C: NEPOS, Veronensis.    

THE LIVES OF ILLUSTRIOUS MEN.  
Written in Latin BY CORN. NEPOS, AND Done into English BY SEVERAL HANDS.  
OXON, Printed for HEN. CRUTTENDEN, and are to be Sold by ANTH. STEPHENS, Bookseller near the Theatre, 1684.   

Imprimatur,  
TIMO. HALTON, Pro-Vice-Can. Octob. 9 1683.   

To the Right Honourable JAMES EARL OF ABBINGDON, Lord Lieutenant OF THE County of OXFORD, etc.  
MY LORD,  
THESE Lives of Cornelius Nepos, which I now Present your Lordship in English, have had the good Fortune to survive in their Original (the Latin) seventeen hundred years: And though the Observation of the Excellent Lord Bacon be very Ingenious, That Time is like a River, which bears up the Stubble and such light things, but lets the more weighty and substantial sink; yet must this be taken for a Similitude, and as such is only applicable to the Abuses which the Authority of precedent Ages, as well as other Humane Concerns, is and may be subject to. For to suppose, that those things which have past the Test of the wisest and severest Ages, have at last nothing of intrinsic value in themselves, but owe the long possessing of Fame to a Hit of Fortune, to the Humour or tame Obsequiousness of a long Succession of Admirers, is so bold an Attempt upon the Reason of Mankind, that he that makes it must either have much of the God, or a great deal of the Fool; By invincible Argument to demonstrate the Mistakes of the Learned World in all its Stages, requires a Soul of a Divine Perspicacity, clear from those Encumbrances that have misguided the Prospect of other Mortals. To oppose a single capricious Opinion to the collected Force of so many Men's Judgement, looks like the Hero in the Play, or the Knight-Errant in the Romance; who with two Legs and two Arms, Fights and Routs whole Millions. I do not (My Lord) Apologise for our Author, as if He need beg a Blessing from Antiquity, or wanted the Testimonials of Precedent Ages to support his Credit; had he been Written in this time He is Translated, there is worth enough in Him to recommend Him to all Lovers of History. Cornelius Nepos Lived in an Age, that had the greatest Taste of Good Sense of any possibly since the Creation. Eloquence did not then consist in the gaudy Trimming of Metaphors, or the forced acuteness of a short cut Period, but Good Sense naturally and cleanly Expressed, was the Language Augustus and his Court encouraged. Our Author cannot indeed pretend to the Politeness of Cicero, but yet He has nothing but what is Manly and Strong; and if my weak Judgement informs me right, there runs through his Writings a Gentile Vein of speaking unaffectedly, which declares Him a Man removed above the Pedant or Plebeian. Here it must be Confessed, He is now and then rough in the Period, and negligent in the Expression; but the judicious Quintilian allows this to be sometimes a Beauty; and 'tis the opinion of most Critics, that if there be any fault in Tully himself, 'tis that He is too Set and Formal in his Style. There are some Faces that are very exact in the Symmetry of their Parts, and the mixture of Colour, and yet they are not pleasing; While on the other Hand, there are others in which Nature seems to have made agreeable Mistakes; Eloquence is only the Beauty of Language. in which a too formal observance of Exactness is disgustful. There is as much difference between the Gentile practice of Rhetoric, and the heavy Regularity that arises purely from the attendance upon its Rules, as there is between the Gentile Address of a Gentleman, and the fulsome Compliment of a Schoolmaster. Such is his Style, that it seems to give Cornelius Nepos a pretence to the Patronage of your Lordship, whose Ancestors have reflected greater Honour upon Learning and Learned Societies, than They could ever receive from them. 'Tis in the Great Name of the Bartu's, we meet the two greatest Ornaments of Mankind conjoined, Learning and Nobility; and in that Generous Noble Blood, not only Honour, but Wisdom are conveyed. The reason Petronius Arbiter gives, why good Sense and true Reason were in his Age in the decline, is, Because every Man must fish with such baits he thinks will take, but says the same Ingenious Author, We have lost the generous Palate; Had your Lordship Lived in that time, there could have been no occasion for this general Complaint. In your Lordship a Virgil or a Horace might have found an Agrippa or Maecenas, who did not only receive the Compliments of those Great Men, but understood their Worth. Our Author has in short drawn the Greatest Heroes that Athens, Sparta, Thebes, Corinth, and even Afric itself could boast, and 'tis to Him that Rome does owe its Atticus. It often happens, that a Prince is better represented by his Coins, then by his Statues; so without detracting from the just praise of others, Nepos may possibly give as lively an Idea of an Alcibiades or Themistocles, as those who have drawn out their Descriptions to a greater length; For as in men's Faces, so in their Actions, there are certain peculiar Airs that distinguish one from another; if you hit these, you give the Character as effectually, as if your Canvas was as large as the Object, and you took in every Hair. The design of History is to instruct by Example, and Correct the Infirmities of Life; to Trace out the Roads by which Great Men arrived at Fame, and the Rocks they have split against. All the reward We can pay to defunct Virtue, is a grateful Remembrance of it, and Vice is a Detestation to Posterity. Phocion's Beneficence will be an Eternal Monument: Eumenes his unshaken Loyalty to the Posterity of his Prince will never be forgotten: And Alcibiades his tender Passion to an ungrateful Country, will last as long as Sense remains in the World. Such Examples may afford Your Lordship's leisure Hours a Divertisement, but cannot pretend to Direct. The History of your own Family is a Treasure of Greatness and Bravery, which affords Instances (of both Sexes) for every Virtue and Duty of Life. And here we cannot enough Admire the inimitable Gallantry of Katherine Duchess of Suffolk, whose Zeal to the Protestant Religion at least came up to the Example of the most Primitive Confessors; who supported all the Variety of Her numerous Afflictions with the Meekness of Her own Sex, and the Courage of Ours: While every Country proved more Hospitable to that Admirable Lady than Her own; and Foreign Nations thought themselves obliged to Reverence that Virtue which we could not Bear. Nor need I instance in those Heroes of your Family, to whose Noble Achievements the Great Henry of France was so highly obliged, and the Dutch owe so great a part of their Liberty. Nor perhaps was the very attempt of Civilising Ireland an undertaking of less Gallantry and Spirit, since 'tis easier to Create then Restore. When at length the unhappiness of an Headstrong Nation recalled them from Foreign to Domestic Wars, with how much Courage, how much Loyalty did the Heroic Lindsey espouse his Royal Master's Interest! He despised both the Allurements and Forces of a Faction, than almost irresistible, and received the Assaults of the Rebellious Army, as unmoved as an Isthmus does the shock of contesting Waves. He opposed his Person to the most eminent Dangers in the Defence of oppressed Majesty, and died like one that had a true value for Life, and knew how advantageously a few minutes of Life were changed for an Immortality of Fame.  
To be Nobly Born is (My Lord) questionless one of the greatest worldly Happinesses kind Heaven bestows; and Nature for several Ages seems to prepare and refine the Blood of a Family, that She may at last work out and introduce one Perfectly Great Man. That this is Your Lordship's Case we have reason to believe, in whom all the Virtues that are thriftily divided amongst others, are United. Well then may Cornelius Nepos be Proud of Your Lordship's Name to Led up his Horoes, and protect those that were, while they lived, the Patriots of their Country.  
Each Virtue takes its proportion from the Exigences of time and Place. He that stands upon the secure Shore, and undauntedly views the ungoverned rage of the Ocean, does not, on this account, deserve the Praise of a Valiant Man; but He is the Master of true Courage, that all the time sedately stems the Ship; endeavours to be safe, yet fears not to meet Death in its most dreadful shape. Amongst the polluted spawn of Pamphlets which have crawled about during this Ferment of the Government, there have been a few who have compared it to a Ship tossed by dangerous Waves. Let the design of these Parable-makers' be what it will (as in most of them it has been bad enough) yet the similitude is to the purpose; and Your Lordship has had no small share in preserving this leaky Vessel from Destruction. 'Tis an observation too well known among Politicians, That the Virtue of a Prince may sometimes turn to his Destruction; of which we have had a sad Example in the Blessed Martyr Charles the First, Who Suffered, and Died for being Good; and the same Jews that acted that sad Tragedy, designed a second upon the Son of his Loins and Inheritor of His Virtues; As if they were resolved by repeated Experiences, to revoke that Axiom of the Moralists, That the Natural effect of Benevolence and Goodness, even in this World, is a reciprocal Love and Felicity; and so it is in all except the Fanatic, whom both the Father and Grandfather of our Gracious Prince, assures Us, that no Benefit can oblige. And really the Fanatic is no more to be comprehended within the general Rules of Reason than the Brute; because as this acts according to the instinct of its Nature, which often carries it contrary o the principles of a Rational Creature, so the Fanatic is moved by the giddy Impulse of Enthusiasm, which has abundance of more points than the Compass. This is that Monster who ever since His Majesty's Happy, Happy Restoration, has endeavoured to lay an open and easy way to the Destruction of the Government, by endeavouring by their unreasonable Calumnies to make the chief Ministers of It Contemptible to the People. They have been indeed, like cunning Artists, a long while heating and preparing the matter; and in Seventy-eight, when they found the Bent and Byass of the People worked into a Temper, than it was, that Corah showed Himself and pronounced, That the Prince and the Priest had donspired together against our Liberty. This carried on under specious pretences, put the People into a fit of down right Madness, and when the Zealous Alarm was made on that side of the imaginary point of the Compass whence Popery was to come, the Fanatic had just planted his Colours on the contrary part of our City. 'Tis enough to confound a Man and make Him (if possible) to forswear being in the same Class of Nature with these sort of Animals, to consider the unaccountable Whims in their Proceedings. All that died for Dr. Titus his Plot with their last breath asserting their Innocence were not believed, because, Popery allowed Dispensations for Lying, and could easily elude, not only the Dictates of Christianity but of Nature too; And now it comes to the fanatics turn to Hang, one would think on such an occasion they should not only sing Hopkins very heartily, but speak true too; and yet all these unfortunate Gentlemen that died, having, in part at least, acknowledged the matter of Fact for which they were Condemned, though they seem to deny the Gild of it, the Brethren matter it not; and yet could these believe, that a Madman with a Fireball upon a pole, set London into flames.  
My Lord, we had felt the dismal effects of this mixture of Villainy and Madness, had not the most Wise Conduct of His MAJESTY (assisted by such Loyal and Courageous Hands as Your Lordships) delivered Us from the Dreadful Precipice, which we saw and trembled at. The Fable of the Viper, which the kind Countryman having warmed into Life, stung its Benefactor, was by Antiquity thought to express Ingratitude in its highest Extent. The Faction outgo this; They hiss at and wound a Prince, who is not only so far their Redeemer, as that He restored them to Life when they were Dead in Law and Justice, but showed Himself of that Forbearance and Clemency, that He seemed to deliberate whither he had best revenge their Insolence, or fall Himself. Such extraordinary Goodness deserved the Expense of all the Miracles Heaven could lay out for its Deliverance!  
We who are happy in living near Your Lordship, felt the warm Influence; The same Plague of Republican Principle, which had infected the Capital City of this Fortunate Island had gained too great a Party among the Citizens of this place. The very Men that eat Our Bread were keenly prepared to have invaded those Sacred Seats which support them, and have continually rescued both them and their Predecessors from Beggary. Affronts are not to be measured by the real Loss we undergo, but that uneasiness of Spirit they bring upon the Men that suffer them; To be slighted by a Superior is a thing we may calmly (though with some grief) submit to; to be neglected, contemned, and trod upon by an Inferior, who depends upon Us for his very Breath, is so insufferable Usage that nothing but the Meekness of a Primitive Confessor could forgive it. And how have the Gownsmen deserved this? Because we are Popishly affected, by Religiously observing the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy; because we were Pensioners of France, and undermined the Fundamental Laws of the Nation, by asserting one of the most Sacred Essentials of the Government, the LINEAL SUCCESSION, which could neither by the Dispensation of a Pope or the Power of Parliament be altered. Your Lordship (though Personally Affronted by this ingrateful illiterate Society) durst stem this Torrent, which threatened an easy Ruin to all its Opposers; and possibly, that the very Brutes that graze and fatten upon the Hill of Parnassus, have not made Food of Us its Inhabitants, is in no small measure due to Your Lordships Care. Which the Ingenious Gentlemen concerned in this Translation (who did me the Honour to Commission me, though of all Men the most unfit, to recommend it to Your Lordship's Patronage) do gratefully acknowledge; and it was not the vanity of having a Name prefixed to two or three Leaves done into English that prompted them to join in this small concern, but the desire they had to make a public Resentment of those many Favours Your Lordship has been pleased to bestow upon this Our Sacred Learned Athens.  
And now having Executed my Commission to the utmost of my small Abilities, I must not in good manners trouble Your Lordship any further than to beg leave to assure You, that I am with all imaginable Respect,  
MY LORD, Your Lordship's 
 Obliged Humble Servant 
 LEOPOLD WILLIAM FINCH.   

THE LIFE OF CORN. NEPOS.  
THere is no part of Human Learning so universally Advantageous to Mankind, as History. It rescues our Ancestors from Oblivion; It can Instruct and Delight the Present and Future Ages. We are obliged by all the Laws of Natural Religion, to preserve our Relations as long as possibly we can: Even then when their Lives are scarce worth the keeping, when Old Age has rendered them useless both in Public and Private Capacities, by the nauseous Methods of Physic, we endeavour to keep them among us. And certainly our Piety should not end at the Grave; but employ itself in securing all that remains of them. Urns and Pyramids can only preserve their Ashes; which are, even to the most curious Observer, undistinguishable from those of other Men. Pictures and Medals represent only their outward Lineaments; which are often not unlike in Fools and Wisemen. But History gives an Account of their Nobler Parts; their Wit, their Learning, and their Virtue: And the Reader hath, what will be no inconsiderable part of our Happiness in the other World, the Conversation of all the Great and Good Men of past Ages. And their Examples will prove to him far greater Incentives to Virtue than all the grave and serious Precepts of Philosophers. They assume to themselves the Boldness and Majesty of a Legislator, lay down rigid and severe Rules of Life, treat us with jejune and abstracted Notions, which few Persons can understand, much less deduce to practice: But the the force of Example is intelligible to the meanest Capacities. We Read, and Admire; and, having naturally an Itch after Glory, pursue the same Methods our Forefathers so successfully proceeded in.  
But though History in General be so Pleasant and Instructive, yet certainly Biography is more Eminently so. The General Historian is wholly taken up in giving the Relations of Great and Glorious Exploits; of the Rise and Fall of Empires and Great Men. You have Alexander at the Granic, and Cesar in the Fields of Pharsalia: But an account of their daily Conversation, of the Menage of their Estate, their Behaviour to their Friends and their Family, their Government of their own Passions, is below the Dignity of the Subject; and if the Author should oblige us by an useful Digression (it may be, of more real Advantage than the whole Series of the History) it would be called by the Men of Art, an impertinent Excrescence; and the whole Work be esteemed Monstrous, that in one part so swells beyond the lawful proportion. As the poor Poet is Damned in Horace, that because he had got a delicate Description of the Rhine, was resolved to insert it into his Poem, though wholly impertinent to his Design.  
Yet certainly the History of these Actions, though of a meaner nature, is infinitely more useful. The other, 'tis true, are more Heroical and Illustrious, extremely fit objects for our Admiration, but usually unimitable. They do indeed raise our Attention; but then they debauch our Reason: For, as the Stomaches of those who have indulged themselves in the use of Spirituous Liquors, can afterwards admit of no wholesome Diet: So, after these Miraculous Accounts of Knights and Giants, all sober and sound Sense proves Nauseous to us.  
In the General History, we see the Hero at the Head of an Army, or in a Triumph; but by what Steps and Degrees he raised Himself to this Greatness, we are unacquainted with; which would yet more improve and delight the Reader. The Acquisition of Glory, is like that of Money: The greatest Art consists in getting a Stock at first; which afterwards, if managed with an ordinary Prudence, increases prodigiously.  
Biography is indeed of a limited and confined Nature; since it respects only the Actions of particular Persons, and is not obliged to give the whole Process of an Expedition. And therefore, since the Mithridatic War was managed by Sylla, Lucullus, and Pompey, successively, an accurate Description of it is not to be expected from the Biographer. But then the General Historian is as imperfect in the Lives of particular Persons; takes them only as they fall in his way, and cannot insist long upon them, without transgressing the Laws of a Methodical History. But the Biographer attends his Hero from the Cradle to the Throne: Shows him at first, it may be, mean and contemptible, despised and depressed, till at last by Virtue and Industry he breaks thro' all Impediments, and in despite of Envy and Detraction, mounts Himself above his peevish Enemies. He accompanies him in his Retirements, gives his Carriage to his Friend and Relations, acquaints you with his Divertisements, lays aside the State and Grandeur, the Pomp and Parade, draws the Scene, and shows you the Man himself, divested of his Gaudy or Formal Dress. And then, whereas the General Historian, like a false Courtier, takes notice of him only in his Greatness; and when he becomes unfit for Service in the Camp or the Senate (as some ill Masters do their worn-out Servants) deserts him; Biography still waits upon him, though discarded the Court; and tells you with what Courage and good Grace he bears the Affronts of his ungrateful Countrymen, his Sickness, and Death itself. Which certainly (unless you read History as Ladies do Romances) you would as willingly be informed of, as his Gallantry in the hottest Engagement. 'Twere easy to enlarge upon this subject, were I to write a Panegyric of Biography, and not the Life of a particular Historian.  
Among Authors of this Nature, there is scarce any so considerable as C. Nepos; who has had the good Fortune to please the most Judicious Critics of all Ages; but in this is strangely unhappy, That having been so industrious in Immortalising other Men, and having wrote a particular Volume of the Lives of Historians, he himself has been almost forgotten, and we have very little left us concerning him. Nay, and to add to the Misfortune, even this very Treatise, of the Lives of Excellent Generals, which is the only one left us of his numerous Writings, hath by some very ill Judges been attributed to an obscure person, one Aemilius Probus, who lived in the Barbarous Age of Theodosius. But of this below.  
He was born in Hostilia, a Village depending upon Verona; whereof Pliny, Antonine in his Itinerary, etc. make mention; and is at this day subject to the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction of Verona. Verona lies near the Po; upon which account Pliny calls our Author Podi Accola: It is situated likewise in that part of Italy which the Romans (for to us 'tis otherwise) called Italia Transpadana, that part of Italy which is on the other side the Po: So that Catullus, in his Dedication of his Excellent Poems to C. Nepos, might very justly call him an Italian. But because the same Country was called Gallia Togata (or that part of Gall wherein Gowns, the Roman Habit, were worn, in opposition to Gallia Braccata, so named from the Garments of the Barbarous Inhabitants) Ausonius, alluding to Catullus' forementioned Epigram, tells his Pacatus, That he had found a more Learned and Obliging Patron than Gall furnished Catullus with. But these two Poets may be easily reconciled, considering that the same place was, with different respects, reckoned part both of Gall and Italy. Now, that Nepos was a Veronese, was the constant opinion of that City, where in the Senate-House his Statue was erected among those of the Illustrious Men born there. Elios' Vinetus would indeed persuade us, that there is nothing of certainty when Nepos was born; but besides the constant Tradition of the City of Verona, and that his Statue was placed among those of the Veronian Writers, (which certainly would satisfy any man of a tolerable ingenuity) we have the Authority of Leander, Albertus, Paulus Merula, and of the Learned and Illustrious Alexander Becellus, Chancellor of Verona.  
The Territories of Verona enjoy a delicate thin Air; the Soil as healthful, as well watered, and supplied with Fruits of all kinds, as most places in the World; as if it were designed by Nature for the Country of Great and Witty Men. 'Tis not impossible for a great Genius to proceed from an unhealthy and boggy Soil, where the Air as well as Water stagnates, and is corrupted: But 'tis very improbable there should. Plutarch and Pindar were born in Boeotia, but not one eminent Writer more, as we hear of. Erasmus came from Rotterdam; and yet the greatest Judge of the last Age was pleased to say of Gretser, 'Tis a Witty Man for a Germane. And if we consider the dependence which our Souls have upon our Bodies, as to their operations, we need not wonder, that thick and foggy Airs should so seldom be blessed with extraordinary Men. 'Tis certainly a mighty Advantage to be Born in a place eminent for Wit and Learning; where great Examples daily appear before us, and raise in us a generous Emulation to equal or surpass them. Upon this account it is, that Cities have become famous for some particular Excellence; and Wit, as some Herbs, if once rooted in a ground, cannot without difficulty be got out. Verona has indeed produced as great Wits, and as Learned Men in all Faculties, as any City perhaps in the World. Here were born the two Pliny's, Macer the Botanic Poet, Vitruvius the Architect, and (in a later Age) that Prodigy of Wit and Learning Hieronymus Fracastorius, the best Phyfitian, Mathematician, and Poet of his Age.  
As Nepos was Born in a Place famous for polite Learning, so likewise in an Age when Wit and Elegance of Style were advanced to their utmost perfection; in that Age which the Critics call, The Golden Age of Elcquence. There is no question, but Junius the Rebel, M. Valerius the Dictator, Menenius Agrippa, so famous for Reconciling the Patricians and Plebeians, did make Orations to the People; though not so fine ones as Historians ascribe to them. They were certainly Men of incomparable Valour and of sound Sense; but they had only a good unpolished rough Eloquence, and with that attained their Ends upon a People rude and illiterate; and wanted only a Grecian Education, to render 'em the greatest Wits in their Age. But as the Roman Empire began to extend itself into Greece, and People admired the Oratory of that Nation, the Roman Language was daily refined. It at first became neat and clean, the Words and Phrases proper and easy, not florid, much less ranting and fustian. This is that which is so admirable in the ancient Comedies, of which Plautus and Terence are the only now left us; which as Scaliger well observes, our misfortunes have endeared to us; we admire them the more, because we have none else left us to admire. In the Eloquence of that Age, there was nothing affected, nothing of Paint and Daubing, but pure Natural Beauty, undebauched, and preferable upon account of its Native simplicity to all the swelling Rhetoric of some after Ages. But at last the Roman style was Illustrated with Tropes and Figures; which, if Modestly made use of, are the real Ornaments of a style, but if used with Imprudence, become nauseous, and more like the Sayings of a Madman than an Orator. In this Golden Age, the Romans had raised themselves to the utmost pitch, they had gone as far as Prudence would permit them; which when their immediate Successors endeavoured to surpass, they swelled into Bombast, and their Wit was more like an Hydropic Tumour, than a Natural Plumpness. The Spaniards brought this disease of style into Italy; and Cicero in his Oration for Archios the Poet, exposes the Barbarous and Greasy Wit of that Nation. And yet there are some Men who compare and prefer Martial to Catullus, between whom there is as wide a difference, as betwixt the sordid Drollery of a Buffoon and the Ingenious Raillery of a Gentleman. They have had a greater esteem for the Heat of Lucan, than the just Greatness of Virgil. But the best Judges rather pity these mistaken Gentlemen, that dispute with them.  
Now to be considerable in such an Age as this, to be infinitely esteemed and Caressed by the greatest Persons in it, is an infallible Argument of the real Excellence of an Author. When Cicero, Catullus, Atticus, etc. appear as Witnesses, it must needs be a vile Ignoramus Jury that will not find the Bill. Catullus, the most accurate and delicate Epigrammatist that ever writ, dedicated his Poems to him. Cicero was his most intimate and bosom Friend; there was a constant Intercourse of Letters betwixt them. Sueton in his Life of Julius Cesar takes notice of a Letter from Cicero to Nepos, and Lactantius quotes an Epistle of Nepos to Tully. Nay their Epistolary Commerce was so great, that Macrobius makes mention of the second Book of Epistles from Tully to Nepos. His intimacy with Atticus is evident from the Life of Atticus, here annexed to his Lives of Excellent Generals; for Atticus himself was so far from being one, that he never engaged in the War either for Caesar or Pompey, and yet had the good Fortune (which I believe very few of that Humour ever met with) to be Honoured, esteemed, and unmolested thro' the whole course of his Life.  
He left many Learned and Curious Works behind him, which the injury of time hath deprived us of; and we have only just enough left us to see the greatness of our loss in the rest. He was Author of a Book, which he called his Chronicle, wherein (in three distinct Volumes) he gave an account of those three great Intervals of time, which Historians so much talk of, The Obscure and Uncertain, the Fabulous, and the Historical Ages of the World. As to the first and second, Tertullian informs us, that Nepos affirms, there never was any Saturn but what was a Man; and Ausonius tells his Pupil the Emperor, that he sent him Titianus' Fables, and Nepos' Chronicles, which were not much unlike 'em; and Catullus in his Preface to his Poems, tells us, that Nepos did Omne Aevum tribus explicare chartis.  
Besides this great Work, he writ the Lives of Illustrious Men, of which twenty-two, which respect the Grecians and Barbarians, are transmitted to us; and likewise the Lives of the Roman Hero's (as is evident from his Life of Hannibal) and the Roman Kings. But what thro' the Invasion of Foreign Nations, and the Ignorance and carelessness of Superstitious Monks, who let them lie and rot unobserved in their Libraries, we have only their Titles from other Authors, which had the good fortune to survive. Aemilius Probus hath by some Critics been supposed to be the Author of the Lives of Foreign Generals; But 'tis a palpable mistake occasioned by an Epigram prefixed to some ancient Manuscripts of this Author, wherein Probus commands his Book, if the Emperor Theodosius inquire after the Author, to tell Him it is one Probus. But than it follows, Corpore in hoc manus est Genetricis Avique Meique, viz. that his own hand, his Mothers, and Grandfathers were concerned in the work. Whence 'tis clear beyond contradiction, that this Probus was only a Transcriber. Besides, can Robortellus who writ a Treatise of the Art of Criticism, or any Man of common Learning and Sense, persuade himself, that this wretched Poet could be the Author of this most delicate and Judicious piece of History. But from the cleanness and tersness of Expression may undeniably be evinced, that the Author of this Book lived in the Age of Julius and Augustus; and besides all this there are forty places in the Lives themselves that prove Nepos was their Author, and lived in the Age aforesaid, for which if you please consult Lambin.  
But Nepos hath not been more abused by ascribing his Works to other Men, than in making him the Author of some pieces wholly Unworthy of him. Thus the Book of Illustrious Men, which usually was said to be Pliny's, but is really Aurelius Victor's, some Critics Father upon our Author, and the Translation of Dares the Phrygian is said to be his: But the very style itself is sufficient to convince any Judicious Reader. Nepos, in the Judgement of some Men lived after the Nativity of our Lord, but if you consider how Celebrated he was for his Learning in the days of Catullus, Cicero and Atticus, you will find no great reason to subscribe to their opinion.   

THE CHRONOLOGY TO CORN. NEPOS. Olympiad Year of Olympiad. Before Christ. Miltiades Overcomes the Persians at Marathon 72 3 490  Dies in Prison 72 4 489 Themistocles Overcomes the Persians at Salamis 73 1 408  Banished 77 2 471  Die 79 2 463 Aristides Banished by Ostracism 74 2 483  With Pausaniqs overthrows and kills Mardonius 75 2 479 Pausanias Conspires against Greece 75 4 477  Is starved 75 4 477 Cimon Overcomes the Persians in a Naval Fight 77 3 430  Is banished by Ostracism 82 3 450  Overcomes the Persians by Sea and Land 82 3 450  Die 82 4 449 Lysander Beseiges Athens 93 4 405  Takes it 94 1 404 Alcybiades Is banished 92 1 412  Recalled 92 2 413  Die 94 1 404 Thrasybulus Commander of the Athenians 92 2 411  Overcomes the thirty Tyrants 94 4 401  Die 99 4 308 Conon Overcomes the Lacedæmonians at Cnidus 96 3 394  Fortifies the Piraeum 96 4 393 Dion His flight and Preparation for War against Dionysius 101 3 358  He dies 106 2 355 Iphicrates General of the Athenians     Obtains the Victory at Corinth and lays down his Command 96 4 393 Chabrias General of the Athenians 99 2 383 Chabrias Overcomes the Lacedæmonians 100 4 377  Is killed by Fraud 101 4 376 Timotheus General of the Athenians 101 1 376 Datames Lived about 94 4 400 Epaminondas Made Commander of the Thebans 101 2 375 Overcomes the Lacedæmonians at Leuctra 10● 2 371  Beselges Sparta 102 4 369  Dies in the Battle at Mantinaea 104 2 363 Pelopidas Taken Captive 103 1 368  Recovered 103 2 367 Agesilaus Makes War in Asia 96 2 395  Against the Persians in Egypt, where he dies, His Age eighty four, His Reign forty-one 100 1 380 Eumenes Is made Tutor to Alexander's Children 115 2 319  His War against Antigonus 115 4 317  Is taken and slain 116 2 315 Photion Put's to flight Clitarchus the Tyrant 109 4 340 Timoleon Delivers from slavery Corinth and Syracuse 159 2 143  Overcomes the Corinthians 159 4 140  Die 106 2 137 Hamilcar Governor of Sicily for the Carthaginians 132 4 259 Hannibal Passes the Alps 104 4 218  Gains the Victory at Cannae 141 2 216  Is overthrown by Scipto 144 3 202  Flies to Antiochus 146 2 195  Dies, His Age sixty-three 149 3 182 M. P. Cato. Consul 146 2 195  Censor 149 1 184  Die 157 4 149 T. P. Atticus Lived 178 4 63 C. Nepos Lived 178 4    

A Catalogue of the Lives, with the Names of the several Gentlemen by whom they are Done into English.  
Miltiades. 
Mr. Tully.  Themistocles. 
Mr. Gardiner.  Aristides. 
Mr. Mitchell.  Paufanias. 
Mr. Hoy.  Cimon. 
Mr. Greed.  Lysander. 
Mr. Kirchevall.  Alcibiades. 
Mr. Peers.  Thrasybulus. 
Mr. H. Gilman.  Conon. 
Mr. Jenefer.  Dion. 
Mr. Clark.  Iphicrates. 
Mr. Allam.  Chabrias. 
Mr. Kennett.  Timotheus. 
The Honourable Mr. Booth.  Datames. 
Mr. Edward's.  Epaminondas. 
Mr. Lane.  Pelopidas. 
Mr. Creoch.  Agefilaus. 
Mr. Scott.  Eumenes. 
Mr. Ch. Allestree.  Photion. 
Mr. Todd.  Timoleon. 
Mr. Cary.  Hamilcar. 
Mr. Brideok.  Hannibal. 
The Honourable Mr. Finch.  Cato. 
Mr. Robinson  P. Atticus. 
Mr. Morgan.    

THE PREFACE OF CORN. NEPOS.  
I Do not doubt (my Atticus) but a great many will censure this way of Writing, not only as frivolous, but unworthy the Persons of Excellent Men, when they shall read these little Memoires related of them; As who was the Master that taught Epaminondas Music; and that it was reckoned amongst his chief Accomplishments, that He had an handsome way of Dancing, and sung skilfully to the Flute. But this is the opinion only of those who being ignorant of the Grecian Learning, think nothing right but what strictly quadrates with their own Manners; but if these would but once Learn, that things Decent and Uncomely do not appear with the same Aspect of Honesty and Turpitude to all Persons, but that every-thing ought to be measured by the Institutions of our Ancestors; it will suppress their admiration, that in Celebrating the Virtues of the Grecians we have followed their Customs; for it was not objected as a Scandal to Cimon, who was one of the Greatest Personages amongst the Athenians, that he Married his half Sister which his Father had by a former Lady; since it was a familiar usage, that obtained amongst the rest of the Citizens, though it breaks in upon our ways of Living, and is counted Irreligion. It was a thing highly applauded in Greece, that young Lads were Catamites, and had many Rivals in that unnatural pleasure; and at Lacedaemon there was not a Widow, though of the Noblest Extraction, but would act her part in a Comedy, and take Money for it; In the same Greece, likewise it was matter of singular Triumph, to be proclaimed a Conqueror in the Olympic Games; and yet to come forth upon the Stage, and be a spectacle of diversion to the People, was not looked upon by that Nation as any ways opprobrious; all which things notwithstanding kindle our Aversion, as being partly downright Infamous, and partly below the Dignity of our Characters, and very far from being seemly or becoming; on the contrary, a great many actions carry with us the impression of Decorum, which are thought very lewd by them; As for instance, what Roman blusheth to lead his Wife to an Entertainment? And what Mother of a Family will not reside in the most frequented part of her house, and contribute her share of Conversation at a Public Feast? And yet 'tis much otherwise practised in Greece, for there they never come to any jolly Assignation, unless invited by their near Relations; and are never seen but in the most inward Apartments, which they call from thence (Gynoeconitis) the Chamber of the Women; and no one's approaches were permitted thither, but of those, who gained access by the privilege, either of Blood or Affinity; but the bulk of the Volume will not let me run through any more Examples of this kind; and Expedition calls upon me to give the last hand to those things which I have begun; therefore we will come close to the purpose, and in this Book draw to your view the Lives of these Illustrious Commanders.   


THE LIFE OF MILTIADES.  Done into English by Mr. Tully, M. A. of Queen's College, Oxon. and Subdean of York. 
WHEN Miltiades, the Son of Cimon, an Athenian, had got himself a great and illustrious Name, as well for his own native modesty, as by the ancient and renowned Family whence he was descended; and was now arrived at those years which were sufficient to confirm his Fellow-Citizens in the high opinion they always had of him: It happened, that the Athenians were upon a new project of Conquering and transplanting Colonies to the Chersonese. And 
The Thracian Chersonese, or Peninsula.  since the design was generally applauded, several being come in Volunteers to offer their service in the Expedition, it was thought fit to depute some of them to go to Delphos, and there consult the Oracle of Apollo about the choice of a General. For at that time the Thracians were Masters of those Countries, who were not to be dispossessed but by force of Arms. When they were arrived at Delphos, and had addressed themselves to the Oracle, the Answer it returned was positive and express in the choice of Miltiades; whom if they would elect, they should be successful in their Undertaking. Miltiades confirmed in his Command by so great an Authority, sets Sail for the Chersonese, with a select Band of men; and touching upon Lemnos in his Road, would willingly have reduced the Inhabitants of that Island under the Dominion of the Athenians, requiring them immediately to surrender themselves. But they laughed at the demand, and replied, That yes they would, when he should Sail from home to Lemnos with a Northerly Wind; which is contrary to them who come from Athens to those Coasts. But Miltiades' Affair would not admit of delay, and therefore without any farther attempt, he steered his course directly for the Chersonese, where he safely arrived. And having, in a short time, defeated the Forces of those Barbarians, and made himself Master of the Chersonese, he fortified the most convenient places of it with Castles and Citadels, and planted all the Country with his own Soldiers, whom he enriched with the booty of frequent Excursions. Nor had Fortune a greater share in the success of this Expedition than his own prudence. For having routed the Enemy's Forces by the Valour of his own, he managed the whole concern of the Victory with the greatest Equity imaginable; and made the Chersonese the place of his Residence. For he acted as King amongst them, though he had not the Title; and yet owed not his Power so much to the Absoluteness of his Command as to the Justice of his Actions. For notwithstanding the greatness of his Fortune, he was ready to do any acts of kindness for his Countrymen the Athenians. By which means he established his Authority not only in the Hearts and Affections of the Athenians who gave it him, but of those also over whom he was to exercise it too. And having thus settled the Government of his late Conquest, he comes back to Lemnos, and (by virtue of his former Compact with the Inhabitants) demands the Surrendry of their City into his hands: For they had promised to yield themselves up to him when he should Sail from Home to Lemnos by a North Wind; which was now performed from his Habitation in the Chersonese. The Carians who then inhabited the Island, though they little expected such a demand of the performance of a jocular promise, yet were forced to comply and quit the Island; not so much out of the sense of any obligation they conceived themselves to lie under, as of the power and great success of the Enemy whom they were to encounter. Nor was he less happy in reducing those other Islands, called Cyclades, under the Athenian Dominion. In those days Darius, the Persian King, resolving upon a War with the Scythians, built a Bridge upon the Danube, for the passing over of his Army, and gave the chief Command of it, and of their respective Cities, to the Forces which he had raised in jonia and Aeolis. For he went upon this ground, that it would be the best Expedient to keep the Greeks who inhabited Asia, in subjection during the War, to entrust their Friends and Countrymen with the Command of his Towns, who could expect no Quarter if he chanced to be defeated. Amongst the rest of these Governors was Miltiades; who, when he had continual news brought him of the ill success of the Persian Arms against the Scythians, exhorted the Commanders of the Bridge, Not to balk so fair an opportunity of freeing Greece from the Persian Yoke; alleging, That if Darius and his Forces were but defeated now, not only all Europe would be free from the apprehensions of his Arms for the future, but that the poor Greeks likewise who inhabited Asia would be rescued from the slavery they underwent, and the dangers they were exposed to from their Persian Masters; and that if the Bridge were but demolished, the Design must of necessity take effect, and the Persians perish either by the Sword or Famine in a few days. When several of the Company had joined with, and seconded Miltiades, Hestiaeus Milesius craved leave to descent from them, objecting, That though it might be expedient for the generality of the People to be freed from their subjection to Darius, yet it could by no means be so to them, who bore Command under Him: That their power and interest was embarked in the same bottom with Darius 's Empire; which if once overthrown, their Employs must expire with it, and they suffer by the hands of their own Fellow-Citizens. And therefore, that he was so far from concurring with them, that for his part he thought it highly their interest that the Persian Empire should be upheld and established. When Miltiades understood by the sense of the Company, that the point would be carried against him, and easily imagining, that of so many who were privy to the Consult, some would certainly come in and inform the King of the Plot, He thought it his safest way to leave the Chersonese, and return to Athens. And though indeed the majority of the Cabal thought not fit then to concur with him in the Design, yet was it a generous proposal in him, in that he rather consulted the Liberty of his Country than his own private Interest.  
Darius, after his return from Europe into Asia, being advised by his Council to try if he could reduce Greece under his Dominions, fitted out a Fleet of Fifty Sail of Ships in order to that design; whereof he made Datis and Artaphernes Admirals, and gave them the Command of 200000 Foot, and 10000 Horse; alleging the affront that the Athenians had put upon him in assisting the jonians in the taking of Sardis, and putting the Garrison to the Sword, as the ground and occasion of the War against them. The Persians landing at Eubaea, immediately made themselves Masters of Eretria, and sent the Inhabitants of the Country into Asia to Darius. From thence they marched as far as Attica, into the Fields of Marathon, which is but about ten miles from the Town. The Athenians, though they were in a great consternation at the near approaches of so powerful an Enemy, yet solicited they none but the Lacedæmonians for their Assistance; to whom they dispatched Philippus (one of those Couriers whom they called * Hemerodromi) to acquaint them what urgent occasions they had for their speedy 
Stout young Fellows, who were dispatched abroad upon State affairs, and performed their Errand with great expedition  Relief. In the mean time they chose ten Great Officers to command the Army, whereof Miltiades was one; amongst whom it was hotly debated, Whether it were more advisable for them torely upon the strength of the Town, or to march out and fight the Enemy. Miltiades pressed them with greater earnestness than any of the rest, to pitch their Tents as soon as possibly they could; for that by this means the Citizens would be excited to behave themselves more bravely, when they saw how highly their Valour was relied upon; and the Enemy's Advances would be retarded, when they should observe with what a small handful of men they resolved to fight them▪ There were none who actually assisted the Athenians in this juncture but the Plataeans, who sent them a thousand men, which made them completely ten thousand strong; a small number, but fired with a wonderful desire to be in Action. Miltiades, by this Counsel of his, became more considerable than his Colleagues; for 'twas upon the great Authority his Advice had amongst them, that the Athenians marched their Forces out of the Town, where they encamped conveniently, and the next day after, at the foot of an Hill, joined Battle with all the Courage imaginable, and the advantage of a new stratagem, on their side: For they had blocked up the passages with Trees in several places, to the intent, that they might both be sheltered by the tops of the Mountains, and that the Trees in the way might hinder the Enemy's Horse from breaking in upon them. Datis, though he saw that the Athenians had manifestly the advantage of the place, yet relying upon the vast odds he had in the number, and considering also, that the Spartan Auxiliaries were not yet arrived, resolved to engage them; and accordingly led up an hundred thousand of his Infantry, and ten thousand Horse, with which he gave them Battle; wherein the Valour of the Athenians so far exceeded that of their Enemies, that they defeated ten times the number of their own Forces; and so affrighted the Persians, that they never offered to make towards their Camp again, but fled to their Vessels. Than which Fight never certainly was any thing more illustriously great and glorious▪ For never did so small an handful of men conquer so numerous and powerful an Army. And here it may not be improper to remark, what Miltiades had for the Reward of so great an Action; whereby we may perceive, how the same Humour and Genius runs thro' all Bodies Politic. For as the Marks of Honour which the Romans formerly fixed upon the bravest Men, were very rare and inconsiderable, and for that reason more signally honourable; though now indeed they are grown common and extravagant: So we find it was anciently amongst the Athenians; for this great Miltiades, to whom all Greece as well as Athens owed their safety, had only this Honour done him, that when the Fight at Marathon was painted in the Gallery called 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so called from the variety of Pictures wherewith it was adorned.  Poecile, he was drawn the first of all the ten Commanders, exhorting his Soldiers, and giving Battle to the Enemy. And yet the same People, after they had enlarged their Territories, and became once corrupted with the Bribery of their Magistrates, decreed no less than three hundred Statues to the Honour of Demetrius Phalereus. After this Engagement at Marathon, the Athenians made him Admiral of a Fleet of Seventy Sail of Ships, to make War upon those Islands which had assisted the Barbarians. Several whereof submitted without resistance, and some he took by assault. Amongst the rest that held out was the Island Parus, a rich and arrogant People, whom when he couldby no means persuade to a Surrendry, he landed his men, made his Works about the City, and deprived them of all supplies; and had by the help of Sconces gradually made his approaches so near to the Walls, that he was just upon the point of carrying the Town, when there happened, I know not how, a Grove of Trees to be fired a far off in the Continent in the night time; which as soon as it was perceived by the Burghers and the Besiegers, they both imagined that it was some Sign which was given by the Scouts to the Persian Fleet: whereupon the Besieged became less inclined to a Surrendry; and Miltiades fearing a sudden onset from the Royal Navy, set fire to his Works, and returned to Athens only with the full number of Ships they had at first given him the Command of. Whi●● so enraged the Athenians, that they impeached him of Treason against the State, That when he might have took Parus, he was Bribed from prosecuting the Design by the King of Persia. He was at this time laid up of the Wounds which he had received in the Siege, and therefore because he was not in a capacity of answering for himself, his Brother Tisagoras appeared for him. When the whole Evidence was given in against him, the Crime was not found Capital, but he was fined however fifty Talents; which was as much as was expended in Equipping the whole Fleet. And being non-solvent, was cast into Prison, where he died. But though the business of Parus was the pretext, yet was it not the real cause of his prosecution: for the Athenians, who still retained the Tyranny of Pisastratus (which had raged but a few years before) fresh in their memories, were extreme apprehensive of the growing power of any Fellow-Citizen. And they imagined, that Miltiades, who had born so great Offices and Commands, would not afterwards be easily content to move in a narrower and private Sphere; and that since he had been used to Rule, the force of mere Custom w●uld incline him to aspire after it still. For all the while he dwelled in the Chersonese he had the Government wholly in his own hands, and was styled a Tyrant, but Governed according to Law: for he owed not his power to the hands of Violence, but to the good Will of his Subjects, which he maintained by his own gentleness and moderation. Now they who had the supreme Government in any Commonwealth during Life, which formerly enjoyed the liberty of Electing, were called Tyrants. But Miltiades was a person of great Humanity, and so exceedingly affable and obliging, that the meanest of his Subjects had free and easy Access to him. A mighty deference was paid him every where. His Name grew great and venerable; and he had the character of an incomparable Soldier. And upon these motives the People thought it more secure to take him out of the way (though he deserved it not) then to live under the continual apprehensions of danger from so great a Man.   

THE LIFE OF THEMISTOCLES.  Done into English by Mr. Gardiner L. L. B. and Fellow of All-Souls Coll. Oxon. 
THE MISTOCLES, the Son of Neocles, was an Athenian. The Vices which debauched the beginning of his Youth were reformed by many eminent Virtues which appeared in his more mature Age; so that he was excelled by none, and there were but few who might be thought his Equals. But to trace him from his Cradle. His Father Neocles was a Gentleman, who married a Citizen of Acarnania, of whom Themistocles was born. His profuse and dissolute 
Authors differ concerning Themistocles' Mother, both as to her Name and Country.  life when he was young, with the neglect of his Estate and worldly concerns, were so displeasing to his Parents, that they disinherited him. Which Disgrace did rather animate than depress his Spirits. For when he considered, that his Reputation thus lost, could not easily be regained, he devoted himself wholly to the service of the Common wealth, grew very complaisant to his Friends, and made it his business to be popular. He was often made an Arbitrator to reconcile private Differences, and was very frequent at the public Assemblies. There was no business of more than ordinary concern but it passed thro' his hands; for he quickly apprehended what was most necessary to be done, and expressed the same in an easy and familiar stile. Neither was he less ready in the managing of any affair then in the contriving of it; because (as Thucydides says) he had a true judgement of things present, and would give a shrewd guess at what was to come. So that upon the account of these his extraordinary parts he in a short time became of great repute among the Athenians.  
The first Honour which was conferred upon him, was the Government of the Commonwealth in the Corcyraean War; for the carrying on of which he being chosen General, made the Athenians, not only in that, but also in all after-Expeditions, more warlike than they had formerly been. For whereas the public Money, which their Silver-Mines brought them in, was every year lavishly spent by the prodigality of their Magistrates, he prevailed so far with the people, as to persuade them with that Money to build a Fleet of an hundred Ships. Which being in a short time effected, he first subdued his Enemies the Corcyraeans, and then scoured the Sea of all the Pirates, with which it was much infested. By this Action he mightily enriched the Athenians, and made them most expert Sea-Soldiers. And how much this conduced to the safety of all Greece, may be easily gathered from the Persian War: For when Xerxes invaded all Europe both by Sea and Land, with such puissant Armies as no Prince, either before or since his time, has as yet had; with a Fleet of twelve hundred Men of War, attended by two thousand Victualling Ships; and Land-Forces, to the number of seven hundred thousand Foot, and four hundred thousand Horse. The news of whose approach being brought to Greece, with a report that his designs were chiefly against the Athenians, to revenge his defeat at Marathon, they immediately sent to Delphos to consult the Oracle, what would be best for them then to do as to their present affairs. Pythia advises them to fortify themselves with a Wooden Wall. The meaning of which Answer, when no body understood, Themistocles thus expounded it, telling them, That it was the advice of Apollo, that they should take their Families and their Goods with them into their Ships, for those the Oracle meant by the Wooden Wall. Which Counsel they approved of, and they built as many Galleys as they had Ships before, and so carried all their Movables, some to Salamis and some to Troezene. Their Tower and their Images they delivered up to the care of their Priests and a few old men, and so they left the Town.  
This Counsel was very ungrateful to most of the Cities, because they had much rather have been engaged in a Land War. Therefore a select Company are sent under the Command of Leonidas King of the Lacedæmonians, to possess themselves of Thermopylae, and to stop the farther progress of the Barbarians. But they were overpowered by the Forces of so great an Enemy, and were all cut off in that very place. The first Engagement of the two Fleets (that of the Greoians consisting of three hundred Sail, whereof two belonged to the Athenians) was at Artemisium, between Eubaea and the Continent. The reason why Themistocles made choice of those straits was, lest so great a multitude might have surrounded him. Here, though both Navies retreated upon equal terms, yet the Athenians durst not maintain their station; because they feared, that if part of the Enemy's Fleet should get beyond Eubaea, they would engage them on both sides. Upon which account they were forced to leave Artemisium, and sail to Salamis, which is over against Athens.  
But Xerxes having gained Thermopylae, immediately marched to Athens, where meeting with no opposition, he killed the Priests which he found in the Tower, and fired the City. At the news of which the Seamen were much terrified; and when they durst not stand to their Colours, and 'twas the advice of most of them, that every one should go home to their own Houses, and defend themselves as well as they could within their Walls, Themistocles alone stood undaunted, telling them, That so long as they held together in one Body they might equal the Enemy; but protesting, if once dispersed they must necessarily perish. And that that would be their fate he affirmed to Eurybiades, a King of the Lacedæmonians, who then was Admiral. Whom when he found not to be concerned so much as he could have wished, he sent one of his Servants (in whom he could most confide) to Xerxes by night, to tell him, That his Enemies were upon their flight; and that if they should now escape, he must expect a long and difficult War; for than he would be forced to pursue them singly; but if he would now Engage them, he might in a short time destroy them all. This stratagem so far prevailed, that his own Soldiers were compelled to fight, though against their wills. Whereupon, Xerxes not in the least suspecting the trick which was put upon him, fell upon them the next day in so narrow a Sea that his whole Fleet could not engage; a place very disadvantageous to himself, but on the contrary mighty advantageous to his Enemy: So that he was Conquered rather by the Policy of Themistooles then by the Arms of Greece.  
Although Xerxes managed this Action extremely ill, yet after all he had so great Reserves, that even with them he might have beaten the Athenians; but for the present he was forced to retreat. For Themistocles fearing lest he should go on with the War, sent him word, that the breaking down of the Bridge which he had built over the Hellespont was then in agitation, to exclude his passage into Asia; and made him believe it. For that Journey which cost him six months' travel when he came for Greece, he performed the very same way in less than thirty days at his return; looking upon himself not as conquered by Themistocles, but preserved. Thus by the Policy of one man, Greece was restored to its liberty, and Asia made subject to Europe. This other Victory was not at all inferior to that at Marathon: For here also at Salamis, after the same manner a few Ships defeated the greatest Fleet that has been in the memory of man.  
Great was Themistocles in this War, and as great in Peace. For when the Athenians had only the Phaleric, a small and inconvenient Port, by his advice they built a triple Haven at Pyraea, and encompassed it with such Walls that it equalled the City in glory, and excelled it in usefulness. He also rebuilt the Athenian Walls at his own hazard. For the Lacedæmonians having got a plausible reason, viz. the Incursions of the Barbarians, denied that any City ought to be built but at Peloponnesus, lest there should be any Fortifications which might harbour their Enemies; and therefore they endeavoured to put a stop to their Buildings. But their designs were quite contrary to their pretences: For those two Victories, that at Marathon and the other at Salamis, made the Athenians so considerable all the World over, that the Lacedæmonians were afraid they would have contended with them for the Sovereignty; wherefore they used all means to keep them as low as possibly they could. For after they heard that the Walls were begun, they sent Ambassadors to Athens to forbid their proceedings. Whilst they were there they desisted, and told them that they would send Ambassadors to treat with them about that affair. This Embassy Themistocles undertook, and went first himself, ordering the rest of the Ambassadors not to follow till they thought the Walls were high enough. In the mean time all the City, of what condition soever, whether Bond or Free, assisted in the work; neither did they spare any place, whether sacred or profane, public or private; but took from all parts what materials would most conduce to the Fortifications. So that their Walls were built with the Ruins of their Temples and Monuments.  
Themistocles, when he came to Lacedaemon, did not immediately desire Audience of the Magistrates, but spun out the time as long as he could, making this his excuse, that he expected his Colleagues. But whilst the Lacedæmonians complain that the Works nevertheless went on, and that Themistocles endeavoured to deceive them, in the interim the rest of the Ambassadors arrive; by whom when he was given to understand, that the Fortifications were almost finished, he addressed himself to the Ephori, the chief Magistrates among the Lacedæmonians, and told them, That what they heard concerning their Fortifications was false, wherefore he thought it but reasonable that they should send some persons of Trust and Quality, to whom credit might be given, to inquire into that affair; and in the mean time they might keep him as their Pledge. They granted his request, and accordingly three Ambassadors are sent, Men of great Honour and Repute; on whom Themistocles ordered his Colleagues to attend; forewarning them, not to suffer the Lacedaemonian Ambassadors to return till he himself was sent back. When he thought they were arrived at Athens, he waited upon the Senate and Magistracy, and told them very frankly, That by his Advice the Athenians had Walled in their Public, their Tutelar, and Household Gods, that they might with the more ease defend them from their Enemies (which thing was justifiable by the Common Law of Nations); neither did they do this with a design to incommode Greece, for their City was as 'twere a Bulwark against the Barbarians, having twice routed the Persian Armada. He told them, That they did not act like just and honest men, who rather regarded what conduced most to their own Greatness, then what might be profitable to all Greece; wherefore if they thought ever to have those Ambassadors return whom they had sent to Athens, they must release him, otherwise they must never expect to receive them again into their own Country.  
Yet after all this he could not evade the envy of his Fellow-Citizens. For even the same jealousy which condemned 
The Ostracism?  Miltiades banished Themistocles. After which he went to Argos; where living in much splendour, upon the account of his great Endowments, the Lacedæmonians sent Ambassadors to Athens, with this Accusation against him, That he had made a League with the King of Persia to destroy Greece. For which Crime, though absent, he was condemned of Treason. Which thing so soon as he heard of, not thinking himself safe at Argos, he went to Corcyra; where understanding that the Governors of the City were very fearful lest the Athenians and Lacedæmonians should declare War against them upon his account, he fled to Admetus the King of the Molossians, who had formerly entertained him. But at his first arrival, not finding the King, that he might be received by him with the greater fidelity, he took his little Daughter and carried her with him into the Sanctuary, a Custom which is very religiously observed among the Molossians; and from thence he would not stir, till the King had given him his Hand, and received him into his Patronage; which he afterwards faithfully performed. For when he was demanded by the Athenians and Lacedæmonians, he would not deliver him up, but advised him to consult his own safety; for 'twas not likely that he should be secure in a place so nigh his Enemies. Therefore he commanded him to be carried to Pydna, and sent a sufficient Guard with him. Whereupon he went a Shipboard incognito, but a great Storm, which then happened, drove the Vessel upon the Island Naxus, where at that time the Athenian Army lay. Themistocles thought that if they should put in there, he must necessarily perish; so that by this ill fortune he was forced to discover himself to the Master of the Ship, promising great Rewards if he would preserve him. The Master commiserating the condition of so great a man, kept his Ship at Anchor for a day and a night, at a good distance from the Island, and would not suffer any man to go out of it. From whence he sailed to Ephesus, and there he landed Themistocles, who afterwards sufficiently rewarded him for his great service.  
I know that many Authors have reported, that Themistocles went into Asia whilst Xerxes was King, but I think Thucydides is rather to be credited, who living about that Age, wrote an History of those times, and was also of the same City; and he says, that he came to Artaxerxes, and wrote him a Letter after this manner: I Themistocles am come unto you; I, who brought so many Calamities by the Grecians upon your Family, when I was forced to make War with your Father to defend my own Country. But I did him greater Services afterwards, when I was safe and he in danger; for when he would not go back into Asia, after the Battle at Salamis, I sent him word, that it was then in agitation, that the Bridge which he had made over the Hellespont should be broken down, and that he should be surrounded by his Enemies; by which message he escaped the danger. But now here I myself am come, banished from all Greece, humbly to entreat your Alliance, which if I may but obtain, you shall find me as great a Friend to you, as I have been a dangerous Enemy to your Father. But I would desire a Year's time to consider of those Affairs, concerning which I intent to treat with you, and when that is expired, to permit me to come unto you.  
The King admiring the greatness of his Spirit, and being desirous to make such a man his Friend, granted his Request. All which time he spent in his Studies, and in Learning of the Persian Language; in which he became so great a Proficient, that he discoursed the King more Elegantly than any of the Natives could. And when he had made several promises to him, and one especially of that which was most grateful, viz. the destruction of Greece, if he would be pleased to follow his Advice. Being highly Rewarded by Artaxerxes, he returned again into Asia, and dwelled at Magnesia, which City the King gave to him, using this expression, That it would keep him in Bread (for the Revenues of that Country amounted to fifty Talents yearly), Lampsacum would afford him Wine, and Myuntes Victuals. There remained but two Monuments of him in our time; his Sepulchre, near the Town, in which he was buried, and his Statues in the Forum of Magnesia. Concerning whose death Authors much differ; but Thucydides seems to us to be most authentic, who says, that he died of a Disease at Magnesia. Neither does he deny, but that there was a report of his voluntarily poisoning himself, when he despaired of Conquering Greece, as he had promised the King. The same Author also says, that his Friends buried his Bones in Athens by stealth, because the Laws forbid any one to be there Interred who is Condemned of Treason.   

THE LIFE OF ARISTIDES.  Done into English by Mr. Mitchell, M. A. of Trin. Coll. Oxon. 
ARISTIDES, the Son of Lysimachus, an Athenian, came so near to Themistocles, that he contested his Preeminence; which made them detract from each other's Reputation; and gave a full Example of the great Power which Eloquence has over Innocence: For although the Integrity of Aristides was such, that (for aught we yet know) He was the only Person whom the World has hitherto thought fit to Entitle The Just; yet He was so run down by Themistocles, as to be Condemned, by the Ostracism, to Ten years' Banishment. Perceiving, that the angry Multitude would not be appeased, he yields to the Necessity of his Misfortune. At his going off, he observes one subscribing to his Banishment, and asks him his Reason for it, and what has Aristides done, that he must be punished in so severe a manner? The Accuser replies, That indeed he did not know Aristides; but was not satisfied, that He above all men should so earnestly endeavour at the Name of Just. He did not stay out the whole time of his Banishment; for, within six years, Xerxes falling into Greece, he was recalled by an Act of the People. He Engaged in the Sea-Fight at Salamis, which was before his Restauration. He led up the Athenians in the Battle of Plataeae, wherein Mardonius was slain, and the Persian Army routed. I find nothing of his Exploits in Military Affairs, except in this Command; but the Effects of his Sincerity, his Justice, and his Goodness, are not easily related; particularly, 'twas by his Conduct, that, when He and Pausanias (who was Commander at the Overthrow of Mardonius) were in the same Grecian Fleet, the Dominion of the Seas was transferred from the Lacedæmonians to the Athenians; the former, before that time, having been Lords both by Sea and Land. The Insolence of Pausanias, and the Justice of Aristides, were the Cause, that most of the Cities of Greece made a Defensive League with the Athenians, and offered to fight under them, against the Persians, if there should be occasion. Aristides was the man pitched upon to settle the Quota of each City, for the Building of Ships, and Raising an Army. 'Twas by His Advice, that four hundred and sixty Talents were every year laid up at Delos; which was appointed to be the place of the Common Treasury; but afterward all the Money was removed to Athens. As for his Moderation, there can be no greater proof of it, then that, whereas he had so great Preferments, yet he died so very poor, that he left scarce enough to defray the Charges of his Burial; so that after his Death (which was about four years after the Banishment of Themistocles) his Daughters were maintained at the Charge of the Public; and, at their Marriage, had Fortunes paid them out of the Common Treasure.   

THE LIFE OF PAUSANIAS.  Done into English by Mr. Hoy, Fellow of St. John's Coll. Oxon. 
PAUSANIAS' the Lacedaemonian was a Great Man, but various in all Conditions of Life; for as he was conspicuous for eminent Virtues, he was no less overborne by the contrary Vices. The Glory of that famous Action at Plataeae is ascribed to him. For in that Fight two hundred thousand chosen Foot, and forty thousand Horse, were shamefully beat out of Greece by an inconsiderable Handful of Men under his Conduct; and their Lieutenant-General, Mardodonius a Mede, the King's 
* So Gener is also used by Justin, and in this place cannot be meant otherwise, because his Lady was Xerxes' Sister.  Brother-in-Law, of singular Personal Fortitude and Prudence above all the Persians, left dead on the place. Flushed with the success of this Victory, his Ambition began to be tampering, and he carried an Eye upon greater designs: But in the very beginning he met with this rub in his way; having sent to the Temple of Delphos a Golden Tripod, found amongst the Spoils, with an Epigram inscribed on it, to this effect, That by His Conduct the Barbarians were cut off at Plataeae, and in Acknowledgement of the Victory that Present by Him Dedicated to Apollo. The Lacedæmonians caused the Verses to be Razed out, and in their stead Engraved only the Names of such Confederate Cities as had been instrumental in defeating the Persians.  
After this, Pausanias was again entrusted with a Common Fleet of the Associates for Cyprus and the Hellespont, to dismantle the Garrisons of the Barbarians in those parts. In which Adventure meeting with the like success, he began again to behave himself more insolently, and aimed at greater things than ever. For in the Sack of Byzantium taking many of the Persian Nobility, and among them some of the Blood Royal, he remitted them privately to Xerxes, and sent with them Gongylus an Eraetrian, with Letters to the King (as Thucydides delivers) in these words; Pausanias the Spartan General, understanding that some taken at Byzantium were nearly related to you, has made you a Present of them, and withal desires to Contract an Alliance with you. Wherefore, if you approve of the Proposals, he sues for your Daughter in Marriage, on Condition that by his means both Sparta and the rest of Greece be put into your Hands. If you think these things worth your Consideration, send an approved Minister, to whom things may be communicated more particularly. The King extremely well satisfied at the safety of so many Personages so near to himself, immediately dispatched away Artabazus to Pausanias with this Answer, That he applauded the Design, and desired nothing should be omitted which might be serviceable to it; promising, in case it took effect, he should never meet a Repulse in any thing he would sue for. Pausanias' being informed of the King's pleasure, grew so forward in the Business, that he incurred the Suspicion of the Lacedæmonians, who remanded him home; where he was questioned for his Life, but the Allegations charged upon him amounting to no more than High Misdemeanours, he was only Fined, and discharged from returning to the Navy.  
Yet, not long after, of his own head he went back to the Army, where he followed such indiscreet and rash Practices as confirmed what hitherto had only been suspected of him. He laid aside not only the severer Moralities of his own Country, but their Fashions and Dress. He appeared in Pomp and Splendour like a Foreign King; and came into public in the Median Habit. His Person was guarded by a Retinue of Medes and Egyptians; his Entertainments were after the Persian manner, with greater Luxury than his Friends thought allowable; he was hard of Access; he answered proudly, and commanded cruelly. In fine, he refused to return to Sparta, but withdrew to Getonae, a place in the Country of Troas, where he engaged in Measures destructive to his Country and Himself. The Lacedæmonians being certified of this, sent Deputies to him with the 
* A sort of Tally, by which the General was informed of their Will. Described by Plutarch in the Life of Lysander.  Scytala, in which after their manner it was specified, That unless he immediately returned home they would pass a Bill of Attainder against him. Upon the receipt of this news he went home, hoping to disperse the Clouds which hung over him, by the power of his Money and Interest there. But the Ephori secured him immediately, in the Name and Behalf of the Community. For by the Constitution of that Government this Power over the Prince is reposed in the hands of any one of the Ephori. However, in some time he got rid of that Grievance, but could not so easily remove the Suspicion he lay under; for it was still mistrusted he dealt underhand with the King. There are a sort of People among the Lacedæmonians, they call Helotes, who are employed in manuring the Lands, and performing all other offices of Slaves; These also it was thought he had endeavoured to debauch to his Designs with hopes of Liberty. But the Evidence against him being merely Circumstantial, they deferred proceeding against a Person of his Name and Quality upon Surmises and Presumptions, till time should make a fuller Discovery.  
While these things were in agitation, Argilius (a young man whom Pausanias had formerly defiled to satisfy his unnatural Love) being sent by him with a Packet to Artabazus, a suspicion ran in his head, that there was somewhat in it nearly concerned himself; because he had observed, that none who went thither on the like Errand had ever returned back. Upon this, breaking up the Seals, he found that on the delivery of the Letters he was to have been made away; besides many things relating to the transactions then on foot between the King and Pausanias; all which, with the Letters themselves, he immediately communicated to the Ephori. But here the wariness and moderation of the Lacedæmonians is not to be passed by, who suffered not themselves to be wrought upon, even by such proof, to take Pausanias into Custody; but forbore to use any rigour towards him, till such time as his own Verbal Evidence should be produced against himself; and accordingly they gave Instructions to the Discoverer how to manage this affair. Now there was a Temple of Neptune at Taenaris, which the Greeks held inviolable; hither the Discoverer was to fly for Sanctuary, and kneel down before the Altar; near this they had contrived a place underground, from whence any one might hear what was discoursed to Argilius; where several of the Ephori had privately posted themselves. Pausanias, as soon as he heard that Argilius was fled to the Temple, hastening after him in great disturbance, found him on his Knees before the Altar; and enquiring into the occasion of that sudden motion, he opened to him the Contents of the Letters. At this Pausanias' disturbance increased so far, that he entreated him not to discover or betray one who had formerly deserved so well of him; promising for the future, if he would gratify him so far, and be assisting to him under the present Distress, he should find it of very great Advantage to him.  
The Ephori, after this Discovery, concluding it safer to apprehend him in the City, returned thither. And Pausanias having, as he thought, made up the business with Argilius, was arrived on the place where it was ordered he should be seized; when he perceived a Design out against him, from the looks of one of the Ephori, who had a desire to advertise him of it. By this means he got into the Temple of Minerva, called 
* Suid. says, from ●er Brazen-Tem●le.  Chalcioecus, a little before his Pursuers; but to hinder his Escape thence, the Ephori caused the Gates to be blocked up, and threw down the Roof upon his Head, that he might have the speedier Death. His Mother is reported to have been living at that time; and, although then of very great Age, when satisfied of the Treasonable Practices of her Son, to have brought the first Stone in order to block up the entrance into the Temple. Thus Pausanias sullied the Glory of a Great General by an Ignominious Death. Being taken out of the Rubbish half-dead, he immediately expired. And though some were for disposing the Body as was usual to such as had been Executed, yet the majority were against it; so he was buried far from the place where he died. However afterwards, by the Advice of the Delphic Oracle, he was tookup again, and Interred where he ended his Life.   

THE LIFE OF CIMON.  Done into English by Mr. Creed, M. A. of Corpus-Christi Coll. Oxor. 
CIMON, the Son of Miltiades, an Athenian, was very unfortunate in his Youth; for his Father not being able to pay his Fine to the People, and dying a Prisoner of the State, Cimon was committed to the same Confinement; Nor by the Laws of Athens could he be Released till he had paid the Mulct imposed on his Father. But he had Espoused his own Sister Espinice, not so much to gratify his Affection as to follow the Mode of his Country; for 'twas common with the Athenians to marry their own Sisters. One Callias (a man of a fair Estate, but of mean Extraction and Parentage; for out of the Silver-Mines he raised his Fortune and Wealth) being his Rival, made this proposal to Cimon, that if he would yield to a Divorce and Resignation of her to him, he then would pay his Debts. But when Cimon generously scorned to part with his Wife and Sister on such base and mercenary Conditions, She (out of Affection and Charity to him) declared, That she could not suffer the Son of the Great Miltiades to be perpetually Damned to a Prison, when it lay in her power to procure his Enlargement. Therefore she resolved to marry Callias, provided he performed his part of the Covenant.  
Cimon having thus obtained his Liberty, soon became a Chief Minister of State. For he was a great Master of Rhetoric, a very Generous Person, an admirable Civilian, and an expert Soldier; for his Father gave him his Youthful Education in a Campaign. Therefore he kept the Citizens in awe and subjection; and in the Army he was almost Absolute. When he was first a Commander, at the River Strymon, he routed a vast Body of the Thracians. He built the Town of Amphipolis, and planted there a Colony of ten thousand Natives of Athens. At Mycale he also Triumphed over the Captive Cyprian and Phoenician Navy, consisting of two hundred Sail. Neither were his Erterprises by Land that day less signal than his Victory by Sea; for having made himself Master of his Adversary's Fleet, he Landed his Soldiers, and at one onset gave a total Overthrow to the Barbarian Army. Having enriched himself with the Booty of this Conquest, he returned homewards. For now some Islands had Rebelled, under the pretence of Tyranny and Arbitrary Government. Those whom he found Loyal, he confirmed in their Principles; those who had traitorously Revolted, he compelled to their Duty and Allegiance. He Banished the Delopes' from the City and Island of Scyrus (the present Inhabitants thereof) because their Behaviour was stubborn and obstinate; and divided their Estates among the new adopted Denizens. At his arrival, he defeated the Thasii, who trusted in the Fortress and Sanctuary of their Riches. With the Spoils and Ornaments taken in these Wars the Southside of the Castle at Athens was beautified.  
When this his prosperous Management of Affairs should have Entirled him to the greatest Name and Reputation in the City, he had the Fate to be Envied, as his Father was, and other Athenian Worthies; for by the majority of Votes inscribed in Shells (which they called Ostracism) he was condemned to a Ten Year's Exile. For which unnatural usage the Athenians sooner expressed repentance then Cimon his sorrow. For when with a generous and undaunted Fortitude he bore the Envy of the ungrateful Citizens; and the Lacedæmonians had proclaimed War against the Athenians, They immediately perceived the want of so much Experienced Valour and Conduct. Therefore after five Years Banishment he was Restored. He (because he had been courteously entertained 
The Nemeguen Edition of Corn. Nepos, is in this place followed, all the other Impressions of this Author, having omitted a material sentence.  by the Lacedæmonians) esteeming it the Interest of both Cities, that the Difference should be Composed, without the Decision of the Sword; voluntarily went Ambassador to Lacedaemon, and by his successful Negotiation reinstated the two great Rival Cities in Peace and Amity. Not long after he was Commissioned to go into Cyprus with 200 Ships; and when he had subdued the greater part of the Island, he fell mortally Sick, and Died in the Town Citium.  
For many years afterwards the Athenians (both in times of War and Peace) found the want of their Patriot. For he was so free and generous a Gentleman, that though he had several Farms and Gardens in his possession, yet he never substituted Bailiffs with a design that they should preserve the Fruits for him, lest any man, that desired them, might be deprived of his Satisfaction and Enjoyment. His Footmen were always furnished with ready Money, that he might be provided on all occasions to relieve the Necessities of the Indigent, lest the Delay of his Charity might be misconstrued a Denial. If he saw any man that had the misfortune to be in a beggarly Habit, he frequently bestowed on him his own Coat. He kept so constant a Table, and such plenty of Provision, that he daily invited all those to Dinner (who were not preengaged) that he met in the public places of Assembly. He never refused to be any one's Surety; nor denied them his Assistance, or the use of his Goods. Several grew Rich on his Bounty and Benevolence. Many poor Wretches, who left not enough behind them to pay for their Burial, he Interred at his own charges. Therefore 'tis no wonder, if by this his Carriage and Behaviour, his Life was free from Danger and Detraction, and his Death untimely and lamented.   

THE LIFE OF LYSANDER.  Done into English by Mr. Kirchevall, M. A. of Corpus-Christi Coll. Oxon. 
LYSANDER of Lacedaemon has left a great Name behind him; which he rather acquired by the Kindness of Fortune then by any Valiant Enterprise. It is clear indeed, that he gave the Athenians a signal Defeat, in the twenty-sixth year of their War with the Peloponesian State; 
* The vulgar Editions read, idque ratione consecutus sit, latet, but others are of opinion, that the original Copy had, nonlatet, which last we follow, as most agreeable to the Author's design.  but then we are not ignorant how He gained that Victory; for it was never procured by the prowess of his own-Army, but by the unruly behaviour of his Enemies; who, thro' their disobedience to their Commanders Orders, and by leaving their Ships unmanned, and being disorderly scattered up and down the Fields, came at length into the power of Lysander's Forces. Thus the Athenians yielded themselves Vassals to the Lacedaemonian Yoke. Lysander, though always Seditious before, and a stout Stickler in Factions, yet being puffed up with this late Success, he now took so much upon him; that by his means the Lacedoemonians were rendered extremely odious to Greece. For, whereas they had given it out, that the only motive of their War, was to take down the too powerful Dominion of Athens; Lysander, after having made himself Master of the Athenian Fleet, which road on the River Egos, made it his whole business to keep every City under his own Jurisdiction; all the while pretending he did it purely by the incitement of the Lacedæmonians. For they who had favoured the Athenian proceedings being turned out of Office every where, he selected Ten out of every City, who were to be entrusted with the Sovereign sway and power of all things; none being received into the number of these, but who would either enter himself a Member of his Family, or else would take this Test, That he would be wholly Lysander 's Creature.  
Thus the Decemvirate being established in every City, all things were carried on as he pleased. For an example of whose Cruelty and Treachery, it is enough to produce a single instance, that we may not tyre the Reader's patience, by reckoning up more of his base Actions. When he returned Conqueror out of Asia, and had visited Thasus by the way, he greatly desired to demolish that City, only for its surpassing fidelity to the Athenians; as if the Thasians would now prove their firmest Friends and Allies, who heretofore had been their neverfailing Enemies. But he foresaw, if he had discovered his intention herein, that the Revolt of the Thasians would necessarily have ensued, and that they would have stood upon their own guard, in defence of their Lives and Fortunes.  
Therefore that Decemviral Power, 
* Sibi ab illo constitutam sustulerunt.  which he himself had erected only for his own ends, the contrary party pulled down; whereat being grievously vexed and enraged, he contrived and plotted how to depose the Lacedaemonian Kings. But he found he could never compass this design without the Assistance of the Gods; for the Lacedæmonians had always accustomed themselves, to bring every thing to their Oracle's determination. His first Attempt was to seduce that of Delphi; but failing there, he ventured next upon the Oracle of Dodona; and meeting with a repulse here, than he noised it abroad, that he was under an Obligation of paying some Vows to Jupiter Ammon; thinking to tamper with the Africans at an easier rate. After his arrival into Africa, being buoyed up with these alluring hopes, he found his Expectations mightily frustrated by Jupiter's Priests. For to wheedle 'em into the acceptance of a Bribe, was not only a thing unfeasible, but it also made 'em dispatch away their Deputies to Lacedaemon, to accuse Lysander of Subornation. Being impeached of this Misdemeanour, he was acquitted by his Judges; and afterward being sent to relieve the Orchomenians, he was slain at Heliartus, by the hands of the Thebans. How true a Judgement had been passed upon him, that Speech discovers to us, which was found in his House after his death; in which he endeavours to persuade the Lacedæmonians, that after they had nulled the Power of their Kings, they would single him out for their General to carry on the War. Now this was penned with so much Art, that its whole frame and composure seemed to suit and humour the Oracular way of expression and delivery; the procurement of which he never questioned, relying upon the strength of his Purse. Cleon of Hallicarnassus is the reputed Author of this Copy.  
And here we must not pass by the cunning contrivance of Pharnabazus, a Persian Lieutenant, of a Royal Extraction. For when Lysander, Admiral of the Navy, had been guilty of many cruel and covetous miscarrages in the War, and was suspicious, that his Fellow-Citizens had notice of 'em already; he made his request to Pharnabazus, that he would bear him witness before the Ephori, with what Sincerity he had managed the War, and treated the Allies; and because his Authority and Patronage would be very serviceable to him herein, he farther requested an accurate description of his Integrity in writing. Pharnabazus, after his large promises, filled a great Book with many high expressions in his Commendation; which after Lysander had perused and approved, in the very nick of its Sealing, Pharnabazus slily puts down another ready Sealed in its place, of a size so uniform and so equal to the other, that no eye could perceive the difference; in which was drawn up a very full Impeachment of Lysander's Avarice and Perfidiousness. After his return home, and after his Harangue before the Chief Magistrate, as much as he thought fit, upon his own Exploits; at last he produced Pharnabazus' Book and Gift, as an Authentic Evidence of his unblemished Carriage and Deportment. Lysander being ordered to withdraw, the Ephori employed the interval of his absence in the perusal of this Manuscript, and after full cognizance of its design and purport, they redelivered it him to read. So this inconsiderate man at the same time read his own Indictment and proved it.   

THE LIFE OF ALCIBIADES.  Done into English by Mr. Peers, M. A. of Christ-Church Coll. Oxon. and Superior Beadle of Physic and Arts. 
ALCIBIADES was the Son of Clinias, an Athenian. Nature seems, in the production of this Man, to have exerted the utmost Abilities of her Skill and Power; all Authors, who have written concerning him, agreeing in this, That such a mixture of the most eminent Virtues and Vices was never found in any other person, as in Alcibiades. The Greatness and Splendour both of his City and Parentage, Ennobled his Birth: And as for the Gifts of Nature and Personal Qualifications, he not only excelled all his Cotemporaries in Beauty and Comeliness of Body, but had likewise a Mind so richly and variously endowed, that he applied himself to all matters (whether of Business or Pleasure) with unparallelled dexterity. Accordingly we find, that he acquitted himself as an excellent Commander both by Sea and Land; and was likewise so thoroughly accomplished in the whole Art of Oratory, that he gained the precedence of all others, as well for a powerful Eloquence as a graceful Elocution. Although he was exceeding wealthy, yet could he, when the exigence of affairs required, endure the severest toil and hardship; no man living at other times with greater state and affluence, either in what related to his Table, or in his usual Attendance and Equipage. He was moreover extraordinary courteous and affable in his Conversation; and observed to be Master of an exquisite Art of Dissimulation and Compliance with all Persons and Occasions. Lastly, as often as he had a Release from public Business, and some respite allowed from labour and intention of Mind, he gave himself entirely over to Lust and Luxury, being Dissolute and Intemperate to such a degree, that those who reflected upon the other Scenes of his Life, were struck with Admiration at the wonderful dissimilitude and inconsistencies of Nature in the same Person; no man being found to differ more from Alcibiades then Alcibiades himself.  
He had his Education in the House of Pericles, his Stepfather (for so he is recorded to have been); but for his Learning he was obliged to the Care and Instructions of Socrates. So that marrying moreover the Daughter of Hipponicus (the 
* Divers Copies have it Omnium Grace Linguae Eloquentiâ disertissimum: but this seems not very consistent with the high Commendation given already to Alcibiades upon the score of Eloquence: and therefore the other Lection [omnium Gracorum ditissimum] may be thought more genuine; especially since it is collaterally supported by the authority of Plutarch, who only mentions the extraordinary Riches and high Quality of Hipponicus.  wealthiest Person throughout all the Grecian Countries) if he had been to have made his own choice, he could not have pitched upon greater Advantages and Endowments, than had been freely conferred upon him by Nature and Fortune. In his greener years he was Beloved after the manner of the Grecians, and that by several; in the number of whom was his Master Socrates, as we are informed by Plato in his 
* A Book so called because it contains Table-discourse and entertainment.  Symposium, where he introduces Alcibiades relating, that he lay last night with Socrates, and rose from him in the morning no other than a Son ought to do from his own Father. When he came to maturity of Age, he as industriously prosecuted the same kind of Love towards others, wherein he proceeded as far as the 
* The ancient Grecian Laws are observed to have been too favourable and indulgent to that unnatural kind of Love.  Laws were thought to allow; doing many offensive and distasteful things, in the way of humour and 
† Some of them may be seen in Plutarch; particularly, his taking away half the Cupboard Plate of his Paramour Anytu●, who resented it so little that he only said he was obliged to him for taking but half.  frolic, throughout the course of his amorous Intrigues; divers of which might be related by us, were we not provided of greater matters, and more fit to be transmitted to Posterity.  
In the time of the Peloponnesian War, his Advice and Authority prevailed with the Athenians, to break with the People of Syracuse, and Rig out a Fleet against them. For which Expedition Alcibiades himself was also chosen supreme Commander; two Colleagues being joined in Commission with him, Nicias and Lamachus. But before all Necessaries were provided, and the Navy in a condition to put to Sea, it happened one Night, that all the Statues of Mercury throughout the City (
* This circumstance was perhaps taken notice of by our Author, because (as Plutarch tells us) Andocides was thereupon not only suspected of having had a principal hand in the Action, but committed to Gaol and prosecuted for the same, etc.  except that which stood before the Door of Andocides, and had from him its usual denomination) were overturned, and thrown down from their Pedestals. Upon this unusual accident a strange consternation seized the minds of the People; for they considered, that the Sacrilegious Fact had a public aspect 
One of the Evidences being asked, how he discerned the Faces of those he accused; replied, by the Moon light, and though it was answered, that that could not be, because it was then the Dark of the Moon, yet had not this the least influence upon the stupidly prejudiced Multitude. Plut.  and tendency, and therefore that it must have been committed by no small number of persons; which made them apprehensive of an Associated Force within the City, able of a sudden to oppress their Liberty, and enslave the Commonwealth.  
No man was thought more capable of Heading such a Party than Alcibiades, he having already attained to a greater power and sway then usually was, or safely might be, in the hands of any 
* Pri●atus cannot be here applied in the strict and common acceptation of the word to Alcibiades, he being apparently no private person in that sense; because the▪ Athenians had themselves advanced him to a high station among the principal Magistrates of their Commonwealth.  single person; so extraordinary was his influence and authority among the common people; many of whom he had won by his frequent Largesses, and many more by his Patronage and Assistance in Law-Suits and 
* When a Catalogue of Criminals was brought into Court, he would usually strike out the names of such as he had a desire should not be prosecuted.  Prosecutions. By which Arts he was become so popular, that the eyes of the Multitude were (with a disregard to the rest of the Nobility) continually fixed upon him whenever he appeared in public; so that for this reason he came at length to be looked upon as the principal object of the Athenian Hopes and Fears; all men esteeming him equally capable of promoting the Welfare and Ruin of his Country. Besides this, he lay under the scandal of holding Religious Conventicles in his House; which thing in itself was accounted a Crime of the highest nature among the Athenians; it being moreover the general opinion, that such 
* Is there any thing (says Solomon) of which it may be said, see this is new? it hath been already of old time which was before us.  Meetings were not really intended for Devotion, but for carrying on of Plots and Conspiracies against the State.  
An Indictment was 
* For breaking down the Statues of Mercury, though Plutarch tells us, his accusation ran for having celebrated in a profane and ludicrous manner the Mysteries of Ceres and Proscrpine.  therefore brought against him in open Court; but he considering, that the time of his departure upon the Sicilian Expedition drew near, and reflecting upon the usual proceedings of his Countrymen against absent Criminals, made it his request, to be presently brought to a Trial, and not to be exposed at a distance to the craft and malice of his Enemies. But these, on the contrary, perceiving that they should not otherwise prevail against him, desisted from prosecuting till such time as they concluded him arrived in Sicily; for than they renewed the accusation with so much vigour and artifice, that he was presently recalled by the Magistracy, being ordered to appear, and put in his Plea and Defence. Whereupon he readily obeying the public Summons, and (although he had the fairest hopes of having the Administration of his Province Crowned with Honour and Success) going on board the Galley which was sent to convey him to Athens, landed at the City of Thurit in Italy. But here, his Prudence prevailing over his Resolution, he began to consider the boundless Power which the Athenian Populace assumed to themselves, and the Cruelty with which upon such occasions they ever treated the Nobility; and therefore judging it more advisable to withdraw from the impending storm, he made his escape from those who had the custody of him, and fled at first into the Country of Elis, and afterwards to the City of Thebes; though it was not long ere he removed from thence to Lacedaemon; word being brought, that Judgement of Death was passed upon him, and that his Estate was Confiscated to the Commonwealth; besides (as was usual in such cases) the Sentence of Excommunication denounced against him (the Priests 
* The Successors of Eumolpus, the Son of the Poet Musa's, in that sacred Office.  Eumolpidae being thereunto compelled by the Multitude), and a Pillar erected in the most public place, with an Inscription engraven thereon, to perpetuate the memory of this Religious Execration.  
Arrived (as is aforesaid) at Lacedaemon, he frequently protested, that he had no hostile intention against his Native Country; but only against such Men as were equally Enemies to It and Him; for, being sufficiently sensible how much his Service contributed to the prosperity of the State, they had nevertheless thrust him into Exile; as evidently preferring their own private revenge before the public welfare. However, it was not long e'er by his advice the Lacedæmonians contracted an Alliance with the Persian King, and strongly fortified Dec●●ia in Attica; by the Garrison of which place the City of Athens was reduced into much the same condition as if it had been blocked up by a formal Siege; so that the Country of jonia being also by his endeavours won over from the interest of the Athenians, the Lacedaemonian Arms began in all places to prevail and be victorious.  
Yet did not these their Successes so much increase their Love, as awaken their Fears, and alienate their Affections from him; for considering him to be a person of the acutest parts, and most experienced prudence in all manner of affairs, and fearing withal, lest prevailed upon by the dictates of an inbred tenderness for his Native Soil, he should one time or other desert their Service, and purchase a Reconciliation with his offended Country; they judged it expedient, ere this should happen, to have him privately assassinated. This design could not long be concealed from Alcibiades, he being a person of so wonderful a sagacity, that it was impossible for any thing to escape his knowledge; especially when the least surmise or suspicion had raised his jealousy, and quickened his observation. Withdrawing therefore privately from Lacedaemon, he fled to Tissaphernes (one of King Darius' Lieutenant's) with whom although he was e'er long admitted into the strictest Bonds of Friendship, yet being much troubled at the rising Greatness of the Lacedæmonians, and the languishing condition into which the Athenian Affairs were fallen by their Losses in Sicily; he contrived, by special Messengers, to treat with his Fellow-Citizen Pisander (Praetor, or Commander in Chief over the Army at Samos) concerning his Pardon and Readmission into his Country; Pisander's concurring with him in an aversion for the Commonalty, and an equal favour for the Nobless, encouraging him thereunto. And although he quickly found himself disappointed in his expectations from this man, yet was he sometime after received by Thrasybulus, the Son of Lycus, into the Athenian Army, which lay at Samos, and made a principal Officer in the same; nor was it long e'er, assisted by the influencing suffrage of Theramenes, he obtained a public Act of Restitution and Indemnity, and was joined in equal Commission with him and the foresaid Thrasybulus.  
Under the Command and Conduct of these three Generals the face of Affairs in a little time appeared wonderfully altered; nay, it was not long ere the Lacedæmonians, whose Arms had hitherto been every where triumphant, found themselves obliged to become humble Supplicants for Peace; and that not without good reason, having been beaten in five Land-Fights, and two Engagements at Sea; in which Engagements their Enemies are recorded to have taken no fewer than two hundred of their Trireme-Gallies. Add to these Successes of the Athenians, the Recovery of jonia and the Hellespont, with many Grecian Towns seated upon the Coast of Asia. In the number of those Cities that were forceably subdued was Byzantium; there being divers others which were won over to an Alliance, by the politic Clemency with which all places were treated by them, as they happened to be successively Conquered.  
After these great Achievements the three Generals returned to Athens, bringing back an Enriched and Victorious Army; the same being equally Laden with Spoil and Glory. But as soon as they were entered into the Harbour of the 
* It lay at a considerable distance from the City; to which it was joined by a strong wall. See the life of Themistocles.  Piraeeum, the City being in a manner deserted by its Inhabitants, so great was the confluence about Alcibiades' Galley, that the sight and reception of him alone seemed to have drawn forth the gazing and transported Multitude; who at this time firmly believed, that the present happy and late calamitous condition of their Affairs were both entirely owing to him; yet blaming themselves for the loss of Sicily, and the victorious Exploits of the Lacedæmonians, since the same were wholly to be imputed to the Expulsion of so brave a Man out of their Commonwealth. Nor indeed was this an ill-grounded opinion, seeing that from the very time of his Readmission into Command their Enemies could never prove an equal Match for them either by Sea or Land.  
No sooner was he come on shore, bat (without the least notice taken of Theramenes and Thrasibulus, who landed at the same time, and had a joint interest with him in the late Achievements) the whole Body of the People crowded up towards Alcibiades; many of them presenting him, according to their different abilities, with Coronets of Gold or Brass; an Honour never done before, but to such as were Victors in the Olympic Games. Calling to mind his forepast Sufferings, he could not abstain from Tears as he received these kind Testimonies of Reconciliation from his Fellow-Citizens; and as soon as he came into the City, a solemn Assembly being held, he made so passionate a Speech to them, that he forced the natural expressions of Sorrow in equal abundance from the Eyes of all that heard him; those even of the most unrelenting temper among them lamenting his hard usage, and declaring themselves utter Enemies to such as had procured his Banishment; So that any man who had been a stranger to their Affairs, would certainly have concluded, that some other People, and not the very same Persons by whom he was now surrounded, had passed the former severe Sentence, and condemned him of Sacrilege. Hereupon his Estate, which had been Confiscated, was Restored to him by public Edict; the Priests Eumolpidae being also commanded to take off his Excommunication, and the Pillarson which the same had been engraven, to be thrown into the Sea.  
These obliging Smiles of kindest Fortune were of no considerable duration to Alcibiades; for when the highest Honours had by solemn Decree been conferred upon him, the Conduct and Management of all Affairs, both Civil and Military, being put into his hands, and Thrasybulus and Adimantus at his request assigned him for Colleagues, passing over with a Fleet into Asia, and Fight unsuccessfully at 
* Yet are we told by others, that the most fatal miscarriage in this Expedition happened upon the Coast, of jonia; where Antiochus (a hotheaded Vice-Admiral) in Alcibiades' absence, and contrary to his express command, engageing the Lacedamonian Fleet, was sound beaten by the same.  Cuma, he fell again into the Displeasure of the Populace. The reason hereof was, that they universally believed him able to accomplish whatsoever he took in hand; so that every ill Success was imputed to his Negligence or Treachery; to the later of which they attributed the unprosperous Attempt made upon Cuma; none of them doubting, but that he could have taken the place, had he not been corrupted to the betraying of his Trust by the Persian King. Indeed the principal cause of the several Calamities that befell him, seems to have been the extravagant opinion that all men had conceived of his Valour and Prudence; from whence sprung the two different Passions of Love and Fear; and from whence at length it came to be generally dreaded, lest puffed up with his great Successes, and supported by as great Riches, he should grasp at the Sovereignty, and endeavour the Enslaving of their Free State.  
These were the Considerations that induced them to pass a Vote for depriving him, though absent, of his high Office, and substituting another in his place; the news whereof being brought to Alcibiades, he judged it not expedient to return home, and therefore passing 
* With certain Forces raised and maintained at his own charge. Plus.  over to Perinthus, he completely fortified the three strong Holds of Bornos, Bisanthe, and Macronteichos; and from thence marching with a sufficient Body of Men, he seems to have been the first Grecian that made an Inroad into the Countries of Thrace; and this he did, as being unwilling to infest any part of Greece; and judging it more honourable, to enrich himself with the Spoils of 
* This word has been a long while used to signify savage, illiterate and uncivilised; but was at first applied by the haughty Grecians (as a term of distinction) to all Nations whatsoever that spoke not their Language.  Barbarians; by which means he not only made great acquisitions in Wealth and Reputation, but obtained of certain Thracian 
* His incursions and depredations being (as we are informed by Plutarch) made upon a sort of free People, and such as were subject to no King.  Kings, to be admitted into their Friendship and Alliance.  
But by no kind of Fortune could Alcibiades' Soul be divested of a tender Affection for his Native Country; and this he sufficiently manifested about this time, by the Advice given to Philocles, Commander in Chief over the Athenian Fleet in the River Aegos; Lysander, the Lacedaemonian Admiral lying at no great distance from him, and desiring by all means to prolong the War, because he knew that the Athenians had nothing left besides their Weapons and Galleys (their public Exchequer being quite exhausted), and that the Forces of his own Country at the same time were supported and maintained by a constant supply of Money from the Persian King. Neither were these things concealed from Alcibiades, who therefore coming to the Athenian Army, spoke publicly in the hearing of the common Soldiers to this effect, That if they pleased to accept of his Service, he made no doubt of forcing Lysander, with his whole Fleet, to come to the decision of a Battle, or else to make submissive Overtures of Peace. That the Lacedæmonians were indeed unwilling to run the hazard of a Sea-fight, because their main strength and confidence lay in their Land-Forces; but that he could easily prevail with Seuthes, the Thracian King, to drive them from Land, and that then they would be necessitated, either to come to fair terms of Accommodation with the Athenians, or venture all upon the doubtful issue of an Engagement at Sea.  
This Advice, as it was not really disliked, so neither was it embraced by Philocles; who well knew, that if Alcibiades were admitted to a conjunction with him, he himself should be but an empty Cipher in the whole Action; and let the Event prove prosperous or otherwise, that on the one hand, he should have no share in the Glory; and on the other, no Partner in the Discredit and Ignominy of such an Undertaking. Alcibiades therefore, finding that his Counsel was not accepted, told Philocles at his departure, that he would only leave this short caution with him, To lie as near the Enemy as might conveniently be with his Naval Camp; and to take care, lest by the licentiousness and loose Discipline of his Soldiers, the Lacedæmonians should have an opportunity put into their hands of surprising his Fleet, and ruining the whole Army. Nor did the event prove this a groundless apprehension; for shortly after, Lysander being informed by his Scouts, that the main of the Athenian Forces were gone ashore, and were eagerly employed in harassing and plundering the Country (their Ships in the mean time being left almost empty and defenceless), by one brisk and sudden Attaque gave their Navy a 
* Conon escaped only with eight Galleys out of about two hundred (if we believe Plutarch) though our Author in the Life of Conon mentions it as a great unhappiness to the Athenians, that he was absent at the time of that Engagement. However this was, certain it is, that the Athenians were hereupon little less then absolutely Conquered, Lysander shortly after taking the City of Athens itself, and putting the Government thereof into the hands of thirty special Magistrates of his own choice and appointment.  total Overthrow, and put an unexpected period to the War.  
After this fatal blow received by the Athenians, Alcibiades judging it unsafe for him to make any longer stay in those parts, withdrew into the more inward Regions of Thrace, lying above the Propontis; not doubting but in such a place his Fortune and Quality might easily be kept undiscovered. But it was not long ere he found that he was mistaken; for a Body of Thracians, who had information of his great Wealth, placing themselves in Ambuscade, surprised and plundered all his Carriages; wherefore, having himself narrowly escaped out of their hands, and considering that (by reason of the great Power and Authority of the Lacedæmonians) no part of Greece could afford him a safe Retreat, he fled into Asia to Pharnabazus, who was presently so taken with his courteous Deportment and obliging Address, that the first place in this great Man's Favour seemed to be given to Alcibiades; who shortly after received from him, as a special testimony of Affection, the Fortress of Grunium in Phrygia; the Castellany whereof yielded him no less than fifty Talents yearly Income.  
But this plentiful Fortune brought no real contentment to Alcibiades; of which his mind was absolutely uncapable, so long as the Athenian continued in subjection to the Lacedaemonian State. The whole bent of his Soul was therefore towards the delivering of his Country from that Inglorious Yoke and Bondage. But this he foresaw could not be effected without the assistance of the Persian King, whose Amity was therefore to be procured in the first place; and of that he assured himself, if he might but obtain free access to his Person. For having secret notice of the 
* Our Author does not term it a Rebellion or Conspiracy, because Cyrus was no Liege subject to Attaxerxes, their Father Darius (as we are told by Justin) having by Will given the former the absolute Sovereignty of those Territories over which he had before presided as his Lieutenant.  War intended against the King by his Brother Cyrus, with the assistance of the Lacedæmonians; he questioned not, but by discovering this Confederacy, he should purchase to himself the highest degree of Favour and Affection.  
While Alcibiades was contriving how to put this design in execution (having already requested of Pharnabazus, that he might be admitted into the presence of the King), Critias and the rest of the Athenian 
* He means the thirty Magistrates set over the Athenians by Lysander, and called by them Tyrants; a name originally not only of innocent but most honourable signification, being used simply for a King, or supreme Governor, and applied by the Grecian Poets even to Jupiter, and the rest of their kindest and best respected Gods: but by a Republican Abuse of the word brought to connote the greatest cruelty and oppression; though the truth is, if a man would be acquainted with Tyrants and Tyranny in that sense, (in which indeed the words have long ago universally obtained) he may most probably find them where thirty or forty, or perhaps rather (as some Nations have sadly experienced) three or four hundred Persons, are (by what means soever) possessed of the Sovereign Power.  Tyrants dispatched certain Messengers into Asia, by whom they gave Lysander to understand, that the Articles agreed upon between Him and the Athenians must be Ratified by being Sealed with the Blood of Alcibiades; and that the Death of that Man was to be pursued by him, as he tendered the Establishment and Perpetuity of his own Exploits and Constitutions. Lysander was so far wrought upon by this positive 
* This must be taken not for a menace, but a piece of advice from the Thirty to Lysander, their Interest and His being embarked in the same bottom; and they (as may be collected from Plutarch) beginning now to be apprehensive of no small danger from Alcibiades, whom they perceived (though in exile) to be in a fair way of recovering his former esteem and authority with the common People.  Message, that he resolved to deal effectually with Pharnabazus, and therefore sent him express word, that the Alliance between his King and the Lacedæmonians should be null and void, unless he took care that Alcibiades, either alive or dead, were delivered into their hands; wherefore the Persian Governor (preferring his Master's Interest before all the Laws of Humanity and Friendship) immediately employed Susamithres and Bagoas to surprise and murder him, as he lay in Phrygia, and was 
* Others say, that Pharnabazus being informed of Cyrus' design by Alcibiades (who had in vain desired by his means to have admission to Artaxerxes, and was therefore about giving notice of the same to another of the King's Lieutenants) resolved to have him cut off, that so the merit of the discovery might be wholly his own.  providing for his Journey to the King. These Assasins arrived accordingly with great speed and expedition at the place of his abode; and not daring openly to assault him, they set Fire on the House wherein he lay; as hoping to accomplish by Stratagem what their Courage despaired of effecting. And yet had they like to have been disappointed in their expectation; for Alcibiades being roused by the crackling of the Fire, and missing his Sword (which it seems had been privily conveyed away) he took the Dagger of his 
* Tho our Author terms him hospes and samiliaris (which last word may indeed be taken to signify a menial servant) yet by what sollows (viz. qui nunquam discedere voluerat) he should seem before this time to have worn off those inferior and distant relaons.  Friend and Companion (a certain Arcadian that Lodged with him, and could never be induced to desert him in his lowest condition), and biding him follow after, passed boldly thorough the Flames; the violence whereof was somewhat abated by the throwing in of such Clothes and Householdstuff as came next to hand. But before he could make his escape, and get quite off, he was overtaken and slain by the 
* He was slain with Darts and Arrows, says Plutarch.  Darted Weapons of the distant Assasins; by whom his Head being carried away as a welcome Present to Pharnabazus, an affectionate 
* Timandra; supposed by many to be the Mother of Lais, the famous Corinthian Courtesan. Plut.  Female (the constant sharer both of his good and bad Fortune) took the Body, and wrapping it in her own Vestment, committed it to the Flames; the same Fire that had in vain been kindled for his Destruction when alive, being now converted to the kinder uses of a Funeral Pile.  
Thus died Alcibiades, about the Fortieth year of his Age; a person of whom we find but a scurvy character given by the generality of Writers; yet has he obtained the highest commendations from three very grave and authentic Historians; Thucydides, his Cotemporary; Theopompus, a somewhat more modern Author; and Timaeus: The two latter of which were persons of the most censorious humour, and observed (by I know not what strange Fate) to have concurred in the Praises of no other man but Alcibiades. For even by them are the same advantageous particulars delivered concerning him, which are already related by us, and to which may moreover be added, from the same Writers, That being born in Athens, a City for State and Grandeur Second to none, he outwent the Noblest of his Fellow-Citizens in Splendour and Magnificence of Life: And yet when driven from hence he arrived at Thebes, he so far complied with the Genius of that People (the Baeotians in general employing their time in acquiring a Robust Habit of Body, and not in improving the Faculties of the Mind) that he excelled them all, as well in strength and firmness of Limbs, as in cheerfully undergoing the most toilsome Labour. When he came among the Lacedæmonians, who account it the highest pitch of Virtue to endure such kind of hardship, he so readily accommodated himself to their penurious way of Living, that in a little time he had not his Equal for Abstinence and Parsimony, either in Garb or Diet. After this, dwelling among the Thracians, a People generally addicted to the Enjoyments of Love and Wine; even here had he also the Precedence allowed him beyond Competition: And coming at length into Persia, where Labour and Industry in Hunting, and Luxury and Excess in Feeding are of greatest Reputation, he acquitted himself to the admiration of all men. So that wheresoever he came, he got the general Love and Respect of the People; being presently accounted the most Accomplished Person for such Qualifications as were in every Country of highest Estimation. But enough of this Man; let us now proceed to give an account of others.   

THE LIFE OF THRASYBULUS.  Done into English by Mr. Gilman, M. A. of Magdalen Coll. Oxon. 
THRASYBULUS, the Son of Lycus, and by Birth an Athenian, was a Person whom I should not stick to place in the front of all the Grecian Worthies, if his Fortune had been any way answerable to his Deserts. Without doubt he out-shone them all in Fidelity, Resolution, Greatness of Soul, and an inviolable Affection for his Country. And although many boasted themselves born of more Ancient Families, yet none outstripped him in any other Accomplishment of a Great Man. Whoever Rescues his Native Country from the Oppression of one Tyrant, does so Brave an Action, that many Men have Attempted, but few have had the Honour of Achieving; yet was it this Man's good Fortune, to Free His, groaning under the intolerable Burden of Thirty at once. His Valour was first fledged in the Peloponnesian War; where being in a Joint-Commission, he did many great Exploits without Alcibiades, though Alcibiades did nothing without Him; all his Actions expressing an ardent desire to promote the Good of the Commonwealth. But in pitched Battles the Strength and Number of Forces is as much to be relied on as the most excellent Conduct; and the private Soldier justly claims a share in the Glory of the Action with the Commander. Besides, Fortune sometimes lets them know, that Success depends neither upon one nor the other; but is solely at her disposal. Wherefore, the most Glorious of all Actions Thrasybulus may justly claim to be properly his own; For when Athens was miserably harassed and torn by the Arbitrary Proceedings of those Thirty Burgomasters, set up (as it were a Council of State) by the Lacedæmonians; during whose uncontrollable sway, many of the Eminent Citizens were killed, some (preserved by Fate from the danger of the War) were banished, and many others had their Estates confiscated and divided amongst the Usurpers: He only (not as a General, but) singly Proclaimed open War against them; and when he fled to Phyle (the strongest and best fortified Castle in Attica) he had scarce Thirty Confederates. So weak were the Foundations of the Design by which the Liberty of that Illustrious City was asserted. He was not despicable for his Person or Parts; but was contemned for his inconsiderable Party; which at last proved of great consequence to him; as the accomplishing his Design for the Relief of his Country, and the utter and final Ruin of its Enemies. For they, lulled in their own security, neglected a speedy and vigorous prosecution; and consequently gave him a longer time to make himself more considerable both for Men and Money. Whence is evinced the truth of that common Axiom, In War no Advantage is to be slipped; and it is not without reason said, The Mother of a Coward need never Fear. Yet all this while Thrasybulus' Supplies and Assistances bore no proportion to his Expectations. For even in those days men were more lavish of their Words then Actions; and more hotly disputed their Liberty with their Tongues then their Swords. From Phyle he marched to Pyraeum, and fortifies Munichia; which place his Enemies twice attempting to take by Storm, in two general Assaults, were as often beat back with considerable Damage, and at last forced to retire into Athens with the loss of all their Arms and Baggage. Thrasybulus in the mean time manages his Affair with as great Wisdom as Courage, and commands that Quarter should be given to all those who would accept it; saying, it was but reasonable, that Fellow-Citizens should spare one another. Neither indeed was there any person hurt afterwards, but those who continued in a posture of Hostility. He suffered none to be stripped of their Clothes; nor touched any part of the Plunder, only Arms (for which he had urgent occasion) and Victuals. In this second Conflict fell Critias, the premier Burgomaster, after he had fought valiantly. Critias being slain, Pausanias, King of the Lacedæmonians, comes to the Assistance of the Athenians; and at length concludes a Peace between both Parties on these Terms: First, That no Citizen (except the Thirty Tyrants, and the Ten Praetors, who exactly Copied those Originals of Cruelty in their Actions) should suffer Banishment. Secondly, That no Person's Estate should be Sequestered. And Thirdly, That Democracy should be Reestablished, and the Sovereign Power remain in the hands of the People. One more remarkably great Action of his we must by no means forget; When Peace was settled, and he bore a great sway in the City, he Enacted a Law, That no man should be accused, or any way punished, for any thing that was passed. This was afterwards called An Act of Oblivion. But not satisfied with the bare Enacting of such a Law, he took a mighty care in the just and strict Execution of it; and checked some of the Partakers of his misery in Banishment, who would have made havoc of those men they had so lately received into Favour. For these great and illustrious Actions, Thrasybulus was Honoured by the People with a Coronet made of Olive-branches; a mean Reward indeed, but attended with these Advantages, that it was in no manner extorted, but a voluntary and hearty Testimony of the People's Affection; and was therefore an Honour, free from the Detractions of Envy or Emulation. For as Pittacus (a man justly registered in the Catalogue of the Seven Wisemen of Greece) well observed to the Mitylenaeans, when they would have given him many thousand Acres of Land for a Reward; Don't ye, says he, give me so Noble a Present, that many will Envy, and more will Covet; I will only accept of an hundred Acres, which is sufficient to show your Good Will, and my own Modesty. Great Favours are often snatched away, whilst little ones, below Envy, are longer enjoyed. Thrasybulus therefore, highly pleased with this petty Crown, sought no other Satisfaction; but looked upon himself to be as much Honoured as any of his Cotemporaries. In process of time, going Admiral to Cilicia, and his Soldiers being very remiss when they were upon their Guard, he was in a Sally surprised in his Tent, and slain by the Barbarians.   

THE LIFE OF CONON.  Done into English by Mr. Jenefar of Magdalen Coll. Oxon. 
CONON, an Athenian, became Great in the Esteem of the Commonwealth at the Peloponnesian War; where his Conduct was signally Heroic. For he was Captain-General of the Land-Forces and Admiral at Sea; and performed noble Atchivements; which made him the Darling of the People, who Constituted him Governor of all their Islands; in which Commission he took Pharae, a Colony of the Lacedæmonians. He was also Captain-General in the last Peloponnesian War, when the Flower of the Athenian Army was destroyed by Lysander at the River Aegos. But Conon was not in Person at that Battle; from whence may be concluded the Misfortune of that fatal Day. For he weighed every Military Action; and was even jealous in acquitting himself like a General. Which makes it highly probable, that his Personal Valour and Conduct might have diverted that Massacre of the Athenians.  
Yet in this sad distraction, when he heard the groans of his Country, he consulted not his own Safety and Retirement, but the Relief of his disconsolate Countrymen. He hastened therefore to Pharnabazus, Lieutenant of jonia and Lydia, who was Son in Law to the King; into whose Favour he insinuated himself, though not without great intrigue and hazard. For when the Lacedæmonians (Athens lying gasping) had broke their League, which they had made with Artaxerxes, and had sent Agesilaus with an Army into Asia (where he was often Caressed by Tissaphernes, who was formerly the Familiar of the King, but had revolted from all the Endearments of his Prince, and combined with the Lacedæmonians); Pharnabazus marched against him as General,; tho in reality Conon was Chief, and his Warlike Judgement Controlled the whole Council. He stopped the carrier of Agesilaus, that so much renowned Captain, and confounded all his Stratagems; and 'twas the wise Conduct of Conon which prevented Agesilaus from renting that part of Asia on this side Taurus from the Persian Empire. Agesilaus being remanded home by the Lacedæmonians, who were embroiled in a War with the Boeotians and Athenians; Conon took that opportunity to ingratiate himself with the Persian Nobility; and soon became their only Oracle.  
At this time the Malcontent Tissaphernes had quitted the Court, of which the King was only incredulous; so great a share had Tissaphernes in the Royal Favour, though in this very time of his disloyal Villainy. Neither is it strange, that the King was unwilling to mistrust this his Creature, when he called to mind, that by his Prowess he quelled his Brother Cyrus. Therefore Conon was sent by Pharnabazus to Accuse Tissaphernes before the King; who being arrived, according to the Custom of the Persians, he came to Tithraustes, a Tribune and principal Officer of State, requesting that he might be introduced; without which ceremony none are admitted. To whom Tithraustes said, there should be no delay; but (said he) you must consult whether it were better to have an Audience, or to signify your Business by Letter; for if you come into the Royal Presence, you must fall down before the King; which they call 
* Graeci vocant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 venerabundè salutare.  Divine Homage: But if you cannot comply with this, trust me to interceded for you, and you shall certainly attain your desire. Then Conon replied; I could very cheerfully pay any Honour to the King, but I fear lest it should be a dishonourable blemish to my Country, if I should prostitute myself to the Slavery of a Barbarian, who came from that People who by Nature are accustomed to Govern. He therefore delivered his Business in a Letter; which being made known to the King, he was so taken with his Commanding Deportment, that he proclaimed Tissaphernes a Traitor, commissioned Conon to Fight the Lacedæmonians, and to elect whom he pleased to raise Money for the War. Which choice Conon modestly denied to be in his Province, but in the King's, who best understood the Condition of his People; yet that it was his humble Advice, that he would confer that Office on Pharnabazus. After this, being honoured with great Presents, he was commissioned to Sea, that he might convey the Galleys to the Cyprians, Phoenicians, with the other Port-Towns; and that he should Rig a Navy, to secure the Seas the following Summer; in which Commission Pharnabazus was his Colleague, as he had petitioned. So soon as the Lacedæmonians heard this, they acted with great judiciousness, because they foresaw a more dangerous War, then if they had been engaged only against the petulant Persian. For they were now to grapple with a bold and wary General, entrusted with the whole Persian Power; against whom their Stratagems of War were as ridiculously vain as their Strength. With this resolution they contract a formidable Navy, and set Sail under Pisander; whom Conon assaulted at the River Cnidus, and after a desperate Fight routed; many Ships he took, and many he sunk; by which Victory not only Athens but all Greece was freed from the Yoke of the Lacedæmonians. Conon with part of the Navy returned to his own Country, was very solicitous in rebuilding the Walls of Athens, with the Haven Pyraeeum, which were demolished by Lysander; and gave his Fellow-Citizens Fifty Talents, which he had received of Pharnabazus.  
Yet it happened to this Great Man as to the Ignoble Pesantry, who was more improvident in the smother than in the rugged part of his Life; for having vanquished the Peloponnesian Squadrons, and satisfied the revengeful thirst of his Country, he aimed at higher things than his Policy could possibly reach; all which Attempts were Pious and Honourable, in as much as he preferred the welfare of Athens before the King's. For when he had acquired a splendid Eminency by the Sea-Fight at Cnidus, he began slily to whisper among the Persians and all the Cities of Greece, that jonia and Aeolis should be surrendered to the Athenians. But this design taking vent, Teribazus Lieutenant of Sardis, inveighled Conon to come to him, pretending to send him to the King upon an Embassy of great importance. Conon obeyed the Message; and as soon as he arrived, was secured in Fetters, which he bore for some time. Others write, that he was brought to the King, and died there. Yet Dinon the Historian, in whom we most confide in Persian Story, informs us, that he escaped; and seems only to doubt, whether it were by the design or inadvertency of Teribazus.   

THE LIFE OF DION.  Done into English by Mr. Clarke, M. A. and Fellow of All-Souls Coll. Oxon. 
DION of Syracuse, Son to Hipparinus, descended from a Noble Family, and was of Kin to both Dionysius', the Tyrants. For the Elder of them married his Sister Aristomache; by whom he had two Sons, Hipparinus and Nysaeus; and as many Daughters, Sophrosyne and Areta. Sophrosyne he gave to his Son and Successor Dionysius, and Areta was allotted to be Dion's Wife; who, besides his Noble Relations, and the Reputation derived to him from his Ancestors, was obliged to Nature for many rare Endowments; among which, an 
x Plate says the same in his 7th Epistle.  Aptness to Learn, a 
* Contradicted by Plutarch in his Life, and Plato in his 4th Epistle, at the end.  Courteous Behaviour, and a Disposition to brave Actions, were conspicuous: Nor was he less happy in a comely and graceful Presence. Besides, his Father left him a vast Estate, which was increased by the 
* The Treasurers ●●d orders to give him what ever he desired. Tlut.  Gifts of the Tyrant. He had a great intimacy with Dionysius the Father, to which his Personal Merits were as instrumental as his Affinity; for though he liked not Dionysius' Cruelty, yet he endeavoured his Safety, upon account of their Alliance, but chiefly with respect to his own Relations. He was consulted with in matters of the greatest concern; and the Tyrant was very much swayed by his Advice, unless in those things where the prevalence of his own Affections overruled. All Embassies of note were performed by him; in which his Civility, together with his faithful and diligent Administration of Affairs, took off from that Imputation of Cruelty, which Dionysius generally lay under. The Carthaginians, to whom he was sent by the Tyrant, honoured him highly, insomuch that they never had any Grecian in more Admiration. Neither was Dionysius ignorant of these things, nor unsensible how great an ornament he was to him; from whence it came to pass, that Dion was most in his Favour, and loved by him as a Son: So that when 'twas reported in Sicily, that Plato was come to Tarentum he did not only give the young Man (who had a great desire to be one of his Hearers) leave to invite him thither; but after the grant, brought him in great state to Syracuse. For him Dion had so great a love and veneration, that he wholly yielded himself to his disposal; which was answered by Plato, who took no less delight in him. For although he was cruelly misused by the Tyrant, who gave order he should be sold for a Slave; yet at Dion's request he had leave to return. In the mean time Dionysius fell sick; and his Distemper 
He surfeited at a Feast which He made for joy he was declared Victor in Poetry. Diod. Sicul. lib. 15.  increasing upon him, Dion went to the Physicians, to inquire how he did; and withal entreated them to let him know, if his Life were in great danger, because he intended to discourse him about dividing the Kingdom; part of it, in his opinion, being due to those Sons his Sister had by him. This Enquiry, the Physicians did not conceal, but carried it to Dionysius the Younger; who was so much concerned, that to prevent any conference between Dion and his Father, he forced the Physicians to give the later a sleeping Potion; which the old man took, and slept his last.  
Such was the beginning of the quarrel between Dionysius and Dion; which many things afterwards fomented. However, for some time there remained an appearance of Friendship; so that Dion being urgent with him, to send for Plato from Athens, and make use of his Counsel, he complied with his desire, that in something he might be like his Father, and at the same time brought 
* Plato calls him Philistides. Epist, 3.  Philistus the Historian back to Syracuse, a man who was equally a Friend to the Tyrant and his Tyranny. But of this I have said more in my Book of the Greek Historians. As for Plato, his Eloquence and Authority so much influenced Dionysius, that by his persuasion he was resolved to restore the Syracusians their Liberties, and put an end to the Tyranny; but being deterred by Philistus from executing his intention, he became more Cruel than before. Finding therefore, that Dion had the advantage of him in Parts, in Authority, and the Love of the People, he feared their staying together might be an occasion of his own Ruin; upon which he gave him a Galley to transport him to Corinth; telling him withal, that what he did was for both their sakes; lest out of the mutual fear which was between them, one might be apt to supplant the other. This action was highly resented by many, and drew great'envy upon the Tyrant; who to make the World believe, that he did it not out of hatred to the man, but merely for his own security, Shipped off all his Movables and sent them to him. But 
* Plutarch says, that the Marriage of Areta to Timocrates was before Dion's Preparations for War.  afterwards, when he heard that Dion was raising Forces in Peloponnesus, with design if he were able to fall upon him, he married his Wife Areta to 
* Timocrates.  another; and ordered his 
* Hipparinus, or Hipparion, or as Timaus says, Aretaus.  Son's Education in such manner, that by giving him his swing he might be tainted with all sorts of Vices. For while he was yet a Boy, they brought him Whores, and so plied him with Wine and Feasts, that he never had leisure to be sober. Insomuch, that when his Father returned, and set Governors over him, to reclaim him from his former way of living; he, not able to endure such a change in his course of life, threw himself from the top of the House, and ended his days.  
But to return; After Dion was come to Corinth, and Heraclides, General of the Horse, 
* Being suspected to be the cause that the Veterans mutinyed, when Dionysius was about to leslen their pay. Plato. Epist. 7.  driven away by the same Dionysius, fled thither also; they hastened their preparations for War, with all diligence, yet made but small progress; for few adventured to run the same risk they did, because a Tyranny of so many year's continuance, was by every one esteemed very formidable. But Dion, who more relied on the ill will that all people bore the Tyrant, than the strength of his own Forces, with only two Merchant-Ships, undauntedly went against a Government which had stood for Fifty 
Syracuse was taken the 48th year of the Tyranny. Plut. Olymp. 106. an. 1. Diod. Sicul.  years, guarded with five hundred long Ships, ten thousand Horse, and an hundred thousand Foot; and to the astonishment of the World, so easily overran it, that within three days of his landing in Sicily he entered Syracuse itself. From whence it is evident, That no Empire is Safe which is not Guarded by Love. At that time Dionysius was in Italy, expecting the Fleet; and did not imagine, that any of his Enemies durst venture upon him without considerable Forces. In which he was mistaken; for Dion, with those very men which were under his Adversary's dominion, abated the Tyrant's Arrogance; and made himself Master of all that part of Sicily which was in subjection to Dionysius, as he did of Syracuse likewise, except the Citadel, and the Island adjoining to the Town. Whereupon the matter was brought to that pass, that the Tyrant was contented to make Peace on the following Articles: That Dion should have Sicily, Dionysius possess Italy, and Syracuse be in the hands of Apollocrates, a man in whom Dionysius reposed the greatest trust. But this unexpected prosperity was attended with a sudden change; Fortune by her fickleness attempting to ruin him, whom just before she had exalted. The first token of her malice, she showed in his Son, whom I mentioned before; for having brought back his Wife, who was given to another, and being desirous to rescue his Son from the Debauchery in which he had been bred, and reduce him to his former Sobriety, he received a grievous blow by the Death of his Child. The next misfortune, was the Dissension between him and Heraclides; who made a Faction, rather than he would yield the priority to Dion, and had as much interest among the Nobility as he; for by their consent he commanded the Naval Forces, at the same time when the other did those at Land. This Dion could not brook; and repeated those Verses in the second Iliad of Homer, to this purpose, That a State cannot be well ordered, where the Government is in the hands of many. The Saying raised him much envy, for by it he seemed to discover an intention of getting all into his own power; which opinion he endeavoured not to lessen by complaisance, but suppress by rigour; and caused Heraclides, when he came to Syracuse, to be killed. An action which struck every body with fear; no man thinking himself safe, now Heraclides was thus taken out of the way. But Dion, being rid of his Adversary, with more licence distributed the Estates of the contrary Party among his Soldiers. After which division, by reason of the greatness of his daily expenses, he quickly began to want Money; which he knew no way to be supplied with, but by siezeing his Friends possessions; upon which it happened, that the gaining the Soldier proved the loss of the Nobility. These things he took very much to heart; and being unaccustomed to be ill spoken of, could not endure to be in disrepute with those who a little before had praised him to the Skies. For the Rabble perceiving the Soldiers were offended with him, spoke more openly, and often reproached him with intolerable Tyranny. As Dion was in this perplexity, not being able to appease their Commotions, and was afraid of the consequence; 
* calippus. Plus.  Callicrates an Athenian, one that accompanied him from Peloponnesus to Sicily, a cunning fraudulent Fellow, without any sense of Religion or Honesty, came to him, and told him the danger he was in, by reason of the disgust of the People, and hatred of the Soldiers; which, without employing one of his Friends to seign himself his Enemy, 'twas impossible to avoid; but if he found one fit for this affair, he might easily know their designs, and ruin his Adversaries, who would certainly declare their intentions to one that seemed at variance with him. The Advice being approved, Callicrates took upon himself to put it in execution; and being advantaged by Dion's unwariness, sought for Associates to kill him, had Meetings with his Enemies, and confirmed the Conspiracy. But many being privy to the business, it was divulged, and brought to Aristomache, Dion's Sister, and Areta his Wife; who in a fright ran with the news to him, for whose Safety they were so much concerned. He assured them, that Callicrates meant him no harm; and what he did, was by his order. However, the Women not satisfied with this, got Callicrates to Proserpine's Temple, and forced him to 
* Plutarch tells us, the manner of his taking this Oath: After some Holy Rites, he had the Goddesses Purple Robe thrown about him, with a burning Torch put in his hand, and so forswear what he was accused of. It was called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the Great Oath; of which there were several sorts.  swore, that Dion should receive no mischief from him. Which Religious Act was so far from making him quit his design, that 'twas a means to hasten the execution; he fearing the Plot might be discovered before it had taken effect. Being thus resolved, the next 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ sacred to Proserpina, for on that day they shaved their children's heads, (and sacrificed to Her) one of the ceremonies used at the enrolment of their Children in their Tribes, which was done at this time. Suid. and Plut.  Festival-Day, when Dion was laid down privately at home in an upper Chamber, he put the strongest places of the City into the hands of the Conspirators; and having surrounded the House with Soldiers, commanded some of them not to stir from the Doors. And that he might not be destitute of means to escape, if Fortune should prove cross to his Designs, he furnished a Galley with Men and Arms; and ordered his Brother Philocrates, who commanded it, to keep it moving in the Port, as if he only intended the exercise of the Rowers. Besides, he chose some Zacynthians of his own Family, strong daring Fellows, and bid them go to Dion unarmed, that so it might seem they came only to pay him a Visit. Their familiarity in the Family immediately gained them admittance into his Chamber; where, as soon as they were entered, they fastened the Doors, fell upon him in his Bed, and bound him; which was not done so silently, but the noise was heard without. Hence it is evident, as I have often said before, how odious a thing the Government of a single Person is; and how miserable a Life they lead, who had rather be the object of their Subject's Fear than Love. For his very Guards, had they bore him any kindness, might have broke open the Doors, and saved his Life; the Conspirators being forced for want of Arms to keep him alive till they could procure a Weapon of those who were out of the Chamber. But no body coming to his rescue, one Lyco a Syracusian, reached them a Sword thro' the Window, with which they dispatched him. The multitude after his death came to look upon him, and not knowing the Murderers, killed several whom they suspected of the fact. For it being noised that Dion was slain, many who disliked the action ran thither, and upon a false surmise killed the Innocent instead of the Guilty. As soon as his Death was publicly known, 'twas strange to see how the People's minds were changed; for they who in his Life-time afforded him no better a name then Tyrant, now called him the Expeller of the Tyrant, and Deliverer of his Country; and so suddenly was Hatred succeeded by Compassion, that if it had been possible, they would have redeemed his Life at the expense of their own. Wherefore by public Order he was buried in the most Honourable place of the City, and by the same had a Tomb erected. He died in the five and fiftieth year of his Age, and the fourth after his return from Peloponnesus into Sicily.   

THE LIFE OF IPHICRATES.  Done into English by Mr. Allam, M. A. of St. Edmund-Hall, Oxon. 
IPHICRATES, the Athenian, became famous to Posterity, rather by his accurate Skill in the Art of War, than the Gallantry of any Noble Achievements. For he was so perfectly furnished with all the necessary Accomplishments requisite to complete a General, that he not only attained the Excellencies of his most eminent Cotemporaries, but might justly dispute Preeminence with the Chief of former Ages. He was so very well experienced in Martial Affairs, that being often entrusted with the Command of entire Armies, he never was defeated by any failure or default of his own; and what Victory soever he obtained, it appeared principally to be owing to his Prudence and Conduct. So great was his Judgement in all things relating to War, that he both advanced the Military Discipline by additional Rules to a far greater perfection than it ever had before his time, and improved those few scattered ones he met with to the best advantage. He also made most commodious and beneficial alterations in the Arms of the Infantry; for whereas before his time broad unwieldy Shields, short Spears, and little Swords were only in use, he changed the first of them into a lighter Target, made somewhat in shape of an Half-Moon, called Pelta, from whence the Foot afterwards received the name of Peltastae; and by this more portable Buckler, he did not only expedite their Marches, but made them capable of receiving their Enemy's onsets with greater readiness and activity. As for the Sword, he augmented its length, but doubled that of the Spear; changing moreover their Breast-Armour from Iron and Brass to those made of Linen; which rendered his Soldiers fitter for Action; and by thus lessening their weight, he at once provided for their ease and security too. He was engaged in a War with the Thracians, and restored Seuthes, an Ally of the Athenians, to his Kingdom. At Corinth he kept the Army to so strict Discipline, that there were in no part of Greece to be found better Trained Forces; or any who with so great readiness received and performed the Commands of a General, even in the most minute particulars; for by his pains and industry they grew so expert in all Military Orders and Postures, that as soon as ever he had but once given the Word of Command, they would immediately form themselves into as regular a Figure, as if the most skilful Commander had ranked each private Soldier in his particular place. With this Army he intercepted a select Party of the Lacedaemonian Horse; which Action was very much extolled throughout all Greece. In the same War he gave their whole Strength a second total Defeat; which also procured him a large stock of Honour. Artaxerxes purposing to fight the King of Egypt, made it his request to the Athenians, that they would grant him Iphicrates, whom he designed as Commander in Chief over his Mercenary Forces, the same amounting to the number of twelve thousand men; and having obtained his desire, he instructed them so fully and exactly in the whole Art of War, that as formerly the best Roman Soldiers were distinguished from the meaner sort by bearing the name of their Leader Fabius; so the Grecians had those under the Command of Iphicrates in the highest esteem. When he went to assist the Lacedæmonians, he soon put a stop to the Attempts of Epaminondas; for had he not hastened his March, the Thebans would not have raised the Siege of Sparta, till they had laid it waste in Ashes, and utter ruin. The greatness of his Spirit bore an equal proportion with that of his Body; his Presence being very Majestic and Commanding, did so clearly bespeak him what really he was, that his bare look of itself was sufficient to strike all Beholders with an Admiration of his Person. Theopompus has recorded, that he was remiss in matters which required continued Labour, and that he could not well brook the hardships of War; yet he had still the character of a good Citizen given him, and was always reputed a Man of a steady and untainted Fidelity; of which, as on several other occasions he gave most undeniable proofs, so he did in a more peculiar manner signalise it by protecting the distressed Orphans of Amyntas the Macedonian. For Eurydice the Mother of Perdiccas and Philip, upon her Husband's death, presently fled with her two Fatherless Children to Iphicrates for succour and patronage; who being rich, generously asserted their just Rights against all kinds of wrong and oppression. He died old, in the Love and Favour of his Fellow-Citizens; though their Affections had been for some time alienated from him; for he, and Timotheus, were forced to make their public Defences in the Associated War; and he was acquitted by those who were constituted his Judges. He left behind him a Son called Menestheus, whom he had by a Thracian Woman, Daughter to King Cotus; who being asked, which he loved best, his Father or Mother? replied, his Mother. And when all the Company wondered at the seeming strangeness of the Answer, he told them, That he did not return that Answer, but upon very good reasons; For my Father, saith he, by Marrying a Barbarian used his utmost endeavours that I should be one also; but my Mother did as much as in her lay to make me the Son of an Athenian.   

THE LIFE OF CHABRIAS.  Done into English by Mr. Kennett, of St. Edmund-Hall Oxon. 
CHABRIAS was an Athenian; one that bore a Name in the Catalogue of their greatest Commanders; and performed several Exploits that very well deserve the Recording. Among which, there ought more especially to be remarked, that Stratagem which he made use of at Thebes, when he came to assist the Boeotians: For in that Engagement Agesilaus, the Lacedaemonian General, being very confident of obtaining the Victory, and having made so great a step toward it, as the putting to flight all the Mercenary Forces of the Adverse Party; Chabrias procured the other Troops to keep their station, while by his own example of kneeling down upon his Buckler, and holding out his Spear or Pike aslaunt, he taught them in that manner to expect the onset of the Enemy. Agesilaus being surprised at so unwonted a sight, durst make no farther attempt upon them, but immediately sounded a Retreat, and thereby summoned his Soldiers to fall back, when they were just ready to have made the assault. This contrivance was so much applauded throughout all Greece, that Chabrias ordered himself to be drawn in that defensive posture in the Statue which was erected for him in the Forum at Athens, at the public charge of that City. And from hence it commenced a custom, that ever after all Gladiators, and other Fencers, were wont to have their Statues carved to the same posture wherein they had got their respective Victories. But to return, Chabrias waged several Wars in Europe, while he was commissioned a General of the Athenians; and behaved himself bravely in Egypt, when he served as a private Volunteer. Going to the help of Nectanebus, he got him settled in his Kingdom. He came off with as good success at Cyprus; though there indeed he was publicly appointed by the Athenians as a Colleague with Evagoras; nor did he dispatch from hence till he had subdued the whole Island; and from the happy management of this Enterprise, the Athenians purchased themselves a vast credit. In the mean while arose a War between the Persians and Egyptians; the Athenians entered into League with Artaxerxes King of Persia, and the Lacedæmonians sided with the Egyptians; of whom Agesilaus, King of Lacedaemon, made a very considerable advantage. Chabrias taking notice of this, and thinking himself no way inferior to Agesilaus, frankly offered his Service to the assistance of the Egyptians; and was made Admiral of their Fleet, Agesilaus being Commander of their Infantry. Upon this, the Captains who were employed by the King of Persia, dispatched Messengers to Athens, to complain that Chabrias took part with the Egyptians in a War against their Master. The Athenians hereupon fixed a day, by which time if Chabrias returned not, they threatened he should forfeit his Life, for disobeying the Summons. Chabrias at this news comes back to Athens; yet stayed there no longer than was just necessary to avoid the penalty which was otherwise denounced against him. For he was not fond of residing among his own Countrymen; having lived so splendidly, and fared so high, that he could not but raise the Envy of the Rabble. For this indeed is a common fault in Great and Free Cities, That Envy is always fastened upon Glory; and most Persons are extreme forward in detracting from those, who are promoted to be their Superiors. And, what is ordinary to observe, the Poor cannot without regret at their own harder Fate, cast an eye upon the more ample Fortunes of the Rich. Chabrias upon these considerations was as much abroad as his Affairs could dispense with. And herein he was not singular, in his caution of staying little at home in Athens; for almost all their eminent men took the same course; thinking themselves so far removed from Envy as they were distant from their own Native Country. Conon for this reason lived the most part in Cyprus, Iphicrates in Thrace, Timotheus in Lesbus, and Chares in Sigaeum. This Chares, it is true, was different from the rest both in Temper and Action; yet he was a Person of great Honour and Wealth at Athens. But finally, Chabrias came thus to his end, in the Social War; The Athenians laid Siege to Chium, Chabrias was in the Navy only as a Reformade, yet he had greater Authority than any who were in places of Command; the Common Soldiers paying more respect to him than to any of their Officers, which proved the occasion of hasting his Death: For whilst he was ambitious of making the first Entrance into the Harbour, and accordingly had directed the Pilot to steer in, this Adventure cost him his Life; for when he was got in, none of the other Vessels would follow; whereupon, being surrounded with the Attacks of the Enemy, he fought courageously, till the Ship sprung a Leak, by some damage toward the Head, and began to sink under him. Hereupon, being unable to make any escape; for if he had thrown himself overboard, the Athenians would have took him up as he swum; he therefore chose rather to die in his station, than to lay down his Arms and quit the Ship. None of the other Seamen would run the same hazard, but leaped out, and escaped safe to shore; while Chabrias, preferring an honourable Death before an ignoble and slavish Life, fight hand to hand upon the Deck, was at last killed on the place.   

THE LIFE OF TIMOTHEUS.  Done into English by the Honourable Mr. Booth, of Ch. Ch. Coll. Oxon. 
TIMOTHEUS, the Son of Conon, an Athenian, increased his Hereditary Honour by his own Acquired Virtues; for he was Eloquent, Stout, and Industrious; and no less famous for the management of Civil than Military Affairs. He performed many eminent Exploits; but these following seem the most notable: He conquered the Olynthians and Byzantins, and took Samos; in which Enterprise (the year before) the Athenians had spent two hundred thousand Talents, yet Timotheus gained this Island without putting the Public to any Expense. He managed the War against Cotys, and took a Booty from him, for the Commonwealth, worth two hundred thousand Talents. He also raised the Siege of Cyzicus; and accompanied Agesilaus when he went to assist Ariobarzanes; of whom when Agesilaus received present Pay, Timotheus chose rather to increase the Possessions of his Fellow-Citizens, then accept of that his own private Family could only partake of; therefore he took Erichthon and Sestus.  
Timotheus being made Admiral of the Navy, sailing along by Peloponnesus, he wasted the Country of Laconia, and beat their Fleet. He reduced Corcyra under the Government of the Athenians, with their Confederates of Epirus, Acarnania, and Chaonia, and all the Countries that bordered upon that Sea. By which Action of his, the Lacedæmonians were forced to let fall their old Quarrel, and voluntarily to offer the Athenians the Dominion of the Seas; a Peace being Concluded between these two Commonwealths, one Article was, That the Athenians should be Lords at Sea. So great Joy was there at Athens upon the news of this Victory, that then it was that public Altars were first Erected to the Goddess of Peace, and a Pallet appointed Her. The Memory of which noble Act, that they might perpetuate, they erected a Statue for him in the Forum; which Honour was never paid to any man before him, viz. That the same People who had set up a Statue for the Father should give the Son one to; the last serving to revive the Memory of the former.  
When Timotheus was very ancient, and had quite left off all public business, War began to threaten the Athenians on every side. Samus and Hellespont revolted; and Philip of Macedon, being very powerful, made great Preparations for a War. Against whom, when they had sent Chares, they thought him not strong enough to oppose him; and thereupon make Menestheus (the Son of Iphicrates, and Son-in-Law to Timotheus) their General; and order him to go to the War. They also send along with him his Father and Father-in-Law, to be his Councillors; Men excelling in Experience and Wisdom, whose Advice he should always follow, because they were Persons of such Authority, that there was great hopes by their means they might recover all they had lost. When these two were gone to Samos, and Chares had intelligence of it, he drew all his Forces thither, lest there should be any Action in his absence. It so happened, that when they came near the Island, there arose a great storm; for the avoiding of which, the two old Generals thought it very expedient, to cast Anchor. But Chares, without any consideration, not obeying the Commands of his Councillors, but as if he had Fortune in the Ship with him, draws near to Engage; and sends a Messenger to Timotheus and Iphicrates, commanding them to follow him. This Attempt having succeeded ill, and losing a considerable number of his Ships, he retires back again from whence he came, and dispatches an Express to Athens, to let them know, that he could easily have taken Samos, had he not been deserted by Timotheus and Iphicrates. Upon this Accusation of his, they were Impeached. The Commons, who were fierce, jealous, factious, changeable, and Enemies also to all in Power, call them home; and accuse them of betraying their Country. In this Trial Timotheus is cast, and Fined an hundred Talents; and so being compelled, through the ill will of an ungrateful City, he retires to Calcis. After his Death, the People repenting of the Sentence they had passed upon him, remitted all but a tenth part of his Fine, and oblige his Son Conon to repair part of a Wall. In which Action may be seen the various turns of Fortune; for those very Walls which the Grandfather Conon had Rebuilt with the Spoils of the Enemy, is the Nephew forced to Repair, out of his own Estate, to the great Scandal of his Family. We might produce many instances of the Wisdom and Moderation of Timotheus; but one shall suffice; from whence we may easily conjecture, how dear he was to his Friends. When he was but a young Man, he was forced at Athens to plead for himself; and not only his Friends and private Acquaintance came to his Assistance, but also Jason the Tyrant, who at that time was a Man of very considerable Power. This Man, though in his own Kingdom, never thought himself safe without his Guards about him, yet came alone to Athens, valuing his Friend at so dear a rate, that he rather chose to endanger his own Life, than not assist Timotheus in vindicating his Honour. But notwithstanding all this, Timotheus soon after, by the Command of the People, fought against him; accounting the obligations to his Country greater than those of Friendship. This was the last Age of the Athenian Commanders; for after Iphicrates, Chabrias, and Timotheus, there was no Commander of any note in that City.   

THE LIFE OF DATAMES.  Done into English by Mr. Edward's, M. A. and Fellow of St. John's Coll. Oxon. 
DATAMES a Carian, the Son of Camissares by'a Scythian Lady, was the most considerable, for Valour and prudent Conduct, of any of those of the Barbarous Nations, except the two famous Carthaginians, Hamilcar and Hannibal. What he did was great, and out of the usual road; yet so little known, that we are obliged to be the larger in our Account of him: For he never owed his Success to the greatness of his Army, or to any of the common causes of it; but always to that which seemed his peculiar Talon, a most extraordinary Policy. His first Employment was in the Guards at Artaxerxes his Court; but his Father, as the Reward of his eminent Courage and Constant Fidelity to the King, had the Government of that part of Cilicia which lies upon Capadocia, and is inhabited by the Leucosyrians. Datames having a Command in the Army, first signalised himself in the War against the Cadusians; in which there were many thousands killed, and chiefly by his means; for which Service, Camissares likewise falling in the Battle, he succeeded him in the Province.  
Autophradates being sent by the King to reduce some to their obedience who had revolted, he behaved himself with equal Gallantry; for by his management a small Party surprised the Enemy in their Camp, and destroyed them; the greatest part of the Army doing no service at all in the Action. After this, he was removed to higher Employments; for Thyus, the Prince of Paphlagonia, (descended from that Pyloemenes which Homer says was slain by Patroclus in the Trojan War) not sufficiently complying with the King, Datames (who was his Cousin-German) was sent with an Army to force his submission to the King's Pleasure. But he intending to use his utmost endeavours, to make his Relation sensible of his Duty upon easy terms, and not suspecting any Treachery from a Friend, went to him without any Attendants; Although his Confidence put him in extreme danger; for Thyus had resolved upon a private Assasination, Datames having intelligence of the design from his Mother, who was Thyus' Aunt, and understood his intentions, made his escape, and immediately proclaimed the War; which he vigorously continued, though he was deserted by Ariobarzanes the Governor of Lydia, jonia, and all Phrygia; and made not only Thyus, but his Wife and Children too, his Captives.  
He made all the haste imaginable, that the news of this Exploit might not get to the King before him, and got privately to Court, without any one's knowledge. The next day he showed his Captive, who was a vast black hairy Man, with a frightful and ghastly countenance, dressed very richly in the Habit of a Persian Nobleman; with a Golden Collar, and all other Princely Ornaments. He himself appeared meanly, like a Peasant, in a Hunter's Head-piece, made of the Skins of several Beasts; with a Club in one hand, and Toils in the other; and brought him out in such a manner as if he had been some cruel Monster, just subdued. So unusual a sight drew a great many Spectators; one being accidentally there that knew Thyus, informed the King of it. But he at first suspecting so strange a story, commanded Pharnabazus to go and bring him a certain relation of the thing; from whom, when he had received full satisfaction, he commanded him to be brought into his Presence, and was infinitely pleased with the humour; but especially, that so great a Prince should so unexpectedly come into his hands. After he had for this nobly rewarded Datames, he sent him to the Army which was then raised against Egypt, under Pharnabazus ●nd Tithraustes, and gave him a Command equal to theirs; and after Pharnabazus was recalled, He was made Generalissimo. But whilst he was hastening the general Rendesvouz of the Army, and preparing for his March to Egypt, he received an Express from the King, that he should go against Aspis, the Governor of Cataonia; a Country which lies above Cilicia, and borders upon Cappadocia. For Aspis depending upon his Woods and strong Frontier-Towns, not only disobeyed some of the King's Commands, but robbed his Carriages, and made incursions on all about him. Tho Datames was at a great distance from Cataonia, and then in the management of greater Affairs, yet he yielded to the King's pleasure; and in order to the execution of it, set Sail only with a few, but very stout Men; supposing, (as indeed it afterwards happened) that he could have more advantage over him with a small Company upon surprise, then with a great Army after open defiance. Being arrived at Cilitia, he continued his Marches till he had passed over Mount Taurus, and was come to the end of his Journey. Enquiring for Aspis, he understood that he was hunting near that place. The occasion of Datames' coming was presently suspected; and therefore Aspis immediately put the Pisidae, and others he had with him, in a posture of defence. Upon notice of which, Datames mustered up his Men, and commanded them to follow him; and being mounted on an excellent Horse, rid briskly up to the Enemy. But Aspis perceiving the vigour of the first onset, the least endeavours of resistance were discouraged; he immediately surrendered himself; and was sent in Chains to the King, by Mithridates.  
Artaxerxes, whilst these things were in agitation, recollecting, that he had called one of his best Commanders from a considerable Post, and sent him upon a trivial employment; but thinking that perhaps he was not yet gone, dispatched a Messenger to Ace, with orders that he should by no means leave the Army. But the Command was superseded; for those that guarded Aspis were met upon the way. Datames having accomplished his business with such unexpected Expedition, was greater in the King's Favour then ever; and became so considerable, that he was the Envy of the whole Court. For they perceived, that his single interest was greater than theirs in conjunction; and therefore all jointly conspired his ruin. Pandates the Treasurer, who was his Confident, made him acquainted with all their designs, and told him by Letter what danger he was in, if any miscarriage should happen during his Conduct in Egypt; That Kings took the Honour of great Actions to themselves, but always imputed ill success to their Ministers; and therefore were easily inclined to disgrace those whom they thought the occasion of it; That His condition was worse than any others, because it was the temper of the King, to hate those most who had before been his chief Favourites. Having received this news upon his coming back to the Army at Ace, and knowing the advice was not to be contemned, he resolved to leave the King's Service, but did nothing that was inconsistent with his Trust; for he left the Army under Mandrocles a Magnesian, went with a Detachment of his own Men into Cappadocia, and seized Paphlagonia, which lay next to it, without discovering his disaffection to the King. After which he held a secret correspondence with Ariobarzanes, got some men together, and placed them in the fortified Towns for the defence of the Garrisons. But it being Winter, the season of the year hindered some of his designs.  
Hearing the Pisidae were preparing some Forces against him, he sent his Son Arisideus thither with an Army. The young General was killed in the Engagement. But his Father, concealing the loss he had received, went with some more men into the Field, being willing to get to the Enemy before his Soldiers had the report of the Defeat; for he thought the news of his Son's Death would very much discourage them. Being arrived at the place he designed, he so Encamped that he could neither be oppressed with the numerous Forces of the Enemy, nor yet hindered from making any advantageous Assault. His Father-in-Law Mithrobarzanes, Captain of the Horse, was then with him; but thinking their condition very desperate, went over to the Enemy. Of which Datames having notice, he presently considered, that the noise of his being deserted by so considerable a man might make the rest revolt; and therefore gave out, that Mithrobarzanes was by his orders gone away like a Renegade, that he might be admitted by the Enemy, and so destroy them with less difficulty. That therefore they ought not to deliver him into their hands, but immediately to follow him; which if they did with resolution, the Pisidae could make no resistance, for they would be slain both in their Camp and in the Field. The Design being approved of, he led out his Army, and pursued Mithrobarzanes; upon whose approach to the Enemy, Datames commanded his Standard to be set up. The Pisidae being in great confusion at the suddenness of the business, suspected the Renegades, and imagined they came with a treacherous design of doing the greater mischief. Therefore they first fell upon them; which surprising Accident put them in such disorder, that they were forced to fight with those to whom they had fled, and assist those whom they had deserted; but being spared by neither, were all presently cut off. Datames afterwards falling upon the Pisidae, forced them to fly, killed many in the pursuit, and took possession of their Camp. By this Stratagem he at once punished the Deserters, and gained a Victory over his Enemies; and made that which was intended for his Ruin, the means of his Success. And perhaps it was a Design so cunningly laid, and in so little time effected, that History can show nothing parallel to it.  
Notwithstanding these great Exploits, Scismas his eldest Son left him, and gave the King an account of his defection. Artaxerxes being troubled at the news, (for he knew he was to deal with a man of undaunted Courage, one who never designed any thing but what he dared venture to effect, and never attempted any thing but what he had sufficiently considered) sent Autophradates into Cappadocia. Datames endeavoured to possess himself of the Forest, which is the passage. to Cilicia; but not being able so suddenly to get his men together, he was obliged to take other measures; yet he chose so commodious a place for his Camp, that the Enemy could neither enclose him, nor pass by him without being attacked in several places; and was posted so advantageously, that in any Encounter their Multitudes could do very little damage to his small Company.  
Although Autophradates was sensible of all this, yet he was resolved rather to engage him, then either to continue long in that place, or go back with a great Army; for he had in the Field twenty thousand Horse, an hundred thousand Foot, and three thousand Slingers; which were the Cardaces, a people of the Lesser Asia; besides these, eight thousand out of Cappadocia, ten out of Armenia, five from Paphlagonia, ten from Phrygia, five from Lydia, about three thousand of the Aspendii and Pisidae, two from Cilicia, as many of the Caspians, and three thousand Mercenaries, which he had out of Greece; besides a considerable number of Light-Horse. All Datames' hopes of doing any thing against such mighty Forces, were in himself, and the convenience of the place wherein he was Encamped; for he had not the twentieth part of the men which were brought by Autophradates. Nevertheless with these he ventured to give him Battle; and in it, with but the loss of about a thousand men, cut off several thousands of His. In memory of which he erected a Trophy, the next day, in the place where they fought. After he had removed his Camp from thence, though his Army was ever the least, yet he was still greatest when the Fight was done; for he understood the Country, and always contrived, that the Enemy should be confined to such narrow places, where he had no room to manage any considerable number of men. Autophradates finding the War proved more unsuccessful to his Master then to Datames, solicited him to a Peace, and promised to restore him to the King's Favour. He accepted the Conditions, though he did not think them real; and said he intended to send his Ambassadors to Artaxerxes, in order to an Accommodation. And the War being thus ended, Autophradates went into Phrygia.  
But the King hated Datames so implacably, that when he saw his destruction could not be accomplished by any open Force, he endeavoured by some secret Methods to take him off. But he defeated several of their designs; of which the most remarkable was this: He had intelligence, that some about him, and such as were reputed his Friends, had contrived his Death; this he thought, because it came from his Enemies, was neither to be overmuch credited, nor perfectly slighted; but being willing to see the reality of the thing, he went to the very place where he was told they intended the Assasination; To one that exactly resembled him for shape and stature, he likewise gave his Habit, and commanded him during the Journey to represent him, by riding in his place. He himself was Accoutered like a Common Soldier, and Rid amongst His Guards. And charged all the Company to observe his motions, and second them. When the Conspirators saw the Company; they were deceived by the place and dress, and assaulted the Counterfeit; which when Datames perceived, he presently threw out his Darts, and the rest (according to the Sign) doing so too, they were all killed upon the spot.  
Yet at last this sagacious Man was overreached by a project of Mithridates, the Son of Ariobarzanes; who assured the King of his Death, upon condition he might act as he pleased with impunity. The liberty being granted, and the Promise (according to the Custom of the Persians) confirmed by the Hand, he pretended an open Defiance of the King, raised Forces, besieged his Towns, and vexed his Provinces; by Agents desired a correspondence with Datames, and after a Distribution amongst his Soldiers, complemented him with a Present of rich Spoils. By these Actions he persuaded Datames, that he had engaged himself in an everlasting Quarrel with the King; but however, to prevent the least suspicion of his designs, he neither desired a Conference with him or an Interview; but managed his false Friendship so well at distance, that nothing should seem to be the foundation of it, but their common Hatred of the King.  
When he thought he had sufficiently settled him in this opinion, he sent him word, that it was necessary they should prepare greater Forces, and engage themselves in an Actual War with the King himself; and if he approved the Proposal, that he would meet him at any place he should choose, to consult farther about it. The time and place being appointed; Mithridates, going thither some days before, with one that was his Confident, hid several Swords, and nicely observed how they lay. When the day came which they had fixed upon, they both sent some Servants to view the place, and then met according to the agreement. After they had spent some time in the debate, and were parted, Mithridates (that he might not be at all suspected) before he was got to his Company, returned to the same place, and sat down where he had buried one of the Daggers, as if he had designed only to rest himself. But having taken up the Weapon, and concealed it under his Clothes, he sent for Datames, under pretence that he had forgotten some important matter; and told him, that as he passed along he had ' spied a very convenient place for their Camp. Datames turning, and looking with some earnestness upon the place which he showed him, was immediately stabbed in the Back, and died before any one could come up to his assistance. Thus he that had overreached many by generous Stratagems, but none by any base Treachery, was at last deceived and ruined by the plausible pretences of Friendship.   

THE LIFE OF EPAMINONDAS.  Done into English by Mr. Lane, Fellow of Merton Coll. Oxon. 
EPAMINONDAS the Son of Polymnius, was a Theban. But before we begin our account of him, it seems necessary to desire the Readers, that they would not make an Estimate of other People's Manners by their own; nor suppose, that things of small value with them, bear the same rate amongst all the rest of Mankind. Music (we know) according to our sentiments is below the Dignity of a Prince; to Dance, the mean Employ of Slaves; yet amongst the Grecians these are Gentile Accomplishments, of great repute. Epaminondas' Character deserves to have nothing omitted, that may conduce to the knowledge of so great a Man; wherefore we shall in the first place discourse of his Parentage, in the next of his Education, then of his Manners and Disposition, (and if there be any thing else on those heads worth relating); and in the last place, concerning his Actions; These are the great concern of life, and are by most preferred before all the solitary Habits of a lazy Virtue. His Father's name you have heard before. His Family was Gentile, yet such as might receive, not give a lustre. Poverty seemed entailed upon him from his Ancestors; yet never was Theban more Gently Educated. He learned to play on the Lute, and to Sing, from Dionysius; whose Fame in Music was not less than the celebrated Names of Damon or Lamprus. Olympiodorus taught him the Flute, and Calliphron to Dance. His Tutor in Philosophy was Lysis the Tarentinian, of the Pythagorean Sect; He was so great an Admirer of this old Man, that his reserved severe Conversation pleased him better than the gay Company of his Equals; Neither would he leave him, till he had so far outgone his Fellow-Pupils, that it was apparent his Excellence in other Arts would be proportionate to his happy success in these. If you give a judgement according to our Customs, these things may seem mean and contemptible, and not proper Themes of Praise; yet were they anciently in Greece of as great concern as good Breeding could make them. After he was fifteen years old, he betook himself to the Academy, for the Exercises of the Body; where he did not so much aim at greatness of strength, as nimbleness in motion; The first he knew might gain applause in a Ring, the other was of the greatest use in War. Therefore he designed to himself such a perfection in Running and Wrestling, as he might be able while he was standing on his Feet to grapple and close with his Enemy; but neglected the other tricks of these Exercises, which were performed by the Parties tugging and tumbling one another on the Ground. These were his Recreations; Arms were his serious business. This Strength of Body thus gained, was attended with a more numerous train of the Goods of the Mind. He was modest, prudent, grave in his Behaviour, of great Address, and none more wise in managing each juncto of time to the greatest advantage. He was well Skilled in the Art of War, Valiant in the Duties of it, and of an undaunted Courage; So severe a Lover of Truth, that he would not Lie in Jest; chaste, compassionate, and patient in an eminent degree; easily forgiving, not only the Injuries of the Multitude, but of his Friends; Above all things, careful to conceal Secrets committed to him; which sort of Silence is sometimes of as great advantage as the clearest Eloquence. He thought the readiest way to Learn was to Hear; therefore when he came to any place in which Debates were held, either in Politics or Philosophy, he never departed until the Discourse was at an end. Poverty was so easy a thing to him, that Glory was the only advantage he made of the Commonwealth. In his Necessities he was perfidiously deserted by his Friends; yet was his Kindness so constant to others in their Wants, that one would guests his Principle was, That Friends have all things in Common. Thus, when any of his Countrymen were taken Captive, or any of his Acquaintance had a Daughter Marriageable, who could not be preferred for want of Fortune, he called a Consult of Friends, allotted to every one (according to the proportion of his Estate) what he should give, and when the designed sum was made up, he would not himself receive it; but introduced the person who was to receive the benefit, to collect it, that he might know how much he owed to every one's kindness. He gave a brave experiment of his Integrity in the repulse of Diomedon the Cyricenian, who at the request of Artaxerxes had undertaken to corrupt Epaminondas; in pursuit of this design, he comes to Thebes with vast Sums of Gold, and with a Present of five Talents brings over to his Party Micythus, a young Man whom Epaminondas dearly loved. Micythus addresses himself to Epaminondas, and acquaints him with the Gift he had received, and the reason of Diomedon's coming; whereupon he sent for Diomedon, and thus speaks to him; There is no want of Money; for if the King desires such things as are for the Interest of Thebes, I am ready to comply with him without the Bribe of a Reward: But if they are of another nature, he has not Silver and Gold enough. For the Love of my Country weighs more with me, than all the Riches of the Universe. That you, who did not know me, and thought me like yourself, made this Attempt upon my Virtue, is no wonder; and I forgive you: But haste you hence. Such Temptations may prevail on others, though they can't on me. And you, Micythus, restore him his Money; which if you do not presently do, I will deliver you up into hands of Justice. Diomedon, dejected at the resolute Honesty of the Man, now only desires, to return safely Home, and carry his Treasures along with him. You shall (replies Epaminondas), not for your sake, but my own; lest if your Money should be taken from you, any one should suspect, That I accepted that as a Spoil, which I had before refused as a Gift; and did not so much contemn the Bribe, as hate the Obligations of it. Then he asked him, whither he would be conveyed; and Diomedon answering to Athens, he gave him a Guard to conduct him thither; and not content with this, he took care, by his Friend Chabrias the Athenian (whom we have mentioned before), that he should securely take Shipping there, I suppose this is a sufficient testimony of his unshaken Honesty. We might produce a great many more of the like nature, but we must deny ourselves that liberty▪ because we design in this one Volume to comprehend the Lives of many Illustrious Persons; upon each of whom other Writers before us have bestowed large Commentaries. He was the most eloquent of the Thebans; nor less acute in extemporary Repartee, than persuasive in continued Discourses. One Meneclides was his professed Enemy, always opposing him in the Government of the Commonwealth; He was a Man ready and bold in Discourse; that is, he was a Theban; to which Nation Nature seems to have allotted more of Strength then Wit. When this Man found, that Epaminondas' Conduct in Military Affairs gained him ●eputation, he began to advise the Thebans, To lay aside the thoughts of War, and enjoy themselves in Peace. This he did, not out of any Love to his Country, but to stifle the occasions of Epaminondas' Glory. To this Epaminondas replies, War indeed is a dismal Word; and 'tis the Sound alone that you make use of, to affright our Citizens from their interest. 'Tis Ease that you pretend, but Slavery is meant; for the Foundations of Peace are best laid by the Sword; and they that propose to themselves an undisturbed and flourishing Tranquillity, must be well Disciplined in War. Therefore (O Thebans) would you raise your State above the rest of Greece? This Glory is to be gained in Camps, not Schools of Exercise. At another time, when this same Meneclides objected to him, that he was never married, and had no Children; and principally insisted on this, as a great height of insolence, that he durst compare his own Actions with those of Agamemnon's. He answered, Meneclides, do not object the want of a Wife; for I should in that affair sooner take any Man's advice than yours, (for Meneclides lay under the suspicion of a very incontinent Fellow): But you are mistaken, if you think it my Ambition to reach Agamemnon's Glory; for he, with the Assistance of all Greece, scarcely at last, in ten years' time, took one City; whereas I, on the other side, with the single Forces of one City, and in one day, routed the Lacedæmonians, and delivered all Greece from Slavery. When he went to the Convention of the States of Arcadia, to engage them in a League with the Thebans and Argives, he found there Callistratus the Athenian Ambassador, to oppose his designs, who was esteemed the best Orator of his time; he very bitterly inveighed against the Thebans and Argives, who were then Confederates; and amongst the rest of the Invectives, were these, That the Arcadians should consider what kind of Men both Cities had produced, and from thence give a judgement of the rest; Orestes and Alcmeon were Argives, and these wickedly murdered their Mother; O'dippus was born at Thebes, who when he had Killed his Father, Married his Mother, and had Children by her. When Epaminondas had answered the rest of his Speech, he came at last to his Railing, and said, He wondered at the Folly of the Athenian Orator, who did not consider, That these Men were born Innocent, but when they had contracted Wickedness enough to be Expelled their own Country, were yet thought good enough to be Received and Caressed at Athens. But than did his Eloquence most eminently appear, when before the Battle of Leuctra, all the Ambassadors of the Confederates were met at Sparta: Here, in this great Assembly, he so clearly set forth the Tyranny of the Lacedæmonians, that his Discourse did as much shake the Greatness of that State as the Battle at Leuctra; for than it was (which appeared afterwards) that they were deprived of the Assistance of their Allies. That he was a very forgiving Man, and thought it unlawful to be angry at, or revenge, the Injuries of his Country, take the following instances: When Envy had so far worked him out of the Affections of his Citizens, that they would not choose him General, but supplied that Trust with a very unskilful Commander, whose imprudence led their Forces into such straits that they were enclosed by their Enemies, and now near Ruin; they began to reflect upon, and wish for, the good Conduct of Epaminondas, who was at this time a Common Soldier in the Army; To him they apply themselves for Assistance; who taking no notice of their Ingratitude, raised the Enemy's Leaguer, and secured a safe Retreat to the Army. Such Actions as these he often performed; but that which bears a greater lustre than any of the rest, is his brave deportment when he led the Army into Peloponnesus against the Lacedæmonians; in which Expedition he had two Colleagues, one of which was Pelopidas, a very valiant Man; who falling under the Envy of some Crimes that were fastened upon him by his adversaries, all their Commands were taken from them, and new Praetors appointed to succeed. Epaminondas refused to obey this Act of State, and persuaded his Colleagues to do the like; and so they proceeded in the management of that War. The reason upon which Epominandas acted was this, He foresaw (if he complied) the Ignorance and Folly of the designed Commanders would ruin the Army: The Law was, That it should be Death for any man to retain his Command longer than was limited by his Commission. This Epaminondas well understood, and the danger of it; but did not think fit, That the Law which was made for the Preservation of the Commonwealth should be turned to its Ruin; therefore he durst continue his Command four months longer than the the People had Enacted. After their return home, his Colleagues being impeached upon this Crime, he permitted them to cast the whole guilt upon him, and to plead, that it was wholly thro' his means they had not obeyed the Orders of the State. Which Plea brought them clearly off; but none could believe Epaminondas would make any Reply, because the Crime being plain, they could not fancy what Defence could be made in the Case. He makes his Appearance, pleads Guilty to his Indictment, and confesses all that his Colleagues had laid to his Charge; and tells them, that he was very ready to undergo the punishment the Law appointed; but now, being a Dying Man, desired this one favour of them, that this Inscription might be wrote on his Tomb, Epaminondas was put to Death by the Thebans, because at Leuctra he forced them to overcome the Lacedæmonians; whom, before he was General, not a Man of the whole Country of Boeotia had the Courage to look upon in the Field; and that in one Battle he not only raised Thebes from out of its Ruins, but restored all Greece its Liberty; and so far changed the Scene of Affairs, that the Thebans besieged Sparta, and the Lacedaemonian Pride was brought so low as to be contented not to be Slaves; Neither, though commanded, would he lay down his Arms till he had Fortified Messena, and by that means laid a perpetual Bridle upon the proud City of Sparta. This Speech raised Admiration, Laughter, and Applause in the whole Assembly; so that not one of the Judges durst give their Verdict. And thus he came off this Trial for his Life with great Reputation. The last time he was General, was at Mantinaea; where, pressing too boldly amongst the Enemies, they soon apprehended the advantage, and (knowing his Death would be the safety of their Country) turned their whole Force upon him, encompassed him, and would not leave the pursuit, till after a great Slaughter on both sides, and a brave resistance made by Epaminondas, they saw him (wounded with a Dart) fall to the ground. This sad accident did at first somewhat discourage the Boeotians; but recollecting themselves, Revenge succeeded Grief, and they gave not over till they had utterly routed the Enemy. Epaminondas finding himself mortally wounded, and knowing, that should the Shaft be pulled out of his Head he must immediately die, kept it in so long till 'twas told him his Army had got the Victory; Then (says he) I have lived long enough, for I shall die unconquered. So the Iron being drawn out, he immediately expired. He was never Married; for which Pelopidas (who had a very Debauched Son) thus reproving him, that he took but little Care of the Commonwealth, who would not leave Children behind him to support it after his Death. He replies, Consider whether you do not perform worse Offices to it, in leaving so lewd an Heir, who may help to destroy, but cannot maintain a Commonwealth: But as for me, I cannot want Issue; the Leuctrian Victory is my Offspring, which will not only survive me, but will immortalize my Name. At the time that the Exiles, under the Conduct of Pelopidas, surprised Thebes, and drove the Lacedaemonian Garrison out of the Castle, Epaminondas (so long as his own Citizens were engaged in the Fight) kept himself at home, and forbore all Action. The reason of which proceeding was, that he could not in Honour join with these Betrayers of their Country, nor would he appear in Arms against them, because he would not slain himself with the Blood of his Countrymen; for he well knew, That Victory in a Civil War was at best but an unfortunate Prize. But this same Man, as soon as the Battle was drawn off as far as the Cadmea, and the Lacedæmonians only concerned, thrust himself into the foremost Rank. I think I shall have said enough of the Virtues and Actions of this great Man, if I add but this one thing, which none can deny, That before Epaminondas' Birth, and after his Death, Thebes was constantly subject to a Foreign Power; but on the contrary, while he Presided in that Commonwealth, it became the Leading State of Greece. Whence we may draw this conclusion, That the Bravery of one Great Man does more advance a State than the whole Mass of People.   

THE LIFE OF PELOPIDAS.  Done into English by Mr. Creech. 
PELOPID AS, the Theban, is more famous in History then common Talk; of whose Virtues I cannot tell in what manner I shall treat; for should I give a full descriptionof of his Actions, 'tis justly to be feared, that I should rather seem to write a History than his Life; and if I should only touch upon the heads, that then I should cloud his Reputation; and those who are unacquainted with the Greek Histories, would not perceive how great a Man he was: Therefore, to the best of my power to prevent both, I shall provide against the satiety as well as ignorance of my Readers. Phaebidas the Spartan, as he led his Army thro' Thebes towards Olynthus, at the instigation of some few Thebans (who, that they might the more easily check the contrary Faction, sided with the Spartan interest) surprised the Citadel Cadmea; and this he did, not by any order from the State, but upon his own head; for which the Lacedæmonians took away his Commission, and set a Fine upon him; but refused to surrender the Castle to the Thebans; concluding it more politic, now distaste was once given, to continue a Guard upon them, then permit them to be free. For after the Peloponnesian War, and the Athenians overcome, they saw the Thebans only stand in competition, and dare to oppose their Empire. Upon this account they put their Friends in power; and as for the Heads of the contrary Faction, some they Butchered, and some they Banished; amongst which, this Pelopidas (whom I mentioned in the beginning) was an Exile. Almost all these fled to Athens, not to live lazily, and at ease; but as being the nearest and most convenient station, whence on the first opportunity they might endeavour the freedom of their Country: And therefore as soon as time appeared, upon agreement with their friends at Thebes, they made choice of that day in which the Governors used to meet at a public Banquet, to destroy their Enemies, and free the City: Great Actions are often performed with no great force; but certainly never before from so mean a beginning as this, was so great an Empire overthrown: For not above twelve of the banished Youth undertook the Enteprise, and not above an hundred would join with them in so dangerous an Attempt; and yet by this despicable number was the Power of the Spartans' Ruined: for these did not so much Attempt the contrary Faction in Thebes, as the Lacedæmonians, the then Lords of Greece; and whose Empire, first wounded by this Action, was a little while after in the Battle of Leuctra, brought to the last gasp: Now these twelve, Pelopidas their Leader, leaving Athens in the daytime, that about the dusk of the Evening they might reach Thebes, to prevent suspicion they put themselves in a Country dress, and appeared like Hunters, with Hounds, Hunting-poles and Nets; and entering the City at the very nick of time, they refreshed themselves at Charon's House, by whose appointment the day for the Attempt was set. And here I crave leave to break my story with a short Observation, To what great Calamities doth supine security expose! For the Theban Magistrates were quickly informed, that the Exiles were in Town; but being eager on their Entertainment, they slighted the discovery so much, that they would not trouble themselves to examine a matter of so great concernment: Besides, which is a clearer demonstration of their madness, a Letter was brought from Archias the chief Priest of Athens, to Archias the chief Magistrate of Thebes, which made a full discovery of the Plot: This being delivered him while he was at Table, without opening it, he clapped it under his Cushion, with these words, I adjourn Business till to morrow. In the dead of the night, when they were well drunk, the Exiles, under the Conduct of Pelopidas, dispatched them all: And that work once over, and the common People called in to Liberty and Arms, many from the Country as well as Town came in to their Assistance. They beat the Spartan Garrison out of the Castle, freed their Country, and as for those who enticed Phaebidas to Surprise the Cadmea, some they Executed, and some they Banished. All this unquiet time, Epaminondas (as I hinted in his Life) whilst the Citizens only quarrelled amongst themselves, never stirred; and therefore the freeing of Thebes is the peculiar Glory of Pelopidas. In almost all other Exploits Epaminondas had a share; for in the Battle at Leuctra, Epaminondas was General, and Pelopidas Captain of a Select Band, which first broke the Main Body of the Spartans'; and in all Enterprises he made one. Thus when Sparta was stormed, he Commanded one Wing; and that the old Messenians might quickly recover their own Country, He himself went an Ambassador to the Persian. In short, he was the other Man at Thebes; though but second, yet so as to be next Epaminondas. He had also cross fortune to Encounter, for first (as I have already mentioned) he lived in Banishment; and when he designed to bring Thessaly under the Theban Power, and thought the Character of an Ambassador, which all Nations hold Sacred, was a sufficient Protection; He and Ismenias were seized by Alexander the Pherean Tyrant, and clapped in Chains. Epaminondas Warred on Alexander, and relieved him; but never after that could he be Friends with him that had offered the affront; and therefore he persuaded the Thebans, to undertake the Protection of Thessaly, and expel the Tyrants: He being chief Commander in that Expedition, and having led his Forces into Thessaly, as soon as ever he came in sight of the Enemy, hasted to a Battle; In which Fight when he saw Alexander, fired with rage, he spurred his Horse towards him, and advancing a great way before His Soldiers, was shot throw: This happened in his second Victory, for the Tyrant's Forces were already routed: For this Action, all the Cities of Thessaly Honoured dead Pelopidas with Golden Crowns, and Brazen Statues; and gave his Children a considerable piece of Land.   

THE LIFE OF AGESILAUS.  Done into English by Mr. Scott, M. A. and Fellow of Queen's Coll. Oxon. 
AGESILAUS of Lacedaemon is a person highly applauded by the greater part of Historians, particularly by Xenophon, Scholar of Socrates, who treats him with a singular respect. At first he stood in Competition for the Crown with Leotychides, his Brother Agis' Son. It was a received Custom amongst the Spartans', to Dignify two Persons at a time with the Name of King, though in effect neither of them had much of the 
* The greatest part of the executive Power was devolved upon the Ephori, only the Power of Peace and War, and imposing of Ceremonies in Religion, remaining in the King, Arist. Pol. lib. 3. c. 10.  Power. These two were always to be of the two Eminent Families of Proclus and Eurysthenes, formerly Kings of Sparta; who had both descended from the ever famous Hercules, and from him had derived their Titles; yet especial care was taken, that the two Lines should not mix and confound, but that each should descend in its proper Channel; and that in both these the Eldest Heir Male should always succeed; and in defect of him, the next Prince of the Blood; the Female Sex being excluded▪ Agis in his Life time had denied Leotychides to be 
* For Leotychides was supposed to be Bastard to Alcibiades, who when Agis was absent in the Wars, was observed to entertain too secret a Correspondence with the Queen Timea, which being made known to Agis, he looked upon her Issue as Spurious. Plutarch vit. Alcib. Athenaus.  Legitimate, but being better advised at his Death, declared him to be his Son; which gave encouragement to Leotychides, after the decease of Agis, to dispute the Empire with his Uncle Agesilaus, but by the Prevalency of Lysander, a Turbulent and Potent Man in those times, Leotychides was rejected, and Agesilaus preferred.  
No sooner was he invested in the Kingdom, but being of an active Spirit, he persuades the Lacedæmonians to make an Invasion upon Asia, and to Commence War against that King in his own Territories; holding it a Maxim of good Policy, rather to remove a War into an Enemy's Country than to entertain it at home: besides, the noise of 
* At that time King of Persia.  Artaxerxes' Arms had already reached Greece; to invade which, he had Equipped a well furnished Fleet, and set a Potent Land Army on foot; and therefore to prevent him, Agesilaus, as soon as he had got his Forces in a readiness, enters Asia with such an incredible Expedition, that his unexpected presence anticipated the Fame of his coming; and that King's Lieutenants found him set down in the midst of their Country before they had any notice of his design, to their great astonishment and confusion, they not being in a posture to make any defence. The news of so unexpected a Guest could not long be concealed from the ears of Tissaphernes, Artaxerxes' Viceroy there, who upon the first Advertisement of it, politicly desires a Truce with the Spartans', under pretence of his friendly Interposition, to accommodate matters amicably and fairly betwixt both parties; but really for nothing else, but to gain time to levy Forces. However it was, a Truce was agreed upon for three months; the two Generals binding themselves with a solemn Oath to observe it. And accordingly none was ever more punctually observed by Agesilaus, and less by Tissaphernes, who improved the time in making preparation for War. This the generous Spartan knew very well; but yet could not be induced to violate his Oath and make a breach, saying, That he should be the greatest Gainer at length, for Tissaphernes by his Perjury must nceessarily expose himself and his undertake to the just indignation of the Gods and Men: But that he by his Religious observance should gain both Reputation and strength to his Party; since the Gods are always more propitious to, and all wise Men will the rather favour and wish well to those, who put a value upon what they say, and are true to the Trust which is reposed in them.  
The Truce expired, Tissaphernes draws down his Forces into Caria, partly to secure his own Possessions there, and because that Country being of all the Richest, would in all probability be the object of the Enemies first Attempt. But he was mistaken in his conjecture, for Agesilaus suddenly wheels about into 
* Frontinus lib. 1. c. 8. speaking of this Expedition, instead of Phrygia reads Lydia, but the mistake is not great, for Phrygia, which is a Province in Asia Minor, has Caria, Lydia, Mysia and Bythinia bordering so nearly upon it, that as Strabo says, they are not easily distinguished, but are often promiscuously taken one for another.  Phrygia, which he overran with such celerity, that he had depopulated the whole Country before Tissaphernes had advanced one foot forward to its relief.  
Having here gratified his Soldiers with the Spoils of the place, he brought them back to their Winter Quarters at Ephesus, where he set the Artisans on work to prepare and furnish him with all sorts of Arms; and those of his Soldiers who were industrious to fit and Accoutre themselves therewith, he (for the encouragement of others) obliged with some special Reward or Mark of his Favour; as likewise every one who in their daily Military Exercises particularly Signalised himself above the rest; by which means he effected, that in a few days he had the best appointed, and the best Disciplined Army in the World. When it was time to leave his Winter Quarters, he publicly Proclaimed what way he really designed to direct his course; having Learned by good Experience, that the Incredulous Asian would never believe the protests of his Enemy, but would certainly send his Forces to Guard those Provinces which were most distant from that which he declared himself ready to invade. Accordingly it proved, for Agesilaus manifesting his design to make an inroad into 
* The Royal City of Lydia, Her. Ep. 11. lib. 1. Quid concinna Sam●t? quid Cresi Regia Sardis?  Sardis, Tissaphernes (whose own fault it was thus to be deceived the second time) again advances into Caria to defend it, but by the event discovering his error he returns with all speed to the assistance of Sardis, but it was almost too late; for by that time he had reached the place, the Active Agesilaus had posted himself in all the most important places of the Country, and had loaded himself with the Spoils of it. The Asians were much stronger in Horse, and therefore the wary Spartans' declined all opportunities of engageing in open Campaign, and made choice of places the difficulty of which rendered the Enemy's Horse of little or no advantage to them; by which policy he always remained absolute Conqueror in Asia, though much inferior in Power; balancing the inequality of Number with the excellency of his Conduct.  
But whilst he was consulting to extend his Victories into the very bowels of Persia, and to make the Sultan himself sensible of the heavy stroke of his Arms, he receives an Express from the Ephori of Sparta, commanding his speedy return thither; the Athenians and Baeotians having denounced open War against that State. And here we have a fair opportunity of discovering the excellent Piety as well as Fortitude of Agesilaus, who when he was at the Head of a Victorious Army, and might in despite of the World have put himself in possession of the whole Empire of Persia, did yet notwithstanding so advantageous a prospect, submit to the Commands of the absent Magistrates with so much readiness and condescension, as if he had wore the character of a private Commoner in Sparta rather than of so great a Prince. A rare example, worthy of the best of Emperors! Agesilaus, the Incomparable Agesilaus! to the scorn and Contempt of the Ambitious World, chooses rather to be Master of a good Reputation then of the most flourishing Empire; rather to Command the Affections of his Country then to be Lord of Asia. Accordingly he is resolved, and in pursuance of this so generous a resolution, uses such Expedition, that he passes the Hellespont with his whole Army in thirty days, which Xerxes could not accomplish under a whole year. But when he came near to Peloponnese he found his way blocked up at 
* A City in Boeotia.  Coronea by the Athenians, Boeotians, 
* The Thebans, Athenians, Argives, Corinthians, Eubaans', and Locrians, as Xenophon gives the account.  and their Confederates, who had posted themselves there to impede him in his passage: But in vain did they contend against him who had Fortune at his Command; for at the first encounter he gave them a total rour. The Victory was great, but yet the praise of it was further enhansed by his Religious Clemency, for when some of the Enemy, escaped from the Battle, had taken Sanctuary in 
* Which was at Itonia, a City in Thessaly, so called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, says Stephonus from I●on.  Minerva's Temple, and he was asked, what he would be pleased to determine concerning them, he strictly forbid any violence to be offered to them; though he might justly have Sacrificed them as proper Victims to his deep Resentments, and to that Noble Blood which he Himself had expended in the Quarrel, having received some considerable wounds in the Fight. But his Religious respect towards the Sacred Temples did not only evidence itself in Greece, but in Asia too, where he expressed the like concern to preserve the Sacred Altar and the Images of the Gods from violence and Profanation; and he was often observed to say; That in his opinion he was equally Sacrilegious who offered violence to the Altar or the Votary at the Altar, and that in effect he was the same Criminal who was an Enemy to the Sacred place, or the Religion of the place.  
After this, Corinth was the chief Seat of Action, from whence this took the Denomination of the Corinthian War. Here albeit in one Engagement he had left 10000 of his Enemies breathless upon the ground, and had so far weakened the Enemy's Forces that in all men's opinion they were perfectly broken, and incapacitated ever to Rally again; yet the Generous Agesilaus, no less a Master of himself then the Enemy, was so far from entertaining himself with any Insolent Conceits of his own Atcheiuments, that with a noble Compassion he deplored the unhappy State of Greece, which through its own divisions should lose the Lives of so many brave Men; whose Valour, if it had been placed on a right level, and directed accordingly, would inevitably have proved the Ruin of Persia. After this, having penned up the Enemy within the Walls of Corinth, he was advised to lay close Siege to that place; but Generously replied, That it was beneath the Prudence of his Conduct so to do, for although he knew very well how to reduce a Criminal to a sense of his Duty, yet he did not think the Cities of Greece proper objects of his Valour, for whilst Greece fought against Greece, and destroyed its own Members, whose concern against the Common Enemy the Barbarian was one and the same, every Member, which by this means was Rend and Torn off, was lost to the whole Body, whose Strength was thereby impaired, and it Incapacitated to Resist the Attempts of the Enemy, who would improve the Advantage of their Divisions to their Confusion.  
In the mean time happened that unfortunate Battle at Leuctra, fatal to the Lacedæmonians, whither Agesilaus, as if he had been Conscious of the Event, could not by any Art be persuaded to go; but afterwards, when Epaminondas had Invested the City Sparta 
* Thucydides in his Proem says, that the Cities of Greece had no Walls, but afterwards the Spartan Tyrants, distrusting the strength of their Arms, encompassed Sparta with a strong Wall. Justin lib. 14. , it being at that time naked, and not defended with any Wall; Agesilaus behaved himself with so much Gallantry and Resolution, that in all men's opinion, if Sparta had wanted her Agesilaus, she had not long been Sparta. One remarkable instance there was, wherein his expedite and seasonable Counsel discovered itself to the advantage of all. For when some rash young Men, terrified with the report of the Thebans approach, had taken up a Resolution to pass over to them, and in order thereto had possessed themselves of a Post without the City, Agesilaus foreseeing the ill consequence and example of it, if any of his Men should be known to go over to the Enemy, He cunningly joins himself with them, commends their choice of that place where they were Posted, and tells them, that he himself had designed the same before, and therefore that he would be their Leader, and the Companion of their Fortunes. They, caught with this Stratagem, presently returned to their Allegiance, and having some of Agesilaus his Followers joined with them, lay aside all thoughts of Surrendering the place; for their numbers being augmented with Men of good Experience and Conduct, they durst not embrace any Treacherous design, and desisted the more willingly because they thought that their Treason was not yet discovered.  
After the Battle of Leuctra, Sparta could never recover itself, or regain its pristine Majesty and Power, yet Agesilaus bravely bore up under all Fortunes, and never wanted a helping hand to Sublevate the sinking State. Particularly, when the Lacedæmonians were one time in great want for Money, he by Protecting those who had been defective in their Duty, and had incurred the censure of the Laws, obtained great sums of Money from them, all which he frankly bestowed upon the Public. And this was more signally remarkable in him, that of all the Rich Presents which were given him by Kings, Noble Persons or Cities which he had obliged, he never converted any to his own private use; neither did he ever deviate from the laudable Frugality and Thrift of the Spartans', his Diet was homely, his Apparel plain, his Lodging not adorned with the novel Bravery of the Times, but the same with that of Eurysthenes the Founder of his Family; into which, if you should enter, you would find no provision for Lust, none for Luxury; but Patience was the Ornament of it, Abstinence its best Furniture, with these it abounded, but in other things it was not distinguished from the House of a poor Man or private Person.  
But Nature was not more indulgent to this Great Person in bestowing upon him so many Excellent Qualities of Mind, than She was niggardly in dispensing the Graces of his Body; for he was low of Stature, and lame of one Foot; which latter defect made him appear something deformed; and Strangers that beheld his face and the outward frame of his Body, slighted and contemned him; but those that were acquainted with the inward Accomplishments of his Mind, could never admire him enough. According to his former custom, when he was eighty years old, and was come into Egypt as Auxiliary to 
* Thacus having been constituted by the King of Persia chief Commander of all his Forces in Egypt, had treacherously caused Egypt and the Forces under his Command to revolt from the Persian, and made himself King, which gave occasion to the World to reprehend Agesilaus for this action, it being thought unworthy of so great a Man, and a Grecian too, for lucre sake to give assistance to so base a Rebel. Plutarch.  Thacus, he lay down to sleep upon the shore amongst his Followers, without any Roof above him but that of Heaven, or Bed under him but the Earth, which he covered with Straw, a Beasts Skin being his Coverlet. In the same manner lay all his Companions round him, in mean, and very contemptible Habit, and which was so far from signifying the Person of a King to be amongst them, that it rather gave cause to suspect him to be some despicable mean Person. When the noise of his coming was bruited abroad, and had reached the Ears of the Persian, Messengers with Presents were instantly sent to him; though when they came and enquired, which was Agesilaus? they could scarce be induced to believe that he was one of those that lay down in that neglected manner. But when after their Compliments made, they had tendered their Presents to him, he only made choice of some Veal-flesh, and other Victuals for present use, and had distributed amongst his Servants the sweet Ointments, the Coronets, with the more curious fare, and reserved nothing for himself, but sent back all the rest again, the Barbarians then looked upon him with greater contempt than before, imputing it to his ignorance, that he made choice of those less valuable things. Afterwards when he left Egypt he was Presented by King 
* Diodorus affirms this King Nectanabes to be Tachus himself, who thus rewarded him for confirming him in his Kingdom, but Plutarch will have him to be Cousin to Tachus, who being during these Commotions declared King, was grateful to Agesilaus for the good service he had done him.  Nectanabes with 220 Talents, all which he liberally distributed amongst his Followers the Lacedæmonians. Coming from thence into a Haven betwixt Cyrene and Egypt, commonly known by the name of 
* Strabo mentions this Port of Menelaus, so called from Menelaus the Grecian, who coming into Aethiopia, and from thence Sailing into Africa, came to Land with his Ships in the Coasts about Ardania, which from thence forwards took his name.  Menelaus his Haven, he unhappily fell sick of a fatal Disease, of which he 
* After he had lived 84 years and reigned 41. Plutarch.  died. His Friends, in order to convey his dead Body, in defect of Honey, anointed it with Wax, and carried it home to Sparta.   

THE LIFE OF EUMENES.  Done into English by Mr. Ch. Allestree, M. A. of Ch. Ch. Coll. Oxon. 
EUMENES was a Native of Cardia; and so eminent for Personal Courage, that had his Fortune or Success been in any degree equal to it, he had not, 'tis true, been really Greater than he was (because we measure the Greatness of an Hero by his inward Virtue, and not by any outward circumstances of Fortune) but still he had been more Honourable and Illustrious, and Fame had rendered him more considerable in the Eye of of the World. It was his unhappiness to be born in an Age wherein the Macedonians flourished, and were at that height of Renown, as to eclipse his Merit; neither was it any small matter of Reproach and Detraction to him (who lived constantly amongst them) to be ignominiously upbraided with the Appellation of a Foreigner, and a Man descended of a mean Stock; and yet he Himself was the Chief of the Family he sprung from. So that, upon these reasons, they envied him the Glory of Precedence; and yet were forced to be content and submit to it: For he surpassed them all, in the Qualifications of a Statesman, in Care, Industry, and Patience; in Subtlety of Contrivance, and Quickness of Invention. These Endowments recommended him early to the Acquaintance of King Philip; which in a very short time he improved into a most intimate Familiarity and Friendship; for as young as he was, there appeared such a Genius, and Generous Spirit, as promised much future Greatness. So that the King Constituted him his Secretary; which is an Employment of greater Reputation and Honour amongst the Grecians than it is with the Romans; for we justly esteem Persons of that Character, as they really are, to be only Mercenary Scribes, and employed for Gain. But, on the contrary, no Man was ever in Greece advanced to the Dignity of that Station, but such as were born of honest Parents, were of approved Integrity, and had Abilities fit for the Service; and the reason is, because their Office gives them Access to Princes, makes them necessarily acquainted with great Intrigues, and the secret Measures and Resolutions of all their Councils. He enjoyed this Honour, and place in his Affection, during the last seven years of King Philip's Reign, and (after his Death) was continued in the same Character under Alexander the Great for thirteen more; and at last was preferred to Command that Wing of the Horse which was called the SOCIAL WING, from the Confederacy of the Allies that Constituted it. In short, he was Privy-councillor to both these Princes, and entrusted with the sole management of their Business, and all matters of Importance.  
When Alexander was dead at Babylon, his Provinces came to be distributed equally to the several Officers who enjoyed his Favour; it was Perdiccas' Fortune (since Craterus and Antipater, though more in esteem with Alexander, were absent at this Delegation; and Haephestion, whom Alexander loved as passionately as himself, was dead also) to have the Command or Superintendency of the Whole lodged in his hands; and this was conjectured by the Ring that Alexander (when he lay speechless) took from his Finger and gave, as a peculiar instance of his kindness; intimating by this Pledge, that he nominated him Protector of the Empire, and entrusted the Government of his Dominions to his Conduct, whilst his Children were in their Minority, and remained under his Guardianship. In this Distribution of Provinces, the Government of Cappadocia fell to Eumenes' share, or rather was Assigned to him; and the Title only of Lieutenant conferred upon him, the Country at that time being actually in possession of the Enemy. It was the policy of Perdiccas to make this Man his Friend, and gain him to his interest, which he endeavoured to accomplish by all the endearments imaginable, because he knew him industrious in the Employment of War, and unalterably true to the Principle of his first Engagement; presuming with much reason and confidence, that if he could move him to espouse his cause, his service would be more than ordinarily instrumental to bring about those great Affairs which he had then in hand; for he intended (that which almost all Men in Empire propose to themselves) an Universal Monarchy, and to grasp all Power in his hands. Neither was he single and alone in this design upon the Sovereignty of the World; for the same lust of Power equally spread itself, and run throw all the Governors of Alexander's Provinces; and accordingly we find Leonatus affecting the Command of Macedonia, and Attempting to invest himself in the Government of that Province; and in order thereunto, plying Eumenes with the bait of Preferment, and proposals of Honour to desert Perdiccas and make a strict League and Alliance with him; and when his arguments and promises were ineffectual to corrupt his Honesty, or seduce him from the Friendship he bore Perdiccas, he treacherously sought his Death, and had certainly accomplished it, but that Eumenes privately made his escape by night, and so avoided the danger.  
In the mean time, whilst these ambitious Designs were forming, there seemed to be laid the Foundation of those ensuing Wars, which (after Alexander's Death) raged even to the Excision of the several Parties in the Contest; and all of them (as one Man) joined themselves in a Confederacy, to suppress Perdiccas, and prevent his growing Greatness. Now, though Eumenes was sensible of the danger of his Friend, and knew that he was unable to stem the Tide, or with his single Forces overpower that formidable and united Body of Men, that were raised against him, yet he would not desert him in extremity, but was more mindful of his Honour, than the consideration of his own safety; Perdiccas had put him in a place of Trust, and Constituted him Governor of that part of Asia, which lies betwixt Mount Taurus and the Hellespont, and fixed him commodiously at that Post, for the conveniency of stopping the Europaeans, and keeping them from falling in upon the Rear, whilst he in the mean time undertook an Expedition into Egypt, and designed to encounter Ptolemy. And yet Eumenes was left in no good condition to Fight, for the Troops he had with him were not considerable either for Number or Courage, being for the most part raw, and unexperienced, ignorant of all Discipline, and raised hastily from the Refuse of the People; So that when Craterus and Antipater (Men of Renown and Terror in the Art of War) were said to have passed the Hellespont, and advancing towards him with an Army of old Macedonian Soldiers (where by the way I must tell you, that these Macedonian Soldiers were thought as terrible in the Trade of War, as the Romans are now with us; for those are ever counted the best Soldiers, that are levied from that Country which is the Seat of the Empire) Eumenes was confident, that if his Men should know the Power and Strength of the Enemy, and against whom they were drawn out to Fight, they would be so far from going cheerfully upon the Expedition, that they would drop down dead with the news; It was his care therefore to preserve them in ignorance of his design, and to lead them through unknown and by-roads, where no certain or authentic Intelligence could possibly come to disabuse them; and to bear them in hand, that their Arms were to be employed against the Barbarians, to revenge the insolence of a sort of People, that had offered Affronts and acts of Hostility to their Country: Acting therefore by these measures of secrecy, he had Marshaled and disposed his Army in the best Array in the World for the Engagement, and had quite ended the Battle, before ever the Soldiers knew their Adversaries, or against whom they drew their Swords; and yet it is to be confessed, that this overthrow is to be ascribed to another reason, viz. to the advantageous choice he made of the ground, wherein his Horse alone (which was the strength of his Army) might bear the Onset and Attaque of the Enemy, and He not obliged to expose his Infantry to the Shock, which was very inconsiderable:  
In this smart Conflict, which lasted almost till night, Craterus the General, and Neoptolemus, who had the second place of Command in the Field, were both slain: Eumenes engaged Personally in the Fight with Neoptolemus; and so violent was their hatred and animosity to each other, that when their Grappling had dislodged the Riders from their Horses, and thrown them both to the Ground, they could not be disengaged from their hold, or parted by any thing but the death of one of the Combatants; so that they seem to have bore an internal malice, and to have waged War principally in their Minds, and made their Bodies only seconds and Instruments in the quarrel. In this Conflict Eumenes received some small Wounds, but they were not so dangerous as to induce him, for his Cure, to sound a Retreat and leave the Field, but rather animated him to a fresh Pursuit, and a more vigorous Slaughter of the Enemy. So that when he had entirely routed the Horse, slain Craterus, and taken a vast number of Prisoners (of the best Rank and Quality in the Army), the Foot seeing themselves destitute of Succour, and lodged in such narrow places, where 'twas impossible for them to make their escape with safety, surrendered themselves upon Discretion, and prayed for Quarter. They no sooner obtained this Grant of their Lives from Eumenes, but treacherously, upon the first opportunity broke their Faith, and (contrary to the Engagement of Captives) revolted with as much speed as they were able to the Enemy's Camp, and took part with Antipater. However Eumenes generously laboured to recover Craterus from his Wounds, who was brought from the Field with some faint Breathe and signs of Life, to his Tent; and when he saw that 'twas impossible for Art to cure him, out of deference to the Character he bore, and to the Friendship that was once betwixt them (for they were intimate Companions in Alexander's Life-time), he Celebrated his Obsequies with great Pomp, and sent his Ashes to his Wife and Children into Macedon.  
Whilst these great Actions were Achieved about the Hellespont, Perdiccas was treacherously killed, in an Engagement upon the River Nile, by Seleucus and Antigonus; so that the whole Administration of Affairs devolved upon Antipater. Here those who had deserted the Army, by a Council of War, were proclaimed Traitors, and (though absent) condemned to lose their Heads. Amongst the number of those who lay under this hard Sentence, Eumenes was Chief; who was really disturbed at the Injustice of his Fate, but not to that degree as to make him despond, or desist from the prosecution of the War. And yet this Proscription, though it might seem insignificant to affect a Man that was really in Arms, yet it had this effect, as to rebate the Greatness of that Courage which it was unable utterly to overthrow. Antigonus, (who was provided with good store both of Ammunition and Men) in pursuance to this Decree, followed Eumenes in the Rear, and gave some disturbances to his Troops by small Skirmishes on the Road; but was never able to force him to a pitched Battle, only in such narrow places, where a small Party was sufficient to engage the Front of his whole Army. And yet at last, when he was not to be undermined by Policy or Prudence, he was supplanted and almost ruined by the Treachery of a Multitude; but yet, even here, he extricated himself out of this difficulty; and, with the loss of some of his Men, retired safe to a Citadel in Phrygia, called Nora; wherein he was so close besieged by Antigonus, and abridged of room to Air his Horses in, that he feared their dissuetude from Exercise would speedily breed a Murrain, and cause a destruction amongst them; so that to prevent this inconvenience, he made use of an expedient, whereby they might in the same Stall procure a better Appetite to their Fodder, and yet not want the benefit of Riding. He devised this way; and tied their Heads so high to the Rack with Halters, that they could by no means touch the Earth with their fore-feets; and then his Grooms, with the Discipline of the Whip, laying on behind, obliged them to leap and kick backwards, to revenge the stroke. This motion, or agitation of Body, caused as much Sweeting as if they had been actually Breathed in a Course. So that (what was the most wonderful thing of all) by this Management the Horses were brought from the Castle, after many Month's Siege, as clean and in as good liking as if they had been aired every day in the Fields. When he was thus blocked up, as oft as he thought convenient, he made Incursions into the Enemy's Camp, and either burnt or demolished the Fortifications and Entrenchments of Antigonus; but still he kept himself close in his Garrison during the Winter season, because he could not in the Field have the advantage of a Castle for his defence and shelter; but as soon as the Spring approached, under the pretence of yielding the place, and making Conditions of Peace, he imposed upon Antigonus' Officers (who had the management of the Treaty) and delivered himself and his Soldiers both from the straitness and danger of the Siege.  
To him Olympias, the Mother of Alexander, made her application, and addressed from Epirus (where she then dwelled) Letters to him into Asia, to importune his Aid, and desire his Assistance to recover Macedon, and invest her in the possession of that Empire. Eumenes, in his Answer, advised her to desist from her Pretensions, or at least to wait the time, when the Son of Alexander should assume the Government; but if her Ambition should hurry her, against this Advice, to invade Macedon, by all means she ought to forget old Injuries, and not exercise any Acts of Cruelty against her Subjects. She followed none of his Counsel; for She did go into Macedonia, and Reigned there with all the Tyranny and Barbarity imaginable. So that her Government becoming generally odious, she was forced to write again to Eumenes, and beseech him not to suffer the inveterate Enemies of her House to extirpate the very Race and Memory of Philip, but to bring speedy Relief to the poor Remains and Posterity of Alexander; which Request of here's, if it were so reasonable as to be closed with, she further entreated him, to raise what Forces he could and bring to her Assistance; and that he might the more readily comply with this motion, for his encouragement, she had already obliged all her Officers (who had not yet shaken off their Allegiance) to obey him, and submit themselves to be regulated by his Orders. Eumenes was so exalted with the Honour of his Employment, and the Greatness of the Character he was put into, that he chose rather to embrace Death (if the Gods would have it so) in a generous Return of Service to his great Benefactor, than to live ignominiously, and with security, under the brand and appellation of Ingratitude.  
Accordingly he makes a new levy of Men, and prepares himself for a War against Antigonus; Now there were at that time several of the Macedonian Nobility with him, and amongst them Peucestes, who was of the Bedchamber to Alexander, and had the Government of Persia conferred upon him, and Antigenes, who commanded the Macedonian Phalanx; Eumenes thought it was impossible to decline envy, or prevent disgust, if He, who was a Stranger, should arrogate the Command, and prefer himself to be General in the Army, when there was so vast a concourse and appearance of Macedonian Noblemen with him; and yet being unwilling to be laid aside from the Employment, he takes a middle way to avoid the danger; he erects a Pavilion in the Camp, and calls it by the name of Alexander's Tent; and there order all the Royal Furniture of a Golden Throne, a Sceptre, and a Diadem, to be placed where the Officers met constantly to treat of public Affairs, and the negotiation of War; being of opinion, that by this means he should not be oppress't with envy, if under the pretence and umbrage of Alexander's name, he carried on the War; which point he accomplished according to his design; for when the principal Officers met and concerted their measures seemingly at the Royal Pavilion, and not at Eumenes his Tent, his Superiority in a manner was concealed, and yet in effect he managed the whole Business of the Consult.  
When the point of Precedency was in this manner accommodated, Eumenes met Antigonus, and had an encounter with him in Paraetacis; not in a formal pitched Battle, where the whole Army was engaged, but in small skirmishes by Parties, where Antigonus was constantly worsted, and obliged to retire to his Winter Quarters in Media; He in the mean time lodged his Forces in the Country of Persia, not as if he had chose the place for any advantage to himself, but the obstinacy of his Soldiers obliged him to it; for that Wing of his Army (with which Alexander overrun Asia, and Conquered Persia) were so insolent with the sense of their former Victories, and the Glory they Achieved there, that they thought it their Business to Command and not Follow their Leaders. Which really is the true character of our Veteranes; and there is this danger in employing either of them, for fear their unruliness and untractable Spirit should have this effect of destroying all before 'em, and their pride turn as prejudicial to their own Party, as their Valour is fatal to the Enemy; and if any one will take the pains to examine and compare the Actions of both, he must necessarily find a great parity and resemblance betwixt them, and no other difference but in point of time. But to return from this digression; Eumenes Quartered his Men in Posts, not convenient for the Business of War, but accommodate to the Luxury of his Soldiers, and for this end they lay scattered in the Country, in no order at all, but at a great distance from each other. Antigonus was sensible of the disorder they were in, and withal conscious of his inability to attack them with success, if they were formed into a Body, or put in a posture to receive him, and therefore changed his measures of assaulting them openly, and upon warning, and took new resolutions; of doing it by surprise. There were two ways leading from his Winter Quarters in Media, to his Enemy's Camp on the other side, the one of 'em was short, exactly in a line, and lay cross the Country, where there was nothing but Desert and uninhabitable places, by reason of draught and the penury of water, and was only ten easy days journey at the most; The other, which was the more beaten Tract, went round about in a circumference, and was much the longer passage, but still had all the conveniences and accommodations of Travel. He foresaw, that if he undertook to pass in the more public Road, the Enemy must necessarily be upon their Guard, and have intelligence of his March, before he had accomplished the third part of his journey; but if he moved with his Army, in a strait line, thro' the Desert part of the Country, he might have hopes to oppress 'em unawares, and unprovided for his coming; upon this resolution, he ordered several Pitchers and Vessels of water to be prepared, and a great deal of Provender to be in readidiness, to supply the defect of the Country; and then took care for his Soldiers, that there should be Bread and Victuals enough baked, to serve for ten days; and this he did, because he would not be put to the necessity of making fires upon every occasion of Eating, for fear the Enemy should discover his approach at a distance, and he should have the secret of his journey betrayed.  
In this Equipage, he sets forward and begins the Compaign, who notwithstanding this care, had not travelled above half the way, but from the smoke in his Tents, and the dust which his Army raised, Eumenes had great reason to suspect that the Enemy was nigh. A Council of War is therefore presently called, to consult what was fitting to be done in this Exigence: It was the Judgement of most that were present, that their Troops could not be embodied or collected, so soon as Antigonus, with the swiftness of his March would be upon them; at this debate (when almost the whole Council were at a loss, and despaired of any Expedient of safety) Eumenes assured the Board, That if they would use Diligence and obey Orders, which hitherto they absolutely refused, he would even yet bring things to a happy Issue; for whereas the Enemy might easily approach them in five day's time, he would order matters so, that he should be retarded full as long, and be put back ten; wherefore, says he, let every Officer go his Round, and collect the Soldiers that belong to his Company, and that lie scattered and dispersed at large in the Country: Now this was the project that he used, to put a stop to Antigonus his motion and divert his course; He Commanded a Party of Men to lodge themselves at the foot of the Mountains, where the Enemy was to pass, and at the beginning of the Night, to make large fires, and extend them very wide in the Front, but to diminish the number and make them less in the second Row, and so proportionably to render them more considerably small in the third and hindmost Flank, that so, by this resemblance and show of a Camp, the Enemy might be induced to think, his design was discovered, that they were alarmed at his approach, and moved their Tents, in order to meet him in the Road and give him Battle in the Desert; This task the Officers were to renew every night; who according to their instructions performed their charge; Antigonus by this piece of subtlety was deluded; who, as soon as it was dark, observed the fires, and fell into a Beleif, that these were really the Tents of his Enemies, and that the whole whole Army was rendezvoused and Encamped there to Fight them; so that he changed his resolution, and since he saw himself defeated of his design, and could not possibly surprise them in disorder, he turned his Course, and took the longer passage, which lay round about the Hills in a fruitful Soil, and tarried a day or two in the Country, to ease and refresh his Soldiers (that were tired with the Fatigue) and to give rest to his Horses; that after such a Respite and Recruit, both Man and Beast might be in a better condition to oppose the Enemy, and more vigorously maintain the Fight.  
By this stratagem Eumenes overreached the policy of the General, and prevented the suddainness of his Attaque; and yet it was without any real advantage to himself in the end; for such was the envy of his Officers that maligned his Glory, and so great was the perfidiousness of the Veterane Soldiers, that ' tho in a brave Engagement (when they had put things to a push) they returned Conqueror from the Field, and gained signal Trophies of Victory, yet they delivered their General Prisoner, and in Chains, to Antigonus; and this Treachery they acted, after they had thrice Religiously sworn to defend him with their Lives and Fortunes, and never to desert his cause; but so predominant was their envy above the consideration of their Oaths, or the obligation of their Fidelity, that they chose rather to violate their Faith, than not turn Instruments of his Ruin and betray him. Antigonus had certainly spared his Life (though he was his most mortal and inveterate Enemy in the World) if his Council could have been induced to have given way to it, because he knew, that no Man Living could be more serviceable to him in the management of the Business of War, which he had then in hand, and saw a necessity of continuing it; for both Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Ptolemy, (who were all Men of Power and Strength) were ready to oppress his Grandeur, and contend with him for Sovereignty and the prize of Empire; But those who were of Antigonus his Council, would not suffer such a failure in Politics, as to be willing to have his Life preserved, whose promotion in a little time would certainly supplant their Esteem, and render them inconsiderable in the Army; and besides, Antigonus himself was so enraged against him, for the Outrages he done, and the havoc that was made in the Army, that there was no hopes of his reconciliation, or pacifying his Anger, unless he had an assurance of a full compensation by future Services in War.  
When he was therefore committed to Custody, and the Governor of the Prison asked Antigonus, in what manner he would have him kept, With the same care, says he, as you would keep a wild Lion, or the feircest Elephant, under the strictest Guard: For he had not yet determined with himself, whether he would preserve his Life or no; Now there came all sorts of People to visit Eumenes in his misfortune; some, out of hatred, to glut their eyes with the sight and triumph over him in Affliction; Others, upon the account of Friendship, that formerly had been betwixt them, went to comfort him in his Adversity, and pay their Compliment of Condolence to him; but the greatest number came out of Curiosity to contemplate his form, and to know the shape and figure of the Man, to be able to remember and talk to their Acquaintance that they had seen the person, whom so long and so justly they had stood in dread of, and in whose destruction all their hopes of Victory and Peace were placed; Eumenes (whose Spirit was troubled more at the impertinence of the Visits, than at the grief of his Confinement) told Onomarchus, one day in Company, when he had been long in Prison, That he wondered, he had been kept three days without Death or Releasement; that it was not suitable to the methods of Prudence to use a Captive so, but that Autigonus aught either to Execute him presently, or dismiss him safe, loaded with apprehensions of Gratitude to his Friends. Onomarchus, startled at the boldness of this Discourse, What? says he, If you have really this Courage and Bravery which you pretend, why did not you choose rather, to die Honourably in the Field, than fall ignominiously into the hands of your Enemy? Oh! would to God, says Eumenes, this had been in my Power or choice; but this could not possibly be my Fate, for I never in all my Life time had the Glory to Encounter a Braver Man than myself, and never contested the point of Valour with any Hero yet, but forced him to yield and own me the Conqueror; and now though I am basely in your Power, yet my ignominy is to be ascribed to the Treachery of my Friends, and not to the Prowess of my Adversary. Neither was any thing of this Discourse, though it seemed a Rant, false; for he had both a Majesty in his presence, that struck an awe and terror into the Beholder, and such a Gigantic firmness in his make and Limbs, as seemed to be composed only for Work and Labour, and yet there was such a Symmetry and proportion of parts, as rendered him both August and Comely.  
Antigonus durst not hastily and alone determine of this Man's Fate, but left his case to the Consideration and Wisdom of his Council: Here many of the Board stood astonished at the neglect of Justice, and wondered that Execution was not presently done upon an Enemy, who for many years had laid waist and ravaged their Country, slain the chief of their Commanders, and put such a Terror and Consternation amongst the Rest, that they had been brought even to extremity and despair; and if the sense of these injuries is not sufficient to justify or provoke his Ruin, yet let the danger of his Person weigh something towards his Death: As long as he is in Being, there can be no security for our Preservation, but we shall be constantly afraid, lest he should be violently released from his Prison to head a Mutiny or Sedition in the Camp; but at his Death these dangers cease, and there can be no apprehension of Disturbance to be raised from his Ashes; but however, pursued they, if Antigonus was inclined to give him Life, they humbly entreated to know, how he would new model his Council, or where he would find Officers to have place there; for with Eumenes none of the old Commanders would either Correspond, or join Interests, or be at the same Board together. Tho the Sentiments of the Council were in this manner made known, yet Antigonus takes seven days time to deliberate and pronounce his Doom; and thèn fearing an Insurrection might be caused by the delay of Execution, he order his Warders to be removed, his daily sustenance to be withdrawn, and forbids all Mankind his presence (for still he would not offer violence to the Man who once had been his Friend) that so he might perish with Famine, without involving others in the guilt of his Blood; and yet Eumenes after three day's languishment with hunger, when his Spirits were impaired and sunk, unknown and without order from Antigonus, was killed by his Keepers, to prevent the care of tending him, in following the Camp.  
Thus Eumenes (who, as we told you before, at twenty years of Age, was received at Court withal possible demonstration of kindness, who for the space of seven years was a constant Favourite and Attendant to King Philip, and afterwards was admitted to the same place in Alexander's esteem, and enjoyed it thirteen years more, to that degree, that in his time, he was constituted Master of the Horse in the SOCIAL ARMY, who also, after his Death, was Commander in Chief of the whole Army, and either repelled the violence of his encroaching Competitors, or slew them in the Fight, maintaining the Boundaries and just Limits of their Power) thus I say, died this Great Commander, in the forty fifth year of his Age, and fell a Victim to the treachery of his Soldiers, rather than overcome by the Prowess of Antigonus. It is easy to judge, what opinion the Officers (who styled themselves Kings after Alexander's Death) had of this Man's merit and Valour, by this single instance of their Pride; since, in his Life-time, they durst not assume that swelling Title, but were content with the Name and Appellation of Praefects; but after his Fall, took the Honour of the Name, and all the outward Ornaments that belong to Sovereignty and a Crowned Head; neither did they perform what was the pretence and Ground of War, The Office of Guardianship, or sack to preserve the Kingdoms for Alexander's Legitimate or Natural Issue: But as soon as Eumenes, the only Defender and Asserter of their Cause was gone, they showed themselves openly in their own colours, and that their design was prinpally to raise and aggrandise themselves: In this Conspiracy against Eumenes, Antigonus, Ptolemy, Seleucus, Lysimachus, and Cassander, were chiefly concerned, and passionately sought his Ruin; however Antigonus had this Honour in him, to give the Corpse to be buried by his Relations. Who performed his Funeral Rites in a Military Pomp, with the Attendance of the whole Army at his Hearse; and after this Ceremony was over, transmitted his Urn into Cappadocia, to be Religiously kept by his Wife and Children, and preserved there.   

THE LIFE OF PHOTION.  Done into English by Mr. Todd, Fellow of University Coll. Oxon. 
PHOTION th' Athenian, though he was many times 
* Forty-five times, says Plutarch, before ever he was free of the City. He was the darling of the People, while out of favour with the Government.  Chief Commander of the Forces of his Country, and One who bore the highest Offices in the City; yet is He much more known for Integrity and Agreeableness of Life, then for any Military Exploits. Hence 'tis, there is no account of These upon Record, but very much said of his exact way of Living, and other popular Qualities, which gave him the Title of The Beneficent 
* The Greek name is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hesych.) which was conferr'd upon him, says Suid. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in a Common Hall, nemine contradicente, because He relieved maxy indigent Citizens, and contributed to provide for their Children. . He was never Rich, though the several Places of Honour and Profit freely given him by the People might have plentifully filled his Coffers. When King Philip 
* Plutarch says, it was his Son Alexander that sent this Gift, as a Reward for the good service he had done him, in keeping Athens true to His Interest while he was upon his Asian Expedition. The sum was 100 Talents, about 8000 pound English.  presented him with a vast sum of Money, and by his Ambassadors pressed Him earnestly to accept it; advising Him withal, That, though He for his own part, might easily dispense with the want of it; yet he ought to be concerned for the good of his Children, to whom it might be difficult in a low Ebb of Fortune, to maintain the Greatness of their Father's Character: He generously refused the Present, and told them, If my Children prove such as myself, than that small parcel of Ground will keep them, that has advanced me to this: But if they degenerate, I should be loath their Luxury should be supported or encouraged at my Provision.  
When he had enjoyed a continued series of Prosperity, till very near the eightieth year of his Age; in his latter days he grew extremely out of favour with his Fellow-Citizens. 'Twas laid to his Charge, that he conspired with Demades to deliver up the City to Antipater: And by his Advice, Demosthenes, and the rest, whom they now looked upon as Persons that deserved well of the Commonwealth, were by Decree of Common-Council Banished. Nor was Maladministration his only Crime; they accused him for violating the common Obligations of Friendship: For, whereas he had been advanced, to those Honours which he had, by the Eloquence and Interest of Demosthenes; and particularly when he took his part against Cares 
* An Athenian Captain, who went to assist the Byzantines against King Philip; but managing Affairs imptudently, He was called home, and Photion sent in his Place. , in a Capital Cause, had been defended by him, and clearly brought off in open Court; He did not only not defend Demosthenes, but as was said, perfidiously betrayed him. But, the Crime that most of all caused his Ruin was this; When the Government of the City was in his hands, and he had notice given by Dercyllus, 
* Who defended Athens on the Landside, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut.  that Nicanor, Cassander's Lieutenant General, had a design to surprise Piraeus; and also was desired to take special care, that the City should not want Provision: He said publicly in the hearing of the People, thàt there was no danger at all; and promised them that He would engage his Life for their security. Not long after, Nicanor took Piraeus: And, when the People rose in Arms to regain it (without the Possession of that Fort Athens cannot long subsist) he not only neglected to Summon the rest of the Citizens to their Assistance, but refused to put himself in the head of those that were ready to make the Assault.  
At that time, there were two Factions in Athens; One stood for the Liberties of the People, the Other (amongst whom were Photion and Demetrius Phalereus 
* A famous Athenian General, who persuaded Ptolemy King of Egypt to have the Holy Bible translated out of Hebrew into Greek, by the LXXII. Jes. Ant. lib. 12. c. 2. ) asserted the Prerogatives of the Nobility: Both courted the Protection and Favour of the Macedonians; for the Chief of the Popular Party favoured Polypercon 
* The one General (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and the other a Captain (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) in Antipater's Army: Upon whose Death they fell out betwixt themselves, and by their interest divided the Athenians. ; the Nobless sided with Cassander 
* The one General (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) and the other a Captain (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) in Antipater's Army: Upon whose Death they fell out betwixt themselves, and by their interest divided the Athenians. . During these Heats, Polypercon drove Cassander out of Macedonia. By this Victory the People getting the upper hand, immediately condemned all the Heads of the opposite Faction, and banished them the City: Amongst whom were Photion and Demetrius Phalereus. This done, they dispatch an Express to Polypercon about the business, and desire Him that he would confirm their Decree 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plut. ; Photion understanding this, went thither in Person, and as soon as he appeared, order was given that he should plead his own Cause, in form indeed before King 
* Philippus Aridaus, an Effeminate, weak Prince.  Philip, but in effect before Polypercon; for He was, at that time, Protector of the Kingdom. One 
* A violent, bawling Lawyer, who run down Photion with noise and clamour: and was afterwards, when the Athenians better understood themselves, condemned for his pains.  Agnonides accused him, that he had betrayed Piraeus to Nicanor, and thereupon by Order of Council he was committed: to a Messenger, and remanded to Athens, that he might be proceeded against according to the Laws of his own Country.  
At his entrance into the City, (by reason of an Impediment in his feet he being forced to be carried in a Coach) there was a great concourse of People to see Him. Some, remembering the greatness of his former Renown, extremely pitied his old Age: many, were highly exasperated against him, upon suspicion of Treason about the business of the Fort: but, that which enraged them most was, that now in his latter days, he should so much oppose the Liberties of the People. When he came to the Bar, they would not give him leave to plead his own Cause, but after a slight formality of Justice, publicly condemned him, and delivered him to the Eleven, to whom according to the custom of the Athenians, the public Execution of Traitors does belong. As he was drawn to the place of 
* 'Twas on the nineteenth day of March, which was a Festival in honour of Jupiter, that the punishment might be more exemplary.  Execution, one Emphyletus, formerly an intimate Acquaintance, meets him, and with tears in his eyes cried out; O Photion! how Unjust and Unworthy are these punishments thou endurest? They may be Unjust, replied the Prisoner, but they are not in the least Unexpected; for very many Eminent Athenians have gone this way to their Deaths. The Odium of the Mobile was so violent, that no Freeman durst bury him: therefore his Body was interred by Slaves 
* Plutarch says, that one Conopt●n, a Common Officer burnt his Body, and that an old Woman gathered up his Bones and buried them with this Wish, O Athenians, when you return to your wits, give these Bones a more Honourable Burial. It happened accordingly, for within a short time finding their Error, in taking off so brave a Man, They reverted the Sentence, solemnly Interred his Body, Erected a Statue in Honour of Him at the public cost; and condemned, or banished all that had any hand in his Accusation. .   

THE LIFE OF TIMOLEON.  Done into English by Mr. Cary, M. A. of St. Mary-Hall Oxon. 
TIMOLEON, a Corinthian born, was without doubt, in the general esteem of the World, a very Eminent Man; for he had the happiness to which few or none could arrive, of freeing his native Country from the oppression of a Tyrant, of redeeming the City of Syracuse, to whose assistance he was sent, from a long continued Bondage, and of restoring all Sicily to its former condition, which had been long harassed by War, and the inhuman usage of the 
* The Carthaginians.  Barbarians. But in the managing of all those Affairs, he met with many different Adventures; and what is thought to be the hardest encounter of the two, he behaved himself rather the more discreetly in his Prosperity, then in his Adversity. For when his Brother Timophanes, who was made General by the Corinthians, by the help of his Mercenary Soldiers had invaded the Sovereignty, and Timoleon might have had a share in the Royalty with him, He was so far from a betting any such piece of Villainy, that he put a much greater value upon his Fellow Citizens Liberty, than he did upon his Brother's Life, and looked upon himself infinitely more obliged to live in obedience to the Laws of his Country then to rule over it. Being a Man of these principles, he contrived to have his Brother the Tyrant Murdered by a certain Soothsayer, and another who was related to 'em both, as having married their own Sister both by Father and Mother. In which Murder he was so far from having any hand, that he would not so much as look upon his Brother's bloodshed. For while the thing was putting in Execution by them, he took a Post at a distance, that none of his Live-guard might come to his Rescue. This notable Action of his, was not looked upon by all with the same eyes, for some took it to be a breach of Piety, and by a Sinister interpretation represented the whole matter as unwarrantable. Nay, his Mother, after this would never let him come within her Doors, nor as much as admit him into her presence; but out of a detestation of the Fact, would brand him with the name of unnatural Assassin of his Prince, and Brother. At the hearing of which words, he was so mightily concerned, that he had sometimes thoughts of being his own Executioner, and by embracing Death to abandon the sight of an ungrateful World.  
In the mean while, after Dion was slain at Syracuse, Dionysius made himself again Master of the Town; But they of the contrary Party, Petitioned the Corinthians for succour, and desired a General over their Forces. In which Expedition, Timoleon was sent, and with wonderful success, beat Dionysius quite out of Sicily, yet spared his Life, when it was in his Power to have taken it away; and took particular care to see him safely conveyed to the City of Corinth, which had been frequently supported by the aid and assistance it received from both the Dionysii. Of which Favour Timoleon was willing to leave a Memorial; esteeming that Conquest much more Honourable, which had in it more of Mercy than Cruelty. In a word, he sent him thither alive, that the World might not receive it by Tradition only, but be eye-witnesses, what a Personage he had reduced, from so great an Empire to so mean a condition. After Dionysius' departure, Timoleon engaged in a fresh War with Icetas, who had acted contrary to Dionysius' interest, not so much out of dislike or hatred of his Tyranny, as out of private interest, as was plain from his unwillingness to quit his Command, when Dionysius was deposed. Icetas being defeated, Timoleon routed a very formidable Army of the Carthaginians at the River Crimessus, and obliged them to rest contented, if they might be permitted to live quietly in afric, who for many years past had been in possession of Sicily. Besides all this, he took Mamercus an Italian Commander Prisoner, a very Warlike Man, and one of great interest, who had come over into Sicily to the Assistance of the Tyrants.  
These things being happily Achieved, and finding by a long continuance of War, that not only Countries, but Cities also were depopulated, he drew together all possible Recruits, first of the Sicilians, then of new Planters which he brought over from Corinth, because the City Syracuse was by them Originally Founded. To the old Inhabitants he restored their own; he divided among those of the new Plantation, the Estates of such whose owners had been lost in the Wars, he repaired the ruinated Cities, and demolished Temples, he Erected anew the several States upon their old Laws and Liberties, and after a most dreadful War, settled so great a Peace and Quiet through the whole Island, that he might rather be taken for the Founder of those Cities, than they who had at first Planted 'em. The Citadel of Syracuse which Dionysius had Fortified, on purpose to block up the Town, he erased from the very Foundation, slighted all other Bulworks of Tyrannical Government, and did what in him lay, that as few marks of Bondage as could might remain. Having so great Power, as that he could have extorted obedience from them, and again being such a Favourite of all the Sicilians, that he might have come to the Crown, by a unamimous consent, he chose rather to be Beloved then Feared. Therefore as soon as conveniently he could, he laid down his Command, and passed the remaining part of his Life there, as a private Person. And this was not done unadvisedly; for he maintained that Grandeur and Authority through a mutual good will, which other Princes could never compass by force. Every Man paid him constantly a very great respect, and no public Business was ever after Transacted at Syracuse, of which any Decree was made, before Timoleon's sense of the matter was understood. No Man's Counsel was ever preferred before his, nor as much as stood in competition with it. And so to do was not more their Affection, than Wisdom.  
When he was grown old, he lost his Eyesight; which Affliction he bore with so much Patience, that he was never heard to complain of it, nor was yet less useful in private concerns or public Affairs. For he came to the Theatre, when the People met there in Counsel, drawn by a pair of Mules, by reason of his infirmities 
* He was Aged, Blind, and had the Gout. , and so from the Coach delivered his opinion concerning the matter in debate, which no Body looked upon as a piece of pride in him, for never did any thing like Insolence or vain Glory come out of his mouth. If at any time he had heard himself magnified, he would only reply, that he did signally bless the Gods, and was bound upon that particular account to be always thankful, for that, when the Gods were graciously pleased to raise Syracuse, they made choice of him as their unworthy Instrument. For he thought, that no humane actions were brought to perfection without an overruling Providence. And therefore he Erected a private Chapel in his house to Fortune, where he with much constancy and zeal paid his Devotions.  
Besides this most excellent temper of his, several remarkable Accidents concurred to render him famous. For all his most memorable Battles happened to be▪ fought upon the day on which he was born; so that it fell out, that all Sicily made their Anniversary Feasts on his Birthday. When one Laphystius, an inconsiderable, saucy, and ungrateful Fellow, required stipulation of him for an appearance, under colour of an Action that he had against him; and the Multitude flocking together, endeavoured forcibly to curb the pretenders insolence; Timoleon beseeched 'em to desist; Alleging, that he had gone through great hardships, and extreme dangers, chiefly upon the account, that Laphystius and others might enjoy their Liberty. For the true nature of Freedom is, that any one may try out whatever Cause he has by due Course of Law. When another Fellow, much like Laphystius, Demaenetus by name, in a Harangue before all the People Assembled in Counsel, had detracted from the Glory of Timoleon's Actions, and had sharply inveighed against him, he made no other answer, but that he now found that his Prayers were heard; For he had ever made it his humble Request to the Gods, that the Syracusians might enjoy such a Liberty, whereby every one might be free, to speak his Sentiments of whom he pleased. When he died he was interred at the public charge of the Syracusians (in an Academy, which had its denomination from him) all finely attending his Funerals.   

THE LIFE OF HAMILCAR.  Done into English by Mr. Brideoke, M. A. of Trin. Coll. Oxon. 
HAMILCAR, a Carthaginian, Surnamed Barcas, the Son of Hannibal, at the later end of the first Punic War, though then very young, was Constituted Generalissimo of the Forces in Sicily. In which Employment he behaved himself so well, that (though before his time the Carthaginian Army was always worsted, both by Sea and Land) he still kept his Ground, and was so vigilant, that his Enemies could never find him unprovided; but on the contrary, when opportunity served, would fall upon them, and always made himself Master of the Field. Moreover, when the Carthaginians by their ill success had very near lost all footing in Sicily, he so prudently defended the City Eryx, as not to leave the least sign of a War behind him. But in the interim, C. Lutatius, the than Roman Consul, having beaten the Carthaginian Fleet at the Islands Aegates, the Carthaginians resolved to Conclude the War, and to that end made Hamilcar their Plenipotentiary. Who, though naturally more inclined to War than Peace, yet in that Juncture of Affairs, He preferred Peace; because his Country being then poor, could no longer endure the hardships and expenses of War; yet he reserved this to himself, that as soon as the Carthaginians were a little refreshed, again to renew the War, and by Arms oppose the Romans, until Fortune had determined the Conquest. With this resolution he concluded the Peace; in the settling whereof, He was so stout, that when Catulus refused to sign the Articles, unless He, with the whole Garrison of the City Eryx, would depart Sicily without their Arms; He bravely and sharply replied, that though his Country being poor, could yield him no assistance, yet he would rather die, than return to his home with such Ignominy and Reproach. For it would not consist with his Valour, tamely to deliver up to his Enemies those Weapons which were committed to his Trust for the defence of his Country. Upon this his resolution Catulus complied.  
But Hamilcar, so soon as he arrived at Carthage, found the Commonwealth in a condition worse than he expected. For by the long continuance of the Foreign War, Intestine discords were so much heightened, that Carthage was never in the like dangerous condition, unless when it was quite razed and demolished. For the Mercenary Soldiers who were twenty thousand strong, and (who had formerly fought against the Romans) Revolting, drew all Africa to their Party, and likewise besieged Carthage. By which great misfortune the Carthaginians were so Terrified, that they sought for Aid and Protection from their greatest Enemies, the Romans, and obtained their Request. But in fine, when they were almost reduced to the utmost extremities of misery and despair, they voted Hamilcar their General. Who not only made those Rebels, who were above twenty thousand, to raise their siege from before Carthage, but also forced them to that extremity, that shutting them up in places where they were void of all relief, more perished by Famine than were killed by the Sword. He brought back again the revolted Towns to their former Duty and Obedience; and amongst the rest, Utica and Hippo, the two wealthiest Cities of all Africa. Neither was He satisfied with this; but he also enlarged the Empire, and all Africa was so settled, that none could imagine that there had been any War there for many years before.  
These things being finished by him so successfully, out of a courageous and an exasperated mind against the Romans, and that He might more handsomely pick a Quarrel with them, he contrived, that he himself should go Commander with an Army into Spain, taking along with him his young Son Hannibal, then but nine years old. With him marched Hasdrubal, that Beautiful and brave Youth; whom some think to have been beloved too much by Hamilcar, in a manner not allowed to his Sex: For great Men seldom escape ill Men's malicious Tongues. And upon this account, the Youth Hasdrubal was forbid by the Censor to attend the General. But Hamilcar giving his Daughter in Marriage to Hasdrubal, found out that way, as the best expedient, of enjoying the Youth's company; for their Laws did not forbid the Son-in-law to converse with his Father. I thought this passage worthy of my notice, because when Hamilcar was killed, he Commanded the Army, and was Successful in many remarkable Exploits; and during his Command, by large Gifts he so corrupted the ancient manners of the Carthaginians, that after his Death Hannibal received his Power from the Army.  
Hamilcar, after he had crossed the Sea, and entered Spain, with great success undertook vast Designs; he subdued the most Warlike, and the wealthiest Countries: and furnished all Africa with Men and Horses, Arms and Mony. But as He was designing a War on Italy, in the ninth year after his entrance into Spain, Fight against the Vettones, He was unfortunately slain. His implacable hatred against his Enemies the Romans, was the chief cause of the second Punic War; for his Son Hannibal was so exasperated by the daily and repeated Conjurations of his Father, that he often declared, He had rather perish, than not try the Courage of the Romans.   

THE LIFE OF HANNIBAL, THE CARTHAGINIAN, THE Son of HAMILCAR.  Done into English by the Honourable Mr. Leopold William Finch, Fellow of All-Souls Coll. Oxon. 
AS 'tis a Truth of undoubted Certainty, That the Romans did exceed all other People in Bravery, so likewise must it be confessed, That Hannibal was as far above all other Commanders for his Wisdom and Conduct, as the Roman Valour was more eminent than that of all different Nations. For during the whole time that Italy was the Seat of his Action, Success continually waited on his Arms; insomuch, that had not the Envy of his Enemies at home unfortunately, hindered his Progress abroad, He seems to have been sufficiently able to have made an absolute Conquest over the Roman Empire. But too numerous were his detracting Foes, to be Encountered by the Gallantry of a single Person. He so improved the Hatred that his Father bore the Roman Nation, and which was in a manner Hereditary to Him, that He would sooner have parted with his Life, then in the least have abated of his Aversion to that People. For though he lay under the unhappy circumstances of a Banished Man, and consequently was obliged to Foreign Princes for their assstance, yet He never ceased (at least in his intention) to wage War with the Romans. Not to instance in King Philip (whom he rendered an Enemy to that Nation, though he had not the advantage of Consulting with him in Person) He possessed King Antiochus, a Prince of the greatest Strength and Power of those times, with so eager a desire of making War upon them, that he raised the whole Force of his Empire, as far as the Red Sea, with a design to Invade Italy. To this Antiochus it was, that Ambassadors were sent from Rome, to the intent they might inform themselves of his Resolutions, and use all possible endeavours, by underhand Polices, to bring Hannibal into suspicion with the King, by assuring Him, that (as if they had withdrawn him from his Fidelity) He now espoused a quite different Interest than He had formerly served. They effected this with no small success, as Hannibal soon perceived, when he found that He was turned out of the Privy Council; so that at a convenient time, He first waits on the King, and having put him in mind of his great Loyalty to him, and his Hatred to the Roman People, he added over and above, When I was a Boy of about nine years of Age, my Father Hamilcar being upon his departure from Carthage, as General into Spain, offered up Sacrifice to the Great Jupiter; during which Solemnity, he asked me, whither I would bare him company to the Camp; which when I readily accepted of, and began to importune him, that he would not scruple to take me along with Him; I will (says he) grant your Request, provided you will take an Oath, which I shall propose to you; Upon which he led me to the Altar where he designed to Sacrifice. And when (according to Custom) I had laid my Hands upon it; the rest of the company being at a distance, he commanded me to swear, That I would never be in Friendship with the Roman People. This Oath, which my Father then gave me, I have preserved so inviolably to this very day, as not to give any Man the least ground of suspecting, but that I shall be ever of the same Disposition. So that now if you entertain any thoughts of contracting any kind of Friendship with the Romans, 'twill be your wisest course to conceal it from my knowledge; but on the other hand, whenever you design a War with them, you will very much mistake your measures, if you do not principally commit the management of it to my hands.  
'Twas at this Age he accompanied his Father into Spain, after whose Death Hasdrubal succeeding as General, the Command of the Cavalry was conferred upon Him; and Hasdrubal not long after being Murdered, the Army unanimously chose Him in his place; an account of which no sooner reached Carthage, but was received with the public Approbation of the State. Thus Hannibal, not yet twenty five-years of Age, was actually General of all the Carthaginian Forces, and within the space of three years after, subdued all the Countries of Spain; He took Saguntum (a City in Alliance with the Romans) by Storm. He raised three vast Armies; one of which he sent into Afric, another he left with his Brother Hasdrubal in Spain, and the third he Commanded in Person into Italy. He passed the Pyrenean Mountains, and all along as he marched, having frequent Encounters with the Inhabitants, He Conquered all He Fought. Coming at last to those Alps which divide Italy from Gallia, the Inhabitants opposed his Passage, which He soon laid open by cutting them in pieces. He was the first Man that ever led an Army over these Mountains, except Hercules the Grecian, from whose passage they took their Name. Here Hannibal opened the Way, and fortified the Pass, making so great an alteration, that the Elephants, together with their Furniture, could march conveniently in that very place, where before a single Man, though unarmed, could scarce creep along. From hence leading his Forces into Italy, he had an Encounter on the River Rhone with P. C. Scipio the Consul, and put him to flight. He fought him likewise near the River Po, for the Town Clastidium, where Scipio himself was wounded, and his Army utterly routed. He had a third Battle with him and his Colleague Tiberius Longus, who advanced towards Him near the River Trebia, where he engaged them and defeated them both. Marching at length through Liguria, he crossed the Apennine Hills, intending for Hetruria. In this march he was extremely afflicted with a destemper in his Eyes, to that degree, that he could never recover the perfect use of his right one again; But notwithstanding his indisposition was such that he was forced to be carried in a Litter, he obtained a very signal Victory over C. Flaminius the Consul, at the Lake 
* Now called Lago di Perugia.  Thrasimenus, where having circumvented him by ambush, he cut him off with his whole Army. In a short time after, he served C. Centenius in the same manner, who with a chosen party of Men, had possessed himself of the Tops of the Mountains. He came from hence into Apulia, where the two Consuls C. Terentius Varro, and Lucius Paulus Aemilius advanced towards Him, and in one Battle he routed both their Armies; In which Engagement Lucius Paulus the Consul was killed, with many more who had sustained that Dignity, amongst whom was Cn. Serilius Geminus, who had enjoyed it the foregoing year. After this Action, He marched to Rome without any Opposition. He halted for some time on the neighbouring Mountains, and in a few days after decamped from thence. In his return to Capua; Q. Fabius Maximus the Roman Dictator, opposed himself to him in the Falernian Field. Tho the straits were so very narrow, that Hannibal's Army was perfectly shut up, yet by the advantage of the Night he got away without any damage. Here it was, that he outwitted that subtle Commander Fabius: For in the dead of the Night he commands his Soldiers to set fire to the Bows of Trees, which he had before ordered to be fastened to the Horns of a considerable number of Oxen, which he drove in a hurry upon them. This unexpected sight was no sooner beheld, but it put the Roman Army into such a consternation, that not a man offered to stir out of his Trenches. A fews days after, he defeated Marcus Minutius Rufus, General of the Cavalry (whose Command at that time, by the Votes of the People, was made equal to that of Dictator) whom he had cunningly decoyed into a Battle. And though he was not present at the Action (as being then in Lucania), yet at a distance he laid an Ambush for Titus Sempronius Gracchus, the second time Consul, and slew him; as he did Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who had five times bore that Office. 'Twould be a tedious work to give a distinct Relation of each particular Action, so that this short Account shall suffice, to show the World how extraordinary a Person he was. That so long as he was in Italy no man was able to resist him in Battle; neither durst any one after the Defeat at Cannae make Head against him in the Field. Being thus far a Conqueror, He was at last called home to the Relief of his own Country. He was employed in the management of the War against the Son of that Scipio whom he had formerly beaten on the Rivers of Rhone and Po, having likewise defeated him near the River Trebia. But the Affairs of his Country being in a desperate condition, he was very willing (in a Conference with Scipio) to put an end to the War at present, that he might be in a better condition to renew it. Accordingly they had an Interview; but the Conditions proposed were such as could not be agreed upon. So that in a few days afterwards he fought him at Zama; in which Battle, Hannibal being utterly routed, with incredible speed, in the space of two days and two nights, arrived at Adrumetum, which is three hundred miles distant from Zama. In this flight the Numidians (who quitted the Battle at the same time with Hannibal) conspired against him; but he had not only the good Fortune to avoid their Treachery, but to suppress them. Here he rallied together all those who had saved themselves by flight; and new Musters being made, in a few days he listed a considerable number. While he was thus earnestly employed in making preparations for a War, the Carthaginians conclude a Peace with the Romans. Hannibal notwithstanding had the Command of an Army, and (together with his Brother Mago) was in Action in Afric till the time that P. Sulpicius and Caius Aurelius were Consuls; for 'twas during their Magistracy, that the Carthaginian Ambassadors were sent from Carthage to Rome, to return thanks to the Senate and People for the Peace they had granted; and in consideration of the Favour, to present them with a Golden Crown; entreating them withal, that their Hostages might be removed to Fregellae, and their Prisoners Restored. To whom the Senate gave this answer, that as their Present was very grateful and acceptable to them, so likewise they consented, that their Hostages might be lodged where they had desired; but that their Captives should by no means be released, because they still employed Hannibal (the Author and Beginner of the War, and the irreconcilable Enemy of the Roman Name) with his Brother Mago, in the chief Command of their Armies. They no sooner received this answer, but Hannibal and Mago were recalled home again. Hannibal at his return, was chosen Praetor, after he had been King twenty-two years. For as it was customary at Rome, yearly to elect two Consuls; at Carthage two Kings were annually chosen. He acquitted himself in this Employment, with the same Prudence as he did in War; For he took care, that the new Imposts should not only furnish Money for the Tribute paid to the Romans, but that some over and above should be left to lay up in the Exchequer. The year after his Praetorship, Ambassadors arriving at Carthage, Hannibal suspecting they came to demand him, privately taketh Ship before they could have Audience of the Senate, and flies to King Antiochus in Syria; which when the Carthaginians knew▪ they immediately sent out two Ships with orders to apprehend him if they could overtake him, which not being able to effect, they confiscated his Goods, razed his House to the very ground, and proclaimed him a Banished Man. In the Consulship of Lucius Cornelius and Quintus Minutius (which was three years after his departure from his own Country) He Cruised for sometime about the Coast of Cyrenaica with five Ships, endeavouring to persuade the Carthaginians to renew the War, upon the confidence of Antiochus his strength, whom he had already persuaded to invade Italy; then He engageed his Brother Mago in the design of which, the Carthaginians being informed, they used him with the same severity they had inflicted on his Brother. Thus their Affairs being in an ill condition, they set sail for Asia to King Antiochus. There are two different accounts given of the Death of Mago, some Authors affirming that he perished by Shipwreck, others, that he was murdered by his own Servants. Had Antiochus harkened to Hannibal's Council, as well in the management of the War, as he had done in the undertaking it, the decision of the Empire of the World might have been nearer the River Tibur then the straits of Thermopylae. But notwithstanding, this Great Commander well understood the Imprudence of his Conduct, yet he would never forsake him in any Enterprise. He was made Admiral of a small Fleet, with orders to convey them from Syria into Asia, with this he engaged the Rhodian Navy in the Pamphylian Sea, who being very much Superior to him in number, his party was beaten, though that Squadron which he himself fought in, had the advantage of the Enemy. After the Defeat of Antioohus, Hannibal fearing lest he would deliver him up to the Romans (as certainly he would have done, had not He prevented him) went into Crete to the Gortynians, that he might have time there to consider, how to dispose of Himself hereafter. And here, out of his extraordinary subtlety, He foresaw he should be in great danger, by reason of the Covetous humour of the Cretans. For he brought a considerable sum of money with Him, the rumour of which he knew was already spread abroad. This therefore was his device; Having filled a great number of Vessels with Lead, and covering the top of them with Gold and Silver, He places them in the Temple of Diana, in the presence of the Gortynians; pretending that He committed his whole Fortune to their Trust. After he had put this cheat upon them, He fills up several Brass hollow Statues (which he had brought along with Him) with his money, and throws them negligently in the outward Court. In the mean time, they guard the Temple with the greatest strictness; not so much suspecting other people, as fearing lest Hannibal, without their knowledge might remove the prize He had committed to them. Thus our Carthaginian, having saved his Treasure entire, and finely deluded the people of Crete, He came at length to Prusias the King of Bythinia in Pontey; where He still preserved his old inclination towards Italy, and made it his endeavour to engage the King against the Roman People. But when He perceived He was not strong enough of Himself to oppose them, He Associated other Kings, and Warlike Nations in a Confederacy. Eumenes, as being a great Friend to the Roman Interest, refused to join in the Alliance; so that they maintained a War with each other, both by Sea and Land. But being backed by the Romans, He was infinitely too hard for them. Now Hannibal perceiving, how necessary it was for the better success in His Affairs, that Eumenes should be cut off, he resolves upon this way to rid himself of Him. They were in a short time to engage at Sea; but Hannibal being overpowered in number, Stratagem was to supply the place of Strength; Accordingly he charges his Men to get as many poisonous Serpents as they could, and put them into Earthen Vessels; of which they procured (as commanded) a considerable number. On the day that they were to fight, having called his Seamen together, he gave them order, that they should all rush together upon the Ship in which Eumenes was, and that in the mean time, they need not doubt, but that they were able enough to defend themselves from the rest, since they were provided of so great a number of Serpents. It should be his business to show them which was the Ship he would have assaulted, and likewise to reward the person, who should either kill the King, or take Him Prisoner. After he had given these directions, the two Fleets being set in order, and about to engage; That his Soldiers might plainly see, where this Eumenes was before the sign was given, He sends out a Messenger in a small Boat, having a white Wand in his Hand (as a token of Peace) when he was come near to the Enemy's Fleet, he shows them a Letter, asks for the King, upon which he was immediately Conducted to Him, every one taking it for granted, that Hannibal had sent him to treat of Peace; the Messenger having thus discovered to his own Party which was the King's Ship, returns again. When Eumenes had broke open the Letter, He found nothing contained therein, but what tended to Laughter and Contempt of his Person; He very much wondered what the meaning of this should be, which though he could not understand, without any more ado, He engages the Enemy; At the very first Onset, the Bythinians, according to their orders, rushing on altogether, beset Eumenes his Ship, who being not able to withstand their shock, saved his Life by flight, which he could never have effected, had he not betook himself to his Guards in the neighbouring Shore. When the rest of the Navy of Eumenes began more fiercely to Attack the Bythinians, they poured in their Vessels upon them, which at first the Enemy only Laughed at, who could not devise what their intent could be. But when they perceived that their Ships were full of Serpents, being affrightned with the strangeness of the thing, and knowing not what danger chiefly to avoid, at last they tacked about, and made to their Port; So that the Cunning of Hannibal was too Powerful for the Force of the Pergamenan Navy; Who by the same kind of Stratagem had frequently obtained great Victories at Land. While these things were Transacting in Asia, King Prusias' Ambassadors (than at Rome) being accidentally at Supper with Caius Quintus Flaminius' the Consul; somebody accidentally happening to mention Hannibal's Name, one of the company said, that He was in their Kingdom. The next day Flaminius acquaints the Senate, with what had been affirmed by this person, who imagining that they should be never free from Treacheries, so long as Hannibal was alive; despatched Ambassadors into Bythinia, (one of which was Flaminius) who were to demand of the King, that He should not protect their most inveterate Enemy, but forthwith deliver Him up into their Hands. Prusias could not deny, but that Hannibal was in his Dominions, though He refused Himself to betray Him to the Ambassadors; desiring, that they would not Request any thing which was so much against the Laws of Hospitality; But let them take Him if they could, who without any difficulties might find Him out. Hannibal constantly confined Himself to one place, being a Castle, with which the King had Presented Him as a Reward for his Services, which He so contrived, that he had Sallies on all sides, through which he might escape, if he should have occasion; for he always suspected that that would befall Him, which at last did really happen. The Roman Ambassadors accompanied with a great number of Men, having at length surrounded this Castle on all parts; his Servant perceiving them from the Gate, runs to his Master and acquaints Him; that there appeared a more than usual company of Armed Men; upon which He commands him to go round all the doors of the House, and speedily bring Him word whither there was any way to escape. When the Boy had immediately acquainted him how the case stood, and had farther assured Him, that all the passages were stopped, he was soon satisfied that this could not happen by accident, but that they came to seize his person, and that consequently he could not long enjoy his Life, which He was resolved should not be in another Man's disposal; upon which he immediately swallowed a dose of poison, which he was always accustomed to carry with Him. Thus, this our most Valiant Hero, harassed with numerous and various Labours, reposed himself in Death the seventieth year of his Age. Authors do not agree in whose Consulship He died. For Atticus in his Annals affirms, that Claudius M. Marcellus, and Q. Fabius Labeo, did then bare that Office; Polybius on the other hand asserts, that it was in the time of Lucius Aemilius Paulus, and Cn. Baelius Tamphilus. But Sulpicius different from both, says, that P. Corn. Cethegus, and Marcus Baebius Tamphilus were at that time Consuls. Tho this our Great Man was always employed in the business of War, yet He bestowed some time in Learning. For he wrote several Books in the Greek Tongue, amongst which, one is an account of the Actions of Cn. Manlius Volsus in Asia, which he dedicated to the People of Rhodes. Many there are who have given an account of the Wars of Hannibal, among which were Philenius and Sosilus the Lacedaemonian, who were his Fellow-Soldiers, and lived with Him as long as Fortune permitted. He made use of Sosilus as his Master, to Instruct Him in the Greek Tongue.  
But now it is time for me to make an end of this History, and proceed to the giving an account of the Roman Generals, that comparing each others Virtues, we may be able to make an Estimate, which were the Braver Men.   

THE LIFE OF CATO.  Done into English by Mr. Edw. Robinson of Merton Coll. Oxon. 
CATO was a Native of the Corporation of Tusculum; while Young, before he engaged in Public Affairs, he Lived in the Country of the Sabines, because there was his Estate left him by his Father; M. Perpenna Censorinus was used to relate, that by the encouragement and advice of L. Valerius Flaccus, (who was afterwards his Partner both in the Offices of Consul and Censor) he removed to Rome, and applied himself to the Law. When he was seventeen years old, he listed himself a Soldier, which was under the Consulship of Q. Fabius Maximus, and M. Claudius Marcellus. He was a Tribune in the Army of Sicily: when he returned thence, he went a Volunteer into the Army under the Command of M. Claudius Nero; where he did very good service in the Battle of Sena, in which Hasdrubal, Hannibal's Brother, was slain. He was by lot chose Questor to P. Cornelius Scipio Africanus the Consul, with whom he did not live in that Friendship which the Duty of the place required; and no wonder, considering the whole course and bend of his Life was so contrary to that of Scipio's. He was made Aedile with C. Helvius. When he was Praetor, he had the Province of Sardinia allotted him for his Government; From whence some time before (when he was Questor) as he was returning out of afric, he invited and brought along with him Q. Ennius the Poet, which was a prize of no less value, than the greatest Triumph Sardinia could afford. He was Consul with L. Valerius Flaccus; He gained by lot the Government of Hispania Citerior; From whence he returned loaden with the Honours of a Triumph. He continued in this Province something longer than was usual, upon which Scipio Africanus, (who was now again Consul, and whose Quaestor Cato had been in his former Consulship) endeavoured to remove him, and succeed in it himself: Scipio was then the greatest Man in Rome, yet was his interest not strong enough to gain this point of the Senate: Because at that time affairs were not Governed by Power, or the sway of a Faction, but according to the severe Rules of Justice. But this disappointment so disgusted Scipio, that when that Session of the Senate was ended, he retired from Public Employment, and lived privately in the City; Cato being Elected Censor with the forementioned Flaccus, behaved himself in that Office with a great deal of rigour: He censured several of the Nobility, published new Edicts to restrain the growth of Luxury, which at that time began to show itself in its buds. He spent about eighty years from his Youth to the last days of his Life, in the service of the Commonwealth, in all which time, the sincere pursuit of the interest of the Commonwealth continually raised him many Enemies, which he so little valued, that the fear of no Man's displeasure could influence him so far as to alter his measures. Very many there were, who framed accusations against him, which were so far from injuring his Reputation, that his good Name grew as fast upon him as his Age. He was a Man of great Conduct and Application in Business; He was a skilful Husbandman, a good Statesman, a good Lawyer, a great General, a persuasive Orator, and none more addicted to Learning. He did indeed apply himself to Letters something late, yet was there scarcely any thing in the Greek or Roman Literature, that he did not perfectly understand. From his Youth he exercised himself in the composing of Orations. When he was old, he entertained himself with writing History, of which he left seven Books: The first contains the Actions of the Roman Kings: The second, gives an account of the Founding and Beginning of each City in Italy, upon which reason possibly he entitles his Books Origines. In the fourth, he gives a relation of the first Punic War, and in the fifth of the second; and of all these things he has only given us the Heads or matter of Fact, without engageing in the particular circumstances of Affairs: After the same manner he wrote the rest of the Roman Wars, even to the Praetorship of Ser. Galba, (who has the infamy of pillaging of Lusitani fixed upon his name). In these his Chronicles of the Wars, he did not mention any Commanders, but without any names at all, gave us the naked Event of things. We have given a more particular account of his Life and manners, in that History, which at the Request of Titus Pomponius Atticus, we wrote on purpose concerning him, to which we remit the Lovers of Cato.   

THE LIFE OF ATTICUS.  Done into English by Mr. Morgan of St. John's Coll. Oxon. 
POMPONIUS Atticus was Descended of one of the most ancient Houses in Rome, and the Dignity of a Knight was derived down to him from his Ancestors, being an Honour Inherent in his Family. His Father was an industrious Man, and very indulgent towards him; was of a Genius Accommodated to the times, and very studious; As He was a Lover of Learning himself, so he infused those inclinations into his Son; for he trained up his Youth in all those Sciences which his tender Age was capable of: But the Lad, besides a great docility of Wit, had an extraordinary sweetness of Aspect and Elocution; so that he not only quickly apprehended what was taught him, but pronounced it too with a very agreeable cadence. These Attainments so early disclosing themselves, got him an high Reputation, and dazzled his Cotemporaries; for he gave brighter hopes of himself, than those other Young Gentlemen who were his Schoolfellows could look steadyly upon; so that his forwardness of Example piqued them all with generous incitements. Amongst whom were L. Torquatus, G. Marius, Caius his Son, and M. Cicero, whom he so gained to him by the obliging air of his Conversation, that no Person was always so dear to them as He himself. His Father died in a little time, and he being very young, run a great hazard, by reason of his being related to P. Sulpitius, who was killed when he was Tribune of the People; For Anicia who was Cousin German to Pomponius, Married Servius who was Brother to Sulpitius; therefore, after Sulpitius was slain, and he saw the City Embarassed with the Commotions of Cinna, so that he could not live with that Port which became his Quality, for the Interests of the Citizens were divided, some addicting themselves to the Faction of Cinna, and others to that of Sylla, thinking it a fair opportunity to follow his Studies. He went to Athens; But this did not hinder, but that he bestowed Money upon young Marius, who was declared an Enemy to his Country, and supplied him when he was a Fugitive; and that his withdrawing from Rome might not prejudice his Domestic Affairs, He conveyed the greatest part of his Fortune along with him thither. Here he lived after that manner, that he was peculiarly beloved by all the Athenians; For, besides the Credit He had acquired, which was very great for a Youngman, He relieved them in their Public Exigents; for when they were to take up Money of the Bankers upon any great Payments, and could not obtain equitable Conditions, He always so seasonably interposed, that, as he demanded no interest for the sums he disbursed, so he would not let them owe longer than the time they promised to refund them; and this procured them a double advantage, for he would neither suffer the Debt to grow upon them by his forbearance, nor the Usury of it to be multiplied. He made an accession to this Courtesy by another piece of Liberality, for he distributed Corn amongst them all, and gave to each of them six bushels of Wheat, which sort of measure is called Medimnus by the Athenians; Here his carriage was so adjusted, that as He was familiar to those below him, so He was equal to those of the first Quality. This had that grateful influence upon them, that they would have Conferred all the Honours upon him they possibly could, and made him a Citizen; but this offer he refused, because according to some Men's opinion; He that is made a Denizon of another City, forfeits the Freedom of his own. Whilst he lived amongst them, he always opposed their design of Erecting a Statue to him, but he could not hinder it when he was gone; so that in his absence, they Celebrated the Memories of him and Pilia his Wife, by this lasting sort of remembrance, even in the most Consecrated places of the City; for in every Concern of the Commonwealth, they always followed his Conduct and Advice; therefore it was a partiality of Fortune to him, to be a Native of Rome, which was the Seat of the Empire of the World, and that which was his Country was his Mistress too, to whom he was Constant in his Observances; and it was a Glorious instance of his Wisdom, that when He went to Athens, which claims the Preeminence above all other Cities for Antiquity, Humanity, and Learning, they should make choice of him amongst all Mankind to be their Darling. When Sylla came here out of Asia, as long as he tarried, He had always Young Atticus in his Company, for he was extremely charmed with his good Parts, and the sweetness of his humour; for He spoke Greek so perfectly, that He seemed to be born in Athens, and had that delicious fluency in the Latin Tongue, that it was very apparent, that the smoothness of it was Natural to him and not Acquired; He would repeat Poems in both these Languages, so that nothing could exceed him; this so endeared him to Sylla, that he would scarce let him be out of his sight, and he had a great desire to have brought him away along with him, but when he endeavoured to persuade him to it, Pomponius returned him this answer; Do not, Sir, carry me to Fight against those, upon whose account I left Italy, that I might not bear Arms against thyself; But Sylla praising the Young Man for the good Offices He had done him, ordered when He went away, that the Presents which were given him whilst he was at Athens should be carried to his House, as the tokens of his thankfulness. Here He remained many years, and though He bestowed as much inspection upon the Affairs of his House, as became the diligence of one that was Master of a Family, and spent the rest of his time either in Study or managing the business of the Athenians, yet He continued his kindness to his Fellow-Citizens; For He canvased at all their Public Elections, and when any thing of importance was Transacted, He was never wanting in his solicitations. To Cicero He showed himself singularly faithful in his last extremities, for when He was forced to abandon his Country, He gave him 
* Two thousand eighty three Pounds six shillings and eight pence, English Ste●ling.  two hundred and fifty thousand Sesterces; But when all these Turbulencies were quieted, and the Tybur ran calmly, He returned home, and as I think when L. Cotta and L. Torquatus were Consuls. The day of his departure, the whole City of Athens so deplored, that by the tears of their sorrow they expressed the greatness of the love they had for him; He had an Uncle whose name was Q. Caecilius, a Roman Knight, an intimate friend of L. Lucullus', and very Rich, but he was otherwise of a morose Nature, and difficult to be pleased; but Atticus so softued his temper, which was intolerable to every one else, that He gained his good will, and retained it even to a decrepit Age; and then He reaped the fruits of that Piety, with which He cultivated his sour humour, for He adopted him and made him Heir to all that he had; which Inheritance amounted to ten 
* Eighty three thousand three hundred thirty three Pounds six shillings, eight pence, Sterl.  millions of Sesterces. The Sister of Atticus was Married to Q. Tullius Cicero, and Marcus his Brother was a great promoter of the match; Between whom and Atticus there was a familiarity, even from their being Schoolfellows together, and a closer friendship maintained then with Quintius; that from hence we may form a judgement, that in the Unions of that Society, the resemblance of a like disposition prevails more than Affinity; Hortensius too was his bosom-friend, who at that time had the chief vogue for Eloquence, so that it was a matter utterly undecided, which loved him best, either him or Cicero; by this means he solved an inconsistence in these two Orators, which was a thing not easy to be attempted, for though there was a strong Contrast betwixt them for Applause, yet they never broke out into any revile of one another, but both agreed in esteeming him. He so Comported himself in the Commonwealth, that as He was always of the best side, so He had the luck to be thought so. But He never was a party in the Civil Wars, for it was his opinion, that those who embark in quarrels of that nature, have no more Ascendant over themselves when the Waves of Sedition work high, than those who commit their Fortunes to a Tempest. He never was ambitious of any Honour, though the access was easy to his pretensions, not only by reason of his Credit but his Quality; He saw that Men were not so fair Candidates for it as their Forefathers, they being so profuse in their Bribes to gain Votes, that the Offices of the Commonwealth could not be undertaken, and the Laws kept inviolate, nor could they be discharged without danger, there being such a general corruption of Manners, which Epidemically run through all the City. He never was a purchaser of any goods that were sold by outcry, and as He never farmed any of the Public Revenues, so He never was a Surety for them who did. He never managed a Criminal Process against any one, nor subscribed to another's Accusation; for He never went to Law, nor had ever any difinitive Sentence; When many Consuls and Praetors offered him Governments, He would not follow any of them into their Provinces, but contenting himself with the Honour of the Proposal, He rejected the profits of it; He denied to go with Q. Cicero into Asia, though he might have been his Lieutenant General; for He did not think it decent to be in subordinate Authority to a Praetor, who had refused the first Dignity itself; and by this means, He not only Consulted his Honour, but his ease likewise, and avoided the least umbrages of a Crime, that He might live unsuspected; the result of this Caution was, that the assistances he paid his friends were the more acceptable, because they were sincere, when they were the effects only of a readiness to oblige, and could not be imputed to such servile motives as Hope and Fear. When He was about sixty years old, the Civil War of Caesar burst out into a flame; but He enjoyed the privilege his Age indulged him, and never stirred out of the City; But those of his friends who went over to Pompey's side, He furnished their Expeditions out of his own Store; but Pompey could not think He was disregarded, if he did not actually join him Himself, for he had not received any advantages from him, which might encourage him to it, as others had done, who by his countenancing them were become Powerful and Rich; some of whom followed his Camp, but with regret and very unwillingly, and others ungratefully tarried at home, which very highly offended him. But the Neutrality of Atticus was so grateful to Caesar, that when he was Conqueror, and dispatched Imperious Mandates to private Persons to Command their Money from them, He not only not molested him, but pardoned his Sister's Son which she had by Quintius, though he was of Pompey's party; thus by keeping firm to those first maxims of Conduct He laid down for the regulation of his Life, He preserved himself safe from all new and emergent dangers; consequent to this, when Caesar was slain, and the Commonwealth seemed to be devolved into the hands of Cassius and Brutus, the Fortune of Rome like a Machine turning about toward him; yet He so Caressed Brutus, that the Youngman never delighted in any one's Company, though He was of the same Age with himself, with that pleasure as He did in that of the Venerable Atticus; for He not only admitted him into his most intimate Counsels, but enjoyed his Conversation at all his repasts. There was a project set on foot, that a fund of Treasure should be Constituted by the Roman Knights for the Murderers of Caesar; they thought the design very feasible, if the Chief of that Order, would Contribute their shares towards it; whereupon C, Flavius who was a great friend to Brutus, applied himself to Atticus, that He would be a principal mover in this Business; but He, who did courtesies to those He respected, without engageing in their Factions, and had always a Temper untainted from designs of that Nature, made this answer, that if Brutus wanted any supplies, He would Accommodate him out of his own Money to what value he pleased, but that he would never discourse with any Man about the Business, nor accord with him in it; so that the united sentiments of a whole party were ruined by his single dissent. A little while after Anthony began to have the upperhand, and Brutus and Cassius (the Affairs of those Provinces which were given them by the Consuls, only for form-sake, becoming desperate) were forced to fly for it. But Atticus who never employed his Money to support the other party, when they were most flourishing, sent an 
* Eight hundred thirty three Pound six shillings eight pence, Sterl.  hundred thousand Sesterces to Brutus when he left Italy, and was broken in his Fortunes; and when He was at Epire, He ordered 
* Two thousand five hundred Pounds Sterl.  300 thousand more to be given him, himself being Absent; and as He never the more flattered the Power of Anthony, so He never forsook those who were brought to a Precipice. After this followed the War of Modena, in which if I should only call him Prudent, I should detract from his Character, and speak less than I ought to do. He was rather Divine, if a Constant Natural Goodness deserves that Appellation, which is neither shaken nor lessened by outward accidents; Anthony being declared a Public Enemy, was forced to leave Italy, and there was no hopes of being Restored; for not only his Adversaries which were very many, and in a great Power Combined against him, but his Friends joined themselves to that number, and Revolted from him; they placed all their hopes of Advancement upon his Depression; they persecuted his most intimate Friends, they endeavoured to spoil his Wife Fulvia of all her goods, and extirpate his Children. Atticus as He was familiar with Cicero, so He was a great friend to Brutus; by this means He not only restrained them from committing any outrage upon Anthony himself, but He Protected as many of his Confederates which fled out of the City, as much as He possibly could, and supplied them with all things they stood in need of. He was so kind to P. Volumnius, that greater tenderness could not be expected from a Father; and He was so diligent in his services to Fulvia when she was harassed with Law-Suits, and vexed with melancholy apprehensions, that she never entered into any Obligation without Atticus, for He was her Stipulator in every thing; particularly when in her prosperous Condition she had bought a parcel of Land, which was to be satisfied for to a day, and now since this Calamity befell her, could not take up Cash enough upon her own credit to discharge the purchase; Atticus came in opportunely to redress the grievance, for He lent her Money without interest, or so much as prefixing a day when it should be repaid; for He reckoned himself the greatest gainer by the Reputation of a grateful and an obliging Man; and thereby make it appear, that He did not Contract an acquaintance with men's Fortunes but their Persons. And though these were his Actions, yet no one could imagine He did them out of any temporizing principle; for it could not rationally enter into any one's opinion, that Anthony would ever recover that game of Empire He seemed so utterly to have lost; but every now and then He received secret checks from some of the Nobility, objecting to him, that his hatred was not intense enough against such profligate Citizens. But He confiding in his own Judgement, had a regard rather to what ought to be done, than what other Men would commend, whether it was right or no. For the scene of Fortune swiftly changed, and when Anthony returned into Italy, every one was in pain for Atticus; for they thought He must be involved in great risks, by reason of the strict Communication that was between him and Brutus, and Cicero; therefore when the Triumvirate approached the City, He went out of it, for He feared Proscription, and absconded in the House of P● Volumnius, to whom He was so Eminently Serviceable, as we have showed before. So Capricious was the turn of Affairs in those times, that sometimes one party and sometimes another, would either be in the height of Prosperity, or the Abyss of Misfortune. He was not alone in this Retirement, but Q. Gellius Canius who was of the same Age, and resembled Him in the Customs of his Life, was the Companion of his Obscurity; and this is another instance of the good nature of Atticus, that He lived so lovingly with him whom He knew from his Childhood, and was his Playfellow, for their friendship grew up with their years, and lasted even to an extreme old Age. Anthony, though He was so inveterately angry with Cicero, that He not only declared open enmity against Him, but threatened all his Abettors, and was resolved to Proscribe them; yet when many made Remonstrances to Him in the behalf of Atticus, and He himself called to mind the Engagements He had formerly laid upon him, He as suddenly Relented; so that He Writ to him with his own hand to know where he was, bid him not be afraid, but that he should immediately come to Him, for that He had struck him and Gellius Canius out of the number of the Proscribed; Besides He sent him a Guard to assure him in the darkness, and free him from the dangers of the Night; by this means his sears were dispersed, and He not only secured himself, but was an instrument of safety to the Man who was next dear to Him. For He never solicited to be out of trouble alone, but in Conjunction with his friend, that by this it might appear, that Men who love one another are not to be divided in their Fortunes. If that Pilot therefore deserves applause who steers his Ship in a Winter Sea, when the Season is as rough as the Ocean, why should not his Prudence merit a particular Encomium, who arrived at safety through so many Civil broils and such Storms in the State? When He had worked himself out of these distresses, He was intent upon nothing else then how He might Assist as many as he could, and in what things He was able. When the Triumverate set a price upon the heads of the Proscribed, that the prospect of a reward might encourage the Rabble to a search, there was not any one who fled into Epire who wanted for any thing; and He gave them liberty to make it their perpetual Residence; besides, after the Battle at Philippae, and the Slaughter of C. Cassus and M. Brutus, He was resolved to shelter L. Julius Mocilla the Praetor, and his Son Aulus Torquatus, and the rest who were beaten down with the same stroke of Fortune; and He Commanded likewise supplies to be sent them when they Retired out of Epire into Samothracia. It is very hard, and indeed not necessary, to run minutely through all his Actions, this only I contend for, and which ought to be understood, that his Liberality was not covered over with any Sinister design, nor was it to humour the present current of Affairs; this may be concluded from the things themselves, and the Complexion of those times; for He never sided with the Prosperous, but always succoured those who were in affliction; for He was as Assiduous in his respects to Servilia the Mother of Bratus after the Death of her Son, as when he was living and most happy. Being so Generous He could not well provoke any one to be his Enemy, for He never offered an injury, and if another was the Agressor upon Him, He chose rather to forget then Revenge the Affront; If He received a Civility the impression of it was Immortal, never to be effaced; but if He conferred one, it easily fell out of his mind, till He that was obliged renewed the memory of it by his acknowledgements; doing after this manner, He confirmed the truth of that saying, That every one owes his lucky hits to the Conduct of himself; but the making his Fortune, was the last thing in his Intention, He first formed his Manners as a previous Qualification, and with such an exquisite niceness, that He might not justly be charged with any thing that was culpable. By this means it came to pass, that when M. Vipsanius Agrippa, who was the Favourite of young Octavius, might have had his choice out of the Ladies of the best Condition in Rome, by reason of his own Credit and the Power of Caesar, yet He was ambitious of being related to Him, and desired rather to marry the Daughter of a Roman Knight, as the nobler Alliance; The chief Menager of this Match (for it is not to be concealed) was Anthony, who was one of the Triumvirate for settling the Commonwealth. Being shined upon by his favour, He might have made large Additions to his Estate, but He was so little infected with the love of Money, that He never used it but in those occasions where his friend was to be freed from danger, and eased of any thing that incommoded him. An illustrious instance of this was in the time of the Proscription; for when the Triumvirate had sold the Goods of L. Saufeius a Roman Knight, according to the custom which then obtained, who was of the same Age with himself, had Resided many years at Athens to Study Philosophy, and had noble Lordships in Italy; Atticus carried Himself in this business, with so much Industry and Address, that the same Messenger who brought him word that He had lost his Patrimony contradicted his own news, by telling him, that He had recovered it again. He likewise cleared off L. Julius Calidius, who I am bold to affirm, after the death of Lucretius and Catullus, was the most Elegant Poet of his time; He was no less famous for the integrity of his Morals, and his being Educated in all the best Arts; This Man after the Knights were Proscribed, though He was absent, yet He was brought into the number by P. Volumnius, who was Overseer of the Workmen of Anthony; and his great Possessions in afric made him obnoxious to this punishment; So that it made it a puzzling question, whether there was more difficulty in the undertaking, or Glory in the performance. But it was a Character of Atticus generally known, that it was his care as much to relieve his absent Friends as those that were present; and He was as good a Father of a Family as He was a Citizen; for though He was a great Monied-Man, yet no one was so moderate a Purchaser, nor Built less than He did; not but that he lived very Commodiously, and what things He served himself of, they were the best of their kind. His House was Situate in the Quirinal Hill, which was an Inheritance left him by his Uncle, whose pleasantness did not consist in the Curiosity of the Structure, but in the Wood that encompassed it; for being a Pile raised after the ancient manner, it had more of conveniency in it then beauty; and He never made any Alterations, but where the decays by the injury of time required to be repaired; His Family, if we judge of them by their usefulness, was extraordinary; but if we regard only the outward appearance, it was scarce tolerable; for it was made up of Lads who were very good Scholars, could read excellently well, and writ delicate hands for Transcribing, and there was scarce any Footboy but could do either of them to admiration. All the Artificers too, whose Art was necessary for the Adorning his Apartments, were the choicest of their Profession. And there was not one of them but was born and run through the Novitiate of their several Trades in his House; which was a sign not only of his moderation but great industry; for not to be intemperate in our desires after those things which others so eagerly covet, is a great continency of temper; and to acquire that by diligence which others are at an expense for, argues a more than ordinary Application. Atticus was rather Polite then Magnificent; He did all things for his Honour, but without any excess of cost; He was always clean and neat, but did not affect an Effeminate niceness. As for his Movables and Furniture they were Competently Rich, and did not abound; so that He avoided the two extremes of being stingy and profuse. I will not omit one thing, though to some it may seem a matter of light importance, that though He was one of the most Splendid of the Roman Knights, and received Men of all conditions at his House with a Liberal Hospitality, yet He spent no more than just 
* Equivalent to ten pounds Sterl.  three thousand Asses a month, as appears by the register of his Disbursements; and this I do not speak by hearsay, but as a thing I am certain of; for by reason of the familiarity betwixt us, I was Conversant in the Family, and was at the casting up of the Accounts. He had no other Consort at all his Feasts but only a single Reader, which in my opinion was the most ravishing Music; nor did he ever Sup without one of these Lectures; that whilst their Appetites were Regaled the minds of the Guests might be entertained with something more diverting; for He never invited any one to his Table but in whom he discerned a disposition conformable to his own. Tho Riches flowed in upon him, yet He never heightened his daily Provisions, nor deviated from the former measures of his Life; for He was so moderate that when He was worth but 
* Sixteen thousand six hundred sixty six pounds thirteen shillings and four pence Sterling.  twenty hundred thousand Sesterces, He did not Live ingloriously, which was the Estate left him by his Father, so when it amounted to 
* The sum total is one hundred thousand Pounds Sterl For these reductions of the Roman Coin to the English Standard, I am obliged to the Learned Mr. Wat.  ten millions, He did not raise his Port to any greater Affluence than what He first designed; for He kept inalterarably to the same pitch, in either fortune. As for his other Recreations, He had no Gardens with Parterres, nor no delightful place to take the air in the Suburbs; He had no Sumptuous Villa near the Seashore, nor indeed in all Italy, except it were at Ardea and Nomentum, which were only two Country-farms; And all the Revenues He had consisted in the Lands He had at Epire, and some Possessions in the City; from whence it may be known, that He did not make his estimate of Morry by the immense quantity, but the rational use of it. As He was always a Man of strict veracity himself, so He abhorred lying in another; therefore his courtesy was mixed with somewhat that was Austeres, and He was Affable but Grave; so that it was hard to say, whether His Friends Loved or Reverenced him most; whatever was entreated of him He would promise solemnly to do it, for it was his opinion that he was not a generous but an inconstant Man, who would engage for that which He was not able to perform. He was so industrious in bringing an affair to a result which he had once espoused, that He seemed to Transact his own concern and not another's, which was deputed to his Management; and when he had once undertaken a business, He was unwearied in his pursuits, for he thought his Reputation was Interested in it, of which he was jealous even to a delicacy; By this means He solicited the business of Marcus and Quintius Cicero, of Marius, Cato, Hortensius, Aulus Torquatus, and many other Roman Knights; from whence we may infer, that it was an effect of his judgement, and did not proceed from any unactive temper, that he declined the public Functions of the Commonwealth. A greater instance of the Complaisance of his humour cannot be given then this, that when he was a Youngman He was very agreeable to Sylla who was in the decline of his Age, and when himself was old M. Brutus extremely delighted in Him who was in the bloom of his years; He lived so amicably with his Cotemporaries Hortensius and Cicero, that it is hard to say to which Age his Genius was most adapted; but Cicero Loved him the most fervently of the two, for it was to the last degree of affection; so that his Brother Quintius was not dearer or more familiar to Him; the real evidences of it, besides those Books in which he makes mention of him, which are already published, are those sixteen Volumes of Epistles which He sent to Atticus from the beginning of his Consulship even to his latter days, which whosoever reads he will not desire a more Connected History of those times; for in them the inclinations and designs of Princes, the faults of Generals in their Conduct, and the Revolutions of the Commonwealth, are so perspicuously traced out, that all the intrigues of State are unravelled, and the springs of Policy seem to lie open; so that from hence we may conclude, that Prudence is a sort of Divination; For Cicero not only pointed out all the accidents of his own time, but with a brisker heat of Prophecy foretold all the events which have happened since, and we sensibly experience. What need I Commemorate any thing more of the Piety of Atticus? When I heard Him Glorying thus justly of Himself, in the Funeral Oration He made upon his Mother, whom He buried at ninety years of Age, Himself being sixty-seven, that He never had any occasion to be reconciled to Her, and no difference ever happened betwixt Him and his Sister, who was almost of the same Age with Himself; which are manifest indications, either that no causes of Dissatisfaction ever arose between them, and so there was no need of Cement where nothing was broken; or that He was so kind to his Relations, that He thought it even a piece of Irreligion to be angry with those whom He had all the obligations upon Him to Love. And this He did not so much by the tender instinct of Nature, whose suggestions we are all obsequious to, but it was the effect of his Learning, and He acquired it by Study; for the Precepts of the chief Philosophers were closely impressed upon him, and they did not serve for Parade and ostentation, but He made them useful to him in the whole course of his Life. He set the Manners of the ancient Romans before him as the patterns of his imitation, and fairly copied out the great Originals; He was likewise a Studious Lover of Antiquity; this knowledge he intimately conversed with, and gave large demonstrations of it in the Volume He Wrote of Magistracy, which was a Province He ingeniously adorned; for there was not a Law made, no Peace concluded, nor no War undertaken, not an Action of Consequence done by the Roman People, but He hath related it with a strict Chronology, and adjusted every occurrence to its proper time; and which seems an attempt of great intricacy, He hath interwoven in it the Pedigrees of some Families, with so fine a texture, that by them we may know the beginnings of those Men who have made any considerable Figure in Rome. He did the same thing separately in other Books; as at the entreaty of M. Brutus, He derived the Junian Family from its first Source, and showed all the Channels in which it hath flowed down even to our times; distinctly numbering each one's Predecestor in a true series of Succession, and relating what Honours they attained to, and in what times they enjoyed them; He did the like courtesy for Marcellus Claudius concerning the Marcelli; and at the instances of Scipio Cornelius and Fabius Maximus, He gave an account of the Cornelian, the Fabian, and the Emilian Families; and nothing carries with it so endearing a relish as these Books to those who have the least tincture of curiosity to be acquainted with the descents of Illustrious Men; He had a smattering too in Poetry, which I believe was, that He might not be ignorant what sweetness there was in it; for if any had arrived to a higher pitch of Dignity beyond the ordinary Romans, or had signalised themselves by any notable performances, He employed his Poetical Talon to Record their Gallantry; for He described their Exploits, and what Charges they had in the Government under each of their Pictures, and this in no more than four or five Verses, which seems a thing almost incredible, that He could comprise transactions of such high moment in so narrow a compass. He Writ a Book also in Greek concerning the Consulship of Cicero. These things we have related of him were whilst Atticus was alive; but now since the malignity of fate will have us to outlive Him, we will run through the rest of his Actions and dispatch what remains of this Great Man; that by real and bright examples, we may instruct the Reader, and so confirm that axiom we have before laid down, That every one allures Fortune to his side according as He manageth himself; for Atticus contenting himself with the Paternal Dignity of a Knight which descended to him, He at last came to be related to the Son of Julius, and the friendship between them was heightened into Affinity; for He had before gained the confidence of Augustus by the elegancy of his Living; and this was the inducement by which He attracted others of the chiefest rank in the City to his Conversation, who were of as Noble an Extraction as the Emperor, but their condition was unequal, because not so prosperous; for Fortune seemed to fawn upon Caesar, and so constant a success still followed him, that all the Honours she ever decreed to any of her Favourites, she conferred upon Him, and with her Auspicious gales conveyed Him to the utmost Honour which the ambition of a Citizen could aspire to. Agrippa made Atticus a Grandfather, who married his Daughter when she was a tender Virgin; this Female-Infant, though she was scarce a year old, Caesar betrothed to Tiberius Claudius Nero, which his Wife Drusilla had by a former Husband, and was his Son-in-Law; this Alliance confirmed their former Amity, and tied it on with an inviolable Sanction. Tho before these Espousals, not only when He was absent from Rome, when he writ to any of his Friends, He sent to Atticus even the minutes of his Life, as what he was then doing, especially what Author he was reading, in what place He resided, and how long he designed to tarry there; but likewise when He was in the City, and was distracted by multiplicity of business, which gave him so great Avocations, that He could not enjoy him so often as he would, yet the commerce of the Pen was not interrupted, for no day passed in which He did not by Letter ask his opinion in some matters relating to Antiquity, or propose some Poetical question; sometimes He would be facetious only and rally him, that the answers in which He Reparteed might be the more prolix which had this good effect, that when the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius, which Romulus built in the Capitol, through Age and People's being incurious of its repairs, began to threaten a total ruin, Caesar by the persuasion of Atticus took care to support it. M. Anthony had him in no less passionate esteem, and maintained an intercourse with him of this nature; for when he was banished even to the extreme limits of the Empire, yet He certified his Atticus to a nice punctilio of what he was then upon, and what design He had in farther Projection; He only is qualified to judge of the greatness of this Correspondence, who can make a true estimate what a piece of Consummate Wisdom it is to retain the favour, and reconcile the jealousies of two great Personages, who were Competitors in the same Ambition, betwixt whom there was not only a bare Emulation, but a persect Antipathy, which kindled into the mutual upbraiding one another; it was an Aversion as strong as could possibly be between an Anthony and a Caesar, who would not divide the Globe, but each one contended not only to be Master of Rome, but Emperor of the World. Through all these Traverses of Life, He at last arrived to the seventy-seventh year, and his Credit and Riches multiplied upon him even to an extreme old Age; (for many left him all that they had, purely upon the account of his wonderful Goodness.) But now after He had been of so strong a Complexion that he had no need of a Physician for thirty years together, his health was so entire, He at last contracted a Disease which Himself and his Doctors at first despised as a very slight indisposition, for they thought it to be a 
* This is a fruitless endeavour of nature to ease herself, occasioned by a defluxion of sharp humots, the which irrirate the Sphinctor of the Anus.  Tenesmus, therefore they administered quick and easy applications, to disperse it in its first accesses. After He had languished three months, without any more sensible uneasiness then what He received from the methods of his cure, the whole weight of his distemper sunk at last into one of his guts, which broke out afterwards into a very putrid Fistula; But before this Crisis happened to Him, when he found his pains to increase and his blood grow warm, He ordered his Son-in-Law Agrippa to be sent for, with L. Cornelius Balbus and Sextus Peducaeus; when He saw that they were come, leaning upon his Couch he spoke to them after this manner; What care I have taken for the preservation of my health, since you all can abundantly attest, a discourse of that nature will be altogether superfluous; Hoping therefore that I have given you satisfaction, and being Conscious to myself, that I have omitted nothing which carried the least tendency in it towards a cure; it only remains now that I more nearly consult myself, and this is the thing I would acquaint you with, that I am resolved no longer to nourish my disease but starve it; for the sustenance I have taken these last days hath protracted my Life indeed, but it hath prolonged my afflictions with at, without any hopes of recovery. I therefore beg it of you, that you would first approve of my expedient, and then use no arguments to dissuade me from it, for it will be all in vain. He spoke this with such a strong voice, and such an assured Countenance, as if He was not leaving the World, but passing from one House into another. But Agrippa with tears in his eyes kissing him, did not only entreat but earnestly Conjured him not to Accelerate his fate himself, but let nature bring it leisurely upon him; and since there were remains of health which would in Life keep some time longer, that He would suffer himself to survive both for his own sake and that of his Friends; but He rejected his importunitles with an obstinate silence. Thus after two days rigid abstinence his Favour went of without any Paroxysmes, and all the Symptoms were manifestly abated: but He thinking it not worth the while to live, would not recede from his first purpose, therefore the fifth day after he had taken up this fatal resolution He departed this Life, which was the day before the Kalends of April, L. Domitius and C. Sosius being Consuls. His body was brought forth in a Litter, as He himself had ordered, without any Funeral Pomp; but all the best Men of the City accompanied the Corpse with a numerous Concourse of the Common People; He was buried five miles from Rome by the Appian way, in the Monument of Q. Caecilius his Uncle.   
FINIS.