be mentioned because of its Tragical Conclusion, we shall be at a great loss for any Argument that may be drawn from the more Lamented Misfortunes of King Charles the First; I suppose the Doctor will say too, it was Excesses produced that Tragedy, (and some People will say the Excesses of Conformity;) but yet, I hope there might be good Laws made in his Reign, and what was there called Excesses, has been since found, but so much Invasion of the Prerogative; and perhaps, an Impartial Account of this King Richard's Reign will make that appear so too; I had obviated this Objection before upon the very place, in observing that the tumultuous proceeding of the Rebellious Barons, 
Vid. Parliam. Pacif.  (for I hope, by his leave, we may be so bold at home) and the ambition of the designing Duke of Gloucester, could no more criminate that King's Reign, than excuse them from being Rebels.  
But since he will not be contented, let us examine what some Authors as honest as himself say of these Excesses, when the Parliament, or rather the Party of the Duke of Lancaster was assembled at his deposition, Excesses indeed were alleged, and so will ever be by those that prevail; but even among those there, some that thought them far from being so; the Loyal and Learned Bishop of Carlisle, 
Vid. Daniel and Trussel. Vid. Baker.  made such a bold Speech in his defence, that his very deposers were silenced, and nothing but each man's private prospect of some public favour, hindered their Conviction; the new King himself was very cool in the prosecution of the grave old Prelate, and could hardly be said to be warm in his acquired Government; but for all this, they thought fit to confine the Loyal Bishop for the Liberty that he took, his Crime being only a bold Indiscretion, for showing them so soon the badness of their Cause: This King as exceeding criminal, as the Doctor would make him, had so strong a Party, tho' deposed, that they thought fit to deprive him of his Life too, and to send him to his Eternal Crown, for fear he should take up again his Temporal; these are no good Arguments of his Excesses, or ill administration: 
Chron. 3 d. vol.  Hollinshead that has somewhat of Renown for an Historian, tho' he does not in his work exalt his own Reputation with our Authors; he tells us, this poor Prince was most unthankfully used by his Subjects, in no King's days were the Commons in greater Wealth, or the Nobility more cherished, and as these Tragical Conclusions were not imputed to Excesses by most of his Subjects at home, so it was as ill resented by Princes abroad; the King of France was so provoked with these Injurious Proceedings, that he acquainted his Lords with his Resolution of Revenge, and they showed themselves as ready to take it too, but were too soon prevented by their taking away his Life, and then it was as much too lateto serve him after his death. I am afraid the Doctor will be found to be exceedingly out here in his Excesses; but as Excess must serve his turn in one Reign, so it seems defect must do it in another. Henry the 6th's feeble Reign must support his Arguments against what he calls Excesses of Government in Richard the 2 d. I am glad to see he has no stronger ones, and 'tis but a tacit giving up the Cause, to have recourse to such Subterfuges: H. the 6 th'. I hope, as weak as he was, was to govern according to Law, and for that, the more concerned so to govern; so that the force of the Prerogative in such a feeble Reign, is but an Argument a fortiori.  
The Excesses in H. the 8. time indeed were such, (since he's resolved to call them so) and came somewhat near that absolute Power, 
Vid. Dr. B's. preface to the History of the Reformation, where he calls him the Postilion of the Reformation, driving through thick & thin.  with which he so much affrightens and alarms us in his Libels; but I hope he will allow and think the Protestant Religion very much obliged to his Excesses, since they made the fairest Step to the Reformation, and were as well followed in the Reign that came after; some Writers will say, that those Parliaments that confirmed his Excesses, were so far from free ones, that they were hardly allowed the Liberty of Debate, much less to stand up for the ancient Establishment of the Church: It was Criminal then to deny the Court, even in an House of Commons, and tho' King CHARLES the First coming to the House, only for Members accused of High-Treason, was made such a Crime, as the Breach of Privilege: It was looked upon here as a Point of Prerogative, to come & command their Votes, or else certainly, such an Assembly supposed of the Wisest, as well as the greatest Men in the Nation, could never have been prevailed on, 
Vid. 25, 28, 35. Hen. 8.  for passing such Absurdities and Contradictions into Law, for the making lawful Heirs illegitimate, and then to legitimate again, the self same unlawful Heirs, to make one Daughter spurious, and then another; and at last, to make them both to be legal Issue with the single Charm of, Be it Enacted. It is said of that Assembly, that it can do every thing but make a Man a Woman; 
Vid Stow, Annals. p. 581.  but here I think they went pretty near that too, and made Women what they pleased: In the First Ann's Case, Incontinency was made the Cause to divorce Her; In the Second, the Defect of natural Inclination, and only upon sending down some Lords to the Lower House; what Marriage he pleased was declared unlawful: It was not the Roman Consistory that was Lords of the Articles then, or else they had hardly parted so soon with the Supremacy, though 
* Vid. Letter to a Dissenter.  that invidious Reflection on that Honourable Constitution in Scotland, must come a little unkindly from Protestants, since if we believe the Bishop, to those Lords they are much obliged for the helping on the Reformation; 
Spotswood's History of the Church.  in short, since the Dr. lays such a mighty Weight upon his getting all warranted, or confirmed by Parliament, it is but a weak Support for the Confirmation of his Cause, for it will give some People the more occasion to observe, that such was once our KING's Authority over Parliaments, that they could obtain from the Civil Sanctions of the State, to sacrifice the Sacred Authority of the Church, Wives and Children, Women, and Men, to his Lust and Anger: His Parliamentary Warrant will do him but little Service in such Excesses, since His present Majesty's Proposals, I think are much more reasonable, which he desires only so to be Warranted; and if these Excesses are so ordinary in great Revolutions, some Persons may think this unexpected Indulgence, and Toleration, as great a Turn.  
The Dr. very wisely passes by without any Consideration, all the Proceedings of Edw. the Sixths' Reign, in which some may think that some Excesses were Committed too, and that even in the very two Points that His Majesty has solemnly declared to Defend us in, Property, and Religion: In the very First Year of that Reign, which the Dr. cannot be unacquainted with, it being so of the Reformation too: Did the Protector only by his Proclamation order all Enclosures to be laid open, which for some time had been enjoyed by the Lords and Gentry, and was partly possessed by them, by Virtue of those Abby-Lands they had from the Crown: The Duke knew this would gratify the Common People, and being desirous to be popular, he issues out this Commission of Absolute Power; (for all the Lords and Gentry looked upon it as an Invasion of Property, 
Vid. Heyl. Reformation Ed. the 6 th'.  especially when they were in such a Tumultuous manner thrown down): were Abbey Lands to be thus invaded now by a Proclamation, we might well complain of Excess. In the same Year were Injunctions sent forth, only the Order of the Council Board, over all the Kingdom, for altering all the Old Ceremonies, and way of Worship in the Church of Rome; several for opposing these Commissions and Injunctions, as something like Excesses, were punished, or sent to Prison: 
Vid. Acts and Monuments.  The Bishop of London was clapped up in the Fleet, only for scrupling an Obedience, and that, though he made most solemn submission, which is more, some People will say, than what has been done by some Successor since, upon a milder Test of Obedience, and a Process, less severe: Gardiner was Committed to the Tower, only for wishing these Proceedings might be delayed till the King was more capable of the Government; Durham, Rochester, and Chichester for the same Disobedience were so served; all of them dispossessed of their Bishoprics, and what was worse, the Bishoprics, & Sees themselves dispossessed, & reformed from their Revenues: These Excesses could not but create great Disorders in the State, when they saw that what was called the King's Proceedings, was allowed to be Law for the regulating of the Church; the several Rebellions of the West and North, that followed merely upon these Excesses of Reformation, had too Tragical Conclusions to relate, and so the Dr. took care lest they should be mentioned; the suppression of which, did not end without a Western and a Northern Campaign, and a great deal of Blood and Severity: Sir Will. Kingston's pleasant Cruelty in the West, his Landlords, & the Miller's Tragedy, do declare: & Northumberland in the North, is so well known, that I'll engage, the Doctor confesses it a thing which helped to facilitate Q. Mary to the Throne. 
On Varilla's 3. & 4. Tom. pag▪ 120.  In short, it appears plain from the History, that the Protector saw that Reformotion could not be carried on without Arms, that therefore he made the War in Scotland, a Pretence to take them up, and for this, he brought in Germans, and Walloons, though the coming over of our own Irish now is made a Terror and Astonishment; the Elections of the Bishops was then given to the KING, for the Ends of Reformation, of which 'tis now too late to repent.  
In the next Precedent we are reflected on again, because Q. Elizabeth's Power in Ecclesiastical Matters was founded on an Act of Parliament, which the Dr. says was in a great measure repealed in King Charles the First's time, and that Repeal again in Charles the Second ratified; this Author's Argument of a Parliamentary power was little to his advantage in his Reign of Hen. 8. not at all for his purpose in the First of Edward the Sixth; for there those great Alterations in Church and State were made before the Parliament was called, merely by Injunctions, Orders of the Protector, or the Council Table, and that absolute power authorised by the specious Name of the King's Proceedings: This was the Original of that Arbitrary Law; and Queen Mary might well write after such a Copy; but the Dr. does most designedly misapply to our Precedents in Queen Elizabeth's time this Parliamentary power, as well as he designedly, and wisely omits it in K. Edw. Reign, because he knew he could not apply it; for if he'll but examine one of the Cases I put him in the Queen's Reign, about Her dispensing with the Latin Service to be read in Collegiate Chapels, and the Universities, contrary to an express proviso of an Act of Parliament, for the sake of Reformation; and the applauded Opinion of Moor, that the Queen's power of Non Obstante was good, even against the Non Obstante of an Act of Parliament, to that Her Power; he'll find that some of Her Affairs and Proceedings were so far from being founded on Acts of Parliaments, that She acted without them, and upon Resolutions that were given to illude and invalidate their power: so that in short, the Dr. would apply the Case of the Court of Commission, founded by the First of Her Reign, to justify the Legality of all that She did, even to those things that She confesses, She dispensed withal contrary to Law: were we to play like Children at Cross-purposes, the greatest nonsense, and most insipid Answers would serve, & pass, for the more Ingenious Diversion; I told the Dr. what She dispensed with, contrary to the very Parliaments Act. It is Answered of something She did that was rounded upon an Act of Parliament; but now, because we'll keep to the purpose, we'll examine this Her power in Ecclesiasticals, founded on the First of Her Reign, and see how far it makes for our Author's Apology: he says this was in a great measure Repealed in the Year 1641. the Dr's Excellencies lying more in Chronology, 
17 Car. 1. Vid. Keeble.  than the Statute-book. It is a known Act of 17 th'. Charles the First, that does in some measure, as he says, (and I am glad he keeps to any) repeal it; I will not insist on the occasion of such a Repeal, and the juncture of Affairs that forced it, though I must confess the Reasons of Laws, can never be recollected, but by Reflection on the State of those Times, in which they were made; and that makes a sound Historian somewhat of the necessary part of a good Lawyer; and from History 'tis most deplorably known, that this Repeal was procured in the Year that this Rebellion commenced by a Parliament, 
Vid. 12▪ 13. Car. 2. Vid. Colleges Trial.  the defence of which has been made Proemunire and High-Treason; by that which enforced the Triennial Parl. into a perpetual one, and which was afterward with so much abhorrence, and such an ignominious Character repealed: But all that appears of this Repeal, of the 1st. of Elizabeth, from the Opinion of the Lawyers, and the examining the Act, is the power of the Commissioners fining and imprisoning, which was looked upon as oppressive; 
4. Inst.  and therefore my Lord Cook in his Argument upon that case (who for a time was no great Prerogative Lawyer, or would not be so) says, that this Act was only a restoring to the King, His ancient Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, which the Commissioners extended so far, as injuriously to fine Offenders upon it beyond their Power; this usurped Power some people are of opinion, is only by that Act repealed, 
17 Car. 1.  though I do not doubt but that Parliament would have willingly comprehended in it, all the Inherent, Ancient, Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, that ever appertained to the King and Crown, 
Vid. Stat. Carlisle, etc.  and even by special Act here, under Catholic Princess has been declared so; so that indeed, as the Dr. says, it is but in a measure repealed; and by express Words in the Repeal, of Abuses of the Power only prevented; so that it could not take away, or deprive the Royal Authority from that unquestionable Prerogative of Commissionating any number of Persons in Ecclesiastical Matters that do not exercise such an extensive jurisdiction: and therefore to reflect upon the present Court that is of another nature, and a new Creation, as put down and repealed with that of Queen Elizabeth's, is no more an Argument, than that Queen Elizabeth's Commission was revived, when but so lately King Charles the Second delegated His Ecclesiastical jurisdiction, and Disposal of Preferments to some Persons, that are most now living, though perhaps, some of them the readiest to Dislike their present Proceedings: It is plain, that the King's Power in Ecclesiastical Matters was never meant should be infringed from that Repeal by this Ratification of it in the Late King's Time, whatever the First Factious Legislators in it might intend; for as you see this Late King did in a sort make use of it, so in this very Ratification, as the Dr. calls it, is Provided, 
13 Car. 2.  that as it shall not extend to the jurisdiction of Archbishops, Bishops, so neither to Vicars-general, or Persons exercising Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction by the King's Commission: If the Dr. will cavil, only because the Word Court of Commission is not expressed, his Cause will hardly be the better for such a peevish Exception, since the Constitution of a Vicar-general would be as little Kindness to the Church, as it was in the Excesses of its first Establishment under Henry the Eighth, which we see His Majesty, as excessive as the Dr. would make Him, has not hitherto revived; but should a Parliament restore the very Court of Queen Elizabeth, it would be reckoned among such men, as illegal, and only the King's Excesses in the Government.  
I here shall help him to another Set of Excesses, since such Prince's Proceedings must be called so, when they do not quadrate with our Authors Subject and Design, which at another time must pass for good Law, when they make but the least for His purpose; some People perhaps are of opinion, That the Two Tests were passed after a sort of Excess in the Government; the World now knows one of them was made, when the Parliament was exceedingly imposed upon with Falsehoods and Perjuries; and as exceedingly transported with a Zeal that looked too, so much like Fury; so that if a man consider their origination, and the Circumstances of Affairs, when these Laws were made, instead of keeping them upon the File after the rest are repealed, there will appear more Reason, even from the Doctor's Excesses, for repealing them the First.  
The Conquest of the Kingdom gave a great Latitude to the 1 saint. William in point of Government, which his Arms having acquired, he found himself the less limited by the Laws, though he professed to Rule by it; and few of his Successors since, that by their own Acts have obliged themselves, but afford us Instances in greater Excesses of Government than any we can now complain of. He is said to have invaded the Jurisdictions of the Prelates, and seized their Treasures, not sparing his own dear Brother Odo. William the Second taxed his Subjects at pleasure, by the Power of his Prerogative, was as severe upon the Clergy; and Westminster-Hall, since the Seat of justice, was looked upon by the People, as built on purpose to countenance his unjust Taxations. The Ne exeat Regnum was repined at as a Grievance, and in that Reign might be said to Commence. The making Mutilation, and Corporal Punishment, Pecuniary in Hen. the First's Reign; the Confiscations, and Bishop of Salisbury's Case, in King Stephen's, were made matter of Excesses, in such 
* Vid. Bacon's seditious Book of the Government os England.  Authors too. Henry the Second resumed by his own Act, Lands, that had been sold, or given from the Crown, by his Predecessors; and against this Excess I think His present Majesty has given us good assurance in His last Declaration, since the Dr. labours so much upon the absolute Power of the Former. Of Richard the First it is Reported, That he feigned his Signet lost, and so put out a Proclamation, That those who would enjoy the Grants by the former old one, must come and have it confirmed by the New; he pawned some of his Lands for the jerusalem Journey, and upon his Return would have resumed them without Pay. The Exactions of King john, and his exercising such a severe Authority over the Church, Fining severely for supposed Crimes, I suppose our Author thinks should be least mentioned, because it produced the Baron's Wars; but no one will say they were the better Subjects, whatever were the King's Excesses. Henry the Third, some say, was so like his Father, that he succeeded him (if they must be called so) in his Excesses too, in resuming aliened Lands, in Fines, in making advantage of the Vacancies of the Church. The Proceedings of Edward the First against his Clergy, 
Vid. Reflect. Parag. 6.  putting them out of his Protection, seizing upon their Goods; and Edward the Second Confiscations after the Defeat of the Earl of Lancaster, this Author will call Excesses too; though I cannot see why they may not all have the more moderate Names of the King's Proceedings, as well as when all things were so warranted in the Reign of Edw. 6 th'.  
As we had begun with these Observations on our King's anciently Exercising of an Unlimited Power, (which in other Treatises I have shown, and which our Author (if he will) shall call Absolute) from the Reign of Edward 3 d. So here the Dr. may observe these Precedents deduced down to that Time too; and so cannot but see that such Excesses are inseparable from the Government, and perhaps a Prerogative that Sovereignty cannot well, or will not be without; and if Subjects must be allowed to Censure and Reflect on their Princes Proceedings, it is morally impossible that they can provide against all their Clamours and Complaints: the Necessities of State will many times force them to some Excesses: and Diversities of Opinions and Parties, and now the too much to be lamented Divisions in Religion, will ever make those Proceedings seem just to one side, that are looked upon as injurious by the other. Our Author will oblige the Roman Catholics very much, if he will justify for Law, all the Proceedings of Queen Eliz.; and I'll engage he shall have the Thanks of the Society, as heartily as he had that of the House; for in the First Year, before any Act of Parliament had passed for Alterations, Images were defaced, and Altars demolished; by Her Proclamations She put down all public Preachers, but such as were Licenced by Her Authority; the business of the Reformation, and Altering of Religion (if we believe Baker) was Carried in Parliament but by Six Voices, 
Baker's Chron. p. 330.  and will give Catholics occasion to say, That notwithstanding the present Clamours about Regulating Elections, great Artifices were used then too, to bring it about, and but by Six Votes, at last the Weighty Cause of Religion was overbalanced: 'Tis certain, that Excesses were then Complained of too, and it was murmurred about, even in the Lower House itself, that the Parliament was packed, that the Duke of Norfolk, Earl of Arundel, and Sir William Cecil, 
Id. p. 331.  for their own Ends had solicited Votes, and made a Party: These Irregularities may serve to silence some People's unreasonable and indiscreet Clamours at present, since they can be so soon retorted, and which I urge only, to show the Consequence of such ill-managed Objections, and not to justify and defend them.   

SECT. X.  
ANd now that I may be grateful in my Acknowledgements, as I shall ever be for any Favours: I must confess this Author has assisted me with one Precedent more, 
Vid. Reflect. Parag. 6.  and the Dr. would do well to be so fair in some of his Writings, as to own his Authorities: It is the Case in the Late King's Time, where he repeals an Act about the size of Carts, and Wagons: To Answer this, our Author Appeals to the Lawyers, and the Gentlemen of the Long Robe, though he will not stand by the Judgement of the 
* This Sarcasm was Marvels before it was Burnet's.  Twelve Men in Scarlet, that to their knowledge, some Laws are understood to be Abrogated without a special Repeal, when some visible Inconvenience enforces it: when this comes to be impartially considered, it will be a granting of all that he contends against, and the Tests and Penal Laws will expire of their own Accord; by this Authors inconsiderate Resolution: It is one of the very Arguments of a late Catholic Lawyer upon the Dispensing Power, 
Vid. Langh. Consideration. pag. 6.  and so as the Dr. wisely appeals to them; they as civilly answer him, that he is in the right: The Dr. did not foresee the Dangerous Consequence amongst Lawyers of his visible Inconvenience; for the Law has such an Aversion to this Inconvenience, that it maintains as a Maxim, that a Mischief is better suffered than an Inconvenience; now putting the Case thus, That a Legislative Power may possibly pass into Law, what may prove a visible Inconvenience to the whole Kingdom, or a great Part of it; that a great part of the Kingdom, and the King himself do judge the Test and Penal Laws very inconvenient, that they have been really found so to the Subject, that the KING has in this Case too declared Himself satisfied of this Inconvenience, and the People addressed against it, as intolerable, then from his own Precedent and Concession it must be concluded, that either these Laws must expire of themselves, that there must be some Sovereign Power, such as the KING's to dispense with them, and that it is very fit for a Parliament to repeal them; for certainly it must conclude a Fortiori, that the Inconvenience that is found in forcing of a Conscience, is of a greater Consideration than an inconvenience in a Cart Wheel; neither does that abrogating of his without a special Repeal, make any difference; for their expiring by disusance, is indeed the self same thing as the Royal Disspensation, for in Laws once made, the Sovereign Authority is solely entrusted with their Execution, and where the KING does not command the judges to execute, or expressly forbid it, no man of sense but will say that this is a perfect Dispensation.  
Our Author is very unlucky in touching upon some Instances that do him some Disservice, and in this more especially, since I cannot but observe, that when these Penal Laws about Carriages, and Encouragement of Navigation were so erroneously made; and People solicitous about the repealing them, one of the designs of the greatest Ministers of State that they then had in Holland, was for embroiling us at home, upon the same Account, that they might appear the more formidable abroad, as well as we weakened by those Severities that occasioned our Divisions, which visible Inconvenience was then too in the same manner, upon the same Maxims dispenssed with, and prevented, only 'tis somewhat strange, that this darling Liberty of theirs, by which they were so gloriously founded, and for so long time have so finely Flourished, should seem so dangerous in our Country, and from the goodness of the Soil, could only prosper in theirs; but where Trade seems a sort of Religion, 'tis time to be jealous of such Neighbours that would also learn this Ecclesiastical Policy to make of their Godliness, a Gain too.  
Our Author says it is our saying, that the KING's Dispensing Power has put an end to the Dispute, whereas if he'll but Read Books before he Answers them, he'll find that we vouched his own Authority for so saying; and if he Consults his Six Papers, 
Vid. Six Papers.  he'll find himself to say so, and that this Dispensing of the King's, is an actual Repeal, so that the justice's Oaths are unconcerned indeed, as he states the Case, and their Sins of Omission entirely remitted them by this Divines Authority; but I must confess, notwithstanding his forced Application of it, which was only offered to fasten the greater Odium upon the King's Absolute Power; I must really think those more understanding Gentlemen in Commission would have a less Obligation from their Oaths, should they conspire to get a Parliamentary Repeal notwithstanding the Dr's Representing it as a Royal One. That the Dispensing Power has no Refeence nor Analogy to the Power of Pardoning, is but a single Dr's Opinion; for the saving of Men, and the destroying of Government, are in this point (whatever he fancy's) truly the same; for destroying of the Government does not consist in any particular Persons thinking such a thing will destroy it: want of executing this dispensing Power (some will say) has helped to destroy it once already, and it continues a good Government still, after three Years practising it; but pray, would not the continual saving of men for Felony and Murder, embolden them so far with their Impunity, as to destroy the Government, and make it more monstrous than any Part of Africa: private Crimes are always punished for the public Good, and for that Reason, Felony is made so Capital, which otherwise for the Loss of a little Goods, could never forfeit a Life: And Lastly, for his mighty MENACES, with his 
† Vid. Reflect. Parag. 6.  Dispensing Power, for the future, the Dissenters, I suppose, and the jesuits, that he so sacrifices to his Fury, will thank him for his Warning, consider what they are to expect from Men of his Mildness, and Moderation, and how he abuses those 
* Id. Parag. 5.  Heroic Spirits, which but just before were above all Cruelty and Revenge.  
My Kindness to his State's Generals (as I have confessed to him before) is no more than what I have in general; for all such States, whose Constitution is what is commonly called a Republic, or a Commonwealth; and if I have any more particular Aversion to that of Holland (since he will needs put it upon me) I must own it to be only for this Reason, That there is so little Reparation made, His Majesty for those Indignities that Himself, with the greatest Insolence has offered; a Connivance at such Affronts against Majesty was always accounted among Princes and Allies, as injurious a Violation, as an open Defiance and Justification; and I hope his Masters will not excuse themselves, because they are of no Royal Extraction: It is the sense of Civilians, (and by their Imperial Law, and its Construction, all Treatises and Alliances are regulated and maintained) that a Body Politic in general does espouse those Offences and Provocations, which in any particular Person, it does not 
† Qui non prohibent tenentur.  prohibit and suppress; and that 
* Vid. Albert. Gent. Si Universita negligit illud factum emendare illaqueat ipsa se. Grot. de jure belli.  Injuries that are offered by private Subjects, do then affect the Prince and People. And with all submission to these learned Authors, and of undoubted Authorities: Dr. B's Case can be carried farther, and so with less Reason to be justified; some of these Lawyers (as we have shown) are of Opinion, as well as our Common ones, That no Allegiance is transferable; 
Zouch. our own Professor at Oxford. De jure fecial. Part. 2.  and none will allow that it can be transferred any more, than for a time, and that tho' there be an Allegiance due for such a Temporal Protection, that will not divest of him that Duty he still owes to his Native Country, and his Liege Lord, which Case we shall prosecute farther, when we come to his second Parcel of Reflections, made in his own Justification; but this will greatly aggravate the Injury that His Majesty suffers in the permitting one that has an unalienable Relation to his Native Subjection, to disturb the public Government, and defame the very Person of his Sovereign, only because he has acquired the new Denomination of an Enfranchised Citizen, and a Subject naturalised; and if the Natives of any Nation are obnoxious to the public for Reflections upon their peaceful Allies, how accountable are those that suffer an Alien so grossly to reflect upon the Proceedings of his Prince, and the Transactions of that Country, in which He was born.  
The Veneration I ever had of that Awful Constitution of Divine Government, that is visible in a state of Monarchy, does indeed make me have less Esteem for a Republic; and though I am not possessed with such a Patriarchical Piece of Speculation, as to prove the Pedigree of every King to be by Descent, in a Right Line, to Rule by a Right, Divine; for that would be indeed to un-King a great many Princes, and set up what they would persuade the most Christian did design, an universal Monarch; yet still without such absurdity we may maintain it for Sense, that a single Sovereignty seems to be of Divine Institution, and Democracy the Result of some Revolt and Defection from it; that this has been my sense, the World has long since seen in some Animadversions upon Mr. Sidney's Papers, and so this Author is most injurious to me, as well as inconsistent with himself, 
Page 1.  when he would insinuate my Courting of a Commonwealth.  
As I've given some little Reason of this my kindness to Republics, and his Case has given me much to have the less for that of Holland; so I must let them know too, that the Respect and Regard any good Subject aught to have to all that are in Alliance with his Sovereign, has hindered me from saying many things that would have more severely reflected, and which after all this Provocation of this Author's Pen, might have passed for a just Retribution. I am not so ignorant myself, as not to know that Lincenses and Imprimaturs are not so frequently in use among the Dutch, and that the Licentiousness of the Press, is as popular and plausible there, as that most applauded Policy of Liberty of Conscience; the most Christian KING is as sensible of this, as His MAJESTY of Great Britain: The Writings of some of His protected Subjects, affect His Honour as much; as our Authors have endeavoured to blast His Majesty's Reputation; and 'tis well known to those that travel, if they'll find any Libels upon any Crowned Heads, they must look for it in Holland; and our Author (I think) has helped the curious Enquirer there, to a great deal of this lewd Speculation. The Considerations of the State of the united Netherlands, That was printed there before the last War; no man will say but that was an Act of the State, and that had no more public an Imprimatur, than Dr. B's Papers, so that such Writings as are permitted to be published there, without any animadversion on the Printer, or the more Celebrated Author, is as much an Allowance of the State, as any Licence from one of our Secretaries, or the Lord President himself, especially, when Reparation for such Injuries has been demanded in a public memorial, and manifesto, and instead of punishing such Offences, the Offenders are encouraged to farther and severer Reflections, and that perhaps, with a promise of Impunity. Since this Author will make his Quarrel a National one, (which I should think a wise People would not suffer to gratify but a single man's Malice;) It is but just that we show too, what Party were the first Aggressors, and how easy 'tis for our English to make their justification: I must profess, that while our Author is permitted there so scandalously to reflect upon His Majesty's Proceeding, Common Justice will oblige us to return the same Animadversions, while no Memorial of theirs can with any Modesty represent it as Injurious: In the mean time, I shall confine myself to these more particular Vindications of the KING and Kingdom, where the Calumnies of his most malicious Papers have sufficiently affected both; and let him know that I as little fear the Resentments of his States, as he seems to do the juster Indignation of the King of England.  
To put us in mind of the Circumstances of our State, before the beginning of the Dutch War, and to parallel it with the present time, is another unlucky Topick of our Authors; 
Vid▪ Pag. 7.  and a wise man would think, might have been better let alone; It will make us recollect that indefatigable Industry of one of their 
* D. W.  Greatest Ministers against the slackening of these Laws, that our Divisions amongst ourselves might the sooner sacrifice us a Prey to our Neighbours, and the more secure some of them from His Majesty's asserting of His just Rights. I hope our Author has no Commission for the denouncing War, nor any design upon the Chain at Chattam, that he talks of Invading a State, and threatens us with their Resentment and Preparations; If Time must show that, 'tis time too to look to ourselves, but I dare not detract so much from the Wisdom of their Lordships, his new Masters, as not to think they will not call him to an Account now, for abusing themselves, though with greater Decency they might suffer it against his Sovereign; this is intermeddling with Peace and War; nay, even a denouncing it before the State's Generals, I am confident have taken it into Consideration, we do not hear yet, they have agreed to any extraordinary Contributions for it; there has been no Pole yet, nor the hundredth Penny, nor any Imposition upon Travellers, but as formidable as our Author would make them, whose Interest it is to magnify his Protectors; this Historian must remember too that the Valour of his repudiated English, has heretofore as victoriously engaged them, and that when assisted with two Crowns in Conjunction, and in that juncture too, when we had more merciless Enemies at home, when the Almighty made himself indeed a consuming Fire; and the Destroyer walked before it in darkness, and a devouring Plague: Two entire Victories were returned us from the Sea, to triumph over the Misfortunes that the land lay under, and in the third Attack as unequal as we were in strength, was by the weakness of both sides, left undecided; an Action, in which 'twas Glory enough, only to have been the Aggressors: The Courage of the Dr's deserted Nation was then confessed by some of their great Ministers that would have so fomented our Divisions, and found too much the Effect of the slackening of these Laws; one would think that the jealousy of such Neighbours should weigh with Men of Sense, that it is a sincere Design to establish and continue with us both Liberty and Religion, since it appears so much a visible Interest, & almost an unavoidable Necessity: If a 
† Refl. par. 6,  visible Inconvenience will warrant a Repeal, why will not an Interest as visible, secure us after it; & 'tis strange, that a Protestant People can make no difference between an invisible Establishment of the Catholic Religion, and a visible Necessity that the Papist have to preserve themselves from a 
* Vid. Reflect. p. 6. ibid.  threatened Ruin.  
It is such a peculiar Confidence, that it becomes none but our Author, or is no where but in him to be found, to tax us so unreasonably for Reflecting on a State, to which we have nothing of Relation, and that only in Matters of Tradition and Truth; at the same time that he vilifies a Crowned Head, to which he owes an Obedience, and that with Forgery and Falslehood: The Defence of KING and Country (I think) is every Subjects Concern by Nature; if it were not commanded also by municipal Law; and that leads me to justify ourselves, both in the Triple Alliance, and the Business of the Smyrna Fleet, both which he upbraids us with as naturally, as if he had been a Native of Holland, and no need of being naturalised, though I cannot but think that those that revile their Allies for old Breaches, betray too much their willingness to make new: That Alliance that was between Them, Us, and the King of Sweden, had in it this Conditional Clause, That the Confederates were to assist one another, if for the sake of their entering into such a League, they were at any time by any other Party invaded; the King of France declares a War soon after against the Dutch, it did not appear from his Declaration, that their entering into this Alliance was the Reason he declared it, and that it was therefore his revengeful War, which are Words expressed in the Articles; for than he had the same Revenge to take against the rest of the Allies, against whom he denounced no war at all, and it is a Rule in such Leagues as well as a Maxim among the 
† Qui se subjecit in quibussdam videtui se servasse in reliquis liberum, Alber. Gen. de jure. Belli, lib. 1.  Civil Lawyers, that an Obligation that is conditionally specified, must not extend as if it had no condition, and were unlimited; and for this Reason did the Dutch 
* Vid. their Considerate.  insist so much upon that Point, that the War which threatened them from France, was only upon the Account of that Alliance, which as it did not appear, either from any Discovery that could be made, or the Declaration that was published, so it could not oblige England, unless she would have been so forward to have engaged in the War upon presumption, and that the Swedes were of the same opinion, appeared from their neutrality and indifference: This is that famous Violation, for which we must be so much reflected on; this is what the Dutch were pleased to call a Breach, and which if it were in the least to be looked upon as such, they were only obliged for it to their famed Friend that fled to them too for Protection, who was naturalised also, after the deepest Conspiracy detected against our KING, and who was celebrated for the only Author of that uncharitable Aphorism, Delenda est Carthago.   

SECT. XI.  
IN the next place, for his Heroical Attempt (as he calls it) on the Smyrna Fleet; 
Refl. parag. 7.  it seems his Memoirs must not omit any thing that will afford (as he thinks) matter to deface the Memory of a Prince, to whom the Church of England had the greatest Obligation; the Life of the late Lord Rochester was not so severely Examined, as this King's Actions are by this most faithful Historian: 'Tis a compendious way to Libel with a Reflection, and Abuses may be easily fastened, when the Author's Credit must pass muster for an Accusation. One would have thought the Dutch might have been contented with their own Advocates, and that the Considerer of their State, had in these matters made as much of Apology for them, as the Case could bear; but it is with an ill Grace indeed, and somewhat unnatural, to see a sort of human Vipers, work their Wits and their Way through the Bowels of their own Mother Country; England's Appeal, and Marvel's Popery, were the first and only Reflections that Libelled these Actions, till our Author came in with another Supplement, but those being all such discontented Creatures, Creatures depending on the Little Lord, that then lost the greatest Place in the Law, the Credit of such Authors, is as much to be believed, as the Conspiracy of the Court? But this Attempt upon the Fleet; when it comes to be examined, has so much Colour for the Justice of that Encounter, 
* 19 Artic. of Breda, and others of the same Treaty.  that there was first broke several Articles of Peace, before that ever we could be said to begin the War; those very Ships refused us in our own Channel, the Right of the Flagg, by which it was lawful for ours to seize, or destroy them; and the Captains that then Commanded, had it for Express Commission to stand upon that Ancient Regality; and besides, it is known that the Dutch had defended Van Ghent in the like obstinate denial before; so that now it could not be excused as a private Persons inconsiderate Default, since whole Fleets were resolved to maintain it, and their Masters had given them encouragement so to do; this was (I think) an Heroical Breach too upon one of the Articles of Breda; and all Leagues and Unions (if I am not out in my Reason and Law) are such Acts, as are Aggregate in themselves, though the constituent Clauses that compose them, have a great deal of individual Variety and Texture, to the twisting them together, of which, if but one Twigg is taken out, it presently loosens the whole Band: We had been upon a long Accommodation, and all fruitless, Embassyes and Applications could not prevail; so that even declaring of a War, had it been actually designed, was never required by the Laws of it in such a Case as previous; and i'll engage i'll get their own Countryman, 
* Grotius de Jure Belli, lib. 3. cap 3.  Grotius himself to tell us so, that the denouncing of it, is many times conditional; and then a Violation of Articles on one side, is a sufficient Indiction, without any necessity of declaring it on both: we had demanded the Right of the Flagg, and it was denied us: This was by the Ancients, called a 
* Vid. Pliny. Lib. 22.2.  Clarigation, and superseded ever rhat pure and absolute Denunciation, which himself confesses needless too, when satisfaction is demanded from those that are resolved to offend; and Servius his Exposition on the Leges Foeciales appears to be the same.  
But since he desires 
† ibid.  Instances too, the Romans in the Third Punic War, without denouncing it, surprised the Carthaginians for some of their Violations, so Cyrus did the Armenians; David for Indignities, the Ammonites, and for more modern Examples, the Great War of Sweden was carried into Germany, before it was heard of on the Continent, that an Army was Landed on the Isle of Rugen, because contrary to Articles, the Emperor had opposed him in his War with the KING of Poland.  
The reviving of old Differences was far from my Design, but since the Dr. will not have such Actions to be forgotten, it is a Duty I owe to the pious Memory of our deceased Prince, to the Reputation and Honour of the Present, to that Native Country that he so injuriously reproaches, to defend them from those Calumnies, that such a Deserter has cast upon them.  
The Revolt and Defection of some States, for which he so furiously pursues me, I am afraid from the foregoing Relations of the Fact that he has forced me to, will appear in spite of History to disguise it, 
Id. Parag. 7.  when even their own Authors do not pretend to excuse them from it; but this Dr. thought he must do somewhat extraordinary for his new Masters to merit such a generous Protection; and yet in this very Passage that he so pursues, we only put it in the case & words of a Commonwealth in 
* Vid. Parl. Pacific. p. 66.  general, without specifying the particular Country, to which we would apply it; which for decency's sake, and deference to that Alliance, and Authority, we did designedly forbear; but since our Author is so unquiet, I am afraid it was from the Result of the Application being so easy, which himself (perhaps) made the sooner, when he saw that somewhere it must needs touch; but as Subjects are obliged to a real Friendship to all that are allied to their Lord and Sovereign; so the necessity of such Obligation is somewhat superseded, where such Authors are suffered to defame and defy him.  

Id. Parag. 7.  What other Authors have observed, as we are neither obliged in Justice to Answer or defend; so does it argue a defect of Matter, fit for a Reflection in our own Treatise, when he forces in Another's, to fill up the measure of his Animadversion; But this (I hope) will appear too, from the History of the States; That if there were Roman Catholics concerned in the First Formation of their Government; it was only so far, as that they fought with them once for what was called their Ancient Privileges, which as soon as they were confirmed to them, they were satisfied, and returned peaceably to their former Obedience.  
In the Pacification at Gaunt, tho' there was was omitted that Reservation of the KING's Authority; yet it was afterward by Explication annexed, and for that Don john of Austria, than the Governor, confirmed it, under the Names and Title of the Perpetual Edict, and that with the King's Consent and Approbration; who after so many Troubles and Revolutions, was glad to see his subjects tender their Obedience, and by that their own Act, thought it sufficiently secured: But it seems there were those that designed further; some of the Eminent among the Calvinist's, refused to subscribe that Article of Obedience to the KING's Authority, which was afterward annexed, and so spoiled all the good Effects of this hopeful Pacification, created such Jealousies and Disturbance, that the Governor was forced to fly for his preservation to the strong Castle of Namur; they choose their Ruar, model the Government anew, frame an Oath to renounce all Obedience to Don john the Governor; and so zealous were the Reformers, that the Jesuits of Antwerp for refusing it, were plundered, whose Loyalty then, was the only Crime of this Society, to which our Author has such a constant Recourse for his Reflection. Soon after, they associated themselves into what they are now so famed for, the United Provinces; by that Union of Vtrecht, which was made in order to the throwing off all Obedience to the King of Spain, which soon followed in Three Years after in that Famous Instrument Dated at the Hague, 
25 jan. 1581.  the Substance of which we recited before; so that in short, the Catholics foreseeing the designed Revolt, took occasion to withdraw (as he words it) that is, to return to their former Obebedience; and those ill Inclinations, which (he says) they showed, and which put them out of the Government, was indeed the Jealousy, 
Ibid.  that they had of their Reserves of Loyalty, and the Fear that they had, that they might spoil this New Formation of the State; the Obstinate Resistance of Amsterdam, and the foul Usage it met with after it had Compounded; show us how they were put out of the Government, and how inclinable some Catholics were to maintain the poor Remains of the King's Authority: This is what our Author calls a Betraying the Country to the Spanish Tyranny; 
ibid.  such Aversion there is in a Commonwealth, against the Name of Monarchy, that our Reflecter must keep it up for to merit, and make amends for his Naturalisation.  
The Dr. is indeed unlucky in his Old Delenda, upon which, if he'll rely, as an invidious Instance of the Malice of our English against his New Masters, the Dutch; it is nothing less than a Libel upon the Late Lord, whom not long since they looked upon as their greatest Friend, who lovingly came to lie down his Life in that Carthage, which his Rhetoric once did design to demolish: That Noble Lord who was a great Instrument for Promoting in the House, to help our Author to the Thanks of it; the greatest kindness, to whose Memory in such Matters, would indeed have been to have forgot him: And such an Amnesty there was amongst them then, of all That Heroes ill Inclination; that their study was only, how to Endear him with the greatest Demonstrations of Kindness and Courtesy; so that our inconsiderate Author falls still upon the most unfortunate Touches, such as abuse the very Cause he would so willingly defend; and gives us another Occasion to Consider of another Subject to the KING of Great Britain, fled for High-Treason, Protected from his justice, by the kindness of the Commonwealth.  
The Inconsistency of Transubstantiation is most unseasonably insisted on; at the same time that our Author is taking such Pains to be so inconsiftent with himself; for as in this 
† p. 6.  Page he would persuade us how easy the Roman Catholics are under their Government, so in the very next, he lets us know, (intimating their Hardship) that 'tis they that can best tell us, that all Religions are not alike Tolerated: 
p. 8.  'Tis strange, that a Man should be so unlucky at Reflection, and yet write so much: Mr. Varilla's Copy (it seems) can transcend the Original: We know, (though the Dr. would disguise it) that considering their Services, or for fear of their Loyalty, the Catholics there are but hardly dealt with; the Pacification of Gaunt was got to be broken by those that formed afterward this Union of Vtrecht, and tho' by both, a Liberty of Worship, and by the former, all civil Offices were reserved to them; yet by that taking of Amsterdam, we saw that Promises were too, either kept or broken; and by the late Banishing of Priests, that this Religion is not to be equally tolerated, though it was above all Articled for and Compounded. It is a pretty Piece of Prescription to say their KING's Predecessors acknowledged them a State almost an Age ago: It is not much above an Age, that they made themselves so, yet such an Acknowledgement (I hope) will no more warrant the Revolt, than the Late King's taking the Covenant at Skeen, could be said to Confirm and Authorise the Rebellion of the Commonwealth of England: This forced Acknowledgement was made but about Forty Year agone, An. 1648. by the Munster Peace; and this unfortunate Vindicator falls upon another unlucky Touch; this Munster Peace (I am afraid) will want not only a little Excuse, but as much as that of Nimmeghen; Spain was drawn in to that Acknowledgement, when some People by their separate Treaty, betrayed France; by their Plenipotentiary Niederhorst & his Superiors of Vtretch, themselves Condemned, and of this Peace, the Spanish Ambassador, Le Brun, avowed, That in a little time they violated no less than 17 Articles.  
All that know their History too, must know, That the Privileges that were pretended, were never any Compact with the House of Burgundy, and so could not oblige Spain; they were united into that House by Marriages and Descent, and so descended to that of Austria: How the Provinces came first to be United in Philip the Good, who under one Government first began them, our Authors admired Meteran does fully describe; but though his peaceable Disposition, and the finishing his Quarrel with France, gave him no occasion to make use of the Excesses of his Power, yet his Son, Charles' the Hardy, that succeeded him, the same Author lets us know, was indeed as his Name imported, 
Subditis suis exactio num onera graviora imposuit, etc. Imperii propagationem meditans. id. lib. 1.  a little more bold, and laid very great Impositions upon them: we do not hear then, of any Seditions that it occasioned, or any Privileges that they pleaded to resist. When Mary his Daughter was Married to Maximilian, by which Match they first fell into the Hands of the Austrian Family; to which, doubtless, descended too all the Power and Prerogative that ever was Lodged in the House of Burgundy; yet their Allegiance (you will see) did not follow the Translation, which ought doubtless, as justly to have devolved; for it was then old Privileges & Immunities were first pretended; & discontent arose, which more probably that devolution did promote, more than any usurpations of the Prince did warrant or necessitate; for it is natural for Subjects to acquiesce more under the Administrations of such Monarches, to whose Government they have by some Descents, lineally been accustomed, than with those Prince's Sway, to which, by Collateral Descents, and Intervening Marriages, they look upon themselves somewhat unfortunately reduced and subjected; and (perhaps) this piece of Policy occasioned that Salic Law in France, for which they may better plead this Political Expedient, than give us any just Reason for its Original Institution; for (doubtless) the Title to a Crown may be as justly tranferred by Marriage, and its Issue, as the Lawful Descents of common Inheritance, & with that too, be translated all the Power & Prerogative that ever was enjoyed by any of the Predecessors; and 'tis a Maxim, almost of a divine Authority, That all things are not Lawful that are Expedient; but (doubtless) this Alienation of the Crown, whatever Privileges were pretended, gave occasion to their first Discontents, and Seditions in those Provinces in the Reign of 
† Le mesine Maximil. receut un notable affront de Flamans, qu'ils le garderent Prisonnier dans un Chateau, cet attentat n'a pas eté sans punition, sa mort fût regrette lé de tous, a Cause de son Loüable Government. Description de Holland, p. 308.  Maximilian, which Meteran compares to those that followed in Philip the Second Time: But this Prince (notwithstanding his many Criminations) had no other Fault, than the bringing down the Germane Troops, which he was forced to, to preserve himself from the French; and when those old States Generals of Burgundy had Rebelled, and imprisoned him upon Pretence of those Privileges: their Proceedings were so highly resented by Princes abroad, that the Pope threatened the Country to Excommunicate them, and the Emperor, with all the Princes of Germany, came down to his Assistance: This appears from this very Meteran; This Prince, the describer of their own Country (you see) represents as one, whose Death was regretted by all, because of his most Commendable Government and Administration; and yet, even then there were not wanting those, that upon this Pretence of Privileges, had imprisoned this PRINCE, as well as those, that upon the same Account our Author would defend for taking Arms against his Successor, and Grandson, this Philip the Second; so that this dangerous Doctrine of Resistance (our Dr's peculiar) for breaking such Limits (you see) will serve the turn, to the worst of Subjects, at any time, to Rebel against those that themselves confess to have been the Best of Princes.  
Charles' the 5 th'. kept them quiet enough; his Fortune, his Fame, and his Forces, were sufficient security to so great a Monarch; who if he was not loved, knew how to make himself feared: Foreign Troops might have given them then a better Pretence to Clamour and Insurrection, than ever it could in the foregoing Reign of Maximilian, or in that of Philip's that followed; and yet as powerful as he was, he governed them with as much Clemency too, and then left them to his Son and Successor, not disputing of their Privileges, but united too in Obedience, as well as they were afterward in Rebellion and Revolt. But supposing such Privileges broken and violated, had warranted such a defection, how comes it to pass, that so few of these Provinces were Qualified by these Stipulations to throw off their Allegiance? And if this dernier Resort by that Principle of Democracy, must be resolved into the general Concurrence of the Subjects, how comes a particular part of them to be empowr'd to alter the Monarchy? How comes an Instrument at the Hague, to be more Legal than the Pacification at Gaunt; or seven Provinces to exceed seventeen? This will credit much the Catholic Party, who for the most part returned to the Obedience of their lawful Lord; and these Reformers that persisted in the Revolt, even to an entire defection, will have but little Pretensions to the Privileges of the Constitution of their Government, after they have entirely 
* It is a question among Civilians, An idem populus censendus sit mutato Imperio, Zouch de jure foecial. p. 2. Sect 1. & Aristotle absolutely denies it▪  changed it: This pleasant (I will not say frivolous) Plea of our Author's Privileges is somewhat like what the Dutch made for themselves to King james the First, for the Liberty of Fishing, they pleaded a Treaty for it, between Philip of Burgundy, and our Henry the Seventh; between Charles the Fifth, and our Henry the Eighth, when by the Instrument at the Hague, they had renounced all relation both to Burgundy and Spain.  
But since our Author has not confined himself to give Reasons, we will show in short, how this came to pass: I am afraid this unfortunate Author will find that this his Zeal in the Defence of the Protestant Cause in general, will do it the greatest Disservice, as well as his particular Doctrine of Resistance did once disgust the particular Church of England: The Reason why the Treaty of Colen took no better Effect, was only from the force of the Faction that opposed it, and that merely for sake of Reforming further: after all the Confirmation of their Privileges was so freely offered, 
* Lib. 2.  Grotius himself tells us it was not only the Emulation and Ambition of some great Men among them, that hindered an Accommodation; but the perverse Zeal of the Reformed for their New Religion, which never suffered them to keep Faith, never to be contented with their Condition; this was the Reason, and our Author confesses it, that when the Walloon Provinces capitulated, and all things seemed to face toward a dutiful Return; that some saw that such a Peace would prove in their Opinion worse than the War; and tho' they were ashamed openly to refuse such a Glorious Mediation as that of the Emperor himself, yet they secretly order the Matter so, that such Terms should be insisted on, which they knew their King could never grant; and that celebrated Author says it was then more than probable, that any reasonable Conditions might have been obtained, 
Grot. id.  if some people had not set up their private and packed Cabals, for an interrupting of the public Peace.  
Our Author is as unhappy in this point too, as well as in all those unlucky touches he has made; this insisting so much upon ancient Privileges, and Immunities, as it lost the King of Spain so great a part of his Country, so from the same Faction that occasioned this Revolt: andupon the same Principles, it cost themselves as dear; Barnevelt that might be said to build this Republic, pretended to a great knowledge of these Privileges from his Study at Louvain; and the Law, or the Boldness of his Speeches and Undertake, and upon that pretence, formed the First Party for the renouncing their Allegiance; and though by the Union of Utrecht, and another 
* Vid. Deduct. Ordin. Holland. Part. 1. c. 4. Sect. 1.  League that was made between Holland & Zealand, there was to be joint Consent & Communication of Councils, these privately swore among themselves, that they will never acknowledge the King of Spain, and then by a negative Suffrage of one Province, involve the Rest in the Revolt, and absolve one another of their Oaths & Fealty, & all this a 
* Holland. decrees it Apr. 19.1581. The State's generals not till 1582. Leo Aitzs. Revolut. p. 166.  good while before the Deputyes of Holland could persuade Zealand to consent to it; so disordered are always the Affairs of Church and State, upon any Innovation and Defection from their ancient Establishment, that it is impossible to make them stand to their own Articles and Agreements.  
This Faction of Barnevelts, as it did profess for their first Formation, the Vindicating Old Liberties, alleged obsolete Customs, or pretended unaccountable Privileges; so did this Celebrated Legislator, and Leader, set afoot the same Pretences, even to the Subversion of the same Government they had Established; His Party ruled in the Provinces of Holland, and so Holland must rule the rest of the Provinces, & enforced Zealand to admit of the Truce against an Express Article of Vtrecht: When the Royal Authority (by our Author's Principle of Privilege and Resisting Power) was wrested from the King, and placed in the State's Generals, by the same Party, and Pretences, it was pulled out of these same hands, & placed in the People: This same popular Pretext of the same Person, ruin'd the Authority of Prince Maurice, entirely, and was but a bad Retribution to the Son of him that had been so much their Defender: This Faction, & these Principles after Olden-Barnvelt's Decease, were followed and continued by the De wits, (always the Greatest Enemies to our English Interest, as well as their own) and so eager by their Pensionaryes pursued, that they had almost introduced an utter Anarchy, & entire Desolation in this famed Republic, and never ceased, till by the perpetual Edict, they did so basely abolish that Office of the House of Orange, 
Leo Aitzm. revolut. p. 310.  which as it was Established by the Union, so their First Prince predicted they could never stand without.  
The Prince's Highness, whose Office and Authority amongst them, we wish may be ever continued and augmented; for his own Honour and the States; and the necessity that it shows for some Resemblance of Monarchy, even in a Republic, and a Commonwealth, and that too, from the remarkable Prediction of one of his famous Predecessors; and their First Founder as well as in the Constitution of some 
† Venice, Genoa.  other Commonwealths; but this Prince and that State is but little obliged to such a Defender, who forces in such Arguments for their Defence, as their intestine Enemies had almost made use of for their utter subversion: they that sacrificed these popular Pretences to their popular Outrages, in the sad Obsequies of those 
* Vid. The Tragedy of the De Wits in the netherlands Historian, and Holland Mercur.  tumultuous Men, even to a Resentment, that might be called cruel and inhuman, can never have any great Obligation of kindness to such an Apologist, that for want of Foresight and Consideration, would only befriend them upon the Principles of their most dangerous Enemies.  
In the next place, supposing that Resistance had been as lawful from the Constitution of their State, as it was ever from the Doctrine of this Casuist and Divine; does it therefore justify a Revolt to be so too; is there no difference between an endeavour to preserve their Privileges in the Government, and an actual Subversion of the whole frame of it: Alva's great Severities were almost forgotten under the Reign of three milder Governors, that had almost composed all this distraction, when their particular defection was designed: The General insurrections (as from the History has appeared) were before the arrival of this severe Minister; and if Rebellion will forfeit Privileges, (as our Laws and those of all Nations do declare) I am sure 'tis no Tyranny to seize them. 
* Vid. Reflect. ibid. Sect. 8.  How some of the States of Europe did esteem this a justifiable Action, ourselves can best testify to our shame; but that all did, is only the want of it, or excess of Confidence in our shameless Author: Arch Duke Mathias left them (as appears) when he saw it was coming to that, the mild Emperor Maximilian, tho' he mediated for a Peace, yet could never justify the War; & those Princes of Germany that sent them aid from abroad, were only such as were in the same circumstance of disobedience at home: the Rebellions in Scotland, and the deposition of the Q. were no more justified by the States of Europe, than was her murder we committed here; & yet we saw, & from our Acts of Subsidy too, that the Scots were assisted to Fight against their Sovereign. 'Tis still the constant misfortune of our Author, and now it must fall at last upon his own Church, to be Libelld in a friendly argument; and sure such Actions of that Queen had better be forgotten, which we'll believe her forced to, from the necessity of State, and the condition of the Church, tho' to the loss of her reputation; and no little blemish to this Established Religion, sure she believed the King of Spain had some Right to his revolted Subjects, when she so 
† Sed prudens Foemina detrectavit invidiam interversae dominationis, Grotius Annal. lib. 5.  wisely refused that Dominion they so 
| Ut principatûs conditiones non tam ferrent, quam acciperent Grot. An. 1.5.  frankly offered: And the King of France was somewhat of the same mind, when he so generously rejected that rash and 
* In manus tradunt foederatorum nomine Belgium, Strad. Dec. 2. lib. 7. In Gallia tua est Belgium, Strad. lib. 5.  rebellious Overture; and this French King, when some of his Calvinists, and Malcontents were running into Flanders to their Assistance, pursued them, and thought it such a justtfiable Action, that he cut them all to pieces.  
But to keep only to the Queen's Case, 
ibid. Reflect. parag. 7.  'tis another of his unlucky Touches to talk of her assisting them; it looks as if our Author had a mind to rub up the Memory of their ungrateful Returns; the Tricks that the 
* Barnvelt's.  Faction we have mentioned before, put upon their Deliverer, Leicester, the Collusions of their Councils, with the good Intentions of Her Majesty, the secret Treaties with France, and treacherous Aid, and the refusing to repay Her, and to come homer to the Case; it was protested by one of the famed Deputies of that time, and that upon his Knees, to some of his Companions, that those Submissions made to the Q. of England, was only to draw Her into a War with Spain, which when She was ashamed of, and would have mediated a Peace, 
* A. D. 1598.  a Peace, which by the very Articles She was to conduct them to, and not to a Republic; and by which She was made an Arbitress of That, as well as of the War: 
Gravissimam hanc injuriam, etc. Reidan. Annal. Belg. An. D. 1517.  They sent Her a solemn Embassy to dissuade Her from it; which when it was not likely to prevail, She urging that Arbitration, to which they had agreed; they took upon them to expound solemn Articles for Words of 
* Verba tantum honori data, Grot. Lib. 5.  Course; and that they had made Her an Umpire only out of Compliment & Respect. Posterity is taught only to remember the Spanish Invasion, with an Abhorrence, as if it were a Popish Plot; and our Author does no service to the Protestant Religion, to let them know, that Spain was first Invaded by the most Protestant Queen: 
* Id. Lib. 5.1585.  Five Thousand Foot, and a Thousand Horse; and that three Year before that Formidable Armado came to face our Coast, were carried over there, to keep that sinking State from a certain falling into their former Constitution; and returning by force to the Obedience of their Lawful Lord. That most impartial Author (whom we can't but call so, since their own Countryman) gives but little Countenance to this Queens good Opinion of this justifyable Action; for when She was again 
* 1586 Novitrajecti Magistratus, etc.  offered the Dominion of these Dutch by some of their Magistrates, and the people of Frisia; he observes, that it 
† Nec tamen quorundam suspiciones▪ quasi publico consensu delatum honorem & recusatum; plebis ac militum seditionibus debere mallet. Id. Lib. 5.  was much suspected, That if they had tendered her the Government, as got into their hands by the Mutiny of the Common People, and the Sedition of the Soldiers, She might sooner have accepted of it; which, when offered, as from the public Consent, She cunningly refused: She knew that Mutiny had made them what they were, and that the same was the surest way to make them Hers; whereas, an Act of State from those that had made themselves so, was of no more Authority than the Revolt, by which they were made; and that at any time would give to herself as Just a Title: So true it is, that a Defection from Princes, unhinges all Right of Sovereignty, and Property itself, warrants Sedition from the Constitution of the State, and lies a Land open, like those of our Lawyers, to be Primi Occupantis.  
But because this Author does give us a Touch of his more modern Politics, as well as of his excellency in ancient History; (which if we'll believe some of his late Works, none ever can equal) we'll for once venture to examine that too; he lets us know, 
Ib. Sect. 7.  That as to the Rebellion, the Prince that is only concerned in that, has found them of late to be his best Allies, and chief Supports: I do not know what they are under this present Peace, but they have not been long so, when Flanders was invaded with a War; and succour, and supports are better seen upon necessity, than when they are needless, this chief support of the Crown of Spain, and that improvident Abandoning of Luxemburg, the strongest Fortress in all Flanders, have sure no Chain of Thought, though they come so close together, and as little as it is to be excused (I am afraid) will want much of Excuse; a little of this chief support, with the Courage of the then Governor Chimay, and the Strength of the Place, (if my judgement, or Eyes han't deceived me) might have kept it out of the hands of the French, who find it now so convenient for their Affairs thereabouts▪ and their Conquest in Lorraine, that by the fine artificial Fortifications they are now making, though Nature gives it more than enough, they've already made it look, as if they would never let it go: Andfortheir being his best of Allies (if my little Politics do not fail me, or that of wiser Heads) 'tis not long since they were like to lose the best Part of their Country, for want of an Alliance with him: Had they been but so wise (or if you will) we'll call it so fortunate, as to close with Spain, before the French fell into Flanders; or when he threatened them with a War, as their chief support in their Rise was once from the French and English, against the Power of Spain, so that Spain, and England, would have been their best Defence against their Fall, by the Power of France: A defensive Alliance, with those, to whom they are now such good Allies, was then desired by Spain itself, by all those that coveted a Peace in Christendom; by some of their own Ministers of State, by all of them, when they saw it was too late; this was looked upon as the falsest Step they ever made, since their Revolt, and Formation, that was the foulest; and this was thought then by a most ingenious Politician, to proceed only from their old Hatred against that Government, from which they revolted, which, as it had begun them, so it had almost made an end of them too; and therefore, in the Second War, they were wiser, and suffered their Interest to prevail against that ancient Resentment they had to Spain; then indeed, they first became these good Allies to that Crown, and found the benefit of it too; for it forced for them a Peace, which (perhaps) without the Mediation of the Marquis de Fresno, had never been got so easily from England, and France: The Peace of Nimmeguen, as well as the Loss of Luxemburg, for which, in a friendly Rebuke, our Author will reproach them, should never have been repeated by us, or revived to upbraid them; but since, he'll so unreasonably fasten the Original Gild upon his own Country, it must merit a little modest Reflection: Since our Author will call this Peace of Nimmeguen, one of the single Instances in their History, that needs a little Excuse: Some People think that the Munster Peace will go near to overmatch it, and want as much: whatever was our English Conduct, it was not the Conduct of the French that drove them there to act separately for themselves, 
1644.  when by a League of Guaranty they were obliged to conclude no Treaty, but in Conjunction with France, whom they excluded after several sums extorted; and singly by their Plenipotentiaries conclude first a truce, 
Vid. Leo ab Aitzma's Revolutions.  and then a firm peace with Spain, and that against the consent and remonstrance of several of their own Provinces; to which Zealand never at last consented; and one of the Plenipotentiaries himself would never sign, and was (as we observed) justified in it by his Superiors of Vtrecht that sent him.  
In the Reign of Lewis the XIII. several Leagues were made by these the best Allies, with the Crown of France, against that of Spain, 
1635.  whereby he was to invade Flanders with a mighty Force; Peace never to be made, but by mutual consent, and the War never to cease till the Spaniards were driven out of all the Netherlands, which like their Lion's skin, they had divided among themselves beforehand; but nevertheless, the Treaty of Craneberg, was like to have eluded the French, had not the haughty Spaniard stood upon such Arrogant demands; this was as bad almost, as that of Munster which followed; & like that of 
* It seems secret, and separate Alliances, with some people, was ever an expedient in Reserve to betray France to Spain, or Spain to France.  Nimmeguen, needs to be a little excused; and our Author cannot with any good grace paum these ill steps too upon our English Conduct.  
I come now to the last touch of his Historical Reflection (for other People may be allowed to understand a little History as well as Dr. B.) and that is; for the Credit of our Nation to clear a little further this Heroical Attempt upon the Smyrna Fleet, with which he does again attack us; I've taken pains to consult not only Authors in this matter, but some that were eminently concerned in the Action; it appears even from their own 
* The netherlands.  Historian, that Sir. G. Downing our Ambassador had his Audience of Leave, after he had declared he could have no answer to his demand of the Flag, after he had protested it was his positive order to insist upon it, and and all this and he returned, was three Weeks 
† Feb. 4. Ditto  before this 
* 22.  Hostility was acted; & before this attempt made, Meerman their Envoy was arrived here to make up this breach which they feared, knowing in what Violations of Articles they had offended, and by their own Confession, a War was in some sense declared to him at his coming, or at least, that he could not long expect peace; which I've showed before, upon refusing to satisfy for Articles violated, from the Laws of Nations, needs no such Solemn Declaration. It is but consulting his Majesty's Declaration, 
Vid. His Majesty's Declarat. Dat. 17. Mart. 1672. A. D. 1667.  that for further satisfaction, was immediately published; tho' for the Fact there needed no justification; where it will appear, that immediately too after their former Peace, they fell to violating those very Articles that had confirmed and established it. By the Treaty of Breda Commissioners were to be sent to London, for the regulation of our Trade in the East-Indies, which was never done, tho' by our Ambassador purposely sent, it was so condescendingly solicited; and so our Subjects suffered there without redress: The West-Indies was a business only of greater abuse, denying the King the return of his Subjects, at their leisure from Surinam, tho' expressly provided for by the same Treaty, and made Banister a Prisoner only for desiring to remove according to the Articles of it: Some would apply this to the present juncture, and the denial, and punishing of some Soldiers for offering to return, after his Majesty's Proclamation for it, and some Stipulations and Conventions of their own for the permitting it; 
My Lord Ossory's Capitulation, 1678.  which because it Symbolises so much with our Author's case of transferring Allegiance, and themselves have made use of that as an Argument for their Detention, we shall transfer it too to another place, when we come to consider his particular defence.  
The Right of the Flag, it is not our present business to justify, tho' we have matter enough by us to make out the Argument; it is sufficient that it was one of the Articles in the Treaty; the violation of which, 
19 Art Ereda.  the King insisted on in this Declaration, that it had been broken by their Commander, justified at the Hague, 
Van Ghent.  and ridiculed by them in foreign Courts; and I may add too, maintained by this Smyrna Fleet, so that here was three Solemn Articles, very seriously broken, and no satisfaction offered after several Demands, whereas one of them violated, and reparation denied, had been sufficient to have justified by the Law of Arms, by the Authority of their own Lawyer, any Hostile Attempt, 
Hug. Grot. de jure Bell. etc.  without a Public Denunciation; so that here besides, a private Intelligence was given to Meerman, and over and above, the Fleet could be attacked for not striking; and all these Provocations, and absolute Rupture, praecedaneous to this Heroical attempt that our Author does reproach us with; but that neither he, nor any Dutchman may doubt of our Authority, I'll engage I'll get the States themselves to acknowledge every Tittle of it to be true, from their own Memorials, the mouths of their own Ambassadors, from their own Mediators; and this I press not to reproach them, but to vindicate the Honour of our Nation in this single instance against a Deserter, and that from matter of Fact, without any eloquence or affectation.  
When in the last Dutch War, the Treaty of Cologne was on foot, (which was another too, that his late Majesty complained of) where separate Alliances were set forward again as in former with the Fr. they sent us by a Trumpeter, some Overtures for 
* Hague 15.25 October 1673. Vid. King's Speech to the Parliament, 6. Novemb. Ditto, as also his Answer to the Missive 17. Novemb.— 73.  Peace, in which Missive, 'tis mentioned, they had willingly agreed to all what the K. had before asked about his Subjects in Surinam; and the business of the Flag, they were willing to submit to judgement of the World, and that whereas the King had complained, that their Answer was insufficient, they had Commissioned an Ambassador to add any thing that was needful; this was enough of confession in the beginning of the War, that they had broke those two Articles of Peace; tho' by the way this extraordinary Ambassador, if I mistake not, had Credentials of an extraordinary Nature, which were; that he was come, to do nothing. To this Missive, tho' it was not so full, yet sufficient to evidence fully the violation of the Treaty at Breda, did the late 
* Vid. King's Declaration 17. Mart. 72.  King send in return a smart Answer; to which they 
† Dutch Answ. dar. Hag. 9.19.— 73.  replied in such a submissive manner, as I hope will justify that they were in the Fault, before this attempt upon the Fleet; that they were ready fully to renew the Treaty of 
* 1667. 19 th'. Art  Breda; and to give a clearer Exposition of the Article of the Flag; they solemnly promise to repair all wrongs and injuries offered since that Treaty to the beginning of the War; this was what our Ambassador could never obtain, before it was begun by this our Authors Heroical Attempt.  
But to prosecute this a little farther, for the information of our Reflecter, and satisfaction of the World, in the Proceedings of the Peace at 
* Vid. Answer to the Missive as above.  Cologn, they came up so far, to confess the justness of the King of England's Cause, that they strongly endeavoured to give us satisfaction, and promote an Union, above all the rest; that it should be referred to our own project of the seventeenth of November, upon which the King stood, I am sure like a King, to a Commonwealth, on as high terms, and spoke to them in as big words, insisting upon all that before had been urged without the least Abatement; and besides their offers in answer to this, as is before related, the Spanish Ambassador, on behalf of the States Generals, had made these 
* Vid. Their own netherlands, Hist. pag. 355.256.  Overtures: That this point of the Flag (which was one of the points that occasioned this Heroical Attempt) should be ordered and adjusted to the full content of his Majesty: And that also, 800000 Pattacons, or 20 Tuns of Gold, that is, 200000 l. Sterling English, should be given him; this reparation I suppose, had it been sooner made, might have hindered this Heroical Attempt; they refer themselves now wholly to the English Nation, to the Judgement of the Parliament; making them the full Arbitrators in their own Cause; that cause which our Author, and Subject, has now so scandalously in his Reflections given up, (and what he was ever good at) betrayed.  
Once more to justify it a little further, these tempting offers of the Spanish Ambassadors Sums, (and sure there must be much Honour in the Cause, where the Court refuses so much Money) and threatenings that he used of a Rupture with Spain, were refused, and slighted, because the business of Surinam, the regulation of Trade in the East Indies were not included; the Violation of which Articles, were both insisted on for Reparation, before this Heroical Attempt was offered at. And so the King proceeds to prosecute the War, which occasioned presently the Marquis de 
* Missive of Marq. de Fresno, Hague, 24. jan. 1674.  Fresno, Ambassador of Spain, to present another Missive, wherein was Consented to,  
That the striking the Flagg to the least English Man of War, which was once in wantonness, by some Authors, called the KING's 
† Vid. Considerate. growth of Popery, England's Appeal. Tho' they have done it to a Barge, and both that and Ballingers are Ships of War, if Armed, and Equipped.  Pleasure-Boat; was just, that the Ceremony should be regulated, even according to the Project, which His Majesty's Plenipotentiaries themselves had sent from the French Army, in such a time, as their Common wealth was brought into the greatest Encumbrance.  
That Commissioners should be sent to treat of Regulating the Trade 
* To which we will not now compare the Business of Bantam.  in the East Indies, according to the same Project, and their Propositions at Cologn.  
That as to Surinam they are ready to suffer any of his Subjects to transport themselves, and return when they please.  
That by these 
| Propositions for Peace, ditto.  Articles it was agreed and confessed, that their whole Fleets of Ships of War, or Merchants, were obliged to strike to any single Man of War of ours, which was the Case of this Fleet that is contested, and which was denied us before in the Case of Van Ghent, to a single Ship.  
That their Commissioners for the East Indie Trade, were to meet at London, which before could never be obtained; though it was by an unnecessary Condescension, and sending of our Ambassadors desired.  
That for the Affairs of Surinam, they confessed in their Third Proposition, 
Fifth Art of Krynsen, 6. March, 1667.  that it was founded upon Krynsen's Fifth Article; That our Inhabitants should have Liberty to sell their Estates, to return, That the Governor should take Care their Transportation was provided for at a moderate Price; and that by another Article, 
19 Artic.  Krynsen was to give them Passports, and permit their Slaves to follow them.  
All this was now consented to, all that was desired before this Heroical Attempt, which Articles, this their Obstinacy in defending the business of Van Ghent, and Banister; and not sending their Commissioners to London, do from Confession appear to have been violated: Upon these, and more advantageous Expressive Terms, was Concluded the Famous Peace of Seventy Four; where in the Breach of Articles is so plainly confessed by themselves, before our Attempt on the Fleet, 
Vid. our Articles, Dated Westminster. 9/19 Feb. 1671/4.  and the denouncing of War from the Laws of Nations; and their own native Lawyer is shown unnecessary after such Violation: I do nothing to reproach the Dutch, but to defend our English from the Pen of a Deserter; and 'tis somewhat considerable, that in all their Missives to His Majesty, themselves never insisted on this Heroical Attempt; tho' I confess it was reflected on in a Pamphlet, and an unlicens'd one of theirs, called Considerations; and by such Treacherous Authors of ours, that were then disgusted at the Court; severely Libelled, and exposed. And yet even those invidious Pens, that reproached us with their Guaranty of Aix, 
Growth of Popery, England's Appeal.  our Triple League, our Confederacy with the French, and suffering (as they would suggest) our Agent to the Swissers Marsilly to be sacrificed to their Fury; Even those Deserters that seemed to have sold themselves like ours to the Dutch, did not offer to defend (tho' so willing to excuse) their Fleets refusal of the Flag, which exposed them to an Attack, and occasioned the Heroical Attempt, and are forced to confess, and condemn the Pensioner de Wit, for influencing his Masters, to demur so long upon that satisfaction we had so much reason to demand.   

SECT. XII.  
ANd now we must change this expatiated Scene of History, wherein our Celebrated Author thought himself the only Actor and Comedian; for his Historical Reflections upon our impartial Observations, are indeed no more than the making of History, a Romance; and his Readers to laugh like the Spectators in a Play, with a Touch and a Witticism: Mr. Varillas with all his Florimond, will never afford the World so much of Diversion; for if Matters of Fact, must stand and fall with every passionate Touch and Representation; 'tis better going to a Play, than consulting such an Author, who with a dash of his Pen can give you a dismal Character; and of a merciful Monarch, with the turn of his Words, make a Tyrant and Oppressor: That makes the Catholic Religion to traduce all Princes, though their Prince's Actions appear (perhaps) the greatest Credit to the Catholic Religion: This is no more consistent with the gravity of an Historian, than it is with his honesty, 
Vid. His Reflections on Mr. Var. History of Heresy.  and (perhaps) Mr. Varil. and Mr. Dry. both, may modestly yield him the Bays: 'Tis an easy Defamation that depends upon a Paragraph, or is confined (perhaps) to a malicious period: To prevent that disingenuous Proceeding, we have returned almost an History instead of a Reflection, and that drawn from the most impartial Authors; or an Extract from such Writers of the two opposite Persuasions, that an indifferent Person might suppose to be partial.  
This Strain of Pert Boldness, that (he says) runs through the whole Paper, 
Vid. Parag. 8.  must be pardoned us, since it publishes so much of the Reflecters Impudence, and that against Persons of a Royal Character; not a Paper of His Majesty's from those of the Late King's, to the last Declaration of Assurance; but what by him, with a Perter Boldness has been libelled, and even that (doubtless) does at presently under his severe Examination; and can any Common Confidence upbraid us for being too bold with such an Author? But for its appearing more eminently on Mr. 
* Ibid.  Fagel's Letter, with submission to his gravity; persons of a greater Character than himself, or the Pensioner, are not of that opinion; it is more modestly handled than any Paragraph that has passed his Pen, and the Author was solicitous, that it should be so, as surreptitious as it was here, for the sake of the sacred Title that it carried.  
For an impropriety of Term, this Reflecter makes us Accost a Princess with the name of 
* Vid. 1b.  Reverend, as if we had been talking to one of his Coat; but if he consults, as he seldom does, what he reflects on, he'll find it in the Originals, for which he would be so famed: Reverd, a more awful expression of dread, and deference to Royal Authority, than I hope his Cassock can pretend to, a Name that we shall truly Revere, for the peculiar goodness of that excellent person, as well as the greatness of the Character that makes it so illustrious: And may she ever have as much the hearts of a people, as is consistent with the Allegiance to a Sovereign; the respect to a Successor, and the double duty of Daughter and Subject to receive.  
For our defence against Mr. Fagel, as our Author threatened us with a method that was taken to clear off Imputations, so we shall take as sure measures to justify ourselves, not only to our English, but the World; we may send them a Latin Missive, since our English is so ill writ, and with the like translation into some other Languages, and their own too, to which we may not be altogether a stranger: As I hope I have cleared our Author's Heroical Attempt, by that precedaneous 
* Vid. Car. 1. Car. 2. Jacob. 2.  Clarigatum of our Ambassadors; so since I have to do with such an Enemy as Dr. B. I shall also in a sort of Civil Clarigation, and the Romans return of Talionis, justify myself, and desire of Mr. F. to accept the clearing of my innocency for a satisfaction: 'Tis sufficient to say at present, that I am a Subject to the King of Great-Brittain, never transferred my Allegiance, never naturalised, or had need of it; that by that, if it was not my bounden Duty, to reflect, or Animadvert on any dangerous practices, industriously spread to the disturbance of the State; yet at least, I may be allowed the Liberty to do it; that we have three several Acts of Parliament, or one, twice revived, 
Car. 1. Car. 2. Jac. 2.  that make any Paper or Print, without a private, or public Imprimatur, a Libel; the dispersers of it punishable by Law, (tho' their Presses too may have a Liberty there) for Printing, and dispersing a defence of this very Paper, were some persons examined, (and as they justly might be) prosecuted: Mr. Fagel, is better acquainted with their own Constitutions, than our Tests, or any other Laws; yet his 
* Qui dolo malo crimen intendit reus esto.  Civil Institutions will tell him 'tis somewhat absurd for a Man to be an Offender for speaking his thoughts of a thing, which as published here, was 
* Seditionis reus est cujus opera dolove malo consilium initum est ut homines ad seditionem Commoventur.  Criminal; and therefore he might have spared his application, that the Author should be punished, as he 
* Seditionis reus est cujus opera dolove malo consilium initum est ut homines ad seditionem Commoventur.  deserves: And why? Because our Law says, he does not deserve it; but only those 
* Vid. his Missive.  that published the Paper: Whatever application had been made Mr. Fagel for finding out opinions; what ever Authority that Statesman had to Communicate Prince's Thoughts; 
D. 48.44.  he had surely no orders for the Printing and Publishing it in our State, only to make the more disturbance, to disperse it through the City, only that there might be complaining in our streets; was it not free then for every one to tell of it his Sense and Opinion, or will those that allow all things Liberty in Holland, confine an English man's Thought? Or, did he think it as requisite, that every Reader of the Letter (surreptitiously printed) was to consult the Secretary's Office, whither Mr. Fagel had feigned it?  
This Honourable Gentleman from his high Station that he has in the State, and his celebrated Abilities in managing the Affairs of it, could not imagine, that it was the Duty of every Subject to the King of Great Britain, to examine at his Peril; whither a Paper printed and Published without any Licence, were exactly the same with a Letter that was sent from the Pensioner of Holland, our Animadversions were on a piece, that by its Publication, was an offence to the Public; and by being Surreptitious, a Transgression of the 
* Car. 1. Car. 2 Jacob. 2.  Laws; and so cannot by any prudent Statesman be improved into a Negotiation of State; and our Ministers no more accountable to Mr. Fagel, for our Animadversions, than Mr. Fagel to our Ministers, for his Publication: Whatever was the knowledge, and thoughts of other People, this unauthorised Publication empowred me to tell mine as far as I knew, and that with Authority; so that Mr. Fagel must be angry with those, and punish them as they do deserve, that thus published his Paper; and not with those, who without a Liberty of Conscience, might be freely allowed to tell their thought, and I'll engage to prove Mr. Fagel himself was of that Opinion when he made his 
* Vid. Missive against the Parliament. Pacificum to Mr. D. Albevill.  Missive to our Envoy, or else his Hand and his Heart do not go together, for he tells us there, That he finds himself very little concerned in what is said in this Book, that he foresaw well enough from the beginning, that he should be attacked upon the account of His Letter, in which it was indifferent to him, what any Man thought of it: But it seems, these words have somewhat in them of the Reserve, for the Close of the Letter explains it thus; that the Author deserves to be punished for an Attrocious Calumny, was Mr. Fagel indifferent what any man thought of it, and is the man to be punished now for telling his thoughts? Or does he mean, a Man might have told his thoughts with Impunity? if he had not been authorised; but deserves to be punished now, because he tells them with authority? or would he have the Missive of the Pensioner of Holland be of more Force against the Parliamentum Pacificum, and their Foreigner; than a Memorial of His Majesty of Great Britain against his own Subject, and the Author of so many Libels and Reflections: The celebrated Prudence of this great Minister, will not suffer me to suspect a person of such a Character (as the defensive 
* Vid. Reflect. on Mr. F. Letter.  Reflection on this Letter gives him) of so much inconsistency even in sense, reason, and the Rules of Government, but I must submit it to the consideration of others, since it seems, at first sight, not so agreeable with himself, with their Civil, or our English Law; and he will not find from their 
* Vid. Inleydinge tot de Hollantsche Rechtgeleertheyt beschre ven by Hug. de Groot.  Dutch, that any thing that is in Print with a Lawful Authority, can be called a Libel, a Defamation, or in their Language, a Lastering; much less, the Author to be punished as a Lastereer; neither is the Imperial Law so little concerned for the honour of its Legislators; neither can it be imagined so absurd, as to make those 
‖ Jus, sive Obligatio criminis est, ex quo quis ob delictum in Rempublicam, supplicio est obnoxius. Zouchaei Element. Jurisprud. pars 4: de Jure Criminis. Edit. Amsterdam.  Criminals to the State, that act with its Authority, and are only zealously concerned in its 
* Convitium ex cusatur quod aliquis vindicandae Republicae gratiâ objecit. Julii Pacii Anal. Inst. L. 4. Tit. 4.  defence and Justification.  
In short, Mr. Fagel's Letter, and Mr. Fagel's Authority, are both alike unknown to me; and so is that Authority by which the Paper was Published here (I hope) to himself; but it may be observed here, and that without Telescopes, that these two Planets (suppose of Mars and Saturn) that have, with such an ill aspect looked upon; a Treatise that seems only a Plea for Peace, were very near in Conjunction; the Reflections, and the Missives were clearly the Result of their Authors good Correspondence; they look like Vouching for one another's Children at the Font, for the Minerva of the Brain we know is the mother of Productions too; but the best of it is, the malice of both must miscarry, and this Author would then only be 
† Paena tene tur qui Libellum inventum Divulgavit.  punishable as he deserved, had he been found 
* L. un C. d. Tit.  divulging and dispersing such a dangerous Paper, to make a Division amongst His Majesty's Subjects: Neither can this Terrible Reproach of being an Attrocious Calumniator; that is, by the Lex 
* D. 48.16.1.  Remnia of the Romans, to be burnt in the Forehead for a Rogue, frighten me from my Duty; or affect me in 
† Injuria dicitur quod non jure fit Inst. L. 4. Tit. 4. de Injur.  Law, I cannot find that Civilians call any Calumnies or Injuries 
* Atrox injuria est vel ex loco vel ex persona, veluti in foro vel in Senatorem, Ibid L. 4. Tit. 4. & convitium excusatur, etc. ut supra.  Atrocious; but from the Circumstances of the person or place, where your own Magistrate is affronted in himself or his office, and I having not yet translated my Allegiance, (and as I hope, never shall) cannot be said to offend Mr. Fagel so Atrociously, unless I should become their Subject too, assault him in their Senate-House or affront him as a Pensioner.  
And yet after all this unaccountable resentment of this mighty Minister, his Remonstrance against this Book; looks in truth as if he had never read it; and 'tis very probable the person that is so concerned in it, might make it his business to give him a false account; for so far was the Author from accusing the Pensioner of Holland 
† Vid. his Missive and Letter.  for forging their Highness' Names, that in more places than one, he reflects upon it, as if himself had been abused; and his own was forged; he calls it a 
* Parliam. Pac. pag. 65.  paper that must pass for the Pensioners, and says that the 
† Ibid. pag. 74.  Presses of London did more probably produce, what perhaps was expedient to paum upon the Hague; and if Holland had the honour to bring it to light, this Pensioner of the States might be more likely the Dr. of Amsterdam. And these Remarks were made, to the best of our knowledge, and which I can assert upon the Faith of a Christian, so far was it from the Artifices of one (as our Author says) 
* Reflect. p. 7.  that knew they had ordered the Letter, that he had some reason to believe, besides the confidence of this Author, that he himself had forged it; so that this Missive of Mijn Heer the Pensioner, would have come better from our Monsieur the Doctor, tho' it would, indeed, have been but with an ill Grace for him to have desired our being punished, who so little deserved it, that perhaps hath much merited, as well as exposed himself to the highest punishment that any 
* Vid. our Stat. 25. of Edw. & 1, 3.4.10. King I. 6. of Scotland. Vid. Leg. juliam. I. 4.18.3.  Laws can inflict.  

Ibid. Sect. 8.  The Reflecter's malice is in nothing more remarkable, than in endeavouring to pervert in the end of his Discourse, that tender regard this Author had to the goodness and excellency of that Noble Princess, into Arguments of ingratitude, and disrespect; but it is the Nature of Venom to assimilate, and such Vipers can attract a Virulency even from the most innocent Air; if we may be allowed the liberty of Scriptural expression, and the Profession of our Author does not engross that Sacred Phraseology, as he desires to be free from the 
* Reflect. 2 part. pag. 8.  strife of Tongues, so I wish we were too, from that of deceitfal one; and where the Poison of Asps is under his Lips, nothing I fancy less infective, could taint such sincere Expressions of Honour and Esteem (as are apparent in that very part of the Paper) for that excellent Princess; nothing but the greatest bitterness could turn them into Gall: And that makes him quarrel at that very term of the 
* Parliam. Pacificum pag. 64.  sweetness of her temper, as if it were a touch that stirred up his envy to the Author of it; but when this Reflecter among his Voluminous Tracts, truly Polemical; can show so much of sincerity and Zeal in the defence of the Succession and the Crown, as perhaps the Person can produce that he so much, and so invidiously reflects on; I'll forfeit my Reputation of a Loyal Man, and what will be a greater Paradox, put in him for a good Subject.  
It is like the rest of his unfortunate Reflections, and unlucky Touches, when he would introduce us, as betraying the Lineal descent of the Crown; which with the hazard of our little fortune, and a forwardness (as some would have had it) even to a fault, we argued for, and defended; but it is of late, the Peculiar affectation of some people to press in this point, the mighty performances of their Pulpits, even to the Lay-man's civil Excommunication, as if Learning and Loyalty were only to be confined to the Cassock, and no where to be found, but with those that officiated in the Church. I am confident, Dr. B's Passive Obedience did not much contribute to the Succession, tho' he would represent me now as invading it: I don't know what his Resistance might do to my Lord R— l's Ruin: I am afraid, that dark mysterious expression, with which our Author labours so much, may easily, and without Spectacles be brought to light. The words which he so injuriously Reflects on, tho' he does not wrong me in the Repetition, are truly these, discoursing of her Highness' Relation to the State; it follows, 
* Vid. Parliam. Pacificum, pag. 64, 74.  to which she still seems so nearly related, the Doctor will be still unlucky in his Animadversions, or else he had more wisely let it alone; he finds me in the same part of the Papers Apologizing for the late Prayers of the Church, for her Majesty's happy Deliverance; and reflecting on the indiscreet Zeal of some, who (to my knowledge) for that reason refrained the Church; and on others, that in the lewdest Sonnets, had profaned the Service, hoping that such Prayers could never displease so generous a Princess, since they were only offered for perpetuating that Royal Line, of which there were but few in remainder; and I hope I might add, in which she still seems the next Successor? So far was I from detracting from her Right, that I made her there even an Apparent Heir, tho' there was then more prospect of Issue that might intercept her Title, than when my late Lord Shaftsbury denied it to his Majesty; I know Apparent is put for an Absolute Heir, where no other can Intervene, but 'tis but at best a Catachroesis, and abuse, as commonly as it is used; and her Royal Highness to me should be still Apparent; did I not see another Heir appear, that by the Laws of our Land can intercept her Title: Was this Author assured of what Issue we might expect from her Sacred Majesty? Or, had he a design of supplanting a Prince of Wales, whom Providence has since provided us? but it seems he had made his Reflections upon this seems still before he came to see his error; and then like such Reflecters, was loath to retract it; or else, what is as probable, made his Remarks here like the rest, by picking out Sentences without considering Coherence, or Relation: But may Heaven dispose of Crowns and Sceptres, as it shall seem best to the King of Heaven; bless the Fruit of the Royal Womb, and preserve her Highness (if it be her fate) for a throne, for a Blessing to three Kingdoms: But it must move a little pardonable passion, to see an approved Loyalty and Zeal to Succession so much abused, and so unjustly, by one whom from his own 
* Vid. Parliam▪ Pacif. p. 44.  works we have plainly proved to have Libelled the whole Line.  
But I must pardon the disingenuity of a person in perverting my words, that presumes with a greater confidence to tell me my 
* Vid. Reflect. Parage 8.  Thoughts, that they are the Artifices of one that knew that she ordered the Letter; when I can solemnly profess, 'tis more than I yet know:  
For the late King's being so deserted, 
Vid. Reflect. Ibid.  when the dependence was on the Successor, it seems only forced in for somewhat of a Reply; I am sure it was in a most scandalous manner that his Succession was struck at, his Friends banished the Court, and I can't imagine how he came then to be so well accompanied, himself sent into two several Exiles, with but few Attendants, besides his faithful Consort; 
Ibid.  who from a Partner in affliction may well share in a Crown.  
His Reflection on my making her Highness so nearly allied to the Prince, instead of Married, is so ridiculous, that it is too much of an Answer to repeat it: I have often seen the Service, and said my Prayers with the Dutch, as well as the Doctor; and if the Prince's way of Worship in Holland be the same with the National here, than most of our Dissenters are of the Church of England.  
In the last place, 
Vid. Sect. 9  after this Author has been so much in the wrong, he very Magisterially tells us of Informing the Public aright; but that His Majesty's last Gracious Declaration has better done, 
Vid. The K's last Declarat. about the Elections.  and superseded even the Delusions of the deepest and darkest Contrivance, the Doctor's Malice and Deceit; I could almost have said of jealousy and Fear it self: His Majesty's condescending expedient, that Roman Catholics shall still remain incapable to be Members of the House of Commons, silences even suspicion and thought, and what I ever imagined would some time appear, to some People's shame and Confusion: I dont know what my 
* Vid, Ibid. Dr. B. Reflect. Sect. 9  understanding might have done, but my faith in the King, has not misled me; His Majesty hath taken off all doubt instead of all Tests, and I hope, is now as happy in the Love of all his Subjects, as they in his protection must be most secure: The Church Established, is too great a pattern of Obedience, to resist so much goodness; and will be so far from being discountenanced by its Prince, that I hope to see her surprised at her own distrust and apprehensions: whatever has been the forward Zeal of some, and the foolish fears of others, His Majesty's Gracious interposition (and who alone could be the Mediator) like David's Harp, has calmed, I hope, even men's minds too; united the divided Tribes of our Israel and judah, will truly do well unto Zion, and build the Walls of our Jerusalem, and may Peace be within them, and Plenty within his Palaces: It must now be our own inexcusable fault; if we fear where no fear is, if the Parliament be now no Healing one, the wounds of the Nation will be ever open, they must bleed afresh upon those that refuse to close them, and with as much resentment, as those of the Dead on their Destroyer's.  
The only Plausible Argument, that after so many popular ones has been offered, could never amount to more than this, that it is but prudence to provide against, and oppose a possibility of danger and destruction; and than it must be an unaccountable madness to resist this Peace, when our Ruin is made impossible: This trusting can never ruin us, 
Vid. The Anatomy of the Equivalent. Pag. 16.  when distrust may, or rather, it puts us above the Chance, and only to such a Trust that is the same with an Insurance. 'Tis such an Equivalent, that we must not be laughed out, no more than some would be out of the Tests; and it is but an exchange of one Act of Parliament, the most unjust, for another that is altogether as much safe. The Birthright of the Peers of England is no such an inconsiderable Subject, as not to be worth the Consideration of the House. It was never so much struck at as in these Acts, and perhaps, for that reason, above twenty Bishops once opposed the passing them▪ Had the Reformation introduced this Exclusion of the Peers from their highest Properly; it would have been an hardship they could have better born, but this was a violation of Right, too great to be invaded, even when the Patrimony of the Church, 
In Edw. 6. Reign.  in spite of Magna Charta, was not looked upon inviolable, when Sacrilege obtained, their Honours were safe, and that, tho' there was a more certain prospect of a Popish Successor, of the rage of a Woman, instead of an Heroic Prince, whom they had reason to suspect, as they say they soon found, most 
† Vid. Dr. B.  cruel and Zealous.  
Let it not be said to the true Reproach of justice, and the Laws, the Honour of the Nation, and the Great Council of it, that it can act against the common Rules of Equity; Excluded Members, were an Opprobrium and shame even to a most odious Usurpation; neither did that offer to exclude Lords too, till it had made the whole House Precarious and useless; the same Parity of Reason will empower us as well, to dissolve the whole, as to Exclude a part: Mere Religion never yet forfeited an Estate, and with such Persons, their privilege of Peerage is more valuable: But their Property, I confess, might as well have been seized, with the same justice that these Rights were invaded; believe your King in Honour, in Equity bound to restore them, believe it but common justice for them to desire it: Credulity is neither a Folly nor a Crime, when well grounded, and then you can never believe your King so false and designing, or your fellow Subjects to have any other Plot, but to regain their just Rights, their Inheritance, and the only Badge of their Honour, that can make them look like Lords, or maintain their Peerage; 'tis plain, while this their incapacity lasts, they are no longer Peers. It is but a more Civil sort of an Attainder, the Construction of Law will not allow it, no more than the Latin Aphorism: Nec sumus ergo Pares, they may truly say, neither can they judicially pass a Verdict upon their fellow Subjects, and equals, that are to be tried by their Peers; when this Parity of Privilege is denied them, their very denomination is ridiculous and absurd; And another of those Inconsistencies among the many, I have observed the present Constitution of our State is exposed to, so vainly ridiculous are our fears, that it makes us value ourselves, and Celebrated Laws, in their Injustice, in the most shameful Absurdities and Contradictions.  
What could a Gracious Monarch do more to oblige a jealous People? If Discontent is always shifting Parties, what possible expedient is there besides this, of pleasing all: How have we been Hared by that reproach, even Holland, and Scandal to the very Dutch, that 
* In his Enquiry 'tis Englisht.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and Pulpit Politician, that hath put himself upon Divinity with as ill Grace, as he has upon the States, for Protection; but all Reverence and Regard to that Sacred Function, is superseded, where such a Mongrel Divine, this Theologo-Politicus, with such foul Language, shall fall upon 
* Vid. six Pap.  His Majesty, his 
* Vid. Ibid. and his Apology.  Ministry, and some of his own 
† Vid. His Enquiry.  Clergy: How hath he to obviate this Happy Union, alarmed the Nation with Irregularities in Elections, and undue Proceedings? How does he in these very Papers pursue the People with the Jealousies of 
* Reflect. on Parl. Pacif. 1 part, Sect. 9  a new set of Charters, and Bold Returns? But that His Majesty might baffle Malice itself, and make us ashamed of fear, his Declaration has assured us, and that as far as his Commands can, that the Members chose, shall be as fairly returned, according to the true Merit of the Choice; but bold Returns is at best but a bad excuse with those that do not care to acquiess with its Determinations, and does serve the turns of such Doctors in Divinity, as Hypochondriacal, or Scorbutic do, some other Doctors in another faculty, when they have a defect of some Specific fortune in their Diagnosticks, it resolves itself into some General Distemper of the Body Politic; and from, perhaps, one disordered Member, would make a dissolution of the whole House.  
But 'tis time to have done with this reproachful piece of Ecclesiastical Policy, that has been so lavish in his Opprobrious Language, and Reproaches, upon all sorts of People, all Orders of Men, Sovereigns, and Subjects, things Sacred, and Civil, Kingdoms, and Commonwealths; and even as the Viper in the Fable, stings his very Countrymen that warm him: The Generous Protection of the States is but ill▪ deserved, and as basely returned by one that can upbraid them with the 
* Vid. Reflections, Paragraph 7.  Abandoning Luxemburg, and their Peace of Nimmeguen, which perhaps, in Civility, we might have passed by; and 'tis but an odd sort of kindness, the discovering of great faults, only for the making a little Excuse. This Pompous Author with his wont Vanity, Prides, 
Reflect. 2 part pag. 7.  and values himself upon the Dispute with his Adversary Mr. Varillas (and as he says) his being ordered to insist no more on it, by the Fren. K. and I think 'tis high time now, for the Honour of the States of Holland, to silence him too: 'Tis time for him to silence himself, since His Majesty has superseded the Mischief, that his utmost Malice and Calumny can do; as angry as he was at his being told the worst thing he could do, 
Vid. Enquiry p. 1.  it may be told him now he may do his worst. The King of Great-Brittain, as in the Constitutions of His Royal Predecessor Constantine the Great, will establish himself in all his Subjects Hearts too, will take for his Great Example, that Primitive Hero: The first Centurys, to which we 
* Vid. our Homilies against Idolatry.  all recur for Purity, for true Catholic, and Apostolic Faith, shall be his Pattern: That Prince is said by Mr. Selden, first to have made our Crown Imperial; and perhaps, His Majesty is the first too, that from the general Love of all his Subjects, affected so much this Universal Empire.  
May all his People enjoy that universal ease that he aims at; may Peace of mind within, which cheers even the outward Form, Unite us in one Common Interest, in a cheerful and vigorous Resolution to maintain it against all force, and opposition from abroad; Let us take Counsel together, and tho' we cannot walk in one House of God, we may still meet like Friends, when no Nation is secure from an Hannibal, that may be at the Gates; 'tis too miserable a madness, that a Man's Enemies should be those of his own Household. May the Liberty to all Churches, make us flourish like Holland, and the Protection of the Established one, as Happy as we would be here.  
And thus have I run through the First part of his Reflections, 
Vid. his Reflections, Sect. 9  not by picking out pieces, but answering the whole; which being made up of so much Malice and Mistake, I could not possibly confine to that compass I could have wished; and at the same time, to give it a thorough Confutation: 
Pag. 1.  For as in the beginning I promised to consider every Paragraph; so before I end, I hope the whole will have its due Consideration: I do not deal with the Doctor, as he does with those he Reflects on; produce no other Authority, besides the Sayings of the Satirist, and his Ascendant on his Reader: 'Tis easy in such Reflection, to Libel the Fact both with falsehood, and Calumny, 'tis a Sententious sort of defamation; and the Dr. indeed is so dextrous at it, as to do it most Concisely.— But a Dogmatical Assertion will never do with such as have Sense, and sufficient opportunity to consult Originals; and that is one reason why our Author would engross that 
* Vid. his Enquiry.  excellency, and so secure himself from any Contradiction; I have therefore given at large the History of those things he so concisely touches on, and so submit it even to the Judgement of those that are resolved, perhaps, to be our Enemies, and his Admirers.   
FINIS.   

ERRATA, Deal Second Marg. Note, page 133.   

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THere is at present also in the Press, an Answer to Dr. Burnet's second Paper of Reflections upon the Parliamentum Pacificum; being a pretended Vindication of Himself.