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THe Copy of this Treatise was Given out to be Printed a Year and half ago; but by Accident or Negligence, was laid by, and could not be Retrieved till very lately, which may, I hope, serve to Excuse this Delay in Publishing it.   

THE Blatant Beast Muzzled: OR, REFLECTIONS ON A Late Libel, Entitled, The Secret History OF THE REIGNS OF K. CHARLES II. AND K. JAMES II.  
— Pudet haec Opprobria—  
Velure dici potuisse—  
Printed in the Year, 1691.   

TO THE READER.  
TITLES, which at first sight look Odd and Fantastical, are apt to draw some Prejudice upon the following Book. To meet with which, I must avow, That it was impossible for me to invent any other that was half so Proper. Yet, because it may not perhaps have light in the way of every Reader to discover this, I stand obliged to be something large in giving thee the True Reason and Meaning of it. Our Ingenious Countryman, Spencer, in his Excellent Poem, called, The Fairy Queen, shadows the Moral Virtues under the fictitious Names of Gallant Heroes; and some of the Worst Vices, (in regard they are most Opposite to Rational Nature) under the Counterfeit Names of certain Monstrous Brutes: Particularly, he represents that pernicious Vice of Calumny or Slander, by a deformed Creature, which he calls The Blatant Beast; whose property it was to Defame all States and Sorts of Mankind, not sparing even Princes, nor leaving the Clearest Honour untainted, that came within the steam of its Contagious Breath. Had that Poet lived in the time of this Libeler, his Fiction might have been History: He needed not to have used a Poetical Disguise, nor to have borrowed Imaginary Natures to make a lively Idea of that Vice. The Author of this Libel had furnished him with a Real Exemplar of it; equalling, if not outdoing all he could have fancied or invented. And therefore, since Shame makes him put on a Mask (for he can fear nothing from the Times, in which the Foulest Calumnies are most in Fashion): I knew not by what. Name more properly to call him, as that more Exactly Suits with his Genius, than that of The Blatant Beast.  
How justly that Title is his due, will be best learned from the Poet's Description of that Hideous Animal; who, speaking of his Mouth, has these Words; 

In which there was a thousand Tongues empight,  
Of sundry Kind's and sundry Qualities:  
Some were of Dogs that barked day and night;  
Some were of Cats, that wrawling still did cry;  
Some were of Bears, that groined continually;  
And some of Tigers, that did seem to grin,  
And snarl at all that ever passed by.  
But most of them were Tongues of Mortal Men,  
Which spoke reproachfully, not caring where nor when.   

And them among were mingled here and there  
The tongues of Serpents with three-forked stings,  
That spit out Poison and Gore-bloody-gear,  
At all that came within his Ravenings,  
And spoke Licentious Words and Hateful Things  
Of Good and Bad alike, of Low and High,  
Nor CAESAR spared be a whit, nor KINGS,  
But either blotted them with Infamy.  
Or bit them with his baneful Teeth of Injury.    
The Reader needs but Reflect on this Description, as he peruses this Libel, and he will all the way discover that the Poet's Idea of Calumny, is the perfect Pourtraicture of this Contumelious Scribbler; for he will observe how he plays upon all the Keys of satire that can be imagined; and, according as his Passion tunes his Fancy, he either wrawls discontentedly, or grunts churlishly, or grins and snarls angrily, or rails licentiously, or barks currishly, or stings venomously; and this indifferently both High and Low, Kings and all sorts of Subjects that are not of his own Blatant Kind; either blotting their Names infamously, or biting them injuriously.  
The Reasons which induced me to Write and Publish these Reflections, were, First, The Reverence I owed to the Sacredness of Christianity, and to our Blessed Saviour's excellent Law of Charity towards our Neighbour, so often repeated, and so earnestly recommended by Himself and His Followers; which makes it an Obligatory Duty in us not to suffer him to be traduced in such a heinous Manner, but to Vindicate his Credit in what we judge him innocent. And I took myself to be the rather obliged to maintain and stand up for that Divine Precept, because I saw that, of late, it seems not only to be neglected or forgotten, but to be quite contemned and vilifyed here in England. Another Motive, was the Common Regard every Honest Man ought to have for Truth; which is here Violated and Affronted in the highest Degree, by Multitudes of Wilful and most Notorious Falsehoods. Nor shall I be afraid heartily to own that I had a dutiful Respect, very particularly to the Honour of those two Excellent Princes, whom he so Injuriously and Barbarously traduces, as the Blackest Monsters that ever lived, and little less than Devils Incarnate. Nor is it fitting that the Honour of the Present Governors should lie under a Disgrace so Scandalous to all Good Christians. 'Tis well known how sensibly even many Indifferent and Good Persons are offended at it, as Unnatural, undutiful and unchristian, that Infamous and Nasty Slanders against their Royal Relations, whom God's Law commands them to Honour, are suffered to be Printed, bawled about the streets, and Sold Publicly, as very Current Ware, in every Bookseller's Shop; without the least Diligence used (say they) or Care taken to search after the Authors or Printers. Now from these kind of Aspersions, Governors will have a Fair Occasion to Clear themselves, by letting the World see they allow those Prince's Credits to be Vindicated as far as may consist with Truth, or be without Injury to any, which is all I attempt or aim at. It will appear, I say, by their not discountenancing these, but letting them have, at least, the same Privilege of passing currently, and being sold openly, which was indulged to those slanderous Pamphlets, that 'tis below their Thoughts, Ex aliena infamia sibi famam captare, To borrow a Lustre to themselves by blackening their Relations: Which is the avowed scope of this Libeler, who has done them, as far as lay in his Power, the greatest Dishonour imaginable, by breeding a Conceit in his Readers, that their Authority in itself, or their Credit with the People, do stand in need of such Crooked Supports; and that they are well pleased, and esteem it Meritorious to them, that such Impudent Slanders should pass up on the World. Besides, I saw plainly, both by the Contents, the Manner of it, and the Timing it, that this Pamphlet, was calculated merely for the Common wealthish Meridian, and directly levelled at the bespattering all Kings alike (as far as he durst) and the representing them (as himself calls one of them) The Greatest Knaves in Nature, out of his Hatred to Royalty and Monarchical Government; which by insinuating thus an Odium of them into the People, he studies to undermine.  
None will blame me, nor do I value it if he does, that I treat this Libeler as he deserves, without showing any Respect to him, who has not shown the least towards Princes, or towards Truth. In the rest of my Book I have born myself as impartially and unoffensively towards all sorts, as I could possibly, without forfeiting my own Credit, as a Lover of Truth, and a truebred Englishman. Nor ought it to be interpreted as a Design to undervalue any man, or reflect upon his Just Repute, that I lay open on occasion this libeler's Folly, in fawningly and ridiculously over-praising him. There is nothing, next to virulent Calumnies, my Nature more abhors than such fulsome Flatteries as are utterly disproportioned to the subject, which, like shining Paint daubed too thick upon matter unfit to receive it, never stick to them, but fall off as soon as laid on, and always leave some Blemish, or at least, some Tarnish behind them.  
Nor was it one of the least Motives I had, to write and print my Reflections upon this Libel, that I saw plainly, not only by the spreading it so industriously, and reprinting it so often, but much more by the manifold Attempts of the same scurrilous Strain; that there was a formed Design laid, to pursue and carry on resolutely those Wicked Calumnies, and to make them pass in the World for Certain Truths. I found that they began to gain a kind of Authority with the ordinary sort of People, by this unchecked Currency, and with many others were deemed unanswerable, because the Crimes were of such a high nature, and charged so confidently, and yet none stepped forth to contradict them in the least. This made me see it was absolutely necessary, and a most precise Duty, to put a stop to that wild Career of Slander, which by so many sly steps was insinuating itself into the Belief of the Credulous, who make up a considerable part of the Generality. I insist not on those lesser squirting Papers, handed about by Malicious Tops, such as is that villainous Piece of Ribaldry, entitled, A Letter from Lewis the Great, to james the Less; with Reflections upon it; taken up as it dropped from the Pocket of a justice of Peace at Hicks's-Hall, and yet reserved in Lavender for his Worship's sake: Nor of such other little Squibs of satire; but of other greater and more bulky Pieces, which our Godly Times, luxuriantly fruitful of such immodest Productions, do frequently teem with. And first, there comes out a brisk Romance, bearing for its Title, The Royal Wanton; or The Amours of Messalina; in no fewer than Five Parts, maliciously penned and contrived to recommend those abusive Forgeries to young Gentlemen and Ladies, who are addicted to such kind of Foolish Toys, and framed with as much lewd Art as was possible, to debauch them into the bargain, by the lively Expressions of its Bawdy Contents. I shall do the Author a greater Kindness than he deserves, by not naming him at present, though he is known to more than he dreams of, and may justly fear that his second Recantation will not be so easily prevalent to procure his Pardon, as was his first. His Character is best drawn by himself; for the whole Mien of his Books do amply acknowledge, that he is a wild Debauchee, who has wholly devoted his Life to Sensuality and Amorous Intrigues with his Misses; whence his Heart being full of Affection for those Darling Pleasures, his Fancy could not be at ease till it was delivered of them, by venting them after a very pathetical manner; and, hoping the better to ennoble his own Beastly Conceptions, he applies (without regarding whether there be the least shadow of Ground for it) his own Immodest Pranks to Kings and Queens, at his pleasure, to humour the Times, and gain the noble Repute of the State-Romancer. But alas! What a most improper Subject has this poor unfortunate Ribald made choice of, to fix that Disgraceful Character upon! A Princess, whose Incomparable Worth and Unblemished Virtue is such, that it never permitted any occasion to the least sinister Imagination in any that knew her. Nor durst Malice itself ever be so bold, as to taint her Unspotted Life so much as with a Suspicion of deviating from the severest Rules of Modesty, till we came to fall into such Times, in which to be Infamously Traduced, is the surest Token of the Clearest Honour, and to be free from Obloquy is a most certain Argument of deserving it. A Princess, whose Goodness alone, unassisted by any Abetter or Compurgator, has set her Honour so high above the reach of Calumny, that it has daunted all Attempt of Proof from appearing barefaced, and has made it, when it was to have come to the Trial, retreat with as much Shame as it attacked with Impudence.  
Next comes out Blatant; and, to make the Romance seem True, with a History, containing matter enough to furnish out many Volumes of such Fantastic Stuff: But the mischief is, 'tis so full of Forgery, that it disgraces History by being named such, having scarce as much Truth in it as is generally found in Romances. Cassandra, the Grand Cyrus, and The Illustrious Bassa, compared with it, are good tolerable Histories. The Arcadia and Argenis, by the help of a Clavis, may have much Truth covered under those Poetical Veils: But Blatant's History is barred of that Plea, by professing to contain nothing but Real Verities. How well he comes off, these Reflections will inform the Reader.  
After this, to Second the Two other Invectives, comes out a Tragicomedy, called, The Abdicated Prince; as full fraught with venomous Slanders as either of his Brother Blatants, and he delivers them too with as ill a Grace as was possible: Knavish Conceptions use to be varnished over, and recommended with some kind of glossy Wit, to hide their odious Deformity, or divert the Reader's Eye from attending to it: But the Author of that Piece of Foppery seems to be of no higher a pitch than those pitiful Hackney-Poetasters, that use to set off Merry Andrew's Drolls: Yet the poor man has a mighty Ambition to gain the Repute of a Wit of the Times. For, as those Boys in the Universities used to be most cried up who durst with Scurrilous jokes most abuse the Doctors and their Superiors, so now a-days he is held the Greatest Wit, and Theman for-my-Money, who can most slander Princes. But 'tis pleasant to remark with what Solemnity this Ridiculous Farce was introduced and welcomed into the World. First, comes out a Printed Paper, which was posted up in Coffee houses, to give notice, by way of Prediction, when this admirable Mouse was to be born. Next, my L. Mayor's Old-Baily-Book must acquaint us with this material Piece of News, where the Puny Monster was to be seen for our Money, Which is a very ill Omen, signifying, That this Libelling Malefactor may come in due time to have his Name and Crime registered there against his Will. However, this double-diligence gives Light enough to pull out by the Ears the seulking Printer, and the Author. And lastly, 'tis handed about very sedulously by the Blatant Gang, as if they were afraid that short lived Mortals should die in Ignorance of the Sacred Truths it contains. Now, since it is evident, that this Poetaster (and his Fellow Romancer) aims to have his Ribaldry pass for true History, he stands obliged to justify the Truth of those many Idle Stories on which he builds it; Otherwise all his Achievements (and the same may be said of the Romancer too) are no more, but a running of Voluntaries or Fiddling Division upon no Ground; for at the bottom, 'tis no more but Blatant's way transversed; which how empty it is of Solidity and full-stuft with Forgery, the Reader will see. Nor can any sober man be brought to believe, that any of them can make out the Truth of those things, which the stickling Party in one of our late Parliaments, though zealously bend to do it, were forced to wave, being in utter despair of compassing it. Which Consideration alone is enough both to confute the better half of this shameless Libel, and withal, to render both the Romance and the Farce perfectly ridiculous, and utterly insignificant; for if their Historian be convicted of Lying▪ no wise man can expect any Truth from their Romancer or their Poet.  
Lastly, to crown the Work, and to top Blatant's part, they have published a bold piece of Ribaldry, entitled, The Great Bastard, the Protector of the Lesser one; of which all England may come to repent at leisure. 'Tis well known how dear the printing Ridiculous Pictures of Crowned Heads did, within our Memory, cost the Common Wealth of Holland, though that Affront was far inferior to this, and the States did not order, nor long suffer, such an unmannerly Action, but only permitted it for some time. And may we not fear, that such Infamous Slanders as we are daily spreading of that great Monarch, will so highly provoke him, as to neglect his other Enemies, or make Peace with them, and bend all his Forces against our rude and barbarous Nation: And should he, in that Case (as the chance of War is uncertain prevail upon us, many Thousands may come to lose their Lives to revenge this and such like Libels. I insist nor here on the Clownishness and Injuriousness of it, (these are Nuts to the depraved Palate of our Age) but I would know what Good this Libeler could in Prudence propose to himself, by writing and publishing such a piece of Ribaldry. Did he hope, that his Bawling would (as to the one part of it) outweigh, with Men of Honour and Reason, the unblemished Virtue of that Princess; or the Attestations of Multitudes of sworn Witnesses, most of which were Personages of the highest Repute, and very many of them Protestants? Or, Does he fancy, that the Railing of a skulking Fellow, that dares not appear to justify a tittle of what he says, when he is secure of Impunity, and, perhaps, sure of a good Reward roo for doing so, will ever pass for Proof? Or, as to the other part of it, Does he think he has done a great Kindness to England, by setting such a Base Character upon so Potent a Prince, which could he prove, would avail us nothing? Had we already conquered the French King, or brought him under us, though even then Civility and Generosity would not allow the insulting over him, with shameless Lies, yet there might, in that case, be some kind of Prudence in such an Action pretended, because it might be done safely. But, as things stand now, 'tis mere Foolhardiness to exasperate so powerful an Enemy to no end. Even Kings do not take upon them to give such Affrontive Language to other Kings, with whom they have War, tho' they be of the same Dignity, and their Equals, but content themselves, when their Honour or Interest is concerned, to send them a Manly and Generous Defiance: But in England every petty Coxcomb is Hail fellow well met with a King. What a Dishonour this is to our Country, the whole World that is acquainted with our Methods and Actions, discern with Scorn, and laugh at us for Madmen; being so sober, as to see, that there is no Nation under the Cope of Heaven so barbarously Rude, and so sillily addicted to forge or believe spiteful and infamous Lies, as England has been of late years, and this (as was said) without any Prospect of the least Good, but merely to please their Rustic Humour of Malicious Railing I beseech God, that our Repentance may avert the judgements due to the Connivance and Complaisance with which we have entertained and applauded these Blatancies. Let us remember Shimei's Cursing, and reflect in time, That Despightful and Opprobrious Language to Kings never passed without some severe Punishment, sooner or later.   

REFLECTIONS ON A Late Libel, etc.  
In a Letter to a Friend.  
SIR,  
YOU ask my Judgement of the BOOK you sent me. Your own may discern at the first Blush, that it carries in its Forehead all the proper Brands of a plain Libel. No Author's, Printer's, or Licenser's Name to it; no, not so much as the Name of the Place where it was Printed. Which, when the Contents are grateful to the Times, (as we have too much Reason to fear these are) use to be the Notorious Ear-Marks of a Libelling Pamphlet. Next, I doubt not but any unbyast Understanding, though never so weak, will at the first glance discover, that there is scarce a Line in it, where he Charges any thing upon those Two Princes, but betrays it very evidently to be the mere Product of a Highflown Passion and Extravagant Malice: The Author places a peculiar Felicity in expressing every thing waspishly; and no Ragoust of Eloquence pleases his Palate, but that of satire and Invective. Never was Man in a higher Salivation with Rage, or drivelled more Foam. I should take him to be possessed with Fits of Madness, but that he has no Lucid Interval. Kings had best take heed how they come in this Man's Debt; for it will be difficult ever to get his Acquittance. I should advise them to give him a Pension (as 'tis said, some did to Aretine) to bribe him off from bespattering them; for, otherwise, he will make them all Rogues and Rascals, and scarce leave an Heir to any Crown that came Honestly by it, in all Christendom. 'Tis his Gallantry, I do assure you, to Trample upon Majesty like Dirt, and then to Strut and Crow over it most unmercifully. To tell us that King Charles the Second (the most Mild Prince than living) had nothing in his Thoughts but Bloody Designs (p. 32.) that He had not a Grain of Common Humanity in his Adamantine Heart (p. 124.); or that he Committed Incest with his own Sisters (p. 22.50.) These, I say, are his Common, but Course Compliments to that Prince: And we may be sure 'tis Resolved on, that his Royal Brother and Successor must be far worse than he. He is Bloody and a Murderer every bit of him, even of his own Brother; Cruel as Nero, and the very Dioclesian of all the Protestants; though he struggled even beyond his strength, to give Liberty of Conscience to them all. What a Scandal is it to the Age we live in, what an indelible Disgrace to the Government, that such a jack Pudding should be let loose to libel Kings, and scribble with such a Magisterial Impudence, against Personages which filled some of the highest Places in the Universe, and had been his own Sovereigns!  
ere I leave to Reflect on his manner of Writing, or give you the Character of it myself, I desire you to Note how candidly this Libeler tells you what you may expect from him in that kind, and how plainly he not only confesses, but excellently proves himself to be an Insulting Barbarian, and this by his own Discourse and his own Words, (p. 197.) where, speaking of the Late Chancellor's Domineering Carriage, he descants upon it thus; [To tell a Peer of England, and the Bishop of London, so much his Superior, only that he sat upon the Throne of his Commission.] He that was not to be mentioned with the Bishop in the same day, was such a foul piece of Exuberance of his Guildhall Eloquence, which only could have dropped from the Lips of insulting Barbarism. Now a Modest Man, or indeed any one in his Right Wits, would verily judge that there is far more distance betwixt this fellow's Pitch, and that of Kings, than there was between the Bishop of London, and a Lord Chancellor; and that, if these Two were not to be mentioned in the same Day, such a Puny Wretch as this and Sovereign Princes, are not to be mentioned in the same Age: Which if it be true, than this inconsiderate Fop, has, by a far better Consequence than any in his Book, most learnedly proved himself an Insulting Barbarian. All that can be said, why even himself should not judge so, is, That his proud and exaggerating Genius does, in his haughty Imagination, print himself in such a Noble Character, that he judges his own Quality, far Superior to that of poor Monarches, or (to pursue his Phrase) fit to be mentioned with them in the same Minute. In which I most humbly beg his little Grandeurs Pardon, I am something afraid he is mistaken; and that, (to use his own Words a little altered) as Men commit Absurdities when laden with Wine, so this was his Extravagancy, when he was Drunk with Pride and Malice; the Potent Charms which so intoxicate him, that (as will be amply proved hereafter) he thinks himself some kind of Peerless Thing, and Paramount to the whole World. Thus has our Libeler buffeted himself, while he strikes at Kings; and so, since he has evinced it so evidently, an Insulting BARBARIAN let him be.  
Nor must I forget how accurate he is in picking out, and penciling to the Life all the immodest Stories he could either hear, or invent; and how he hugs his own Harlotry Pleasure in Expressing them pathetically. Oh, how his Fancy is tickled with that nasty Idea of the expanded Nakedness of a Harlot, (p. 85.) which he is not ashamed to show his Reader! This, and such as this, I must confess, are foul pieces of an exuberant Eloquence, beyond Guild-Hall pitch; and such as more becomes an Academy of Whores in a Bawdy-house; whence, in all likelihood our honest Libeler transcribed it into his Fancy, & hoped that what was so pleasing to himself, would mightily gratify his sort of Readers.  
Nor must I forget the strong Reason he gives, why he became obliged to write and publish this hotchpotch of Ribaldry. The French King (as he tells us in his Preface) had published a most scandalous Libel, entitled, The True Pourtraicture of William Henry of Nassau, etc. Now, says he, though I do undertake to Vindicate him here, I will not so much as Answer to any one particular objected in that Libel, for fear of Proving and Fending; but let all the Dirt stick upon that Prince still, and let him wipe it off that will; but I'll do that which is better: And what's that? Is there any better way to clear a Man's Credit, than to confute the Calumny? What is then this better way? Marry, says he, I'll show that his nearest Relations are as ill Men as he can be for his heart, and so let them, for me, pass in the World for a pack of abominable Monsters together. And this he calls his more Concise Way of Defending that Prince's Credit: Has this Fellow Common Sense in him, to think that the leaving all unanswered which was Objected, and instead of doing so, falling foul upon his Relations, is the more concise way of clearing the Reputation of him whom he had taken upon him to defend? Or, that any Man's Credit is Vindicated merely by Recriminating other Men? Yet this Trifler tells us there (p. 2. l. 1.) that he has Vindicated that Prince, by this New and more concise Method of not-answering: And this Piece of most refined Nonsense, is the Apology he makes, Why he published to the World such a saucy and scurrilous Invective. Nay, which is worse, by this Carriage of his, he leaves that Prince's Credit in the Lurch, and, in some manner, takes the French Kings Part against him; for the Zeal he expresses for him, shows evidently he had a good Will to Vindicate him particularly; which since he did not, in a Book, as he confesses intended to Vindicate, 'tis enough to make indifferent men suspect, and his Maligners say, that it lay not in his Power to do it. Had such a Prevarication, in a like Case, happened in the Plot-time, People would have sworn the French King had hired him off for Money.  
Who is the Author of this Libel, was for some time uncertain. But, since I had begun to write, and was near finishing these Reflections, I am given to understand for Certain, That this Gallimawfry of Scurrility, was writ by an Atheistical, Damning, Swearing, Drunken Fellow of the Fraternity of Blackfriars, who gets his Living by Scribbling for Money. The Inconsiderableness of the Man made it below me, and too Honourable for him, to meddle with him, had not more powerful Motives, lately mentioned in my Preface, won me to publish what I had already finished, ere I had certain Knowledge of the Name or Quality of the Author: Besides, his Libel being the Groundwork both of the Romance and the Farce, I could no way better Confute those Pieces, than by exposing to the World, the shallow Vanity and ridiculous Lies of Blatant's History, the Foundation on which they were in part built.  
Lastly, though this mean Fellow was thought the fittest Penman for the Blatant Party; yet 'tis not to be doubted, but that the Materials were given him by some of the Heads of that Gang; who spread, and abet by word of Mouth, what this perilu Libeler prints; whose Calumnies therefore to Confute, I judged might not misbecome me; though this Fop, singly Considered, was below Contempt.  
I am not of your mind in the least, that Higher Powers incited him to this senseless Barbarity, or that they will long connive at it. No certainly, it too much misbecomes any Man who has the least Sense of Piety towards such near Relations, or of Generosity towards Personages of so high a Station, and who have born so great a Figure in the World (even although they may be thought to have been subject to some Failings) to be willing they should be thus publicly branded for Monsters, by the licentious and intemperate railing of every petty Buffoon; whence I hope you will suspend that rash Judgement, till you see whether his Book passes currently (after it is exposed) without some severe Animadversion. Nay, were that Unlikely Supposition of yours True, yet 'tis incredible, that Persons even of any Ordinary Prudence, (much less such as they) would not have been chary to abuse Princes so nearly Allied to them, with such Foul and Contumelious Language; but would rather have made Choice of some sober and grave Writer, who knew what good Manners and Decency meant, to lay open the plain Naked Truth, (had Necessity so required) in a Style full of charitable and respectful Expressions towards their Persons, and with a sensible regret that he was forced to expose their Faults; and not to have employed such a foul-mouthed Thersites, whose whole Book is woven quite thorough with such rancorous Invectiveness, that, could a Mad Dog speak, he could scarce vent his Cerberean Foam with more Venom. All Wise Men, who have a good Opinion of the Present Governors, fear this Libeler has gained a fair Title to a Pillory or the Gallows, for such impudent Slanders against their Relations, notwithstandding his glavering Flatteries to curry Favour with them; even the highest Encomiums from such a dirty Pen, are at the best, but scurvy Commendations.  
Thus much for the Manner of his Writing. As for the Matter of it, you may please to observe that the Title of his Libel, is, The Secret History, etc. In the Name of Wonder, how comes this inconsiderable Wretch to be better acquainted with the Secrets of State, than all the Herd of Mankind besides. There have not wanted Times of late, in which there was Impunity enough for Factious Men to speak such Truths as could be proved, or had any degree of Likelihood in them, even against Majesty itself; there wanted not Politicians who had Wit enough to know them, had they been real Vertties, nor Boldness and Malice to detect them: Yet we never heard of such a Complicated Series of Bloody Contrivances, till Blatant, in whose Breast these Horrid Secrets lay hid from the World's dull Eyes, bolted out this Unexpected Discovery of them. But how comes he then, and none but he, to know these Secrets? Was he ever Secretary to any of those several Princes or Popes, that he should be so well Versed in their most private Transactions, and pronounce upon them with such a Confidence? Yet, he must be more than that; he must be of their Cabinet-Council too. Nor, will even such an intimate Familiarity with their Persons and Outward Transactions, justify the abominable Suggestions that are delivered as so many Certain & Evident Truths in this Libel of his. He assumes to himself yet a far greater Privilege, than the knowing all the Arcana Imperii. This is too superficial an Object for his reaching Brain. He Fancies himself a little God Almighty, and dives into their very Thoughts; and (which is a Prerogative peculiar to the Divinity) searches their very Hearts and most retruse Intentions; and when he has done, he turns their Consciences inside-outwards: For, otherwise, the Particulars he huddles up together, will fall short of inferring what is still the Burden of his Song, The Design of introducing Popery and Slavery. He keeps a huge Pother about the French King, and King Ch. his siding with him, and seconding his Intentions; whereas, every wise Man knows that there is no True Friendship betwixt Kings: They all do what they think is best for their Interest, and strive to circumvent one another by Policy. They commonly look one way and row another. The French may make Proposals, and our Kings, if they see it expedient, may in Out-ward Show, admit their Pretences; and in their Treaties, give way seemingly to their Intentions (so they can but gain the Point they aim at) though they never meant them, nor had the same Motives the others had. Sometimes too, Kings may tell the Parliament what was really then their Intention, yet change of Circumstances intervening, may show the complying with them in that particular, to be, hic & nunc, Imprudent and highly Inconvenient. The Common Good is their proper Object, and 'tis hard for any, to know what is such so well as themselves, by reason of their High Station, and Universal Intelligence, both at home from their Ministers, and abroad by their Ambassadors: Yet the subtle Wit of Blatant can penetrate into their inmost Breasts, and tell their Thoughts to an Hairs breadth: He thinks Solomon, for all his Wisdom, was but a Fool, and the Scripture much to blame in saying, That Cor Regum inscrutabile, The Hearts of Kings are unsearchable: Their most dark and opacous Meanings are to his Lynx's Eyes as transparent as Crystal: However, we poor undiscerning Mortals be of opinion, that his leaden Skull and short Line of Reason, are utterly unable to fathom such depths. Nay, he knows of all Secret Letters between Party and Party, as well as if he had writ them with his own Hand; though now and then, if he fears them unauthentick, he is put to make them current with an [If.] But of his Proofs and Arguments hereafter.  
Indeed he tells us candidly, in his Preface, That he will not apologise for the Truth of what's contained in his Libel. Now, the Crimes charged in it, are of the highest nature, and against Personages of the highest Dignity, which the Scripture forbids us to speak evil of. Wherefore one would think such an Action as this, of all things in the World, should need an Apology, and such an Apology too as carries with it the clearest Evidence and strongest Conviction; and that otherwise our Blatant will gain to himself the Repute of an Apostate from all Common Honesty, Civility, Charity and Christianity: Nay, he is to show us too the Necessity of publishing to the open World such horrid Crimes of such Personages, even though True; since all secret Truths, especially such scandalous ones, are not (as himself confesses in his Preface) to be trumpeted about at all times, if at all. And lastly, he needs a good lusty Apology, why he delivered those supposed Truths in such a scurrilous manner. How comes it then, that he so kindly indulges himself the heavy and most necessary Task of Apologizing? Because (says he) as for what was more publicly carried, there are the loud and general Complaints of the Kingdom to confirm it. By the word [Kingdom] he means, we are to think, Himself, and his own factious Party, and especially the Traitors and their Adherents: By the same Figure of his kind of Rhetoric, as by making the Dissenters (or rather the most bigoted and furious part of them) the only Protestants, he, by consequence, ever and anon Christens those of the true Church of England by the Name of Papists. I cannot but note here how this poor man quite forgets what he is about. The Title of his Pamphlet is, The Secret History, etc. And he stuffs out his Book with Matters publicly carried, and which (as he says) a whole Kingdom loudly complained of. These are some of honest Blatant's SECRETS, which made such a noise, that every one must needs hear of them, whether they would or no, especially his Factious Crew, who were the persons that made that Noise; for their Mouth and their Ears are not far asunder. Unless he will maintain, (for he does as great Feats as this in his Book) that a whole Kingdom complained loudly of they knew not what, and that he is the only man (forsooth) that has ferreted out these Public Secrets. But to the point.  
The Kingdom, notwithstanding some Taxes, (which were inconsiderable, if we compare them with K. Ch. the Second long Reign) lived in Peace and Plenty, and for all his ill Husbandry, and his being addicted to his Pleasures, (Faults, tho' no way excusable, yet incident to many Princes) he was beloved generally by his People, and his Death much lamented. Again, under the Reign of K. james, there were no Taxes at all: And as for some forward Proceedings, which disgusted many, he acted by the Advice of his Judges, assuring him, that his Prerogative (of which every King is tenacious) did warrant the Legality of his Actions. Indeed, I must join with Mr. Blatant in this, That he had the Misfortune to have had an haughty Chancellor, whose Humour led him to carry all things with huffing and a braggadochio height of Arbitrary Authority; which did not a little contribute to lose his Prince the Love of many; and that King's different Religion made the People easily susceptible of sinister Impressions; which disgusted men made it their Business to improve and heighten with ridiculous Lies and groundless Jealousies.  
But why does not he apologise for the Truth of the more secret Transactions? A man would think that the more secret they are, the more clear the Proofs ought to be, since the Blacker the Objects are, the more Light is requisite to make them perfectly Visible. Why no Apology then for the Truth of those private Concerns, wrapped up in the mysterious Veil of Cabinet-Counsels and State-Policy? The Reason why he gives none, is, because The Consequences and Events are his Testimonies. But this poor Babbler is mightily out in his Logic; for, we ought to see his Premises are true, ere any Truth can follow from them: Since, if this be not first made good, let his Consequences be as well knit to them as he pleases, his Conclusions may all be false. Now the Consequences he draws, rely upon some pretended Papers, Letters, and Treaties, and an innumerable company of wild Stories, babbled up and down by the Factious Party that forged them themselves. These therefore a solid man would have made it his first care to prove, that they could not be Forgeries or Mistakes. But never was Writer so slight in that main Performance: He barely puts down, That such a thing was printed, such a thing written or talked, and so lets it shift as well as it can for its own authenticness, and appuys himself on the hope he has of his Reader's Bias towards his side; or on his good-natured Credulity; and if these fail him, good-night to Blatant's whole Libel. At least, if the Reader must trust his Word or Judgement, it would have been some glimmering of Satisfaction to him, had he told him what Means he had (above other men) to know such Passages to be true, where he had seen the Records, in whose Hands they are or were, and suchlike, and not to leave his Reader in an Amusement, how he came to be so particularly enlightened, as to know that what was thus printed or written, or said, was a Certain Truth, and to be firmly relied on.  
Thus much for his Premises, on the Truth of which all depends. Next, even supposing some of his Premises were Certainly True, yet his pretended Consequences can never be a perfect Apology, unless he shows the necessary Connexion of the one to the other: For, if the thing might possibly spring from another Cause than what he assigns, viz. [the Design of introducing Popery and Slavery,] then 'tis far from being an Apology for the Truth of that for which he brings it. To examine this then a little more narrowly, I affirm, That either these Consequences, which are to testify the Truth of those more secret Transactions, do follow naturally from the more public one; or they require some Skill to deduce them. If the former, than every man of an ordinary pitch of Reason would be able to see them, as well as this Owl-eyed fellow, and his Party; and then he might have spared his Pains, it being to no purpose; for, in that case, he would have told us no News but what we knew before. If the later, we ought to be satisfied of Blatant's Skill in drawing his Consequences, and partly on his unbyast Sincerity. His Passion too visibly manifests his want of the later; and as for the former, he must pardon us if we cannot admire him; for, 'tis visible through his whole Libel, that his Malice so transports him, that (as shall be seen) he makes any thing follow out of any thing: Nay, should a sober man deduce them, they do far more naturally bear another shape; and can fright no man, unless such weak Souls, whom Blatant's Bugbear Stories have made believe that every Bush is a Spirit.  
Take an Instance or two, how, tho' this Libeler may be gifted in other Performances, yet his Skill in drawing Consequences is very untoward and even ridiculous. The Dutch War is levelled by him (p. 42.) at the mere bringing in of Popery and Slavery. Whereas, they being our known Competitors in Shipping and Trade, and daily encroaching upon us (not to speak of their owing us satisfaction for old Injuries, recounted in the Book entitled, Amboina) a War once in Seven or (at farthest) Ten Years was ever held by our wisest Statesmen, in former times, (for I meddle not with what is our Interest now) as seasonable and necessary, as is the lopping off the under-growing Suckers, that intercept the Sap from the Tree, which gave them Life and Nourishment: And it has ever been imputed to K. james the First, as the most impolitic Act he ever did, and of the most dangerous Consequence to the Interest of England, that, out of his too great love of Peace, he did not curb the Growth of Holland, but let them rise to such a height of Power, as to be our Equals at Sea; in which the Wisdom of Q. Elizabeth, and her Council, thought fit severely to restrain them. Yet this babbling Libeler can see no reason in the World for a War with Holland, (how long soever it had been intermitted) but merely the introducing of Popery and Slavery, upon no other account, (says he, p. 42.) but because they sheltered and protected those whom K. Ch. and the French King persecuted for their Religion. He has forgot, that the long Parliament made War with them upon the score of Interest, without any design sure of introducing Popery by that means. He has forgot too, that the Persecution of the French Hugunots, and their running hither for shelter, was long after that War, which he makes to be the Cause of it. He has forgot how many of them sheltered themselves lately here in England, even under K. james the Second, who not only afforded them Refuge, but also recommended the Relieving them, and to that degree, that it invited Swarms of them to follow, till they grew fat and rich, and fared better than ever they did in their own Country, to the great impoverishment of our English Tradesmen, and ruin of innumerable poor Families, by intercepting their Gain, and under working them. Lastly, He has quite forgot what kind of Christians they were whom chief K. Ch. the Second persecuted, (that is, permitted Q Elizabeth's Laws against them to be executed) viz. The most violent-humoured fanatics, who were ever and anon raising Disturbance both in Church and State; the rest of the more quiet Dissenters suffered for their sakes, it being impracticable to separate them.  
The reason then of that War with Holland, is obvious to every Eye but Blatant's; and that it was held then the true Interest of England: Nor would any King in the World, tho' he had been of the same Religion with them, disaccept the Assistance of another King, if offered, let him be of what Religion he will, for then the Work would both be the easier, and the burden of it lie more light upon England. But let our Blatant take the business in hand, with his special Gift of drawing Consequences, the whole Action, and every Step that was taken in it, shall clearly demonstrate an arrant Design of introducing Slavery and Popery, however remote and impertinent the Premises are from the Conclusion; and no more hang together than the building of Tenterdon's Steeple does with the stopping of Goodwin's Sands. But, alas! This is one of his stoutest and most Achillean Arguments; K. Ch. the Second could not keep a Miss for his Pleasure, but, have-at him with a Consequence, cries Blatant, (p. 26.) ergo, it was a mere Plot of his to debauch the Nation, and so to introduce Popery and Slavery. The then D. of York took an innocent Nap at Sea. A clear Case, says our man of Consequences, (p. 160.) that it was a mere treacherous Plot, to let the Dutch beat the English, and make 'em destroy one another to bring in Slavery and Popery. Our allseeing Blatant could peep into his Fancy, though the Windows of his Senses were shut up, and craftily spy out his very Dreams, and there read plainly, that he was still plotting Slavery and Popery, even in his Sleep. Nay more, he makes him to be a man of such a Chimerical Composition, (p. 161.) that he both procured the firing the Dutch Ships in their Harbours, and also procured the firing of our Ships at Chatham; and to mend the Jest, our implacable Blatant, whose ambi-sinistrous Humour nothing can please, is very angry with him for doing both the one and the other: Most Unhappy they that offend this man, or come under his Clutches; for, let them do things quite contradictory to one another, they shall still be sure to do wrong. Yet to do the Libeler Right, he has once in his life drawn a very clear Consequence, if we will out of kindness grant his Principle, which is the sure Basis of his whole Book, viz. That [Whatever K. Ch. the Second, or K. james the Second either did, or can be said or pretended to do, must needs be Wicked, Bloody, Treacherous, etc. because it is done, or said to be done by Them] or, as Hudibras has it, 
Tho' there were nothing to forbid it,  
'Tis Impious yet, because They did it.  His skewing and screwed Deductions of this kind are innumerable; which show our Libeler, to give him his due, no mean Artist, to clutter so many of them together in so little a room, and to tack them to one another, to make his Tale tell smoothly, with such a dexterous Confidence; for it requires no small Skill to make a Rope of Sand, which is Blatant's Master piece: Yet upon my word, he crowns the Work, and fortifies his Redoubts beyond all possibility of Attack (p. 28.) by assuring the Reader (and who dares disbelieve him?) that his pretended Proofs are Geometrical Demonstrations. Is not this a pleasant Fellow, to expose himself thus to the Scorn and Laughter of Learned men, by venting such Stuff as this for Demonstration? Indeed, in one sense his Discourse may be called Geometrical; for, abating his own numberless Fictions, which give a loose kind of Contexture to the whole, the Thrums-ends of his Tittle-tattle hang together by Geometry; as will more amply appear hereafter.  
This then is the Success of his Consequences, which were to apologise for the Truth of his Libel. The other thing he alleges in his Preface, to bear Testimony to the Truth of what he writes, is, The Events: But these can do him no Service at all; for no such Events as he feared have happened; nor have either Popery or Slavery been introduced, much less forced upon England. King's may possibly, in some particulars, be misled by flattering Judges, or other ill Counsel, to extend their Prerogative; and Subjects may take Shadow at some Actions of theirs, and, giving way to groundless Jealousies, be as much mistaken in cramping and retrenching their Just Power; and yet neither the former have the least Intention tyrannically to enslave the People, nor the later have any thought of being Traitors to their King: Both are Men, and so both may err in such cases, without pushing every thing to such lewd Extremities as this Incendiary does. K. Ch. the Second might endeavour to get the Roman Catholics some Ease, and Security for the Private Exercise of their Religion, (or perhaps now and then put some person, whom he held to be faithful to him, and fit for the Place, into an Office) without incurring a just imputation of a Design of introducing Popery. To let some men say their Prayers after their own way, is not to bid or force others to join with them, or become of their Persuasion; nay, he was in some sort bound to be thus Civil to them both in Equity and Conscience: For, how ungrateful had it been in him, when he was restored to his Crown, to have, by a public Act, indemnified all his Enemies, and at the same time, to have persecuted those who were, and had ever been, his constant and faithful Friends? Many of them had assisted towards his Maintenance when he was beyond Sea, had forfeited their Estates, and lost their Lives, for him and his Father in England: Could any Good man than do less in Honour, than protect such Loyal Persons, such faithful Friends, and such kind Benefactors? King james the Second (besides the former Motives) took himself to be yet more particularly obliged in Honour and Conscience to do the same, having publicly professed himself to be of that Persuasion: Nor would any Prince living, in his case, do other; nor, indeed, could he do less, without declaring himself, at the same time, to be an Hypocrite, as not valuing the Religion he professed, or thinking it ought to be protected; whereas yet the Sincerity of his Conscience was manifest to the whole World, by his going so plainly against his Interest, as to hazard the loss of Three Kingdoms, rather than quit the Persuasion he had embraced. And, for the same reason, it was but decent for a Prince of that Communion to send an Ambassador to Rome, (tho' Blatant, after his usual manner, belies his Errand) to receive a Nuntio thence, and to make some Ecclesiastical Superiors here to preserve Discipline and Good Life amongst Roman Catholics. But, that either of these two Princes (though they might intend that Party a kind of Freedom, and some Favours) could aim at the introducing Popery, or forcing it upon their English Subjects, or, by means of that Party, Slavery, is as wild a Conceit as ever entered into a raving Head. The Papists, 'tis well known, are but an handful to all England; but a Breakfast, should all the rest rise up to devour them. Add, That an Army, of which seven parts of eight were Protestants, (and the Militia of England were all of them the same) was the most unlikely Means in the World to compass such an End, or rather it was such a Remora, as made it impossible to be ever compassed: Nor wants it weight, that a Declaration for Liberty of Conscience to all (so displeasing of late (p. 202.) to our angry Blatant, who is resolved, that nothing shall pacify his Indignation) was most solemnly promised, and even too zealously endeavoured to be put in execution, and to be made a firm and unalterable Law of the Land: Which, as it was the best Expedient imaginable to secure the Consciences of all the English Subjects, by making it the Common Interest of the whole Nation, and engaging all Parties to stand up as one man against the Papists, had they ever attempted to violate such a Sanction; so it is no less an irrefragable Evidence of that King's sincere Intention never to use any Force or Coercion upon any man's Conscience, and a perfect Confutation of that ridiculous Shame, which is made to pass upon the Vulgar, that we must in that case have all turned Papists. This is the true state of that Affair, testified by Common Reason, and abetted by as many Pregnant Evidences, and known Matters of Fact, as a thing of such a nature can possibly bear; which yet our Libeler paints in the most hideous & monstrous form that his disordered Passion could invent, or his squinting Fancy could delineate.  
Yet I will not make myself so great a Politician, as to contend but there might have been some Miscarriages, (and, in what Government in the World are there not some?) the Sense of which being improved by disgusted men, and noised abroad till they reached the Generality, the Nature (as it were) of England conceived itself aggrieved; and Nature (as all Histories testify) will at length work out its way by one means or other, to compass its Real or Imaginary Satisfaction, tho' perhaps the Remedy, resolved upon in an hurry, sometimes haps to be worse than the Disease. Particularly, to show how far I am from justifying any Action which is indeed unblamable, I must confess, That the shutting up of the Exchequer by K. Ch. the Second, was a very ill business: Blatant charges it in the foulest Language, p. 62. yet he might have been so just to that Prince, as to let his Reader know, That this was done by the advice of the Earl of Shaftsbury, to render that King odious; and that K. Ch. was so sensible of that Injury done to his Subjects, that he settled, by Patent under the Great Seal of England, the Interest of that Money at 6 per Cent. to be paid out of the Hereditary Excise, till the Principal could be discharged; which Settlement all the great Lawyers in England did agree to be a Legal and Good Security: So that it was far from being such a notorious Robbery as our Blatant represents it. Indeed, the not paying the Interest afterwards though so legally due, was a very high Injustice. But, as he charges it not, so 'tis not my Office, or pertinent to my Business in hand, to determine where the Fault lay; only I must say, That the Complaints of Thousands, who are undone by the detaining it, cry aloud to Heaven, till that Oppression be redressed, and Satisfaction be made for their Sufferings. He might have told us too, (for it is true) That K. james the Second, then D. of York, did with his own Hands bring a Bill into the House of Lords, to have that Settlement confirmed by Act of Parliament, and never desisted till it had passed that House, in the year 78. But that Parliament being prorogued, that business, though well intended, failed of success.  
His other Arts are to give an ill turn to every Transaction, and lay hold of it by the wrong Handle. A method, by which 'tis easy for any babbling fellow, endowed with a pretty Tantum of Wit, to travesty all the most Sacred Actions, and traduce the Intentions of the most Innocent Persons in the World. He builds much upon little tattling Court-Stories, gossiped amongst the Ladies, which never wanted in any Reign, nor do they at present: Yet till our Blatant, for want of better Stuff, thought fit to make use of them, no wise man ever held them worth the bringing upon the Tapis, or indeed worth heeding, much less judged them to be a competent Ground to bear such heavy Charges against Kings and Princes. He picks up all the abominable Fictions invented and spread in the Plot-time by the factious Sticklers, though every one of them that was of moment, was a confuted Lie, either proved by plain Experience, or by Legal Evidences sworn openly in Court; or, at least, branded for Untruths by the Recorded Perjury of the Testimony on which solely they were built: And then, lest those Prejudices against his Stories should be of any weight, he arraigns' all the Judges and Juries as Popishly affected, though they were all of them, to a man, Protestants. If any of his own Party do but hold up his Hand at the Bar, 'tis made a flat Condemnation of the whole Court, and a Geometrical Demonstration with him, that they were all of them most abominable Papists. His Topics▪ of this sort make up near one Third of his Libel.  
He traduces even the Devotions of K. Ch. the Second, (p. 21.) for that Prince might have intended Liberty of Conscience to all at that time, which, after he came into England, the Necessity of Affairs, or the Treasonable Demerits of divers of the Fanatic Party, might show him to be hic & nunc against the Common Good, and therefore in these Circumstances imprudent. Or he might have intended it still, tho' he did not then execute it: And, indeed, 'tis manifest he did so, by his attempting to introduce it afterwards; but, by the opposition made against it, he found it impracticable. However, he made it evident, that the not giving Liberty of Conscience then, stuck not at him.  
His Confident Sayings, without any Proof, are numberless, and make up above half his Book. Take a few Instances: He would almost make his Reader believe (p. 27.) that he had seen the King write a Letter to the Pope, in the year 62, for not the least Proof does he offer for it, nor do any of his pretended Apologies reach to excuse him, for laying such a Scandal. He affirms, as stoutly (p. 29.) as if he had been present, That all who had been abroad with that King (except three) had bound themselves by Oaths and Promises to assist in the Design of extirpating the Protestant Religion; and othing but one hotheaded Presbyterian, (whose Name too we must ot know, for fear of catching him in a Lie) quoted for it, who was laughed at, I fear, by the Parliament for a Madman. But I am afraid our Blatant is pleased to tell us an egregious Tale in this his Rant of Calumny. What thinks he of my Lord Chancellor Hyde, who was one of those abroad with that King, and one of the Three excepted? Was he too sworn to extirpate Protestant Religion? Certainly that noble Peer had the worst Luck of any man living, to be looked upon by Roman Catholics as one who, out of zealous Affection to the Protestant Religion, was their great Adversary; and yet, if we may believe Blatant, was by Oath bound to extirpate Protestants to set up Popery.  
He relies (p. 52.) upon a Libel printed at Paris, which he confesses, p. 50, was done by the French King, to make King Ch. despair of ever being trusted or forgiven by his People; that is, it was done by him to set England in Confusion. Now, had it made for his purpose, he would in another Circumstance have sworn it was a Politic Invention, contrived by that King to do a Mischief to England; but his Design here was to disgrace K. Ch. and therefore it must necessarily be a most Certain Truth. Nay, our kind Blatant co-operates with the French King's pretended Design, or rather outdoes him: For, the French King ever asserted the Truth of that Libel, but stifled it, and punished the Author; whereas our Blatant vouches the Truth of it, and (unless he will be ungrateful) must acknowledge an high Obligation to the man who counterfeited and printed it, since he has afforded him such a precious Lie to lay load on that King, which is his Darling Design.  
That the French King was supplied by K. Ch. with Arms and Ammunition, to take (his own) the English Ships, is so senseless a Calumny, that it would honour it too much to go about to confute it: For, it depends on his bare word, or rather, 'tis against his own words; for, he confesses, p. 89, That K. Ch. sent to expostulate and require Satisfaction for the Injuries done to the English; but yet, he turns it off to another business, and assures his Reader this was but a pretence; and than who dares disbelieve a Person of that high Honour, who creates and annihilates Truths at his pleasure, by virtue of his special Gift of diving into Men's Intentions?  
He takes the part of all the Traitors, against our Kings and Government; he licks up all the venomed Stuff that the Salamanca Dr. had vomited, and magnifies his unblushing Impudence and his pregnant Reasons, (p. 94.) I suppose he means his many and palpable self-contradictions; as is shown evidently, beyond confute, in the Treatise entitled, Titus against Oats. Nor do I wonder he should retain such a special Kindness for that Gentleman, for standing as he does, perjured upon Record; he is the honester man for it in Blatant's Judgement; only, he should be a little startled, had he the least Grain of Indifferency left him, to see, That that Ignominious Brand is so perpetually and unremovably fixed upon him, that the stickling of all his best Friends, in a late House of Commons, could not, (even in that most favourable juncture) procure him to be unstigmatized and re-qualifyed for a Witness. No truer is his Assertion (p. 95.) That Coleman confessed there was a Plot against our Laws, Liberties, and Religion, and that it was advanced so far, and seconded by Persons of that Quality in the Nation, and Figure in the Government, that there was no possibility to give a Let or Disappointment to it. Which is a Fardel of Lies packed up together, without either Proof or Shame; as are also the Messages between Coleman and the Duke, so impudently asserted in the next Page.  
He confesses, (p. 115.) that Dangerfield was a Miscreant and a Rascal, yet takes his bare Word against the King and his Royal Brother, that they hugged, caressed, and feed him privately: But now, let Common Sense beware, and stand out of the way, for Blatant is going to bring his Argument, which will, we may be sure, knock down all the Reason of Mankind, that dares stand against it. P. 165. he tells us, That 'tis a most convincing Proof of the Truth of Dangerfield 's Examination, that the Duke hated him for it after the Discovery. Very good: But, in case he belied the Duke when examined, why might not his Resentment against him afterwards arise from thence? And, if so, how is the Duke's Anger a convincing Proof he spoke Truth, when the same Anger was more justly deserved by him for witnessing Lies? So that we must have recourse to Dangerfield's Personal Credit for the Truth of his Testimony; and, how great that was, Blatant himself tells us, p. 115. viz. That he was a needy Profligate, a Miscreant, an Impostor, a Rascal, an unpardoned Coiner, and a Common Cheat. This is to be meant (we must understand) what Dangerfield was in puris naturalibus, before he became Regenerate, by doing Service to the Faction; but as soon as ever, following the vogue of the Times, he took the Boldness to abuse and belly the King and his Brother, This Man for my Money, cries Blatant, I'll warrant him an Honest man, and a Sincere Witness. This, this alone atones for all his past Misdemeanours, & sanctifies him immediately into a Babe of Grace. Such another job he affords us, p. 129. Fitzharris, he confesses, said backwards and forwards: Score him up then for another irrefragable Witness against the King and the Duke, says honest Blatant.  
It were easy to refute all his Cavils concerning Argyle, Russel, Essex, etc. but that it has been done over and over by better Pens: Had he candidly informed the Reader with what was alleged and proved concerning them or their Cause, he might have had some Light what to think of it; but our Libeler conceals all that was objected and evidenced, and tells Stories of his own Factious Copartners, which he seconds with multitudes of his own Forgeries, scatteringly intermixed, and (so selfconceited he is) that he hopes such light Stuff will counterpoise the Gravity of Courts, and the Justice of the Nation. But, above all, I wonder he was not ashamed to object the Murder of Sir Edmondbury Godfrey, after he had seen the Mystery of his Death unfolded by Sir Roger L'Estrange; where he will find no such Stuff as his own bare Sayings, or Tattles of the Multitude, or the Words of biased men; but the sworn Attestations of a great number of Indifferent Persons of all sorts, conspiring so perfectly to the same Truth, that they force Human Nature to see evidently the Conclusion; to answer the least of whose many Arguments, is beyond the Skill of all the Blatants living.  
But, oh! how he triumphs in the Testimony of his new Evidence, Dorothy Smith! After all the baffled sham's of Braddon, and the rest of that Seditious Gang, which he furbishes up again, and varnishes over (p. 177, 178, 179.) with a voluntary Lie (without any Proof offered for it) in almost every Line, this pitiful Drudge comes, like another Daniel, to discover that sinful Account of Murdering the Earl: But, I beseech you, good Mr. Blatant, why was not this Authentic Kitchenwench called before the Parliament lately, nor Holland neither, tho' kept in Prison to that purpose, when that business was moved? It would have pleased all your Friends infinitely, to have had that Earl's Murder, by the Duke's Order, well proved at that time of day: Nor wanted they Zeal to prosecute it, had they judged they had competent Witnesses to make good the Charge. But, you know well, that such a Choak-Pear was put to that Calumny, by Witnesses of another kind of Quality than Dol was, that the intended Prosecution was passed over as desperate, He says (p. 178.) That several were ready to depose; But, why came they not in then, when the late Parliament sat? Who discouraged them? Or rather, indeed, who durst have hindered them at a season when it was meritorious to blacken K. james all that was possible? As for Dol's Testimony, it discredits itself: The pretended Murderers must needs meet at her Master's; must needs speak so loud and so carelessly, as to let the Protestant Maid hear them, both before and after the Murder was committed: Nay, she must needs be gadding abroad, and have business obliging her to walk, a little before the Earl's death, before his Chamber Window, in the Tower: She, who, as he told us (p. 178.) lived in a by-Corner in the Town, what had she to do there? Or, if she had, why must her Business invite her thither just when the Earl was to be killed? How comes it, that she alone must hear a great trampling and bustling in his Chamber, see three or four Heads move close together, and hear a loud and doleful Cry of Murder? The upshot is, Dol was in every place, and just at the very nick of time too, wherever her Inspirers could have wished her to be: An evident Token of a Lie and Subordination to boot, as could be imagined! And so much for Dol. The rest is the unattested words of a dead Man, and Blatant's own Forgeries or Conjectural Conceits.  
Of the same leaven is his positive affirming (p. 187, 188.) not only without Proof, but against the Senses of all the Persons and the Records of the Court, that his dear Brother Dr. Oats was condemned for Perjury by Witnesses already falsified and known Papists: Whereas, whoever heard that Trial, as I myself did, know well, that not any one Witness against Oats was convicted of Perjury, as also, that there were many Protestants, who swore positively against him; the Religion of each Witness being asked publicly and particularly. 'Tis well the House of Lords were Sitting when Blatant printed his Libel, or he would have mauled them all for Papists, for not reversing that Sentence against that First Saviour of the Nation, when it was pressed so mightily by the House of Commons. But, how bitterly Blatant declames there against the Whipping Punishment! Poor man! the dreadful Lashes which he fears he may bring upon his own back, are so lively by Anticipation imprinted in his Fancy, that the Idea of them makes all the Humours in his Composition turn Choler, at the very thought of so rough an usage, likely to be his own Lot.  
What a pother he keeps (p. 193.) about K. James' endeavouring to bring the Corporations on his side! I meddle not with the Legality of any such Proceeding, humbly acknowledging, that I want the high Privilege which Blatant assumes to himself, of knowing better what is Law than all the judges, or what is more conducing to the Common Good, than does a King; only I may, with his Leave, venture to say what every man knows, and the Matter of Fact testifies, That that King's Reason for doing it, was to get Liberty of Conscience enacted by Law, and this too, after his having used all other means he could invent to bring it about other ways. Why Blatant should be so angry at that which would have been so grateful to all his Friends, must be imputed to his inveterate Distemper of Mind, which is altogether incurable, since even such Lenitives are so far from assuaging it, that they exasperated it the more. Furious Choler is so rooted in his very Composition, that 'tis beyond all the Power of Hellebore to purge it away.  
I must not forget how he lays open at large, from p. 11, to p. 19 a Treaty of K. Ch. the Second with the Pope, in the Year 52. counterfeited most certainly by some former Blatant; For, 'tis so very ridiculous in all its parts, that none but a Madman would have proposed it to the Belief of any man of common sense: For, first, what show of Reason is there, that K. Ch. would have closed so with Rome, while he was in Scotland, this being the only way to ruin himself as soon as he was newly come into a good condition? 2. What a silly thing it is to desire the Pope to cause the whole beneficed Clergy in the World, of what Dignity, Degree, State or Condition soever to contribute the third or fourth part of all their Fruits, Rents, Revenues or Emoluments to a War against England. In the Emperor's great necessity, when the Common Good of all Christendon seemed to be concerned, the Turk then ravaging Hungary as far as Vienna, it was never known that any asked, or the Pope gave, more than a Tenth, and this not in all Countries, but in some few only. 3. What an imprudent and odd Expression is that [the whole beneficed Clergy in the World] Did that Forger think, or, could K. Ch. imagine, that the beneficed Clergy in Russia, the Country of the Abyssins', and many others, are at the Pope's beck, or under his Jurisdiction? At least, if it means all under the Pope, could it be thought fit, that the Roman Catholics in America should contribute to the European Wars? 4. What mean the Words [cause and compel] every wise man knows, that all the Pope can do in such cases, is, to exhort or permit, leaving it to the respective Princes, to whom they are subject; to compel them to contribute, and that himself can compel none out of the Ecclesiastical State, of which he is the Temporal Prince. 5. What an impertinent thing it is to request, that the Pope would admonish them all to have no Commerce with England? A very likely thing, that so many Nations will wrong their own Interest in such an high manner, as to leave Trading with England at the Pope's Entreaty! Lastly, Grant it, That the than Governors in England were sworn Enemies to Monarchy; yet, what a loud and senseless Lie it is, That both in Germany, Spain, France, Polonia, etc. and in the very Dominions of the Great Turk, they have raised and fomented dangerous Insurrections, and that, to that purpose they supply the Charge, and make large Contributions to it. And certainly, they must be very large ones that can supply the Charge of pulling down the settled Government of all those Countries, (besides what the large, etc. includes) and making so many Commonwealths of them. Is not this man frantic, to write at this mad rate? Yet, this he makes vast use of; nay, and to abett it, he names Father Dawly, that went to Rome about it. Now, the truth is, That that Gentleman's Business was, to get K. john the Fourth to be owned for K. of Portugal by the Pope, and by that means to obtain Bishops for that Kingdom, than quite destitute of them; and the Point where it stuck, was, That the Pope, out of fear of disgusting Spain, hung back then from acknowledging that Prince for King, and Bishops (according to their Laws) could not be had without the King's nomination. This is the Truth of that Affair, the rest is mere Fiction, and the silliest one, into the Bargain, that ever was forged; which, in all likelihood, was the reason that the whole Story was torn out of Whitlock's Memorials, before they were published, lest it should discredit the whole Book and its Author.  
Just such another Flame (p. 144, 145.) is his Story of a Treaty with the K. of Poland, about establishing the Roman-Catholick Religion; and this he calls, An undeniable Convincement to all the World of the Truth of what has been hitherto said. Observe, by the way, that all he has said hitherto, cannot so convince, but it may be denied, if the Strength of this Story, which is to support them all, does hap to falter. No doubt then, but he will exert his very utmost Endeavours to make it evident, since so precious a Concern as is the undeniable Truth of that has been said hitherto, lies at stake. He proves it notably, by its standing still Recorded under K. Ch. his own Hand. By my Faith, this looks terribly: By the way, 'tis the first time I ever heard that Kings did use to record things with their own Hands: But, let that pass. How proves he, that it stands still recorded under his own Hand? Marry, he proves it with an [If]; If (says he) the Original of the Instructions be extant. Very good: The Argument stands thus. If the Original of the Instructions to the Ambassador be still extant, than the thing is undeniably true. Well; but is the Original indeed still extant? I do not know that, says Blatant, and can only say, If it be. Is there, at least, an Authentic Copy of it extant? He knows not that neither, else we should have heard News of it. Nor, if there were, is it sufficient to render his Proof undeniable, it being wholly built on this, that the thing stands Still recorded under the King's own Hand. So that the Truth of all that he has hitherto said, for 144 Pages, stands or falls by the strength of the doughty and most substantial Proof [If.] Whence if honest [If] chance but to totter, and 'tis Ten Millions to none it will, seeing its very nature and notion expresses Tottering; and 'tis known, that a Conditional Proposition puts nothing in re, than all Blatant's Heroic Achievements hitherto, as to their Truth, fall to the Ground. Does such a silly Puppy ever hope to gain Belief from any man that is not a mere Natural? Yet this is the very Genius of his way of Talking, throughout his Book: He will speak so Big, and run on with such a rushing Career, that he over-bears the Reason of a well-minded Reader, and wheedles, or rather hurries, him into a Belief that all is Real that is delivered so confidently; but, if he be so considerate, as to suspend till he sees the Force of his Proof, not a Line shall he find that has the least show of true Evidence; but that, what gives a kind of Counterfeit Life to his whole Discourse, is his sputtering, and keeping a great coil and clutter to amuse weak Readers, and put them at their Wits-end what to think. Only, they can see, that either Blatant▪ is the Greatest Liar living, or, every man he is offended at, is the Greatest Knave in Nature. Whether of them is thus faulty, any sober man may easily divine by his Natural Reason, without needing to go to a Vizard.  
We have seen by these few Instances picked out of many, (and I made choice of those I judged his strongest and most important) what a terrible Beast Blatant is at laying his Grounds, and drawing his Conclusions; and that either his own Forgeries, or those of others, are generally his only Premises, or else that his Consequences from some True Principle or True Relation of Matter of Fact are mere Paralogisms. Which, put together, show him to be a Desert●● of Human Reason, which consists in the inferring Necessary Consequences from firm Premises or Principles. I● remains now to Examine what he defers to Authority: For, if he bot● wilfully baffles Reason, and with●● despises Authority, he has nothing i● the World left to support his Credit in the least, but must be look●● upon as a wretched Deserter of Human Nature, and a Brutish Monster in the shape of a Man.  
How saucily he bears himself towards particular Persons, tho' sea●ed in a high Place of Authority, hi● Carriage towards Sir Lionel jenkin's one of King Charles his Principal S●●cretaries of State informs us, p. 119● That Worthy Gentleman behaved himself so moderately, and civilly in that Employment, that he was esteemed by all, but the Factious, to be a true Lover of Integrity and Justice; nor was he Hated even by those generally, but only by some few of them; and this merely upon the Score of executing his Office; which, when their Demerits required it, was the unavoidable Duty of an Honest Man. Yet he falls upon him very rudely, (p. 119.) tells us, he was a Fool as well as a Knave; makes him in a manner, accessary to a supposed Murder (which never was, the Person being alive still) by concealing it. Lastly, he makes him a Papist in his Heart, or One of F. Goff's Creatures; but brings no particular Reason for it but his Fasting, which he makes one Infallible Token of it: Whence we may gather, That our Jolly Libeler uses to Feast for his Sins, and to eat heartily of the best, to correct his inordinate Appetite, and Tame his Original Concupiscence. He tells us, indeed, in common Words that there are other I●●fallible Tokens of the same; whic● we may imagine are to be brought to light, when our Infallible Libe●●ler's Fancy has coined or created them. But his Anger springs only hence that he lived and died a True Son o● the Church of England, and a stric● Observer of Her Ancient Canons which in Blatants deep Judgement are Popish enough in all Conscience.  
Our judges and juries are the Deciders in Ordinary, of all Law-Controversies, and the Dispenser's of Justice to every English Subject; an● if they lose the Repute of Unbyas● Honesty, no Man can think he shal● be able either to keep or recover hi● own, or that any Verdict given by them, is Lawful and Valid; especially, should they be represented as Godless Wretches and Monsters for Injustice. Their Authority then, as one would think, aught to be preserved inviolate, and their Credit secured from public Reproach, under ●he highest Penalties to those who ●hould Libel them in any Infamous manner. But e'er we entertain too ●ood an Opinion of them, or their authority either, we must first know ●latant's Thoughts in the Matter, or we shall be sure to incur his heavy Displeasure, and fall into the same Condemnation. Who, p. 194. speaking of the Twelve Judges, passes ●entence upon them from his Supreme Court of Judicature, that they overturned the very Fundamentals of Human Society, etc. This is very ●●d, and I hope is not True: For ●hey seemed Civil Gentlemen, and, ●or any thing we can discern, Mankind held Society and Commerce with one another, just as they did ●●rmerly, notwithstanding their Determination in Favour of the Royal prerogative. One would not think that this should make them such inhuman Barbarians. Yes, says Blatant, they had abandoned all high Opinion of God and Nature, and quitted all sense of Conscience and True Honour. Here we see this poor wretch not only make himself more skilful in Law, than all the Twelve judges in the Nation, but their Superior too to whip them with the Iron-Rod of his Indignation; nay, to search their very Consciences, and know their Religious or Irreligious Tenets to a tittle. Atheists indeed, have abandoned all high Opinion of a God, but yet they retain a mighty Opinion of Nature; but these judges are far worse than Atheists, for they (according to Blatant) have no good Opinion of God, nor Nature neither; which signifies they are not Men but Devils. A moderate Man, who had disliked their Proceedings, would have been content to say, that they complied out of Fear or Interest. But Blatant comes Armed with Terror, wherever he attacques, and thunders out no less than Hell and Damnation, against all those poor Sinners which are of his own Creation: Nor let us think 'tis only against our English Judges (or upon this occasion) that he bears them this Grudge; for he assures us, (p. 172.) That the judges and juries of Scotland, (though every one of them were Protestants themselves) were as Malicious against the Protestants, as the Duke of York was. And how Malicious was that? Why he tells us ever and anon, in his Libel, that he was their avowed Enemy, and wished them all destroyed. Fie upon these Judges and Juries; for certainly they'll never leave their Cruelty, till they have destroyed all Mankind but themselves. 'Tis pity that they are not summoned before the highest Court of Justice (this Wretches angry Fury) and there sentenced to be hanged together for a Pack of Graceless Villains. We are to Note that all this heat springs from their Condemning a most desperate and incorrigible Scotch Presbyterian Traitor, Robert Bailzic of jerismond; for all the whole Brotherhood of them are (by I cannot tell what Commission) Blatants peculiar Care. He chuckles them all under his Wing, and there they (or at least their Credits) are safe, against all those Foxes and Kites; Kings, Princes, Privy- Councillors, Secretaries of State, and especially against those most abominable Fellows, judges and juries.  
Perhaps, the Right Reverend Bishops of the Church of England (especially having shown themselves so hearty against Popery of late) may obtain the Equitable Favour from him, to be esteemed good Men, and good Protestants. No; not a jot; For he complains sadly, (p. 32, 33.) That many of the greatest Bishops in K. Ch. his time were still (that is, all along) chosen out of the number of Papists, or else were such as were of no Religion at all. What! Many of the Bishops, and those of the Greatest, and this still, that is continually during his Reign! Most certainly, if Blatant's Word be Oracle, there are, even now, not a few of the Churchof- England's Greatest Bishops, who are either Atheists or Papists. Now, by his currying Favour with the present Government, we are not to think that he means, the Swearing Bishops, but such as are, His Grace my Lord Archbishop of Canterbury, the good Bishops of Ely, of Bath and Wells, etc. and the words [Greatest Bishop's] seem to aim at them. And, why should these be held Papists, who in the Opinion of the Presbyterians themselves, have both acted and suffered for keeping up the Protestant Religion, and stood in the Gap, to keep out Popery? This is a thing cannot be denied by the most shameless Slanderer. All this is true, says Blatant; but, oh! this Fasting; this most abominable Sin, Fasting; this infallible Token of Popery, Fasting, will never agree with Blantant's Stomach! Wherefore those Bishops being known to be exceedingly addicted to that worst of Popish Vices, shall never have any Quarter from our Bacchanal Libeler. But, let them do what they can, as long as they wear that Badge of Popery [Fasting] Papists they must and shall be with him. Would it not now be a pleasant Comment upon that place in Scripture, where our Saviour says, That such a sort of Devils are not cast out, but by Prayer and Fasting; to take the word [Fasting] in Blatant's Notion, and say, that the meaning is, They are to be cast out by Prayer and Popery? Yet 'tis not Bishops alone he thus reproaches; his Hand was in, and he lays about him at all that come in his way. It was but Many of the Greatest Bishops that he made to be Atheists or Papists; but he lays the same Scandal without any Restriction, upon all the Ambassadors, Generals, and Ministers of State, (p. 32.) and affirms they were still chosen out of the number of Papists, or such as were of no Religion at all. Which is to give the open Lie to the Certain Knowledge of all England to the contrary, and to make himself justly liable, did not his Mask a little conceal him, to as many Whip for Scandala magnatum, as there were noble Personages in England, who had born those Employments, and yet were zealous Protestants.  
But these Gentlemen, tho' of most Honourable and Sacred Quality, are not thus scattered thinly into so many particular Persons, an Adequate Object for Blatant's Noble Displeasure: Have at them then All at once, assembled in a Parliament. He gives it them home, upon my word, with a facetious Jeer into the Bargain, and tells us (p. 101.) That the Protestant Parliament paid double for the keeping up a Popish Army, to secure the Protestant Religion. Nay, and that they did it contentedly too. Which is an Impudent Lie in every particular; for neither was that Army in the least Popish, nor kept up for any end of securing or meddling with Religion, but upon other Scores; but he twists together (as is his constant fashion) a many little Ends of Falsehoods, and not one of them proved, which his awkward Fancy casts into a smooth Narrative-frame, to patch up an invidious Story, and then thinks his Work is done. 'Tis a Thousand pities the Wisdom of the Nation did not consult the Oracle of this Fellow's Judgement; for than they could not have done amiss; whereas now, though not in express words, yet we may see, that at the bottom of his Heart, he holds that whole Parliament, as he did Sir Lionel, to be a pack of Knaves or Fools, or both.  
'Tis hard to go higher than to calumniate the Actions and Decrees of Parliaments (Kings being already so degraded by him, that they are scarce held worthy to follow the Wheels of his Chariot.) Yet, what think you of the whole Diffusive Body of the Nation at once? Why, he tells you a piece of his Mind (p. 33.) concerning Them too, and that, once upon a time, that is, upon Charles' the Second Restauration, the whole Nation was in a Delirium or Frenzy; by which he means not that they were thus mad by their former wild Distractions, but by consenting to settle themselves under the Government of their Lawful King, when they could make no other hang together. But, if all the whole Nation was then in a Frenzy, it were not amiss to ask Blatant where he was at that Season? Not in the Nation, for then, he being a Part of that Whole, must have been mad for Company too, which is not by any means to be said or thought of such a sober man as Blatant is. We ought then to believe, that he was at that time either translated, as Enoch and Elias were, or else rapt to the Third Heavens; and thence, by a special Mercy, sent down to whip Vice, and tell all Sublunary Kings and Ministers of their manifold and heinous Transgressions.  
Thus we see that our Termagant Hero Blatant, does, like another Drawcansir, take upon him an Absolute and Super-soveraign Dictature, by virtue of which he snubbs Nations, Kings, Parliaments, Ministers of State, Bishops, judges, and juries, and, in a word, is Comptroller-General of the whole World at once. He spares none, if they come within the whisking reach of his flail, against which there is no Fence, but thrashes them all to Dust. And the reason of it is, because we are to take notice, that this Fellow's profound judgement is the only true Standard and firm Square of all Human Action. He is like Bays in the Rehearsal, who made his Plays his Test, to take the true Dimensions of every man's Parts and Capacity: If they did but approve of his Plays, than he was certain they were wise and judicious persons; but if they did not, then Igad he knew not what to think of them, he would have nothing to do with them, but let them go for a pack of silly Blockheads and Dunces. So, if any hap to suit with Blatant's Fancy, (and, as will be seen anon, 'tis hard to hit it, without complying with both sides of the Contradiction) than you shall be Saints, Cherubims, or what else you would wish; but if you do not, your Doom is passed; for, be as many for Quantity, or as Great for Quality as you please, Igad you are all stark naught, every Mother's Son of you, and he packs you all away in a Bundle to Old Nick, for a company of Doting, Frantic, Knavish, Villainous, Treacherous, Incestuous, Murdering, Fasting, Popish and Atheistical Rogues and Rascals: You have forsaken the only strait Rule of all Morality, his Infallible Judgement, and so it follows of course, that all you do must of necessity be wicked and abominable.  
These few Instances are more than sufficient to demonstrate, that this Selfconceited Coxcomb makes it his least concern to regard either Sense, Reason, Authority, Truth, or Honesty, but rails on contentedly to himself and his Friends. I could have presented you with thrice as many, had it been needful; yet, tho' I omit them, I stand engaged to add one more, relating to one Mr. Sergeant, (p. 118, 119.) which I was the willinger to examine, because I was informed, that he was held by all that knew him (the Lords of the Privy-Council amongst the rest) to be a man of Sincerity and Ingenuity. Not being acquainted with him, I found means, by a Friend, to send him an exact Copy of half a Page, where he was concerned; and my Request, that he would please to give me under his Hand, what was the Real Truth of that Story. Wherefore, since that Gentleman has been at the pains to write it, and send it me, and withal signified his desire (if any Answer be made to the Book) to insert it for his vindication, I ought not (tho' it be something longer for one Particular, than suited with the Brevity I ' had intended) to refuse him that Kindness. Take then his Words, transmitted to me under his own Hand, and signed by himself.  
SIR,  
HEaring, in the Plot time, that Bedlow had Order from my Lord N— to look after me, I found means to get into Holland, where a Dutchman, who discoursed me in Latin, while we were going to the Hague, in the Skuyt, would needs recommend me to the acquaintance of a Countryman of mine, by name (as he pronounced it) Mr. Rockut, whom he praised very highly for his excellent Parts and Civility, and said, he was Agent there for the Prince Palatine. I could not for my Heart imagine who this famous man should be; but, I must confess, the dulness of the Country made me willing to enjoy the Conversation of Learned and Ingenious Persons; so, the Dutchman having made my way, and an Invitation being sent to my Lodging, I accepted it, and went to visit him. He had never seen me but once in his Life, which was in the Protector's days, and that merely by accident; yet he knew me again, called me by my Name, and acquainted me with his Person and true Name, which was Rookwood, changed by him there to Rockwood. I was much surprised at such an unexpected Encounter: For I had not seen him in above Twenty Years before, did not know he was living, much less expected he should be in that Country; and, had I guest at him beforehand, I should have avoided him, knowing him to be an ill man, and one who, having been sent over by K. Ch. the Second, about his Business, had betrayed his Master, took Money of Oliver, and had like to have ruined all his Friends; as that King declared both in his Closet and before the Council. However, being light casually into his House, I thought it became me to carry it civilly, and accepted his Invitation to Dinner; not imagining in the least, that a Person whose Business it was to serve a Foreign Prince, had any thing to do with England, or was able to work me any Mischief there. After repast, he began to ask me how Affairs stood in England, of which, to circumvent me, he pretended himself wholly ignorant; only he said, He had heard much of the Plot, that he perceived men had different Opinions of it, and desired I would give him mine. I told him I verily believed it was a Contrivance of some designing Politicians, to unhinge the Government; alleging for that Judgement of mine, the Incredibility, if not Impossibility, of many of the things attested, the slight or rather no Credit of the Witnesses, and the Incoherence of their Testimonies in many particulars. I alleged also, That the Evidence they gave in was unabetted, by any Circumstances, or Overt Acts, except such as were merely talked of, not proved, which therefore I believed to be forged; for the pretended Matters of Fact were of such a nature, as must necessarily have been attended by a vast Train of Circumstances, either accompanying them, or naturally issuing from them, which must have rendered the things witnessed by those they called The King's Evidences, incontestably manifest to the whole World. Lastly, that all the Persons condemned upon that account, did die, taking it upon their Salvation, they were Innocent, to believe whom Charity and Christianity enjoined me. At first he slightly opposed, but at length he seemed perfectly convinced by my Discourse, saying, That he was of my Opinion, that some ill men swore for Money, and deluded the Great ones; adding, That he heard his Brother was in Prison for the Plot, who, he durst swear, was no Plotter. So that Discourse broke off, and he began (having then, I conceive, the rough Draught of the Design in his Fancy) much to pity me, that a man of my Parts (forsooth) and Loyal Principles, should be forced out of England. I replied, That I was loath to leave England, if I could have been there without Danger; but, that I did not apprehend England was, at that present, a fit Soil for Loyalty to thrive in; in which he took much Pains to undeceive me. Then he earnestly requested I would tell him whither I was going: I told him, I thought Tergouw was a fit place to live in, where there were few English, and I desired to be private, and retire to my Studies: Which I said, being willing to shun his farther acquaintance; for, in truth, I was resolved to settle at Amsterdam. Lastly, he earnestly begged I would come and see him within three Weeks or a Month. To avoid his Importunity, I promised him I would visit him at my first conveniency, which I made account would be never; and so we parted.  
No sooner was I gone, but he writes two Papers to the King and Council, importing, That I had told him I knew of 2 Plots; the one of the Jesuits, to kill the King; the other of the Secular Clergy, to raise a vast Sum of Money, and by it an Army, and so bring in Popery by force. The Author of these Papers was concealed in England by his Friends, with all the care imaginable; whence, it being rumoured, that I would come over (my Pardon being granted) and join in the Discovery of the Plot, and no man named, it came to be apprehended, talked, and printed, that I had wrote so myself: Which is a perfect Falsehood; as will appear manifestly, when I come to unfold that business. I was advertised of this strange Report in my Retirement by the Letters of some Friends; which, at first, made me smile at such a groundless Story; but the Noise increasing, I penned and sent abroad a Protestation, calling God to witness, that I neither knew any thing of the Plot, nor said or signified to any that I did; as also, That I had neither written nor caused any to write into England any thing to that purpose: And, That I renounced any Pardon that should be offered me upon the score of knowing and concealing the Plot. So having done what I was able, to clear my Credit, I composed, as well as I could, the Disorder of my Thoughts, and fell again to my Studies; not being able to imagine how such a senseless Fiction should come to be raised; and, of all men in the World, not suspecting that Mr. Rookwood could possibly be guilty of such Forgery against his own knowledge so unmistakably imprinted. About six Weeks (or more, as I guess) after I had parted with Mr. Rookwood, cold Wether approaching, I went to the Brill, to fetch my Winter-Clothes (which I had sent for out of England) and came back by the Hague, Mr. Rookwood's Man by accident espied me, and told me his Master was very often solicitously desiring to see me. Being thus caught, and importuned, I could not handsomely refuse to see a Gentleman, to whom I had been obliged for his former Civil Entertainment, and to whom I had in show promised a Visit. After some Compliments and kind Complaints, that I would not in so long time either let him see me, or hear from me, he told me, the Secretary of the Embassy must needs speak with me. I told him, I admired what he could have to say to me. Mr. Rookwood pretended to wonder at it as much as I did; But, says he, you cannot in handsomeness refuse to see him; he is a very Civil Gentleman; I was speaking to him of you, and possibly he desires your Acquaintance. So being hooked in thus by Civility, I was in a manner constrained to go with him to the Secretaries; who immediately delivered me a Paper, which contained an Order from the King and Privy Council, Commanding me to come over. I was struck with much Amazement at such an unexpected Greeting; however, having overcome the Pause and dumb Suspense, in which I had stood a while, I opened it and began to read, but checked at those Words [about Matters of great Importance, as tending to the safety of His Mastiffs Person and of the Government,] saying, In the Name of GOD, Sir, what can I do to secure His Majesty's Person and the Government? I wish I knew, I would do it with all my heart. Lord (says Mr. Rookwood) What need you make these Scruples! Here is nothing required of you but to come over. Yes, Sir, replied I, here is an Expectation annexed, which I am utterly incapable of satisfying. The short is, says the Secretary, will you obey the King or no? I replied, the King is my Sovereign, and I ought to obey him; and though I see plainly there is a Trick put upon me, and I fear, a Plot against my Life, yet I trust that God's Providence will instruct my Prudence how to avoid the Snare. Then I began to make a deep Protestation before them both, that I never knew any thing of the Plot; which I repeated with much Vehemency before that very Courteous and Civil Gentleman Mr. Henry Sidny, at that time His Majesty's extraordinary Envoy at the Hague; who ordered me to return to Amsterdam, to compose my little Affairs, and dine with him on Tuesday after, and so go over in the Pacquet-Boat on Wednesday. I came, as was ordered, and found Mr. Rook●wood at the Envoys, who began to discourse me apart; bidding me fear nothing, for I had greater Friends in England than I was aware of, who were able to protect me against the King himself. He told me how my Lord Shaftsbury had written Two Letters hither, much in my Commendation, and that If I would come over (and, as we are to suppose, be ruled by him) I should neither want Security, nor Money, nor Honour. He added, That I could not but know something of the Duke of York; that, if I did but witness it, there was Ten Thousand Pound laid up ready for me. At this I could not but blush with Anger, to hear such a villainous Proposal; and replied, Certainly, Sir, the World is grown very Generous, that a poor Man can get 10000 l. so easily, and yet be an honest Man. He smiled, and said I was a Droll, and that he hoped I had wit enough to know my own Interest. These Discourses made me plainly see the Devilish Trap that was laid for me, wherefore I then resolved to decline going, if it might stand with my Duty and Honour; and, if I did go, to Acquaint His Majesty with the Intrigue. I should also by this have begun to suspect Rookwood, and that he was a Pensioner of that Earl, but that he faithfully protested to me, he neither knew any thing of that Order to call me over, nor had any Correspondents at all in England, but that my Lord Sh— his Letters came to another Person at the Hague, who upon occasion showed them to him; every tittle of which was false.  
As soon as dinner was done Mr. Sidney took me aside, and told me he wondered I would thus Resolutely deny any knowledge of the Plot; Assuring me that he had of late certain intelligence out of England, that it was expected there I should make very great Discoveries of it. Hereupon I began to Reiterate my former Protestations to the contrary, with that earnestness, that he came back, and told the company he saw not to what purpose it was to send me, since he was confident I would say the same before the Council in England, that I said here: And I, on the other side, earnestly begged of him that before I went I might know Liquidly what I went for, it being in vain to send me to attest a thing I knew nothing of. He resolved hereupon to write to His Majesty how things were, and to know His farther pleasure whether I should still come or no: Taking a note of my Lodging at Amsterdam, (which I had not yet put off) and my Faithful Promise that I would come, if His Majesty should yet send for me; so I set myself to return. Mr. Rookwood followed me; exclaiming highly against Mr. Sidney for stopping one that the King and Council had sent for; and threatening that perhaps, when he came into England, he might be made shorter by the head for it. The reason of which mighty huff I could not comprehend, till College, the Protestant Joiner, told me here in England, that my Lord Shaftsbury had (out of his wonderful care of me) sent a Guard to Harwich at the time that very Wednesday Packet in which I was to have gone should arrive, to conduct me safe to London, lest (according to the sham's that past in those times) the Jesuits should kill me by the way: That is, this pretended Guard was to carry me to that Lord, where (as was the Method then in vogue) if I would have been a perjured Villain, I should have been a Rich one; or, if I would not, than I should, by some Stratagem or other, either be hanged for being too Honest, or else have passed through poor Prance's Fiery Trial. Blessed be God's good Providence, which thus wonderfully delivered me from the Hunter's Net, by making Mr. Sydney's well-meaning Prudence defeat the Designs of that Great Politician.  
After I had thus parted with Mr. Rookwood, whom I left in a very angry Mood, that the Information he had (doubtless) sent to England the Packet before, of my coming over in the next, was so scurvily disappointed; e'er I went from the Hague, I writ and sent a Letter to His Majesty, protesting upon my Faith as a Christian, and upon my Allegiance to him, which was one part of it, that I never knew, directly or indirectly, the least thing of the Plot, nor ever did say or signify to any that I did; humbly begging His Majesty would take some way, as he in his Princely Wisdom should think fit, to clear me of this dangerous Mistake, lest, if I should come into England, my invincible Ignorance might be interpreted a voluntary Concealment; which would expose me to the highest Dangers. What was the Issue of that Letter, will be seen hereafter.  
When I came back to Amsterdam, I writ to two or three dear Friends how the Case stood at present, and what passed hitherto. They in their Answers conjured me by no means to go into England, and assured me my Life was in imminent Danger if I went. I replied, That I judged the same they did, but that nunquam feci animam meam pretiosiorem me. I alleged four Reasons, why I ought to venture myself in going: First, My Duty to my Sovereign: Next, My Promise given to Mr. Sidney: Thirdly, That did I now hang back, I should leave a Blot upon my good Name, which had never been blemished with the least Slain of Disloyalty; for I should never be able to wipe off the Aspersion of having known of Treasons against my King and Country so long, and never discovered them which would render me Guilty of Misprision of Treason in the Eye of the World: A Disgrace which I had rather hazard any Danger than undergo. And lastly, That this Plot, which had taken away the Lives of so many innocent Persons, would receive a greater Countenance and Confirmation by my absconding (especially after my Promise to come) than ever it had been able to gain by any thing hitherto: For, being esteemed by all (as, God be praised, I was ever held) an Honest man, it would be judged. I refused to come, because I would not be perjured by denying what I knew; and therefore, if I were shy to appear to answer my Accuser, (whom I as yet knew not, but supposed he was in England) it would, especially as the Times went, be loudly proclaimed, That all which had been informed to have been said by me was true. These were the Reasons I gave of the necessity of my going into England: Whether the last of them, and my hazarding my Life upon that score, have received the just Return from some Persons, who ought to have had more Christianity and Honour in them, than to slander their Neighbour, without caring to know how Matters past, I leave even to their own Guilty Consciences to judge.  
His Majesty having received my Letter, in which I petitioned to be cleared from this Calumny, was pleased to send to his Envoy a Copy of Mr. Rookwood's two Papers, and an Order to confront us before him ere we came, as to the Contents of them. This being judged the surest Expedient of knowing whether he or I had belied the Truth. A Messenger brought the Papers, who came also to call Mr. Sidney into England, with an Order to bring me over with him; wherefore the very next day he sent the Gentleman of his Horse to Amsterdam, to require me to attend him. In the Morning, after I had arrived at the Hague, he commanded me to dine with him: I was perfectly ignorant of the Order to confront us, or what he had to say to me: Mr. Rookwood had got light of it, and never left soliciting me to dine with him at his own House; saying, That he too was invited, but he would send his Excuse for us both. I admired at his Importunity; but after Dinner he discovered his Reason, by telling me, That we were to be confronted that Afternoon about some Papers that he had been forced to send into England, concerning some words that, if he did not misremember, had passed between us about the Plot; earnestly begging of me, for his Credit's sake, to admit his Words, and make my own Interpretation, and he would witness that was my Meaning. Then, and not till then, did I apprehend, that Rookwood was the Person who had raised that Lie of me, and put me to suffer all that Obloquy and Vexation. Which when I resented in such Language as it deserved, telling him plainly▪ I would not admit one word, but what I truly spoke; nor make any Interpretation for his sake, who had so grossly abused me; that, if he had writ Falsehoods, they should lie at his door, to his shame; I would stand to precise Truth, and I was sure Truth would stand by me. At which he fell into high Language, and threatened me, That if I were Uncivil to him, he had Friends in England should hang me high enough. Finding this wrought nothing with me, but that I returned a scornful Smile to his Threats, and answered them with a flat Defiance, he grew moderate, blamed his Passion, and fell to Entreaties again. At length we came to his Composition, That I should not impeach his Credit, nor reproach him for forging, but put the blame upon his bad Memory, and he would not justify his Memory. I knew he was able to work me Mischief in England, so I condescended to grant him that Civility, as long as it abated nothing of the Truth of what had passed between us. To Mr. Sydney's we went, and his two Papers were read, in every Particular of which, that were of moment, or related to the Plot, I baffled him. One Passage was very remarkable: Mr. Rookwood, said I, certainly you have a Memory of another nature from the rest of Mankind, that could write into England, that I told you of two Plots, whenas I told you plainly I did not believe any Plot. How, says Mr. Sidney, Do not you believe the Plot? Mr. Rookwood fearing I should have related all our Discourse at large, which would have shown too clearly, that there was more than a Bad Memory in the Business, immediately prevented my Reply with these words: No, Sir, his Charity for Dying men was so great, that he could not believe they died with a Lie in their Mouths. At which Concession of his I caught readily, and said to Mr. Sidney; Observe this, Sir, I beseech you; If I told him, as he confesses, that I judged that all who died for the Plot said true at their Deaths, then since 'tis known, they all died denying they knew of any Plot, I must hold withal, nay, tell him I held, there were no Plotters; and if no Plotters, than no Plot; and if I told him I believed there was no Plot, then how could I tell him, at the same time, I knew of Two Plots, or indeed of any? When we had ended Mr. Rookwood went away very ill satisfied: And, tho' I had gained this main Point, yet I was not perfectly satisfied neither; for these were but fleeting words, and I feared Mr. Sydney's Memory (he being then in extreme haste) might not enable him to speak firmly and particularly to our whole Discourse, by which I might come to lose half of the Advantage I had gotten. There were besides Mr. Sidney, two other Gentlemen present at this Rencounter, one of them was called Mr. Plott, the name of the other I remember not: Wherefore I pressed upon Mr. Sidney's Patience, who was now very busy in putting up his things, being to part within five hours; and civilly demanded the Justice of him, that himself and the other two (who were not to come over with us) would, while the Matters were yet fresh in their Memories, Sign to a Paper containing the several particulars in which I had confuted Mr. Rookwood; and requested that he would bring it with him to be read before the King and Council; which was done accordingly.  
To Sea we went; and when we came near Greenwich, I requested the favour of Mr. Sidney, that I might go to London in his Boat, and in his company, to his House; and there to stay and lodge till I was conducted by him to His Majesty; lest it should be pretended, that some body had treated with me to warp me, (a great Policy then of the Plot-framers) which he civilly granted. The next Morning at Eight, the King Ordered him to bring me to his Closet, where His Majesty was present with my Lord Sunderland. The King, after I had kissed his Hand, asked me, What meant this Information of Rookwood's? I assured His Majesty it was a perfect Forgery not only without any Ground, but directly contrary to all the Discourse that had passed betwixt us. I know well, replied the King that he is a Rogue; for he took Money of Oliver and betrayed me and my Friends; but what Motive should he have to send such a lying Information to a King and a Council? Hereupon I acquainted His Majesty with their manifest Design; which was to get me over into England with any pretence, to be managed there by my Lord Sh— and if I would have been obsequious to my Inspirers and witness against the Duke I knew not what, I was to have had 10000 l. for being a Knave; and, if I would not, I should be hanged for being Honest. I humbly begged therefore of His Majesty, that since I had done my Duty even with hazard of my Life, and acquainted Him with the plain Truth of their Intrigue, He would please to protect me. Hereupon His Majesty took an occasion to speak of another that had 4000 l. offered him to come over; and said to me these very words as far as I can recollect them. Mr. S. I have been present at all the Examinations relating to the Plot, and I do protest I have not found one single Circumstance that concurs to abet it, but it wholly depends on the words of two or three odd Men. He was also graciously pleased to promise me His Pardon under the Broad Seal, lest they should Prosecute me upon other acounts, as Writing Controversie-Books, etc. as also His and the Council's Protection; telling me withal that it was a Council business; and therefore, that I was to appear at the Board the next Council-day, which I did: Where the Oath being tendered, Rookwood's Papers were read, & I addressed myself to my Defence. And, First, I showed the Falsehood of that Pretence, that I made means to come into England; or so much as had a thought of it; not by myself; there being no Letter or Paper of mine alleged or produced, nor I am sure producible to that purpose, nor that can be pretended to have been writ before I was sent for: not by Mr. Rookwood; for, I there confuted that pretence by many clear and unanswerable Arguments. As that, (as appears by his very Papers) I would not acquaint him with the true place I was going to, nor hold Correspondence with him. By the Orders lying dormant so long ere it reach't me; whereas had I been fond of going into England upon such a score, or made means to have procured an Order to that end, I should have been diligent to look after it. By my taking Pains to go as far as the Brill, to fetch my Winter-Cloaths; by my having taken a Chamber till Spring, at which Time I had purposed to go to Abbeville in France; as likewise by my having laid in my Winter-Provisions of Turf, Butter, etc. All which was Attested to Mr. Sidney by the Gentleman of his Horse, who paid my Landlady for her Chamber, and saw the rest of my Provisions. By the Surprise I was in, when the Order to call me into England was delivered me. By the mere casual meeting with Rookwood's Man at the Hague, which occasioned my Visiting his Master the second Time; which had it not happened, the Order had never come to my hand at all. And, lastly, by this, that I never capitulated for my Pardon beforehand, but, in the Protestation I had put forth, utterly renounced it, nor spoke of it to Mr. Sidney, nor petitioned for it in my Letter to the King; but readily obeyed His Command, as was my Duty, relying solely on my own Integrity; whereas, had I been Conscious to myself of having known and concealed two such horrid Plots so long, and consequently, been highly Guilty of Misprision of Treason, no Man of ordinary Discretion, but would have secured that dangerous Point, while he was yet in safe Circumstances, and out of the Reach of our English Laws. The Paper also signed by the Three at the Hague was produced, and Mr. Sidney was present to testify all the Particulars, that came to his Knowledge, which abetted my Defence. I was very large and particular in my Discourses of this Nature, till both His Majesty and the whole Council were perfectly satisfied of my Ingenuity and Rookwood's Knavery. After which I was Questioned about some Tenets of certain Catholic Writers; and about a Story which I and others heard in Flanders from a Gentlewoman, about some Words said to be spoke by one of those who died; to all which, being still (as my Lord Chancellor told me) npon my Oath, I Answered according to the best of my Knowledge, as became a sincere Christian: But I was so far from Charging it upon that Gentleman, or making him a Plotter for it, that I Declared openly, (having first asked His Majesty's Pardon for speaking freely) That both he and the other Four; nay, all the rest that suffered for the Plot, did in my Opinion die innocent. A thing which I believe, few at that time of day durst have done; but, being upon my Oath, I was resolved to speak my true thoughts without fear or favour of any. The whole Narrative of which Particulars, I (as I was then commanded) gave in under my Hand to the Council, where they are yet to be seen. I desire it may be observed, that these Two last Points, about which I had been examined, came in only accidentally; and were far from being the Occasion of my being sent for, or coming over. For the whole Series of this Transaction shows manifestly the sole Occasion of my coming, was to speak to Rookwood's Papers, concerning the Two pretended Plots; and that the others came in on the by only. Which will stop the Mouths of my Traducers and Maligners, who give it out, not only that I made means to come, but also, that this was the sole, at least main Reason of my coming; and, it seems, would have had me forswear myself to gratify Parties. But I humbly thank their Kindness, Non sic didici Christum. My Comfort is, that those who did Calumniate me upon that score, are either malicious and partial Men, bigoted Ladies, or silly babbling Women; and I have learned so much Philosophy as to consider that 'tis to be expected every thing should act as it is. I beseech God to forgive the first, and to give the others more Discretion to guide their Zeal for the future.  
'Tis besides my present Purpose to Relate what Wiles were used, and Traps laid here to circumvent me, and in all likelihood, take away my Life. The Importunity of the impeaching Folks to get into my Company, was incredible. Upon this, being never at quiet, I was forced to change my Lodging & abscond; yet this could not stave them off: For they came to that Impudence, as to tell me they had an Order from the King and Council to know where I lived, under pretence (forsooth) of protecting me, which obliged me for my safety to send in a Note to my Lord of Radnor, than Precedent of the Council, Complaining of their Insolence; who came out to me with my Lord Sunderland, and when I had related to him my just Fears of some Mischief intended against me, he delivered me from my Apprehensions, by bidding metell them he had given me a Command, that none should know my Lodging but himself: For knowing my Lord Shaftsburys Resentment against me, for Discovering his Design, and his Bribing Offer, and seeing such a bold Pretence of that Party, to get Knowldege of my Lodging, I had good reason to fear, that their Plot was either to kill me at my Door, or to bolt into my Chamber, and then accuse me of Speaking Treason, or of confessing to them, that I did indeed know of two such Plots as Rookwood had informed, but out of Fear or Interest was not willing to reveal them.  
Sir, I do protest to you faithfully, this is the true History of that affair in every particular, as far as my Memory Reaches (for I have not my Papers by me) and the Truth of the main Branches of it, which sustain all the rest, do not depend upon my mere sayings, or my Memory; but upon Authentic Testimonies, known matters of fact, and on my Papers given in to the Council, containing great part what I said before them, to be found yet among their Records. And I am confident that my Lord Sunderland, and my Lord Sidney are Persons of that Honour, that they will witness the Truth of this Relation of mine, as far as it engages their Testimony. Having premised this plain, and Candid Narrative of that business, I now come to comply with your other Request, that I would note down how many open falsities are contained in that half page which you sent me.  
First then, whereas he says confidently, that one Sergeant made a Discovery of the Popish Plot from Holland; This is manifested to be a most palpable Untruth; both by the protestation I put forth, and spread as soon as ever I heard of that report: And by my protesting the contrary before the Secretary, and Mr. Rookwood, when I first received the order to come; by my abjuration of my knowledge of any such Plot before Mr. Sidney, and all this while I was yet in Holland; likewise by my declaring before His Majesty in his closet, and afterwards before the Council, upon my Oath, that I knew of no such Plot, nor believed it; Nay, by the words of Mr. Rookwood himself (who was the Informer) when we were Confronted. So that I cannot but Admire that any Man, who has the least regard whether what he says, or prints be True or no, would venture to Assert so Notorious a Falsehood.  
2dly, He says, I caused my discovery to be Transmitted to the Court. This is worse than the other; for, besides what has been even now alleged, the whole course of this Transaction shows, that I was wholly the Ignorant of Mr. Rookwood's Papers which informed of that discovery. Nor did or could Rookwood, tho' hard put to it, Challenge me to have sent or caused to be sent any such matter; which was Obvious, and easy for him, nay, necessary to have done when we were Confronted; this being the only way to clear himself, and confound me who then denied it. Lastly, had I caused any such discovery to be Transmited to the Court, it would have been alleged against me by the Council (at least by some of my Lord Shaftsbury's party) to my utter confusion, when I denied it before them upon my Oath; and have unavoidably proved me to be be a perjured Villain.  
3dly, He says I had aen Intention to have discovered several others. This is still more surprising. Can this illuminated Gentlemen see into my Intentions? Or, does he pretend to know this from my Words, and outward Actions? But, if Denying it, Swearing, Writing, Protesting the contrary, Confuting my Slanderer, and the whole Course of my Carriage from the very first to the very last, be the best Signs of any Man's inward Intentions then 'tis most manifest, That I intended no such thing as this Man Asserts with such a Careless Confidence, but the direct contrary. He can then pretend nothing in the World, but a Revelation of my Intention; which I much fear he will hardly be able to show us.  
4thly, He says I was first bribed off by Pillory Carr. Now, Sir, I do protest to you in the Presence of God, That I cannot call to mind, that I so much as know any man living of the Name of Carr, and that I as little know who he should mean by Pillory-Carr; only, I hope Pillory Carr was some very Rich man: For, if Ten thousand Pound could ot bribe me on to witness a Truth (as he believes Rookwood's Information to be) there must in all the reason in the World, a far greater Sum be requisite to bribe me off; otherwise I must be a Great Fool, that no better understood my own Interest, and my own Safety too. But, to be serious, if this Gentleman can name me any one honest Man, who will attest, that I ever had the least acquaintance with the Person he names Pillory-Carr, I will give all the World leave to repute me a Lying Villain; if not, I am sorry to tell him, that he must be content to wear that infamous Character himself; for, it will stick to him whether he will or no. Now, my Circumstances happed to be such, that it quite spoils his Calumny: For, desiring to be private, I conversed ot with so much as one English man while in Holland, except the Secretary and those of Mr. Sydney's and Mr. Rookwood's Families; and if Pillory Carr was none of them, he must not be looked for in Holland; and my cautiousness, as soon as I came to England, to keep close with Mr. Sidney, till I had spoke with the King, and made all the Discoveries I could make of the true Plot (which was, to bribe me to witness what my Paymasters should inspire) utterly spoils any Pretence of my being bribed off here.  
5thly, He says, I was slightly and slyly examined. Now, Sir, I was examined so slyly, that it was openly before the whole Council; nor was there ever a fuller Board; all the Lords being big with expectation of what strange matters I should discover; which was raised by this, that I had (God be praised) the Character of a Sincere Person, which none of the other Plot-Swearers ever had; insomuch, that I have been informed, how even His Majesty himself was startled, when he was told, that I was to come in to make Discoveries of it. Nor was my Examination slight, as this Gentleman presumes: It lasted about two Hours, and not only His Majesty, and the Chancellor, but many other Lords took their Turns to question me. I wonder whence this Gentleman had his Intelligence, who still contradicts Matter of Fact, though never so patent and notorious.  
6thly, He says I was sent back with God knows how much Money. And this is so perfectly false, that the whole Council, and Thousands of others, who conversed with me a long time after in London, can witness the contrary: For, in the Order to call me hither, after their Promise there expressed, That I should return in Three Months, they immediately added these words [If he shall so think fit] and because I did not think fit to do so, they were pleased still to renew my Protection and Leave to stay from three months to three months, for a long time.  
7thly, He says, That this Game (that is, the managing of me) was done by the Contrivance of Sir Lionol Jenkyns, whom he very angrily calls here Fool as well as Knave. What Quarrel there may have been between them, which occasions this uncivil Heat, I do not know; only I do assure you, upon my Faith, I never treated with Sir Lionel; never knew his Person; never saw his Face to my knowledge; nor ever had the least Ground to imagine, that he had so much as a Finger in this whole Business: Nor can I conceive how it is possible he should, since it wholly passed through the Hands of Mr. Sidney, my L. Sunderland, the King and the Council: So that it never lay in his way, nor was in his power to hinder or help it.  
Lastly, He inveighs against the same Sir Lionel, for endeavouring to conceal my Murder at Abbeville in France, when I was coming into England to make a farther Discovery of the Plot. Certainly, Sir, this man is either crack-brained or stark drunk with Passion; for, both myself and all that converse with me, verily judge that I am alive yet; and, if I be alive, a very short remove of Reason makes me gather that I was never yet murdered.  
Sir, I am sorry your Friend is tasked to spend his Pains and Time in answering such a Monster of Forgery; who, as it seems to me, (and, I believe every indifferent man will be of my Judgement) is so fully bend against Truth, that he can scarce write a Line, but is a direct and flat Falsehood. And, which is worse, he is so brazened in that Humour of his, that he has not the least care to choose out such Untruths as he may hope to conceal; but he rather makes choice of such as are most evidently and inexcusably False. If you count them exactly, you will find there are at least Ten egregious ones in the short compass of about half a Page. Pray desire your Friend not to engage or extend my Testimony to any State-matters; you know I do not love to meddle with such Edg'd-Tools; though I hope this Bundle of Lies of his, in one particular Subject, may serve for a Pattern, to show what ridiculous Fictions did pass for Gospel among that Brotherhood in the Plot-time. What I have done here, is in my own Vindication, which, since at his Request to you, and yours to me, I have taken the pains to write, let it be mine to you both, that, if your Friend thinks fit to publish any Answer to that odd Book, he would do me the Right to insert this Narrative of mine (and that in my own words, without any alteration) in its proper place.  
Your Friend, etc. J. S.  
When I had got this Relation of Mr. S—'s, so clearly coherent in all its Parts and Circumstances, so testified by the Council's Records, and abetted by such Vouchers yet living, I began to be half sorry I had fouled my Fingers so long in meddling with a Fellow so evidently convicted of Imposture in almost every line. Yet, since I have begun with him, I shall proceed in the Track I had designed to follow, and show, in the next place, some few of his Self-contradictions, which are far more Infallible Tokens of a Forger, than Fasting is of Popery.  
P. 26, he pretends that K. Charles the Second following his Pleasures was done on purpose to weaken and make soft the Military Temper of the People by Debauchery and Effeminacy, and so introduce Slavery and Popery. Now, if this Argument holds, then to train them up in Military Employments should, in all Reason but his, Work a contrary Effect, be the ready way to secure the Nation against those Mischiefs, and to keep them out. But our Blatant scorns to follow that ordinary common Track of Reason, beaten so bare by all Mankind before him: He will be above them, and extraordinary, as in every thing else, so in this too, else he goes below himself. That Logic which will not make any thing follow out of any thing, is not worthy him, nor able to do him the least Service. For, p. 71, 72. he makes that King's training up his Subjects in Military Discipline a mere Plot to enterprise upon his Protestant Subjects; that is, to bring in Popery and Slavery, as well as the other. So that Fight and Courting, rough Soldiery and soft Effeminacy are equally argumentative with him to prove a palpable Intention of altering the Religion of the Nation, and enslaving it. 'Tis but clapping upon every Action, though contrary to one another, a wicked Intention of his own Inventing; and then 'tis impossible to do any thing, but it shall be writhed about to look the wrong way, and skew towards the mark he levels it at, the introducing Popery and Slavery.  
He complains of K. Ch. p. 31. for persecuting the Nonconformists (that is, for not hindering Q. Elizabeth's Laws against them from being executed;) and yet (p. 65, 66.) he is mightily out of humour with the same King for his Declaration to give Liberty of Conscience; and as ill displeased at K. james, p. 202, for attempting the same. Such another is his Saying (p. 39) That K. Ch. had encouraged the Lord Clifford to attempt the bringing in of Arbitrary Power, and yet called him rash Fool for his pains. As if any man in his Wits did ever call another man a rash Fool for doing what himself had bid him do, or for obeying his own Commands and this too after he had (as he says) encouraged him to obey them.  
He characters K. Ch. all over, as a perfect Creature of the French King, or rather his mere Slave, to that degree, as to assist him to take his own English Ships: Yet never could man more amply become his Compurgator, from being overfond of France, than our forgetful Blatant is (p. 47, 48, 49.) where he tells us at large, That K. Ch. was the first that began to form a Confederacy against the French King, by sending to propose a nearer Alliance with the Hollanders, and a defensive and stricter League than was before between the two Nations; That to keep the French King from having the very Thoughts of ever stirring, he sent to several Princes of Germany, to invite them into the Leagne; That his Envoy, with no less heat than plainness, laid open the Danger all Europe was in, urging the Insensibility of most Princes, the watchful Ambition of the French, the Greatness of their Forces, and the little reason to trust him; omitting nothing that could alarm all the World, and procure a general Confederacy against the Oppressor: Lastly, That fearing the Spaniards should not pay to the Swedes (who were also in that League) the Subsidies stipulated, our King offered to advance part of it himself, and had done it, in case the Dutch would have advanced the rest. Now, these things being confessed, could the most avowed Enemy of France have done more than K. Ch. did to abate his Height, when he saw the occasion required it (for to oppose such a powerful Prince without necessity, was very Impolitic?) Do not these known Matters of Fact clearly evince that he was very far from being a sworn Devote of his, as Blatant has oftentimes shamelessly asserted? And if so, may we not safely conclude, that he has all this while told us a most egregious Falsehood, and positively contradicted himself? No, I'll warrant you, he'll come off well enough for all this. True, says he, the outward Actions of that King do seem indeed very pregnant Testimonies of his Aversion to the French; but if you did but look into his Intentions, as I do, the thing is quite otherwise; for, I read it plainly in his Heart, that he did this prompted more by his own fears than out of any kindness he had for the Nation. Well; let his Love for the Nation alone a while, and let us suppose (since he will have it so) another of his Contradictions to be true, and that K. Ch. made head thus vigorously against the French, out of Hatred to the English; the Point yet sticks, Does not this brisk Carriage of K. Ch. signify, that he was far from being the French King's Creature, and that he was not enamoured of him so, as even to assist him to take our English Ships? Let it be Fear of him if he pleases, this abetts our Assertion, that he was far from overloving him whom he so feared, or doting on a Person he could not trust. He runs from the Business, to tell us how the League was broke afterwards, and multiplies Lies upon Lies, well laid together, to amuse us with a fine Story. And, what if, upon Reasons of State, it was broke afterwards? Was that League engraved in Adamant, so as to be perpetual? He grants, that it lasted till it had done the Work it was intended for, that is, This triple League, and the Peace of Aix la Chapelle soon after concluded, did put a stop to the French King's Cureer; and was not that enough for his purpose? The altering of Circumstances breaks Leagues every day. This is no News to any man who has but read Gazettes. The Suede, he confesses p. 59, fell off too, nay, drew his Sword in the French Quarrel; Did he intend too to bring in Popery or Slavery into his own Country by doing so? Did he do this to give Demonstrations of his Fidelity to the French Monarch, or recommend himself the more meritoriously to his Patronage; as he banteringly imposes (p. 54, 55.) upon K. Charles? How comes it then to be such a Geometrical Demonstration against K. Ch. that he did it with that pretended Intention, or out of a crouching Submissiveness to the French King; whereas the doing the selfsame action (nay, a worse) was never thought to have the force of the least probability against the King of Sueden? In good faith, Mr. Blatant, you even say any thing, and entangle yourself in Contradictions the more you blunder to get out of them. The short is, K. Ch. did like a wise Prince: He was glad to live quietly by such a Powerful Neighbour, if he could without danger to his Kingdom, especially knowing he had a factious Party at home, who desired no more but tangle him in such a War, that he might be forced to truck his Prerogatives for needful Assistances; which was the reason he kept fair with him as much as he could; but, when he saw his Encroachments threatened England, than he acted vigorously to repress them, even tho' he hazarded his own Inconveniences. And this, in Blatant's Language, is giving Demonstrations of Fidelity to the French King, and recommending himself to his Patronage.  
But is it not pretty Non sense that he should (p. 93.) make K. Ch. know of the Plot, the chief part of which was to kill himself; that is, know there was a Design on foot against his own Life, and yet be the chief Stifler of its Discovery? Which amounts to this, That he was content to be killed, and Felo de se in his Intention, even while alive. But, how comes that Prince to be so rechlesly careless of his Life? He was held to be naturally held timorous, and the fear of Sudden Death is enough to startle the most resolute man, even though a Saint. Why, he was strangely infatuated (says Blatant, p. 172.) to believe all was for the concernment of the Cause to which he was so affected himself, that is, the bringing in Slavery and Popery. Very good: But was he willing to be killed to carry on that Concern? It must be so, in case he believed it: And, if he believed the other parts of the Plot (I am sure he has granted he knew of it all) it must have been upon the Credit of the Witnesses (for nothing else appeared to evince the Truth of it, as the King himself openly and frequently declared in all Companies) than he must believe withal the Lord knows how many methods laid to kill himself, as, by Shooting, Assassinating, Poisoning, etc. And 'tis a strange Infatuation (as he says well) I add, And such a one as Human Nature is scarce capable of, to have the same reason to believe his own Murder was designed, that convinced him the other things those men attested were true, and yet not be willing it should be looked into, that it might be prevented. Now, the Truth is, the King utterly disbelieved the whole Plot, as he often declared, and held the Evidences of those Times, to be a Pack of perjured Knaves: Wherefore, seeing so many Persons, whom he verily judged did die Innocent, put to Death upon that score, he could not in conscience, (tho' the Nation being put into such a ferment, he was forced to give way for a while to the violence of the Stream) suffer the Guiltless to be still thus barbarously murdered; and therefore he endeavoured, as far as Prudence would permit him, to put some Blocks in the way of those Feet which were so swift to shed Blood.  
What follows is yet worse, and indeed as ill as can be, and therefore it shall be my last Instance of his admirable Nonsense and Self-contradictions. He pretends (p. 72.) that K. Ch. had an inveterate Malice to the Dutch, merely upon the account of their being Protestants, & Protectors of the Protestant Religion; insomuch, that he says, p. 42, That it was thought most requisite to destroy them in the first place, and he all along makes the D. of York to have the same Thoughts with him in that point, and to cooperate with him in that Design. Yet he is so Forgetful as to acquaint us with three such signal Favours done to the Dutch by the Duke, as no man living would do his Best Friend, much less (as our Libeler pretends) his avowed Enemy. The first, (p. 160.) that he purposely fell asleep at Sea, to the end the Dutch, for want of Orders, might have an opportunity to wrest the Victory out of the Hands of the English. Which was a Kindness with a witness, to be willing to forseit his own Honour (which great Personages value above their Life) by letting the Victory slip out of his Hands, which was (as he tells us here) in a great probability of Success; nay, to hazard to be beaten himself, (perhaps killed too) for their Advantage. The second, That he permitted (p. 160.) himself to be surprised at Sould-Bay, by which means the English were sacrificed to the Dutch. The third (p. 161.) That the Duke procured the Firing our Ships at Chatham. Now, if the Dutch be Protectors of the Protestant Religion, the Duke must with all reason in the World (if what he says be true) deserve to be styled Protector of those Protectors, or Grand Protector of the Protestant Faith; for, those Vnder-Protectors might have been ruined, had not their kind Patron thus friendly assisted and reprieved them. But how think you does he come off from such a ridiculous Contradiction, to make the Duke hate the Dutch so unmercifully, and yet befriend them so unmeasurably and preposterously, in defiance of his own Honour, Interest, Safety, and Common Sense? If he hated the Dutch so deadly, merely upon the account of their being Protectors of the Protestant Religion, he should have let slip no occasion of mauling and destroying them in the first place; for, the Supporters of that Religion being once overthrown, he could not but think (in that Supposition) that the Religion itself would fall without more ado. This than ought to have been the Duke's first and most sure aim, and not to Establish them by the Overthrow of the English, who, as it seems, by his Discourse, were not near so zealous Protectors of the Protestant Religion, as were those Saints of his, the Dutch. How comes he off then from such a gross and palpable Self-contradiction? Well enough I warrant you. 'Tis but making use of his Supernatural Optic, and peeping through it into the Duke's Intention, and then telling us (for he says any thing) that he did it to keep the Balance even, and presently he fancies all is as smooth and current Sense as Heart can wish. He had forgot what he had said (p. 42.) That it was thought most requisite to destroy those Protestant States, in the first place: Which quite spoils his pretence of keeping the Balance even. A sober man would rather think, that to give the Protectors of the Protestant Religion such Advantages as were able to set them above us, and hazarded to disable the other side from ever hurting them after, was most clearly a turning the Scales on their side, and quite contrary to an Intention of destroying them in the first place. Besides, the Die of War is uncertain, & such Advantages lost or given away, are oftentimes never recoverable. Could any man foresee the Consequences of the Duke's yielding them three such vast Advantages over us, or, that the Dutch being by this means our Betters at Sea, would not follow on their blow, keep us under them, and so quite spoil the pretended Design of introducing Slavery and Popery? With what impertinent and ridiculous Flams does this Baffling Fellow hope to fool his Readers! Yet this is his constant handy-dandy method in every point he handles: Voluntary Talk serves him for well-grounded Truth, mere Pretences for Proofs, and flim-flam Stories for clear Evidences. Innumerable such as these the Reader may observe in his Libel, grounded on nothing but his own voluntary Sayings, or his untoward commenting upon every Action by his Gift of diving into invisible Intentions; of which many others I had noted down, and intended to prosecute, but he is an everlasting Subject, and I grow weary of him.  
We have seen how ridiculous our Blatant is in his Rational Performances, how far from Solid in his airy Principles, how Untoward his Skill is in drawing Consequences, how carelessly and openly Lying in his Narrative part, how intolerably Arrogant in censuring all Authority but his own, and how contradictory to himself in many Particulars: It remains now, that we examine a little, by reflecting on two or three of his most grievous Charges of Sins of the greatest Magnitude, and the Proofs he brings to make good those Charges, how good a Christian he is. The true Badge of Christianity is, that new and peculiar Command of our B. Saviour, to love one another (joh. 13.34.) And when he resumed all the whole Law into two main Commandments (joh. 22.37, 38, 39) he declared, that the second of them, which was, to love our Neighbour as ourselves, is like the first, which is, to love God himself entirely. Nay, the same Holy Evangelist (1 Ep. cap. 4. v. 20.) makes it impossible to love God without loving our Neighbour. Now, to do an Injury to our Neighbour wilfully, is utterly inconsistent with the Love of him; especially to wrong his Reputation and Credit in any high nature, which ought to be as dear to him as his Life, is yet more uncharitable; and this, though the person thus injured be our Equal. But, the Dignity of the Persons thus defamed does aggravate still more the Fault of the Slanderer; which makes our Laws inflict such severe Penalties upon those who are Guilty of Scandalum Magnatum, above what uses to be inflicted on them who shall speak contumelious words against those of meaner condition: But, in case the Persons thus defamed be of the Highest Rank in the Universe, whose Office and Persons (by reason of their superintendency over the Common Good of a great Portion of Mankind) are justly esteemed Sacred, it adds still a greater degree of Enormity to that most uncharitable Sin of Calumny. But then, to make any such Personage a Monstrous Compound of all the Villainies imaginable, and (which is yet worse) without Evident Reason to prove the Charge, does exceed all the Bounds of Ordinary Malice, and approaches to plain Devilishness. We have seen already how perfectly seared Blatant's Conscience is in this Particular by many Instances; but we have reserved the Examination of two or three of his most horrid Slanders till the last; by the laying open of which, it will not only appear how this wicked Libeler is an Absolute Renouncer (or rather a declared Enemy) of that best Christian Virtue, Charity; and this in the highest degree possible, and under every Consideration that can enhance his Vice, but also, hence we may make an Estimate of his whole Book; For, common Reason gives it, That if he brings no Evidence to justify his highest Accusations, much less has he brought any to make good his other Charges, which are of an Inferior nature, and so less needing it.  
K. Charles the First has been so celebrated for his Piety, by the whole Protestant Church, and the day of his Martyrdom so solemnly kept amongst us, that one would scarce think there could be such a Villain found in Nature, as would take the Boldness to leave a Blot upon his Sacred Memory. But it being Blatant's design, to vindicate the present Governors, by representing all their Relations of the Family of the Stuarts, to be Rogues and Rascals, he could not let even that B. King escape without some Mark of Infamy. Taking occasion then (p. 102.) to inveigh against K. Ch. the Second, for sending away the Parliament, lest (as he says) they should prosecute some of the pretended Popish Conspirators, he tells us, That he did therein like his Father (K. Ch. the First) when the D. of Buckingham was accused of poisoning his Father (viz. K. james the First.) By which words, since he all-along makes K. Ch. the Second know of the Plot, and yet protect the Plotters, he not obscurely hints, That good K. Ch. the First was privy to the poisoning his Father, and therefore by sending away the Parliament, protected his Murderer from Prosecution. Now, the Truth is, that when there is any great and sudden change, People's Minds are naturally in a violent motion, which hindering the settling a steady Judgement of things, they ofttimes grow apt to entertain groundless Jealousies, and egged forward, perhaps, by some politic great Persons, who out of sinister ends, hate those men, they let fly at some one or more of them whom the Princes themselves judge Innocent. In such a Case as this, than it is that Kings have one of their hardest Games to play: Their Conscience will not let them willingly sacrifice those they hold Innocent; nor their Policy allow them to oppose the Torrent openly. They are therefore in those cross and perplexing Junctures forced to take such measures, as to gain time, till those violent Heats spend themselves and evaporate, and a calmer Temper succeeds, that so they may be able to protect the one without disgusting the other. This was the very Case of those two Princes; for neither did K. Ch. the First believe the D. of Buckingham had murdered his Father, nor K. Ch. the Second the least tittle of the Plot; and therefore they judged it more becoming their Christianity and Duty of protecting their Guiltless Subjects, to make use of their Prerogative, by dismissing the Parliament till men's Thoughts did settle, than to be forced to yield to the Murder of those whom they deemed to be Faultless in themselves, though unfortunate, by the undeserved Malice of the People or Parliament, wrought up to a high ferment by some designing Politicians. And therefore, since this was in all likelihood the very Cause why K. Ch. the First did send away that Parliament, whose Hatred towards the D. of Buckingham was known to him upon former scores, antecedent to his Father's Death; with what Charity, with what Conscience could this Varlet hint, That he protected him from Punishment, though he knew him Guilty of such an Inhuman Parricide?  
Again, p. 22, he is not content that K. Ch. the Second should be held only Guilty of Adultery with the Lady Castelmain, (tho', God knows, that alone was too shamefully sinful) but, as if he would prosecute his Soul after death, to the nethermost Hell; he will needs have him Guilty of Incest too, at the same time, by pretending that that Lady was his Sister by the Mother's side. The Fact is very Horrid, and the Charge Grievous, and therefore we are to expect very clear Evidences, to make it out, otherwise our Blatant Beast will be convicted to be the worst of Ribalds, and far from a Christian. His first Argument is [It being the Opinion of several Persons who had reason to know more than others dill, that she was begotten by the E. of St. A—, upon the Queen's Body, after the Death of Ch. the First.] How! Opinion? Is the man mad? Is the Opinion of divers, I cannot tell who, sufficient Ground to charge a King thus publicly in print with Incest? Let him bring such a Plea into a Court, for publishing the like Slander of an ordinary person, and then seriously bethink himself what a Judge and a Jury would have said to him: I doubt he would scarce abide such a Trial before an Earthly Tribunal, armed with no better Allegations than Opinions; and dare he stand it out before the dread Tribunal of a severely just God, who has commanded him, under pain of Eternal Damnation, not to violate his Sacred Law of Charity? Observe his words, and you shall see 'tis just the style of babbling Gossips at their meetings, when they have a mind to slander some Neighbour they hate, and dare name no Author for fear of being caught and confuted: 'Tis the Opinion of some body, that knows I know what, that spoke with those that heard it from others, who have reason to know more than we do, etc. What Stuff is this to ground so horrid an Accusation of a King upon! But why does not this Slanderer, if Opinion have such a Power with him, reflect how it is the Opinion of all England, that that Lady was not his Sister, and that King Charles the First's Queen never had any Child after his Death; that many are not only of Opinion, but have certain Knowledge, that that Lady had both another Father and Mother than those he is pleased to assign her, and can bring many Witnesses of her Birth and Extraction; as That she was Daughter to my Lord Grandison and his Lady, her Name registered in the Parish Book where she was born, all the Neighbourhood being Witnesses of her Education in her Infancy; and her Relations, that she was brought up afterwards with my old Lady Villers her Aunt? Is it not a wilful Dotage then to prefer the Opinion of some few, against the certain Knowledge of many, and the Consent of the whole Nation? His Second Proof is, That Mr. R. O▪ saw that Earl and that Queen married. He must pardon me if I do not believe him. But, does it follow thence, that that Queen had ever a Child, or if she had, that the Lady Castelmain was that Child? Or why is it rather to be believed for that reason? Must every Female Child be believed to be their Daughter, because they were married; and this notwithstanding the Certain and Firm Belief, nay, Knowledge, of all her near Relations, that she had other Parents? What a beastly Fool is this, where clearest Evidence was needful and expected, to allege nothing but perfect Nonsense? How will this insulting Barbarian clear himself then of this graceless Slander? He told us in his Preface, That as for the more secret Transactions, the Events and Consequences were his witnesses, which voided the necessity of his Apologizing. Now, here is a Transaction the most Secret of any in the World; and, what Consequences, what Events can he allege to justify the Truth of it? Alas, he had quite forgot that: All he talks is at mere Random, and such things use to go as they come; they are taken up to serve the present purpose, and dismissed again without ever thinking of them after.  
But Blatant makes that Lady King Ch. his Sister by the Mother's side only, which renders it but Incestuous to the half part, and so in his Opinion does not blemish that King enough. Have-at him then once again (says he) with another and a more complete Incest with the Duchess of Orleans, who was his own Sister by Father and Mother's side both. He charges it positively upon him and that Virtuous Princess (p. 50.) who, in despite of her Husband's pretended Jealousy (which, as also Obloquy, are the usual Misfortunes of those Ladies who are rare Beauties) was ever held by all that knew her well, and were her constant Attendants, the Mirror of her Sex, both for excellent Natural Endowments, Moral Virtue, and unspotted Honour and Chastity. I demand then his Proof for this double foul-mouthed Calumny: Not a jot, he thanks you; his own ipse dixit, and bare Affirmation, is all he can afford us: For, sure he cannot think that the D. of B—'s holding the Door looks, in the least, like a Proof, were it true, which 'tis very unlikely to be; for, Why could they not (were such a shameful Wickedness intended) go into a Room where they could themselves fasten the Door on the inside? Is it any Misbecomingness for a Brother and Sister, who ever loved dearly, and had been many years far distant from one another, to desire (after such a Medley of Chances happened to them both, which Nature would prompt them to communicate) to be an Hour or two in private? Or, is it unusual, that such near Relations, at their first Interview, should have some body attend at the Door, to keep them from being disturbed in their Discourse? Had he alleged, That the Duke peeped in at the Door, or through it, and seen any the least Indecency, (though it had argued an incredible Folly in them both, to take no better order for their Privacy) this Forger might have had some small Shadow of Excuse: But, to allege nothing, but that one stood without the Door, and then raise so foul a Slander upon such an Innocent Circumstance, and so usual in every Prince's Court, shows, that this Ribald's Soul, and the Spiritual Life of it, Charity, is totally corrupted with the Gall of Bitterness; and that Slander is so natural to him, that he vomits it out gratis, without caring or concerning himself whether there be the least shadow of Ground for it or no. He is as much out in his Conjecture, that this Rencounter occasioned her Death. The D. of Orleans knew she was to come into England, and gave his Consent to it; and Blatant himself tells us, if we may believe him, That he knew she was to have a private Conference with her Brother about making a League with France: And more than this, the Duke neither knew nor could know when she came back: Why should this then so alarm him? But the whole Story is perfectly false; for, whoever has conversed with the Great ones in France, may hear it there current, That (in case the D's Jealousy caused her to be poisoned) it was ever held to be for the sake of another, who would needs either follow or attend her into England, and, that not the least apprehension of K. Charles was ever in his Thought. So that our Blatant is a mere Forger of Slander, and a Patcher together of Falsehoods, to defame his Neighbour, nay, his Sovereign, and by consequence, a perfect Apostate▪ from true Christianity, or rather what those who know him do conceive of him, a perfect Atheist.  
It remains now, only to examine what kind of Kidney this man is of as to his Principles of Government: He scatters his Thoughts here and there, concerning that point too, and I hope one Stricture or two will give us a perfect knowledge of the System he would set up in the World to govern it by. He tells us then (p. 2.) That where the Prince strives to subvert the Fundamental Laws of the Society, there He is the Traitor and the Rebel, and not the People, who endeavour to preserve and defend their own. Had he said, That in that Case they had been Unjust Men or Tyrants, I should not oppose him; but, the word Traitor or Rebel, applied to a King or Supreme Governor, is a kind of Bull in Human Language, and sounds like a Slipshoe-Hat. If a King can be a Traitor, or a Rebel, he must be a Traitor or a Rebel to somebody above him: And, who can that be, in his Judgement, but the People? By his Discourse then the People are the Sovereigns, and the Prince is their Subject, it being Nonsense to say, that the King and the People may be mutually Traitors and Rebels to one another. By which we may see how consonantly to these Principles of his he bears himself, in thus huffing Kings: For, he being one of the Super-Royal People, that is a Parcel-Soveraign, 'tis but fit he should at his pleasure curb and check, and rail at those naughty Boys, Tom, Dick, and jack, the Princes, which are his and the People's Vassals and Subjects.  
Take another Expression of his, which is so odd, that one cannot easily tell at first sight what to make of it. Speaking of K. Ch. the Second, (p. 25.) he has these words: From the first hour of his arrival into These Kingdoms, (for I d●●e not call them His) &c. Why, what fears he? Or, What should hinder him? Did any person in the World but K. Charles lay claim to them when he was restored? Was there any other Pretender under Heaven, that put in for his Right when he came to take possession of them? No, no, means Blatant, (if he mean any thing) there was no other indeed of those pitiful Usurpers called Kings did so, but the People were the True Sovereigns, and unjustly driven out from their Government of it, when the Nation was (p. 33.) in a Delirium and Frenzy upon his Restauration. This sure should be his Commonwealthish Meaning, and 'tis confirmed by his telling us, p. 27; That it was a Great Blunder in Politics, to re-admit K. Ch. the Second for their King.  
In a word, he is a Commonwealth's man every Inch of him, and his Flatteries of the present Governors are but mere Feintures, either out of prospect of getting Money, or some petty Place for Secret Service, by means of some Friend that set him on to scribble; or else out of hope they will stoop to a Common-wealthish-Government; in which I shall hope and pray he may find himself mistaken.  
Friend, I have performed your Command in perusing attentively the Libel you sent me. I have milked your He-Goat, and have found nothing in him but Froth and Filth: Give me Leave to complain of you for setting me about such an unwelcome Task; for, to meddle with such a dirty Antagonist, is (as an ingenious Gentleman said in a like occasion) Non tam in arenam quam in sterquilinium descendere. One Key will serve to open all he has thus laboriously involved. Let but the Reader carry along with him that ordinary Discretion (as every honest man ought) not to yield his Assent to the least tittle of his smooth Tale, merely for its being said, but suspend his Belief till he sees it proved; and, withal, be aware, that the pretended Proof depend not on his bare word, but either on Authentic Records, acknowledged by the Generality of the Indifferent World, or upon the necessary Consequence from some known Matter of Fact, and then I dare pronounce, that he will not find even a probable Reason to give Credit to one Line in his Libel, that are invective against those two Princes, as endeavouring to introduce Slavery and Popery. This Honour I shall willingly yield to the Author, that he is an Absolute Idea in his kind, or an admirable and almost unimitable Exemplar, to show us how much it is possible to deviate from the Love of Truth, which is so agreeable to our Nature; or rather to degenerate into a perfect Hatred of it, whenever it thwarts the Headlong Impulse of his Rash Passion or Rude Malice.  
Your Humble Servant, N. N.