Christianissimus Christianandus. OR, REASON FOR THE REDUCTION OF FRANCE To a More Christian State IN EUROPE.  Odimus Accipitrem quia semper vivit in Armis. 
LONDON Printed by Henry Hills, and are to be sold by Jonathan Edwin, at the Three Roses in Ludgate-street. 1678.   

Christianissimus Christianandus. OR, Reason for the Reduction of FRANCE to a more Christian State in EUROPE.  

Section I.  
Being an INTRODUCTION.  
CErtainly 'tis high time to think of making the Ministers of France better Christians, when 'tis apparent they have taken up the Principle of the Common Enemy of Christendom: and make his Maxims the Rules and the Measure of their Proceed. Absolute Power at Home, and Universal Empire abroad, is their Aim as well as the Turks; and seeing that by their Actions all the Duties of Christianity are laid in the dirt, it were hard to determine under which of the Two Christendom would obtain Fairest Quarter, after an absolute Conquest. For though France be Owner of the better Faith, yet the other keep Faith better; because all Travellers tell us the Turk counts it Religion to keep Word and Promise.  
But (it seems) France may do any thing Regnande causâ, as we shall show by and by, when we come to tell how little value is made of Promises, Obligations, Alliances, and the Sacraments. In these things they exceed the Grand Signior: but in matter and extent of absolute Dominion they are his Rivals, and aspiring to forestall him in his design upon Europe, to become sole Masters of a Western, as he is of the Eastern Empire. And why not? Why should not Lovis the 14th have it now, as his Predecessor, Charlemagne, had it heretofore? His great Ministers and Officers both Civil and Military, say, They have ample Territories, and very populous, and a most numerous Nobility and Gentry; as much Courage as their Ancestors, together with the advantage of being trained up either to Actions of War, or Warlike Exercises: also the Situation of their Country, and the Opportunity they have by it to invade their Neighbours upon all Occasions; the Fruitfulness and Riches of the Soil, the prodigious quantity of all sorts of Commodities, Manufactures, and other ways, with which they supply neighbouring Countries; And lastly, the vast Revenues of their Kings, who governing of late without check or control at home, are thereby the more able to oppress other States or Princes. They boast how Charles the Eighth frighted all other Potentates, by the surprising. Conquest of the Kingdom of Naples: How they contended with the Austrian Family, when it had been raised on a sudden to a wondrous Grandeur, by the accession of innumerable Provinces, united in the person of Charles the Fifth; and that their King Francis the First, had like to have carried from him the Imperial Crown, having to that end engaged several of the Electors: but they forget to tell us, that when he had missed it, then to be revenged on the Emperor, and the other Christian Princes, he was the first that taught the French Kings the most Christian trick of making Leagues with the Turks; for so did he with the Great Solyman the Magnificent, as you may read in my Lord Herbert's History of our Henry the Eighth: and God prospered him accordingly: for though he had several times the Turks assistance to carry on his Reverigeful Designs, to the hazard of all Christendom, yet at last he was forced to yield to the victorious Arms of that Emperor Charles, who took him Prisoner, and made him buy his Peace at an extraordinary Rate. But yet his Son Henry the Second had better success, and would have extended his Dominions very far, had he not been prevented by a sudden, unfortunate Death, as did also his Successor, Henry the Third.  
Then came on his Successor, Henry the Fourth, and of him they boast, that he subdued Monsters of Factions at home, and afterwards revived that Monstrous Design of grasping all abroad: that having made good his Title to the Crown by the Success of his Arms, he bent all his thoughts upon a Project, vast in the extent of it, as extraordinary in the Nature of it, intending no less than to cast Europe into a new Model, and reduce all the Kingdoms and Commonwealths that were in his time, to a certain number, and to bring them into such bounds as he should think fit to prescribe to them; but to reserve to himself a Portion so considerable, as to have enabled him, or at least his Successors, to grow up into that state of Universal Monarch, which had been first imagined by his Predecessor Francis. To this effect he had made choice of his Generals, and other great Officers, furnished his Arcenals with mighty Stores of Arms, and collected prodigious Sums of Money into his Treasury; and then all came to nothing by a sudden unexpected stroke, which was given him by the Hand of Ravalliac.  
After him, his Son Lewis the 13th, Father of the present King, though, by reason of some Domestic broils and Civil Wars, he was not at leisure to carry on the Project of his Predecessors, by employing that way the great Armoury and Wealth which his Father had provided; yet still he had an Eye towards it; and Cardinal Richelieu, with the rest of his Ministers, finding that the House of Austria was very near bringing all Germany under their subjection, and after the Battle of Prague stood fair to carry away Universal Empire (the Darling of France) they hastened, with what speed they could, to put an end to Civil Dissensions, and having got quiet at Home, they being then courted by divers Princes for Assistance and Protection against the Austrian Family, were glad of the Opportunity: reckoning, that under a show of assisting weak Princes, they might at length take occasion to share with them in their Principalities, and by that means vastly increase their own Power: And so they did subdue new Provinces, and considerable Towns in Spain, Italy, Germany, and the Low-countrieses; which at last made the Princes as jealous almost of him, as they had been before of the Austrian: So that to prevent farther mischief they were content to sit down with their losses, rather than trust their French Alliances any longer. Which occasioned that great Treaty held at Munster, which ended in a general Peace, An. 1648.  
Now before I proceed, give me leave, by the way, to make use of what is passed in these few Observations, viz.  
First, That had not France had a marvellous Wit, Courage and Fortune, it could never have born its Head above water in the midst of so many Waves and Tempests of Discord and Rebellion, as were raised during the Reigns of those Kings, and yet continue still in a Condition after all, to maintain itself, and bid fair also against its Austrian Rival for the Mastery of a General Dominion.  
Secondly, That in all Ages, as soon as their Intestine troubles have been over, they have still, out of a restless, warlike Humour, endeavoured to encroach upon their Neighbours, and for enlarging their own Lordship, laid hold upon all opportunities to disturb Mankind; and they could never yet set any bounds to their Ambition.  
Thirdly, That this Ambitious humour of theirs, supported by the greatness of their Power, would long before this time have brought all Europe under Subjection, if their own Divisions and private Quarrels had not from time to time put back their Designs for many years; or had not their greatest Princes been cut off before they could have finished their intended work.  
Fourthly, and lastly, as a consequence of the three former, That it was, and ever will be, the true Interest of all Princes to oppose the French Designs: or if they have at any time occasion to use them against other Oppressors, yet still to remember, That no Oppression is like theirs; and that they meditate it always, even in the midst of Friendship: and therefore that they are not to accept of their Assistance longer or further than mere necessity or public utility requires it; but to cast them off as soon as the danger is over; as it was practised in the Peace of Passaw; in the time of Henry the Second, and that of Munster; in both which the French were prevented of further Progress by the Jealousy of their Allies. However, in all such occasions, they ever made acquisitions, and came off with great advantages.  
In the Stories of such glorious Pranks of their Princes, it is that the French Ministers do pride and delight themselves; and to their Monarches, when youthful, they propound them for imitation. To this end, it was the Care of Cardinal Mazarine, in the Minority of the King now regnant, to provide him an agreeable Tutor, that might form and fix in the mind of his Majesty, the greatest Ideas of Glory and Warlike Erterprises. This was the Bishop of Rhodes his first Governor, who, as soon as his young Master came to understand Letters, instead of diverting him with Romances, entertained him in reading the Lives and Actions of the greatest of his Predecessors; but above all, recommended to him the Story and Model of a great Prince, in the high Achievements of his Grandfather, King Henry the Fourth; as may be seen in a Book of his, written to that purpose, which hath since been published.  
This Prince, as well by his own Genius, as by the happy Success of his first Undertake, hath relished such Instructions, and hath solely proposed to himself that Example for the Rule of his Actions. The History of that Great King hath been his most ordinary Study. He hath, in imitation of him, taken care to accumulate a vast Treasure, and settled a mighty Revenue, sought for Alliances abroad, and successively raised many most numerous Armies. It's evident therefore, That he acts upon the very same draughts; and that all we see at present are but the Old Projects of his Predecessors renewed, and the Effects of those Impressions which he hath sucked in with his Milk, Do but read the Book called the Memoirs of Henry the 4th, with those of the Precedent Jeannin, and of the Bishop of Rhodes; and then conclude, that whatsoever his most Potent Grandfather had conceived in his Imagination, this King intends to bring forth by the Power of his Armies; viz. A Wondrous Theatre of unchristian Glory, planted upon a Mountainous heap of Christian Sculls, to amaze and terrify Mankind into an Universal Slavery. For, as the desire of Glory hath no bound, and in regard his Years and present Condition put him into a capacity to run a longer course than did Henry le Grand, so we cannot reasonably expect otherwise than that he, who hath so often crossed the Rhine with his last Summer's Successes, will also, when he hath overrun the Continent, cross the Narrow Seas to make his Visits.  
His Penmen have taken a great deal of pains to nourish these Thoughts in him, and have no other study but to feed this Natural Humour of his Majesty, and transfuse it also into his Son the Dauphin, having wholly sacrificed their Pens to infuse it, and tickle that Native desire of Glory, which they have discovered in them both. The great rewards that have been given them for it, are authentic marks of an acceptance of their Service: and surely such acknowledgements from a young High Spirit, that believeth himself to be in a posture to execute all that pleaseth him, and who hath drunk down this Maxim, That to take possession by the Sword, any Title is sufficient must needs be a dangerous forerunning Sentence upon all the rest of Mankind, against whom his Ministers shall persuade him that he hath any thing to pretend. Which yet more clearly to make appear to Us, We only need read the printed Books not long since dedicated to him; among which is one that carries this Title, viz. The Just Pretences of the King of France to the Empire; which Book having laid down this for a Ground, That the Dominions of Sovereign Princes have always been the Dominions and Conquests of their Estates: and that the Dominions and Conquests of Crowns can be neither alienated nor prescribed, at length draws out these two Conclusions:  
First, That the greatest part of Germany is the Patrimony and ancient Inheritance of the French Princes.  
Secondly, That Charlemagne did possess Germany, as King of France, and not as Emperor.  
What may not be drawn from such kind of Assertions?  — Nihil est quod credere de se Ambitio laudata nequit ......... 
If these things be believed in France, what may not the Scribes of France persuade their Master? May they not as well prove and persuade him, That he wears the Titles of all other Princes within the Pommel of his Sword? If one may judge of what is to come by what is past, all Europe will have cause enough to stand upon their guard, and take the All'arm, to prevent the Machinations of the French Ministry, whose sole business 'tis, To blow up the Glory of their Master to a mighty Bubble; and 'tis indeed no more but a Bubble which he gets; he is at the Expense, whilst they collect for themselves mighty Fortunes out of the Ruins of Mankind, and feed the Marshals and the other Great Military Commanders, with Expectations of sharing other Prince's Principalities, and, as fast as they can Conquer, to be all made Princes.   

SECTION II.  
Showing how far the French Ministers receded from the known Rules of Justice in beginning this War.  
HIstories tell us, That the Heathens made it a main point of Conscience, never to begin a War upon their Neighbours or others, till they had for it good Justifying Causes. Among them, for this Principle the Romans were most eminent; and therefore such Causes they in their Language termed Principia; that is to say, Beginnings or Principles, intimating thereby that no War could be well begun without them, nor luckily end. Thus, in Livy, said the Rhodian Ambassadors in their Oration made to the Senate of Rome; Certè quidem vos estis Romani, etc. Certainly, ye are Romans indeed, in regard ye place your Glory in this, that ye expect your Wars should prove successful, because ye take care that they be just in the Causes of them, and that ye look to the Principia, the Beginnings of them, that they be not without cause undertaken, rather than to a victorious event of them. Much might be said to this point out of Cicero, and others that writ of these Laws universally received among Nations; but, to be short, Writers on that subject, do generally determine, that the just Causes of War are reducible to the three following Heads.  

1. That it be undertaken for Defence. Or,  
2. For Recovery of what hath been taken away. Or,  
3. To punish for Injuries done.   
Some one of these aught to be Ingredient in the beginning of War, else it cannot have a just cause.  
Now therefore let us examine the French War by these Rules. We may remember when it first began, the World was very much at Peace, and France so much beforehand in Power and Greatness above other Nations, that it needed not to fear any of its Neighbours, and consequently it had no necessity upon it, nor occasion for Self-defence.  
Again, the Crown of France was then so far from a having been rob by any other Nation, that it had aggrandised its self above all proportion by the spoils that it had made of many Nations; nor was any of the Neighbour Nations in other State and Condition in respect of the French Power, then as the Lark under the Hobby, not daring so much at to stir. but was glad to couch and lie close under all the Oppressions and Rapines that had been practised upon them by the French. It were too tedious here to recite their Actions in their Neighbour Countries for Evidence, being notorious to the World, and to be collected anon out of our ensuing Discourse.  
Moreover, the French were so far from having any cause to make War to punish any for Injuries done, that having been in that respect also beforehand with their Neighbours, most other Princes had then abundant Reason, and much more now to complain against Injuries of the highest nature acted upon them, and to punish them with such Revenges as are due to the Common Enemies and Disturbers of Mankind.  
And truly, we may well take it for a kind of tacit confession that they had no just cause nor occasion for beginning the present War, seeing that in a Declaration consisting of a very few Lines, which the French Ministers did put forth in the Name of their King before the Invading of the United Provinces, there is not the left mention made of any cause, save that it was for their King's Glory; because forsooth the Hollander had (but we were not told how) detracted from his Glory, and the Glory of his Ancestors. Not a word of any other caufe, nor of the Glory of God, whose Work it is usually to pour shame and contempt in the end upon all such Glory.  
There is also another Point which of old hath been in Use, and that is a Denunciation of War before the Beginning of it. Collegium Fecialium, a College of Heralds was instituted in old Rome, without whose Advice as the Roman Senate never made War; so having first referred it to them to consider of the Justness of their Undertaking, if they determined the Justice of it, than one of the same College was sent to the Enemy before any act of Hostility on their part to denounce it. So Cicero, in his first Book of Ossices, Belli quidem oequitas sanctissimè Feciali Populi Romani jure proestripta est; That is to say, The equity of any War was most religiously determined according to the Law of the College of Heralds: And they had certain Laws in that College which were called Jura Fecialia, by which they judged of the Justness of every War before they entered upon it; and when Wars were denounced, they were called Promulgata Proelia: For Justice being removed, what are Wars but Grand Robberies and Murderous Executions? Thus conscientiously and solemnly proceeded mere Heathens heretofore; and shall they not then rise up in Judgement hereafter against such French Christians? for, their Ministers not minding Right or Wrong, thought it better to begin this War by way of surprise upon the Dutch Republic, reckoning it a surer way first to get possession, and afterwards to leave it to the Scrupulous Critics of Law and Conscience to write and dispute about the Justice of the Work: no matter whether it were righteous, as long as it was in their sense, and by custom become a Glorious Achievement, to invade on a sudden and oppress their Neighbour's, having before given the World a proof of this good quality, by surprising the Dominions of Flanders, Lorraine, Sicily, and many other countries'.  
These things being said, and known too notorious to be denied, I suppose none can deny, That the Rise of this War was against all the just Rules of Warlike undertaking. And all that they, or any body else, can have to say in excuse of them is, That they are born under a necessity of giving trouble to all the rest of the World, in order to the preservation of themselves at Home; for if Wars were not found out for them abroad to entertain and exercise their Young Nobility at the expense of their Neighbours, France alone would be too little to supply them. In truth the Genius of the Nation is such, that it cannot endure to live long in the idleness of Peace. They are of a Nature so hot, that there must be Aliment for this Fire; and if some were not given it from abroad, it would form to itself matter at Home.  
To this Natural propension must be added the Custom of most part of their Provinces, and the particular Dispositions of Noble Families, which give so great Advantages to the Elder Brothers, that they leave nothing almost to the Younger but their Industry and Sword: And whereas they rarely betake themselves to Letters to obtain a Livelihood, and their Quality suffers them not to apply themselves to Mechanic Trades, there is nothing left to them but their legitimate Robbery of War, or common Robbery, to preserve themselves from want and Poverty. From hence it comes to pass, that their Kingdom always finds itself filled with an idle and boiling Youth, ready to undertake any thing, and who seek Employments for their Valour at whose cost soever it be. The Liberty which they had heretofore to void this pernicious humour in Duelling, is at present taken from them by wholesome Decrees of their King; so that did not his Ministers find out a Foreign vent for their Spleens, by which they might evaporate, the flame would ever be breaking forth within their own Bowels.  
Moreover, as the greatest Revenues of the Crown of France rise out of the Purse of the People, so because the Common Contribution cannot be exacted in times of Peace, without making a great many Malcontents; 'tis always necessary to feed and fume the Airy multitude with the smoke of some Conquests, wherein they also are apt to Glory, though they (Poor Creatures!) get no more by the chaining of Neighbour Nations, but to have more Fellow-Slaves, and to have their own Fetter set the harder on, and fastened the firmer at their heels. To which end the Grandees are always coining pretences of Quarrel to continue in Arms, and maintain by Forcethat Royal Authority, which hath so strangely overflown the Limits of their Fundamental Laws. It is otherwise impossible to satisfy all the Princes and Great Men of the Realm, though the Princes are nothing so numerous now as they were in the times of Henry the Third and Fourth: since which they have taken it up as a principal Policy to diminish the Princes as fast as they can. That is one course; and another is, always to hold them employed in Foreign Wars; and to incite them unto Glory, that they may be consumed e'er long in ruinous Undertake, to the consumption of their own, as well as other Nations. The Platform of which Device was first laid, and in part effected by Cardinal Richelieu, and in a great measure completed by Mazarin, his Successor in the Grand Ministry of State. So that you see how they observe the Rules of of Justicewhether they deal with their own Princes and People, or with Foreigners, be it by the way of War or Peace; makiug havoc of all Mankind without Remorse, to greaten a few of themselves: and that their King may be spurred to drive furiously on, they have given his fancy a fair Prospect of an imaginary Throne of Glory at his Jorney's end, on which they promise to place and elevate him above Petty Monarches, as sole Monarch and Emperor of the Christian Universe.   

SECTION III.  
Proving, That as they have observed no Rule of Justice in making War, so they have had little regard to it in observing Peace when made.  
I Would not make thus bold with France, were it not that there is a necessity for it. It is no time now to be mealy-mouthed (as we phrase it) but to speak out, seeing All that is ours is involved in the Common-fate of Europe: and our cause cannot but be just, because we have had patience, and tried all manner of fair means to induce the French Ministers to grant a Peace, and we have born their Injuries to the utmost; among which this hath been no small one, That under pretence of allowing our King the Christian office of a fair Mediatorship, they have at length by going at the same time to ravish the rest of Flanders, thereby shown plainly to all the World, that their intent was merely to delude and abuse us.  
In handling this subject, it is our concern to evidence how they have violated the Law of Nations, which is common to all, and to prevent the introducing of such Maxims into the World, as would destroy the whole Commerce of Mankind, and render Humane Societies as dangerous as the company of Lions and Tigers. We are also no less concerned, to defend the Public Faith of Treaties against their Finesses, and subtle Evasions, to preserve the Law of Arms within the Rules and Formalities which the Consent of all Nations hath established; and to remove out of the sight of Christendom such scandalous Examples, which by lamentable consequences would expose the weaker to the Will and Pleasure of the stronger, and would establish Force the sole Arbiter of all proceed. We are to meditate such Courses and Means, as may stop a rapid Torrent, against the impetuousness whereof neither Peace, Marriage, Oaths, Blood, Kindred, Friendship, nor Condescension, can be Banks strong enough to keep it within its Channel. It is to our purpose to defend the Common Interest of all States and Princes, against a vast Design, which hath for its Cause nothing but a Predominant Desire of Conquests; for its End, Dominion; for its Means, Arms and Intricacies; nor for its Limits any thing but what Chance will prescribe.  
In a word, it's our Business now to decide the Fortune of Europe, and to pronounce the Sentence either of its Freedom or Slavery; for betwixt these two, no Middle State can be attained, no Peace be assured. Other Princes must (as long as they can) oppose France to preserve themselves free; because France will never be at rest, till She hath hung about their Necks the Took of Conquest: And if she should hearken in the mean time to a Pacification, know that you are not to enjoy it longer than She by gaining of time to form fresh Counsels into new Designs, thinks fit to make a new Rupture, and fall in upon you on a sudden like a mighty Tempest. The French Faith hath of late Years been pure Punic; no sooner given, but as soon broken; and She by tampering with other Prince's Ministers and Subjects, instructs them how to menage their Faith in point of Truth to best advantage, and by a Metal of her own, tries what Metal they are made of e'er she deals with their Masters; and with this sort of white Powder, which does execution without noise, shoots down more Castles, Citadels and Forts, and takes in more Towns than all the roaring of her Cannon. It hath been observed, That when her Ambassadors go abroad, they carry along with them the principal Engines, or else they are sent after them. The truth of this hath been too notorious to the Emperor at Vienna, and in Sweden, Poland, Hungary, Hanover, Bavaria, Munster, and other Places of the Empire; so that an Ambassador, or an Agent, usually goes before the Army, and a Conquest follows; which is a new way to Glory, unknown to Caesar, or any of the dull Roman Conquerors. But against an Enemy any thing now is glorious;  — An dolus, an virtus, quis in host requirat? 
And if this Course of corrupting other men's Faith be a Virtue, 'tis no wonder She can so readily, without straining, quit her own, by a quick discharge of all Agreements and Obligations. Old Nicholas the Florentine, saith, Rattles were invented to please Children, and Oaths Men: That is to say, to make Men mere Children.  
But the best way to satisfy the World about this matter, will be to give a brief Account of the Conduct and Carriage of the French Court, since the Ministers which are now in Employ there appeared upon the Stage; who are not likely to relinquish those Methods which they were bred up in, nor to act upon any other principles than those that were taught them in the School of their two Cardinal-Masters; Of the latter of them, Mazarin, it is reported by many, that upon several occasions he had been heard to say, That it was a meanness in a Man of State-Employment to be Esclave de sa Parole, A Slave to his Word.  
We are not to seek for Instances, how he and his Disciples have practised accordingly to this very day. Let us look back as far as that grand Treaty betwixt France and Spain, called the Pyrenean Treaty, the occasion whereof was this,— By the Mediation of the Queen-Mother of France, a Peace was set on foot betwixt that Crown and Spain, with a proposition of a Marriage between this King her Son, and the Lady Infanta of Spain: The ends of it were alleged to be,  

A Desire to give ease and quiet to their Subjects.  
To put a period to the many mischievous Consequents of the War.  
To forget and extinguish all the Causes and Motives of the Wars past; and to establish a sincere, entire, and durable Peace betwixt them and their Successors.   
The Treaty being begun, it was grounded upon two principal Particulars; and unless the French would grant those, the Spaniard was resolved not to proceed in it. The one was, That the French should forsake their adherence to Portugal. The other was, That the Infanta should, upon the Marriage, make a Renunciation (confirmed and ratified by the French King) of all her Pretences, Titles, or Claims whatsoever to the Spanish Monarchy, and all the Dominions thereof, or to any part of the same. And the Reason of it in the Draught of the Treaty is set down in these words; Lest the glory of their respective Kingdoms should happen to decay and be diminished, if through the said Marriage, they should come to be united and conjoined in any of their Children or Posterity; which might occasion to the Subjects such troubles and afflictions as may easily be imagined.  
Next, as to the Exclusion and abandoning of Portugal, the French King obliged himself to it in these words: His said Majesty of France will intermeddle no further in the said Business, and doth promise and oblige himself upon his Honour, and upon the Faith and Word of a King, both for himself and his Successors, not to give to any Person or Persons thereof, of what Dignity, Estate or Condition whatsoever, either at present, or in the future, any help or assistance, neither public nor secret, directly nor indirectly, of Men, Arms, Munitions, Victualling, Vessels, nor Money, under any pretence; nor any other thing whatsoever, by Land or by Sea, nor in any other manner: as likewise not to suffer any Levies to be made in any part of his Kingdoms and Dominions; nor to grant a passage to any that might come from other Countries, to the relief of the said Kingdom of Portugal.  
Now, can any imagine more cautious and efficacious words in a Treaty, to prevent a further assistance from France to Portugal, which was the main thing that the Spaniard sought for by this Marriage? Yet as soon as the Treaty was penned, and before the Instrument was signed, the most Eminent Mazarin, sent privately the Marquis of Chenes into Portugal, to assure the Portugais, That notwithstanding he could not avoid the putting such words in the Treaty, in order to the Conclusion of it, as did engage France not to assist them, howsoever they might rest assured, his Master would never forsake them, but would continue to them an assistance as much as before.  
For the more full clearing of this matter, viz. That an abandoning of Portugal was one of the essential Foundations of that Peace, and that otherwise it could never have been treated of, nor concluded; take notice that in the 60th. Article of the said Treaty you may find these words: [Forasmuch as we have foreseen and apprehended, that such an Engagement might have been an obstacle not to be surmounted in the concluding of this Peace, and by consequence would have reduced the two Kings to a necessity of perpetuating the War, etc.]  
And a little after, in the same Article, it is further expressed thus, [Finally, in contemplation of the Peace, and seeing the absolute necessity wherein his most Christian Majesty finds himself, either to perpetuate the War by a Rupture of the present Treaty, which he perceives to be inevitable, in case he should have persisted to obtain from his Catholic Majesty in this Affair, other conditions than those which he had offered, etc.]  
Moreover, by the same Article it is evident, That whereas the French King offered then to the King of Spain, to make restitution of all the Places which France had gotten from him by Arms during the War, rather than he would have been by Treaty obliged to forbear a further assisting the Portugais, the Spaniard utterly refused this Offer, as is apparent by other words of the same Article, as they follow:  
[Offering, besides the Places which are to be restored unto his Catholic Majesty by the present Treaty, to render unto him also all the other Conquests in general which his said Arms have made in this War, and entirely to restore the Prince of Conde; provided, and upon condition, that the Affairs of the Kingdom of Portugal should remain in the State in which at present they are.]  
'Tis likewise out of controversy, that this abandoning of Portugal was covenanted and promised by France, so authentically, and in such clear and special Terms, that it is not to be questioned, nor be made subject to any Interpretations contrary to the true sense and intention of the Parties contracting; the terms whereof are these: [His said Majesty shall meddle no more with the said Affair, and doth promise and oblige himself upon his Honour, and in the Faith and Word of a King, for himself and his Successors, not to give unto the aforementioned Kingdom of Portugal, neither in general, nor to any Person or Persons of it in particular, of what Dignity, Estate or Condition soever they may be, neither for the present, nor hereafter, any aid or assistance, public or secret, directly or indirectly, of Men, Arms, Ammunition, Victuals, Ships, or Moneys, under any pretext; nor of any other thing that is or can be, by Land or by Sea, nor in any other fashion: As likewise, not to permit that any Levies shall be made in any of his most Christian Majesty's Kingdoms and Estates, nor grant free passage to those which may come out of other Countries, to the help of the aforesaid Realm of Portugal.]  
Nevertheless 'tis evident, that they immediately failed in every point and circumstance of this Promise, insomuch that as in the very time of the public making of the said Treaty, they were privately tampering with the Portugais, and gave them underhand Assurances; so at the concluding of it, the Bonfires which were every where kindled for joy of the Peace, were not quite extinguished, when an evident Breach of the Treaty was observed, in the French sending Auxiliary Forces into Portugal-at the beginning under the Name of Mareshal Tureine divers Troops were raised and conveyed into Portugal with Arms and Ammunition; as if Tureine durst have presumed to do such a thing, without the privity and consent of the Prime Ministers: And when the Spaniard by his Ambassador complained of this, they deluded him, by issuing forth public Orders to the Governors of their Ports, that no Soldiers, or Arms, etc. should be suffered to embark for Portugal: But those Governors better understood their private Lesson, and so let them pass by connivance. But at length they began to act openly, and notwithstanding the Treaty they had made with Spain, they entered into an Offensive League with Portugal against all its Enemies; in which the French had so well provided for themselves, that by Agreement they were to have all the Sea-Towns delivered to them which should be taken from the Spaniard.  
The truth of these things was not only manifest in Fact, but it was also testified by Letters, which the Ministers of Spain had intercepted, that after the Peace made betwixt the two Crowns, the Court of France had fomented the War of the Portugais, hindered them from accepting those advantageous Conditions which Spain had offered them; animating them by a hope of mighty Succours, not only for their defence, but also for carrying an Offensive War into the very heart of Spain. Among these were many of those that had been written by the French Minister Monsieur de Lyonne, and the Archbishop of Ambrun, to Monsieur de Schomberg, which proved the continual correspondence that was betwixt them for the direction of that War. And to promote it, 'tis known that in 1672. the Duke of Beaufort came with his whole Fleet upon the Coasts of Portugal, where he spent a part of the Summer, to secure a passage of Victuals and Ammunition, whereof the Portugais were in extreme want; and this at the same time when they were offering Spain their Mediation to make an Accommodation with Portugal. Not to omit how one of the Prime French Ministers, Monsieur Colbert, privately made several Voyages thither to encourage them, and contract a more strict Alliance with them, and to open a way for the bringing about a League Offensive: Which in some time after was concluded with the Portugais, with these following Conditions; [That they shall be the Friends of their Friends, and the Enemies of their Enemies, excepting England. That France shall furnish them with as many Men as they need, to carry on an Offensive War in Spain both by Sea and Land; Shall advance to them by way of Loan the half of their pay, for the entertainment of Auxiliary Troops; and that they shall furnish them every Year under the same title of Loan, with the Sum of three hundred thousand Crowns. That all the Ports which they shall take in Spain, either upon the one or the other Sea, shall be put into the power of France. That they shall not treat either of Peace or Truce, without common Consent. And that this League shall last for the space of ten Years.  
By these particulars it is apparent, how little credit is to be given to France, in the most solemn Engagements that She can make to any Prince, about any Matter whatsoever. For, that a Treaty managed in order to a Marriage between Princes, (which is one of the most Solemn Subjects that can be handled among Men) and confirmed by Oath, with the most Sacred Mysteries of their Religion at the High Altar, for a Punctual observation, should be thus palpably broken, is not to be paralleled by any Instance or Example in all the World beside. But 'tis not in this Business of Portugal alone that a Breach was made; that which is more considerable is, That as soon as the French saw Opportunity, after the Death of the late King of Spain, they started up a Claim for their King, in the Right and Behalf of his Wife the Infanta, notwithstanding her Solemn Renunciation formerly mentioned, which was entered into the Body of the Treaty, and as sacredly sworn to; pretending that a great part of the Spanish Low-countrieses was devolved to him in her Right, by the Municipal Laws of those countries'; whereas 'tis known, that when Princes enter into a Treaty, it is regulated and confirmed according to the Law of Nations common to all; and being so to be understood, it is ridiculous among Civilians, to imagine that a Consideration of Laws Municipal, or Customs, belonging to any particular Country under the Dominion of either of the Treating Princes, can intervene or be admitted afterwards to the over-throwing of the Treaty, or the depriving either of the Parties of the Benefit and Security which he hath thereby: It is a thing not to be named among Statesmen. For without the Renunciation, the Treaty had never been agreed on; and it was so carefully penned, as if a Grand Council of Civil Lawyers had been called to outdo all former Expressions used in such Contracts, and to find out new binding Clauses, to take off all possibility of Evasion: And yet against the very Sense and End of that Renunciation, the French (as all Men know) under that so slight pretence of a Claim, fell foul on a sudden upon Flanders and other parts with their Army; which was their First Invasion upon those Countries after that Treaty.  
But 'tis further observable, That this Invasion, so contrary to the French Engagements, and so destructive of the very Essence of the aforesaid Pyrenean Treaty, was attended with some Circumstances no less surprising than the Breach itself. The one was that which passed at Paris between the Marquis de la Fuente Ambassador Extraordinary of Spain, and the French King. And the other was what the Archbishop of Ambrun, Ambassador of France in the Court of Spain, declared there in his Master's Name.  
As to the first, Fuente having received a Call Home to Spain, and being jealous that the great Preparations then made in France were intended against the Spanish Dominions, he thought fit to press the French King, to give his Mistress the Queen-Regent of Spain some new Assurances, that might quiet and settle her Mind against the many strange Reports of his intended Preparations. Thereupon, that King did with all possible Asseveration engage His Royal Word and Faith, that he would Religiously keep the Peace, and continue an entire Amity to her and the Young King her Son.  
As to the second, note that whereas not long after, the French Army took the Field, and had possessed itself of Charleroy, about four or five days before the News could arrive at Madrid: yet the said Archbishop of Ambrun, being expostulated with about it, did in verbo Sacerdotis, and upon all that is most sacred among Roman Catholics, protest and vow to the Queen-Regent, that his Master intended nothing less than what was reported of him. And that he knew he would never break with the King of Spain, nor invade any of his Dominions, as long as he was Under Age.  — Sic saevis inter se covenit Vrsis. 
Oh, how well do the French Ministers and their Ambassadors agree with one another, to effect their Master's Business and their own! For, it was not many days after this, that News was brought to the Spanish Court how fairly the French had kept their word, having entered and practised all manner of Hostilities upon Flanders, firing many considerable Towns, and wasting the Country, proceeding so outrageously, and so far, that England and the Neighbour Princes taking the Alarm, and expostulating the matter with France, it brought on another Treaty, which was held at Aken, i. e. Aix la Chapelle, to make a New Agreement betwixt France and Spain; about the Observation whereof we have afforded us another Instance of the French Fidelity.  
Unto this Treaty all the Princes of Christendom were invited, to take care of the common Security; and his Majesty of England among the rest, who sent also a Minister to the Protestant Princes of Germany, to invite them into the Guaranty of the said Treaty of Aix. Proposals also were made to the Duke of Lorain, and several other Princes, to come into the League then to be made, to which the Lorainer immediately accorded, hoping that by this Treaty he might have better luck with the French, than he formerly had with them by the Pyrenean Treaty.  
But before we proceed, it will not be amiss to remember you, How the French kept Faith with this poor Prince, whose Interests had been provided for by the said Treaty, as well as those of Spain, and his Duchy to be restored to him, with all the Places and Towns which he had been possessed of within the Bishoprics of Metz, Toul, and Verdun. But see how France dealt with him: They deferred as long as they could the performance of that part which related to the said Duke, and refused still to return him his Country, till they had brought him to make another Treaty with them in prejudice of the former; whereby he was forced to part with several considerable Places, over and above what had been granted to them by the General Peace. And yet this would not serve their turn: For, after the oppressed Duke had enjoyed a Year and a half but a very unsettled possession, during which, under several artificial unjust pretences, new Quarrels were picked every day, they with a considerable Army constrained him to give them his Town of Marsal.  
Moreover, it was but a little time after this, that they fell to teazing him again, compelling him to sign a New Treaty more disadvantageous to him than the two former, and yet (so insatiable is their Appetite after Dominion) the unhappy Duke could, as little as before, obtain a quiet enjoyment of that little they had left him. They every day encroached upon his Jurisdiction, the limits of his Territories, and his Sovereignty itself. They imposed grievous Taxes upon his Subjects. They caused him to disband his Forces, and to raise new Men again, as they thought fit. They kept him from revenging his own Quarrels, to take part in others. They let lose all his Enemies against him, and stopped the progress of his Armies, as soon as he had got the least Advantage: And in few words, he was at that time more a Vassal to France than a Sovereign in his own Country. But yet all this would not satisfy the French Court; they must have all again: wherefore the Duke by many Circumstances showing how ill he brooked this kind of unreasonable usage, They ordered one of their Generals to surprise and seize his Person, and to bring him either dead or alive: Of which intended violence having had timely notice, he escaped when it was very near being effected. Which (as one very well observed) is a new way of dealing with a Sovereign Prince, not known before in these parts of the World; and it may teach all other Princes what to trust to in treating, and what to expect from such monstrous Neighbours: And it gives us some hope, that we may e'er long live to see the West governed by Bashaws as well as the East.  
No other thing could give us a better Insight into the Ambition and Pride, nor more fully discover the Intent and Design of France. None but an Universal Monarch can pretend to an Arbitrary displacing of Princes, and a disposing of their Liberty, Lives, and Territories ........... Thus you see how perfidiously they dealt with the Duke of Lorain.  
But to return to the Treaty of Aix. It proved to be of little avail to that Duke. For, they have since seized his Country again, and driven him out to seek his Fortune; and this (as Men say) for no other Reason, but because he hoped by this Treaty to have confirmed himself among his Allies in a better State of Security than he had hitherto been. And as for the Court of Spain, the French also resolved to defeat their Expectation of benefit by this Treaty: for contrary to it, they presently fell to work; First they dismantled all the strong Places and Holds of the Country of Burgundy, carried away all the Munitions out of it, and would have spoiled the rich Salt-pits of that Province, Had not the Powerful interposition both of England and Holland Prevented.  
In despite also of that Treaty, they exacted great Contributions from the Dutchies of Limbourg and Luxembourg. They laid a new Claim to some Towns, as important as any of those that were granted to them by the Peace. They confiscated the Estates of the Subjects of the King of Spain that would not forswear their Allegiance, and spared not the very Royal House of Mary Mont. Nay, as if these Infractions were not enough, and still to encroach as far as they were able, they forced their way with great quantities of Merchandise through the Spanish Territories, without paying the Customs, and not long after endeavoured to surprise the Town of Hainault. In a word, They did whatever they pleased, plundered even the most Sacred Places, and acted whatever can be imagined to be done, without remorse, by insolent and unconscionable men.  
But to proceed; it must not be forgotten, How under a pretence of advancing the Affairs of Poland, and settling an Amity there, they contrived a Marriage for that King with a Lady of France; by which means they were enabled to send thither along with her in her Train, so many expert Instruments of mischief, that immediately they settled a Cabal with such Intrigues, as in a short time inflamed the Nobility of that Kingdom into heats and Factions against one another, which are never likely to be extinguished; and at that time they operated so far, that that King soon became willing to quit the Kingdom; and thereupon the Turk seeing the great Divisions that were wrought among them, was easily invited in by the French Cabal, merely because they could not bring in a King that was of French Blood, or of French Interest, at the following Election. And also to this, That one of the greatest Motives of their fetching in the Turk, was, that their New King contracted Marriage with the Emperor's Sister; which Princess being now a Widow, is shortly to be married to the Duke of Lorain.  
It is worth the while also to remember how finely they used the Duke of Newbourg while they trained him on to engage the greatest part of his Estate, almost beyond redemption, in hopes of getting the Polish Crown, which they had promised to procure for him by the help of a strong Party which they had made in that Kingdom. Yet underhand, and contrary to their Treaties, as well with the Elector of Brandenburg, as with himself, and to their iterated Promises and Vows, both by word of Mouth, and in Writing, they did by their Creatures and Agents oppose the said Duke's pretensions, and endeavoured with all Industry to have gotten the Prince of Condé preferred before all his Competitors: a particular Account whereof would, if published, without any other Instance, be a sufficient warning to all other Princes, and afford them a perfect Character of the French Court.  
But 'tis remarkable, That it is not with Princes alone that they thus finely deal; but they observe also just the same measure of Faith toward such Rebels and Traitors of their making, as they have gained for Money, to betray the Concerns of their own Country, by serving the Intrigues and Interests of France. For, when after the beginning of this War, they saw the Emperor setting himself in good earnest to assist the Dutch, then to dissuade and divert him from his purpose, and to engage him (if it had been possible) not to concern himself or take part in the Quarrel, they very fairly offered him to deliver into his hands all the Original Letters and Papers they had received from time to time from their bribed Friends and Creatures in Poland, to the end that both his Imperial Majesty, and his Brother-in-Law the King of Poland, might take what course they thought sit with those Traitors. Which handsome Story may serve as a fair Warning and Fright to all those that prefer French Money before their Loyalty, and the true Interests of their Country. And truly, this piece of infidelity in the French is the only Piece of Justice that I find them guilty of, in the management of Affairs with their Friends and Correspondents.  
But withal I find, that this piece of their kindness to his Imperial Majesty, was to make him amends for another prank of Treachery that had been played him a while before. For the most Christian Ministers pretending a courtesy to assist him against the Turk, and accordingly having sent Forces to join with the Imperial Army, they at the very same time began to settle a Correspondence with Count Serini, Frachipani, Nadasti, and Tottenbach; as did afterwards appear upon the breaking out of the Conspiracy, when the Depositions and Confessions of some of the Accomplices were produced, who had been instrumental in carrying both moneys and Letters from the French Minister resident at Vienna, to the said Conspirators.  
Next, let us have recourse to the Swedes, and examine whether they, having been many years their very good Friends and humble Servants, have had better luck in treating with them than others, in point of dealing. But surely Siveden cannot forget, that almost twenty Years ago they had occasion to make a Treaty with them whereby they were to receive by way of Gratuity or Pension Sixteen Hundred Thousand Crowns. Nevertheless, upon second thoughts, the French finding their Treaty with Sweden to be but of little use to them at that time, refused to ratify it, and sent Monsieur de Trelon his Ambassador to them, to tell them in short, That the King his Master declared it to be void. Which is a fine Court-stile for one Prince to use to another in Treating; and a tart, short, Majestic way of rescinding Treaties.  
It were both needless and tedious to tell, how well they have observed their Treaties with Holland, seeing they cannot so much as assign the least Cause of the War they now make against them, forasmuch as in their Declaration they told us only of a Mauvaise satisfaction, and that they were ill pleased; and that it would tend to a diminution of the Glory of the most Christian King, unless to please himself he put all Europe in a Flame, and endeavour to bring all under his subjection.  
It is pleasant likewise to observe, how they practised their Art also upon that notable Fox the Bishop of Munster, how they not only lurched him during his Contest with the United Provinces, but their French Troops fell also upon him, and endangered the loss of his Country. How they another time brought him about to lurch us in England, by reducing him to a necessity of separating from our Interest, after he had received assistance from us in a good Sum of Money. How they hindered the Swedes from arming in our favour, and swayed Denmark from our Party during our War with the Dutch even at the same time when France seemed to forward and favour us against Holland; and it hath been often published, that they then spurred on the Dutch, and were in with them in the contrivance of that Affront which they did us in the River of Thames; thereby reckoning, that so severe an exasperation would necessarily follow in our Minds against Holland, as might render us irreconcilable to them, and engage us in War so long, till we should waste and wear out one another's Men and Shipping, that we might at last be the less able to oppose France, who was at that time meditating and forming such a mighty Advance of her own Naval Power, as might enable her to contend against us both, when We should see it our Interest to unite against her hereafter. And the truth is, the French Ministers did herein act according to a right understanding of their own Business: For, they did and do very well know, that in order to the main End of grasping All, they ought to dread nothing more than a durable and firm Friendship between us and the United Provinces, as that alone that can set bounds to their Ambition, and redeem Europe from that Took which they are framing, and devising how to put about our Necks. Therefore it was dextrously done of them to find out a fine Artifice of Treachery to delude us both, and to spin out that War: For, in the very heat of the War, they kept Negotiations still on foot, both in England and at the Hague; put on a disguise of Mediation, pretending to make us Friends; and to that purpose made Offertures and Proposals of Peace. It might be told who were said to be the Instruments on both sides, to push on this project of delusion upon us so far, that we in England were assured by the French, that the Dutch were so well inclined to Peace, that for that time they meant to lay up their Men of War; but then afterwards the French under hand pressed the said Dutch with all vigour and earnestness imaginable against us, and to fit out their Men of War again, promising that rather than fail they would join theirs to them against us. It was upon a supposal the French were true to us at that time in carrying on their pretended Proposals of Peace, that we were made secure, slackened our Preparations that Year; and so a surprise followed upon it; for, the Dutch having been Tarantulated with a French Breeze in their Tails, danced after the Lesson they had set them, and so entered our River as high as Chatham: thus it was brought about, as Report went in those days. However, admit it should not be true that the French were the Authors of that Counsel, yet 'tis unquestionable they knew of the Design ere the Attempt was made; it was their pretence of bringing about a Peace that rendered us secure, when indeed we had no Security but in War, or in a Peace of our own making. Which may sufficiently instruct us at our own cost, what Security is to be expected from French Amity and Treaty. It was not long after, that we began to see a Convenience of Peace; insomuch that a Treaty was concluded at Breda: and where as one Article was, That the French should restore unto us St. Christopher's, in the manner and form therein expressed, nevertheless they began again to abuse us, and instead of performing it according to the very letter and true meaning of the Article, they still from time to time upon several unjust and frivolous Pretences, put off his Majesty's Commissioners that went to receive it, till seeing a necessity to comply with us in so small a matter, they after four years baffling, were pleased to deliver it. But 'tis to be noted, That before the delivery of it they destroyed all the plantations, plundered and carried away all that was portable, laid the whole Country waste, and left it in a worse condition than if it had been never planted. And as if the detaining of his Majesty's Territories had not been sufficient, they interrupted the Trade of his Majesty's Subjects in those parts: and assuming to themselves a Sovereignty in those Seas, they would not suffer any Ships but of their own Nation, to sail by, or about their Islands: and upon no other Ground proceeded so far, as to bring in many Vessels as Prizes, and confiscate them.  
But 'tis not in the West-India Trade only that we have been thus used: but they have been many years, and still are, diminishing our Trade here at home. They design upon our Cloth-Trade, and many of our useful Manufactures, by Money tempting away the Makers of them to go and settle in France, and by them get their own People to be instructed in the making of them. And in the mean while, to advance and encourage their own Manufacture; and cause ours to lie upon our own hands when made, they lay heavy Impositions upon all English Cloth, Stuffs, etc. that are or shall be Imported into France; which is the ready way to blow up many of our Merchants, and most of our Manufactures, and undo Thousands of poor People who depend upon them for a Subsistance by Work. No wonder than it hath been observed, That we do not of late send into France the Fourth or Fifth part of what Goods and Commodities we formerly sent over. Nay, I hear, That Monsieur Colbert, one of their principal Ministers, is at this very time consulting and advising with Merchants and others, to give our Trade a further diminution; while we (such is the fondness of our Nation!) are bewitched with an affectation of French Commodities, though but mere Baubles and Gugaws, and though our own Workmen afterwards work better, and outdo them in the making of their own Inventions, yet (such is our base folly!) unless the Retailers of them do swear, and lie too, that they are French-made, there's no putting them off to advantage at a quick rate. Moreover, we must have all French about us; their Behaviour, their Fashions, their Garb in wearing them, their mean way of House-keeping (to the utter extinguishment of the Noble way of Old English Hospitality) their needy men for Servants, their mere Dietary Leeches or Scholastic Methodists (no better than most of our own) for Physicians; their cast Tooth-drawer's and Barber's that had not worth enough to earn Bread at home, to become our admired Surgeons; French Music, French Dancing- Masters, French Air in our very Countenances, French Legs, French Hats, French Compliments, French Grimaces; only we have not so frequent the French shrug of the shoulder, because we are not generally so low— and itchy. Pardon me, if thus far, in zeal to mine own Nation, and indignation, I a little digress. Any thing that speaks French is our delight; and such is the Witchcraft also upon the other Nations of Europe, that having made the French Language and Humours Universal, I cannot but look on it as a sad Omen of Universal Slavery; for as much as both Divines and Politicians have, by the course of God's Providence, and Revolutions passed in the World, observed, that a Nations taking of Language from another Nation, and preferring it before their own, hath usually been a forerunner of, and prepared the way for its Conquest. No marvel then that France is carried on and elevated with the Ambition and belief of Conquering All, when they see all so fancifully dote upon their more effeminate Language, Fashions, and People. Therefore 'tis high time that we return to our Old English Spirit and Humour, which naturally is more grave, manly, and Martial, and by its native courageous Temper sufficiently enabled (as of old) to cure their hot fits, and cudgel them out of their disciplinary, artificial Conduct, and evaporating Valour.  
But to return where I left, let me say, there's much more fear of their pretended Friendship, and certain Falsehood, than of any thing else they can do, notwithstanding all their Numbers; as may be collected out of the memorable Stories of Cressy and Agincourt; of which last they have in their Chronicle left this dismal Note, LaMauvaise Journée d'Agincourt. Let us then in the mean time have an eye to their Treachery, Treaties, Peace more dangerous than War, and their abusive Deal.  
And if those Particulars which we have hitherto repeated, be not enough to paint them out in their Colours, let us next call to mind how falsely they dealt with us in the last Dutch War, under pretence and appearance of a hearty Conjunction with us. As to the undertaking itself, they made us to believe they would be Principal in the War, and that they would be content that our Forces should second them but as Auxiliaries: but as soon as they thought they had engaged us so far in the business, that we could not well go back, nor take new Counsels, they in all Princes Courts declared it was not their Quarrel, and that they were engaged in it only to assist us. Which was a friendly course to render us as liable as they could to the Displeasure of other Princes that liked not the War; and to excuse themselves, though they had been the chief Causers and Contrivers of it.  
We cannot omit to remind you next, how strangely they behaved themselves towards us by Sea; When they should have assisted us in the Battle that was fought under the Conduct of the most Illustrious his Highness Prince Rupert; when by reason of their standing at a distance in the very heat and stress of the Fight, and never coming in to assist him, they did sufficiently manifest, that their Squadron of Ships was sent only to be Spectators, and to learn to Fight, and for other ends, rather than to act in it: and truly his Highness that day gave them an Heroic Example of Skill and Courage, when he was set upon by two of the Dutch Squadrons together, one of which the Admiral of the French Squadron ought to have engaged, according to the Orders that his Highness had sent to him the day before: but he not coming in, though the wind all the day stood fair for him, his Highness was left alone to bear the brunt of the Engagement with two of the Enemy's Squadrons at once: and though his own Ship was surrounded on all sides, yet he so nobly acquitted himself that day, that he not only made his own way out of that great distress, but giving a Courageous Example to the rest of his Squadron, went with them, and assisted that other Squadron of ours which had been engaged against Vice-Admiral Tromp at a great distance in a separate Fight, contrary to his Highness' Orders. Moreover, it is to be remembered, that as he made way to their Assistance, his Squadron by the way still fought the Dutch Squadrons, who made way also side by side with ours at some distance, both sides shooting at each other; the Dutch, in hope to have hindered the Prince from giving the assistance intended; which being nevertheless effected by his Highness, and the Hollanders Admirals finding they could not prevent it, and that they had enough of it, made sail away for their own Coasts. But had the French Squadron under the Command of the Count D'Estrees, done his Duty, and come in to second the Prince any hour of the day, as he easily might have done (the wind standing fair) it was evident that day, we might then have had one of the most glorious Victories that ever was obtained by Sea, and but few of the Dutch Ships could have escaped home. This was afterwards acknowledged and attested by Monsieur Martel, the Count D'Estrees own Vice-Admiral, who, like an honest man, attempted to have come in with a few of his Ships, but could not; and afterwards for his forwardness to have fought, and because he blamed his Admiral, when he returned to Paris, he was called to an Account, and Committed to Prison; whereas the Count having followed the private Instructions of the French Ministers, was still continued in Honour and Command. And therefore it must needs be an undeniable Evidence, that he had privy Orders and Instructions only to stand still and look on, while we and the Dutch should be tearing and destroying one another; because otherwise, in order to a vindication of the Honour of France and its Ministers, They would doubtless have made him answer that egregious Piece of Treachery with the price of his Head.  
I intent as much brevity as may be, therefore have forborn to touch upon all the Circumstances of that affair: but thus much is absolutely necessary, to give you proof of the French good will and faithfulness to England, as well as to all other Nations that have had, or shall have any Deal with them. Now let us next see how they dealt with us, in order to the putting an end to this; which having been by us entered into jointly with the French, doubtless nothing aught to have been attempted by any one in order to the ending of it, but what should carry a fair Respect to the Interest of both Parties in conjunction: But see how they played their parts with us in this also!— The StatesGeneral of the United Provinces having nominated several Deputies to be sent, some to his Majesty of England, and some to the French King, to know of them both upon what Terms they would be willing to agree, and come to a Peace: His Majesty (as it is a Virtue innate in his own Royal Temper) intended to deal most justly with the French King upon this occasion; and therefore so carried the matter, to avoid giving him any offence or jealousy; and being loath to do any thing in the Affair without participation of Counsels, immediately sent him word, such Deputies were arrived at London, and would not so much as hear what their Errand was without the privity of France, supposing that he should have a suitable Return from thence.  
But what happened in the mean time? Even a quite contrary behaviour of the French: For, no sooner were the other Deputies arrived at the French Court, but they were presently visited and caressed by two Secretaries of State, and without further delay it was demanded of them, first if they had full power from their Masters to treat; and next, what Proposals they would make in order to a speedy Peace. The Deputies desired rather to know first what Proposals the French Ministers would make. Whereupon, to hasten them to a Conclusion of the Work, the French shortly told them, they were to understand, That what their Master the King had Conquered by his Arms in Holland he would not part with, unless they gave him an Equivalent, as well for those Places, as for the rest that he should conquer before the Treaty be concluded.  
This Answer made, the Deputies forthwith send back one of their number to the Hague, by name Mr. De Groot, who was sped back again with Instructions to Amerongen, authorising him and his Fellow-Deputies to conclude a Peace with the French. He was no sooner arrived, but Monsieur de Louvoy one of the Prime Ministers of State made short Work, delivered the Dutch Deputies a Project of Treaty, or rather the Pretensions of the King his Master; upon grant whereof (as he said) he would be both willing and ready to return to his former Amity with the State's General, and conclude a firm Peace with them.  
Was not this a sweet Return of dealing towards his Majesty of England? For, you to are note, That though the War was made jointly, and so no doubt it was not to be ended without respects to be had to the Interests of each Party concerned therein, which you have seen was fairly meant and observed by his Majesty on our part towards the French; yet they had so little regard of us, that they not only put on and entered upon a Treaty without our Privity or Consent, but would have concluded it upon that separate Treaty without us, only to their own Advantage, whereby their Master might as perfectly become sole Master of the United Provinces, as if he he had conquered all by the Sword.  
You are to note also, for a clearer understanding of their Intents, That when the Heer De Groot being to go the second time from Amerongen to the Hague with the Articles of this Separate Treaty; when he arrived there, the States finding that there was nothing in them which concerned England, he told them the French Ministers had told him, The States his Masters might deal as they pleased with England, and make an end as cheap as they would; because (as they pretended) they were not bound by Treaty to procure the English any Advantages. And thus no more Notice was taken of his Majesty, nor greater care of his Interests, than if he had never been concerned in the War, or in no League with the French at all: So that if by wonderful Providence this Separate Treaty had not been broken off, Europe might have been in greater hazard of its Liberty, and we of our Safety, by a settled Domination of the French in the United Provinces.  
Much more might be added, to show the foul play of the French with us at that time, and afterwards also when the Duke of Buckingham and My Lord Arlington were sent hence into Holland: but I must be brief, this being enough to discover their friendly behaviour during the Joynt-War An. 1673.  
In the next place, let us see how they have carried themselves since the Year 73. For, we have an Account, that notwithstanding the Amity betwixt us hath been continued to this Day, yet that Nation hath never ceased to do us one Injury or other, and no sufficient Redress at all hath been obtained, though Complaints have been made, and Reparation earnestly sought for. Witness especially the many Affronts and Violences done to us upon our Merchant's Ships at Sea by the French Privateers: For, but very few of them have been restored; and those that have been, have found the Remedy worse than the Disease, because the tedious delay of it brought such charge to the Merchants, that the benefit coming by the Restitution would not countervail their Expenses in attendance at the Court of France.  
For the Clearing whereof, it cannot be amiss to give here at large an Account touching the Event of such Applications as have been made to his Majesty for Redress at the Council-board, and with the Committee of Trade belonging to his most Honourable Privy-Council, excellently penned, and now come to my Hand newly printed and dispersed; therefore I reprint it. And it here followeth.  


At the Court at White-Hall the 4. of August 1676. Present The King's most excellent Majesty in Council.  
The Right Honourable the Lords of the Committee of Trade did this Day present unto his Majesty in Council, a Report touching the Injuries which his Subjects did sustain by French Capers, in the Words following:  
May it please your Majesty,  
There was presented unto your Majesty in Council on the 31. of May last, a Petition in the Name of all the Merchants of London, and other places, concerned in the several Ships taken by the French Privateers, and carried into several Ports of that Kingdom; and their Complaints consisted of the Points following:  
1. That the Ships and Goods of your Majesty's Subjects, though manned according to the Act of Navigation, and furnished with all necessary Passes, were daily seized, carried into Dunkirk, Calais, Sherbrook, and other Ports, the Masters and Mariners kept close Prisoners, to force them by hardship to abuse the Owners, or else for Relief of their own necessities (being commonly stripped and plundered) to enter into the Privateer's Service, which great numbers have done with very pernicious effects.  
2. That the delay and charge of prosecuting the Law in France, does commonly make the Owners to become losers of half the value, when ever they are successful.  
3. That there is no Reparation ever gotten from Privateers, for what they plunder and imbezle, which makes them freely seize upon all they meet, and perpetually molest the Navigation of your Subjects.  
Wherefore your Petitioners humbly imploring your majesty's Protection and Relief, your Majesty was hereupon graciously pleased, out of a sense of your Subjects sufferings, to command that some Frigates should sail forth to clear the Coast of those Privateers, to seize them, and bring such as had offended to make Restitution. And your Majesty did further order, that the Committee of Trade should well take notice of the particular Cases and Complaints depending, that such of them as were of weight and merit might be fitted to receive your most gracious Recommendation, for Relief, as to survey the whole number of Seizures which have been made on your Subjects, in order to lay before your Majesty what hardships have been sustained at Sea, and what sort of Justice hath been administered in France, with their Opinion of what is sit to advise your Majesty therein.  
In obedience to which Command we have hereunto annexed a list of such ships as have been seized, to the number of 53. and the Cases wherein the Owners have repaired unto your Majesty either in your Council, or by your Secretary of State, for Relief; which as in the general it supposes a Justice in such Complaints, so it leaves a suspicion of great hardship in the Methods of Redress, and the number of Captures is no small proof of the facility of Condemnation.  
How many other helpless Men there have been (besides the said Cases) who have not had ability to prosecute, or how many of these Cases have been favoured with Redress, we cannot certainly understand, till the Information we have sought for, comes from Paris, which may also enable us to complete their Circumstances of every Case.  
But in the mean time, such of all the Instances of Redress, as are come to our knowledge, we have not failed in the Margin, to make mention of them, being in number seven.  
While we were in the midst of this Prosecution, Mr. Secretary Coventry does on the 6th. instant present unto the Committee a Paper, which he received from the French Ambassador, Monsieur Courtin, relating to these matters, and the Contents thereof were as follow.  
An Extract of a Letter from Monsieur Colbert to Monsieur de Pompone, one of the French King's Secretaries, written the 28th. of June 1676.  
For what concerns the Prizes, it would be a difficult matter to answer to all the Cases contained in Monsieur Courtin's Letter; What I can say is,  
That the Council for Marine Affairs, sits every Friday at Saint Germans.  
That all Privateers and Reclaimers know it.  
That Sir Ellis Leighton, nominated by the English Ambassador, hath always notice of it, and is always present at it.  
That not a Week passes, but I give him two or three Audiences, and oftentimes I send for him on purpose.  
His reasons are all reported, read, and examined.  
As likewise are all Petitions of Reclaimers, and I shall tell you more, I acquaint him with the Reasons upon which Judgement is given.  
In giving Judgement, all Vessels which have any appearance of being English, are realeased, and very often, and almost always, although we are satisfied that the Ships are Dutch, yet they are released because there is some appearance of their being English; and every thing is judged favourable for that Nation; and it is true that all Ships that are taken are of Dutch-built, that they never were in England, that the Masters and all the Equipage are Dutch. that the Documents are for Persons unknown, and which are not oftentimes so much as named, that they carry with them only some Sea-Briefs from Waterford, or some other Town of Ireland, or Scotland: That the whole Ships Company deposes, they were sent to Holland, that we have found on Board, three or four Vessels, Bills of Accounts, by which it is seen the English took two, three, and four per Cent: for owning of Ships: and although it is impossible to avoid confiscating them, yet these are the Ships which make such a noise in England.  
In answer to which remarks, though it be true that all respect imaginable aught to be given to what Ministers of that consideration do pronounce, yet there being some differevae between them who feel the smart, and those who feel it not, we shall insist on some particulars, that your Majesty may discern whether your Subjects are fortunate in their Freedom of Trade at Sea, or in the helps of Justice when they are seized, as the Report and Information of the Letter will seem to make out; for as it magnifies the favour which is exercised in France, the facility in all Addresses, and the tenderness to relieve English Men in all Complaints, so we cannot on this subject but own to your Majesty the very different resentments we have thereof: for we understand that when English Ships are brought into the Ports of France, many of the Mariners complaining of ill treatment, and some of torment, their Papers being seized, and their Persons in restraint, till all examinations are prepared, then are all their Writings sent up to the Privy-Counsel at Saint Germans, and there Judgement definitively given, seldom are any of the Reasons of Condemnation mentioned in the Decree, and never any Appeal or Revision admitted of; so at last it was until the 20th. of June last, and whether this be the tenderness, or the Justice which is mentioned, we do not know, but we are well assured, that the Methods of your Majesty's Clemency and Justice on like occasions have been far otherwise; and we appeal to the present Ambassador, Monsieur Courtin, if almost in all Cases that he or any of the Ambassadors thought fit to own when his Excellency was here before, and your Majesty in War with Holland, seizing many Ships as Prize, and under great suspicion claimed by the French, whether it were not very customary to have a short reference, and a Summary Examination of all Papers by the Judge of the Admiralty in his Chamber; and that if any thing appeared fair in the Case, whether the Ships were not immediately released without Law, charge, or delay; and 'twill not be out of Season, we hope, to annex hereunto the Copy of an Order of the 22. of July 1665. signed by the then Lords Commissioners of Prizes, where it will appear that eighteen French Ships which were laden with Wine and Brandy, being at Dover, and detained as Prize, were all eighteen by one Order discharged without any Law, or even the Ceremony of the Judge's Examination, being singly on the Credit of the mba Assador's Word, affirming that they belonged unto the French.  
As for the matter of Revisions or Appeals after Sentence in the Court of Admiralty here, we know his Excellency will also remember, That never any Man was denied his Liberty therein; but on the contrary, your Majesty gave a standing Commission for Appeals in all Cases of Prizes, and filled it with the Lords of your Council only, that every Case might receive a candid as well as unquestionable Determination.  
We might also put your Majesty in mind, That during the whole Term of your late League with France, whenever any French Ships were seized by the Hollander, and afterwards retaken by his Majesty's Frigates, such French Ships were always restored on Demand, no consideration being had of the time they were in possession of the Hollander, whether a Month, two, or three, as sometimes they were; and when the French owner, as it hath happened, knew not of such retaking, but that the Ship was according to Law condemned to your Majesty, and sold with other Prizes; yet the Claimer appearing, your Majesty, hath ordered the Money and product of the Ships to be restored unto him.  
Such various Methods of Justice and of Clemency might have entitled your Majesty to a different acknowledgement, and more advantageous Effects.  
As to the other part of the said Paper, it seems to contain very harsh Imputations on the Trade of your Majesty's Subjects, and from some ill Practice perhaps found out (as every where there may be Instances of the like) General Rules are made, and severe Impressions taken, which having entered the thoughts of some Eminent Ministers, we must not wonder, how frequent and how multiplied soever your Majesty's Recommendations for Justice are, that the events of Trials prove so unfortunate; if your Majesty will but vouchsafe to cast your Eye on the Causes here annexed, you will soon see,  
Whether (as it is imputed) all the Ships taken are Dutch-built?  
Whether they are all such as never were in England?  
Whether all the Masters, and all the Mariners are Dutch?  
Whether the Documents be for Persons unknown, and oftentimes not named?  
Whether in the whole List, there be more than one Ship from Waterford, and but six from the rest of all Ireland, but from Scotland not so much as one.  
Wheher it is credible all the Ships Company do swear they are sent to Holland, when so many are taken even coming from Holland?  
Tour Majesty may see how many Ships in the List are English-built, taken with English Colours, English Mariners, English Owners, some of them known to your Majesty, and to whom the best Papers your Majesty, or your Ministers can sign, or the Treaties do require, are given but all in vain.  
So that if the Case be in the general quite different from what in the general is represented, we hope it will be no crime for your Majesty's Subjects to make some noise in England, when they are hurt, and when they see their goods taken from them by violence; and that violence rather justified, than redressed by Law.  
'Tis not for the Condemnation passed on these very ill Cases enumerated, that your Subjects do complain, for it were to their advantage, if all such were punished and deterred from Trade who by collusion take share in that profit, which the favour of the present Conjucture seems wholly to appropriats to this Kingdom.  
And surely your Majesty and the whole Kingdom did reckon upon this Advantage, and the extent of Trade that would naturally flow, as one of the greatest Fruits and Blessings of your Peace; so that your Majesty being sensible of great decay and loss of English Trading Ships in the late War, did think it advisable to admit your Subjects to repair themselves on the sudden by purchasing of Foreign Ships, and your Majesty by your Authority made them free and fit to partake in the benefit of English Ships, to the diminution of those higher Customs which otherwise such Ships were obliged to pay, and while your Subjects, with these and with their own home-built Ships, are in prosecution of the said advantages, while every Man is invited by the Conjuncture to venture more, and to enlarge his Trade, while by a general trust in the Peace and Alliance your Majesty holds with all your Neighbours round about, they are led to go abroad unarmed and without defence, we cannot but lament it as a great misfortune and disappointment, to observe how these your Majesty's Subject are frequently made a Prey of, and very evily treated both at Sea and Land.  
Wherefore considering that the root of all these Disorders arises from the Violence and Rapine of the French-Capers, who ought to be looked on as disturbers of the Public quiet, and Enemies of the good Friendship between the two Crowns, we are humbly of opinion that your Majesty has just occasion from the injuries past, and those which are now depending, and which do every day increase, to make a very serious Representation of all unto his most Christian Majesty; and not only press for some better method of repairing the grievances mentioned, but earnestly to insist on the calling in of all Privateers; or else your Majesty must do right, and give defence to your Subjects from all the Insolences which they so frequently meet. All which is most humbly submitted.  
Council-Chamber 31. July 1676. 

Anglesey,  
Bath,  
Craven,  
J. Ernle,  
Finch C.  
Bridgewater,  
H. Coventry,  
G. Cartret.  
Robert Southwell.     

His Majesty taking into his serious Consideration the daily Complaints of his Subjects, and having a great sense and resentment of their ill usage, hath thought fit to approve the said Report, and is therefore graciously pleased to order as it's hereby ordered accordingly.  
That the Right Honourable Mr. Secretary Coventry do immediately transmit to his Majesty's Ambassador at Paris a Copy thereof, that so the evil and the unhappy state of these things may be made known in that Court, and the Remedies pressed for in his Majesty's Name, which are proposed by the said Report; and Mr. Secretary is also to attend the French Ambassador here, with the same Representation, and to Expostulate upon all these Hardships, and the little Remedy given to his Majesty's Subjects, either on the Merits of their Causes, or the Recommendations of them by his Majesty. That so his Excellency being made sensible of his Majesty's Displeasure herein, and the reasonable Discontent of his Subjects, there may be by his Care such lively Impressions hereof fixed with the King his Master, and the Ministers of France, as may redress the Evils that are complained of, and obtain the just Remedies which are proposed.  
Philip Lloyd.    
To these Evidences, I might add the List of several Ships belonging to our English Merchants, taken by French Privateers since December, 1673. which was also presented to the Right Honourable the Committee of his Majesty's Privy-Council for Trade; and by them to his Majesty, together with the Names of their Owners, and their other Circumstances; but it would be too copious for this place. Therefore 'tis sufficient for me to show you only an excellent Account of the Business itself, and of the great Care and Pains of the Noble Lords of the Council's Committee for Trade; and of his Majesty's Royal resentment of the Sufferings of his Subjects, and the Abuses put upon our Nation; which may testify, that no Nation under Heaven can have better Reasons on their side to justify a War, than England hath against France, for the many Dishonours, Affronts, and Injuries done us, in recompense of his Majesty's high Integrity, and fair Carriage towards them.  
But this Unfaithfulness of theirs towards us is engrafted in their very Nature, as may appear not only by what hath of late been observed, but also by the Stories of old, all the time that Scotland was under a Crown separate from England, it having then been perpetually made use of by France, when any Difficulties were upon us, as a Backdoor to enter, disturb, weaken, and attempt us here in England. Therefore having, since the happy Union of the two Crowns under King James, been at a loss all his Reign how to disturb us by their wont way, they at length got an Opportunity to plague us, by bolstering up a boisterous Presbyterian Party in Scotland, that might open the Backdoor again, to let into England, not only Armies, but the delicate Pandora with her Box of Beauty, varnished over with the name of the Holy Discipline, and filled with all the Plagues of Egypt, to make our Nation miserable; I mean Presbytery, the pious Mother, Nurse and Seminary of Civil Wars, and perpetual Factions among us: and thus for the planting of War here, we are beholden to France, among the other good Deeds they have done to our Nation.— But that I may no longer talk in the Clouds, the plain Story in brief is this:  
The French having long had a Design of Conquering the Spanish Low- Countries, and conceiving it was no time to discover or attempt it, as long as England should be in a condition to hinder it, therefore to remove this Impediment out of the way, the best way for attaining their End was thought to be in the first place an Imbroilment of the King of England, that instead of looking to Concerns abroad, he might be held in Contest at home with a factious Party of his Scotish Subjects, who before, and in the year 1639. had shown themselves very vexatious and troublesome to his Majesty's Government, about matter of Kirk- Discipline, and its Government by Bishops: This was matter combustible enough for France to work upon, and blow into a flame: so that Cardinal Richlieu, grand Minister of State to the French King, by his Agents giving them large Promises and Encouragements, got into a participation of Counsels with them; whereby the Faction was agitated into a downright Rebellion there, under the Name of seeking a Reformation; and then followed Counsels also for an Invasion of England; which was effected, and they made their way with an Army to Newcastle, possessing themselves of it. But by the King's Prudence they were sent home again, a Pacification being made, and hoped it was that all would have remained quiet. But this sudden matter not suiting with the mind of the French Ministry, and Richlieu finding that there was a working up of the like Discontents, and a likelihood of the same Designs in England for the cause, or rather pretence of Religion, the Bellows were blown here also by the same hand; some of the heads of the Faction here were brought to a brotherly correspondence of Counsels and Resolutions with their Friends of Scotland, a conjunct Design was laid for a Second Invasion upon England, under the Name of Brotherly Assistance; and the Platform of the great Covenant was then proposed, approved by the Agents of their friend Richlieu, to be set on foot first in Scotland; and by Agreement it was afterward to be handed thence in due time back into England. In the mean while, the FORTY ONE Parliament being called, matters then ripened apace for their purpose by means of a prevalent Faction in Parliament, which very much alarmed the King and his Court, insomuch that he conceived it was high time to rip open this Evil, by discovering, seizing, and accusing some of the aforementioned Heads of the Faction, viz. a Lord, and Five Members of the House of Commons. The Articles of the Charge against them were in number Seven, One of which was; That They had traitorously invited and encouraged a Foreign Power to Invade his Majesty's Kingdom of England. Which was so true, that he desired a Trial of them; but their Party in the House not daring to permit it to be put to Proof, they shocked the King in the Business; and so the Affair of the COVENANT, and the other Effects of that Invitation, ran the more roundly on to a ripeness and final Dispatch in Scotland, by the time that the Sun in its course brought on the year 1643. And then came on a Second Invasion of England, flourishing their Colours with this Rebellious Motto, FOR THE CROWN AND COVENANT OF BOTH KINGDOMS. And thus you see how far we were beholden to France for all the Miseries of the ensuing Wars, and the numerous Brood of Factions which issued thence in England, Scotland, and Ireland: Of the certain Truth whereof we might have had undeniable Evidence, upon the Trial of those whom the King had then charged with Treason, if the Temper of that time would have permitted a fair prosecution; however, it was (I remember) sufficiently talked of in those days; and I have now by me a Book in the French Tongue, which was printed 24 Years ago by Adrian Vlac, at the Hague in Holland; in the third part whereof are eight Chapters, and over the second Chapter is this Title, [Le Cardinal de Richelieu la cause des Desordres arrivez en Angleterre.] That is to say, [Cardinal Richelieu the cause of the Disorders befallen England.] Which he brought in (as I told you) by the way of Scotland, to the ruin of our Peace, the Royal Family, the Church, and the whole State and Government of our Kingdom.  
But this tampering with and corrupting other Prince's Subjects, is an old Game that the French Ministers have ever been playing all over Europe. Let it be remembered how the same Richelieu wrought the Revolt of Portugal from the Spaniard, and the Rebellion in Catalonia, and carried on the Wars in both those Countries to bring down the Power of Spain; how he tampered also with the Swede, under Gustavus Adolphus, to invade the Empire: and then with the Emperor's General, Wallestein, to betray the Imperial Army; by whose sudden death the French King lost the great opportunity to work himself into a possession of the Imperial Throne. How Cardinal Mazarin, after him, carried on the Popular Commotions raised by Masaniello in the Kingdom of Naples, by sending thither the Duke of Guise to be their Head, to the almost wresting of that Kingdom out of the Hand of the Spaniard; and then also how he lurched that Duke, and deserted him: Moreover, how the last Year the French Intrigues so far prevailed in Spain, as to turn the Queen-Mother out of her Regency, drive out her Favourites, such as she thought most fit and firm for the young King's Safety, to put him into other Hands, and turn all things in that Court topsy-turvy, that being agitated and held in play by their own divisions at Home, they might be less able to have regard to the preservation of the Flemings, or to the carrying on a Joynt-war with the Hollanders. How they have been the common Enemies of every State, destroying the Peace of Government every where; sowing of Factions in all Princely Courts, their Councils, or among such of the Subjects as are factious; or else they jumble one Prince against another by turns, as they did the Prince Elector Palatine against the Elector of Mentz, starting up an occasion of Quarrel betwixt them; one while to take part with the Elector Palatine against Mentz, another while with Mentz against the Prince; whose Country they miserably harassed and wasted.  
It cannot be forgotten what they lately did to corrupt the Emperor's Council, by means of his own Favourite Prince Lobcowitz, whom they bought for Money to betray his Master's Counsels and Affairs; besides their Intrigue in the same manner with the Prince of Furstenberg and his Brother. Also, what they did in the United Provinces to incommode his Highness the Prince of Orange, by bolstering up the De Wits, and their Louvenstein Republican party against the Princely.  
What they have done to clog the Emperor, by fostering a Rebellion against him in Hungary; and how great charge they are at to sever the power of the Duke of Bavaria, and of the Duke of Hanover, from the common Interest of the Empire in this War. How they have divers times endangered all Christendom by confederating with the Grand Signior, to disturb both Hungary and Poland; for which cause (as My Lord Herbert writes in his History) the Pope had like to have given away the Title Most Christian from their French King Francis the First, to bestow it upon our Henry the Eighth before he had been dubbed by his Holiness with that of Defensor Fidei.— What Artifices have been used by them to settle and nourish perpetual Faction among the Polish Nobility, whereby other great Opportunities have divers times been given the Turk to fall upon them.  
In a word, their common practice hath been, to give the World all manner of disturbance, and so to render themselves in its Opinion the common Enemies of its Peace, a public Pest among States and Princes: in every Country they either find combustible stuff, or else make it, and then set fire to it; they are at a mighty charge to find Fodder for the various Animals of Faction in all Places. By this means Divide & Impera makes way for them, and thus they conquer more than by their Arms: they inflame Countries thus, as well as burn them, as they did Alsatia, that having enough to do to quench fires at Home, they may have neither leisure nor power to hinder French Projects abroad. Questionless then, since we in England have seen and do see our Neighbours Houses fired one after another, 'tis high time to look to our own, and secure ourselves and all Europe, from such Boutefeus', and the sad Effects of their Impious Courses.   

SECTION IU.  
That as the French have dealt falsely with us, and all other Princes in the point of Peace; There is no Security to be had for any one Party, but by a Joint War.  
HIs Majesty of England having hitherto on his part preserved a fair Respect and Amity towards France, passing by the many Indignities and Injuries done to himself and his Nation, in hope his Patience might, by fair means, have prevailed with the French King at length to do reason to us, and the rest of his Neighbours; and that to that end his Majesty might have persuaded him to have forborn a further prosecution of the War in Flanders, that thereby we might have seen some good Fruit of his Majesty's friendly interpoposing in order to the procurement of a speedy Pacification; and the French pretending so to do, and to admit his Majesty to a performing the good Office of Mediation betwixt France and the Confederates; but now the Issue of all being contrary, for that the French have made an unexpected sudden Breach further upon Flanders in the depth of this Winter, and appeared resolute to carry the whole Country, if they could, before Spring; so that this surprise gave a new Alarm to us and all the Neighbours: the World must justify his Majesty, it after all amicable means used in vain, he shall now find himself in prudence concerned to take a Course by War, to vindicate his own Honour against the many Violations and Affronts acted by France; and by God's blessing to become the happy Instrument to recover the Rights of the oppressed States and Princes; as also to preserve his own Nation against the Dangers threatened at our very doors, and to restore unto the Generality that glorious Christian Peace, which cannot otherwise be obtained.  
Peace was the Subject of Christ's last Sermon; the great Legacy that he bequeathed to his Followers. What Christians then are they, that make it their Interest and Business to destroy it on Earth! This is the Work of wild Beasts and Monsters to infest whole Countries; and when men act as such, the very Law of Nature as well as of Nations, excites and justifies all Mankind to War against them: Look back on the former Sections of this Discourse, and there you have a sight who are the men, whom no Treaties nor Entreaties can reduce to a more Christian State. Their Motto is, Jus est in Armis, No Law but the Law of Arms: therefore by Arms alone the Quarrel is to be decided; and that for these following Reasons: Provided that Foreign States and their Ministers do not trifle with, but come up roundly to us: And that people here at home do their Duty for Encouragement answerable to the Importance of so great and necessary an undertaking. Which (no question) every man wise and honest will be ready to do, and no reasonable man can doubt it, seeing our own and the Universal Interest now calls for it, and the Parliament did this last Summer so earnestly address for it; and (I suppose) his Majesty had suitably answered it, had he conceived the Time to be seasonable, and some other Circumstances agreeable; which the Law most prudently hath left in his own Judgement to determine; the more full and better sense whereof may be collected out of his Answer to the Address itself; at the end whereof I read this Intimation; That he could not do things for the security of his People, with those Advantages to them, which by the Parliament' s Assistance at that time he might have done. Which (I remember very well) most Men did interpret to be meant of the House of Commons not granting, and the King's wanting the Six hundred thousand pounds demanded by his Majesty for a further supply, which might have enabled him to, etc. But of this, more anon.  

Here are the Reason's aforementioned.  
I. The first Reason for War against them, I draw from the Summum probabile, the Highest probability, that if we help not to reduce them, and extinguish War abroad, they will at last bring it home to us. Which I prove by consideration of these three particulars.  

France's Aphorisms of State.  
The Political Creed.  
Their Necessity to continue in War.   
1. The first Aphorism is such as is destructive of Peace in all Places, and disposes them to act accordingly. That is, To enter into all sorts of Affairs by Right or by wrong, by Hook or by Crook, and every where to become Arbiters by Violence or by Cunning, by Threats or by Friendly Pretences. In all the Differences past or present, they some way or other wind themselves in to take party, and form for themselves an Interest: nor did ever any People show the least dislike to the Government, and an Inclination to Rebellion, but the French fomented it, and made the Factions their Allies. They never entered into any War to favour any Party, but with intent to exasperate it; nor into any Peace, but to sow the Seeds of New Disputes, as past Experience hath made evident, and the Stories of these Truths afford numerous Examples; but I now want room to insert them: So that if we constrain them to Peace, it will last no longer than they can work our Mal-contents into Mutiny, and then they will violate that Peace by encouraging them, or by siding with them, secretly or openly.  
2. A Second Aphorism is, to have for their only Rule Interest of State; so that the Faith of Treaties, the Good of Religion, or the Ties of Blood and Amity cannot hold them. The Instances for proof thereof I have given already. All that the Turks have done in Christendom since the time of Francis the First to our time, they own to the Alliances of France with the Ottoman Court; and to the diversion which France made in their Favour, against any Christians who were likely to act against that Common Enemy of our Religion.  
3. Their Third Aphorism is, To keep other States, as much as they can, divided and busied at home, or else engaged in some External War, as England, Germany, Italy, Denmark, Spain, Poland, Holland, and many other Countries have had sad Experience. What Peace then with such a Nation, when her Witchcrafts are so many?  
Their Fourth is, To keep their Younger Brothers of the best Families always in Arms abroad at the Expense of their Neighbours.  
All these are the Maxims of Conquerors; infallible Evidences of a profound Design to be prosecuted to the utmost Bounds of Conquest: So that to talk to them of Peace, is to talk against their Interest; that is, 'tis to no purpose.  
The other thing to be considered, is their Political Creed; which I shall not give you in my own words, but as it is translated, having been printed in the French Tongue at Villefranche by Jean Petit, 1677.  

[They believe that what others call Violence, is but a bare precaution, and a pursuit of one of their Infallible Rules of Art, viz. That Conquerors ought to provide for the future, by destroying whatever may hurt them, and that they ought to have no Law but the Sword, the Appetite of Governing, and the Glory to be had by aggrandizing themselves at the cost of their Neighbours. Pyrrhus also believed this just; and Caesar, that all things were lawful for Dominion.  
They generally applaud these Maxims; and hold that nothing is forbid to them, that may disturb their Neighbours, and sow division among them: that they have a secret joy in doing wrong, and whatever else may be most afflicting and outrageous. That Pity is a cowardly Virtue which over-throws a Crown, whose best Support is Fear, and Impiety its Foundation. That Arms inspire a reverence among Men, and Troops are the admirable Advocates which plead a cause best. That the proclamation of the Cannon is above all other Titles. That Justice is a Phantasm; Reason a Chimaera; Marriage a trifle; the Faith of Treaties an illusion; Peace but a bait. That their Cabals ought to be full of mystery, their Conferences ensnaring, and their Oaths but sport of Children, a Trap to catch a Cully, and a Charm for Fools.  
They further believe and say, That Perjury is just, and that according to their new Morals, Ill may be done for a greater Good. That sincerity ruins them, that perfidiousness is profitable; Imposture, of much benefit; that Infidelity is the Charter of a Prince: Faith, a foolish Maxim; Keeping their Word but a mean Compliance; and Violence the proper hinge to move upon.  
Our Tears are their Tipple, our Sighs they regard not; they speak one thing, do another; make great Promises, never perform any: Their Mouth flatters, while their Heart betrays; they have no Friendship without an End; Vengeance is sweet to them, their Protection heavy: They embrace with one Arm, and smother with another: France is the Proteus of the Age, and hath a thousand Faces; She enters like a Lamb, transforms into the Fox, and thence becomes a devouring Wolf. They never pardon, are never to be surprised, and their Ways are past finding out: A double face, a charming Voice, with a studied behaviour. They count nothing a pleasure but what tends to enslave the People, and lead them to despair. Tunc oderint dum metuant; and they scoff at the hatred of the conquered, if they can but make them fear.  
Elizabeth of England always asserted, That France might be espoused as a Friend, but never approved for a Neighbour; their rapidity and heat consuming what they can reach, not being able to subsist without coveting and invading their Neighbour's Goods and Territories.]   
The last of the three Particulars to be considered, is, That France is under a necessity to continue War as long as they can.  
1. This appears by what I have hinted in the Third Section: viz. That their King having brought the younger Brothers of his Nobility and Gentry (which are a vast number) to depend upon War for a Livelihood, and by War for a making of their Fortunes; so that he hath made War their Trade. 'Tis absurd to imagine he will by any long Observation of Peace destroy their Trade and Livelihood: For then, what follows? They must even pray upon himself at home; he must maintain them, or they mutiny, and turn popular, and the common people being easily to be agitated with the hope of easing their most intolerable Burdens (for whoever among the Bourgeois, the Tradesmen, or the Peasants, do get either Lands or Pence, their King, as oft as he pleases, demands three parts in four, and so they pay him three Farthings of every Penny, if he Tax it upon them, and sends Troops of Horse to collect it; as now they do at this time in the Provinces of their own Nation; as I have seen the Account of it set down in a Letter which came to hand but few hours ago) for these things, I say, may readily dispose them to close with mal-content Traders in War, who will be sure to drive that Trade of War at home, if they have it not abroad. This alone is evidence enough to show he must needs avoid a Peace, though he may seem willing to Treat about it, and pretend fair towards it, and perhaps keep it a little while, till he can frame to himself greater Advantages by breaking it; which his Interest (you see) will compel him to, to avoid that grand domestic Mischief aforementioned.  
2. Besides, Peace is so far against his Interest, that if he grant it, he cannot have any tolerable pretence to keep up that vast Revenue, which he raises at present out of the Purse of the people to maintain his Wars; which I have heard to amount yearly to above Eleven Millions of Pounds Sterling, besides his Contributions raised out of conquered Countries, which are estimated at a grand rate by those that understand them: and all these must needs be diminished if he permit Peace. So that 'tis a mean thought, to imagine that the French Ministers should not see and avoid these Consequences, which would lessen their Profit, as well as their Master's  
3. To be brief, By another Reason of State he is necessitated not to permit Peace long, because without War they cannot long retain their numerous Princes, Mareschals, Dukes, and chief Nobility, in a dependence upon the Crown for augmentation of their Estates, or the satisfaction of their Pride, Ambition, and Avarice, which is not otherwise to be done, but by having to bestow on them great Military Commands, Offices, and Governments in the Conquered, and other Conquerable Places. By these things you see what Necessity lies upon their Ministers to advise and determine, as Monsieur Louvoy, one of the chief among them very lately did; that there was a necessity for their continuation of War. And indeed, No man better than Louvoy understands the Temper, Inclination, Sense, and Interest of his Master.  
Now if these things be so, 'tis time for us to proceed with our other Arguments for War, on our behalf and foreign Neighbours: one of which I have already given you.  
II. A Second Reason, or Argument for us and them to War against France, is; That as the French Ministers cannot admit Peace, so this is one evident Token they never intended it; forasmuch as they so ordered the matter of Peace under debate at Nimiguen, that the Treaty was rendered hopeless.  
III. They have hitherto frustrated the gracious Intent, Offertures, and Endeavours of his Majesty of Great Britain, to procure a Peace by Mediation on the behalf of the Confederates, and all Europe: which is no less than a tacit Declaration for an Universal Conquest.  
iv A Fourth Reason may be drawn from the Ambition of France, which is restless, and boundless; never to be satisfied more than is their Avarice, large enough to swallow All upon the Continent, while they reserve these Isles of Great Britain, and Ireland as the last Morsels.  
V A Fifth Reason, had I time or place here, might be copiously drawn from the huge magnitude of France, its Dominion being extended upon the ruins of other Nations to an immense Bulk, beyond all tolerable Allowance: so that in comparison with them and their Mountain of Power and Greatness, the Neighbour States and Princes are become so light, that they are but as the small Dust in the Balance. And therefore unless a Course be taken to give them a Diminution, there will ere long be very little probability of our being able to give him a Counterpoise. That excellent Prince the Duke of Rohan, in his little, but weighty Book, stating the Interests of several Princes, determines it is the Interest of England to keep such a Balance of their Powers, as not to permit that either of them grow so great as to be able to oppress another: And that we ought ever to hold it even betwixt France and the House of Austria, and if either of them exceed, to reduce it to an Equality; this was accounted a principal part of the Ancient Grandeur of the English Nation: King Henry the Eighth first well settled it in managing the Differences betwixt Charles the Fifth, than both Emperor and King of Spain, and Francis the First King of France, the two Grand Competitors of that Age. That excellent Princess Queen Elizabeth well improved it, and so it continued till the time of Cromwell, who first erred in this matter of Public Interest, to serve his own private, by greatning of France beyond due proportion, so that he interposed the Difficulties which since lay in the way of Reducing it. By the Influence of this old piece of policy, it was that England was always in a condition, whensoever she pleased, to dispense Peace, or War to every Nation, and thereby great Honour redounded to our own, throughout the World, and there is nothing but War can restore it, by curing the overgrown Dropsy of the French Greatness.  
VI You had before an Intimation of another most considerable Reason, drawn from a consideration that no Peace that can be made, can give us any security of enjoying it long; to which I may add, That a Peace will but betray us to the next Opportunity the French shall please to take. Besides, in the interval we should but give him the opportunity to reinforce himself, ramass his Treasury, and thereby enable himself to prosecute the old Artifice of corrupting other Princes, Ministers, Officers and Governors, and work his Ends so as to alienate and separate as many of the Confederates as he can from their holding Counsels in common for Mutual preservation, to embrace such terms as he shall, under a specious show of Advantages, think fit to propose unto them; which if obtained, would utterly break them one after another, and induce this Inconveniency upon England, to be left alone, or with but few Participants to join in the Work of Reducing France into its former legitimate moderate Condition.  
VII. Another Reason is to be derived from a Consideration of the great increase of the Naval Power of France, whereby they are enboldened to give disturbance to our Merchantmen in our own Seas; such an Indignity to his Majesty, and Violation of our Rights by Sea, as is not to be endured; and which the Kings of this Island have from all Antiquity possessed as far as the very shores of France, exclusive of any Pretensions of Right of any other Nations within the FOUR SEAS: The Evidences whereof were collected, and with Arguments drawn from all sorts of Learning and Records, digested into one excellent Book, by that most famous Man Mr. Selden, entitled MARECLAUSUM. Among the particulars whereof I remember that the Addition of the Portcullis to the Royal Badges of the Crown of England (which is yet to be seen upon many of the Royal Houses built by our Kings) was made for this Reason, even to signify to all the World, That we had a just Right and Title, at pleasure to shut up, and open the Sea when we thought fit, as it were, with a Portcullis, to all Passengers passing by Sea. And by the same Evidences it is there proved, that our Title to our Propriety in the Sea is as good as any Title the French King hath to any part of his Dominion by Land. His Grandfather wrote divers Letters with his own Hand to King James (which I have formerly seen in the Paper-Office at White-Hall) to ask Leave for some few Vessels to fish for Soles (as he should have occasion) for his own Table: Which was a sufficient Acknowledgement where the Sovereignty lies by Sea. There have been also, in former time, brisk Messengers sent to the French Kings, requiring them, as soon as they had but begun to lay the Carcase of some pitiful Ship upon the Stocks, to forbear building. Which shows the present Presumption of the French in making so grand Naval Preparations to invade our Seas: And our Honour, as well as our Right, calls aloud for a Vindication.  
VIII. There is Reason also to be drawn from a Consideration of the hazard of Religion. 1. As concerning the Protestant, about which I shall not use any more words to clear this point, than this short Proverb now used in France, and by them attributed to their own King; That his Grandfather loved the Protestants, his Father feared them, and he himself hated them. Which any one that beholds the Ruins of their demolished Churches, and the hard Conditions under which they are oppressed in every point, within that Kingdom (too large here to recite) will easily believe. 2. As touching the Roman Catholic Religion, how that is like to far, may readily be prognosticated;  Tros, Rutilúsve fuat, nullo discrimine habebunt. 
Be a Papist or be a Protestant, the French make no difference in usage, wheresoever they come. Witness to this how they have dealt in Catalonia, Alsatia, the Spanish Low-countries, and divers other Roman Catholic Countries where all men exclaim against the Domination of France. 3. Whereas it was of old a Doctrine instilled into the minds of the Romanists by their Father-Confessors, that they ought to adhere to Spain and the House of Austria, rather than to promote the French Empire, because Spain being then much the greater Kingdom, and esteemed the dearer Son of the Church, by reason of its greater Zeal, and more strict and entire Embracement of the Romish Faith, and through the diligence of the Inquisition, kept without any mixture of that which they call Heresy, and therefore more likely to continue firm to the Roman See; now of later time, the State of Empire being altered, Spain brought much lower, and not able to give such Protection and Defence as formerly to the Roman Cause in these parts of the World, the Pope and his Priests and Jesuits are so far altered too, that having since seen the French go on like Conquerors, they have quitted the former Reasons on Spain's side, and like the Men of the World, are turned Courtiers of Fortune, crying up France altogether now, though if they please to remember how not many Years ago France, upon a petty Quarrel in Rome, betwixt some of the Pope's Soldiers and the Duke of Crequi's Servants (than Ambassador there) ruffled the Pope himself with such unheard of Insolence, that for mere fear he was constrained to abandon divers of his Friends and Kindred, and to the perpetual disgrace of the Holy-Chair, and of their Religion, and of the Adored-Father of Christians, (as they would seem to repute him) they made him cry like a Child, and erect a Pillar in Rome, with an Inscription, signifying the pretended Affront to France, engraven upon it; and it continued some Years standing, till the Tears of his Holiness prevailed for the demolishing of it. Notwithstanding all this (I say) the Roman Priests do venture to magnify France as much as they did Spain before, not considering how their Interest of Religion declines there by the marvellous increase of the Protestants and Jansenists, and by the indifferency of zeal in most of the French Papists; and, were it not mere Reason of State that holds it up there among the Great Ones for the present, no Man knows how soon it might be relinquished, if a little time should happen to alter that Reason of State, it being a voluble thing, if their Ministers shall think they have as good reason to invade Italy, as other Places, and after Conquest of the smaller Princes there, to seize Saint Peter's fair Patrimony for an Addition to the French Kings Revenue, and then make the Pope content to become his Chaplain, and to be glad of a Pension, as the Mufti is at Constantinople; who knows then how far Reason of State may alter itself, and make further Alterations? But let the Popish Party look to that: They may hope the best, if they please; but we and all the rest of the Protestant Party in Germany and other parts, must be sure to go to wrack as fast as they can reach us, and then deal with us, as they do with their own, in the Concerns of our Religion as well as Estates.  
Ours shall be sure to go down: and the Papists cannot be sure their Religion shall not receive Alterations; especially in Secular Advantages of Wealth and Power, seeing even in France the King hath already converted to his own use a great part of the Monastic Revenues. Therefore it almost equally concerns both Papist and Protestant, in reference to Religion, to adventure their distinct Powers and Interests in one common Bottom, and Resolution, to War with him, and to hinder the obstinate pursuit of that Project of an Universal Monarchy.  
IX. The last Argument that might be brought is the Universal Inclination of our People towards a War with France. And the like Inclination, yea, and Necessity that appears among our Foreign Neighbours: Never was there a more marvellous Consent of Mankind about any one Business; therefore I need not use more words to press it on.    

SECTION V.  
An Account of such Objections and Impediments as by Malcontents may be cast in the way, in case His Majesty shall see Cause now to make a War.  
THat there are Discontents among us, is a thing in no wise to be denied; and the Authors of them are sufficiently known. They are a sort of ominous Birds always hover about City and Suburbs, presuming to misrepresent, argue, and arbitrate the great Affairs of State; and such is the licentious Liberty they take to themselves, that they censure, arraign, and condemn what and whom they please. Ever against the Sitting of Parliament, they gather and appear in whole Flights and Flocks, breeding of false News, and boding Mischief wheresoever they come. They sometimes haunt the Houses of Ambassadors, and other Foreign Ministers, if they can get any intimacy with their Servants, with whom they give, and take Supplies toward a Stock of Intelligence; the one to furnish the Foreign Post, the other the Coffeehouses, whence they issue again, and make sallies upon the Canary Cabals at the Globe, the Horn, the Kings-head, or the Devil, to furnish them, and settle Correspondencies both East and West, and to that end receive Commission to become Emissaries and Trotters betwixt some particular Wiseacres in both the Climates. If the Parliament chance at any time to be Prorogued or Adjourned, that Season proves to this sort of News-mongers, like a nipping Frost to Flies, and they are even ready to die away like fainting Grass-hoppers. There's nothing revives them in the Interval, like some unlucky Mischief befallen the Court. 'Tis Mischief they gape for; and yet are but Fools at doing it, and therefore aught to be better instructed.  
For if I loved Mischief, and meant to do it, I would first raise Objections to prevent a War now, though a while ago I wished well to all those that had a desire to promote it. I would object, that it is too late to enter upon it now, because it should a been done last Summer, before the French King could a made his late Impression so far into the Spanish Low-countries, and before the Confederates were brought so low. Besides, I would not give way with patience, to hear another man answer me, that it is not too late; but prove that had his Majesty consented to it last Summer, there are most sufficient Reasons to be given why it might have turned very much to the prejudice of his Affairs; as for Instance,  
1. Had he then declared an immediate Consent to it, it had been all one as to have declared a War; for, the French are not so slow-witted as not to apprehend it so, nor so remiss as to neglect a dealing with us accordingly. What could we have expected, but that our Merchant's Ships, which at that time were in great numbers trading within the Dominions of France, would have been immediately seized, and all their Effects, which amounted to a vast sum of money? whereby our King, besides the losses of the Merchants, must have lost a great sum of money accrueing here to his Customs by the Import of those Goods and Commodities.  
2. His Majesty very well understands what an important Point 'tis to consent to a War, which is all one in effect as to proclaim a War, before competent preparations made for it by Money, Ammunition and Men, Ships, and all other necessaries for War could be ready to put it in execution.  
3. The French King might then (for aught that can be said to the contrary) have been thereby so exasperated, as to lay aside a while his Affairs in Flanders, and being ready furnished with all the necessaries that we wanted, immediately have resolved to fall upon us by an Invasion; and what (I pray you) could have hindered at that time such a Surprise of us?  
4. It had been a strange Adventure to have been so forward to have engaged ourselves by promise to enter into the War, before it was known what the Confederates would do towards it, to encourage us to their Assistance. The present Distress lies upon them more than upon us; therefore there ought to be no boggling with us, or delaying, but a quick doing what is reasonable for them on their part, to engage us in their Confederacy.  
5. The French King, having pretended fair for an embracing of His Majesty's Mediation in order to a reasonable Peace, it was questionless very convenient we should stop a while to see what would be the issue of his pretence, that in case he should play foul, and deceive us, we might have the juster and fairer cause to War with him.  
6. If there had not been any of these Reasons for delay; yet the happy Alliance with the Prince of Orange, having been since accomplished; and being a very good expedient to open the way for a more convenient entrance into Confederation, is that which may abundantly serve to balance any pretended inconvenience of the delay of entrance.— But to proceed  
Moreover, If notwithstanding these Reasons, any one of those men of Intelligence should yet mischievously Object, That last Summer's delay hath been the ruin of Flanders, and made the recovery of it in a manner impossible, and should endeavour to persuade others 'tis so, because of the loss of some few Towns there since, let such consider, that the Spaniard, by his not closing yet with us in our friendly Inclination, seems not to be of their Opinion, or that Flanders is yet so near ruin, seeing that he himself hath made a further delay, by not coming up to our reasonable Demands at this time, whenas he hath of late so much pretended it, and all men expected he would accordingly have done it out of hand.  
Besides, Let those News-and-Mischief-Mongers remember, it is not long ago since they themselves, in one of the Canary-Clubs, were of a mind, that the Confederates, if we were joined with them, would be able to work Miracles in Flanders against the French: but it now seems that the loss of St. Ghislain, or of a Town or two more, hath in a moment deprived us and the Flemings of all Power to do what is fit to preserve the Country. It hath been told me, that very lately, the like Discourse being boldly bandied at a certain Cable of Coffee-mongers, one that sat smoking hard by in a Corner of the Room, stepped in, and said honestly, That he wondered there should happen among some men such a sudden Change of Opinion; and that it must needs give a suspicion there is some invisible Spring that moves them; some Secret Intrigue and Reserve in the Heart, when the Tongues go at so rolling a rate: and that they are a sort of people tutored to this Tune, to argue Pro and Con by Turns, as their own Occasions alter; That they are resolved to dislike whatsoever the King may judge is reason for him next to do in his public Affairs; and that they put on the approbations and disapprovements of a War, according as they are influenced, and as the WORD is given out by their envious Mal-contented Leaders; and as it may serve to please, or irritats, and to render themselves gracious in their eyes unto whom they are Retainers. I do remember (said he) what Joy the People had, and Bonfires, as soon as the Marriage of the Prince of Orange was declared; and not many days after, this sort of frequent Changelings raised I know not how many Scandals about it. How far the French have had an influence on such petulant Talkers, I cannot say; but other men more honest speak broad enough about it.  
Which having been thus roundly uttered, the Gentleman laid down his Pipe, paid for his Dish of Coffee, and went his way, leaving them all in an amaze to guests who this Man should be.  
Now, no sooner was this Gentleman gone, but another, who overheard the Discourse, drew near to them; (for all are free over a Coffee-dish) and sitting down, said, gentlemans, pardon me if I tell you I was here t'other day, and heard some others of you discoursing about Money to carry on the War; and methought it was much any among you should think it reasonable, and most necessary to have War; and others yet be of opinion, That the Point of Money should be cumbered with Delays or Disputes about it. What would the Event of this be? Would it not render us ridiculous to the French, and make them scorn us? Would it not dishearten the Confederates, and make them jealous, that whatsoever Resolutions we take to give them hope of assistance, yet as soon as they are taken, they will by one Accident or other be made impracticable? In time of Necessity, and when Hannibal was at the Gates, or any other Enemy▪ nigh coming, the Romans ever instituted a Temporary Officer, whom they called Dictator, and to him the Senate and People gave, during the public danger, but not longer, as full Power as the King of France now enjoys, to do and take whatsoever he should judge necessary to secure the Public State of the Nation: by which Policy they avoided all Disputes and Debates about the Concerns of the War; and so they generally came off with Success. Be it far from me to urge at this time, that we should in this occasion of ours imitate them, but yet methinks we should so far learn of them, as to do all we can to avoid and lay aside dispute; especially about the very Life and Sinews of a War, constant supply of Moneys, and other Necessaries; and to come as near the Roman Policy as the public Constitution, convenience, and State of our Government can possibly permit, if we mean to obtain the like happy Success. A trust must be lodged some where; therefore 'tis best and safest to place it where, and in what manner the Law hath placed it. The Law obliges the People, as well as the King: It obliges the King to make War, where, and when he shall judge it needful. And on the other hand, it obliges the People, readily and cheerfully to give him necessary supplies; otherwise this absurdity would be implied in our Law, that it should oblige the King, and leave the People lose in this matter; which can by no means be supposed, because than it would oblige him to an Impossibility; it being impossible for him to do his part, unless they on their part shall sufficiently supply him. Which 'tis not to be imagined the People can be so mad as to decline, because 'tis for common Safety, The Supreme Law, which is a further Tie upon them; and if they observe not that, it is not only to be wanting to the ends of Gubernation, but in effect a Frustrating both of Law and Government itself: and at this time, an unnatural abandoning of ourselves, and a giving up of that most noble cause wherein whole Europe is so deeply concerned.  
I thought, Gentlemen, to have spoken no more at this time; but (craving your Pardon) pray, Sirs, let me tell you, I overheard also here t'other day, what some of your Company said, reflecting upon some State-Particulars past, the reviving whereof would better become the mouth of a Common Enemy, than a true Englishman, being matters altogether Foreign to the Business of War, which is now The Unum Necessarium, The one Thing Necessary: and till all fit Resolutions upon that be taken, why should any matters inferior, that may cause discontent or division of minds, be discoursed among you? I will not so much as name them, to give you cause to overheat yourselves to answer me; I resolve to bury them, and all that you then said about them: For I am no Spy upon you: I am a Gentleman; and if any other person that is an Informer may have taken notice of what you said, and should chance to call me to witness any thing against you, know I have a Gentleman's Memory, very apt to forget all upon such an occasion.  
This Discourse (as I have been told) surprised them more than what was said by the other Gentleman, insomuch that the Company stared on him with silence, being most of them (I suppose) of Opinion, that what he said was Reason: but as there is are all Companies some whom no Reason can satisfy, so there were (it seems) among them some few Emissaries, Trotters, and Mischief-mongers belonging to the Canary Cabals, who began to grumble, but presently broke up, and went to the several places of Caballing, and communicated the matter there to their Principals; among whom there happening to be a false Brother, or two, by that means I got the Story.  
Now for a Conclusion:  
Let me answer one Objection which I hear walks about like a Bugbear to affright us. viz. That though our Chronicles tell us, that Edw. the Third conquered France, and his Son Edward, called the Black Prince, brought their King Prisoner into England: and though Henry the 5th. made a Second Conquest of them more completely, being Crowned King at Paris; and his Son Henry the 6th. also Crowned there, and Reigned over them many years: yet the Case is altered now; France is quite another thing; it is now one compact Body; it in those days was shared by divers Sovereign Princes, which made the French King but little in comparison of what he is in these days; being become exceedingly more potent and more difficult to subdue, by reason of his present Lordship over all those Sovereignties.  
To balance these Advantages of his, note, that England also is (through God's good Providence) become much more powerful than it was in those days; For though in those days we had Ireland, yet it was but a miserable halfplanted Country, always rebellious against us, so that it was an extraordinary charge and a clog rather than a help to us: but now we have it improved to the height, and the Irish in good order with our English; also the Accession of the Kingdom of Scotland, a numerous and warlike People, which then also was another great Clog upon us, now united with us. To these Considerations add, That by addition of the Confederates, if they please to be plain with us, we may I suppose be contrepoise enough to answer all the French Advantages: and no Man that knows what England is at Sea, and what an English-Seaman is, will doubt, especially Holland join with us, that we may be a Match sufficient for that King; and that we over-match him in this, that we have a Better Cause; and therefore (God pardoning our Iniquities in other matters) have a better hope of Divine Benediction.  
Which being well weighed, we may very aptly invert the old Saying of Cicero, Justissimum Bellum iniquissimae Paci antefero. That is, being a little paraphrased in English, I upon the whole matter conclude; That a most just War is to be preferred before a most unjust Peace, most dangerous to us, and all the rest of the European Nations.  
FINIS.