Parliamentum Pacificum:  
OR, THE Happy Union OF KING & People IN AN Healing Parliament: Hearty Wished for, and Humbly Recommended, By a True Protestant, and no Dissenter.  
London Printed, and are to be Sold by M. Turner At the Lamb in Holborn, 1688.   

White-Hall, February 15. 1687/ 8.  
Let this be Printed,  
SUNDERLAND P.   

Parliamentum Pacificum, etc.  
THE design of this ensuing Discourse, you will soon see, is not only directed to the Plainer Sort; for than it would supersede all sort of Explanation; but may serve to satisfy some Persons of a finer Mould, and who to be sure in the business of the State will make a better Figure: I am sure the Good that it designs is so Universal, that it only Labours to make but One Interest of KING and People; to prove that disagreeing Parliaments can never Procure the Kingdom's Peace; that the reasonable Desires of the Prince (though unreasonably represented) are really consistent with the Service of the Country, and that 'tis possible for a Courtier, or a Papist, to make a good Patriot; and, for this purpose, as we direct our Discourse to those that are to Choose our Senators, so we shall as humbly submit it to the Consideration of such as are Chosen, that both tender Scruples, and learned Objections, may be so far satisfied and reconciled, as to consent and conspire in Unanimous Endeavours, for the settling of a Nation; an Healing Parliament, and Universal Peace.  
Tho' I do not here prefix a fine Frontispiece, with as foolish an Explanation of it, yet I think fit to let the Reader know that the Title Page will be best explained by those that follow it, when I shall show Him:  

1. That We once had a Parliament that was called the Healing One.  
2. When I shall show the Manner How it was made to be so.  
3. The Maxims and Methods that it Took.  
4. The wholesome Effects that followed from its sober Consultations.  
5. The Ways that are taken now to hinder the having such another.  
6. The Means that may be used to prevent the Malice and Insinuations of such as would Obstruct it.   

SECT I. That We had a Parliament called the Healing One.  
THe Parliament then, that was called this Healing One, and that by the best of Authorities, the KING's; by the most merciful Monarch, His Late Majesty, that Prince of pious Memory, giving in express terms of his own, this Character at their dissolution, That to all Posterity, it should be Called the Blessed and the Healing Parliament: This Parliament I say, that had so good a Name, and that from so good a KING (tho' another is Famed for Working Wonders) brought about I think the Best of Miracles: the Restoration of their KING, and in that the Succession of the Present, and was the same that succeeded the Packed Assembly, which upon the admission of the Secluded Members dissolved itself, on the seventeenth of March, 1659. and with their expiring breath, summoned that which is the subject we insist on to succeed them, on the Twenty fifth of April next ensuing: That which had so glorious a Character of so great a KING, and whose wholesome Constitutions, for the Healing our Breaches, and Curing our Divisions, I would willingly recommend, not only to the Nation for the next Great Example, but in the Words of this Royal Character, for a Pattern to all Posterity; and such an One will only be able to pursue the gracious Designs of our Present Sovereign, as well as merit the glorious Elegy of the Past, settle such a Lasting Liberty, and Peace, as may not only secure it to his desiring Subjects, for his own Life (but in his own Words too) to Posterity, to make it a Magna Charta, that those that come after may never be able to Alter it.   

SECT. II. The Manner How it was made to be so.  
I Wish I had no such pertinent Proof for Application, to tell the Church of England that has hitherto been famed, not only for a Loyalty boasted of, but approved, that this Healing Parliament of those times, was brought about not only against their Expectation, but also against the very Provisions of two direct Tests to prevent it, which seems to intimate that divine Providence in its designs for Universal Peace, can never be baffled by men's Politics, and that the Measures of humane Wisdom, for their own preservation, may be much the same with Ill Men, as well as with those that are really Good; and that the same sort of Oaths & Abjurations which the Present Established Church has framed for its support (or as some say Insupportable Dominion) were also contrived against the Meeting of this Parliament of Peace, by those very Villains that had raised the War: Ab Hoste doceri, is a good Maxim in a Camp Martial; but an ill Lesson to be Learned by a Church, even tho' She were Militant too.  
I do not say but that good Men may take the same measures for maintaining their legal Power, that have been used by the Bad for a bare support of Usurpation, but then they ought to take great heed too (especially in Cases of Conscience) lest any force of Compulsion betray the Weakness of their Cause.  
'Tis known then upon Record, and may be Read in the Journals of the Commons, that the Seditious Assembly of Forty One, whom the Laws of the Land have declared to be so, and that Treasonable too (and sure then the Church so Signalised for Loyalty, will never look on their Proceed as good Precedents:) 'tis certain I say, that those framed all the Tests and Oaths imaginable, for the Excluding all the rest of the Nation, from all Offices in the State and Government in the Church; and well they might; for well they knew, had their Cause been better, it would have born itself out against the Worst of Men; but it being so bad, they might fear to trust the Best of Subjects; for this, then, they framed their Negative Oaths, Engagements, Covenant, Solemn Oath, Oath of Abjuration; and in their dying Votes, and expiring breath, contrived these Tests against the Concord and Peace of the Parliament that was expected. First, J. A. B. do acknowledge, and 〈◊〉 are; that the War undertaken by both houses of Parliament, against the forces raised by the King, was just and lawful; 2d That Magistracy and Ministry are the Ordinances of God. So here they had found out a Test too, and that for Church and State, and ordered that those who would not acknowledge this, were never to be admitted into any Office of Trust, 
* Vid. the words of 25 Car. 2.  Civil or Military; and made uncapable to be Elected to serve as members in the next Parliament that was suddenly to sit.  
The Church-Royalists, and Clergy then, as the Narratives of those times tell us, who had suffered so much in the service of their Sovereign (when it was their turn to suffer by such a Test) looked upon it as too severe a Trial, nay, Preached, and Prayed it down too as a piece of Tyranny, and Persecution, though it affected them only in their politic capacity, and no person was afflicted by it, with any Pecuniary mulct, or Corporal punishment: This their own Authors say they thought hard, to suffer only for their Fidelity to their Sovereign; and will these most unreasonable men, most injuriously suppose it Justice and Reason, that others are exposed to be incapacitated for Trust, excluded from Office, debarred of birthright; to be banished, fined, imprisoned, and fairly hanged, and that only for their Faith to their God?  
Gentlemen, These are great Truths, unless our Annals Ly. Nothing of florid insinuations, but a sober and modest representation of matter of fact, which we shall further apply to the Circumstances of our present time.  
And pray, what benefit and tie, after all, had those Spiritual Bonds, and Coercives of the Conscience and Soul, save only to ensnare people into Perjury, or punish them for not being Perjured? (i. e.) ruining their estates in this world, because they would not compound for their inheritance in the next. What effect had that formidable Declaration, & Test of the Two Houses, against the Members of the ensuing Parliament that was to Sat? why, our History tells us, these their hard Exclusions were as little heeded by their Electors; the recovered Nation began to revive its drooping spirits; it saw dismal oppression, and fearful Tyranny, like a cloudy shade flying from the Land, when the refreshing Sun breaks forth with his ray, and equally dispenses his benefits to all below, Liberty was then too the longed for blessing, and the Universal cry, peace of conscience, freedom of fouls, and a free Parliament were heard in the Land, where nought had been but complaining in the streets; the freemen and freeholders began to think themselves truly free, & that even in their Choice of Representatives, their Nation's birthright, and native Inheritance, and that notwithstanding those Negative Oaths, and Tests of Exclusion, and their being banished both Houses with an I. A. B. Neither will the Common Notion of Oaths imposed by an unlawful Authority, being utterly void, satisfy all People; we have seen it would not in the Case of the Covenant; & in some several persons, that have been good casuists too, it being an invocation of the same just God, tho' administered with injustice by men, and which perhaps in matters of Faith, the most Legal Government, (as many think) cannot well impose.  
It was at That time, the people began to think of choosing such Representatives, as should rescue them from unreasonable Laws, and a bondage more than that of the body: no persons then pretended Loyalty to a Party, all were Dissenters but those in Arms; all the Nation big with Expectation of this blessed and reconciling Parliament: nay, most of the very Army itself, signing an engagement, to submit to all its consultations; none were disturbed with apprehensions of its approach, none cast down; but some in high places, and such as were likely to fall from a power of doing mischief; That let Lambert out of the Tower, and led him into the field; fear of Union, and a fear of Peace: That Published Papers too, to create Jealousies of that ensuing Parliament; and the boldest of them too, was a Letter, not to a Dissenter, but as sent from Brussels: the Church of England-Loyalists then, were full of Addresses, Declarations, subscribed by Nobility, Gentry, Clergy, full of condescension to all tender Consciences; with these very soft terms & expressions of 
* Vid. Declarations.  Public Liberty, Public Peace, National Interest; laying aside all mention of Parties, and Factions; and burying all Rancours, and Animosities: and had before agreed in a reconciling Association, of Episcopal, Presbyterian, and Independent, and all, but Papist Church-government: and certainly it will not recommend much the demeanour of this Established Church, when it shall be said with Truth, that she was then only meek, when humbled; and then alone merciful, when she could not hurt.  
I wish I could not put an end to this Section with another observation, that seems to have some affinity to the juncture of affairs afoot: As it was the Plot of that Parliament that had created all our troubles, at their expiration, to put a test to the Loyalty of the next that was to succeed; or rather a trial of their affection to their Treason and Usurpation: So also there was a contrivance upon the Assembling of that Healing Parliament, to have Ejected most of the Members after they were met, by Virtue of those very Votes, and Tests of their opinion of the War, and of the Ministry and Magistracy being only from God. I mention this as apposite too, because 'tis more than probable, that the Contrivances of the late Tests, being to debar people of their Birthright, their Peerage, and sitting in Parliament, they may move again Now to have all Members excluded for their Opinions, and that they cannot take the Oaths; as if the belief of Transubstantiation, would turn the Elements of the man too, and unqualify a person, for the affairs of his Country; as if a Coventicle was impossible to afford a Burgher, that understood the Constitution of his own Corporation: But certainly there may be some means found out for obviating such an inconvenience; and sure the KING, who by the resolution of the Laws, and the greatest Judges of it, can dispense with those Oaths to be taken in any Court of Judicature; can by an argument a Majori extend his dispensation to such as cannot take it in an House of Commons, which is none; unless it should so fall out too, as an officer upon the passing those former Tests told General Monk, while he was talking of a new Parliament, and those qualifications: they themselves, being to be Judges of themselves, it may so happen, that the Major part may be of such, as are not themselves Qualified. And I may add to the present case, of such as may not be willing, or care, that others should so Qualify themselves for the service of their King and Country; as in their opinions must make them renounce their Heaven, and deny their GOD.  
But we must not leave this Subject yet, without answering two Objections, wherewith the partial, & concerned, will be sure to attack us in the rear; and therefore 'tis fit to face about to confute them.  
First Then, that the power which oppressed the Church of England, was an absolute usurpation, and terminated in a Tyranny not to be endured; the product of a devilish Rebellion, and the remains of a raging War.  
Secondly, That those which suffered under her Reign, have had this assurance, and benefit too, that it shall always be by the known Laws of the Land, and Statutes of the Realm: whereas all those Oaths and Engagements, Votes and Ordinances, we so insignificantly mention, were just no Laws at all; so that they suffered by nothing, as well as for it.  
To this it may be as readily replied, that all sufferings (if against all sense and reason, to the ruining men for crimes they cannot but commit) are certainly the same to the sufferers in the Penalties and Pains, they are to undergo, whatever be the Lawfulness of the Authority that inflicts them: 'Tis as small advantage to a man that has all his goods confiscated for the Twenty pounds a Month, to think he was ruined by an Act of Queen Elizabeth, as if he had been plundered by an Army of oliver's; and as little comfort for the poor Priest that must be Hanged for his Habit, to say, he dies Legally, as if he had been Knocked on the Head for taking the Wall. Justice and Equity will be still the same, whatever are the various Revolutions of a Politic State; and founded upon Eternal Reason, as some Maxims in the Schools, upon the same Truth.  
Thirdly, They must be soon satisfied too, and with as much Reverence to those Mighty Powers; that no Power on Earth, no Humane Constitution, can make Statutes against the Decrees of Heaven, or resist an Omnipotency that is Divine; their Dictates, they say, are Spirit that influences the Will: And will any man say Flesh and Blood shall oppose it? Souls may be said to have a Property too that cannot be violated by the Sanctions of an Humane Assembly; nor Persons made to suffer for obeying the Divine dictates of their Devoutest thought; or following the Natural Principles of their Religious Education: The one of which even a Moral Turk will tell you, must not, cannot be opposed; and any honest Heathen in Philosophy, teach us the difficulty to Proselyte 
* Naturam expellas furca licet usque recurret Horat.  Nature, or pervert it; and that certainly in lesser concerns than the Salvation of a Soul.  
Dissenters represent their sufferings in all their addresses and Complaints as Tyrannical too, they are sure the best Judges of their miseries that groan under them, and there may be Tyranny too in the Laws, though the Legislators had a Lawful Power to make them; but these very Laws too have been strained by 
* Riots made and Routs of Meetings.  Construction, and so they Sympathised with those under Usurpation, and suffered by none at all.  
Lastly, To close this Section, with the similitude of the Circumstances of affairs, to Crown all, the KING himself then, like his other self now; his only, and Lawful Successor; intimated his designs against the opening of the first Session of that Free Parliament: That he intended a freedom from all Penalties, and suffering for Religion, promised it to General Monk, and in his Declarations represented his readiness to Consent to any Act of Parliament, for the full granting that Indulgence. Upon these Motives was that Miraculous Restoration facilitated, upon these foundations was fixed that firm (and what perhaps might have been a more lasting Peace too) had not the powerful importunities of a prevailing Church, interrupted the felicity to the disturbance of the State. Gentlemen, the Case of the Church of England was once in Common with some Dissenters, and no less hard than theirs is now; they suffered (you see) together once from a prevailing Party; and Liberty of Conscience, was certainly then as dear to them, as this Religion Established by Law; and that from their own mouths (if his Majesty may take their words for it) was always dearer to them than their lives: It was as great a Crime to them then to have a Common Prayer, as to a Dissenter now to make use of the Directory; Her book of Liturgy was looked on then as bad as that of the Mass, and all her Canon and Rubric, no more to be received than a Calendar of Red Letters, or the Rituals of Rome. Alas! What a mighty Metamorphosis the felicity of some people's affairs can produce, to the forgetting of their misfortunes; all their fellow-sufferers, and even the Sentiments of their own Souls. The Dissenters desire to come just to the Circumstances they were in, at the late KING's Restoration. And why for Godsake! must this Established Church turn truly Militant, not only against all others, but itself? And like that of Ephesus, Leave her first Love; and as some say, her first Faith too; to forget that compassion she had for such Sufferers, and her own sense and opinion that such sufferings were most severe. What judgement can seriously be made by Sober Persons; to what will impartial people impute this her hot Zeal against Dissenters, that in the dawning of her Restitution was hardly Lukewarm? Will it not give occasion to say, that she must answer for herself, like the Laodicean too? Because, says she, I am rich now, and increased with goods, and have need of nothing. And if it be so, that the Dissenters were promised then an Exemption from Penalties for matters of mere Religion; and the KING, Parliament, and Church, thought it meet, as matter of fact will make it appear, then certainly all this cry will sound very harsh, and unreasonable against this present Prince, that has greater reasons for it; when he only performs the promises of his Pious Predecessor, gratifies the desires of his Restoring Parliament; and answers the very first Petitions of his People.   

SECT. III. The Maxims, and Methods that it took.  
ANd now by the Division of this Discourse, we are come to the Third Point; The Maxims and Methods that were taken by this Healing Parliament. It met upon the Twenty Fifth of April (and who knows but about that time our next may meet) and may that Epoch of their Commencement, prove as great an Omen of their good Agreement: it found the Kingdom most unhappily confused with Diversities of Opinions in the ways of worshipping their God; it found the severe Laws, of Q. Eliz. KING James, and Car. 1. very ineffectual for the suppressing of what was called Schism and Dissension: For this reason they took care in the first place in their Act for Confirming of Ministers; That none should be Ejected for their past Nonconformity from 42 to 60, unless such as had in the time of Usurpation Ejected others. This was agreeable to what the KING had first proposed to them; both before privately, and afterward at the public opening of the Parliament: for this the Lord Chancellor, in their first Adjournment, was ordered to tell them from the KING, in these Terms:  
That no sort of Piety and Godliness, should be turned into 
Vid. Lord Chancellor's Speech on that Occasion.  terms of slander and reproach, or distinguish between the Court, the City, or the Country. He was ordered further to tell them, That (by that favourable Act for confirming of Ministers) his Majesty was sensible he had gratified many worthy, and Pious Men, and such as should always receive fresh evidence of his Majesty's favour and Kindness. In that Parliament he had this Direction to tell them, Of the sad consideration, that the differences in Religion should be the ground of Animosities, Malice and Revenge, Passions which the Divine Nature exceedingly abhorred: That the Bloody Wars proceeded from those Contentions: And that (however descanted on, by men that have a mind to be Seditious) is just the same, what His present Majesty was pleased to signify to be His Sense too, in his late Declaration for Indulgence. The Ld. Chancellor further declared, That the marks of a true Church, were Charity to one another. He tells them, That this Disquisition had Cost his Majesty many a Sigh, many a Sad Hour: That he had taken pains to Compose them with Learned and Pious men, of different Persuasions, which they should shortly see by a Declaration he would Publish on that occasion, by which they should see his great Indulgence, to those who can have a Protection from their Conscience, to differ from their brethren: Exhorting them all, to be but pleased themselves, and persuade others to be so. Thus ended that Session, and was Adjourned to the Sixth of November following.  
Hitherto, you see there was no Penal Statutes made, no Force to be put upon People's Conscience; and the Protestant Religion still to be safe, without making of Dissenters suffer.  
Pursuant to these Gracious Sentiments of the Prince, and prudent Resolutions of the Parliament; The KING, before their Meeting again, Published a Declaration, concerning Ecclesiastical Affairs, full of gracious Concessions, to Reconcile all different Opinions in Religion: And such was the Peaceable Result of that Royal Indulgence, (for it was really no other) that all Subjects seemed to be satisfied; all Differences reconciled, and the Parliament itself afterward giving the KING public Thanks, for his Pious Inclination to Peace and Concord. To pursue it further, The Lord Chancellor had Liberty to offer Bishoprics and Deaneries to those that Laboured for this Reconciliation; some accepted, others refused: a Commission was issued out for an Agreement upon some Alterations in the Liturgy, as were requisite to satisfy some Tender Consciences: And the Ministers met upon it afterward at Zion College, and would have agreed on a Model of Episcopacy. Here was an Agreement between KING, Parliament, and People; but it was too great an Happiness to last long: those that had more cruel Inclinations, and aspired to be so far powerful, as to punish for Nonconformity, foresaw that this Parliament would never put them in a Capacity to do it; and so prevailed, that on the Twenty Ninth of December following, was Dissolved this Reconciling Parliament, though with the forementioned Elogys of that Famous PRINCE; who, as he was beyond all Character, best understood how to give One, which he did here to this Effect, That it should be Called to all Posterity, The Blessed, and the Healing Parliament: So also, he broke out into this more Exalted Encomium, and Emphatical Interrogatory; That it should be a Rule to his Actions and Councils, to Consider; what is such a Parliament like to think of this Council of Mine, or this Action? And in this Opinion of his Parliament (though nothing can add more to its Fame, after such a Panegyric from its PRINCE) was he seconded by all Historians that Describe it, who tell us, Never did KING and Parliament better Agree, never was a Parliament begun with greater Expectation, and only Ended with less satisfaction in lasting no longer. Others call it the Happy Parliament, that assured the Foundations, raised the Structure of our Ancient English Monarchy: And Mr. Cowley, the sweetest of our Bards, sufficiently sings its Praises in his Ode on the Restoration.  
But it happened here, as it always does, where the Countenance and Power of the PRINCE, makes the Clergy Plenipotentiaries; when they began to find their Strength, they assoon began to use it; and the moderate Men being baffled in their Elections, and the more Inconsiderate sacrificing their Interest to their Ambition; which upon Consideration now, they call Revenge, settled their Liturgy: A Parliament was Assembled in 62. Confirmed an Absolute Act of Uniformity; the KING's Promises, Declarations, Commissions, all Die, or had no Life; and about 2000 of Conscientious Ministers most Unconscionably silenced for their Opposition. 
* Vid. Letter to Dissent.  The Gentlemen Confess their Error, and so we need not prove it.   

SECT. iv The wholesome Effects that followed its Sober Consultations.  
IF any one should Ask us now to the Fourth Point: What were the good Effects that follow from this Assemblies sober Debates, and Consultations? Why! The Answer is easy and short; Peace, a National and Universal Peace; a Peace in Church; a Peace in State, so Calm and Serene, even to the satisfying of a Conscience and a Soul; as if the Spirit of GOD had moved again upon the Face of the Waters, after a confused Deluge, and a Sea of Blood; as if the holy Dove itself, had brought the Peaceful Branch to our Isle, as from the Deluge to an Ark: The Good Effects of it cannot better be guest, than from the Bad Ones that followed its being Dissolved; and that they were no greater, can only be imputed to the suddenness of its Dissolution, which was only worthy to have been Endless, and what both it's Preceding and following one were; truly Perpetual, and Long.  
And to confirm with the most forcible Argument, from matter of Fact, the good Effects that followed it; there was nothing of a Plot heard of, all the the Time of its Sitting, and what could be the Reason of such a General Calmness and Serenity: certainly nothing else, but the Liberty every one enjoyed to Worship his GOD in his own Way; and what was generally expected, should have been settled by Law, and which had certainly been done too, had they sat longer; and 'tis shrewdly to be suspected, that the Interest some People had, who affected power, and feared to lose the Liberty which they better liked, to punish other Religions by the Laws of their Church; hindered Toleration from being made an Act of the State.  
And what followed pray presently upon its Dissolution, but the Insurrection of Venner, and his Fifth Monarchy-men, fight for JESUS CHRIST, for fear now of what followed; that their Reign was like to be but short?  
When the Oaths of Supremacy began to be tendered to all; and the Test of Abjuration (that some thought a Temptation to a seeming Perjury) was indiscriminately put; a thing, that Pryn himself (that had writ For the KING's Coming in) tho' against all things before, could oppose, as contrary to Magna Charta, when Encroachments in Ecclesiasticals began to creep on; were there not then too, Designs and Conspiracies set afoot; and Bare-bone, Salmon, Wildman, Ireton, and Others seized, and Committed to safe Custody?  
When that dreadful St. Bartholomew (as they called it) began to dawn upon the Dissenters; by which day they were obliged to read Divine Service, according to the Act of Uniformity, wear the Vestments of the Church, or forsake their Pulpits, after all their Endeavours to prevail with a Parliament were in vain, and their Application to KING and Council as Fruitless; when the Bishops were ready, and had provided men for to fill the places of such as would not take the Test; and near two Thousand were turned out upon it: the Conformists reserving too much the bitter Taste of their rough Usage, notwithstanding the General Amnesty so much pressed by the KING; & one would think might have been most Religiously observed by Prelates; Did not then first, Fears and Jealousies begin to Invade the State, and even make the Government itself afraid? So Conscious is Oppression of Consequences that are Fatal; that power itself can distrust it's own Weakness; and for this reason presently upon it (being sensible of the provocations given in Matters of Religion) Walls were ordered to be pulled down; several Cities and Towns to be dismantled; at the same time that the severities of the Laws were to be put in Execution: and what ensued? but the suspected Plot of Danvers, Ludlow, etc. for which Phillips, Tongue, Gibbs and Others were Executed.  
Upon the Neck of that, broke out another in the North; and while they were Labouring by Rigour to suppress the Divisions in the Church, what did they Raise but open Rebellions in the State? Several of the Conspirators were Taken; and a Commission sent to York to Try them; fifteen were found Guilty, the Chief of them, one Capt. Oats: some were Executed at York, some at Leeds, some in Adjacent Places; and so universal was the Discontent upon this encroachment of the Liberty of Worship, that the same Conspiracy had spread itself to London, and was first to have broke forth in Ireland.  
In the Sickness time, when the KING left London and went to Oxford; which, though not Visited, the Dissenters say, they found there their Plague too, the Five-Mile Act, to prevent (as they called it) the spreading their Infection; whereby indeed they were Banished Corporations and Towns, as if they were Tainted with the Malignancy that Reigned, and only fit for a Pest-house; and that too with another Test to the purpose; why? What ensued presently upon it? Before the Pestilence was hardly ceased, and the KING well returned to London, but another Discovery for the Alteration of the Government; of which Conspiracy, one Alexander was the Chief; the City to be Fired on the Third of September; the same time, that it was indeed: 
Vid. Gazet.  and for which the Romanists were so unreasonably Reproached; for which several were Tried at the Old-Baily, and Executed at Tyburn.  
The first Commotion that began in Scotland, was also upon the same Account; when the Riot that was made upon one of their Justices; as was Confessed by both sides, was only for too rigorously Executing the Laws against them in matters of Religion; which Riot, tho' raised by a small Number of Inconsiderable Sufferers, yet soon ran up so high as an Army, and which was Marching with all haste to Edinburgh.  
And the last Rebellion at Bothwell-Bridge, tho' begun by some desperate Villains, to defend themselves from the Justice they had deserved, for the Murdering of the Archbishop, had never come to that height; had not the Covenanters thinking themselves Oppressed by the Penal Laws, closed in with them, and increased their Army to such a Number, as to make them formidable.  
And Lastly, I much doubt, whether ever Monmouth himself would have made so much work in the West, had not the Severities of the Laws then Zealously set afoot, sent him many a Soldier into the field, that did not dare to stay a home, for fear of fine and confiscation; and had his Majesty, assoon as he Ascended his Throne, been Permitted by the Reasons of State, or not opposed by the importunities of some people, to have declared his Resolutions of Indulgence, perhaps it might have saved a great deal of Protestant Blood; and Dissenters never have fought for that Liberty of Conscience which it seems to them too, was Dearer than their Lives.  
God forbidden! That ever Rebellion should be really Justified by Religious Pretences; but since, Matter of Fact makes it Plain, that they are so of Pretended, as is manifest here from the Disturbance that was given to the State, constantly upon every Usurpation and Penalty, Trial and Test that was put upon People's Souls (as is apparent from the foregoing Particulars); can any man in his wits not close with a Provident PRINCE, to remove the very Pretences too of it? To quarrel at such a Prudential Act, is to tell His Majesty, they are never Easy, but when he's Embroiled; never Secure, but when there's an Insurrection against their KING. These sort of Men are more dangerous in their Sentiments, than some Country Idiots in their Suppositions; some of them wont believe Monmouth to be Dead; and these by their own Maxims must wish him Alive.  
'Tis as Certain as Truth itself, if Fact can make a thing appear True; that Sufferers for Religion (and perhaps we may except no Persuasions) will endeavour to lay hold on any Alteration of State, to Rescue themselves from the severity of such Oppressions; 'tis as natural as to sinking Men to catch at a Plank: And I could prove this from History, for above this Hundred and Fifty Years, from our Hen. th' Eighth, to those instances I make use of in the last Reign. To this Provocation do the Hollanders own their Revolt, their Being, and their Commonwealth. To this, do the Hugonots of France Ascribe their Entry into the League: and what that Cost that Kingdom, let Ours Judge. To this, do discontented Courtiers, and desperate Villains, own all that which to a Government makes them Formidable: for such Creatures as could never Hope upon their own Interest, to Muster an hundred Men (where a general Indulgence is Established) shall under a Pressure of Conscience, raise you a Million; and with this Advantage too, that the Cause (whatever are the Fellows that engage in it) will still carry the better Face; and Qualify Villains of no Religion, to Head those that really Fight for it: and to tell you that they are The Armies of the Living GOD, the GOD of HOSTS; and that they Fight the Battles of the LORD. So certain it is, that those who are not permitted to assemble in their own Church, will always be Restless and Uneasy in the State: Passive Obedience in such Cases, we see sooner Preached than Practised; and such as are denied in their own Way to Worship their GOD, will assoon be deficient in their Duty to their KING; and may the Fear of it, never make some sort Vnautiful; that Profess, they'll never be Provoked, tho' by Suffering for it.  
So much was it the sense of His Late Majesty, as partly appears before; that in pursuance of his Promises at Breda; and his Intimations to his First Parliament, that was so Healing: To which he pressed a Liberty of Conscience; that he also in his Declaration of December, Sixty Two, makes a Confirmation of it; and says, That he was Firm in his Resolutions of Performing it to the Full: And this even against the Sense of his New Parliament, that was more for Penalty and Persecution. Of this, he Expressed his Sense in his Parliament, July 16th. Sixty Nine: And then, in spite of them, March, 25th. Seventy Two, made good his Promises to All, by a General Indulgence, and a Protection of the Church of England.   

SECT. V The Ways that are Taken Now, to Hinder the Having such Another.  
HAving Discoursed of the Past, we come home now to ourselves, and the Present Time, and to Consider the Fifth Point; The Ways that are Taken now, to Hinder the having such Another Healing Parliament: And truly, they are not much Honester Attempts, than were used to prevent the Meeting of the First; and that is the Old Antiquated pretence of Jealousies and Fears; only there is another Knave turned Trumpets now: (tho' 'tis the same thing to the Government, whether 'tis tricked upon, by that of Clubs, or Diamonds:) 'Tis strange! That those that made so lately the Folly of other men's Fears so Ridiculous, should make themselves now, to those very Men the most fearful Fools.  
That those, who still asserted the Assurance and Security of their Religion, from the Promise of their KING; should now, without the least Breach of it, give him the ; and tell him to his Face, You are worse than your 
* Vid. Letter.  Word. That those, who ran up the Prerogative, to the Height of its Power; should dispute now, the Power of their KING's Dispensing. What is this, but a Confessing to their Foes, (whom they still followed with Fine and Confiscation) that their Divines were Dunces, their Books were Libels, and the Famed Filmer, the greatest Fool? It is a saying so common, and so natural, that the most ignorant, both know it, and make use of it too; To Look before they Leap: and would any Considerate Men, make use of the same Arguments, and take the same Measures, for which they have so much Exposed and Reproached others? But, it fares with them here in their Civil Matters, as the Late KING's Papers almost unanswerably observe of their Concerns in Ecclesiasticals; That part of the Nation, which looks most like a Church, cannot bring Her Arguments against the other Sects, for fear they should be turned against Herself. But only here they make the Inversion much worse: Here She takes the Old Arguments of Dissenters on Her Side, only to make Her Own fly in Her Face; so that an Honest and Unbyast Asserter of the Government, has nothing else to do, to Answer the Clamours of the Present time, but to Declaim against the Cavils of the Past; and both those are Reducible to these Three Celebrated and Contested Points.  

I. Arbitrary Power.  
II. Freedom of Parliaments.  
III. Protestant Religion.   
For the First, and for them all in their Order; though the present KING's Promises, are as Currant with them, as his Father's Coin; and both bear the same Image and Superscription. Though the Leges Angl': libertas Parliament: Religio Protestant: have been the continual Subject of all this KING's gracious Declarations; and particularly, in that of His Indulgence: when (to put it in his 
* Vid. this King's Two Proclamations to Scotland, & his Declaration of Indulgence here.  Own Words) Property, Liberty, and the Protestant Religion, are all assured to them, on the Word of a KING: Yet still, the Matter by some or other must be still so managed, as to make the People to distrust, and doubt of all: Such is the hard Fate of PRINCES (as if a Crown could not be contrived to sit soft on a Royal Head; as if destined to be a Burden by Decree;) both Extremes shall conspire to make it uneasy: Monarches for the most part are Endangered, for their not believing any Danger to be near. 'Tis hard they should suffer, by not being Believed too, when they tell their Subject there is None. Mark but the Goodness of your PRINCE, and then see, whether he deserves to be treated so iii. A numerous part of his People being uneasy (as certainly those must be, that suffer for Conscience sake, and when the Iron Enter their very Souls) had made the Government a long time so too. To silence their Clamours and Complaints, the King would take away the occasion of their Calamities, the severities of the Laws; and that raises now as mighty murmur among those, that were only for surpressing of Malcontents before; as if his Throne were more dreadful, when he makes it even the Mercy-seat. How shall the most gracious Prince please such a divided People? where discontent only shifts Parties, and Loyalty seems no longer entailed, (love at least and affection) then as the King continues his favour, or it seems only now so long as he confines it to themselves alone, sure gratitude and friendship must not be limited like Marriage Vows, or those of Devotion, to one Object: neither is a King to be considered in his politic capacity like a natural body, Whose Love is then the most Generous, when 'tis most extensive; and his power best absolute, when he Reigns in the Hearts of all; to make himself this Universal Monarch seems only the design of his present Majesty, and to make him more Feared than Loved are the devices of some Ureasonable men.  
But the result of these Inconsistencies with themselves, they will say does arise, and is occasioned by some deeper insight of theirs into the designs of State, and our plausible Varnish may serve to set it off, but will never hinder them from seeing through it; 'tis strange! that these politic Spectacles should be so suddenly put on; this must make the Dissenters value their optics; proud of a better foresight, and more accurate intuition; and tell the Churchmen, we told you of this, and then where were your eyes? but could the Dissenters have foreseen too his Majesty's merciful Inclination, Popery and Slavery might never have been their Monimental Motto, or themselves seduced to follow some more desperate Malcontents to their death and destruction: was it Sedition in them to doubt? was it Treason almost to think? and is it a Loyal Act now, to declare in writing the danger of the Protestant Religion? and that at a time, when the free Exercise of it is permitted to All; certainly such unwonted Surmises from Persons that have declared their abhorrence of them as Seditious, are as surprising, as the new Friendship's, and show that the Tide is turned, the Wind tacked about against their Interests; and what can Dissenters say, but that they see through all this, and as they told the Dissenters that the Liberty they laboured for, was only a Licence to do what they List; so their Popery that is now coming in, is nothing else but their Persecuting Power that's going out.  
What will they not say? when they see those that exalted the seizing of Franchises, as an undoubted Prerogative, Printed and Published the forfeiture of all Charters, Privileges and Immunities; and that before they were granted with such Restrictions and Reservations as more empower his Majesty, than when these People made them all thus dependant on the Crown: 'Tis strange! that even those should murmur at his Majesty's power of Dispensing, which the practice of the Prerogative, and the Laws of the Land did ever Allow; I do not design to enter here upon the old distinction of Malum in se, &. Prohibitum, For that Evil which was prohibited, when by reasons of State it comes to be dispensed withal, is no longer so, but really good; so it would be oppression in a Prince, to demolish the dwellings of his Subjects, but no one will say 'tis so in a Siege; when he burns down the Suburbs.  
But this being not only to be defended by Reason, but the Laws; was repined at as * Arbitrary; the King upbraided with 
Vid. Letter: and Answer to the Test of Church of England's Loyalty. Vid. All Burnet's Papers.  his Coronation Oath to keep all the Laws, the Judges Libelled and Satyrised for their sense and opinions, and with a Non Obstante posted up in an house of Office: The rumour ran of nothing else, but all the Laws to be laid aside, though only some Penal ones were suspended; and when they might as well have made their satire and Animadversion upon every Session at the Old Bailie, where the King was never denied the pardoning of a Felon, or remitting a Fine; tho' the one were for the highest misdemeanour, and the other even for murder itself: and sure, to infer from an argument a fortiori, if the Law will justify the King's Mercy to a Malefactor for the shedding of blood, it will sure extend to forgive the forfeiture of an Office or Place; and yet too, by the leave of the mighty Dr. and his most malicious 
* Dr. Burnet's Reflections on Declaration for Liberty, etc.  construction, this shall not amount to the repeal of the Law, and be but a bare suspension of the Penalty. For as it appeared in the late Case of Hales, it was in the power of any man to Prosecute, though it was at last left in the King to Pardon: And if the Dr. will make haste before the Parliament may make some Alteration, he shall bring what information he pleases against any Papist for their forfeitures; where he may show his malice, and do no mischief: So that all his Scotch Droll, about Cass and Null, and Absolute Power applied to the Cases in England, are nothing to the purpose. But it was not Dr. B. alone that was thus bold, we heard nothing about that time in private discourse, but threatening of Public impeachments; & that Parliaments had questioned Wolsey, Bristol, and others, for advising such dispensations; and that Judges had been with the old story of Tresilian, hanged for such resolutions. Gentlemen, it could not be the Dissenters now that were guilty of these sort of Observations, unless they were angry at the Clemency and Mercy that relieved them.  
But that we have no reason to make this a piece of Arbitrary Power, consider but some Precedents of Prerogative, and that in the former Reigns: King Edw. 3d. repealed an Act of Parliament (as imposed by necessity) and that by his Royal Prerogative; the Parliament in Rich. 2d. time by several Judicial Acts, had proceeded against the Ld. Chancellor, the Duke of Ireland, and Arch Bishop of York, to which the King had given his assent; but assoon as he dissolved that Assembly, all was dissolved too, that had been done against them.  
And that the Resolution of our Judges may not be looked on as so Extrajudicial and Extravagant, I'll refer them to what was resolved by the Judges in the same King's Reign.  
I. That the Statute of Commission made in the last Parliament, was Void, because against the Prerogative, and that the Advisers to it deserved Death.  
II. That the King could cause the Parliament to proceed upon Articles by him limited, before they meddled with any other.  
III. That the Judgement against Pool in Parliament was Revocable by the King.  
So that it is no new thing for the Judges in the highest manner to assert the Prerogative, and what ever Miracles were performed afterward by that Parliament of wonders, that does not make it less the duty of those sages to assert the right of the Crown; tho' some of them were afterward by the rebellious Barons, and the designing Duke of Gloucester brought to suffer for the service to their King, and by the same People too, that afterward deposed their Prince. I need no more than mention the Dispensation to the Justices against 37. of Hen. 6. and that common Case of the Sheriffs, dispensed with by the 2d. of Hen. 7. or the Case of Coinage in his 11. when Hen. 8 rejected the Pope's Supremicy in Ecclesiasticals; 'tis as well known he reserved it as Entirely to himself, settled upon him so by Act of Parliament: so that if the Pope ever had a Dispensing power with a non Obstante; both Hen. 8 and Edw. 6. had it too, and I think both of them made use of it with a witness: 
* Vid. Heylin's Hist. Reform. as also Acts & Monuments, & you'll see what Waste, what Work was made with Altars & Images; tho' such irreligious Violence was by the Council of Illiberis forbidden to be shown, even the Pagan Idols.  the Sanctuary itself was not safe against their Dispensations, that were extended even to Sacrilege too, and the Altar itself was offered up for a Burnt-Offering to some Orders of the Council-Board.  
The management of Religious matters will ever depend on the Civil Magistrate; and is a saying never the less certain, or more false, for being the sense too of Mr. Hobbs.  
The power that these assumed in Ecclesiasticals, as some think too much (as it was derived to all their successors since) so none of them have exercised it so little as to lose it by disuse: but in all their Dispensations to Foreigners, that came to settle, to their Families when increased, and to several of their native subjects at home, sufficiently manifested, that this Power was in the Crown, that it was often made use of; and that it is very unlikely any Prince will be willing to part with it. Who ever run the Royal Authority in Sacreds' higher than the Church that disputes it now so much; So that the King's power is with them what they please, when it only countenances their Establishment, and just none at all, when it will Favour any Other. I must confess I could never find but that Argument & Law, was ever Relatively Good or Ill, according to the disposition of the Party that was to Gain or Lose by it, and every man will ever be a Knave or a Fool, to those that are not of his Opinion: but yet certainly, there must be somewhat of Intrinsic Equity, and Eternal Reason; however confounded, according to the diversity of Parties, and partiality of the People; and by such an Vnprejudiced Judgement, I dare venture to try, not only the Power of Dispensing, but of the very Repealing of the Laws.  
I would ask these men, whether Queen Elizabeth did not take as great a Liberty in 
* Vid. Heylin's Reformation, & even Burnet's too.  Ecclesisticals for the founding of their Church; greater than they can allow his Majesty, only for the Countenancing of his, when Her Injunctions to the Church, passed as currant with them for an Act of State; as if't had only been her Coinage: and She at the same time, could dispense to read the Latin Service, 
* It was said by Moor in her Reign, and Justified in Parliament; that the Queens Non Obstante was good even against the Non Obstanle, of an Act of Parliament to her Power & Prerogative.  against what Herself, and Parliament had Enacted? And if the Proceed of PRINCES, must be so much exposed to the Censure of the People: we meet with in her Reign, perhaps the highest Instance of unheard of Power, that History affords; or, ever was assumed by any Monarch that Sat on our Throne. And that was her Proceeding against the Queen of Scots, the next Heir to her Crown (tho' some would give Her a better Title) whom, against the Laws of Nature and Nations, the word of a Queen, the promise of a Sister, the faith of a Christian, after she had fled to her for Refuge; after she had flattered her to restore her; after Eighteen Years Imprisonment, made her hold up her Hand to a Bar, and be Beheaded on a Block. It may be the first Example of such a sort of Suffering, that ever was offered to a Crowned Head, whatever are the thoughts of our sublimated 
* Dr. Burnet, & the Author of the Trial, & Examination of the New Test of the Church of England's Loyalty.  Wits, to the contrary in the Cases they put. For Licinius you must first observe, was by their own Confession, but a Colleague with Constantine; and we may tell such Men of Law, that understand Loyalty to be nothing else; that till they prove the Queen of Scots, a Coparcenary with Q Elizabeth, they are impertinent in their Proof: but as Bad Luck would have it, when Wise Men make Ill Arguments. 
* Vid. Sleid. de quatuor sum. Imper. lib. 2. Eutropius, lib. 10. Socrates, lib. 1. cap. 2. & lib. 2. cap. 1.  This Licinius, was Colleague with Maximianus, conquered by Constantine, and killed in a tumultuous Mutiny by the Soldiers. He might so well have told us of Will, Conqueror killed Harold the Dane: And that Authors other Precedent, that he Cites, for a Judicial Proceeding against a Crowned Head, fails him too, as much: tho' he might have told us, which Queen Joan [there being two that Reigned,] and both Bad enough: for that of Q. Joan's of Naples Case, was shortly this: She had Hanged her first Husband for Insufficiency; Killed the second, in trying too much his Ability; Beheaded the third for Incontinency. She was Vanquished by the K. of Hungary, Brother to her First Husband, and Hanged in Revenge of his Death. Here's the Act again of an enraged Enemy, made the same with a friend and Ally, and the Case of the Lewdest Creature, applied 
Vid. his Answer to the New Test.  to the most Pious Lady. Dr. B. himself cannot excuse the Barbarous Proceed that were used against her: and tho'I do not blame all the Bishops of those Times, and This, as some severe Papers have done: yet to be Just to both; most, both of the Clergy and the Laity that lived then, were for sacrificing of her, to what they called Preservation of Religion: and few of those that have followed since, have justified the Proceed. Whatever were the Cause, the Effects I'm sure were Fatal; and I fancy, followed by some of our own Nation since; and that to the spilling of more of the same Blood; and verifying the Prophetic foresight, as well as the seasonable Sarcasm of that unfortunate Princess; that the English were ever wont to Murder their own KINGS: and no wonder then, they would Sacrifice now the Crowned Head of another Kingdom. Thus, Gentlemen, suffered that Pious Princess (and if any) a Blessed Saint; and that upon the Pretence too, of a sort of Penal Law: a Test on purpose to destroy her, and that upon the account of Religion. Buckhurst and Beal both that brought her the dismal Tidings of her Death; intimated to her, that her Life would be the ruin of the Religion received: and indeed 'twas as agreeable to the pretended Interest of the State that Condemned her: for she had no other Crime but their Fears: and if her Endeavours to escape from the Confinement of a Faithless Ally were high Treason, She was then only in a Plot. So fell that Unfortunate Monarch, whose Misfortunes would have melted Marble; and that by the height of the most Arbitrary Power: in a Reign, where we dream of nothing else, but Liberty, Property; and no other Dispensations but of impartial Justice: And can any one think, that his Majesty himself, the direct Issue of the same Princess, whose Religion is the same; is not Wounded too with the sanguinary proceed of her Times, and the severity of those Laws still in force; by which (whatsoever is pretended) many merely for Religion suffered; and those Catholics that were Executed, for what was adjudged High-Treason, found as little Mercy, as the other Justice: being Cut down alive, and Emboweled before their Face; till the Queen was forced to Forbidden such cruel Executions.  
That the Power of the Prerogative has been Arraigned with such Animadversions, as are above Suggested; and that the KING's Dispensations have been remarked upon, as Illegal; and without Precedent: and that by those very men, that made it their Business to advance any absolute Proceeding. He must have kept himself very close, or doubt his Hearing that disbelieves it: but more than that, they have given it under their Hand, and the most modest of their Papers, an Answerer to the Judgement and Doctrine of the Clergy, about the power of Dispensing; does handsomely clear them from the Belief of the Right of the KING's Prerogative in this point; and is loath they should be taken for such Betrayers of the Liberty of the People. Their Crime had not been so great, had their Opinions lain under the Obloquy of such an Imputation; and the Answerer as little obliges his Church, as the Pamphleteer: but as modest as he is, 'tis manifest from it; that the Judgement of their Church is now against it, or else, sure it must be a needless labour, if not impertinent, to take so much pains to vindicate its Members from it: But this I must observe from my acquaintance with all those Authors Quoted; that tho' they have not in express Terms extended the KING's power to Dispense with Penal Laws, they have advanced his Sovereignty to as high a pitch: and when the shoe pinches, we are apt to complain, tho' it be of our own putting on: And those that find, from the Revolutions of Affairs, any unexpected Inconveniencies to flow from their own Arguments, have nothing else to do, but deny the Consequence, and please themselves with a Non Sequitur: but I'll assure you, as modest as this man is in Questioning it, there are as bold Asserters in Print, that affirm with Confidence, with dint of satire, that these Royal Dispensations, are so many Breaches of Oaths, Irregular and Extrajudicial Proceed. The late Letter to a Dissenter, that has raised such a Dust, very slyly Laughs it out of doors; as if it might be Extended to dispense with their Belief of the Church of Rome's Idolatry. A very pretty Jest, to spoil a Latinism, and Play with his Sovereign, that is Sacred, as well as the Religion: but he is in earnest too, and tells them their acceptance of it, has Retained them as Counsel for the Prerogative against Magna Charta; and that Parliaments may Pay them for it. The Trial of the New Test, with Dr. B's Tune; another to the same; are such severe Satyrs on the same Subject; such as the Government never suffered, I am sure in the most seditious Times: so that I do these Gentlemen no Wrong, if we may believe our Ears and our Eyes (and Sense with such, cannot be denied an infallible Judge) when we lay at some of their doors, the designs of animating the People with the Old Din of Arbitrary Power; as the Indians do their Elephants, with a red Cloth, and bloody Colours.  
The other old Outcry that is set afoot, is the popular Clamour about Parliament; and must that too be taken up, by those that made such a Noise to Cry it down? But here, these Gentlemen are more Pettish and Peevish; and harder to be pleased, than ever were the fanatics they for their implacable spirit Condemned: They would have a Parliament, & they would have none: so 'tis impossible to gratify those that contradict themselves: but we'll suppose them, only some clashing contrarieties; and so may be seemingly Reconciled. They would have a Redressing Parliament, and not a Parliament of Addressers: and truly for that they now labour with all Artifice and Zeal, as if they intended to make every County an Associated One; but sure this way of working may put the Nation in a ferment; and we can say with sad Experience, it never yet procured the people's Peace. Wise men will consider, tho' they are satisfied of the goodness of their Cause, never to use bad means to bring it about.  
And I wish we were all so wise, and would do so too; but such is the Seditious industry of some, to Create those dangers truly out of nothing, when there are none to Invade them that are really near: And for this the Country shall be frightened with a Parliament of Courtiers, and the Protestants in General, that it may be made up of roman-catholics, both those the most Panic Fears, and next to impossibilities; the Court never yet afforded us Members enough to make up a full Committee; and there are not Catholics enough of great Estates in England, to serve two in a County: if Improbabilities won't be swallowed, danger itself, like a black Pill must be Gilded, to go down the better, and work with the People; and they must be told of his Majesty's interposition, that a Burgess must be made like a Bishop, with a Congee d'eslire; that he is resolved to have a 
* Vid. Letter, and the Trial of the Test, & Burnet's Papers,  Parliament for his purpose; (and sure, in desires that are reasonable, why should he not?) and such an one certainly is the design of settling a quiet both of Body and Soul, to all his Subjects. We are told from all the late Libels, that like Plague-Bills, or those of the Pox, are put into your hands: that Returns must serve instead of an Election, that the one will never be permitted to be Fair, and the other must sure be Foul. But these foolish insinuations any one may see are on purpose to create Faction and Fears; and tho' his Majesty's desire are as Earnest as they are Reasonable, for relieving the distresses of his Subjects; and the giving ease, and equal privilege to all, yet he aims at no other end than the bringing it about by Law: Interest sure will never lie, and 'tis that obliges those that would have Laws Repealed, that the Authority be Lawful that Repeals them; and it would only afford another Parliament an Argument, to Void and Disannul what ever was Done, were the Constitution of the Body not qualified to do it. But perhaps they may find that by Law too, & that of their own making, his Majesty may meet with good Returns from most Corporations, since they won't question sure the Power of Regulating, which themselves have given & by which many of them too, not long since were glad to be brought into the House of Commons, especially by better Law now, since in all those new Charters, there are express Prouisoes for his Majesty's changing any Part, or altering the Whole. But is this now such a new thing, to have the mind of the Prince set upon compassing, by the interest he has with the People, any point of State, that he judges convenient for the Welfare of Himself and Subjects? Those that think so, are but little acquainted with Books or History, and not to revolve Old things, have forgot transactions that are very New. I need not mind them, that there is hardly an account of any Reign that does not afford us an Instance. But tell them, that they gave us one themselves, and that in the very last: With what Vigour the Succession was Invaded, they can Boast, to their own Honour it seems, and others Shame: and had not his Late Majesty Interposed with his utmost Power, taking the Forfeiture of Franchises, and Regulating Corporations; they can Glory to some people's Reproach, that the Tide had never been Turned; and will these men Tug now against the same Stream they sailed down in so merrily? If their measures were so Fair then, how come the same Practices so Foul now? especially when by precedent and restrictions, made more Warrantable too: for as they did Well to Defend the Right of Succession; so the same Successor, with as many of their fellow Subjects, think that Liberty of Conscience can be as well Defended.  
But I can tell them of greater Liberties, that have been taken by the Kings of England, tho' nothing like it has been here attempted now; and that is, if I mistake not, in this very Point of interposition to Returns and Elections.  
Richard. the 2d. called all the Justices and Sheriffs to Nottingham, says our History, intimating that he was to call a Parliament, and that they should use the matter so, that no Knight or Burgess should be chosen, but such as the King and Council should name; 'tis true, their answer was peremptory, they could not do it: but he that reads the History, will assoon the Reason. The Lords were in Arms, and a Rebellion in the Realm; and tho' this were not Justifyable by Law, it may serve to show what great attempts have long since been made upon Liberty; when it was resolved too in his Reign, That the King could cause the Parliament to proceed upon Articles by him Limited: I think this might have spoiled the Letter-makers' Jest; upon the Elections of Congee d'eslire, when it would have changed his Liberty of Debate too, into a Merit of Obedience: and yet these were the resolutions long since of Judges and Lawyers. But this I know they'll say, was only offered at by an Arbitrary King. I am sure an unfortunate one, and whom his Subjects used as ungratefully. But then we'll turn the Tables, and tell them of a Popular one, whom they Complimented into the Throne, and that is his immediate Successor: in the 6 of Hen. 4. he called a Parliament at Coventry, and some say in his process to the Sheriffs, and Writ of Summons, my Ld. Coke will only allow to be in his Letters, he Commands that no Lawyer shall be returned a Knight or Burgess: And so by his Royal Authority it succeeded too. 'tis true, in the next Year, and the next Parliament they Petitioned for the Liberty of freer Elections, and had it granted them; however, this still proves, that such Royal Interpositions are not altogether new; and that in former Reigns, the Prerogative ran higher in this point.  
So much for the second Section of the same old Clamours raised and revived: and that the Third may be the same too, some Churchmen have taken too much Pains, and I wish I could say, to little purpose. No sooner was the Prince by Providence placed in his Throne, and whom their Sermons of Nonresistance they say solely set upon it; (tho' his fortunate Arms in the West did somewhat secure it too); but some of the very same men managed the matter so; as if 
The Protestant Princes of Germany provided against such reflections on the Emperor's Religion at the Diet at Ratisbone.  they had a mind to Preach him out again, Arbitrary power, Popery, Protestant Religion, was more the Theme of the Pulpit, than before it had been of the fanatics Papers and Pamphlets: and that at the same time that his Majesty had commanded the Priests of his own persuasion to meddle with nothing that was controversial, * and which was as Religiously observed by them too. This was a Great indecency at least, if not a little disobedience, especially when after the King's injunctions had satisfied them; He looked upon it as tending to Sedition. Controversies never yet edified much out of a Pulpit, and it may be well wished there were less of it in the Press. What party was the first aggressor will not so soon be found, tho' that which first desists may be found the Wisest. Arguments may now be better worded, 
* Some say the Protestant Side began first in their Sermons. Vid. Preface to the further defence of the Bishop of Condom.  as all Arts are by length of time improved; but the best of our Virtuos●es in Divinity, have with all their late Experiments hardly made any new Discoveries; and little has been said after they have laboured so much on both sides, but what has been brought on the Stage before. People enter only the List now to show their Courage, and make a Spectacle, and like Gladiaters seem to draw by consent, and assign the Places of their Combat; and sure never was that sacred Science so truly Polemical: whereas after all, the Mysteries of Religion must either be left to God that gave it: to the Church that he has Established, or to every Individual Breast. If to the first, we must leave off all disputes, and leave the Issue to God, and the Last day; if to a Church, then without doubt to a Universal and Catholic one: to which, if we submit to be guided by, we must think it Infallible, whatever it be; for sure 'tis best to trust most our Salvation where there is the least Error; and madness, to swear Absolutely to the truth of a thing that may possibly be false: And if the Bible, and the Books of Scripture as well Interpreted, must be the guide, who shall be Judge of its being done so well? and I cannot see how a National Church, or Established one, that will not pretend to this infallibility, can command with Punishment, Pains, Death and Anathema, to believe as she does interpret, (unless we acknowleged that Church to be always in the right, that has the Power): for if she punishes People for not believing her to Interpret well, it will be hard for her to avoid an impossibility of interpreting amiss, & that will amount almost to somewhat of a Judge that cannot Err: so that unavoidably we fall into the last part of the Dilemma, of letting every one adhere to the Expositions and Principles of that particular Church, which agree best with his Reason, and are most satisfactory to his Soul.  
I confess, these Considerations weighed with me so much, as to think an Established Toleration unavoidable, both from the Circumstances of the State, and the Doctrine of the Church; for as Infallibility is hard to be believed, so sure 'tis more hard to think, a Church can force you to Believe Her, that does not pretend to it: and if an Alliance between that and Liberty, be such a Contradiction; what an Absurdity must Persecution be, from those that will not presume to be Infallible? and that an Absolute or Implicit Subscription to all her Articles, has been always required, I need not prove; since Dissenters 'tis certain have often Offered Conditional Ones; and were not so much as suffered this modest Interposition, of subscribing to her Laws, 
* So Adjudged, 33, 34. of Eliz. & were Rejected on the same Account in the 13, 14. Car. 2.  as far as they were agreeable with those of GOD, and the Land; which I wish, may not lay too much of the Schism at their door; that think it only to be suppressed, with Severities and Executions: but while we muster up these Arguments about Religion, we raise but the Legion of Spirits we would lay; and is only so far, from an Impertinence and Digression, as it terminates to prove the necessity of a Toleration, and the design of the Discourse.  
I do no Injury to them or the Truth, when I tell them thus; That the Din of Protestant Religion, has founded too much of late the alarm from the Pulpits; as if the Watchman had been placed upon the Top of the Tower, and seen the whole Host of the Assyrians, to come up and besiege the 
* A City that was of Old, At unity with itself.  City of Jerusalem; Martyrdom, Persecution, Sufferings have been the Subject of some Sermons, not as Passive Exhortations; but rather to create dreadful Apprehensions, which can't be so well Justified by such as are fond for the retaining the Power of Forcing; and were it not so intended, the Preachers up of such Suggestions, would see themselves impertinent; when they take their Texts from all the miseries of the afflicted, as if they were already in Torment: when they make the Church of England another Smyrna, and tell us of her Tribulation of Ten Days. Certainly this is not a season of talking of Fire and Faggot; as if all Smithfield were in a Blaze; when the tenderness of the most Indulgent Monarch, makes it his care, that there may not be so much as a Fine Inflicted for Religion; when He protests and declares to the contrary; and by Practice, and the very Powers of his Prerogative (they will hardly grant him) has endeavoured to make it good. Not only some Sermons, but several Books assert these suggestions to be sober Truth; and I hope I shall not become any people's Enemy for telling it: who if he were known, no one would imagine it Malice meant. I cannot think a Particular Invective, or satire of a Zealot, aught to be paumed upon a general Assembly or the Church; or the whole Body suffer for any Members Fault, tho' they would do well too, to deal as fairly with the Church of Rome; and not reproach it for maintaining the Deposing Power, and the Destroying of KINGS, when by their own Confession, they find it only among some of their Writers; which by the Sorbone at Paris, were sufficiently Condemned. 'Tis hard to tell a Church, She is of that Opinion which She generally denies; and should another tell a Third what I think; were he in his Wits, he would sooner take my word for it.  
'Tis to be wished she would put in practice, what I know she has often requested from the Church of Rome for its Justification; to Discover and Censure such as are Transgressors in these inflaming Discourses, and by that best of Vindication, disown them. I could recite some Passages to this purpose out of several Prints; but can in kindness forbear them too; since they are in pieces that have been less taken notice of; and shall only touch upon those that are more generally Known. The Notable Letter to a Dissenter; The Trial and Examination of the New Test of the Church of England's Loyalty: which Latter, tho' a Piece discommended by both Parties, for its Zeal and Abuse, aught to have been Answered with less Reflection on the Crown; and the most seditious Papers of Dr. B. All these own themselves under their Hand, Members of that Communion; while they industriously disperse things dangerous to the State, and disagreeing to the Doctrines of that Church they would offer to defend. The whole drift and design of these Discourses, is only to persuade the People, that Popery is solely Concerned; even where the Protestant Religion is so much promised to be Protected. I forbear to repeat Reflections on a Government, that are Libels almost in their very repetition, to shoot back their Arrows, even Bitter Words, should be so done too, that the Plague might be stayed, without spreading the Infection: he is but a bad Doctor, that comes with a Dose in his Pocket, and the Disease in his Face: It would be but little service at this time to the Crown, to reprint a Discourse of Toleration Discussed, for the sake of some Cold animadversions upon it; and so most Officiously Confute with an Imprimatur, what is a Duty to silence, and suppress. Sedition that is set of with such smooth Insinuations, should be dealt with like a Wench, that has used much daubing; who is then best Exposed, when you have pulled off some Petticoats, and washed away her Paint; for the Press, and Printing, depends upon its Management, and is only an undecided and Indifferent Engine and Art; either of pretended Good to the Government, or real Ill  
I come now in the next place to make some Remarks upon another Method that has been taken to hinder the meeting of another Healing Parliament; and that is not only in Discouraging all Addresses to the KING that intimated their inclination towards it; but even the returning so much as Thanks to His MAJESTY, for Repeating of his Promises to protect a Church, that has given him the greatest Power in Ecclesiasticals: and all this ungrateful obstinacy for the sake of Religion too; and as their best Reasons are, 
Vid. Oxford. Reasons. Letter, etc. Dr. B. etc.  lest it should be thought to be Precarious: 'Tis to be Lamented, to see so Learned a Body that was lately so Signalised, (as some said) for a Criminal Obedience, a Passive one: and burned those Authors in Effigy, that could not come up to their most Meritorious Opinions. 'Tis hard to see such, so suddenly changed, as to think it no Crime, the 
* The Case of their Contesting College, tho' Conscience must give it such a modest Complexion, was, in plain terms, the greatest Contumacy to their King; Conscience (if ever a pretence) was truly made so here, for not to mention his Majesty's Dispensation, and their own Dispensing with some of their Coll. Statut. or their Societies having submitted to the same Case, and so confessed it in former Reigns, 'tis known to both the Vniversitys, that where the Stat. of their Coll. obliges them to Elect their Fellows only from such a County. that themselves have put Persons of another to move for a Mandamus, and brought them in too, with a Non Obstante to their Statutes and their Oaths. But besides, neither of those are Concerned, for the Mandate of their King is an absolute command to Admit; and their obligation to their Oaths, is only in those Points, where they are left to Elect. In short, their Combining to be stubborn, was but a Confederacy against the Power of their Prince, whose Proceed will Abound with Justice, when their Punishment may Want Pity.  Disobeying of their Bishop, and Opposing their KING. 'Tis strange, that such Men must be so sparing of their Thanks now to their PRINCE, that once thought they could never return enough (when even for a common Kindness, we usually say among ourselves, Thank ye Twice); and to say that for the same assurance, they had Addressed long since, when He came to the Throne; was but little better, than telling His Majesty, He might have spared his Compliment, and this Condescension to his Subjects, was a sort of Supererrogation. I could never imagine what was the meaning of such Irreverent Reservedness in so many Members of a Church, that was once so Forward, as to fall under some People's Lash for Officious: but some Persons now, upon the pretence of their Integrity, are tickled with the Vanity of being Famed for stout, and standing to their Principles; and Men of such a temper, from the Fame that they affect, must endeavour to be surly and morose; but this is still, but a desperate sort of Imprudence, if we consider the Case that Occasions this Discourse, no Wise Man will be stiff and sturdy to those that can humble him; and when the Insolency of the Provocation may procure more Mischiefs, than any by all his Bravery he can defy.  
To tell us that a 
* Trial of the New Test. Page 6.  Legal Establishment will force a Legal Protection; and that the King has sworn to defend the Church, as bold upbraid as they be to the Crown, are but bad Encouragement to continue their KING's Kindness, and as Lame excuses for their Ingratitude; for sure the Countenance of a Prince would be somewhat of a preservative too, and not endanger their Security from the Law: whatever Oath he took to Protect their Religion, he did not Swear too to put out his Declaration of Assurance also; and tho' he be obliged to Govern by Law, I don't know what Law oblidges him to tell them so often that He Will; In this sure his Majesty has done More than he was bound to do; and then, those that are deficient in their dutiful Return, can never have done so much: no Silly Sophistry, no Foolish Fear will wipe away the Scandal of such a reasonable reproach; and it will sound a little harsh, (tho' the danger were such indeed) when some of Her Enemies shall observe, that for keeping out some Popish Secluded Members, the Loyal Church of England, is now the Non-addressers. But to do Her Justice too, some of her Bishops upon more serious Consultations, did atone for a more General defect, and Obliged their Communion by a Prudential Act, that fain would have been so improvidently Wise as to Disoblige herself.  
I could superadd here, that other silly Suggestion of the Restitution of Abby-Lands; were not the Panic Fear of it Superseded by a Learned Treatise, and the Confirmation of them from the Pope, even in the time of Queen Mary; the common Interest of Papists too Oppose it, and that his Majesty might as well set up a Court of Wards and Liveries; and so make All Lands lie at his Mercy: and that He himself has Assured them Expressly to the Scots in his Proclamation.   

SECT. VI The Means that may be used to Prevent the Malice and Insinuation of Such as would Obstruct It.  
AND now at length, we are arrived to put a Period to these Points; and having considered the Methods that have been used to Hinder this Healing Parliament, we are come to the Sixth and last Section, to Consider the Sixth Point; The means how to Prevent the Designs and Insinuations of such as would Obstruct It.  
And for that, reflect but a little on these following Considerations: if they have but little Weight with them, you are not burdened much; if they have not a little, 'tis your Interest to bear with them.  
Consider, That notwithstanding the specious pretences, of some spiteful and malicious men, these dreadful apprehensions that are put into your heads, may be none at all; at least not such as they are represented; that the Authors of them may be men that oppose his Majesties Gracious intention, more out of malice to him, than kindness to themselves, and their Church: I speak to Churchmen (for Dissenters can't be supposed dissatisfied with that mercy that makes them happy beyond their expectation) but they are Members, I believe of this Established Church (for all the many Letters to the other Congregations) that from the present Constitution of our Government, I fancy must for the most part be concerned, that can best Second the Clemency of their KING, and confirm to them an established Toleration by a Law, and such an one as will repeal All those by which they have a long time so unreasonably suffered.  

I. 'Tis Reasonable to be done.  
II. 'Tis Fittest for them to do it.  
III. 'Tis Their Interest so to do.   
And first, let them tell me, their best pretenders to Reason; whether the suffering for Conscience sake, can without the greatest reluctance of Conscience itself, be defended; or whether its advocates are not touched with an inward aversion, at the same time they writ for it, especially, should they reflect, it may be their turn to suffer? whether a body ought to suffer for the sentiments and suggestion of the Soul that informs it, when it consists only in the Worshipping of the same God, in which all Christian Churches agree? sure these men are not so fond of the Fire and Faggot they so much fear, as to Justify for it the persecution of the Primitive Christians, and make their Martyrdoms but so many Judicial Processes for their Nonconformity, when of the old Heathen Emperors, few were of Opinion in this Point, to Punish people into Compliance: the Christian Religion, I think, is now so well settled, and the Seed of the Church, so well sown, that there is no great need of the Sanguis Martyrum to water it; neither is the representation of it in this manner so improper, or the comparison so absurd; for though there may be a better Warranty to force people of the same Faith in Christ, to the worshipping their God in an Established Way, than the Pagans could pretend to, for the forcing us to be Infidels; yet this would justify them still, who thought their Irreligion and Idolatry the best of Devotion, and had the Decrees of their Emperors to Authorize it; which were with them the Statutes and Laws of the Land: and I am sorry that I can add, that such severities amongst ourselves, seem much worse, when we agree in one common Faith, in one Creed, in one Christ jesus: neither is the comparison of the Punishment, and sort of Suffering so absurd; for though we do not exercise, by our Laws, the Long Sheet in Fox's Martyrology, and are left, as we see the Heathens were there, to study Torment; tho' the Flames that he has made to rage so strongly through his vast Volumms, are happily quenched, all Burn forbidden, and Religion no more to suffer with a Writ d'ye Haeretico: it will be as little credit to it still; that 'tis now, no Fire and Faggot that can force a Conscience, but only an Hangman and an Halter. 'Tis true, that whatever has been the severity of the Laws, such cruelties have seldom been put in Execution; but to say, they never were, is as certainly false: Several in Queen Eliz. Reign, suffered merely for professing of their Faith, and myself remember three that died for it, and that only for being Priests, in the late Perjurious time of Arbitrary Oaths, and packed Evidence; besides, another that was condemned and banished; whom I have met with since in his Exile. But whatever be the Mercy of the King, the Cruelty of the Laws can never be the more defended, and they are never the more Merciful because of the Clemency of the Prince that remits them. In the mean time, such bloody sanctions are certainly blots to that Religion that keeps them upon Record; and if we commend those that are for retaining them, we must at the same time blame those that but so lately repealed the Writ de Comburendo.  
So much for the Reason of them, and but this little for Fact; they cannot tell us of any Country that is Protestant, nor of any Catholic, but where the Inquisition is Established, where it is made Capital to profess a particular Faith, even in France (whose Cruelty is decried so much) tho' the fugitives are driven to the Galleys, they are not gone so far yet, as for professing, to make it Death. How quietly do those peaceable Country's Flourish, where at this time for Conscience there is no Oppression at all? The celebrated Dr. ought to have Magnified that too, as well as the Misery of those places where any Persecution reigns. The Protestant and Popish Churches, I've seen stand very Quietly together in most of the 
* Mastrich, Breda, etc.  frontier Towns of Holland; and in the Dominions of several PRINCES of Germany; and the Magistracy by 
* Heidelberg, Ausburg and Duseldorp. By the Treaty at Munster & Osnabrugh.  turns Executed by the two different Persuasions, without any Laws for Hanging or Burning one another; and 'tis sure, no Bad Precedent, if we only take Example by our Protestant Neighbours.  
But as some of our Laws are sanguinary for Matters of mere Religion: so there are others that are less severe, tho' as inconsistent with the Charity of a Church, or the Quiet of a State; such as Fines, Confiscations and Imprisonments; and what Inconveniences they have brought upon the Nation in general, as well as the poor Sufferers in particular, we have touched upon before, and now as needless to relate. The Discovery of those vast Sums of which the KING is defrauded, may hereafter make appear what was Extorted from the Subject, to the Enriching of some Knaves, and the Ruin of more Honest Families.  
But the pressing the Reasonableness of it so much, seems almost unnecessary, when the most invisible Commissioner from the Church that is so Concerned, comes up so far, as to countenance with his Celebrated Reasonings the unreasonableness of these severe Sanctions; by seeming so willing to Suspend them for the sake of some Dissenters, & not others: & shall this be taken for Reason too? sure the Universities will teach him better Logic. I know the Aphorisms of their Schools in some Sense say; That of Contraries there is the same Reason; but sure they won't make it out in Contradictories too. Is then Toleration? is the Repealing of the Laws Reasonable, for the sake of some Dissenters, and not others? I don't know what they fear of Arbitrary Power, I am sure this is Arbitrary Reasoning; and but little better than none at all. The Letter might have been a little more Contracted; to say much in a little, and all the solidity of his mighty Argument made up into one syllogism (i. e.) It is but Just that all the Penal Laws for Religion, should be Repealed; but that all Penal Laws for Religion, should be Repealed, is not Just; Ergô, The Laws against the Roman Catholics, etc. If there be any Contradiction in the Terms and Premises; who can help it? for certainly suffering for Religion, must be the same to All, whatever are the Professors of it; and if we once grant it unreasonable to some, then presently to all unprejudiced Reason, untainted with Interest and Art, it must conclude universally, and extend to All; and I know these Barbarcus Logicians know so too, and include in it both Turk and Jew, and any thing that's Pagan, unless it be Mr. Jonson's the 
* Vid. His Popery & Paganism.  Papist.  
Are then the Roman Catholics no Dissenters? or are they Dissenters with you worse than Infidels? for it seems, for the Christian Protestant. Dissenters, the Circumcised Dissenters, the Mahometan Dissenters, and the Pagan Dissenters; these Persecuting Laws are too Cruel and Severe. May 
* By 1 Eliz. 3 Jac. 25 Car. 2d. & 30. They are denied Office. they are debarred from Sitting in Parliament, to which they are Born.  Birthright, 
* By 35 Eliz. 3 Jac. They are forbid the Court & Company, Towns & City.  Humanity 
* By 31. Eliz. 13 Jac. 3. Car. 1. Their Assurances, Wills. Legacies, Trusts Voided, Goods confiscated, Estates forfeited.  and Property, be concerned in the Case, and made Motives to the removing of what is 
* By 1 Eliz. 3 Jac. 25 Car. 2d. & 30. They are denied Office. they are debarred from Sitting in Parliament, to which they are Born.  Injurious, 
* By 35 Eliz. 3 Jac. They are forbid the Court & Company, Towns & City.  Scandalous, or 
* By 31. Eliz. 13 Jac. 3. Car. 1. Their Assurances, Wills. Legacies, Trusts Voided, Goods confiscated, Estates forfeited.  Prejudicial to them; and cannot Roman Catholics come in for a share by 
* By 1 Eliz. 3 Jac. 25 Car. 2d. & 30. They are denied Office. they are debarred from Sitting in Parliament, to which they are Born.  Birth, by 
* By 35 Eliz. 3 Jac. They are forbid the Court & Company, Towns & City.  Nature, or 
* By 31. Eliz. 13 Jac. 3. Car. 1. Their Assurances, Wills. Legacies, Trusts Voided, Goods confiscated, Estates forfeited.  common Equity; or are Papists not Born to the 
* By 1 Eliz. 3 Jac. 25 Car. 2d. & 30. They are denied Office. they are debarred from Sitting in Parliament, to which they are Born.  Privileges of Society; are they all 
* By 35 Eliz. 3 Jac. They are forbid the Court & Company, Towns & City.  Beasts, or all 
* By 31. Eliz. 13 Jac. 3. Car. 1. Their Assurances, Wills. Legacies, Trusts Voided, Goods confiscated, Estates forfeited.  Beggars? (and truly if we may trust some descriptions, not long since applauded, they have set them out but little better. Sure this is not the way for continuing the Fame of that Church, for being always on the 
* Vid. Trial of the New Test. page 1.  Charitable side toward Papists; this will instead of having her Charity mistaken, show that she mistakes her Charity. It would be a more Charitable Act for this Church, by way of an expedient, to get one Statute to pass for making the Papists Perfect Outlaws (i. e.) as my Ld. Coke expounds it, to be hunted like Wolveses, then to keep  in Force, for their Confusion, Death and Destruction. How can it be answered either to God or Man, when by so public an Act as a National Repeal, you declare, that to make men suffer for Religion is Barbarous and Inhuman, and at the same time you leave upon Record the severest of those sufferings in their fullest force; this is filing up such a lasting reproach to yourselves, that you would seem to take care, lest time should take it off, and the Infamy fail to be transmitted to posterity.  
But as by Nature and Charity they must come in for a Common Share, so I see no reason of State, no Civil Concern that Obliges you to keep them out; 'tis but a bad argument of the Clergy (as often as 'tis used) when from the Pope's Supremacy, they make all Papists such mortal Enemies to all Monarches; they might as well prove that by their own swearing to obey their Metropolitan, they part with their Allegiance to the King of England, and so set Lambeth too against Whitehall: 'Tis professed by them All, they acknowledge no other Power of the Pope but in Spirituals; and Protestants will tell them that they do, whatever they do or say to the contrary; nay, tho' some have disallowed even that, and will no practice to the contrary please them? does not the King of Spain, the most Catholic King alive, live as free from Rebellions (I am ashamed to say more) then the King of England? is not the King of France as absolute as our own at Home, & as ready to quarrel with Rome upon the least diminution of his Right? and to come homer to our selves, have not our own Laws justled out this Jealousy with the Pope's Pretensions, in several 
† Vid. Stat. of Carlisle of Prouisoes, etc.  Statutes, under our Catholic Kings.  
But besides their Principles (as to their particular Practice and Behaviour) have they not given England Proof enough, they can live in it like good Subjects; and if we put the Test of their Loyalty, against That made to prevent Dangers from Popish Recusants, I am afraid it will spoil all the Preamble. Gentlemen, Matter of Fact confirms it; and 'tis in vain to dispute: They Fought with You for CHARLES the FIRST, in the Field; and They alone Preserved the SECOND in the Royal Oak; forsook their Fortune at Home, and followed Him in his Exile Abroad. The Best of Protestants could do no more; tho' some might far better that did not so much: and their being among the Rebels, is but a Libel of 
* This their Celebrated Dr. has made K. James 1. to curse his Posterity: K. Charles 1. to betray his Friends, Char. 2d. to deceive his People, James 2d. to Oppress his Subjects: as if He had laboured to lie under the Glorious Infamy of Libelling four Kings in one piece of Paper; as if his Quarrel were too meanly commenced, if it did not terminate in the lasting Reproach of our whole Scottish Line; and he had better Authority to do it, because himself a Scot; and his Sovereign Lords were all at last to Suffer, because his Master by him was at first Betrayed. Vid. Paper, page 12, 36, 23. 1.  Burnet's, both on the 
† How can this Established Church, if it has any Veneration to the Dust of their Late Protestant Prince Deceased? applaud, approve of the Writings of such an Injurious Impostor, that would have his Name Buried too; and that tells them, The greatest Kindness that can he done to His Memory, is to Forget Him. page 23.  KING's Declaration, and them: which is sufficiently Baffled by the well-known Story of Coll. Ashton; who, when refused by his KING, was Courted into Commission by the Parliament; which, assoon as Received, he Laid himself and That at His Majesty's Feet. This is as certain, as that some Protestant Subjects were in Rebellion; which, if such a thing must Reflect on a Church, I am afraid that will very much suffer: and to say the National and Established Church did disown all such Proceed, will not much mend the Matter, when so many of her Members were so mainly concerned; for tho' the Sectaries at last prevailed, for the subverting of the State; the Commons of Forty-One that Commenced the Quarrel were generally Churchmen; and 'tis not impossible for such to be Zealous, and Discontented too; neither is the Communion bound to answer for the faults of those members she Condemns; the Lord Lieutenants that this Parliament chose, were for the most part Conforming men, and Essex's Army had many such Officers too; some can tell us this for a truth, that lived then, and their Catalogue for the Militia makes it no . 'Tis too much to remember, and too soon to forget, that most of the Excluding Members were of that Communion, as well as all the most Eminent Conspirators in the last Plot and Rebellion; and even her Passive Obedience was Burlesque by one that publicly professed himself her son: I speak it not for a disparagement to the Church, that was then beyond dispute, both in Principal and Practise faithful to the Crown; but to satisfy such men, that it is both imprudent and irrational for them to fling out such arguments as will fly in their face; and as unjust to censure a whole Persuasion, only for the fault of some of its Professors: for King-killing and deposing, to condemn a Catholic Communion; and from the writings of a Jesuit to upbraid the Church of Rome, and that in Terms too bitter for a Prayer; to make their Religion to be Rebellion, and their Faith Faction.  
And so much for the Reason of a Legal Toleration, and General Comprehension. Now to show too, that the Members of the Church Established, aught to be willing to get it Done: And that 2d. It is fittest for Them to do it.  
And first, they must remember, that by themselves these Laws were made; and as a learned Lawyer lets us know, that he is the best Judge of a Law that has the Power to make it; so we may say, those that make it, when it happens to become unreasonable, are the Fittest to get it Repealed: if the Prelates are become less riged, if the Spirit of Persecution is turned into a Spirit of Peace, if they make no matter of Conscience to give Indulgence, what greater proof can they give of all this, then by their own voluntary Cancelling those severe Laws, which themselves must own, for some considerations of State were only made? This would be a much better evidence of their more merciful disposition than all the Promises of T. W. It will be no such scandal, tho' it be true, when all that can be said, is, You were overseen: Length of time, and revolution of affairs, tell People at last their long errors, though commonly too late, and then for the most part make men wise, when they cannot make amends for their folly. But Fortune seems to favour you now, and puts it in your Power, to mend all that was amiss; she seems to Court your Inclinations, and tempt you, to Credit yourselves, Gratify your KING, and Pleasure all.  
In the next Place, I hope it will be as plain, That 3d, It is their Interest so to do.  
First, because 'tis they themselves that have asserted the King's Power in Eclesiasticals to be such; that it may be much to their detriment to Provoke such a Prince, whom they by Law have made so Powerful; neither is it such a Childish reason, that it must be dallied with, or laughed out of doors, as an Author does it, with 
* Vid. Trial of the New Test. page 6.  a Legal Establishment (even whilst it remains so) legally subverted. It may be done Sir, without such a deal of Contradiction, when People make Laws that Contradict themselves: if Popish Recusants are so dangerous, that they must not be Tolerated in England by a Law, and we have such Laws, that set the King as Supreme, to do whatsoever the Pope could have done; Papists may well expect to be Protected from such a Catholic King, and perhaps Protestants own to His Promises most of their Security: the Review of their first-Fruits, to the full Value, as little as it terrified the bright Spirits of Oxford, may Perchance be found the smallest part of the Prerogative; and though such a Canon could not Frighten them so far as to comply with their Diocesan (if matters are to be managed merely by the Laws that are made) I fear there may be some found that empower the Prince to deprive them of a Bishop.  
Secondly, they will do wondrous well, I will not say wiser, if they do it themselves, if only for fear lest others should do it for them: I much doubt, if Dissenters should once come to be the Prevailing part in a Parliament, whether they would make so good terms for this Established Church, as she might do (if she pleased) for herself. The King has given her very good words for it, and I wish she may not forgo the Benefit of them; He has promised to Protect, and doubtless will not deny her any reasonable means for her Preservation: if he has a mind to do her Good, how can she be angry, if he'll only keep her from doing ill? the persecutors of Daniel could find no Occasion against him, but in the Case of his God; but yet we saw the King laboured to deliver him. 'Tis not to be doubted, if she comply with his Majesty's request, he will refuse Hers; and why may she not be as safe with an Act of Jac. 2d. for Establishing her the National Religion, though she part with the 13 Eliz. for hanging up all that differ from her? It will never be the worse Church, because it cannot do more ill. And the Notion that some sort of people have got in their Noddles, of the Necessity of such Laws in a Church, for the Support of what is the Religion of the State, is false both in Reason and Fact; for certainly, that may be supported without surpressing all other Opinions; and there is no need that a Jesuit must be Gibbeted, and other Dissenters Banished, and Hanged too if they return, and that Sanoumary Laws must be subservient to an Act of Uniformity: 'tis no more, then if a man should tell you; Look you Sir, most People are of our mind, and we can get a Patent to make you think so too; and if you want believe what you cant believe, or believe all that we can believe, you must even suffer what comes on't, be it Fine, Imprisonment, Banishment, or Death; why, a moral Heathen would be divided in his passions at the nonsense of such severity; and Democritus himself in a doubt, whether he should laugh or cry; and such partial Christians must Blush too when they blame the Proceed of the most Christian King; and whom they make for it too in their famed Antiphrasis even Antichrist himself. But one would think that doubt should be out of doors, of a Church Established by Law not to be able to subsist, without it reserve a Power by Law, to punish all others: when the Present practice of so many Foreign States, proves the Consistency, and we have the promise and experiment of two KING'S Reigns, that it shall, and can be so in ours at home.  
'Tis to no purpose, to Tattle us out of the Integrity of a good Action, with the tale of a Tub, or fool away a prudential Act, with an Aesop's Fable, 
* Vid. Trial of the New Test, etc. p. 5.  To tell us of the Conditions of Peace, that were made upon the surrendering of the Dogs, and that the Sheep, afterward, were worried by the Wolves: Setting aside the malice of the Application, it is most foolish, and impertinent, when the contrary is more true, and these sanguinary Laws are to be laid aside, and that only for their sucking of blood; and sure 'tis not the first time too, we have known Dogs to worry Sheep.  
And Lastly, Common gratitude to so good a King should Persuade this Church to Comply with his reasonable requests: has he discountenanced any of them, but such as have incurred it by this Obstinacy, perhaps more imprudent, than safe? And had the Parliament dissolved, but a little condescended, I fancy there would not have been so much work cut out for this: Has not the King, whose Royal dispensations qualify all, preferred them Equally, both in Court and Camp, making every man's merit his promotion, without examining of his Faith? Has there a single man been preferred to any Benefice or Cure, but such as have been qualified by Law, though some perhaps have been dispensed with to keep them, that for altering their Religion, they might not starve.  

* In Edw. the Sixths' Reign, even from the confession of Doctor Burnet, most of the Bishops, only for being true to their old persuasions, were troubled, were turned out Illegally, were imprisoned several years; till Queen Ave-maries Reign. Vid. the continuance of his Reflection on Mr. Varilas. pag. 63. And sure our present Bishop of London's Case was never yet so hard, though so highly resented.  Where is this mighty progress for the introducing of Popery? The KING now is going into his fourth year, and the Church stands still it as was four years agone; and the Mighty Din, of the measures and faggot of Queen Mary, is as much to the Purpose, as if they told us of the fire Ordeal of Queen Emm: She removed all the Bishops in no more than one year; and I think Queen Eliz. did it all in one Month: and here, since Appropriating of Loyalty is so much in fashion, we cannot but say this for the Papist too, (whose Fidelity to the Crown is too much questioned:) this Protestant Queen was by their own Confession, and as it plainly appears from our own Annals, advanced to the Throne, by a Popish Parliament, then sitting; and no one can tell, had they been sitting at KING Charles the Seconds Death, of what temper they would have been, the Legitimacy of Queen Eliz. was then in dispute amongst all Catholics; the Succession of his present Majesty was indisputable by his blood, and yet Heath the Popish Metropolitan and then Lord Chancellor, without any discontent, says their own 
* Vid. Heylins' Reformation. Page 101.  Historian, declares her Title to the Crown, to both Houses of Parliament, and so was she received without the least opposition, which certainly does savour somewhat of an Unquestionable Loyalty: And if that want serve, the same Author says more, That many in the House of Commons that had a great zeal for their Popish interest, yet Preferred their Allegiance 
page 107.  to their Natural Prince, before their concernments for the Church of Rome. And this is sure more Loyalty than was shown by the Protestant Reformers to her Predecessor, against whom they set an Usurper in the Throne, contrived a Will, and raised an Army; though so much must be said for the Suffolk-Gospellers of the Country, that they were better Subjects, than the mighty Liturgy men at Court, and assisted Queen Mary with Men and Arms, when the other kept from her the Capital and the Crown.  
Queen Eliz. held more Bishoprics in her hand for many years, many more, than this KING since his coming to the Crown has disposed of: their Churches, their Chapels are all at their own Devotion, and that within his Royal Palaces, and his own Walls. Upon Application of these very People, has he confirmed to them several Freedoms and Immunities, where he might have interposed with his Power, and Prerogative: These undistinguished favours to all alike, one would think should oblige some persons not to deny that Peace to their Sovereign, which he labours to give to all his Subjects; A Peace of Mind, A Peace in the midst of Arms; but such only as are employed for their defence, the credit of their Nation, and the Terror of their neighbours; though even that must be made their 
* Dr. Burnet's Papers.  Grievance too, which by the Goodness, and Grandeur of their Prince, is their greatest glory.  
But there are many things besides to be considered; consider but the reason of Enacting these Laws, especially against Popish Recusants, upon whom they are most severe, and that they are now become the most unreasonable; because the very occasions that called for them, and to some people seemed to make them necessary, are now just none at all: the Preambles to those very Statutes seem but so many Contradictions to the body of the Law. It would be hard for a Judge or Justice to tell the King of his dangers from Popish Recusants, when he's sure he can put his greatest faith, and confidence in them, and has so often tried them in dangers too: but it seems they and the Statutes being the better Judges of it, are not bound to believe the KING, but to Prosecute his friends for High Treason, whom trusting and trying, he finds to be guilty of no Treason at all. And had not our Protestant officers of the 
* What can even the Church suffer, from the Repeal, that it is not exposed to from the King's dispensation? And the malice of their Dr. Burnet makes them the same. Reflections on Declaration.  Peace better repeal those Laws, that are become but a dead letter, thenly under a seeming sort of Perjury, for not putting them in Execution?  
Consider, if in the time of the late KING, by some Antecedent 
† Vid. Q. Eliz. K. I. K. Ch. before Cited.  Law, all the Conformists had been banished the Court, or from Access to the King's Person, if they had been made Malefactors, Felons, and Traitors, of whose Loyalty he had so much proof in their adhering to the Crown, would not his Majesty have been bound to get them repeated, and themselves have thought it the most reasonable thing in the world, that the Roman Catholics in England have for a long time lain under severity not only of Opinion, and Censure, but Punishment and the Law? even Protestants may allow, without falling from their Faith, or favouring their Religion: for such a modest confession in their favour, is no Vindication of the Doctrine of their Church; and their Case to be considered here, respects only their affairs in relation to the State; and the matters being merely Political, must be determined by the Maxims of our Statesmen, and so no Subject to be decided by the Schoolmen and Divines: And since those Persons suffer from the Constitution of Pastimes, partial to themselves, since Papists that were once denied access to the person of their KING, are now the Support of his Crown and Dignity, since such put in but for a freedom from Penalty, and an Immunity only from their being punished as Malefactors, it would be as great a want of honesty, to call them Knaves for it, as it is of Wit, to think them fools.  
But the Absurdity of such unreasonable Laws is somewhat more Considerable, when they seem not a little to touch, what is expressly forbidden, The Lords Anointed: Let them tell me, where there is another such absurd inconsistency of State, where the Statutes and Laws serve only to pollute their very Fountain, the KING; and make a Criminal of the Prince to that very Government in which he Presides, where the Worship of his GOD must be said to be an Offering to Idols, and his Conversion to a Faith, High Treason against himself.  
And then again, since Papists, as 'tis now apparent, have proved themselves No such Criminals to the State, No such Pests of Society, as they have been represented; since they have Suffered the Severities of the Nations justice, and sealed their Innocency in their sufferings and Blood; since they were sacrificed to the Perjury of Recorded Villains, and for a Conspiracy that can now only be Believed by Fools upon Record; 'tis time sure, after this justice of the Nation has been satisfied so much, even to the 
* vid. Oat's Trial.  Arraigning of itself, to let them find a little Mercy too; and the more (one would think) for their Misfortunes.  
Consider who they are that Furnish you with such distrustful Apprehensions of the Promises of your PRINCE; and would frighten you into Dangers and Despair: One of them a discontented Malcontent, an Exile out of your Country; a Criminal by Process in his Own; and whose 
* Tho'by the Dr's. leave, the Lawyers say, Abjuration will not Transfer it; vid. Cok. 7. Rept. p. 9 Dyer, sol. 300.  Allegiance, if we believe him, is tranferred to another abroad; and shall the severest Satyrs, that Sedition can afford, or Rage and Malice invent, pass with us for pure Politics and Impartial Truth? There are 
‖ Vid. Dr. B is Papers, Letter & Trial of the Test.  Others we have touched upon, that are no less Notorious and Applauded, whose best of Praise, is in not being Known, that affect us like Vipers with their sting, while at the same time, they can hid their Heads.  
Never Credit those, that endeavour to Discredit their KING; for such as will take that Liberty, forfeit their Honesty, and by the very Fact, are not to be believed: Pray, what Attempt has he made, to make the National Religion the Roman Catholic? Which perhaps, were it designed, is as little feasible: that will always preserve itself the National Religion which is most generally Received; and until they can prove to us, That the Revealing the Laws, will make more Papists in England than Protestants; they may make many Words, but no Arguments. Has it not all the appearance in the world, that it is the Principle of His MAJESTY's Soul, and not any Designs of State, that makes Him desire to have all the Souls of His Subjects at ease too; to secure, and relieve the Oppressed; and let the Prisoner go free: if not, pray, what then Obliged Him to that tender Compassion to the French-Protestants? They are as much Heretics to the Church of Rome; and cannot pretend to a greater share of Friendship, from the Agreeableness of their Doctrine or Faith: They could not Plead Privileges, Immunities, and Magna Charta; and tell the KING He was bound by His Coronation Oath to Protect them; yet'tis well known what Encouragement He has given Them: He has made use of His Prerogative for Their Preservation, and even Dispensed with Law, for the getting of their Livelihood, and exercising of their Trades; made use of His Proclamations to Command our Charity; and repeated them often to press the Performance. These are Great Truths, and no little Arguments to silence some men's seditious Insinuations; and the Celebrated Dr. would have been a better Subject, and Historian too, had he applied the Faith of the Prince Palatin! he so much Commends, to the constancy and goodness of his Own at home; and not set off his adhering to their Laws, only to represent the Breach of Ours here: besides, he might have been so Candid to observe, that the Peaceable and Flourishing Condition of those Germane Countries, is chief owing to that free Exercise that is permitted of Religion: the Roman and Lutheran Churches being both sumptuously Built in some Places, and as publicly frequented; nay, in one and the same Church we have known them successively celebrate the Mass, and the Protestant Service, and the Magistracy took its Turn in Civil Administration, after the same manner as the others did in Ecclesiastical: The Dr. would have done well to observe, that in these Dominions, there was no Forcing of Conscience, nor any Penal Laws for it in Force; even where the Roman Bishops Preside as Sovereign Princes; there is no such Persecution, as in the Electorates of Cologn and Mentz: but the painful Gentleman must be pardoned for his Elaborate Observations to abuse his Prince, when he has dealt as boldly with the Trinity; and from the most Ancient of the Manuscripts, made room for the Doctrine of the 
* Vid his Letter.  Arians: If he can serve the Protestant Religion no better abroad, than by Betraying the Christian, he had better Dispensed with his Travels, and stayed at Home. His frequent Reflections on the late Chief Minister of His Majesty's Justice, and now the chiefest in the State too; as they cannot detract from the mighty Merit of that Loyal Peer, so they serve only to make up the Measure of the Drs. Malice: his Zeal to the Service of the Crown can never be made Criminal by the Pen of a Zealot that invades it, and he cannot but Libel the KING's most Faithful Friends, that so willingly would Abjure his own Faith and Allegiance.  
All Injury is superseded by such Calumny, even to the contradicting of the most common Aphorism, and nothing of it will stick, tho' laid on in abundance: Consider, that such men's Suggestions are Malicious, and must not, cannot be Believed: Consider, that some may make a cry for their Diana; tho' no one be going to intercept their Trade, or take away her Shrines: In such cases, those that have no concerns of Employment in the Church, are the best Judges, whither She be really injured; for partial People, and Persons concerned, are apt to Anticipate Dangers, tho' they are not so much as in the Clouds, or Hanging over their Heads; and those that are but standers by, are the best Judges of the Fair Play: The Jealousies of such Men is a debasing of their Function that is Sacred; when like Mechanics in a Trade, they are afraid of Interlopers, and will give occasion to say, that this earnest Contending seems more for their Temporal Possessions, than for the Faith that was once delivered to the Saints.  
If our Laws were truly like the Medes and Persians, that they Altered not, and which was insisted on to a Persian Prince upon the like occasion, for Darius his condemning of Daniel for the Worship of his God; then I confess the least design of Altering such Laws, would make the very intention of it Criminal. But when our Law itself tells us, That any Subsequent Parliament, can Null all the Acts of the Preceding, When it has been done almost every Session, and is absolutely necessary for the Constitution of a State; it must not be put upon with Falsehoods and Paradoxes. And to say, that if the Penal Laws are Repealed, Popery will then be Established by Law, will be False, both from Inference and Fact; for sure that is not presently an Established Church that is just let lose from the Prison and the Jail; and there will several Statutes remain in Force, For maintaining of her Tyths, Dignities and Revenues, For making none capable, but such as shall be exactly Conformable: For preserving the Present, a National One, unless she be No Church, when she has No Power to Punish.  
Don't be deceived with the shadow; that all things shall be granted to your hearts ease under the Next Successor; this (were it not a foolish sort of argument) would help me to Cap their Fable of the Dogs, with another to the same; but this is certainly Folding your Arms, a pensive hoping in the Shade, when you can run out and play in the Sun; and will ever its Beams be the less refreshing, because it will rise again the next day; and you are not sure but it may be in a Cloud: but then, these Men that draw such a wise Scheam of future Politics, can they foresee the Breasts of Princes, that they thus Promise for them, and when their Hearts are said to be only in the hands of God? Who knows but the Royal Heir, out of a Sense of Filial Duty, and Pious Gratitude to the memory of its Parent, will protect All those that have Faithfully served him, of any Persuasion whatsoever, especially when so nearly allied to the very Bosom of a Prince, whose way of Worship neither is the same with the National here, and in whose Countries All Religions have been ever alike Tolerated. But besides, with submission to their most Judiciary Calculations, I look upon it as a little sort of undecent forecast, to be Always Erecting such Schemes for the Next Heir, both in Discourse, and Writing, as seem almost to calculate the Nativity of the Present, and as if they would comfort themselves, that his Reign want be long; Arguments are made, Conclusions are drawn, and even Projects framed, with the Premises Still, If the King die. 
* Regno H. 7.  Stanley lost his Head by a less severe construction of Treason Ex hypothesi; And such insinuations seem to savour of the Prayers made by some Zealots in the 1st. of 
* Vid. also Collins Case in Rolls Report, Jac. 1. of words spoken on suppositions, vid. 1 Mar.  Queen Mary, that her Days might be Shortened, or her Heart Turned; but for all the Condition annexed, it was made Absolutely Treasonable. I would not have some men play the Gadbury too much, and limit the Life of a Monarch, by the calculating of his Age; the Prayers of Good men may prolong it, and those of the Bad will never cut it short.  
Future Contingencies cannot be foreseen, but by that Providence alone that had its being from All Ages, that has a Continued view of Time, and all Eternity by Intuition, and in whose Hands alone are these Prince's Hearts. Human Judgement was always fallible, and very apt to make false conjectures; some People could not think His Majesty would prove a Prince so Gracious, Merciful, and Indulgent, & for that were uneasy; and who would have thought that some men that insisted so much on Passive Obedience to the Successor, should be now Impatient, and almost Disobedient under his Reign? To Distinguish themselves out of their Loyalty, may show their Logic or their Law, but never will their Love and Allegiance; I am ashamed to see men labour to make 
* Vid. Trial of the New Test. page 2.  Law and Loyalty the same, as if People when they have got a Capricious Interpretation in their Head, have Authority to spoil the Common acceptation of a Word. We all know forsooth, as well as the Critics, that Loy signifies Law; but was ever Loyalty taken yet, in common discourse, for Lawfulness too? we are bound to do all that's Lawful & Right to one another, by Law; & are we therefore one another's Loyal and Liege Subjects? but to take it in their Perverted Sense, or that of Coke Littleton; to Defend this King's Power of Dispensing, is the most Loyal Act you can do, since by those very 
* 2d. Inst. p. 496.  Lawyers, the King's Prerogative is maintained to be the Best and Chiefest Part of the Law. But I am sorry to see Churchmen now assume this very Notion for 
* Liegeance is the Proper Loyalty, and that implys an obligation of obedience, from the Subject to the Sovereign by Birth, by Nature, who is called their Natural Lord, without respect to Municipal Laws. Vid. to this purpose 2 Inst. 128, 7 Report p. 4. and many Acts of Parliament.  a reserve to their Love and Allegiance, when to my knowledge, this very quibbling on the Word, was used, not long since, by those they called wigs and fanatics, and was by the Prerogative-Lawyers of those times laughed at, and refuted; 'tis the Fate always, when men begin to grow Factious, to contradict themselves; as if what was Loyalty under one Prince, was not so under another, and one King cannot dispense with what the other Can.  
Faction and Malicious Accusation can never carry the cause against Loyalty and the King, consider in the Common Case of Felons, and Malefactors, the credit of their Accusers is in nothing more Invalidated then by proving any manner of Malice in their Prosecutors; and pray then let the King, when He's arraigned (for the sake of his Prerogative) have but as much Privilege as a Prisoner at the Bar, when his Accuser too appears the most Malicious, and what is more, by Process upon Record, the greatest Malefactor: the Law in many Cases Implys a Malice, but here it is most plain beyond Implication, if you Consider the Libels the learned Doctor has laid at your doors are penned by a Person that wanted more preferment here, and who for his misdeameanors was turned out of the little he had: By one that 
* Vid. First Letter to Ld. Midd.  left England (and I believe him) with his Majesty's Approbation; and by his commands was forbid to return: By one that ly's 
* Vid. His Process and Citation.  charged with no less than High Treason, and who confesses in the Second Address that he sent to the Secretary; that such proceed shall provoke him.  
Whatever is the veracity of the most moderate Man, he must not be believed when he rages most Immoderately; no more than a Bear is to be trusted when you have baited him, only because before he was quiet and tame: and men's Passions too, in spite of our boasted Reasoning, even by being too much exalted, can debase themselves so far as to become brutal, and then the deliberate mischiefs they do, are the more dangerous, from the sagacity of that seduced reason, that then truly, sells itself to do wickedly; and what more Ingenious Revenge, could an enraged, and 
* Vid. Second Letter.  provoked bassal take against his Liege Lord, than such a pretty expedient, for the renouncing his Allegiance: And that he means by it more than a 
* Vid. Third  Temporary Revolt to a foreign Jurisdiction, will appear from some passages in his own Papers, when he suggests to our Peaceful Subjects here, the 
* Vid. Six Papers, pag. 22.  Principle of Mr. Hobbs his State of War, and the Scurvy Paragraph of self Preservation; when he insinuates also that his Faith to his Prince may be Temporary too at home, and to last no longer than the King will Countenance or Protect.  
What more Malicious Construction can be made from the plain meaning of Express words? The King Declares, no one shall suffer for mere Religion. And what says the Dr? Why, then when Religion and Policy are interwoven, they can claim 
* Vid. Ibid page, 23.  no benefit by the Declaration. Would the Doctor oblige the King from his Liberty of Conscience to Tolerate Robbers and Murderers? for it is the Policy, and Public safety of the State that punishes them still: or is it possible that people, when they suffer for any other offence that by Law is truly Criminal; can be said to suffer for mere Religion, when by Law too that is made no Crime at all? Or would the Doctor have had the KING's mercy to have Anticipated the Justice of future times, and extended to the Crimes, which hereafter on the Pretence of Religion they may possibly Commit? and yet this with prejudiced persons must pass for Reason that has nothing in it of Common Consequence; and that the Doctor may not want contradiction too (for malice will make wise men commit absurdities) though I am sorry to see so Celebrated a Reasoner run himself into such misfortune, only for the defaming of his own KING: at the same time he would refute for it the Frenchman for too much Praising of His.  
In one 
* Vid. Continuation of Reflection on Mr. Varil. p. 5.  Page of his Reflections, he makes our Queen Mary to get the better of the Monarch of France, to be more fiery in her persecution; and to have Animated the bloodiest of her Bishops, Bonner, he makes her as much a Monster as his own malice, or that of the other Sex can make a Woman well to be, or be well imagined: and what's the meaning of all this? Why! Here 'tis very fit for his purpose so to do, and the Doctor's satire, must come in here only in opposition to the Monsieur's Panegyric; but then in another 
* Ibid. pag. 150.  Page, this same Q. Mary was a Woman so far from delighting in seenes of blood, that her Clemency was much magnified, and the mildness of that Princess' Reign, gave no Cause to complain of the Rigour of her Proceed, and what's the matter now? Why, the KING, the Council, the then Chief Justice are all to be Libelled; and the Clemency to Wiat's Crew, set against the Doctor's Cruelty in the West; and I warrant you, we should have heard nothing of Queen Mary's being mild, had it not been to make our most Merciful Monarch Cruel: there is not one such a touch of kindness to that Queen Mary, in all his Book of Reformation. But after all this his forced Compliment to her Pious Memory and mildness, his excepting it as to matters of Religion, will not much mend his matter here, for let the Motives to Cruelty be what they will, it can never make the Character of the Person mild, much less in matters of mere Religion; for there it more aggravates, and for that the Doctor might have spared a little Panegyric upon His Majesty, that in this point is so full of mercy; and if Religion only did so Animate Queen Mary to Blood, She must in his very instance have shed abundance, since that most dangerous Rebellion (as he calls it) was most upon that score, tho' the Spanish Match was so much pretended, tho' I think there was as much danger too in that which this KING went through, and the severity no more than the necessity of the State so generally distempered, did inevitably require.  
In the next place, in another page of this applauded piece, 
* Reflection, P. 54. 55,  To condemn a p●rson in Absence upon Attainder, is there Justified in opposition to Varilla's, to be always practised by our Law, when the Absence was wilful: but in other of his works, and even there in the next page the Cases of Monmouth, and Armstrong, are made so many Murders, and the highest invasions of Equity and Justice: Was the thing always practised by Law, and shall it be, when the Doctor pleases unlawful? But by his leave, the two Cases that he confounds so Learnedly, were never the same: The first was an attainder in Parliament, and never questioned for illegal: the latter was attainted too, but upon Outlary; and tho' the Dr. would insinuate the Process upon his seizure to be so unjust, only to have another touch at the Judge, 'tis as certain that he suffered Justly, for to be sure the Clemency for Revoking the Judgement, was by the Law only intended to a Voluntary surrender; otherwise the Prosecution of the Law must be in a sort of Abeyance, and at a stand; and the KING's Officers hearing of his abode, could not Seize an Outlawed Malefactor, till he has absconded Out his Year and a Day: 
* These Cases prove, that the prejudice of the Historian has transported him to give false Colours to his Characters; even to contradiction, only for the defaming of his KING.  but it would be well if the Dr. would make better use of his Case, and take warning by it, to forbear his Libels, lest his High and Mighty States of Holland and West-Friezland should be robbed of such a Jewel. If this Case does not concern him, I know he remembers all the Reformation, and how they dealt with a Dr. in Q. Eliz. time; that among his Mildnesses too of that Princess' Reign Story was taken even out of Flanders; and if we 
Acts and Mon. page 2152. Lond. Edit. 1583.  believe his Famous Fox, cut up alive in England: His Case was so Completely Parallel, that I compassionately wish this Dr. may never draw the lines so far, as to perfect it in his Fate. His Case was also put too to the Consultation of all the Lawyers; he was Tried for High Treason; he Pleaded hard for himself, that he was a sworn Subject to the King of Spain, 
Vid. Fox, Ibid.  and none to the Queen of England; that the Judges had no Power to meddle with him; however, his Plea was Overuled with this Resolution, That no man can renounce the Country wherein he was Born, nor abjure his Prince at his own Pleasure: If this be 
* 6 Papers page 21  Mahometan Government, Murder, and Court of Inquisition, Protestants will have little cause to thank him for his compliments too on that mild Reign, and the Mercy's of Queen Eliz. in carrying on the Reformation. 
* Vid. Varill, page 55.   
But besides; these expedients of bringing over Persons obnoxious to the Government from Foreign Parts; which we see so confirmed by Precedent, even where the Protestant Party Prevailed: the Protection of the States he so stands upon, may fail him too; and the succour of that Country which he so relies on, by leaning on too much, may like the Reed of another Egypt, run into his Side: as little as he may value Mr. D' Albevills motions to remove him, his Masters there are too cunning to Procure a Breach with a Crown, for the Protection of a Subject that is indeed none of theirs. Those that never yet dealt so fairly with Princes, may be suspected for such a superfluous Faith, to one that puts himself upon them for a Vassal; but especially the danger to the Dr. may be more than he Imagines, when the Justice and Law of Nations will oblige them to a surrendering of him up; or at least a sending him away, unless he fancies for that reason, the Dutch will refuse it. Men of a greater Figure have been served so: the Earl of Suffolk attainted in Hen. 7. time, was after a long Debate, delivered up by the King of Spain; and so was the 
* Phil. de Commines. l. 4. Cap. 12.  Constable of France, by the Duke of Burgundy, to Lewis the 11th. and what this Celebrated Historian must remember more, even in the times of Reformation: Queen Eliz. demanded Morgan from France, and told the Scots when they did Both well, that she would either yield him up to Them, or send him away from Her; and sure He will not now 
Vid. Camb. 1593.  Blast and Blemish that Reign too, as well as all the rest that have been since.  
This Historian must have met with too in his reading; that where the delivering up such Fugitives has been refused, it has only been because they would put them to as fair a Trial There; and so it was told the same Queen by the King of 
Ibid. 1585.  Scots, when she writ for Fernihurst. Inferior Criminals for defrauding the Revenue, have been returned us here, and High-Treason I hope is of a higher Nature: the Crimen laesae Majestatis Mutually concerns all Crowned Heads not to Protect in the Fugitives of a Foreign State, no more than they can Encourage the committing it in their own at home: and the  cannot deny it us, unless it be only because they have nothing of a Crown. It would be an hardship to a Government, not to be endured; that an individual Subject should seize for Contract and Debt in another Dominion, or by Reprisals at Sea right himself; and yet Fugitives 
* So were the Regicides to be returned us by the Fifth Article of the Crown of Denmark. 1660. and eveh the Dutch did the same.  to find refuge for betraying even the Commonweal; this would subject the State's General to such an Incapacity of righting themselves, which every Particular Skipper is capable of, that sells but an Herring. And at last, all doubt is out of doors, where such Protection is provided against by the Articles of Peace.  
All Impartial People, I hope, will Pardon me for dealing a Little freely with the Dr. that has been certainly more bold with His MAJESTY, and taken the liberty to Libel no less than the whole Line: and for the Pertinency of such Animadversion I appeal to all his Papers, put out on purpose to Oppose any Happy Union, and all good agreement between King and People; and for the reflections I've returned, I can safely say, I have but Mildly touched upon, and that Promiscuously, the most Provoking Sedition; from one that with the severest satire has pointed at his KING.  
Such rude Recriminations on the Crown, he knew would Interrupt the Peace that is expected from an Approaching Parliament; and so to clear it from such Scandals, and refute such Seditious Argument, must fall under our Duty, as well as Design.  
But whatever are his hopes from its Approach, and the differences he expects in its Debates, (who it seems is now so much a Naturalised Dutchman, as to promise himself good Fishing from troubled Waters and the Mudd). I am Morally persuaded they will hardly espouse his Quarrel, much less return him another Thanks of the House: and what ever are the fond expectancies of some vain People, will be so far from Invading the Rights of the Crown, as to Confirm this so questioned Prerogative of their King; against which, the follies of some inconsiderate Persons do so promise an Appeal, and will more likely draw up a Resolve to suppress such Libels, than any Remonstrance for Grievances to be Redressed.  
The late Ld. Shaftsbury was once against All Tests, especially for Religion; & made a Notable Speech in the House of Lords against that of the 
* April 65.  Oxford Act being more universally imposed: but some Years after, when he had a mind to put tricks upon the Papists; then, Transubstantiation, Praying to Saints, Sacrifice of the Mass, must be all confuted, and confounded with a Test, when they might as well have Enacted the Trinity to be Nonsense; as positively, to define, what possibly may be None, Superstition and Idolatry: The Notions of Divinity, I think, were never before without a General Council, so Dogmatically declared with an Ordered and Resolved, and most part of the Christian World Transubstantiated into Pagan with an Act of Parliament.  
If the belief of Catholics is so Captivated, as to consent to the Corporeal, and Elemental change into the Substance of a God; for Godsake! Would they not be worse than Idolators, if they did not Adore? And must they now be Voted such, only because they do not think as others do? I must confess, I always thought it would have been a wiser definition of this Established Church; to have made Her Sacrament more Figurative, or the Sacrifice of the Mass less Idolatrous; for Really Present, and the body and blood, to be verily, and indeed Taken; are Terms that must put us to our Metaphysics; and which I have not yet seen so well Explicated, as not to touch upon an Elemental transmutation: Luther liked it so little, that rather than like Mahomet's Tomb, to hang between two Elements, the Heaven, and the Earth; he made up his more absurd composition of both.  
And then for that other Idolatry of Images, and Invocation; from their plain words, and in Charity to them, I am apt to think, has really no other Existence, than in the Letter of our Laws, and the resolution of our Act of Parliament; for myself have put it as a Question to several Papists abroad, as well as to some of our own at home, even to the most ignorant Votary's: and if any can be blind Adorers, the poorest Plebeians, to what they Exalted, and in what they Terminated their extremes of Worship, when addressed to an Image or a Saint? Why! the Answer was still to this Purpose, To the True GOD alone, looking upon those Material Objects, but as so many Representations to move, and elevate their Devotions to their Saviour, and excite them to have recourse to Him by such Intercessors: so that if we believe their own words, and men may be allowed to know their own minds, their Church cannot be guilty of the only Idolatry that can with any Charity be charged upon it; A Consequential, and even that is but a forced, unkind, unintelligible extension of it; a Term that has as much of malice in it, as of Metaphysics; and certainly can no more make their Doctrine Idolatrous, than that would the Church of England, if her nine and thirty Articles by a madman or a fool, should be taken for the Alcoran: Ignorance may be the Mother of Superstition, or even a Criminal Devotion in the Members of a Communion; when it would be madness to make the whole body of Christians suffer for it too, as so many Turks and Mahometans.  
I'll tell you now the substance of some of the Arguments of that Noble Peer, against the first Test; 
* An. 1665. Oxf. Act.  and you shall see, whether they will not serve against all the rest.  
Ay, says he, It will be a great step to the overthrowing of the Act of Oblivion, and reviving distinctions among Parties.  
That all such former Oaths were steps to to the same end, that we should rather think of repealing, than enjoining them to be taken by all the Officers of the Nation, and Members of both Houses.  
That Oaths ought to be simple and plain, whereas that about Religion was intricate and dark, and only a snare to the Consciences of well-meaning men.  
That such Oaths were against the Property of the Subject.  
That it is directly against the King's Crown and Dignity, that Subjects should be sworn to matters of the Church.  
That it was the highest invasion of the Supremacy, and the greatest attempt that has been made against it, since the Reformation.  
These His Arguments cannot but take with Dissenters, since it was a Speech he made in their own favour, and defence, and sure Conformists cannot condemn the reasonings of such a Noble Peer, who introduced both the Tests against the Roman Catholics: And so Efficacious was his Oratory then, that the Lords jaid aside all further considerations of any Universal Imposition of such unreasonable Oaths; and so concerned were they for offering the Imposing it, that they drew up 
* So also in 73.  Protestations against it, as the Invasion of their Peerage, and the Freedom of Parliaments. And sure, if any of these Protesting Peers are yet Living, (as I am sure some are,) their Honour, their Interest, their Birthright, their Peerage, the very Judgement of their Souls, their Hands & Hearts, are all pawned, for the repealing of such Laws, when against the Passing them they entered such a notable Protest: a Repeal which Shaftsbury himself would be ashamed were he now alive to oppose: This is no flourish, but Argument upon the Case, that is kept upon Record, and that in the highest Court; and 'tis but consulting the Journal of the House of Lords, and by that let the reasons of such Laws to stand, or fall, that Honourable Assembly, when ever it Sits, will find sufficient Reasonings, and as much Matter of Fact, for the removing all such Tests, preserved for them within their own Walls; and their own Books show them the best of Precedents, and a Precedent, where the Case has been contested, is worth an hundred when there has been not contest.  
And being here come home to that, which touches the only tender Part of the Government, The two 
* Vid. Letter of Pens. F. to Mr. St.  Tests of Car. 2. against the Catholics: I cannot but take notice of the New Paper of the Dutch Pensioner; that is so diligently spread for the diffusion of an industrious mischief, and creating the most dangerous Difference, that can arise from the debates of a Divided House; I cannot do better than close our last Animadversions on their latest effort, that is so freshly set afoot for our disturbance: The Reasons that it brings up in the Rear, are less to be regarded than the Royal Characters, that it carries in the Front; and we could forgive mijn Heer F. his Arguments (if we did not refute them) when we cannot so soon Pardon the Presumption for prefixing to a Pamphlet, Surreptitious, and unauthorised, the revered name of the Princess of O. the sweetness of whose temper, and gentle disposition, as it cannot be supposed to delight in severity, and Persecution; so certainly is as little pleased to promote any thing to the disturbance of a State, to which She still seems so nearly related; as her obliging nature does sufficiently secure us, she'll favour an Indulgence; so does that dutiful affection as morally persuade, she cannot Patronise the opposers of her Parent. But the names of such Princes to their pretended piece, they were well assured would make it Popular; the weakest side is the wisest too, when it makes the strongest party: it was their last expedient that made them trespass upon good manners, and presume to make Theirs, Her Highness' opinion.  
It is offered it seems, in the first place, that the Papists throughout all our three Kingdoms, should be suffered to continue in their 
Vid. Letter of Pens.  Religion: I confess the kindness is somewhat extraordinary, considering the Present season; when the greatest Persecution in the Past, could not prevail with them to renounce it: but if it shall be as the Paper promises, with as much Liberty, as is allowed by the States in those Provinces; Then I humbly conceive, that from their own Concessions, both these Two Tests must be taken away; for by them both, both Peers and Commons of that persuasion are Incapacitated for Military Employment; which the Letter itself, says by the Laws of that Country even there they cannot; do not exclude them from: and sure than it will lie harder upon them here, to be hindered from serving their KING in his Camp, when a natural Liegeance requires it, 
* Vid. Coke. 7. Rept. page 4.  express Statutes command it, and a Prince of their own Religion receives it: Shall the Dutch trust them for their defence, that are of a different faith? 
* 1● H. 7.  And cannot the KING of England confide in them, because they agree in the same? And yet by both these Tests they so contend for, the Catholics are excluded from serving His Majesty, tho' they take up Arms only for his preservation: So that this Letter-maker, must certainly fall into the necessity of this Dilemma; that the Papists must not be permitted here the Liberty they are allowed in Holland, or these Tests must be taken away for their more free Admission into Military affairs; and without any medium, he must renounce his own Position, or admit ours.  
The Author of this Paper that must pass for the Pensioner, is certainly the worst in the world to write for the Tests; when he gives it under his hand, that he has never read them; and for that reason may be a Foreigner to our Laws, as well as Land; when he says, that thereby Roman Catholics receive no other Prejudice, than their being excluded from Parliaments, or public Employments; when by the latter of those, Recusants Convict are banished the Court, so much as seeing, or coming into the presence of their King or Queen; or places where they reside, upon pains of incurring all the fearful Penalties, and forfeitures, that follow the 
† 30 Car. 2d.  violation of that Act: I hope the bare 
‖ Even the Ld. Digby a Proselited Papist, that contended for Passing the 1st. Test, used this as an Argument, because it did Not Banish them the Court, which the 2d. does most effectually.  seeing of their Royal Sovereigns, can't be called a Sitting in Parliament, an Office, or public Employment, and the coming into their Presence, or Place of abode, be presently interpreted a promotion to a Place too of high Preferment, since 'tis seldom denied the poorest Plebeian, that never expects (perhaps) the turning of the spit in the Kings Kitchin. I confess this clause is so far for keeping them out of Public Employment, that it almost excludes them human society: Herds them among Beasts, debases them below Brutes too; for if we believe our old English Proverbs, even A Cat may look upon a King.  
But I must tell these Politicians too, who so finely extenuate the severities of these Tests into a mere Metaphysical Entity; A Negative sort of Punishment, that only denies Papists to be preferred; that to any impartial person, these disabling Laws, will appear a positive Persecution; and that only, for the sake of Pure Religion: The Abjurations that they force upon the people in France, are only more Universal; and with this disparity, they that there will not renounce their Religion, must resolve to suffer as Patiently as they can, the insolency, spoil, rapine, and outrages of all the Soldiers they send them, which reduces several Families to misery and want; and for refusing the same renuntiation here, many persons that have had their sole dependence upon some office, or place, have merely for that been dispossessed and removed to their utter Ruin and destruction; all the difference lying in this, between being devoured by dragoons, or beggared by being turned out & discarded: or putting the case more favourably, we'll look upon 
Vid. Letter of Pens. F.  these Oaths only as they respect (in the sense of this Letter) the keeping Papists out of Employment: what comfort can this be to the poor Catholics, or what mitigation of a Protestant Persecution; when they are denied the common Advantages that may make them rich? It must be certainly the same misfortune, as to be turned out of their possessions, that they may be sure to become poor.  
I cannot see with what Conscience this late Celebrated 
Vid. Letter of F.  Letter can assert, that, neither from these Tests, nor the Other Laws, Roman Catholics are made to suffer upon account of their Consciences. This is too gross to be put upon the  themselves; for certainly were these Penal Laws so favourable as only to incapacitate them for Office and Trust; yet even that is a severity, which they are necessitated to suffer, and that for Conscience sake: it is but a poor extenuation of an uncharitable temper, when he tells us that for some Political ends, these Laws for Religion must remain unrepeal'd; as if the Sacraments themselves, were only made to be subservient to some Civil Institutions, and the God of Heaven, but an instrument to work out the inventions of man: if merely for secular ends, so sacred a being, as the Drity itself must be so solemnly invoked, (which the best Advocates for the cause do seem to confess) I am afraid such an Invocation may be worse than that to Saints, and be at least very profane, if not Idolatrous; neither can it be answered us, that then all Declarations, all Oaths must be laid aside; for the Consequence fails them too, for the Common reason of Imposing them is only, or only should be, for the detecting of Justice and Equity, the discovering of truth from falsehood, whereas these Protestations called Tests, are by their own Confession kept a foot, only to be Injurious to their fellow-Subjects that are Equitably born to the Common Privileges of their Country, and are so far from a discovery of what is true or false, that they are made about matters so profoundly divine and mysterious, that it is morally impossible for human understanding to discover or find it out, unless the swearing to an Article of Faith be found a sufficient proof of the soundness of the Doctrine, and the books of Scripture, Ancient Fathers, modern Critics, can be all Confuted, or be better Expounded by the Votes of an house of Commons.  
This Statesman makes it so Incomprehensible for any that profess 
Vid. Letter  themselves Christians, to go to disturb the quiet of a state, and over-turn Constitutions, only that they may be admitted to employments: And pray, must not others than think it as , to have the professors of the same faith, and their fellow-Subjects excluded from such employs, which as their Religion cannot really debar them from, so their very Native Birthright demands it: it is false in fact, though they take it for granted, that it is the roman-catholics alone that do so disturb, and disquiet the State of the Kingdom; it is only these Laws that create all this disturbance to them, and the state, these establisht-men would have been loath under the Oppression of Oliver, to have merited the Name of disturbers of the Nation; and 'tis shown before, that suffering from a power, Legal or Usurped, is still the same where the Laws are oppressive; and if the Overturning of old Constitutions be a thing of that consideration, (though hardly a Parliament passes in which there are not new ones made) if that I say be such a considerable argument, as to make it absolutely necessary for our English Catholics to acquiesce; to continue Outlaws, more incapacitated them some Protestant Aliens: how destructive must this be to the Protestant Interest should the Romanists take an opportunity to return upon us an old Law of the Romans, that of Talionis; and exclude all the Reformed from Trust, with a Test of Retaliation? why we must submit, we must not endeavour for our Restitution, we must not disturb the state, overturn establishment, or repeal Laws. And must not we look very silly too, when by our own Arguments we have silenced ourselves? What a formidable blow will this give to the Reformation in England, which was carried on (as some say) by the overturning of all that was Ancient, and Established, Sacred and Civil, both in Church and State; and afford them a Scurvy Argument, That they may overturn with a better warrant than they were turned out; that their alterations will be only a restoring of an old establishment, whereas we overturned that, to set up new Constitutiens? In short, if they bring no better Reasons for our Religion, than its being so much Established, it will certainly resolve itself into the Power and Pleasure of the Prince, and really be, what they so scornfully reject, truly 
* Vid. Oxford Reasons.  Precarious; for surely they must see, that assoon as they had a Protestant King, they presently had their Protestant Religion: And that in spite of far more Ancient Constitutions, and Establishments to the contrary.  
I'll grant him, that every constituted body, or Assembly whatsoever, will be willing to make Laws for its own safety and Preservation: But whatever be the Policy of the State, it must be still agreeable to the Rules of Reason and Equity; otherwise it proves no more than that all things are Lawful that are Expedient; and that a Commonwealth, (to use his own terms, as well as their own Constitution) though the result of an absolute rebellion, revolt, and defection from their Prince, may make what Laws they please, to prevent any Casual return to there natural Allegiance; or that an Assembled or tumultuous People, may pull in pieces even a Pensioner, to provide against attempts thaet may disturb their peace: and granting too that in Political bodies, like to those that are truly natural, there will be always somewhat of innate tenderness to their own Preservation; that  Principle, only respects all opposing of a foreign force, and no way determines it to domestic oppression, no more than if the lazy man that is said always to see the Lion in the way, should cut off one of his legs, that he might the better run away with the rest of his carcase: I am sorry I can say, that this dismembering of ourselves for the difference of Communion at home, does no less expose us to Invasions from abroad; but I am sure the saying is as certainly True, proved by Experience & Fact; & unavoidable from these Statutes, and the Laws; for should the best Seaman, the best Soldier, by his birth, or Conversion, be a Papist Convict; he is totally incapacitated, utterly impossible to do the least service to the Kingdom or the Crown: and why should these Dutch people put that upon us, the inconvenience of which they see in themselves; and take all the care to avoid: unless they would 
Vid. Letter  have the more of the King's Subjects unqualifyed to fight for him, only that they might the sooner invade him. Before the making of our first Test; 
* 1673.  when Papists Participated of Employments, had their Places in Parliament; I cannot remember that they did Impeach our Peace; I am sure some of them did us signal service in the Dutch Wars, his foes felt too much of the force of the Admiral, and so may well fear the Preferment of his friends.  
What the Reformed Religion suffers from the roman-catholics in France, is no reason at all against the repealing of 
Vid. Letter  these Laws in England, unless they can prove the disposition of the Princes, and the Politics of the Two States, to be entirely the same; which as precariously, as it is begged for an unquestionable Truth, if but duly considered, is as positively false: for the Principle of our King will not permit him to Persecute, & by the Constitution of our state against Protestants in general, it cannot be done: for sure such a mighty Majority must secure them from being suppressed, though perhaps it cannot from oppressing all others; and they may as well tell us, that the Hugonots in France, are able to Frighten the Papists, and subdue them; since the Reformed there, have been always much more formidable, both by number and force, than ever the Papists can be supposed here; and yet even there, notwithstanding these insinuations, till these late revolutions in the Policy of that State, the Protestants were admitted to Offices and Trust, in Court, and in Camp, by Sea, and by Land; the truth of which is so plain, that to name the Persons, would be needless and impertinent.  
It is more Dogmatically laid down, than Judiciously asserted, when he says, that it is Impossible for Roman-Catholiques and Protestants to live Peaceably together, when both are put into places of Trust: as if Religion, and Divine Illumination, must only divest us of Humanity, enlighten us only so far, as to see the better how to fall out among ourselves. First, 'tis plain, that it is very Unchristian that it should be so. Secondly, The contrary appears by practice in several of the neighbouring states to Holland, and in some Towns that even they still call their own; where both Civil and Military matters, are managed by both; as before we have proved, and that without these suggested consequences of Suspicions and Animosities. Thirdly, We ourselves perceive none of this bad Correspondence, from these mixed preferments that His Majesty bestows; but on the contrary a better understanding; & it would be hard indeed, if the Examination of his Faith, must only qualify the man as to his merit and desert; shall it be therefore hard for Papists in Holland to be shut out of Military Employment, because in the first formation of their state, they joined in the defence of their public 
Vid. Letter  Liberty; (that is, as I conceive in English) in maintaining that revolt they had made from their Lawful Prince? And shall it not be as Injurious a piece of Hardship, or the greatest injustice to exclude them here from the same Employments, when they joined with all their Loyal Fellow-Subjects in the defence of their Sovereign, and in some cases were more eminently, and solely concerned in his preservation? And whereas he insinuates their being mixed so together in Offices of Trust, must so necessarily cause this contention and Animosity? nothing is more true than the Contrary; when all our Jealousies, and Envy, Emulation, and Division, have been occasioned by this engrossing of Office and Preferment, from the partiality of the Laws; and men must needs be more apt to malign those, that only will allow themselves to govern, than such as will more modestly admit any other to share in the Government. Whatever has been the sense of some Churchmen, they need not be ashamed to retract their opinion, when the Recantation too will only make them better Christians, and add the more Credit to their restored Charity; as many among them never approved of the making men suffer for the Religion of their 
* Vid. Protestant Reconciler, etc.  Church; so several of them unprejudiced, thought it as hard they should utterly be disabled for all Administrations in the 
* Vid. Protest of the Lords against the Tests.  State. To tell us, because we were once of an opinion, we must never change it; is a better Rule in Religion; and if observed, would have prevented all Schism, if not hindered a Reformation, but is still a bad Maxim in the Politics of a Commonwealth; for the changes and wonderful revolutions that happen in those aggregated bodies, as well as in our Personal and individuals; which many times in less than seven years, are mouldered all into new matter, make some Constitutions and Establishments, Rules and Reasons, not only ridiculous but Impracticable; and we cannot find in Scripture too, (unless interpreted by the whimsies of such as set up for Christ's Kingdom,) that our Saviour, has assured us he'll be with the Government, as well as the Church to the end of the world. To this Point I can only tell the Pensioner further, that Catholics here are not made uneasy under their perferments, unless it be by these Laws that make them such Criminals only for being preferred; and Protestants may maintain with them a good Correspondence, unless such, whose Ambition would alone share the Administration of the State, or the favour of the Crown, and make of the very Government itself A Monopoly.  
That learned Dilemma, does not pinch, and press the Argument so close, as the Paper Pretends, viz. That, if the Papists are so Few, the Laws have the Less reason to be Repealed for them; and if their Numbers are much Greater, Protestants have more reason to be afraid. This sort of syllogising, as sound as it is, is as soon answered with another to the same, and that, out of his Own Concessions. If their Numbers are so Few (as he says they are in Polland) 'tis hard, to hinder them from Public Employments, when the Public Safety can no ways be endangered by them: and if they are so Numerous, as he would make them in Ireland, than we have no reason to be afraid; since where so many of them (and we'll imagine them, if he will, the Major Part) People the Country, Inhabit the Towns, are Entrusted with Offices, Civil and Military, the Protestant Religion remains as firm and unviolated, and the Constitution of the Government, as much Vnshaken: and to bring it Homer to ourselves in England, in a farther Answer to these fearful apprehensions that are sent us from Holland; That, when the Restraints of the Laws are Repealed, than we shall see them brought into the Government; and Protestants find no more the support of the Laws from such Magistrates. I hope he does not think too, we shall have no Protestant Lords left, and that the Peerage itself shall be displaced: but this Gentleman, is too much an Alien to our Commonwealth, to be admitted either as a judge or juror; being utterly unacquainted, both with Law and Fact. For first, the Establishment of the Protestant Religion does not solely depend upon those Statutes that are Penal, and those are only desired to be Repealed. In the next place he has forgot, or is not yet informed, that our KINGS from the Constitution of our Laws, have a power to Dispense with them too; which a 
Vid. Six Papers, page. 25.  Dr. of Ours, and a Favourite of these Dutch, has made as dangerous as a Repeal, & indeed, the very same: He knows not that his Majesty has Actually exercised this Power, & Offices of all sorts of Trusts, are already in their hands, Civil, Military, as Soldiers and Magistrates; and none can be more Powerful to make Alterations, than such as have the Command in an Army; and yet his fearful forebodings of future Invasions are now become no matter of Fact, & makes that fail him too; the Protestants promiscuously enjoy, & that quietly with them too all manner of Public Employment; and their Religion remains as much Undisturbed and Established. But to infer from these Priveleges that the Romanists already Enjoy from the Clemency and Prerogative of the King, that therefore they must have further designs than their Own security; and that they need nothing of a Repeal for to complete their Happiness, or to ascertain their safety, is certainly an inference uncharitable, groundless, False: for as they have not shown themselves so forward to subvert this Protestant Religion; for this four Years, wherein they may be imagined to have had all opportunities of doing it; (and if we believe Dr. B. and the mighty influence he says they had in all the last Reign, we may add Twenty four Years more) we must conclude, that it is the want of some People's Charity, that makes them so designing; and that they are only so Formidable, because some Persons are resolved to be afraid: but nothing is a greater Mistake and falser Inference, than from the Immunity they Enjoy from the Mere Prerogative of the Prince, to say their necessity for abrogating these Laws is Superseded; when their sole Safety they must needs see (and so do their Enemies too with more satisfaction) depends upon the Life of a Merciful Monarch (that must be mortal too) as long as these Laws are left in Force for their future Destruction; and how completely they are framed for it, in the loss of All Property, Liberty, and Life (if these little things can destroy a man) by only being looked upon, will appear. I'll appeal to any Impartial Protestant, whether his endeavours would not be the same, if his Circumstances were so too; one would think that such Counsellors as would Lull them asleep with their seeming security, proposed only their more easy ruin by some sudden surprise, such as are content for a time that their helpful Hands bear with them the Sword of Justice, as long as another hangs over their Heads; that will allow them a good Dinner, if they'll but take it under Damocles his Dagger: But Gentlemen, this is none of the greatest Kindness to Compliment them to such a Meal; 'tis but civilly telling them in the literal sense, Eat and Drink, for to Morrow ye Dy.  
Having said so much before, on this so controverted Subject; we should hardly have pursued it so much farther, had not this fresh Provocation, upon the closing of this Piece, fell into our hands, which any one may see, is set a foot, on purpose to divide the Parliament, that themselves are afraid might otherwise Agree in an Universal Repeal: And I must tell these Contenders, as long as a Legal Toleration will certainly be as great a security to all Protestants, in the Liberty of their own Worship, as any Legal Tests whatsoever: These Retainers of them, positively declare, 'Tis not the Protestant Religion alone, they are so tender to Preserve; For if the Bill of Erclusion had by the more Corruption of the House, been Past into an Act, they might as well have laboured too for the continuance of That: Since, if I have any conception of the Politics of those times, those very two Tests they are so Zealous to retain, were directly intended against the very Person of His Majesty: The First, most effectually made him lose the Place of an Admiral; and 'twas with much ado, the Proviso of the Latter, left him a Place among the Peers.  
The Veneration all English Subjects should have, for the Presumptive, or Apparent Successor of the Crown (for in spite of the Sophistry of the late Lord Shaftsbury, the sense of the Terms is the James, when there is none Appears before to Intercept him;) That as it was sufficient to recommend the Contents of such a Piece to a Serious Perusal; so it must needs make it Merit as Modest a Reflection, did it really bear that Image and Superscription, which I've reason to imagine was but a Counterfeited Coin. The Presses at London, did more probably produce, what was their Prudence and Policy to Paum upon the Hague; and if Holland had the honour of bringing it into light, this Pensioner of the States, was only our Dr. at Amsterdam; however, it is handled with All the respect imaginable, even for the sake of those Venerable Characters so Politicly Feigned: The Name of such a Princess, by Nature the Best, and by Birth Inferior to None; we would truly revere, tho' we were sure it was there as Falsely prefixed, as we are still bound to Pray for the Royal Family, so must Her Prosperity be as much remembered in our Prayers; neither will those we use now for the Propagating of It, displease such a Generous Princess; much less, Should make some Protestants so sullen, as in a Zeal, to decline their Church, and Libel their very Prayers; since only they are offered for Perpetuating that Royal Line, of which there are but few in remainder, and not so many left: and if only the Touching upon such a Subject, shall by some be made so Criminal, for the sake only of so Sacred a Title, tho' without Their Authority, they must pardon me that undecency, since Royal Papers have been sufficiently reflected on, that have been more Authorised, and that by those too, who with greater decency might have spared their Animadversion.  
There remains no more to be said, if men will Consider their Interest, Examine their Reason, have a regard to Equity, they will soon see that what is desired, is only, To do to others, as they would be done unto: But this Golden Rule, cannot I confess, guide or direct those that can Outface it with a forehead of brass; that can treat Princes and 
* Vid. His Enquiry against the Bishop of Oxford.  Prelates with more opprobrious terms than themselves would bear, or so many Porters; but this incomparable Impudence is only due to that unimitable Dr. which in his affected Phrase, must be needs an Original, because never to be Copied.  
Such transcendent insolency soars a pitch beyond Imitation, and, is indeed such a sublime, such a flight to which nothing but a brow of a peculiar composition could attain; To Threaten KINGS with their Characters and Life as it is that Altitude and Acme of the most exalted Arrogance; So it must be the surest indication of the Profoundest folly; it does but bid a defiance to sense and truth; and assures us he can reconcile to his Rage and Calumny, those vast extremes of Falsehood and Contradiction; it only bespeaks the Reader to that villainy, which the Author is intended to commit, secures him his infamy beforehand; and blasts his Credit with an Anticipation of his Crime; the 
* Vid. Compare but Burnet's Memoirs with Weldens Court.  Memoirs of King Charles the Second, when sent us from such hands, must needs have as much Malice and Reputation, as the Court of King James the first; and the Confutation of both, has been best adjudged to be the Province of the Common Executioner; and if threatened men live long (as the Dr. himself observes) 'tis in that sense alone he makes his Monarch Immortal.  
'Tis time now to Apply ourselves to an approaching Parliament, since the Party that opposes its Agreement has formed its Faction; and been so forward, as to be before us in their Application: for men that have but a bad cause to carry on, commonly make diligence to supply the defect of the Goodness of their Case; and therefore the late Letter to a Dissenter (only in a new dress) is now directed to a 
* Vid Letter to a Person of Quality, etc.  Person of Quality; whom the Author (forgetting his former reflections) has already Returned a Member of the House, before his Majesty (not to mention the leave to Debate) has granted them so much as Liberty of Election.  
I need not revy upon the Reflecter on the late Letter of the Pensioner, who has only put out a Panegyric, in the name of an Animadversion; he'll find himself refuted beforehand in our Observations upon that Original, and there is nothing more in his 
* Vid. Reflections on F's. Letter.  Copy besides the Malice; & that is extended even to the making of their Primitive Hero, a Pusillanimous deserter that would keep himself at a distance from their deeper designs; and sure 'tis but a bad cause that shall make a Subjects deference to his Prince the very Occasion of his Crime; His inference from mijn here F's. Wit and Parts, is no more an Argument that he made the Letter, than it is a stronger one a Majori, that the same Person made both that and the Reflection; and we know what Author it is, so much famed for his mischief, that is as notoriously vain for the commendation of himself.  
I Shall therefore close with two Exhortations to those that are to choose our Representatives, and offer one consideration to those that are Chosen.  
When ever the KING sends you his Summons, let your Elections be carried with Moderation, and your Choice of such men, as are either concerned to Repeal these Laws for their own sakes, or inclined to do it for the Reasons that require it.  
Let your Returns be made as fairly as possible; for that which is a sound Parliament, will the sooner be an Healing One.  
And may that Peaceful Assembly, when it Sits, consider how to Pacify the Nation, and grant too, His Majesties Propositions for Peace. Let them consider, that their present Prince (though as powerful as any of his Predecessors, or more absolute neighbours) does only desire a Repeal by Law, does allow them all that Liberty of Debate, which even our Hen. the Eighth did indeed make but a Merit of Obedience; and the Kings of France in the True Sense, their Le Roy Vult. I never saw a Parliament end well, when it began at Cross Purposes with their King. I remember the time, when it was thought a Pretty play, to Trifle with the Crown, when It was Asked— A Supply. It was Answered, Popery.— It was Asked— to Consider the Navy. It was Answered, Arbitrary Power. Such Sessions we saw end in Remonstrances, but never in any real good to the Kingdom, or the Crown.  
And may we all say to his Majesty, as it was unanimously said to General Monk against the sitting of that Healing Assembly, [We will all submit to the Determinations of the next Parliament:] And may that Session, prove as Auspicious, for the settling of an Union and Universal Peace: may it answer the intention of Our Present Sovereign, and merit the glorious Character of the Past, that its fame may be as lasting, as the Liberty that it gives; and that both may be transmitted, and continued to Posterity.   
FINIS.