A NEW DECLARATION OF THE CITIZENS OF LONDON TO THE LORD General Monck IN SCOTLAND, Sent Post to his Excellency, by Order from the Common Council.  
With his Excellency's Answer, and further Resolution, brought Post on Saturday last to the City; And Proposals to the people, touching the Parliament and Nation.  
LONDON, Printed for G. Horton, 1660.   

A DECLARATION OF THE City of LONDON:  
THe Lord General Monck having received a Letter from the Lord Mayor, aldermans and Common Council of the City of London, wherein they declared their cordial Concurrence with his Honour, in disowning the Authors of that Force, who interrupted the Parliament, and ravished the Birthright of these Nations, by daring to null and make void Acts of Parliament, hoping to contribute somewhat (by God's blessing) in their Councils, and Actions, to the preventing of the said consequences of that exorbitant presumption. Declaring further, That they fully and entirely comply with his Honour, in asserting the Authority and Freedom of Parliament; a National Ministry, for the enlightening of the ignorant, and suppressing of Atheism; and the people's just Rights and Liberties; Resolving by God's Assistance, to persist faithfully and rigorously in this good Cause. This was communicated to his Excellency on Wednesday last, by the City Swordbearer, who went Post with it, by Order from a Common Council held at Guild-Hall, London; And upon reading thereof, his Excellency the Lord General Monck, returned Thanks to the City, for their pious and noble Resolutions, to appear at such an E●igent, to be instrumental with him, to assert and vindicate the greatest Interests of these Nations, both Religious and Civil. And that he is resolved to acquiesce and centre with the Parliament, and stand by them in their just Rights, Liberties, and Freedoms.  

Thursday Jan. 5.  
Ordered, That a Letter be written to Lieut. Gen. Ludlow, Col. John Jones, and Mr. Miles Corbet, forthwith to give their attendance on the Parliament (as also unto Col. Tomlinson) and to give the Parliament an account of their management of the affairs in Ireland, and ordered that the Letter be signed and sealed by the Speaker.  
Ordered, That it be referred to the Council of State, to consider how the Civil and Authoritative power in Ireland may be settled.  
Ordered, That the Council of State do consider how the Army in Ireland shall be governed, and what Commissioners are fitting for the government thereof, and to report their opinion therein to the Parliament.  
Resolved, That this House doth approve of what hath been done by Sir Hardresse Waller, Sir Charles Coot, and Sir Theophilus Jones, and other the Officers of the Army in Ireland for the service of the Parliament, and that a Letter of thanks be sent unto them for their good service done for the Parliament.  
Resolved, That upon the whole matter of the report touching absent Members, the Parliament doth adjudge and declare, that the Members who stand discharged from voting or si●ing as Members of this House, in the years 1648, or 1649, do stand duly discharged by Judgement of Parliament, from sitting as Members of this present Parliament, during this Parliament: And it is ordered that Writs do issue forth to Elect new ones in their places.  
Ordered, That the several cases of the Lord Fairfax and Sir Anthony Ashley-Cooper, be referred unto the Committee unto whom absent Members was referred, to examine matters of Fact, with power to send for witnesses, and to examine them touching the same; and to make their report with their opinion touching the respective cases to the Parliament. And also ordered, that the cases of Mr. Nathaniel and Francis Bacon, be referred to the same Committee to examine, etc. and report the same to the Parliament forthwith.   

From York, Jan. 2.  
Yesterday morning Major Smithson and the Irish Brigade did meet the Lord Fairfax, and several of the Gentry of these parts at Hessen-Moore, where several persons which had been in Arms against the Parliament, and then protested against, were dismissed: as the Duke of Buckingham and several others: after which they marched towards York, and drew up before Mickle-gatebar, demanding the Rendition thereof to them. Col. Lilburn and some Forces who were within, having consulted of the message, agreed the following Declaration, and sent it to the Forces without, with this proviso, that such as would sign it, should be admitted: which being done, the City was delivered up, the Irish Brigade marching in, the rest retiring to their several places of abode.   

THE DECLARATION.  
We do declare to adhere to this present Parliament, as it consists of the Members that sat the tenth of October now last passed, against a King or any other single Person whatsoever: and that this City of York shall be preserved for, and delivered to whomsoever the said Parliament shall Authorise, and appoint to keep it for their use.  
Subscribed ROB. LILBURNE etc.   

In the next place, I shall proceed to offer some few Queries to the consideration of all Parties, that take themselves to be concerned in the peace and prosperity of England, and submit all to the consideration of the unprejudiced Reader.  
I. Whether it be by any rational man supposed, That the Kings of England, as single persons, had their power and magistracy by the immediate designation of God?  
II. Whether (if not by God's immediate appointment) it was not attained by force or fraud, or conferred upon them by mutual compact and agreement for society and safety sake?  
III. Whether (if so conferred) the people conferring was not the supreme Authority?  
iv Whether it can, upon any principles of Reason, be imagined, That the people, thus sensible of the benefit of Society, and in order thereto making choice of such a form of command and subjection, did not also by some equal rules balance the power, to prevent Tyranny in their King, and slavery to them and their posterities?  
V Whether (if the power were attained by force or fraud, although for a time the people for necessity sake do submit) may they not throw off that Yoke, and recover their freedoms if by any means they can?  
VI Whether, in case of compact, the King taking upon him the Government, upon Condition of performance, and that upon oath solemnly taken in the presence of the people, he shall notwithstanding, act according to Will and not Law, thereby rendering that which was intended for the common good, a common mischief; I say, whether in this case the people are tied up to a slavish, servile Obedience, and left without all manner of remedy, either of divesting him of that Authority, or of calling him to an account, or judging him by the said compact and agreement; and if so, upon what principles of Reason or Prudence could they submit to such a slavery?  
VII. Whether, if the people may call their King, or supreme Magistrate to an account, they may not elect another, or choose and establish any other form of Government, to them appearing most conducible to their safety?  
VIII. Whether any Government be more likely to answer the great ends of the people, than when their Laws are made by their Representatives equally elected and limited, as to the exercise of that power, so that he that commands this year, shall taste of subjection the next, and therefore will be careful how he entails slavery upon himself and posterity; the Law binding all alike, and not saying, Thou shalt not kill but I may, but whosoever sheddeth man's blood, by man shall his blood be shed; and so in all other cases?  
IX. Whether the present Parliament be not the most likely persons to establish a Government upon the most equal Principles of Freedom, that have so frequently declared for it, so zealously contested against Tyranny, even unto the blood of the Tyrant, and remain so solemnly engaged to God and man, both by their own Declarations, Promises and Principles, according to the best of their judgements to accomplish it, and that as a testimony of their thankfulness for the eminent deliverances that God hath given them in their endeavours to obtain it?  
X. Whether the discontents of the people, and endeavouring to bring in a Family, that, it is to be feared, God hath set his face against for evil, may not only provoke God to deal with England as with Israel of old, and give them a King in his wrath, but also bring a judgement of war upon this Nation, with the miseries accrueing; and then, when it is too late, men will wish for that peace, which now is so irksome and troublesome?  
XI. Whether, if the present Parliament had a desire (as is pretended) to perpetuate their Power, the hair-braind actions of the generality of the present Generation, doth not treat a real occasion, it not being safe to trust unskilful riders with such Wild Asses?  
XII. Whether, (if notwithstanding) the present Parliament, through the blessing of God, shall attain the dessred end of peace and freedom, by the settlement of successive Representatives, and make due provision for the equal distribution of Justice, and having established this Nation upon a sure basis or form of Government, as a Commonwealth, shall in some convenient time dissolve themselves; whether, I say, most persons in England will not have just cause to take shame to themselves for the slanders, reproaches, interruptions and hard Thoughts they have harboured against their faithful Patriots, who, maugre all difficulties, have been supported in their spirits to prosecute their work, resting upon the righteous judgement of God, and not valuing the threats or tumultuary disturbances of contrary minded men?   
FINIS.