THE LIFE OF THE Thrice Noble, High and Puissant PRINCE William Cavendishe, Duke, Marquess, and Earl of Newcastle; Earl of Ogle; Viscount Mansfield; and Baron of Bolsover, of Ogle, Bothal and Hepple: Gentleman of His Majesty's Bedchamber; one of His Majesty's most Honourable Privy-Councel; Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter; His Majesty's Lieutenant of the County and Town of Nottingham; and Justice in Air Trent-North: who had the honour to be Governor to our most Glorious King, and Gracious Sovereign, in his Youth, when He was Prince of Wales; and soon after was made Captain General of all the Provinces beyond the River of Trent, and other Parts of the Kingdom of England, with Power, by a special Commission, to make Knights.  
WRITTEN By the thrice Noble, Illustrious, and Excellent Princess, MARGARET, Duchess of Newcastle, His Wife.  
LONDON, Printed by A. Maxwell, in the Year 1667.   

To His most Sacred MAJESTY Charles the Second, By the Grace of God, of England, Scotland, France and Ireland King, Defender of the Faith, etc.  
May it please Your Majesty,  
I Have, in confidence of your Gracious acceptance, taken the boldness, or rather the presumption, to dedicate to Your Majesty this short History (which is as full of Truths, as words) of the Actions and Sufferings of Your most Loyal Subject, my Lord and Husband (by Your Majesty's late favour) Duke of Newcastle; who when Your Majesty was Prince of Wales, was Your most careful Governor, and honest Servant. Give me therefore leave to relate here, that I have heard him often say, He loves Your Royal Person so dearly, that He would most willingly, upon all occasions, sacrifice his Life and Posterity for Your Majesty: whom that Heaven will everbless, is the Prayer of  
Your most Obedient, Loyal, humble Subject and Servant, Margaret Newcastle.   

TO HIS GRACE THE Duke of Newcastle.  
My Noble Lord,  
It hath always been my hearty Prayer to God, since I have been your Wife, That first I might prove an honest and good Wife, whereof your Grace must be the only judge Next, That God would be pleased to enable me to set forth and declare to after-ages, the truth of your loyal actions and endeavours, for the service of your King and Country; For the accomplishing of which design, I have followed the best and truest Observations of your Secretary John Rolleston, and your Lordships own Relations, and have accordingly writ the History of your Lordship's Life, which although I have endeavoured to render as perspicuous as ever I could, yet one thing I find hath much darkened it; which is, that your Grace commanded me not to mention any thing or passage to the prejudice or disgrace of any Family or particular person (although they might be of great truth, and would illustrate much the actions of your Life) which I have dutifully performed to satisfy your Lordship, whose Nature is so Generous, that you are as well pleased to obscure the faults of your Enemies, as you are to divulge the virtues of your Friends; And certainly, My Lord, you have had as many Enemies, and as many Friends, as ever any one particular person had; and I pray God to forgive the one, and prosper the other: Nor do I so much wonder at it, since I, a Woman, cannot be exempt from the malice and aspersions of spiteful tongues, which they cast upon my poor Writings, some denying me to be the true Authoress of them; for your Grace remembers well, that those Books I put out first, to the judgement of this censorious Age, were accounted not to be written by a Woman, but that some body else had writ and published them in my Name; by which your Lordship was moved to prefix an Epistle before one of them in my vindication, wherein you assure the world upon your honour, That what was written and printed in my name, was my own; and I have also made known, that your Lordship was my only Tutor, in declaring to me what you had found and observed by your own experience; for I being young when your Lordship married me, could not have much knowledge of the world; But it pleased God to command his Servant Nature to endue me with a Poetical and Philosophical Genius, even from my Birth; for I did write some Books in that kind, before I was twelve years of Age, which for want of good method and order, I would never divulge. But though the world would not believe that those Conceptions and Fancies which I writ, were my own, but transcended my capacity, yet they found fault, that they were defective for want of Learning; and on the other side, they said I had plucked Feathers out of the Universities; which was a very preposterous judgement. Truly My Lord, I confess that for want of Scholarship, I could not express myself so well as otherwise I might have done, in those Philosophical Writings I published first; but after I was returned with your Lordship into my Native Country, and led a retired Country life, I applied myself to the reading of Philosophical Authors, of purpose to learn those names and words of Art that are used in Schools; which at first were so hard to me, that I could not understand them, but was fain to guests at the sense of them by the whole context, and so writ them down as I found them in those Authors, at which my Readers did wonder, and thought it impossible that a Woman could have so much Learning and Understanding in Terms of Art, and Scholastical Expressions; so that I and my Books are like the old Apologue mentioned in AEsop, of a Father, and his Son, who rid on an Ass through a Town when his Father went on Foot, at which sight the People shouted and cried shame, that a young Boy should ride, and let his Father, an old man, go on Foot: whereupon the old Man got upon the Ass, and let his Son go by; but when they came to the next Town, the People exclaimed against the Father, that he a lusty man should ride, and have no more pity of his young and tender child, but let him go on foot: Then both the Father and his Son got upon the Ass, and coming to the third Town, the People blamed them both for being so unconscionable as to over-burden the poor Ass with their heavy weight: After this both Father and Son went on foot, and led the Ass; and when they came to the fourth Town, the People railed as much at them as ever the former had done, and called them both Fools, for going on foot, when they had a Beast able to carry them. The old Man, seeing he could not please Mankind in any manner, and having received so many blemishes and aspersions, for the sake of his Ass, was at last resolved to drown him when he came to the next bridge. But I am not so passionate to burn by Writings for the various humours of Mankind, and for their finding fault, since there is nothing in this world, be it the noblest and most commendable action whatsoever, that shall escape blameless. As for my being the true and only Authoress of them, your Lordship knows best, and my attending Servants are witness that I have had none but my own Thoughts, Fancies and Speculations to assist me; and as soon as I have set them down, I send them to those that are to transcribe them, and fit them for the Press; whereof since there have been several, and amongst them such as only could write a good hand, but neither understood Orthography, nor had any Learning (I being then in banishment with your Lordship, and not able to maintain learned Secretaries) which hath been a great disadvantage to my poor works, and the cause that they have been printed so false, and so full of Errors; for besides that, I want also the skill of Scholarship and true writing, I did many times not peruse the Copies that were transcribed, lest they should disturb my following Conceptions; by which neglect, as I said, many Errors are slipped into my Works, which yet I hope Learned and Impartial Readers will soon rectify, and look more upon the sense, than carp at words. I have been a Student even from my Childhood; and since I have been your Lordship's Wife, I have lived for the most part a strict and retired Life, as is best known to your Lordship, and therefore my Censurers cannot know much of me, since they have little or no acquaintance with me: 'Tis true, I have been a Traveller both before and after I was married to your Lordship, and sometimes show myself at your Lordship's Command in Public places or Assemblies; but yet I converse with few. Indeed, My Lord, I matter not the Censures of this Age, but am rather proud of them; for it shows that my Actions are more than ordinary, and according to the old Proverb, It is better to be Envied, then Pitied: for I know well, that it is merely out of spite and malice, whereof this present Age is so full, that none can escape them, and they'll make no doubt to slain even Your Lordship's Loyal, Noble and Heroic Actions, as well as they do mine, though yours have been of War and Fight, mine of Contemplating and Writing: Yours were performed publicly in the Field, mine privately in my Closet: Yours had many thousand Eye-witnesses, mine none but my Waiting-maids. But the Great God that hath hitherto blessed both Your Grace and me, will, I question not, preserve both our Fames to after Ages, for which we shall be bound most humbly to acknowledge his great Mercy; and I myself, as long as I live, be  
Your Grace's Honest Wife, and Humble Servant M. NEWCASTLE.   

THE PREFACE.  
When I first Intended to write this History, knowing myself to be no Scholar, and as ignorant of the Rules of writing Histories, as I have in my other Works acknowledged myself to be of the Names and Terms of Art; I desired my Lord, That he would be pleased to let me have some Elegant and Learned Historian to assist me; which request his Grace would not grant me; saying, That having never had any Assistance in the writing of my former Books, I should have no other in the writing of his life, but the Informations from himself, and his Secretary, of the chief Transactions and Fortunes occurring in it, to the time he married me. I humbly answered, That without a learned Assistant, the History would be defective: But he replied, That Truth could not be defective. I said again, That Rhetoric did adorn Truth: And he answered, That Rhetoric was fitter for Falsehoods than Truths. Thus I was forced by his Grace's Commands, to write this History in my own plain Style, without elegant Flourishing, or exquisite Method, relying entirely upon Truth, in the expressing whereof, I have been very circumspect; as knowing well, that his Grace's Actions have so much Glory of their own, that they need borrow none from any body's Industry.  
Many Learned Men, I know, have published Rules and Directions concerning the Method and Style of Histories, and do with great noise, to little purpose, make loud exclamations against those Historians, that keeping close to the Truth of their Narrations, cannot think it necessary to follow flavishly such Instructions; and there is some Men of good Understandings, as I have heard, that applaud very much several Histories, merely for their Elegant Style, and well-observed Method; setting a high value upon feigned Orations, mystical Designs, and fancied Policies, which are, at the best, but pleasant Romances. Others approve, in the Relations of Wars, and of Military Actions, such tedious Descriptions, that the Reader, tired with them, will imagine that there was more time spent in Assaulting, Defending, and taking of a Fort, or a petty Garrison, than Alexander did employ in conquering the greatest part of the World: which proves, That such Historians regard more their own Eloquence, Wit and Industry, and the knowledge they believe to have of the Actions of War, and of all manner of Governments, than of the truth of the History, which is the main thing, and wherein consists the hardest task, very few Historians knowing the Transactions they write of, and much less the Counsels, and secret Designs of many different Parties, which they confidently mention.  
Although there be many sorts of Histories, yet these three are the chiefest: 1. a General History. 2. A National History. 3. A Particular History. Which three sorts may, not unfitly, be compared to the three sorts of Governments, Democracy, Aristocracy, and Monarchy. The first is the History of the known parts and people of the World; The second is the History of a particular Nation, Kingdom or Commonwealth. The third is the History of the life and actions of some particular Person. The first is profitable for Travellers, Navigators and Merchants; the second is pernicious, by reason it teaches subtle Policies, begets Factions, not only between particular Families and Persons, but also between whole Nations, and great Princes, rubbing old sores, and renewing old Quarrels, that would otherwise have been forgotten. The last is the most secure; because it goes not out of its own Circle, but turns on its own Axis, and for the most part, keeps within the Circumference of Truth. The first is Mechanical, the second Political, and the third Heroical. The first should only be written by Travellers, and Navigators; The second by Statesmen; The third by the Prime Actors, or the Spectators of those Affairs and Actions of which they write, as Caesar's Commentaries are, which no Pen but of such an Author, who was also Actor in the particular Occurrences, private Intrigues, secret Counsels, close Designs, and rare Exploits of War he relates, could ever have brought to so high Perfection.  
This History is of the Third sort, as that is; and being of the Life and Actions of my Noble Lord and Husband, who hath informed me of all the particular passages I have recorded, I cannot, though neither Actor, nor Spectator, be thought ignorant of the Truth of what I write; Nor is it inconsistent with my being a Woman, to write of Wars, that was neither between Medes and Persians, Greeks and Trojans, Christians and Turks; but among my own Countrymen, whose Customs and Inclinations, and most of the Persons that held any considerable Place in the Armies, was well known to me; and besides all that (which is above all) my Noble and Loyal Lord did act a chief Part in that fatal Tragedy, to have defended (if humane power could have done it) his most Gracious Sovereign, from the fury of his Rebellious Subjects.  
This History being (as I have said) of a particular Person, his Actions, and Fortunes; it cannot be expected, that I should here Preach of the beginning of the World; nor seem to express understanding in the Politics, by tedious moral Discourses, with long Observations upon the several sorts of Government that have been in Greece & Rome, and upon others more modern; I will neither endeavour to make show of Eloquence, making Speeches that never was spoken, nor pretend to great skill in War, by making Mountains of Molehills, and telling Romansical Falsehoods for Historical Truths; and much less will I write to amuse my Readers, in a mystical and allegorical Style, of the disloyal Actions of the opposite Party, of the Treacherous Cowardice, Envy and Malice of some Persons, my Lords Enemies, and of the ingratitude of some of his seeming Friends; wherein I cannot better obey his Lordship's Commands to conceal those things, then in leaving them quite out, as I do, with submission to his Lordship's desire, from whom I have learned Patience to overcome my Passions, and Discretion to yield to his Prudence.  
Thus am I resolved to write, in a natural plain style, without Latin Sentences, moral Instructions, politic Designs, feigned Orations, or envious and malicious Exclamations, this short History of the Loyal, Heroick and Prudent Actions of my Noble Lord, as also of his Sufferings, Losses, and ill-Fortunes, which in honour and Conscience I could not suffer to be buried in silence; nor could I have undertaken so hard a task, had not my love to his Person, and to Truth, been my Encourager and Supporter.  
I might have made this Book larger, in transcribing (as is ordinary in Histories) the several Letters, full of Affection, and kind promises he received from His Gracious Sovereign, Charles the First, and from his Royal Consort, in the time he was in the Actions of War, as also since the War, from his dear Sovereign and Master, Charles' the Second; But many of the former Letters having been lost, when all was lost; I thought it best, seeing I had not them all, to print none. As for Orations, which is another way of swelling the bulk of Histories; it is certain, that My Lord made not many; choosing rather to fight, then to talk; and his Declarations having been printed already, it had been superfluous to insert them in these Narrations.  
This Book would however, have been a great Volume, if his Grace would have given me leave to publish his Enemy's Actions; But being to write of his own only, I do it briefly and truly; and not as many have done, who have written of the late Civil War, with but few sprinklings of Truth, like as Heat-drops upon a dry barren Ground; knowing no more of the Transactions of those Times, than what they learned in the Gazettes, which, for the most part, (out of Policy to amuse and deceive the People) contain nothing but Falsehoods and Chimaeras; and were such Parasites, that after the King's Party was overpowered, the Government among the Rebels changing from one Faction to another, they never missed to exalt highly the Merits of the chief Commanders of the then prevailing side, comparing some of them to Moses, and some others to all the great and most famous Heroes, both Greeks and Romans; wherein, unawares, they exceedingly commended my Noble Lord; for if those Ringleaders of Factions were so great men as they are reported to be, by those Time-servers, How much greater must his Lordship be, who beat most of them, except the Earl of Essex, whose employment was never in the Northern parts, where all the rest of the greatest strength of the Parliament was sent, to oppose my Lord's Forces, which was the greatest the Kings Party had any where.  
Good Fortune is such an Idol of the World, and is so like the golden Calf worshipped by the Israelites, that those Archrebels never wanted Astrologers to foretell them good success in all their Enterprises, nor Poets to sing their Praises, nor Orators for Panegyrics; nay, which is worse, nor Historians neither, to record their Valour in fight, and Wisdom in Governing. But being, so much as I am, above base Profit, or any Preferment whatsoever, I cannot fear to be suspected of Flattery, in declaring to the World the Merits, Wealth, Power, Loyalty, and Fortunes of My Noble Lord, who hath done great Actions, suffered great Losses, endured a long Banishment, for his Loyalty to his King and Country; and leads now, like another Scipio, a quiet Countrey-life. If notwithstanding all this, any should say, That those who write Histories of themselves, and their own actions, or of their own Party, or instruct and inform those that write them, are partial to themselves; I answer, That it is very improbable, Worthy Persons, who having done Great, Noble and Heroic Exploits, deserving to be recorded, should be so vain, as to write false Histories; but if they do, it proves but their Folly; for Truth can never be concealed, and so it will be more for their disgrace, then for their Honour or Fame. I fear not any such blemishes in this present History, for I am conscious of any such Crime as Patiality or Falsehood, but write it whilst My Noble Lord is yet alive, and at such a time where Truth may be declared, and Falshood contradicted; and I challenge any one (although I be a Woman) to contradict any thing that I have set down, or prove it to be otherwise then Truth; for be there never so many Contradictions, Truth will conquer all at last.  
Concerning My Lords Actions in War, which are comprehended in the first Book, the relation of them I have chiefly from my Lord's Secretary Mr. Rolleston, a Person that has been an Eye-witness thereof, and accompanied My Lord as Secretary in his Army, and gave out all his Commissions; his honesty and worth is unquestionable by all that know him. And as for the Second Book, which contains My Lords Actions and Sufferings, during the time of his Exile, I have set down so much as I could possibly call to mind, without any particular Expression of time, only from the time of his Banishment, or rather (what I can remember) from the time of my Marriage, till our return into England. To the end of which I have joined a Computation of My Lord's Losses, which he hath suffered by those unfortunate Wars. In the third Book I have set down some particular Chapters concerning the Description of his Person, his Natural Faculties, and Personal Virtues, etc. And in the last, some Essays and Discourses of My Lords, together with some Notes and Remarks of mine own; which I thought most convenient to place by themselves at the end of this Work, rather than to intermingle them with the Body of the History.  
It might be some prejudice to my Lord's Glory, and the credit of this History, not to take notice of a very considerable thing I have heard, which is, That when his Lordship's Army had got so much Strength and Reputation, that the Rebellious Parliament finding themselves overpowered with it, rather than to be utterly ruined, (as was unavoidable) did call the Scots to their Assistance, with a promise to reward so great a Service, with the Four Northern Counties of Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and the Bishopric of Durham, which I have not mentioned in the Book.  
And it is most certain, That the Parliaments Forces were never Powerful, nor their Commanders or Officers Famous, until such time as my Lord was overpowered; neither could Loyalty have been overpowered by Rebellion, had not Treachery had better Fortune than Prudence.  
When I speak of my Lord's Pedigree, where Thomas Earl of Arundel, Grandfather to the now Duke of Norfolk, is mentioned, they have left out William Viscount Stafford, one of his Sons, who did marry the Heir of the last Baron Stafford, descended from the Dukes of Buckingham; which was set down in my Original Manuscript.  
Some of those Omissions, and very probably others, are happened, partly for want of timely Information, and chiefly by the death of my Secretary, who did copy my Writings for the Press, and died in London, attending that Service, afore the Printing of the Book was quite finished. And as I hope of your Favour to be excused for omitting those things in the Book; so I expect of your Justice to be approved in putting them here, though somewhat unseasonably.  
Before I end this Preface, I do beseech my Readers not to mistake me when I speak of my Lord's Banishment, as if I would conceal that he went voluntarily out of his Native Country; for it is most true, that his Lordship prudently perceiving all the King's Party lost, not only in England, but also in Scotland and Ireland; and that it was impossible to withstand the Rebels, after the fatal overthrow of his Army; his Lordship, in a poor and mean condition quitted his own Country, and went beyond Sea; soon after which, the Rebels having got an Absolute Power, and granted a general Pardon to all those that would come in to them, upon composition, at the Rates they had set down, his Lordship, with but few others, was excepted from it, both for Life and Estate, and did remain thus banished till His Majesty's happy Restauration.  
I must also acknowledge, That I have committed great Errors in taking no notice of Times as I should have done in many places of this History: I mention in one place the Queen Mother's being in France, when my Lord went thither, but do not say in what year that was: Nor do I express when His Majesty (our now Gracious Sovereign) came in, and went out again several times from that Kingdom, which has happened for want of Memory, and I desire my Readers to excuse me for it.  
No body can certainly be more ready to find faults in this Work, than I am to confess them; being very conscious that I have, as I told my Lord I should, committed many for want of Learning, and chiefly of skill in writing Histories: But having, according to his Lordship's Commands, written his Actions and Fortunes truly and plainly, I have reason to expect, that whatsoever else shall be found amiss, will be favourably pardoned by the candid Readers, to whom I wish all manner of happiness.   

AN EPISTLE TO HER GRACE THE Duchess of Newcastle.  
May it please your Grace,  
I Have been taught, and do believe, That Obedience is better than Sacrifice; and know, that both are due from me to your Grace; and since I have been so long in obeying your Commands, I shall not presume to use any Arguments for my excuse, but rather choose ingeniously to confess my fault, and beg your Grace's Pardon. And because forgiveness is a Glory to the supremest Powers, I will hope that your Grace by that great example will make it yours. And now I humbly take leave to represent to your Grace, as faithfully and truly as my memory will serve me, all my Observations of the most memorable Actions, and honourable Deportments of His Grace, my most Noble Lord and Master, William Duke of Newcastle, in the execution and Performance of the Trusts and high Employments committed and commended to his care and charge by three Kings of England; that is to say, King James, King Charles' the First, of ever blessed Memory; and our Gracious King, Charles' the Second; under whom he hath had the happiness to live, and the honour to serve them in several capacities: And because I humbly conceive, that it is not within the intention of your Grace's Commands, that I should give you a particular Relation of His Graces High Birth, his Noble and Princely Education and Breeding, both at home and abroad; his Natural Faculties, and Personal Virtues; his justice, Bounty, Charity, Friendship; his Right Approved Courage, and True Valour, not grounded upon, or governed by Passion, but Reason; his Magnificent manner of living and supporting his Dignity, testified by his great Entertainments of their Majesties, and his private Friends, upon all fit occasions, besides his ordinary and constant House-keeping and Attendants; some for Honour, and some for business, wherein he exceeded most of his Quality; and that he was, and is an incomparable Master to his Servants, is sufficiently testified by all or most of the chiefest of them, living and dying in His Grace's Service, which is an Argument that they thought themselves as happy therein, as the World could make them; nor of his well-chosen Pleasures, which were principally Horses of all sorts, but more particularly Horses of Manage; His Study and Art of the true use of the Sword; His Magnificent buildings. These are his chiefest Delights, wherein his Grace spared for no cost nor charge, which are sufficiently manifested to the World; for other Delights, as those of running Horses, Hawking, Hunting, etc. His Grace used them merely for society's sake, and out of a generous and obliging Nature to please others, though his knowledge in them excelled, as well as in the other. And yet notwithstanding these his large and vast expenses, before his Grace was called to the Court, he increased his Revenue by way of Purchase to a great value; and when he was called to the Court, he was then free from Debts, and, as I have heard, some Thousands of Pounds in his Purse. These Particulars, and as many more of this kind as would swell a Volume, I could enumerate to your Grace; but that they are so well known to your Grace, it would be a Presumption in me, rather than a Service, to give your Grace that trouble; and therefore I humbly forbear, and proceed, according to my Intention, to give your Grace a faithful account of Your Grace's Commands, as becomes  
May it please your Grace, Your Grace's most humble, and most obedient Servant, john Rolleston.   

THE LIFE OF THE MOST ILLUSTRIOUS PRINCE, WILLIAM Duke of Newcastle.  

The First Book.  
SInce my chief intent in this present Work, is to describe the Life and Actions of My Noble Lord and Husband, William, Duke of Newcastle, I shall do it with as much Brevity, Perspicuity and Truth, as is required of an Impartial Historian. The History of his Pedigree I shall refer to the Heralds, and partly give you an account thereof at the latter end of this work; only thus much I shall now mention, as will be requisite for the better understanding of the following discourse.  
His Grandfather by his Father's side was Sir William Cavendish, Privy Counsellor and Treasurer of the Chamber to King Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, and Queen Mary. His Grandfather by his Mother was Cuthbert Lord Ogle, an ancient Baron. His Father Sir Charles Cavendish was the youngest son to Sir William, and had no other Children but three Sons, whereof My Lord was the Second; but his elder Brother dying in his Infancy, left both his Title and Birthright to My Lord, so that My Lord had then but one only Brother left, whose name was Charles after his Father, whereas My Lord had the name of his Grandfather.  
These two Brothers were partly bred with Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury their Uncle in Law, and their Aunt Mary, Countess of Shrewsbury, Gilberts Wife, and Sister to their Father; for there interceded an entire and constant Friendship between the said Gilbert, Earl of Shrewsbury, and My Lord's Father, Sir Charles Cavendish, caused not only by the marriage of My Lord's Aunt, his Father's Sister, to the aforesaid Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury, and by the marriage of George Earl of Shrewsbury, Gilberts Father, with My Lord's Grandmother, by his Father's side; but Sir Charles Cavendish, My Lord's Father, and Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury, being brought up and bred together in one Family, and grown up as parts of one body, after they came to be beyond Children, and traveled together into foreign Countries, to observe the Fashions, Laws, and Customs of other Nations, contracted such an entire Friendship which lasted to their death: neither did they out live each other long, for My Lord's Father, Sir Charles Cavendish, lived but one year after Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury.  
But both My Lords Parents, and his Aunt and Uncle in Law, showed always a great and fond love to My Lord, endeavouring, when He was but a Child, to please him with what he most delighted in. When He was grown to the Age of fifteen or sixteen, he was made Knight of the Bath, an ancient and honourable Order, at the time when Henry, King james, of blessed Memory, His eldest Son was created Prince of Wales: and soon after, he went to travel with Sir Henry Wotton, who was sent as Ambassador Extraordinary to the then Duke of Savoy; which Duke made very much of My Lord, and when he would be free in Feasting, placed Him next to himself. Before My Lord did return with the Ambassador into England, the said Duke proffered My Lord, that if he would stay with him, he would not only confer upon him the best Titles of Honour he could, but also give him an honourable Command in War, although My Lord was but young, for the Duke had then some designs of War. But the Ambassador, who had taken the care of My Lord, would not leave Him behind without his Parents consent.  
At last, when My Lord took his leave of the Duke, the Duke being a very generous person, presented Him with a Spanish Horse, a Saddle very richly embroidered, and with a rich Jewel of Diamonds.  
Some time after My Lord's return into England, Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury died, and left My Lord, though he was then but young, and about Twenty two years of age, his Executor; a year after, his Father Sir Charles Cavendish, died also. His Mother, being then a Widow, was desirous that My Lord should marry: in obedience to whose Commands, he chose a Wife both to his own good liking, and his Mother's approving; who was Daughter and Heir to William Basset of Blore Esq a very honourable and ancient Family in Stafford-Shire, by whom was added a great part to His Estate, as hereafter shall be mentioned. After My Lord was married, he lived, for the most part, in the Country, and pleased Himself and his neighbours with Hospitality, and such delights as the Country afforded; only now and then he would go up to London for some short time to wait on the King.  
About this time King james, of blessed memory, having a purpose to confer some Honour upon My Lord, made him Viscount Mansfield, and Baron of Bolsover; and after the decease of King james, King Charles the First, of blessed Memory, constituted him Lord Warden of the Forest of Sherewood, and Lieutenant of Nottinghamshire, and restored his Mother Catharine, the second Daughter of Cuthbert Lord Ogle, to her Father's Dignity, after the death of her only Sister jane Countess of Shrewsbury, publicly declaring, that it was her Right; which Title after the death of his Mother, descended also upon My Lord, and his Heirs General, together with a large Inheritance of 3000 l. a year, in Northumberland.  
About the same time, after the decease of William, late Earl of Devonshire, his Noble Cousin German, My Lord was by his said Majesty made Lord Lieutenant of Derbyshire; which trust and honour, after he had enjoyed for several years, and managed it, like as all other offices put to his Trust, with all possible care, faithfulness and dexterity, during the time of the said Earls Son, William the now Earl of Devonshire, his Minority, as soon as this same Earl was come to age, and by Law made capable of that trust, he willingly and freely resigned it into his hands, he having hitherto kept it only for him, that he and no body else might succeed his Father in that dignity.  
In these, and all other both public and private employments, My Lord hath ever been careful to keep up the King's Rights to the uttermost of his power, to strengthen those mentioned Counties with Ammunition, and to administer Justice to every one; for he refused no man's Petition, but sent all that came to him either for relief or justice, away from him fully satisfied.  
Not long after his being made Lieutenant of Nottinghamshire, there was found so great a defect of Arms and Ammunition in that County, that the Lords of the Council being advertised thereof, as the manner than was, His Majesty commanded a levy to be made upon the whole County for the supply thereof; whereupon the sum of 500 l. or thereabout, was accordingly levied for that purpose, and three Persons of Quality, than Deputy Lieutenants, were desired by My Lord to receive the money, and see it disposed; which being done accordingly, and a certain account rendered to My Lord, he voluntarily ordered the then Clerk of the Peace of that County, That the same account should be recorded amongst the Session's Rolls, and be published in open Sessions, to the end that the Country might take notice, how their moneys were disposed of; for which act of Justice My Lord was highly commended.  
Within some few years after, King Charles the First, of blessed Memory, His Gracious Sovereign, in regard of His true and faithful service to his King and Country, was pleased to honour him with the Title of Earl of Newcastle, and Baron of Bothal and Heple; which Title he graced so much by His Noble Actions and Deportments, that some seven years after, which was in the Year 1638. His Majesty called him up to Court, and thought Him the fittest Person whom He might intrust with the Government of His Son Charles then Prince of Wales, now our most Gracious King, and made him withal a Member of the Lords of His Majesty's most honourable Privy Council; which, as it was a great Honour and Trust, so He spared no care and industry to discharge His Duty accordingly; and to that end, left all the care of governing his own Family and Estate, with all Fidelity attending His Master not without considerable Charges, and vast Expenses of his own.  
In this present Employment He continued for the space of three Years, during which time there happened an Insurrection and Rebellion of His Majesty's discontented Subjects in Scotland, which forced His Majesty to raise an Army, to reduce them to their Obedience, and His Treasury being at that time exhausted, he was necessitated to desire some supply and assistance of the Noblest and Richest of his Loyal Subjects; amongst the rest, My Lord lent His Majesty 10000 l. and raised Himself a Voluntier-Troop of Horse, which consisted of 120 Knights and Gentlemen of Quality, who marched to Berwick by His Majesty's Command, where it pleased His Majesty to set this mark of Honour upon that Troop, that it should be Independent, and not commanded by any General Officer, but only by his Majesty Himself; The reason thereof was upon this following occasion.  
His Majesty's whole body of Horse, being commanded to march into Scotland against the Rebels, a place was appointed for their Rendezvous; Immediately upon their meeting, My Lord sent a Gentleman of Quality of his Troop 
* Sir William Carnaby, Kt.  to His Majesties then General of the Horse, to know where his Troop should march; who returned this answer, That it was to march next after the Troops of the General Officers of the Field. My Lord conceiving that his Troop ought to march in the Van, and not in the Rear, sent the same Messenger back again to the General, to inform him, That he had the honour to march with the Prince's Colours, and therefore he thought it not fit to march under any of the Officers of the Field; yet nevertheless the General ordered that Troop as he had formerly directed. Whereupon, My Lord thinking it unfit at that time to dispute the business, immediately commanded his Cornet 
* Mr. Grace, Brother to the Lord Grace of the North.  to take off the Prince's Colours from his staff, and so marched in the place appointed, choosing rather to march without his Colours flying, then to lessen his Master's dignity by the command of any subject.  
Immediately after the return from that expedition to his Majesty's Leaguer, the General made a complaint thereof to his Majesty; who being truly informed of the business, commended my Lord's discretion for it, and from that time ordered that Troop to be commanded by none but himself. Thus they remained upon duty without receiving any pay or allowance from His Majesty, until His Majesty had reduced his Rebellious Subjects, and then My Lord returned with honour to his Charge, viz. The Government of the Prince.  
At last when the whole Army was disbanded, then, and not before, my Lord thought it a fit Time to exact an account from the said General for the affront he passed upon him, and sent him a Challenge; the place and hour being appointed by both their Consents, where and when to meet, My Lord appeared there with his Second 
* Francis Palms. , but found not his Opposite: After some while his Opposite's Second came all alone, by whom my Lord perceived that their Design had been discovered to the King by some of his Opposite's Friends, who presently caused them both to be confined until he had made their Peace.  
My Lord having hitherto attended the Prince, his Master, with all faithfulness and duty befitting so great an Employment, for the space of three years, in the beginning of that Rebellious and unhappy Parliament, which was the cause of all the ruins and misfortunes that afterwards befell this Kingdom, was privately advertised, that the Parliaments Design was to take the Government of the Prince from him, which he apprehending as a disgrace to Himself, wisely prevented, and obtained the Consent of His late Majesty, with His Favour, to deliver up the Charge of being Governor to the Prince, and retire into the Country; which he did in the beginning of the Year 1641, and settled himself, with his Lady, Children and Family, to his great satisfaction, with an intent to have continued there, and rested under his own Vine, and managed his own Estate; but he had not enjoyed himself long, but an Express came to him from His Majesty, who was then unjustly and unmannerly treated by the said Parliament, to repair with all possible speed and privacy, to Kingston upon Hull, where the greatest part of His Majesty's Ammunition and Arms than remained in that Magazine, it being the most considerable place for strength in the Northern parts of the Kingdom.  
Immediately upon the receipt of these His Majesty's Orders and Commands, my Lord prepared for their execution, and about Twelve of the Clock at night, hastened from his own house when his Family were all at their rest, save two or three Servants which he appointed to attend him. The next day early in the morning he arrived at Hull, in the quality of a private Gentleman, which place was distant from his house forty miles; and none of his Family that were at home, knew what was become of him, till he sent an Express to his Lady to inform her where he was.  
Thus being admitted into the Town, he fell upon his intended Design, and brought it to so hopeful an issue for His Majesty's Service, that he wanted nothing but His Majesty's further Commission and Pleasure to have secured both the Town and Magazine for His Majesty's use; and to that end by a speedy Express 
* Capt. Mazine  gave His Majesty, who was then at Windsor, an account of all his Transactions therein, together with his Opinion of them, hoping His Majesty would have been pleased either to come thither in Person, which He might have done with much security, or at least have sent him a Commission and Orders how he should do His Majesty further Service.  
But instead thereof he received Orders from His Majesty to observe such Directions as he should receive from the Parliament then sitting: Whereupon he was summoned personally to appear at the House of Lords, and a Committee chosen to examine the Grounds and Reasons of his undertaking that Design; but my Lord showed them his Commission, and that it was done in obedience to His Majesty's Commands, and so was cleared of that Action.  
Not long after, my Lord obtained the freedom from His Majesty to retire again to his Countrey-Life, which he did with much alacrity: He had not remained many months there, but His Majesty was forced by the fury of the said Parliament, to repair in Person to York, and to send the Queen beyond the Seas for her safety.  
No sooner was His Majesty arrived at York, but he sent his Gommands to my Lord to come thither to him; which according to his wont custom and loyalty he readily obeyed, and after a few days spent there in Consultation, His Majesty was pleased to Command him to Newcastle upon Tyne, to take upon him the Government of that Town, and the four Counties next adjoining; that is to say, Northumberland, Cumberland, Westmoreland, and the Bishopric of Durham: which my Lord did accordingly, although he wanted Men, Money and Ammunition, for the performance of that design; for when he came thither, he neither found any Military provision considerable for the undertaking that work, nor generally any great encouragement from the people in those parts, more than what his own interest created in them; Nevertheless, he thought it his duty rather to hazard all, then to neglect the Commands of His Sovereign; and resolved to show his Fidelity, by nobly setting all at stake, as he did, though he well knew how to have secured himself, as too many others did, either by Neutrality, or adhering to the Rebellious Party; but his Honour and Loyalty was too great to be stained with such foul adherencies.  
As soon as my Lord came to Newcastle, in the first place he sent for all his Tenants and Friends in those parts, and presently raised a Troop of Horse consisting of 120. and a Regiment of Foot, and put them under Command, and upon duty and exercise in the Town of Newcastle; and with this small beginning took the Government of that place upon him; where with the assistance of the Townsmen, particularly the Mayor, 
* Sir john Marlay Kt.  (whom by the power of his Forces, he continued Mayor for the year following, he being a person of much trust and fidelity, as he approved himself) and the rest of his Brethren, within few days he fortified the Town, and raised men daily, and put a Garrison of Soldiers into Tinmouth- Castle, standing upon the River Tyne, betwixt Newcastle and the Sea, to secure that Port, and armed the Soldiers as well as he could: And thus he stood upon his Guard, and continued them upon Duty; playing his weak Game with much Prudence, and giving the Town and Country very great satisfaction by his noble and honourable Deportment.  
In the mean time, there happened a great mutiny of the Trainband Soldiers of the Bishopric at Durham, so that my Lord was forced to remove thither in Person, attended with some forces to appease them; where at his arrival (I mention it by the way, and as a merry passage) a jovial Fellow used this expression, That he liked my Lord very well, but not his Company (meaning his Soldiers.)  
After my Lord had reduced them to their obedience and duty, he took great care of the Church Government in the said Bishopric (as he did no less in all other places committed to his Care and Protection, well knowing that Schism and Faction in Religion is the Mother of all or most Rebellions, Wars and Disturbances in a State or Government) and constituted that Learned and Eminent Divine the then Dean of Peterborough, now Lord-Bishop of Durham 
* Dr. Coosens. , to view all sermons that were to be Preached, and suffer nothing in them that in the least reflected against His Majesty's Person and Government, but to put forth and add whatsoever he thought convenient, and punish those that should trespass against it. In which that worthy Person used so much care and industry, that never the Church could be more happily governed than it was at that present.  
Some short time after, my Lord received from Her Majesty the Queen, out of Holland a small supply of Money, viz. a little barrel of Ducatoons, which amounted to about 500 l. Sterling; which my Lord distributed amongst the Officers of his new raised Army, to encourage them the better in their service; as also some Arms, the most part whereof were consigned to his late Majesty; and those that were ordered to be conveyed to his Majesty, were sent accordingly, conducted by that only Troop of Horse, which my Lord had newly raised, with orders to return again to him; but it seems His Majesty liked the Troop so well, that he was pleased to command their stay to recruit his own Army.  
About the same time the King of Denmark was likewise pleased to send His Majesty a Ship, which arrived at Newcastle, laden with some Ammunition, Arms, Regiment Pieces, and Danish Clubs; which my Lord kept for the furnishing of some Forces which he intended to raise for His Majesty's service; for he perceiving the flames increase more and more in both the Houses of Parliament then sitting at Westminster, against his Majesty's Person and Government; upon Consultation with his Friends and Allies, and the interest he had in those Northern parts, took a resolution to raise an Army for His Majesty's service, and by an express acquainted His Majesty with his design; who was so well pleased with it, that he sent him Commissions for that purpose, to constitute him General of all the Forces raised and to be raised in all the parts of the Kingdom, Trent-North, and moreover in the several Counties of Lincoln, Nottingham, Derby, Lancashire, Cheshire, Leicester, Rutland, Cambridg, Huntingdon, Norfolk, Suffolk, and Essex, and Commander in Chief for the same; as also to empower and authorise him to confer the honour of Knighthood upon such Persons as he should conceive deserved it, and to coin Money and Print whensoever he saw occasion for it: Which as it was not only a great Honour, but a great Trust and Power; so he used it with much discretion and wisdom, only in such occurrencies, where he found it tending to the advancement of His Majesty's Service, and conferred the honour of Knighthood sparingly, and but on such persons, whose Valiant and Loyal Actions did justly deserve it, so that he Knighted in all to the number of Twelve.  
Within a short time, my Lord form an Army of 8000 Foot, Horse and Dragoons, and put them into a condition to march in the beginning of November 1642. No sooner was this effected, but the Insurrection grew high in Yorkshire, in so much, that most of His Majesty's good subjects of that County, as well the Nobility as Gentry, were forced for the preservation of their persons, to retire to the City of York, a walled Town, but of no great strength; and hearing that my Lord had not only kept those Counties in the Northern parts generally faithful to his Majesty, but raised an Army for His Majesty's Interest, and the protection of his good subjects; thought it convenient to employ and authorize some persons of Quality to attend upon my Lord, and treat with him on their behalf, that he would be pleased to give them the assistance of his Army, which my Lord granted them upon such Terms as did highly advance His Majesty's Service, which was my Lords chief and only aim.  
Thus my Lord being with his Army invited into Yorkshire, He prepared for it with all the speed that the nature of that business could possibly permit; and after he had fortified the Town of Newcastle, Tynmouthcastle, Hartlepool (a Haven Town) and some other necessary Garrisons in those parts, and Manned, Victualled and ordered their constant supply, He thought it fit in the first place, before he did march, to manifest to the World by a Declaration in Print, the reasons and grounds of his undertaking that design; which were in General, for the preservation of His Majesty's Person and Government, and the defence of the Orthodox Church of England; where He also satisfied those that murmured for my Lords receiving into his Army such as were of the Catholic Religion, and then he presently marched with his Army into Yorkshire to their assistance, and within the time agreed upon, came to York, notwithstanding the Enemy's Forces gave him all the interruption they possibly could, at several passes; whereof the chief was at Pierce-bridg, at the entering into Yorkshire, where 1500 of the Enemy's Forces, Commanded in chief by Col. Hotham, were ready to interrupt my Lord's Forces, sent thither to secure that pass, consisting of a Regiment of Dragoons, commanded by Colonel Thomas Howard, and a Regiment of Foot, Commanded by Sir William Lambton, which they performed with so much Courage, that they routed the Enemy, and put them to flight, although the said Col. Howard in that Charge lost his life by an unfortunate shot.  
The Enemy thus missing of their design, fled until they met with a conjunction of their whole Forces at Tadcaster, some eight miles distant from York, and my Lord went on without any other considerable Interruption. Being come to York, he drew up his whole Army before the Town, both Horse and Foot, where the Commander in Chief, the then earl of Cumberland, together with the Gentry of the Country, came to wait on my Lord, and the than Governor of York, Sir Thomas Glemham, presented him with the Keys of the City.  
Thus my Lord marched into the Town with great joy, and to the general satisfaction both of the Nobility and Gentry, and most of the Citizens; and immediately without any delay, in the later end of December 1642, fell upon Consultations how he might best proceed to serve his King and Country; and particularly, how his Army should be maintained and paid, (as he did also afterwards in every Country wheresoever he marched) well knowing, that no Army can be governed without being constantly and regularly supported by provision and pay. Whereupon it was agreed, That the Nobility and Gentry of the several Counties, should select a certain number of themselves to raise money by a regular Tax, for the making provisions for the support and maintenance of the Army, rather than to leave them to freequarter, and to carve for themselves; and if any of the Soldiers were exorbitant and disorderly, and that it did appear so to those that were authorised to examine their deportment, that presently order should be given to repair those injuries out of the moneys levied for the Soldiery; by which means the Country was preserved from many inconveniences, which otherwise would doubtless have followed.  
And though the season of the year might well have invited my Lord to take up his Winter-quarters, it being about Christmas; yet after he had put a good Garrison into the City of York, and fortified it, upon intelligence that the Enemy was still at Tadcaster, and had fortified that place, he resolved to march thither. The greatest part of the Town stands on the West side of a River not fordable in any place near thereabout, nor allowing any passage into the Town from York, but over a Stone-bridge, which the Enemy had made impassable by breaking down part of the Bridge, and planting their Ordnance upon it, and by raising a very large and strong Fort upon the top of a Hill, leading Eastward from that Bridge towards York, upon design of commanding the Bridge and all other places fit to draw up an Army in, or to plant Cannon against them.  
But notwithstanding all these Discouragements, my Lord after he had refreshed his Army at York, and recruited his provisions, ordered a march before the said Town in this manner: That the greatest part of his Horse and Dragoons should in the night march to a Pass at Weatherby, five miles distant from Tadcaster, towards Northwest, from thence under the Command of his then Lieutenant General of the Army, to appear on the West side of Tadcaster early the next morning, by which time my Lord with the rest of his Army resolved to appear at the East-side of the said Town; which intention was well designed, but ill executed; for though my Lord with that part of the Army which he commanded in person, that is to say, his Foot and Cannon, attended by some Troops of Horse, did march that night, and early in the morning appeared before the Town on the East side thereof, and there drew up his Army, planted his Cannon, and closely and orderly besieged that side of the Town, and from ten in the morning till four a Clock in the afternoon, battered the Enemy's Forts and Works, as being in continual expectation of the appearance of the Troops on the other side, according to his order; yet (whether it was out of Neglect or Treachery that my Lords Orders were not obeyed) that days Work was rendered ineffectual as to the whole Design.  
However the vigilancy of My Lord did put the Enemy into such a Terror, that they forsook that Fort, and secretly fled away with all their Train that very night to another strong hold not far distant from Tadcaster, called Cawood-Castle, to which, by reason of its low and boggy Situation, and foul and narrow Lanes and passages, it was not possible for my Lord to pursue them without too great an hazard to his Army; whereas had the Lieutenant General performed his Duty, in all probability, the greatest part of the principal Rebels in Yorkshire, would that day have been taken in their own trap, and their further mischief prevented. My Lord, the next morning, instead of storming the Town, (as he he had intended) entered without interruption, and there stayed some few days to refresh his Army, and order that part of the Country.  
In December 1642. My Lord thought it fit to march to Pomfret, and to quarter his Army in that part of the Country, which was betwixt Cawood, and some Garrisons of the Enemy, in the west part of Yorkshire, viz. Hallifax, Bradford, Leeds, Wakefield, etc. where he remained some time to recruit and enlarge his Army, which was much lessened by erecting of Garrisons, and to keep those parts in order and obedience to His Majesty; And after he had thus ordered his Affairs, He was enabled to give Protection to those parts of the Country that mere most willing to embrace it, and quartered his Army for a time in such places which he had reduced. Tadcaster, which stood upon a Pass, he made a Garrison, or rather a strong Quarter, and put also a Garrison into Pomfret Castle, not above eight Miles distant from Tadcaster, which commanded that Town, and a great part of the Country.  
During the time that his Army remained at Pomfret, My Lord settled a Garrison at Newark in Nottinghamshire, standing upon the River Trent, a very considerable pass, which kept the greatest part of Nottinghamshire, and part of Lincolnshire in obedience; and after that, he returned in the beginning of january 1642, back to York, with an intention to supply Himself with some Ammunition, which He had ordered to be brought from Newcastle: A Convoy of Horse that were employed to conduct it from thence, under the Command of the Lieutenant General of the Army the Lord Ethyn, was by the Enemy at a pass, called Yarum-bridg, in Yorkshire, fiercely encountered; in which encounter My Lord's Forces totally routed them, slew many, and took many Prisoners, and most of their Horse Colours consisting of Seventeen Cornets; and so marched on to York with their Ammunition, without any other Interruption.  
My Lord, after he had received this Ammunition, put his Army into a condition to march, and having intelligence that the Queen was at Sea, with intention to land in some part of the Eastriding of Yorkshire, he directed his March in February 1642, into those parts, to be ready to attend Her Majesty's landing, who was then daily expected from Holland. Within a short time, after it had pleased God to protect Her Majesty both from the fury of Wind and Waves, there being for several days such a Tempest at Sea, that Her Majesty, with all her Attendance, was in danger to be cast away every minute; as also from the fury of the Rebels, which had the whole Naval Power of the Kingdom then in their Hands: she arrived safely at a small Port in the Eastriding of Yorkshire, called Burlington Key, where Her Majesty was no sooner landed, but the Enemy at Sea made continual shot against her Ships in the Port, which reached not only Her Majesty's landing, but even the House where she lay (though without the least hurt to any) so that she herself, and her Attendants, were forced to leave the same, and to seek Protection from a Hill near that place, under which they retired; and all that while it was observed, that Her Majesty showed as much Courage as ever any person could do; for Her undaunted and Generous spirit was like her Royal Birth, deriving itself from that unparrallelled King, Her Father, whose Heroic Actions will be in perpetual Memory, whilst the World hath a being.  
My Lord finding Her Majesty in this condition, drew his Army near the place where she was, ready to attend and protect Her Majesty's Person, who was pleased to take a view of the Army as it was drawn up in order; and immediately after, which was in March 1643, took Her journey towards York, whither the whole Army conducted Her Majesty, and brought her safe into the City. About this time, Her Majesty having some present occasion for Money, My Lord presented Her with 3000 l. Sterling, which she graciously accepted of, and having spent some time there in Consultation about the present affairs, she was pleased to send some Arms and Ammunition to the King, who was then in Oxford; to which end, my Lord ordered a Party consisting of 1500, well Commanded, to conduct the same, with whom the Lord Percy, who then had waited upon Her Majesty from the King, returned to Oxford; which Party His Majesty was pleased to keep with him for his own Service.  
Not long after, My Lord, who always endeavoured to win any place or persons by fair means, rather than by using of force, reduced to His Majesty's obedience a strong Fort and Castle upon the Sea, and a very good Haven, called Scarborough-Castle, persuading the Governor thereof, who heretofore had opposed his Forces at Yarum-bridg, with such rational and convincible Arguments, that he willingly rendered himself, and all the Garrison under His Majesty's Devotion; By which prudent Action My Lord highly advanced His Majesty's Interest; for by that means the Enemy was much annoyed and prejudiced at Sea, and a great part in the East-riding of Yorkshire kept in due obedience.  
After this, My Lord having received Intelligence that the Enemy's General of the Horse 
* Sir Thomas Fairfax.  had designed to march with a Party from Cawood Castle, whither they were fled from Tadcaster, as before is mentioned, to some Garrisons which they had in the West of Yorkshire; presently ordered a party of Horse, Commanded by the General of the Horse, the Lord George Goring, to attend the Enemy in their March, who overtook them on a Moor, called Seacroft-Moor, and fell upon their Rear, which caused the Enemy to draw up their Forces into a Body; to whom they gave a Total rout (although their number was much greater) and took about 800 Prisoners, and 10 or 12 Colours of Horse, besides many that were slain in the charge; which Prisoners were brought to York, about 10 or 12 miles distant from that same place.  
Immediately after, in pursuit of that Victory, My Lord sent a considerable Party into the West of Yorkshire, where they met with about 2000 of the Enemy's Forces, taken out of their several Garrisons in those parts, to execute some design upon a Moor called Tankerly-Moor, and there fought them, and routed them; many were slain, and some taken Prisoners.  
Not long after, the Remainder of the Army that were left at York, marched to Leeds, in the West of Yorkshire, and from thence to Wakefield, being both the Enemy's Quarters, to reduce and settle that part of the Country: My Lord having possessed himself of the Town of Wakefield, it being large, and of great compass, and able to make a strong quarter, ordered it accordingly; and receiving Intelligence that in two Market-Towns South-west from Wakefield, viz. Rotheram and Sheffield, the Enemy was very busy to raise Forces against his Majesty, and had fortified them both about four miles distant from each other, hoping thereby to give protection and encouragement to all those parts of the Country which were populous, rich and rebellious, he thought it necessary to use his best endeavours to blast those their wicked designs in the bud; and thereupon took a resolution in April 1643, to march with part of his Army from Wakefield into the mentioned parts, attended with a convenient Train of Artillery and Ammunition, leaving the greatest part of it at Wakefield with the remainder of his Army, under the Care and Conduct of his General of the Horse, and Major General of the Army 
* The Lord Goring, and Sir Francis Mackworth Knight. , which was so considerable, both in respect of their number and provision, that they did, as they might well, conceive themselves Master of the Field in those parts, and secure in that quarter, although in the end it proved not so, as shall hereafter be declared, which must necessarily be imputed to their invigilancy and carelessness.  
My Lord first marched to Rotheram, and finding that the Enemy had placed a Garrison of Soldiers in that Town, and fortified it, he drew up his Army in the morning against the Town, and summoned it; but they refusing to yield, my Lord fell to work with his Cannon and Musket, and within a short time took it by storm, and entered the Town that very night; some Enemies of note that were found therein, were taken Prisoners; and as for the common Soldiers, which were by the Enemy forced from their Allegiance, he showed such Clemency to them, that very many willingly took up Arms for His Majesty's Service, and proved very faithful and loyal Subjects, and good Soldiers.  
After my Lord had stayed two or three days there, and ordered those parts, he marched with his Army to Sheffield, another Market-Town of large extent, in which there was an ancient Castle; which when the Enemy's Forces that kept the Town, came to hear of, being terrified with the fame of my Lords hitherto Victorious Army, they fled away from thence into Derbyshire, and left both Town and Castle (without any blow) to my Lord's Mercy; and though the people in the Town were most of them rebelliously affected, yet my Lord so prudently ordered the business, that within a short time he reduced most of them to their Allegiance by love, and the rest by fear, and recruited his Army daily, he put a Garrison of Soldiers into the Castle, and fortified it in all respects, and constituted a Gentleman of Quality 
* Sir Will. Savil Kt. and Bar.  Governor both of the Castle, Town and Country; and finding near that place some Iron Works, he gave present order for the casting of Iron Cannon for his Garrisons, and for the making of other Instruments and Engines of War.  
Within a short time after, my Lord receiving Intelligence that the Enemy in the Garrisons near Wakefield had united themselves, and being drawn into a body in the night time, had surprised and entered the Town of Wakesield, and taken all or most of the Officers and Soldiers, left there, Prisoner's, (amongst whom was also the General of the Horse, the Lord Goring, whom my Lord afterwards redeemed by Exchange) and possessed themselves of the whole Magazine, which was a very great loss and hindrance to my Lords designs, it being the Moiety of his Army, and most of his Ammunition, he fell upon new Counsels, and resolved without any delay to march from thence back towards York, which was in May 1643, where after he had rested some time, Her Majesty being resolved to take Her Journey towards the Southern parts of the Kingdom, where the King was, designed first to go from York to Pomfret, whither my Lord ordered the whole Marching Army to be in readiness to conduct Her Majesty, which they did, he himself attending Her Majesty in person. And after Her Majesty had rested there some small time, she being desirous to proceed in Her intended Journey, no less than a form Army was able to secure Her Person: Wherefore my Lord was resolved out of his fidelity and duty to supply Her with an Army of 7000 Horse and Foot, besides a convenient Train of Artillery, for Her safer Conduct; choosing rather to leave himself in a weak condition (though he was even then very near the Enemy's Garrisons in that part of the Country) then suffer Her Majesty's Person to be exposed to danger. Which Army of 7000 men, when Her Majesty was safely arrived to the King, He was pleased to keep with him for His own Service.  
After Her Majesty's departure out of Yorkshire, my Lord was forced to recruit again his Army, and within a short time, viz. in june 1643, took a resolution to march into the Enemy's Quarters, in the Western parts; in which march he met with a strong stone house well fortified, called Howley-House, wherein was a Garrison of Soldiers, which my Lord summoned; but the Governor disobeying the summons, he battered it with his Cannon, and so took it by force; the Governor having quarter given him contrary to my Lords Orders, was brought before my Lord by a Person of Quality, for which the Officer that brought him, received a check; and though he resolved then to kill him, yet my Lord would not suffer him to do it, saying, It was inhuman to kill any man in cold blood. Hereupon the Governor kissed the Key of the House door, and presented it to my Lord; to which my Lord returned this answer, I need it not, said he, for I brought a Key along with me, which yet I was unwilling to use, until you forced me to it.  
At this House my Lord remained five or six days, till he had refreshed his Soldiers; and then a resolution was taken to march against a Garrison of the Enemies called Bradford, a little, but a strong Town; in the way he met with a strong interruption by the Enemy drawing forth a vast number of Musquetiers, which they had very privately gotten out of Lancashire, the next adjoining County to those parts of Yorkshire, which had so easy an access to them at Bradford, by reason the whole Country was of their Party, that my Lord could not possibly have any constant intelligence of their designs and motions; for in their Army there were near 5000 Musquetiers, and 18 Troops of Horse, drawn up in a place full of hedges, called Atherton-moor, near to their Garrison at Bradford, ready to encounter my Lords Forces, which then contained not above half so many Musquetiers as the Enemy had; their chiefest strength consisting in Horse, and these made useless for a long time together, by the Enemy's Horse possessing all the plain ground upon that Field; so that no place was left to draw up my Lord's Horse, but amongst old Coal-pits: Neither could they charge the Enemy, by reason of a great ditch and high bank betwixt my Lords and the Enemy's Troops, but by two on a breast, and that within Musket shot; the Enemy being drawn up in hedges, and continually playing upon them, which rendered the service exceeding difficult and hazardous.  
In the mean while the Foot of both sides on the right and left Wings, encountered each other, who fought from Hedge to Hedge, and for a long time together overpowered and got ground of my Lord's Foot, almost to the environing of his Cannon; my Lord's Horse (wherein consisted his greatest strength) all this while being made, by reason of the ground, incapable of charging; at last the Pikes of my Lord's Army having had no employment all the day, were drawn against the Enemies left wing, and particularly those of my Lords own Regiment, which were all stout and valiant men, who fell so furiously upon the Enemy, that they forsook their hedges, and fell to their heels: At which very instant, my Lord caused a shot or two to be made by his Cannon against the Body of the Enemy's Horse, drawn up within Cannon shot, which took so good effect, that it disordered the Enemy's Troops; Hereupon my Lord's Horse got over the Hedge, not in a body (for that they could not) but dispersedly two on a breast; and as soon as some considerable number was gotten over, and drawn up, they charged the Enemy, and routed them; so that in an instant there was a strange change of Fortune, and the Field totally won by my Lord, notwithstanding he had quitted 7000 Men, to conduct Her Majesty, besides a good Train of Artillery, which in such a Conjuncture would have weakened Caesar's Army. In this Victory the Enemy lost most of their Foot, about 3000 were taken Prisoners, and 700 Horse and Foot slain, and those that escaped, fled into their Garrison at Bradford, amongst whom was also their General of the Horse.  
After this, My Lord caused his Army to be rallied, and marched in order that night before Bradford, with an intention to storm it the next morning; but the Enemy that were in the Town, it seems, were so discomfited, that the same night they escaped all various ways, and amongst them the said General of the Horse, whose Lady being behind a Servant on Horseback, was taken by some of My Lord's Soldiers and brought to his Quarters, where she was treated and attended with all civility and respect, and within few days sent to York in my Lords own Coach, and from thence very shortly after to Kingston upon Hull, where she desired to be, attended by my Lord's Coach and Servants.  
Thus my Lord, after the Enemy was gone, entered the Town and Garrison of Bradford, by which Victory the Enemy was so daunted, that they forsook the rest of their Garrisons, that is to say, Hallifax, Leeds and Wakefield, and dispersed themselves severally, the chief Officers retiring to Hull, a strong Garrison of the Enemy; and though my Lord, knowing they would make their escape thither, as having no other place of refuge to resort to, sent a Letter to York to the Governor of that City, to stop them in their passage; yet by neglect of the Post, it coming not timely enough to his hands, his Design was frustrated.  
The whole County of York, save only Hull, being now cleared and settled by my Lords Care and Conduct, he marched to the City of York, and having a competent number of Horse well armed and commanded, he quartered them in the East-riding, near Hull, there being no visible Enemy then to oppose them: In the mean while my Lord receiving News that the Enemy had made an Invasion into the next adjoining County of Lincoln, where he had some Forces, he presently dispatched 
* The Lord Ethyn.  his Lieutenant General of the Army away with some Horse and Dragoons, and soon after marched thither himself with the body of the Army, being earnestly desired by his Majesty's Party there. The Forces which my Lord had in the same County, commanded by the then Lieutenant General of the Horse, Mr. Charles Cavendish, second Brother to the now Earl of Devonshire, though they had timely notice, and Orders from my Lord to make their retreat to the Lieutenant-General of the Army, and not to fight the Enemy; yet the said Lieutenant-General of the Horse being transported by his Courage, (he being a Person of great Valour and Conduct) and having charged the Enemy, unfortunately lost the field, and himself was slain in the Charge, his Horse lighting in a bog: Which news being brought to my Lord when he was on his March, he made all the hast he could, and was no sooner joined with his Lieutenant General, but fell upon the Enemy, and put them to flight.  
The first Garrison my Lord took in Lincolnshire, was Gainsborrough, a Town standing upon the River Trent, wherein (not long before) had been a Garrison of Soldiers for His Majesty, under the Command of the then Earl of Kingston, but surprised, and the Town Taken by the Enemy's Forces, who having an intention to convey the said Earl of Kingston from thence to Hull in a little Pinnace, met with some of my Lords Forces by the way, commanded by the Lieutenant of the Army, who being desirous to rescue the Earl of Kingston, and and making some shots with their Regiment Pieces, to stop the Pinnace, unfortunately slew him, and one of his Servants.  
My Lord drawing near the mentioned Town of Gainsborrough, there appeared on the top of a Hill above the Town, some of the Enemy's Horse drawn up in a body; whereupon he immediately sent a party of his Horse to view them; who no sooner came within their sight, but they retreated fairly so long as they could well endure; but the pursuit of my Lord's Horse caused them presently to break their ranks, and fall to their heels; where most of them escaped, and fled to Lincoln, another of their Garrisons. Hereupon my Lord summoned the Town of Gainsborrough; but the Governor thereof refusing to yield, caused my Lord to plant his Cannon, and draw up his Army on the mentioned Hill; and having played some little while upon the Town, put the Enemy into such a terror, that the Governor sent out, and offered the surrender of the Town upon fair terms, which my Lord thought fit rather to embrace, then take it by force; and though according to the Articles of Agreement made between them, both the Enemy's Arms and the Keys of the Town should have been fairly delivered to my Lord; yet it being not performed as it was expected, the Arms being in a confused manner thrown down, and the Gates set wide open, the Prisoners that had been kept in the Town, began first to plunder; which my Lords Forces seeing, did the same, although it was against my Lords will and orders.  
After my Lord had thus reduced the Town, and put a good Garrison of Soldiers into it, and better fortified it, he marched before Lincoln, and there he entered with his Army without great difficulty, and placed also a Garrison in it, and raised a considerable Army, both Horse, Foot and Dragoons, for the preservation of that County, and put them under Commanders, and constituted a Person of Honour 
* The Lord Widdrington.  Commander in Chief, with intention to march towards the South, which if it had taken effect, would doubtless have made an end of that War; but he being daily importuned by the Nobility and Gentry of Yorkshire, to return into that County, especially upon the persuasions of the Commander in Chief of the Forces left there, who acquainted my Lord that the Enemy grew so strong every day, being got together in Kingston upon Hull, and annoying that Country, that his Forces were not able to bear up against them; alleging withal, that my Lord would be suspected to betray the Trust reposed in him, if he came not to succour and assist them; he went back with his Army for the protection of that same Country; and when he arrived there, which was in August 1643, he found the Enemy of so small consequence, that they did all fly before him. About this time His Majesty was pleased to honour my Lord for His true and faithful Service, with the Title of Marquis of Newcastle.  
My Lord being returned into Yorkshire, forced the Enemy first from a Town called Beverly, wherein they had a Garrison of Soldiers; and from thence, upon the entreaty of the Nobility and Gentry of Yorkshire, (as before is mentioned) who promised him Ten thousand men for that purpose, though they came short of their performance, marched near the Town of Kingston upon Hull, and besieged that part of the Garrison that bordered on Yorkshire, for a certain time; in which time the Enemy took the courage to sally out of the Town with a strong party of Horse and Foot very early in the morning, with purpose to have forced the Quarters of a Regiment of my Lord's Horse, that were quartered next the Town; but by the vigilancy of their Commander Sir Marmaduke Langdale, afterwards Lord Langdale, his Forces being prepared for their reception, they received such a Welcome as cost many of them their Lives, most of their Foot (but such as were slain) being taken Prisoners; and those of their Horse that escaped, got into their Hold at Hull.  
The Enemy thus seeing that they could do my Lord's Army no further damage on that side of the River in Yorkshire, endeavoured by all means (from Hull, and other confederate places in the Eastern parts of the Kingdom) to form a considerable party to annoy and disturb the Forces raised by my Lord in Lincolnshire, and left there for the protection on of that County; where the Enemy being drawn together in a body, fought my Lords Forces in his absence, and got the honour of the day near Hornby Castle in that County; which loss, caused partly by their own rashness, forced my Lord to leave his design upon Hull, and to march back with his Army to York, which was in October 1643, where he remained but a few days to refresh his Army, and receiving intelligence that the Enemy was got into Derbyshire, and did grow numerous there, and busy in seducing the people, that Country being under my Lords Command, he resolved to direct his March thither in the beginning of November 1643, to suppress their further growth; and to that end quartered his Army at Chesterfield, and in all the parts thereabout, for a certain time.  
Immediately after his departure from York to Pomfret, in his said March into Derbyshire, the City of York sent to my Lord to inform him of their intention to choose another Mayor for the year following, desiring his pleasure about it: My Lord, who knew that the Mayor for the year before, was a person of much Loyalty and Discretion, declared his mind to them, That he thought it fit to continue him Mayor also for the year following; which it seems they did not like, but resolved to choose one which they pleased, contrary to my Lords desire. My Lord perceiving their intentions, about the time of the Election sent orders to the Governor of the City of York, to permit such Forces to enter into the City as he should send; which being done accordingly, they upon the Day of the Election repaired to the Town-Hall, and with their Arms stayed there until they had continued the said Mayor according to my Lords desire.  
During the time of my Lords stay at Chesterfield in Derbyshire, he ordered some part of his Army to march before a strong House and Garrison of the Enemies, called Wingfield Manor, which in a short time they took by storm. And when my Lord had raised in that County as many Forces, Horse and Foot, as were supposed to be sufficient to preserve it from the fury of the Enemy, he armed them, and constituted an Honourable Person 
* The Lord Loughborrough.  Commander in Chief of all the Forces of that County, and of Leicestershire; and so leaving it in that condition, marched in December 1643, from Chesterfield to Bolsover in the same County, and from thence to Welbeck in Nottinghamshire, to his own House and Garrison, in which parts he stayed some time, both to refresh his Army, and to settle and reform some disorders he found there, leaving no visible Enemy behind him in Derbyshire, save only an inconsiderable party in the Town of Derby, which they had fortified, not worth the labour to reduce it.  
About this time the report came, that a great Army out of Scotland, was upon their march towards the Northern parts of England, to assist the Enemy against His Majesty, which forced the Nobility and Gentry of Yorkshire to invite my Lord back again into those parts, with promise to raise for his service, an Army of 10000 men; My Lord (not upon this proffer, which had already heretofore deceived him, but out of his Loyalty and duty to preserve those parts which were committed to his care and protection) returned in the middle of january 1643. And when he came there, he found not one man raised to assist him against so powerful an Army, nor an intention of raising any; Wherefore he was necessitated to raise himself, out of the Country, what forces he could get, and when he had settled the affairs in Yorkshire as well as time and his present condition would permit, and constituted an honourable Person 
* The Lord Bellasis.  Governor of York and Commander in chief of a very considerable party of horse and foot for the defence of the County (for Sr. Thomas Glemham was then made Colonel General, and marched into the Field with the Army) he took his march to Newcastle in the beginning of February 1643, to give a stop to the Scots army.  
Presently after his coming thither with some of his Troops, before his whole army was come up, he received intelligence of the Scots Army's near approach, whereupon he sent forth a party of horse to view them, who found them very strong, to the number of 22000 Horse and Foot well armed and commanded: They marched up towards the Town with such confidence, as if the Gates had been opened for their reception; and the General of their Army seemed to take no notice of my Lords being in it, for which afterwards he excused himself; but as they drew near, they found not such entertainment as they expected; for though they assaulted a Work that was not finished, yet they were beaten off with much loss.  
The Enemy being thus stopped before the Town, thought fit to quarter near it, in that part of the Country; and so soon as my Lord's Army was come up, he designed one night to have fallen into their Quarter; but by reason of some neglect of his Orders in not giving timely notice to the party designed for it, it took not an effect answerable to his expectation. In a word, there were three Designs taken against the Enemy, whereof if one had but hit, they would doubtless have been lost; but there was so much Treachery, Juggling and Falsehood in my Lord's own Army, that it was impossible for him to be successful in his Designs and Undertake. However, though it failed in the Enemy's Foot-Quarters, which lay nearest the Town; yet it took good effect in their Horse-Quarters, which were more remote; for my Lord's Horse, Commanded by a very gallant and worthy Gentleman 
* The Lord Langdale.  falling upon them, gave them such an Alarm, that all they could do, was to draw into the Field, where my Lord's Forces charged them, and in a little time routed them totally, and killed and took many Prisoners, to the number of 1500.  
Upon this the Enemy was forced to draw their whole Army together, and to quarter them a little more remote from the Town, and to seek out inaccessible places for their security, as afterwards appeared more plainly; for so soon as my Lord had prepared his Army for a March, he drew them forth against the Scots, which he found quartered upon high Hills close by the River Tyne, where they could not be encountered but upon very disadvantageous terms; besides, that day proved very stormy and tempestuous, so that my Lord was necessitated to withdraw his Forces, and retire into his own Quarters.  
The next day after, the Scots Army finding ill harbour in those quarters, marched from hill to hill into another part of the Bishopric of Durham, near the Sea coast, to a Town called Sunderland; and thereupon my Lord thought fit to march to Durham, to stop their further progress, where he had contrived the business so, that they were either forced to fight or starve within a little time. The first was offered to them twice, that is to say, at Pensher-hills one day, and at Bowden-hills another day in the Bishopric of Durham: But my Lord found them at both times drawn up in such places, as he could not possibly charge them; wherefore he retired again to Durham, with an intention to straighten their Quarters, and to wait upon them, if ever they left their Holds and inaccessible places. In the mean time it happened that the Earl of Montross came to the same place, and having some design for his Majesty's service in Scotland, desired My Lord to give him the assistance of some of his Forces; and although My Lord stood then in present need of them, and could not coveniently spare any, having so great an Army to oppose; yet out of a desire to advance His Majesty's service as much as lay in his power, he was willing to part with 200 Horse and Dragoons to the said Earl.  
The Scots perceiving My Lord's vigilancy and care, contented themselves with their own quarters, which could not have served them long, but that a great misfortune befell My Lords Forces in Yorkshire; for the Governor whom he had left behind with sufficient Forces for the defence of that Country, although he had orders not to encounter the Enemy, but to keep himself in a defensive posture; yet he being a man of great valour and courage, it transported him so much that he resolved to face the Enemy, and offering to keep a Town that was not tenable 
* Selby in Yorkshire. , was utterly routed, and himself taken Prisoner, although he fought most gallantly.  
So soon as my Lord received this sad Intelligence, he upon Consultation, and upon very good Grounds of Reason, took a resolution not to stay between the two Armies of the Enemies, viz. the Scots and the English, that had prevailed in Yorkshire; but immediately to march into Yorkshire with his Army, to preserve (if possible) the City of York out of the Enemy's hands: which retreat was ordered so well, and with such excellent Conduct, that though the Army of the Scots marched close upon their Rear, and fought them every day of their retreat, yet they gained several Passes for their security, and entered safe and well into the City of York, in April 1643.  
My Lord being now at York, and finding three Armies against him, viz. the Army of the Scots, the Army of the English that gave the defeat to the Governor of York, and an Army that was raised out of associate Counties, and but little Ammunition and Provision in the Town; was forced to send his Horse away to quarter in several Counties, viz. Derbyshire, Nottinghamshire, Leicestershire, for their subsistence, under the Conduct of his Lieutenant-General of the Horse, My dear Brother Sir Charles Lucas, himself remaining at York, with his Foot and Train for the defence of that City.  
In the mean time, the Enemy having closely besieged the City on all sides, came to the very Gates thereof, and pulled out the Earth at one end, as those in the City put it in at the other end; they planted their great Cannons against it, and threw in Granades at pleasure: But those in the City made several sallies upon them with good success. At last, the General of the associate Army of the Enemy, having closely beleaguered the North side of the Town, sprung a Mine under the wall of the Mannor-yard, and blue part of it up; and having beaten back the Town-Forces (although they behaved themselves very gallantly) entered the Manor-house with a great number of their men, which as soon as my Lord perceived, he went away in all haste, even to the amazement of all that were by, not knowing what he intended to do; and drew 80 of his own Regiment of Foot, called the White-Coats, all stout and valiant Men, to that Post, who fought the Enemy with that courage, that within a little time they killed and took 1500 of them; and My Lord gave present order to make up the breach which they had made in the wall; Whereupon the Enemy remained without any other attempt in that kind, so long, till almost all provision for the support of the soldiery in the City was spent, which nevertheless was so well ordered by my Lord's Prudence, that no Famine or great extremity of want ensued.  
My Lord having held out in that manner above two Months, and withstood the strength of three Armies; and seeing that his Lieutenant-General of the Horse whom he had sent for relief to His Majesty, could not so soon obtain it (although he used his best endeavour) for to gain yet some little time, began to treat with the Enemy; ordering in the mean while, and upon the Treaty, to double and treble his Guards. At last after three months' time from the beginning of the Siege, His Majesty was pleased to send an Army, which joining with my Lord's Horse that were sent to quarter in the aforesaid Countries, came to relieve the City, under the Conduct of the most Gallant and Heroic Prince Rupert, his Nephew; upon whose approach near York, the Enemy drew from before the City, into an entire Body, and marched away on the Westside of the River Owse, that runs through the City, His Majesty's Forces being then of the East-side of that River.  
My Lord immediately sent some persons of Quality to attend His Highness, and to invite him into the City to consult with him about that important Affair, and to gain so much time as to open a Port to march forth with his Cannon and Foot which were in the Town, to join with His Highness' Forces; and went himself the next day in person to wait on His Highness; where after some Conferences, he declared his Mind to the Prince, desiring His Highness not to attempt any thing as yet upon the Enemy; for he had intelligence that there was some discontent between them, and that they were resolved to divide themselves, and so to raise the Siege without fight: Besides, my Lord expected within two days, Colonel Cleavering, with above three thousand men out of the North, and two thousand drawn out of several Garrisons, (who also came at the same time, though it was then too late) But His Highness answered my Lord, That he had a Letter from His Majesty (than at Oxford) with a positive and absolute Command to fight the Enemy; which in Obedience, and according to his Duty he was bound to perform. Whereupon my Lord replied, That he was ready and willing for his part, to obey his Highness in all things, no otherwise then if His Majesty was there in Person Himself; and though several of my Lords Friends advised him not to engage in Battle, because the Command (as they said) was taken from Him: Yet my Lord answered them, That happen what would, he would not shun to fight, for he had no other ambition but to live and die a Loyal Subject to His Majesty.  
Then the Prince and my Lord conferred with several of their Officers, amongst whom there were several Disputes concerning the advantages which the Enemy had of Sun, Wind and Ground. The Horse of His Majesty's Forces, was drawn up in both Wings upon that fatal Moor called Hessom-Moor; and my Lord asked His Highness what Service he would be pleased to command him; who returned this Answer, That he would begin no action upon the Enemy, till early in the morning; desiring my Lord to repose himself till then: Which my Lord did, and went to rest in his own Coach that was close by in the Field, until the time appointed.  
Not long had My Lord been there, but he heard a great noise and thunder of shooting, which gave him notice of the Armies being engaged: Whereupon he immediately put on his Arms, and was no sooner got on Horseback, but he beheld a dismal sight of the Horse of His Majesty's right Wing, which out of a panic fear had left the Field, and run away with all the speed they could; and though my Lord made them stand once, yet they immediately betook themselves to their heels again, and killed even those of their own party that endeavoured to stop them; the Left Wing in the mean time, Commanded by those two Valiant Persons, the Lord Goring, and Sir Charles Lucas, having the better of the Enemies Right Wing, which they beat back most valiantly three times, and made their General retreat, in so much that they sounded Victory.  
In this Confusion my Lord (accompanied only with his Brother Sir Charles Cavendish, Major Scot, Capt. Mazine, and his Page) hastening to see in what posture his own Regiment was, met with a Troop of Gentlemen-Voluntiers, who formerly had chosen him their Captain, notwithstanding he was General of an Army; to whom my Lord spoke after this manner: Gentlemen, said he, You have done me the Honour to choose me your Captain, and now is the fittest time that I may do you service; wherefore if you'll follow me, I shall lead you on the best I can, and show you the way to your own Honour. They being as glad of my Lord's Proffer, as my Lord was of their Readiness, went on with the greatest Courage; and passing through Two Bodies of Foot, engaged with each other not at forty yard's distance, received not the least hurt, although they fired quick upon each other; but marched towards a Scots Regiment of Foot, which they charged and routed; in which Encounter my Lord himself killed Three with his Pages half-leaden Sword, for he had no other left him; and though all the Gentlemen in particular, offered him their Swords, yet my Lord refused to take a Sword of any of them. At last, after they had passed through this Regiment of Foot, a Pikeman made a stand to the whole Troop; and though my Lord charged him twice or thrice, yet he could not enter him; but the Troop dispatched him soon.  
In all these Encounters my Lord got not the least hurt, though several were slain about him; and his White-Coats showed such an extraordinary Valour and Courage in that Action, that they were killed in Rank and File: And here I cannot but mention by the way, That it is remarkable, that in all actions and undertake where My Lord was in Person himself, he was always Victorious, and prospered in the execution of his designs; but whatsoever was lost or succeeded ill, happened in his absence, and was caused either by the Treachery, or Negligence and Carelessness of his Officers.  
My Lord being the last in the Field, and seeing that all was lost, and that every one of His Majesty's Party made their escapes in the best manner they could; he being moreover inquired after by several of his Friends, who had all a great love and respect for my Lord, especially by the then Earl of Craford (who loved my Lord so well that he gave 20 s. to one that assured him of his being alive and safe, telling him, that that was all he had) went towards York late at night, accompanied only with his Brother, and one or two of his servants; and coming near the Town, met His Highness' Prince Rupert, with the Lieutenant General of the Army, the Lord Ethyn; His Highness asked My Lord how the business went? To whom he answered, That all was lost and gone on their side.  
That night my Lord remained in York; and having nothing left in his power to do his Majesty any further service in that kind; for he had neither Ammunition, nor Money to raise more Forces, to keep either York, or any other Towns that were yet in His Majesty's Devotion, well knowing that those which were left could not hold out long, and being also loath to have aspersions cast upon him, that he did fell them to the Enemy, in case he could not keep them; he took a Resolution, and that justly and honourably, to forsake the Kingdom; and to that end, went the next morning to the Prince, and acquainted him with his Design, desiring His Highness would be pleased to give this true and just report of him to his Majesty, that he had behaved himself like an honest man, a Gentleman, and a Loyal subject: Which request the Prince having granted, my Lord took his leave; and being conducted by a Troop of Horse, and a Troop of Dragoons to Scarborough, went to Sea, and took shipping for Hamborough; the Gentry of the Country, who also came to take their leaves of My Lord, being much troubled at his departure, and speaking very honourably of him, as surely they had no reason to the contrary.   

The Second Book.  
HAving hitherto faithfully related the life of My Noble Lord and Husband, and the chief Actions which He performed during the time of his being employed in His Majesty's Service for the Good and Interest of his King and Country, until the time of his going out of England, I shall now give you a just account of all that passed during the time of his banishment, till the return into his native Country.  
My Lord being a Wise Man, and foreseeing well what the loss of that fatal Battle upon Hessom-moor, near York, would produce, by which not only those of His Majesty's Party in the Northern parts of the Kingdom, but in all other parts of His Majesty's Dominions both in England, Scotland and Ireland were lost and undone, and that there was no other way, but either to quit the Kingdom, or submit to the Enemy, or die; he resolved upon the former, and preparing for his journey, asked his Steward, How Much Money he had left? Who answered, That he had but 90 l. My Lord not being at all startled at so small a Sum, although his present design required much more, was resolved too seek his Fortune, even with that little; and thereupon having taken leave of His Highness' Prince Rupert, and the rest that were present, went to Scarborough (as before is mentioned) where two Ships were prepared for Hamborough to set sail within 24 hours, in which he embarked with his Company, and arrived in four days time to the said City, which was on the 8th of july, 1644.  
In one of these Ships was my Lord, with his two Sons; Charles Viscount Mansfield, and Lord Henry Cavendish, now Earl of Ogle; as also Sir Charles Cavendish, My Lord's Brother; the than Lord Bishop of London-derry Dr. Bramhall; the Lord Falconbridg, the Lord Widdrington, Sir William Carnaby, who after died at Paris, and his Brother Mr. Francis Carnaby, who went presently in the same Ship back again for England, and soon after was slain by the Enemy, near Sherborne in Yorkshire, besides many of my Lords and their servants: In the other Ship was the Earl of Ethyne, Lieutenant General of My Lord's Army, and the Lord Cornworth. But before My Lord landed at Hamborough, his eldest Son Charles, Lord Mansfield, fell sick of the Smallpox, and not long after his younger Son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, fell likewise dangerously ill of the Measles; but it pleased God that they both happily recovered.  
My Lord finding his Company and Charge very great, although he sent several of his Servants back again into England; and having no means left to maintain him, was forced to seek for Credit; where at last he got so much as would in part relieve his necessities; and whereas heretofore he had been contented, for want of a Coach, to make use of a Wagon, when his occasions drew him abroad; he was now able (with the credit he had got) to buy a Coach and nine Horses of an Holsatian breed; for which Horses he paid 160 l. and was afterwards offered for one of them an hundred Pistols at Paris; but he refused the money, and presented seven of them to Her Majesty the Queen-Mother of England, and kept two for his own use.  
After my Lord had stayed in Hamborough from july 1644, till February 1645/4, he being resolved to go into France, went by Sea from Hamborough to Amsterdam, and from thence to Rotterdam, where he sent one of his Servants with a Compliment and tender of his humble Service to Her Highness the then Princess Royal, the Queen of Bohemia, the Princess Dowager of Orange, and the Prince of Orange, which was received with much kindness and civility.  
From Rotterdam he directed his Journey to Antwerp, and from thence with one Coach, one Chariot, and two Wagons, he went to Mechlin and Brussels, where he received a Visit from the Governor, the Marquis of castle Rodrigo, the Duke of Lorraine, and Count Piccolomini.  
From thence he set forth for Valenchin and Cambray, where the Governor of the Town, used my Lord with great respect and civility, and desired him to give the word that night. Thence he went to Peroon, a Frontier Town in France, (where the Vice-governor in absence of the Governor of that place, did likewise entertain my Lord with all respect, and desired him to give the Word that night) and so to Paris without any further stay.  
My Lord being arrived at Paris, which was in April 1645, immediately went to tender his humble duty to Her Majesty the Queen-Mother of England, where it was my Fortune to see him the first time, I being then one of the Maids of Honour to Her Majesty; and after he had stayed there some time, he was pleased to take some particular notice of me, and express more than an ordinary affection for me; insomuch that he resolved to choose me for his Second Wife; for he having but two Sons, purposed to marry me, a young Woman, that might prove fruitful to him, and increase his Posterity by a Masculine Offspring: Nay, He was so desirous of Male-Issue, that I have heard him say, He cared not, (so God would be pleased to give him many Sons) although they came to be Persons of the meanest Fortunes; but God (it seems) had ordered it otherwise, and frustrated his Designs, by making me barren, which yet did never lessen his Love and Affection for me.  
After My Lord was married, having no Estate or Means left him to maintain himself and his Family, he was necessitated to seek for Credit, and live upon the Courtesy of those that were pleased to Trust him; which although they did for some while, and showed themselves very civil to My Lord, yet they grew weary at length, insomuch that his Steward was forced one time to tell him, That he was not able to provide a Dinner for him, for his Creditors were resolved to trust him no longer. My Lord being always a great master of his Passions, was, at least showed himself not in any manner troubled at it, but in a pleasant humour told me, that I must of necessity pawn my clothes, to make so much Money as would procure a Dinner. I answered, That my clothes would be but of small value, and therefore desired my Waiting-Maid 
* Mrs. Chaplain, now Mrs. Top.  to pawn some small toys, which I had formerly given her, which she willingly did. The same day in the afternoon, My Lord spoke himself to his Creditors, and both by his civil Deportment, and persuasive Arguments, obtained so much, that they did not only trust him for more necessaries, but lent him Money besides, to redeem those Toys that were pawned. Hereupon I sent my Waiting-Maid into England, to my Brother the Lord Lucas, for that small Portion which was left me, and my Lord also immediately after dispatched one of his Servants 
* Mr. Benoist. , who was then Governor to his Sons, to some of his Friends, to try what means he could procure for his subsistence; but though he used all the industry and endeavour he could, yet he effected but little, by reason every body was so afraid of the Parliament, that they durst not relieve Him, who was counted a Traitor for his Honest and Loyal service to his King and Country.  
Not long after, My Lord had proffers made him of some Rich Matches in England for his two Sons, whom therefore he sent thither with one Mr. Loving, hoping by that means to provide both for them and himself; but they being arrived there, out of some reasons best known to them, declared their unwillingness to Marry as yet, continuing nevertheless in England, and living as well as they could.  
Some two years after my Lord's Marriage, when he had prevailed so far with his Creditors, that they began to trust him anew; the first thing he did was, that he removed out of those Lodgings in Paris, where he had been necessitated to live hitherto, to a House which he hired for himself and his Family, and furnished it as well as his new got Credit would permit; and withal, resolving for his own recreation and divertisement in his banished condition, to exercise the Art of Manage, which he is a great lover and Master of, bought a Barbary-horse for that purpose, which cost him 200 Pistols, and soon after, another Barbary-horse from the Lord Crofts, for which he was to pay him 100 l. when he returned into England.  
About this time, there was a Council called at St. german, in which were present, besides My Lord, Her Majesty the now Queen Mother of England; His Highness the Prince, our now gracious King, His Cousin Prince Rupert; the Marquis of Worcester, the then Marquess, now Duke of Ormond, the Lord jermyn now Earl of St. Alban, and several others; where after several debates concerning the then present condition of His Majesty King Charles the First, my Lord delivered his sentiment, that he could perceive no other probability of procuring Forces for His Majesty, but an assistance of the Scots; But Her Majesty was pleased to answer my Lord, That he was too quick.  
Not long after, When my Lord had begun to settle himsef in his mentioned new house, His gracious Master the Prince, having taken a resolution to go into Holland upon some designs; Her Majesty the Queen Mother desired my Lord to follow him, promising to engage for his debts which hitherto he had contracted at Paris, and commanding Her Controller 
* Sir Henry Wood  and Treasurer 
* Sir— Foster.  to be bound for them in Her behalf; which they did, although the Creditors would not content themselves, until my Lord had joined his word to theirs; So great and generous was the bounty and favour of Her Majesty to my Lord! considering she had already given him heretofore near upon 2000 l. Sterling, even at that time when Her Majesty stood most in need of it.  
My Lord, after his Highness the Prince was gone, being ready to execute Her Majesty's Commands in following Him, and preparing for his Journey, wanted the chief thing, which was Money; and having much endeavoured for it, at last had the good Fortune to obtain upon Credit three or four hundred pounds' sterl. With which Sum he set out of Paris in the same Equipage he entered, viz. One Coach, which he had newly caused to be made, (wherein were the Lord Widdrington, my Lord's Brother Sir Charles Cavendish, Mr. Loving, my Waiting-Maid, and some others, whereof the two later were then returned out of England) one little Chariot, that would only hold my Lord and myself; and three Wagons, besides an indifferent number of Servants on Horseback.  
That day when we left Paris, the Creditors coming to take their Farewell of my Lord, expressed so great a love and kindness for him, accompanied with so many hearty Prayers and Wishes, that he could not but prosper on his Journey.  
Being come into the King of Spain's Dominions, my Lord found a very Noble Reception. At Cambray the Governor was so civil, that my Lord coming to that place somewhat late; and when it was dark, he commanded some Lights and Torches to meet my Lord, and conduct him to his Lodgings: He offered my Lord the Keys of the City, and desired him to give the Word that night, and moreover invited him to an Entertainment, which he had made for him of purpose; but it being late, my Lord (tired with his Journey) excused himself as civilly as he could; the Governor notwithstanding being pleased to send all manner of Provisions to my Lords Lodgings, and charging our Landlord to take no pay for any thing we had: Which extraordinary Civilities showed that he was a Right Noble Spaniard.  
The next morning early, my Lord went on his Journey, and was very civilly used in every place of His Majesty of Spain's Dominions, where he arrived: At last coming to Antwerp, He took water to Rotterdam (which Town he chose for his residing place, during the time of his stay in Holland) and sent thither to a Friend of his 
* Sir William Throckmorton, Knight. , a Gentleman of Quality, to provide him some Lodgings; which he did, and procured them at the house of one Mrs. Banaum, Widow to an English Merchant, who had always been very Loyal to His Majesty the King of England, and serviceable to His Majesty's faithful Subjects in whatsoever lay in his Power.  
My Lord being come to Rotterdam, was informed that His Highness the Prince (now our Gracious King) was gone to Sea: Wherefore he resolved to follow him, and for that purpose hired a Boat, and victualled it; but since no body knew whither His Highness was gone; and I being unwilling that my Lord should venture upon so uncertain a Voyage, and (as the Proverb is) Seek a Needle in a Bottle of Hay, he desisted from that design: The Lord Widdrington nevertheless, and Sir Will. Throckmorton, being resolved to find out the Prince, but having by a storm been driven towards the Coast of Scotland, and endangered their lives, they returned without obtaining their aim.  
After some little time, my Lord having notice that the Prince was arrived at the Hague, he went to wait on His Highness (which he also did afterwards at several times, so long as His Highness continued there) expecting some opportunity where he might be able to show his readiness to serve His King and Country, as certainly there was no little hopes for it; for first, it was believed that the English Fleet would come and render itself into the obedience of the Prince; next, it was reported that the Duke of Hamilton was going out of Scotland with a great Army, into England, to the assistance of His Majesty, and that His Majesty had then some party at Colchester; but it pleased God that none of these proved effectual: For the Fleet did not come in; the Duke of Hamilton's Army was destroyed, and Colchester was taken by the Enemy, where my dear Brother Sir Charles Lucas, and his dear Friend Sir George Lile, were most inhumanly murdered and shot to death, they being both Valiant and Heroic Persons, good Soldiers, and most Loyal Subjects to His Majesty; the one an excellent Commander of Horse, the other of Foot.  
My Lord having now lived in Rotterdam almost six months, at a great charge, keeping an open and noble Table for all comers, and being pleased especially to entertain such as were excellent Soldiers, and noted Commanders of War, whose kindness he took as a great Obligation, still hoping that some occasion would happen to invite those worthy Persons into England to serve His Majesty; but seeing no probability of either returning into England, or doing His Majesty any service in that kind, he resolved to retire to some place where he might live privately; and having chosen the City of Antwerp for that purpose, went to the Hague to take his leave of His Highness the Prince, our now gracious Sovereign. My Lord had then but a small stock of money left; for though the then Marquis of Hereford (after Duke of S omerset) and his Cousin-German, once removed, the now Earl of Devonshire had lent him 2000 l. between them; yet all that was spent, and above 1000 l. more, which my Lord borrowed during the time he lived in Rotterdam, his Expense being the more, by reason (as I mentioned) he lived freely and nobly.  
However my Lord, notwithstanding that little provision of Money he had, set forth from Rotterdam to Antwerp, where for some time he lay in a public Inn, until one of his Friends that had a great love and respect for my Lord, Mr. Endymion Porter, who was Groom of the Bedchamber to His Majesty King Charles the First (a place not only honourable, but very profitable) being not willing that a Person of such Quality as my Lord, should lie in a public House, proffered him Lodgings at the House where he was, and would not let my Lord be at quiet, until he had accepted of them.  
My Lord after he had stayed some while there, endeavouring to find out a House for himself which might fit him and his small Family, (for at that time he had put off most of his Train) and also be for his own content, lighted on one that belonged to the Widow of a famous Picture-drawer, Van Reuben, which he took.  
About this time my Lord was much necessitated for Money, which forced him to try several ways for to obtain so much as would relieve his present wants. At last Mr. Alesbury, the only Son to Sir Th. Alesbury, Knight and Baronet, and Brother to the now Countess of Clarendon, a very worthy Gentleman, and great Friend to my Lord, having some Moneys that belonged to the now Duke of Buckingham, and seeing my Lord in so great distress, did him the favour to lend him 200 l. (which money my Lord since his return hath honestly and justly repaid) This relief came so seasonably, that it got my Lord Credit in the City of Antwerp, whereas otherwise he would have lost himself to his great disadvantage; for my Lord having hired the house aforementioned, and wanting Furniture for it, was credited by the Citizens for as many Goods as he was pleased to have, as also for Meat and Drink, and all kind of necessaries and provisions, which certainly was a special Blessing of God, he being not only a stranger in that Nation, but to all appearance, a Ruined man.  
After my Lord had been in Antwerp sometime, where he lived as retiredly as it was possible for him to do, he gained much love and respect of all that knew or had any business with him: At the beginning of our coming thither, we found but few English (except those that were Merchants) but afterwards their number increased much, especially of Persons of Quality; and whereas at first there were no more but four Coaches that went the Tour, viz. the Governors of the Castle, my Lords, and two more, they amounted to the number of above a hundred, before we went from thence; for all those that had sufficient means, and could go to the price, kept Coaches, and went the Tour for their own pleasure. And certainly I cannot in duty and conscience but give this Public Testimony to that place, That whereas I have observed, that most commonly such Towns or Cities where the Prince of that Country doth not reside himself, or where there is no great resort of the chief Nobility and Gentry, are but little civilised; Certainly the Inhabitants of the said City of Antwerp are the civilest, and best behaved People that ever I saw; so that my Lord lived there with as much content as a man of his condition could do, and his chief pastime and divertisement consisted in the Manage of the two afore mentioned Horses; which he had not enjoyed long, but the Barbary-horse, for which he paid 200 Pistols in Paris, died, and soon after the Horse which he had from the Lord Crofts; and though he wanted present means to repair these his losses, yet he endeavoured and obtained so much Credit at last, that he was able to buy two others, and by degrees so many as amounted in all to the number of 8. In which he took so much delight and pleasure, that though he was then in distress for Money, yet he would sooner have tried all other ways, then parted with any of them; for I have heard him say, that good Horses are so rare, as not to be valued for Money, and that He who would buy him out of his Pleasure, (meaning his Horses) must pay dear for it. For instance I shall mention some passages which happened when My Lord was in Antwerp.  
First; A stranger coming thither, and seeing my Lords Horses, had a great mind to buy one of them, which my Lord loved above the rest, and called him his Favourite, a fine Spanish Horse; entreating my Lords Escuyer to acquaint him with his desire, and ask the price of the said Horse: My Lord, when he heard of it, commanded his Servant, that if the Chapman returned, he should be brought before him; which being done accordingly, my Lord asked him, whether he was resolved to buy his Spanish Horse? Yes, answered he, my Lord, and I'll give your Lordship a good price for him. I make no doubt of it, replied My Lord, or else you shall not have him: But you must know, said he, that the price of that Horse is 1000 l. today, tomorrow it will be 2000 l. next day 3000 l. and so forth. By which the Chapman perceiving that my Lord was unwilling to part with the said Horse for any Money, took his leave, and so went his ways.  
The next was, That the Duke de Guise, who was also a great lover of good Horses, hearing much Commendation of a grey leaping Horse, which my Lord then had, told the Gentleman that praised and commended him, That if my Lord was willing to sell the said Horse, he would give 600 Pistols for him. The Gentleman knowing my Lord's humour, answered again, That he was confident, my Lord would never part with him for any money, and to that purpose sent a Letter to my Lord from Paris; but my Lord was so far from selling that Horse, that he was displeased to hear that any Price should be offered for him: So great a Love hath my Lord for good Horses! And certainly I have observed, and do verily believe, that some of them had also a particular Love to my Lord; for they seemed to rejoice whensoever he came into the Stables, by their trampling action, and the noise they made; nay, they would go much better in the Manage, when my Lord was by, then when he was absent; and when he rid them himself, they seemed to take much pleasure and pride in it. But of all sorts of Horses, my Lord loved Spanish Horses and Barbes best; saying, That Spanish Horses were like Princes, and Barbes like Gentlemen, in their kind. And this was the chief Recreation and Pastime my Lord had in Antwerp.  
I will now return to my former Discourse, and the Relation of some Important Affairs and Actions which happened about this time: His Majesty (our now Gracious King, Charles' the Second) some time after he was gone out of Holland, and returned into France, took his Journey from thence to Breda (if I remember well) to treat there with his Subjects of Scotland, who had then made some offers of Agreement: My Lord, according to his duty, went thither to wait on His Majesty, and was there in Council with His Majesty, His Highness the then Prince of Orange, His Majesty's Brother-in-law, and some other Privy-Counsellors; in which, after several Debates concerning that Important Affair, His Highness the Prince of Orange, and my Lord, agreed in one Opinion, viz. That they could perceive no other and better way at that present for His Majesty, but to make an Agreement with His Subjects of Scotland, upon any Condition, and to go into Scotland in Person Himself, that he might but be sure of an Army, there being no probability or appearance then of getting an Army any where else. Which Counsel, either out of the then alleged Reasons, or some others best known to His Majesty, was embraced; His Majesty agreeing with the Scots so far, (notwithstanding they were so unreasonable in their Treaty, that His Majesty had hardly Patience to hear them) that he resolved to go into Scotland in Person; and though my Lord had an earnest desire to wait on His Majesty thither, yet the Scots would not suffer him to come, or be in any part of that Kingdom: Wherefore out of his Loyalty and Duty, he gave His Majesty the best advice he could, viz. that he conceived it most safe for His Majesty to adhere to the Earl of Argyles Party, which he supposed to be the strongest; but especially, to reconcile Hamilton's and Argyles Party, and compose the differences between them; for than His Majesty would be sure of Two Parties, whereas otherwise He would leave an Enemy behind Him, which might cause His overthrow, and endanger His Majesty's Person; and if His Majesty could but get the Power into his own hands, he might do hereafter what he pleased.  
His Majesty being arrived in Scotland, ordered his affairs so wisely, that soon after he got an Army to march with him into England; but whether they were all Loyal, is not for me to dispute: However Argyle was discontented, as it appeared by two complaining Letters he sent to my Lord, which my Lord gave His Majesty notice of; so that only the Duke of Hamilton went with His Majesty, who fought and died like a Valiant Man, and a Loyal subject. In this fight between the English and Scots, His Majesty expressed an extraordinary Courage; and though his Army was in a manner destroyed, yet the Glory of an Heroic Prince remained with our gracious Sovereign.  
In the mean time, whilst His Majesty was yet in Scotland, and before he marched with His Army into England, it happened that the Elector of Brandenburg, and Duke of Newburg, upon some differences, having raised Forces against each other, but afterwards concluded a Peace between them, were pleased to proffer those Forces to my Lord for His Majesty's use and service, which (as the Lord Chancellor, who was then in France, sent word to my Lord) was the only Foreign proffer that had been made to his Majesty. My Lord immediately gave His Majesty notice of it; but whether it was for want of convenient Transportation, or Money, or that the Scots did not like the assistance, that proffer was not accepted.  
Concerning the affairs and intrigues that passed in Scotland, and England, during the time of His Majesties stay there, I am ignorant of them; neither doth it belong to me now to write, or give an account of any thing else but what concerns the History of my Noble Lord and Husband's Life, and his own Actions; who so soon as he had Intelligence that the Scottish Army, which went with His Majesty into England, was defeated, and that no body knew what was become of His Majesty, fell into so violent a Passion, that I verily believed it would have endangered his life; but when afterwards the happy news came of His Majejesties' safe arrival in France, never any Subject could rejoice more than my Lord did.  
About this time it chanced, that my Lord's Brother Sir Charles Cavendish, and myself, took a journey into England, occasioned both by my Lord's extreme want and necessity, and his Bothers' Estate; which having been under Sequestration from the time (or soon after) he went out of England, was then, in case he did not return and compound for it, to be sold outright; Sir Charles was unwilling to receive his Estate upon such conditions, and would rather have lost it, then compounded for it: But my Lord considering it was better to recover something, then lose all, entreated the Lord Chancellor, who was then in Antwerp, to persuade his Brother to a composition, which his Lordship did very effectually, and proved himself a Noble and true Friend in it. We had so small a Provision of money when we set forth our Journey for England, that it was hardly able to carry us to London, but were forced to stay at Southwark; where Sir Charles sent into London for one that had formerly been his Steward; and having declared to him his wants and necessities, desired him to try his Credit. He seemed ready to do his Master what service he could in that kind; but pretending withal, that his Credit was but small, Sir Charles' gave him his Watch to pawn, and with that money paid those small scores we had made in our Lodging there. From thence we went to some other Lodgings that were prepared for us in Covent-Garden; and having rested ourselves some time, I desired my Brother the Lord Lucas, to claim, in my behalf, some subsistence for myself out of my Lord's Estate, (for it was declared by the Parliament, That the Lands of those that were banished, should be sold to any that would buy them, only their Wives and Children were allowed to put in their Claims:) But he received this Answer, That I could not expect the least allowance, by reason my Lord and Husband had been the greatest Traitor of England (that is to say, the honestest man, because he had been most against them.)  
Then Sir Charles entrusted some persons to compound for his Estate; but it being a good while before they agreed in their Composition, and then before the Rents could be received, we having in the mean time nothing to live on, must of necessity have been starved, had not Sir Charles got some Credit of several Persons, and that not without great difficulty; for all those that had Estates, were afraid to come near him, much less to assist him, until he was sure of his own Estate. So much is Misery and Poverty shunned!  
But though our Condition was hard, yet my dear Lord and Husband, whom we left in Antwerp, was then in a far greater distress than ourselves; for at our departure he had nothing but what his Credit was able to procure him; and having run upon the score so long without paying any the least part thereof, his Creditors began to grow impatient, and resolved to trust him no longer: Wherefore he sent me word, That if his Brother did not presently relieve him, he was forced to starve. Which doleful news caused great sadness and melancholy in us both, and withal made his Brother try his utmost endeavour to procure what moneys he could for his subsistence, who at last got 200 l. sterl. upon Credit, which he immediately made over to my Lord.  
But in the mean time, before the said money could come to his hands, my Lord had been forced to send for all his Creditors, and declare to them his great wants and necessities; where his Speech was so effectual, and made such an impression in them, that they had all a deep sense of my Lords Misfortunes; and instead of urging the payment of his Debts, promised him, That he should not want any thing in whatsoever they were able to assist him; which they also very nobly and civilly performed, furnishing him with all manner of provisions and necessaries for his further subsistence; so that my Lord was then in a much better condition amongst strangers, than we in our Native Country.  
At last when Sir Charles Cavendish had compounded for his Estate, and agreed to pay 4500 l. for it, the Parliament caused it again to be surveyed, and made him pay 500 l. more, which was more than many others had paid for much greater Estates; so that Sir Charles to pay this Composition, and discharge some Debts, was necessitated to sell some Land of his at an underrate. My Lords two Sons (who were also in England at that time) were no less in want and necessity, than we, having nothing but bare Credit to live on; and my Lord's Estate being then to be sold outright, Sir Charles, his Brother, endeavoured, if possible, to save the two chief Houses, viz. Welbeck and Bolsover, being resolved rather to part with some more of his Land, which he had lately compounded for, then to let them fall into the Enemy's hands; but before such time as he could compass the money, some body had bought Bolsover, with an intention to pull it down, and make money of the Materials; of whom Sir Charles was forced to buy it again at a far greater Rate than he might have had it at first, notwithstanding a great part of it was pulled down already; and though my Lords eldest Son Charles Lord- Mansfield, had those mentioned Houses some time in possession, after the death of his Uncle; yet for want of Means he was not able to repair them.  
I having now been in England a year and a half, some Intelligence which I received of my Lords being not very well, and the small hopes I had of getting some relief out of his Estate, put me upon design of returning to Antwerp to my Lord; and Sir Charles, his Brother, took the same resolution, but was prevented by an Ague that seized upon him. Not long had I been with my Lord, but we received the sad news of his Brother's death, which was an extreme affliction both to my Lord, and myself, for they loved each other entirely: In truth, He was a Person of so great worth, such extraordinary civility, so obliging a Nature, so full of Generosity, Justice and Charity, besides all manner of Learning, especially in the Mathematics, that not only his Friends, but even his Enemies, did much lament his loss.  
After my return out of England, to my Lord, the Creditors supposing I had brought great store of money along with me, came all to my Lord to solicit the payment of their Debts; but when my Lord had informed them of the truth of the business, and desired their patience somewhat longer, with assurance that so soon as he received any money, he would honestly and justly satisfy them, they were not only willing to forbear the payment of those Debts he had contracted hitherto, but to credit him for the future, and supply him with such Necessaries as he should desire of them. And this was the only happiness which my Lord had in his distressed condition, and the chief blessing of the Eternal and Merciful God, in whose Power are all things, who ruled the hearts and minds of men, and filled them with Charity and Compassion; for certainly it was a work of Divine Providence, that they showed so much love, respect and honour to my Lord, a stranger to their Nation; and notwithstanding his ruined Condition, and the small appearance of recovering his own, credited him wheresoever he lived, both in France, Holland, Brabant and Germany; that although my Lord was banished his Native Country, and dispossessed from his own Estate, could nevertheless live in so much Splendour and Grandeur as he did.  
In this Condition (and how little soever the appearance was) my Lord was never without hopes of seeing yet (before his death) a happy issue of all his misfortunes and sufferings, especially of the Restauration of His most Gracious King and Master, to His Throne and Kingly Rights, whereof he always had assured Hopes, well knowing, that it was impossible for the Kingdom to subsist long under so many changes of Government; and whensoever I expressed how little faith I had in it, he would gently reprove me, saying, I believed least, what I desired most; and could never be happy if I endeavoured to exclude all hopes, and entertained nothing but doubts and fears.  
The City of Antwerp in which we lived, being a place of great resort for Strangers and Travellers, His Majesty (our now gracious King, Charles' the Second) passed through it, when he went his Journey towards Germany; and after my Lord had done his humble duty, and waited on His Majesty, He was pleased to Honour him with His Presence at his House. The same did almost all strangers that were Persons of Quality; if they made any stay in the Town, they would come and visit my Lord, and see the Manage of his Horses: And, amongst the rest, the Duke of Oldenburg, and the Prince of East-Friesland, did my Lord the Honour, and presented him with Horses of their own breed.  
One time it happened, that His Highness Dom john d' Austria (who was then Governor of those Provinces) came to Antwerp, and stayed there some few days; and then almost all his Court waited on my Lord, so that one day I reckoned about seventeen Coaches, in which were all Persons of Quality, who came in the morning of purpose to see my Lord's Manage; My Lord receiving so great an honour thought it sit to show his respect and civility to them, and to ride some of his Horses himself, which otherwise he never did but for his own excercise and delight. Amongst the rest of those great and noble Persons, there were two of our Nation, viz. the then Marquis, now Duke of Ormond, and the Earl of Bristol; but Dom john was not there in Person, excusing himself afterwards to my Lord (when my Lord waited on him) that the multiplicity of his weighty affairs had hindered his coming thither, which my Lord accounted as a very high honour and favour from so great a Prince; and conceiving it his duty to wait on his Highness, but being unknown to him, the Earl of Bristol, who had acquaintance with him, did my Lord the favour, and upon his request, presented him to his Highness; which favour of the said Earl my Lord highly resented.  
Dom ` john received my Lord with all kindness and respect; for although there were many great and noble Persons that waited on him in an out room, yet so soon as his Highness heard of my Lords, and the Earl of Bristol's being there, he was pleased to admit them before all the rest. My Lord, after he had passed his Compliments, told His Highness, That he found himself bound in all duty, to make his humble acknowledgements for the Favour he received from His Catholic Majesty, for permitting and suffering him (a banished man) to live in His Dominions, and under the Government of His Highness; whereupon Dom john asked my Lord whether he wanted any thing, and whether he lived peaceably without any molestation or disturbance? My Lord answered, That he lived as much to his own content, as a banished man could do; and received more respect and civility from that City, than he could have expected; for which he returned his most humble thanks to his Catholic Majesty, and His Highness. After some short Discourse, my Lord took his leave of Dom john; Several of the Spaniards advising him to go into Spain, and assuring him of His Catholic Majesties Kindness and Favour; but my Lord being engaged in the City of Antwerp, and besides, in years, and wanting means for so long and chargeable a voyage, was not able to embrace their motions; and surely he was so well pleased with the great Civilities he received from that City, that then he was resolved to choose no other residing place all the time of his banishment, but that; he being not only credited there for all manner of Provisions and Necessaries for his subsistence, but also free both from ordinary and extraordinary Taxes, and from paying Excise, which was a great favour and obligation to my Lord.  
After His Highness Dom john had left the Government of those Provinces, the Marquis of Caracena succeeded in his place, who having a great desire to see my Lord ride in the Manage, entreated a Gentleman of the City, that was acquainted with my Lord, to beg that favour of him. My Lord having not been at that Exercise six weeks, or two months, by reason of some sickness that made him unfit for it, civilly begged his excuse; but he was so much importuned by the said Gentleman, that at last he granted his Request, and rid one or two Horses in presence of the said Marquis of Caracena, and the than Marquis, now Duke of Ormond, who often used to honour my Lord with his Company: The said Marquis of Caracena seemed to take much pleasure and satisfaction in it, and highly complemented my Lord; and certainly I have observed, That Noble and Meritorious persons take great delight in honouring each other.  
But not only strangers, but His Majesty Himself (our now Gracious Sovereign) was pleased to see my Lord ride, and one time did ride Himself, He being an Excellent Master of that Art, and instructed by my Lord, who had the Honour to set Him first on a Horse of Manage, when he was His Governor; where His Majesty's Capacity was such, that being but Ten years of Age, he would ride leaping Horses, and such as would overthrow others, and manage them with the greatest Skill and Dexterity, to the admiration of all that beheld Him.  
Nor was this the only Honour my Lord received from His Majesty, but His Majesty and all the Royal Race; that is to say, Her Highness the then Princess Royal, His Highness the Duke of York, with His Brother the Duke of Gloucester, (except the Princess Henrietta, now Duchess of Orleans) being met one time in Antwerp, were pleased to honour my Lord with their Presence, and accept of a small Entertainment at his House, such as his present Condition was able to afford them. And some other time His Majesty passing through the City, was pleased to accept of a private Dinner at my Lord's House; after which I receiving that gracious Favour from His Majesty, that he was pleased to see me, he did merrily, and in jest, tell me, That he perceived my Lord's Credit could procure better Meat than His own; Again, some other time, upon a merry Challenge playing a Game at Butts with my Lord, (when my Lord had the better of Him) What (said He) my Lord, have you invited me, to play the Rook with me? Although their Stakes were not at all considerable, but only for Pastime.  
These passages I mention only to declare my Lord's happiness in his miseries, which he received by the honour and kindness not only of foreign Princes, but of his own Master, and Gracious Sovereign: I will not speak now of the good esteem and repute he had by his late Majesty King Charles the First, and Her Majesty the now Queen-Mother, who always held and found him a very loyal and faithful Subject, although Fortune was pleased to oppose him in the height of his endeavours; for his only and chief intention was to hinder His Majesty's Enemies from executing that cruel design which they had upon their gracious and merciful King; In which he tried his uttermost power, in so much, that I have heard him say out of a passionate Zeal and Loyalty, That he would willingly sacrifice himself, and all his Posterity, for the sake of his Majesty, and the Royal Race. Nor did he ever repine either at his losses or sufferings, but rejoiced rather that he was able to suffer for His King and Country. His Army was the only Army that was able to uphold His Majesty's Power; which so long as it was Victorious, it preserved both His Majesty's Person and Crown; but so soon as it fell, that fell too: and my Lord was then in a manner forced to seek his own preservation in foreign Countries, where God was pleased to make strangers his Friends, who received and protected him when he was banished his native Country, and relieved him when his own Countrymen sought to starve him, by withholding from him what was justly his own, only for his Honesty and Loyalty; which relief he received more from the Commons of those parts where he lived, then from Princes, he being unwilling to trouble any foreign Prince with his wants and miseries, well knowing, that Gifts of Great Princes come slowly, and not without much difficulty; neither loves he to petition any one but His own Sovereign.  
But though my Lord by the civility of Strangers, and the assistance of some few Friends of his native Country, lived in an indifferent Condition, yet (as it hath been declared heretofore) he was put to great plunges and difficulties, in so much that his dear Brother Sir Charles Cavendish would often say, That though he could not truly complain of want, yet his meat never did him good, by reason my Lord, his Brother, was always so near wanting, that he was never sure after one meal to have another: And though I was not afraid of starving or begging, yet my chief fear was, that my Lord for his debts would suffer Imprisonment, where sadness of Mind, and want of Exercise, and Air, would have wrought his destruction, which yet by the Mercy of God he happily avoided.  
Some time before the Restauration of His Majesty to his Royal Throne, my Lord, partly with the remainder of his Brother's Estate, which was but little, it being wasted by selling of Land for compounding with the Parliament, paying of several debts, and buying out the two Houses aforementioned, viz. Welbeck and Bolsover; and the Credit which his Sons had got, which amounted in all to 2400 l. a year, sprinkled something amongst his Creditors, and borrowed so much of Mr. Top and Mr. Smith (though without assurance) that he could pay such scores as were most presssing, contracted from the poorer sort of Tradesmen, and send ready money to Market, to avoid cozenage (for small scores run up most unreasonably, especially if no strict accounts be kept, and the rate be left to the Creditors pleasure) by which means there was in a short time so much saved, as it could not have been imagined.  
About this time, a report came of a great number of Sectaries, and of several disturbances in England, which heightened my Lord's former hopes into a firm belief of a sudden Change in that Kingdom, and a happy Restauration of His Majesty, which it also pleased God to send according to his expectation; for His Majesty was invited by his Subjects, who were not able longer to endure those great confusions and encumbrances they had sustained hitherto, to take possession of His Hereditary Rights, and the power of all his Dominions: And being then at the Hague in Holland, to take shipping in those parts for England, my Lord went thither to wait on his Majesty, who used my Lord very Graciously; and his Highness the Duke of York was pleased to offer him one of those Ships that were ordered to transport His Majesty; for which he returned his most humble thanks to his Highness, and begged leave of His Highness that he might hire a Vessel for himself and his Company.  
In the mean time whilst my Lord was at the Hague, His Majesty was pleased to tell him, That General Monk, now Duke of Albemarle, had desired the Place of being Master of the Horse: To which my Lord answered, That that gallant Person was worthy of any Favour that His Majesty could confer upon him: And having taken his leave of His Majesty, and His Highness the Duke of York, went towards the Ship that was to transport him for England, (I might better call it a Boat, than a Ship; for those that were entrusted by my Lord to hire a Ship for that purpose, had hired an old rotten Fregat, that was lost the next Voyage after; insomuch, that when some of the Company that had promised to go over with my Lord, saw it, they turned back, and would not endanger their lives in it, except the Lord Widdrington, who was resolved not to forsake my lord)  
My Lord (who was so transported with the joy of returning into his Native Country, that he regarded not the Vessel) having set Sail from Rotterdam, was so becalmed, that he was six days and six nights upon the Water, during which time he pleased himself with mirth, and passed his time away as well as he could; Provisions he wanted not, having them in great store and plenty. At last being come so far that he was able to discern the smoke of London, which he had not seen in a long time, he merrily was pleased to desire one that was near him, to jog and awake him out of his dream, for surely, said he, I have been sixteen years asleep, and am not throughly awake yet. My Lord lay that night at Greenwich, where his Supper seemed more savoury to him, than any meat he had hitherto tasted; and the noise of some scraping Fiddlers, he thought the pleasantest harmony that ever he had heard.  
In the mean time my Lord's Son, Henry Lord Mansfield, now Earl of Ogle, was gone to Dover with intention to wait on His Majesty, and receive my Lord, his Father, with all joy and duty, thinking he had been with His Majesty; but when he missed of his design, he was very much troubled, and more, when His Majesty was pleased to tell him, That my Lord had set to Sea, before His Majesty Himself was gone out of Holland, fearing my Lord had met with some Misfortune in his Journey, because he had not heard of his Landing. Wherefore he immediately parted from Dover, to seek my Lord, whom at last he found at Greenwich; with what joy they embraced and saluted each other, my Pen is too weak to express.  
But all this while, and after my Lord was gone from Antwerp, I was left alone there with some of my servants; for my Lord being in Holland with His Majesty, declared in a Letter to me his intention of going for England, withal commanding me to stay in that City, as a Pawn for his debts, until he could compass money to discharge them; and to excuse him to the Magistrates of the said City for not taking his leave of them, and paying his due thanks for their great civilities, which he desired me to do in his behalf. And certainly my Lord's affection to me was such, that it made him very industrious in providing those means; for it being uncertain what or whether he should have any thing of his Estate, made it a difficult business for him to borrow Money; At last he received some of one Mr. Ash, now Sir joseph Ash, a Merchant of Antwerp, which he returned to me; but what with the expense I had made in the mean while, and what was required for my transporting into England, besides the debts formerly contracted, the said money fell too short by 400 l. and although I could have upon my own word taken up much more, yet I was unwilling to leave an engagement amongst strangers: Wherefore I sent for one Mr. Shaw, now Sir john Shaw, a near kinsman to the said Mr. Ash, entreating him to lend me 400 l. which he did most readily, and so discharged my debts.  
My departure being now divulged in Antwerp, the Magistrates of the City came to take their leaves of me, where I desired one Mr. Duart a very worthy Gentleman, and one of the chief of the City, though he derives his Race from the Portuguez (to whom and his Sisters, all very skilful in the Art of Music, though for their own pastime and Recreation, both my Lord and myself were much bound for their great civilities) to be my Interpreter. They were pleased to express that they were sorry for our departure out of their City, but withal rejoiced at our happy returning into our Native Country, and wished me soon and well to the place where I most desired to be: Whereupon I having excused my Lord's hasty going away without taking his leave of them, returned them mine and my Lord's hearty Thanks for their great civilities, declaring how sorry I was that it lay not in my power to make an acknowledgement answerable to them. But after their departure from me, they were pleased to send their Under-Officers (as the custom there is) with a Present of Wine, which I received with all respect and thankfulness.  
I being thus prepared for my Voyage, went with my Servants to Flussing, and finding no English Man of War there, being loath to trust myself with a less Vessel, was at last informed that a Dutch man of War lay there ready to Convoy some Merchants; I forthwith sent for the Captain thereof, whose name was Bankert, and asked him whether it was possible to obtain the favour of having the use of his Ship to transport me into England? To which he answered, That he questioned not but I might; for the Merchants which he was to convey, were not ready yet, desiring me to send one of my servants to the State, to request that favour of them; with whom he would go himself, and assist him the best he could; which he also did. My suit being granted, myself and my chief servants embarked in the said Ship; the rest, together with the Goods, being conveyed in another good strong Vessel, hired for that purpose.  
After I was safely arrived at London, I found my Lord in Lodgings; I cannot call them unhandsome; but yet they were not fit for a Person of his Rank and Quality, nor of the capacity to contain all his Family: Neither did I find my Lord's Condition such as I expected: Wherefore out of some passion I desired him to leave the Town, and retire into the Country; but my Lord gently reproved me for my rashness and impatience, and soon after removed into Dorset-house; which, though it was better than the former, yet not altogether to my satisfaction, we having but a part of the said House in possession. By this removal I judged my Lord would not hastily depart from London; but not long after, he was pleased to tell me, That he had dispatched his business, and was now resolved to remove into the Country, having already given order for Wagons to transport our goods, which was no unpleasant news to me, who had a great desire for a Countrey-life.  
My Lord before he began his Journey, went to his Gracious Sovereign, and begged leave that he might retire into the Country, to reduce and settle, if possible, his confused, entangled, and almost ruined Estate. Sir, said he to His Majesty, I am not ignorant, that many believe I am discontented; and 'tis probable they'll say, I retire through discontent: But I take God to witness, That I am in no kind or ways displeased; for I am so joyed at your Majesty's happy Restauration, that I cannot be sad or troubled for any Concern to my own particular; but whatsoever Your Majesty is pleased to command me, were it to sacrifice my Life, I shall most obediently perform it; for I have no other Will, but Your Majesty's Pleasure.  
Thus he kissed His Majesty's hand, and went the next day into Nottinghamshire, to his Manor-house called Welbeck; but when he came there, and began to examine his Estate, and how it had been ordered in the time of his Banishment, he knew not whether he had left ' any thing of it for himself, or not, till by his prudence and wisdom he informed himself the best he could, examining those that had most knowledge therein. Some Lands, he found, could be recovered no further then for his life, and some not at all: Some had been in the Rebels hands, which he could not recover, but by His Highness the Duke of York's favour, to whom His Majesty had given all the Estates of those that were condemned and executed for murdering his Royal Father of blessed memory, which by the Law were forfeited to His Majesty; whereof His Highness graciously restored my Lord so much of the Land that formerly had been his, as amounted to 730 l. a year. And though my Lord's Children had their Claims granted, and bought out the Life of my Lord, their Father, which came near upon the third part, yet my Lord received nothing for himself out of his own Estate, for the space of eighteen years, viz. During the time from the first entering into War, which was june 11. 1642, till his return out of Banishment, May 28. 1660; for though his Son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, and his eldest Daughter, the now Lady Cheiny, did all what lay in their power to relieve my Lord their Father, and sent him some supplies of moneys at several times when he was in banishment; yet that was of their own, rather than out of my Lord's Estate; for the Lady Chieny sold some few Jewels which my Lord, her Father, had left her, and some Chamber-Plate which she had from her Grandmother, and sent over the money to my Lord, besides 1000 l. of her Portion: And the now Earl of Ogle did at several times supply my Lord, his Father, with such moneys as he had partly obtained upon Credit, and partly made by his Marriage.  
After my Lord had begun to view those Ruins that were nearest, and tried the Law to keep or recover what formerly was his, (which certainly showed no favour to him, besides that the Act of Oblivion proved a great hindrance and obstruction to those his designs, as it did no less to all the Royal Party) and had settled so much of his Estate as possibly he could, he cast up the Sum of his Debts, and set out several parts of Land sor the payment of them, or of some of them (for some of his Lands could not be easily sold, being entailed) and some he sold in Derbyshire to buy the Castle of Nottingham, which although it is quite ruined and demolished, yet, it being a seat which had pleased his Father very much, he would not leave it since it was offered to be sold.  
His two Houses Welbeck and Bolsover he found much out of repair, and this later half pulled down, no furniture or any necessary Goods were left in them, but some few Hangings and Pictures, which had been saved by the care and industry of his Eldest Daughter the Lady Cheiny, and were bought over again after the death of his eldest Son Charles, Lord Mansfield; for they being given to him, and he leaving some debts to be paid after his death, My Lord sent to his other Son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, to endeavour for so much Credit, that the said Hangings and Pictures (which my Lord esteemed very much, the Pictures being drawn by Van Dyke) might be saved; which he also did, and My Lord hath paid the debt since his return.  
Of eight Parks, which my Lord had before the Wars, there was but one left that was not quite destroyed, viz. Welbeck-Park of about four miles' compass; for my Lord's Brother Sir Charles Cavendish, who bought out the life of my Lord in that Lordship, saved most part of it from being cut down; and in Blore-Park there were some few Deer left: The rest of the Parks were totally defaced and destroyed, both Wood, Pales and Deer; amongst which was also Clipston-Park of seven miles' compass, wherein my Lord had taken much delight formerly, it being rich of Wood, and containing the greatest and tallest Timber-trees of all the Woods he had; in so much, that only the Pale-row was valued at 2000 l. It was watered by a pleasant River that runs through it, full of Fish and Otters; was well stocked with Deer, full of Hares, and had great store of Partridges, Poots, Pheasants, &c, besides all sorts of Waterfowl; so that this Park afforded all manner of sports, for Hunting, Hawking, Coursing, Fishing, etc. for which my Lord esteemed it very much: And although his Patience and Wisdom is such, that I never perceived him sad or discontented for his own Losses and Misfortunes, yet when he beheld the ruins of that Park, I observed him troubled, though he did little express it, only saying, he had been in hopes it would not have been so much defaced as he found it, there being not one Timber-tree in it left for shelter. However he patiently bore what could not be helped, and gave present order for the cutting down of some Wood that was left him in a place near adjoining, to repale it, and got from several Friends Dear to stock it.  
Thus though his Lawsuits and other unavoidable expenses were very chargeable to him, yet he ordered his affairs so prudently, that by degrees he stocked and manured those Lands he keeps for his own use, and in part repaired his Manor-houses, Welbeck, and Bolsover, to which later he made some additional building; and though he has not yet built the Seat at Nottingham, yet he hath stocked and paled a little Park belonging to it.  
Nor is it possible for him to repair all the ruins of the Estate that is left him, in so short a time, they being so great, and his losses so considerable, that I cannot without grief and trouble remember them; for before the Wars my Lord had as great an Estate as any subject in the Kingdom, descended upon him most by Women, viz. by his Grandmother of his Father's side, his own Mother, and his first Wife.  
What Estate his Grandfather left to his Father Sir Charles Cavendish, I know not; nor can I exactly tell what he had from his Grandmother, but she was very rich; for her third Husband Sir Will. Saint Loo, gave her a good Estate in the West, which afterwards descended upon my Lord, my Lord's Mother being the younger daughter of the Lord Ogle, and sole Heir, after the death of her eldest Sister jane, Countess of Shrewsbury, whom King Charles the First restored to her Father's Dignity, viz. Baroness of Ogle: This Title descended upon my Lord and his Heirs General, together with 3000 l. a year in Northumberland; and besides the Estate left to my Lord, she gave him 20000 l. in Money, and kept him and his Family at her own charge for several years.  
My Lord's first Wife, who was Daughter and Heir to William Basset of Blore Esq, Widow to Henry Howard, younger Son to Thomas Earl of Suffolk, brought my Lord 2400 l. a Year Inheritance, between six and seven thousand Pounds in Money, and a jointure for her life of 800 l. a Year. Besides my Lord increased his own Estate before the Wars, to the value of 100000 l. and had increased it more, had not the unhappy Wars prevented him; for though he had some disadvantages in his Estate, even before the Wars, yet they are not considerable to those he suffered afterwards for the service of his King and Country: For example, His Father Sir Charles Cavendish had lent his Brother in Law Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury 16000 l. for which, although afterward before his death he settled 2000 l. a year upon him; yet he having enjoyed the said Money for many years without paying any use for it, it might have been improved to my Lord's better advantage, had it been in his Fathers own hands, he being a Person of great prudence in managing his Estate; and though the said Earl of Shrewsbury made my Lord his Executor, yet my Lord was so far from making any advantage by that Trust, even in what the Law allowed him, that he lost 17000 l. by it; and afterwards delivered up his Trust to William Earl of Pembroke, and Thomas Earl of Arundel, who both married two Daughters of the said Earl of Shrewsbury; And since his return into England, upon the desire of Henry Howard, Second Son to the late Earl of Arundel, and Heir apparent, (by reason of his Eldest Brother's Distemper) he resigned his Trust and Interest to him, which certainly is a very difficult business, and yet questionable whether it may lawfully be done, or not? But such was my Lord's Love to the Family of the Shrewsburies', that he would rather wrong himself, than it.  
To mention some lawful advantages which my Lord might have made by the said Trust, it may be noted in the first place, That the Earl of Shrewsbury's Estate was Let in long Leases, which, by the Law, fell to the Executor. Next, that after some Debts and Legacies were paid out of those Lands, which were set out for that purpose, they were settled so, that they fell to my Lord. Thirdly, Seven hundred pounds a year was left as a Gift to my Lord's Brother, Sir Charles Cavendish, in case the Countess of Kent, Second Daughter to the said Earl of Shrewsbury, had no Children. But my Lord never made any advantage for himself, of all these; neither was he inquisitive whether the said Countess of Kent cut off the Entail of that Land, although she never had a Child; for my Lord's Nature is so generous, that he hates to be Mercenary, and never minds his own Profit or Interest in any Trust or Employment, more than the good and benefit of him that entrusts or employs him.  
But, as I said heretofore, these are but petty Losses in comparison of those he sustained by the late Civil Wars, whereof I shall partly give you an account: I say partly; for though it may be computed what the loss of the Annual Rents of his Lands amounts to, of which he never received the least worth for himself and his own profit, during the time both of his being employed in the Service of War, and his Sufferings in Banishment; as also the loss of those Lands that are alienated from him, both in present possession, and in reversion; and of his Parks and Woods that were cut down; yet it is impossible to render an exact account of his Personal Estate.  
As for his Rents during the time he acted in the Wars, though he suffered others to gather theirs for their own use, yet his own either went for the use of the Army, or fell into the hands of the Enemy, or were suppressed and withheld from him by the Cozenage of his Tenants and Officers, my Lord being then not able to look after them himself.  
About the time when His late Majesty undertook the expedition into Scotland for the suppressing of some insurrection that happened there; My Lord, as afore is mentioned, amongst the rest, lent His Majesty 10000 l. sterling; But having newly married a Daughter to the then Lord Brackly, now Earl of Bridgwater, whose portion was 12000 l. the moiety whereof was paid in Gold on the day of her marriage, and the rest soon after (although she was too young to be bedded.) This, together with some other expenses, caused him to take up the said 10000 l. at Interest, the Use whereof he paid many years after.  
Also when after his sixteen years' Banishment, he returned into England, before he knew what Estate was left him, and was able to receive any Rents of his own, he was necessitated to take 5000 l. upon Use for the maintenance of himself and his Family; whereof the now Earl of Devonshire, his Cousin German, once removed, lent him 1000 l. for which and the former 1000 l. mentioned heretofore, he never desired nor received any Use from my Lord, which I mention, to declare the favour and bounty of that Noble Lord.  
But though it is impossible to render an exact account of all the losses which My Lord has sustained by the said Wars, yet as far as they are accountable, I shall endeavour to represent them in these following Particulars:  
In the first place, I shall give you a just particular of My Lord's Estate in Lands, as it was before the Wars, partly according to the value of his own Surveighers, and partly according to the rate it is let, at this present.  
Next, I shall account the Woods cut down by the Rebellious Party, in several places of My Lord's Estate.  
Thirdly, I shall compute the Value of those Lands which My Lord hath lost, both in present possession, and in reversion; that is to say, those which he has lost altogether, both for himself, and his Posterity; and those he has recovered only during the time of his life, and which his only Son and Heir, the now Earl of Ogle, must lose after his Father's decease.  
Fourthly, I shall make mention, how much of Land my Lord hath been forced to sell for the payment of some of his Debts, contracted during the time of the late Civil Wars, and when his Estate was sequestered; I say some, for there are a great many to pay yet.  
To which I shall, Fifthly, add the Composition of his Brother's Estate; and the loss of it for Eight years.  
A Particular of My Lord's Estate in plain Rents, as it was partly surveighed in the Year 1641, and partly is let at this present. 
Nottinghamshire.   l. s. d. THe Manor of Welbeck— 0600 00 00 l. s. d. 6229 07 11 The Manor of Norton, Carbarton, and the Granges— 0454 19 01 Warksopp— 0051 06 08 The Manor-house of Soakholm— 0308 10 03 The Manor of Clipston & Edwinstow— 0334 09 08 Drayton— 0008 16 06 Dunham— 0099 17 08 Sutton— 0185 00 05 The Manor of Kirby, etc.— 1075 07 02 The Manor of Cotham— 0833 18 08 The Manor of Sitthorp— 0704 01 00 Carcholston— 0450 03 00 Hauksworth, etc.— 0139 04 02 Flawborough— 0512 11 08 Mearing and Holm-Meadow— 0471 02 00 
Lincolnshire.  Wellinger and Ingham Meals— 0100 00 00 
Derbyshire.  The Barony of Bolsover and Woodthorp— 0846 08 11 6128 11 10 The Manor of Chesterfield— 0378 00 00 The Manor of Barlow— 0796 17 06 Tissington— 0159 11 00 Dronfield— 0486 15 10 The Manor of Brampton— 0142 04 08 Little- Longston— 0087 02 00 The Manor of Stoak— 0212 03 00 Birth-Hall, and Peak-Forrest— 0131 08 00 The Manor of Gringlow— 0156 08 00 The Manor of Hucklow— 0162 10 08 The Manor of Blackwall— 0306 00 04 Buxton and Tids-Hall— 0153 02 00 Mansfield-Park— 0100 00 00 Mappleton and Thorp— 0207 05 00 The Manor of Windly-Hill— 0238 18 00 The Manor of Litchurch and Markworth— 0713 15 01 Church and Meynel Langly Manor— 0850 01 00 
Stafford-shire.   l. s. d. The Manor of Bloar with Caulton— 0573 13 04 l. s. d. 2349 17 04 The Manor of Grindon, Cauldon, with Waterfull— 0822 03 00 The Manor of Cheadle with Kinsly— 0259 18 00 The Manor of Barleston, etc.— 0694 03 00 
Gloucestershire.  The Manor of Tormorton with Litleton— 1193 16 00 1581. 19 02 The Manor of Acton Turvil— 0388 03 02 
Summerset-shire.  The Manor of Chewstoak— 0816 15 06 1303 13 10 Knighton Sutton— 0300 14 04 Stroud and Kingsham-Park— 0186 04 00 
Yorkshire.  The Manors of Slingsby, Hoverngham and Friton, Northinges and Pomfret— 1700 00 00 
Northumberland.  The Barony of Bothal, Ogle and Hepple, &c— 3000 00 00  Totall 22393 10 01  
That this Particular of My Lord's Estate was no less than is mentioned, may partly appear by the rate, as it was surveighed, and sold by the Rebellious Parliament; for they raised, towards the later end of their power, which was in the year 1652, out of my Lord's Estate, the sum of 111593 l. 10s. 11d. at five years and a half Purchase, which was at above the rate of 18000 l. a year, besides Woods; and his Brother Sir Charles Cavendish's Estate, which Estate was 2000 l. a year, which falls not much short of the mentioned account; and certainly, had they not sold such Lands at easy rates, few would have bought them, by reason the Purchasers were uncertain how long they should enjoy their purchase: Besides, Under-Officers do not usually refuse Bribes; and it is well known that the Surveighers did underrate Estates according as they were feed by the Purchasers.  
Again, many of the Estates of banished Persons were given to Soldiers for the payment of their Arrears, who again sold them to others which would buy them at easier rates. But chiefly, it appears by the rate as my Lord's Estate is let at present, there being several of the mentioned Lands that are let at a higher rate now then they were surveighed; nor are they all valued in the mentioned particular according to the survey, but many of them which were not surveighed, are accounted according to the rate they are let at this present.  
The Loss of my Lord's Estate, in plain Rents, as also upon ordinary Use, and Use upon Use, is as followeth:  
The Annual Rent of My Lords Lands, viz. 22393 l. 10 s. 1 d. being lost for the space of 18 years, which was the time of his acting in the Wars, and of his Banishment, without any benefit to him, reckoned without any Interest, amounts to 403083 l. But being accounted with the ordinary Use at Six in the Hundred, and Use upon Use for the mentioned space of 18 Years, it amounts to 733579 l.  
But some perhaps will say, That if My Lord had enjoyed his Estate, he would have spent it, at least so much as to maintain himself according to his degree and quality.  
I answer; That it is very improbable My Lord should have spent all his Estate, if he had enjoyed it, he being a man of great Wisdom and Prudence, knowing well how to spend, and how to manage; for though he lived nobly before the time of the Wars, yet not beyond the Compass of his Estate; nay, so far he would have been from spending his Estate, that no doubt but he would have increased it to a vast value, as he did before the Wars; where notwithstanding his Hospitality and noble House-keeping, his charges of Building came to about 31000 l; the portion of his second Daughter, which was 12000 l; the noble entertainments he gave King Charles the First, one whereof came to almost 15000 l. another to above 4000 l, and a third to 1700 l. as hereafter shall be mentioned; and his great expenses during the time of his being Governor to His Majesty that now is, he yet increased his Estate to the value of 100000 l, which is 5000 per annum, when it was by so much less.  
But if any one will reckon the charges of his House-keeping during the time of his Exile, and when he had not the enjoyment of his Estate, he may subtract the sum accounted for the payment of his debts, contracted in the time of his Banishment, which went to the maintenance of himself and his Family; or in lieu thereof, considering that I do not account all My Lords losses, but only those that are certainly known, he may compare it with the loss of his personal Estate, whereof I shall make some mention anon, and he'll find that I do not heighten my Lords Losses, but rather diminish them; for surely the losses of his personal Estate, and those I account not, will counterbalance the charges of his House-keeping, if not exceed them.  
Again, others will say, That there was much Land sold in the time of My Lord's Banishment by his Sons, and Feoffees in Trust.  
I answer, First, That whatsoever was sold, was first bought of the Rebellious Power: Next, although they sold some Lands, yet My Lord knew nothing of it, neither did he receive a penny worth for himself, neither of what they purchased, nor sold, all the time of his Banishment till his return.  
And thus much of the loss of My Lord's Estate in Rents: Concerning the loss of his Parks and Woods, as much as is generally known, (for I do not reckon particular Trees cut down in several of his Woods yet standing) 'tis as follows: 

1. Clipston-Park and Woods cut down to the value of 20000 l.  
2. Kirkby-Woods, for which my Lord was formerly proffered 10000 l.  
3. Woods cut down in Derbyshire 8000 l.  
4. Red-lodg-Wood, Rome-wood and others near Welbeck 4000 l.  
5. Woods cut down in Stafford-shire 1000 l.  
6. Woods cut down in Yorkshire 1000 l.  
7. Woods cut down in Northumberland 1500 l.  
The Total 45000 l.    
The Lands which My Lord hath lost in present possession are 2015 l. per annum, which at 20 years purchase come to 40300 l. and those which he hath lost in Reversion, are 3214 l. per annum, which at 16 years' purchase amount to the value of 51424 l.  
The Lands which my Lord since his return has sold for the payment of some of his debts, occasioned by the Wars (for I do not reckon those he sold to buy others) come to the value of 56000 l. to which out of his yearly revenue he has added 10000 l. more, which is in all 66000 l.  
Lastly, The Composition of his Brother's Estate was 5000 l. and the loss of it for eight years comes to 16000 l.  
All which, if summed up together, amounts to 941303 l.  
These are the accountable losses, which My Dear Lord and Husband has suffered by the late Civil Wars, and his Loyalty to his King and Country. Concerning the loss of his personal Estate, since (as I often mentioned) it cannot be exactly known; I shall not endeavour to set down the Particulars thereof, only in General give you a Note of what partly they are:  
1. The pulling down of several of his dwelling or Manor-houses.  
2. The disfurnishing of them, of which the Furniture at Bolsover and Welbeck was very noble and rich: Out of his London-house at Clarkenwell, there were taken, amongst other Goods, suits of Linen, viz. Table-Cloths, Sideboard-cloths, Napkins, etc. whereof one suit cost 160 l. they being bought for an Entertainment which My Lord made for Their Majesties, King Charles the First, and the Queen, at Bolsover-Castle; And of 150 Suits of Hangings of all sorts in all his Houses, there were not above 10 or 12 saved.  
Of Silver-plate, My Lord had so much as came to the value of 3800 l. besides several Curiosities of Cabinets, Cups, and other things, which after My Lord was gone out of England, were taken out of his Manor house, Welbeck, by a Garrison of the King's Party that lay therein, whereof he recovered only 1100 l. which Money was sent him beyond the Seas, the rest was lost.  
As for Pewter, Brass, Bedding, Linen, and other Householdstuff, there was nothing else left but some few old Featherbeds, and those all spoiled, and fit for no use.  
3. My Lord's Stock of Corn, cattle, etc. was very great before the Wars, by reason of the largeness and capacity of those grounds, and the great number of Granges he kept for his own use; as for example, Barlow, Carkholston, Gleadthorp, Welbeck, and several more, which were all well manured and stocked. But all this stock was lost, besides his Race of Horses in his Grounds, Grange-Horses, Hackny-Horses, Mannage-Horses, Coach-Horses, and others he kept for his use.  
To these Losses I may well and justly join the charges which my Lord hath been put to since his return into England, by reason they were caused by the ruins of the said Wars; whereof I reckon,  
1. His Lawsuits, which have been very chargeable to him, more than advantageous.  
2. The Stocking, Manuring, Paling, Stubbing, Hedging, etc. of his Grounds and Parks; where it is to be noted, That no advantage or benefit can be made of Grounds, under the space of three years, and of cattle not under five or six.  
3. The repairing and furnishing of some of his Dwelling-Houses.  
4. The setting up a Race or Breed of Horses, as he had before the Wars; for which purpose he hath bought the best Mares he could get for money.  
In short, I can reckon 12000 l. laid out barely for the repair of some Ruins, which my Lord could not be without, there being many of them to repair yet; neither is this all that is laid out, but much more which I cannot well remember; nor is there more but one Grange stocked, amongst several that were kept for furnishing his House with Provisions: As for other Charges and Losses, which My Lord hath sustained since his return, I will not reckon them, because my design is only to account such losses as were caused by the Wars.  
By which, as they have been mentioned, it may easily be concluded, That although My Lord's Estate was very great before the Wars, yet now it is shrunk into a very narrow compass, that it puts his Prudence and Wisdom to the Proof, to make it serve his necessities, he having no other assistance to bear him up; and yet notwithstanding all this, he hath since his return paid both for Himself and his Son, all manner of Taxes, Lones, Levies, Assessments, etc. equally with the rest of His Majesty's Subjects, according to that Estate that is left him, which he has been forced to take upon Interest.   

The Third Book.  
THus having given you a faithful Account of all My Lords Actions, both before, in, and after the Civil Wars, and of his Losses; I shall now conclude with some particular heads concerning the description of his own Person, his Natural Humour, Disposition, Qualities, Virtues; his Pedigree, Habit, Diet, Exercises, etc. together with some other Remarks and Particulars which I thought requisite to be inserted, both to illustrate the former Books, and to render the History of his Life more perfect and complete.  

1. Of his Power.  
After His Majesty King Charles the First, had entrusted my Lord with the Power of raising Forces for His Majesty's Service, he effected that which never any Subject did, nor was (in all probability) able to do; for though many Great and Noble Persons did also raise Forces for His Majesty, yet they were Brigades, rather than well-formed Armies, in comparison to my Lord's. The reason was, That my Lord, by his Mother, the Daughter of Cuthbert Lord Ogle, being allied to most of the most ancient Families in Northumberland, and other the Northern parts, could pretend a greater Interest in them, than a stranger; for they through a natural affection to my Lord as their own Kinsman, would sooner follow him, and under his Conduct sacrifice their Lives for His Majesty's Service, than any body else, well knowing, That by deserting my Lord, they deserted themselves; and by this means my Lord raised first a Troup of Horse consisting of a hundred and twenty, and a Regiment of Foot; and then an Army of Eight thousand Horse, Foot and Dragoons, in those parts; and afterwards upon this ground, at several times, and in several places, so many several Troops, Regiments and Armies, that in all from the first to the last, they amounted to above 100000 men, and those most upon his own Interest, and without any other considerable help or assistance; which was much for a particular Subject, and in such a conjuncture of time; for since Armies are soon raised by Covetousness, Fear and Faction; that is to say, upon a constant and settled Pay, upon the Ground of Terror, and upon the Ground of Rebellion; but very seldom or never upon uncertainty of Pay; and when it is as hazardous to be of such a Party, as to be in the heat of a Battle; also when there is no other design but honest duty; it may easily be conceived that my Lord could have no little love and affection when He raised his Army upon snch grounds as could promise them but little advantage at that time.  
Amongst the rest of his Army, My Lord had chosen for his own Regiment of Foot, 3000 of such Valiant, stout and faithful men, (whereof many were bred in the Moorishgrounds of the Northern parts) that they were ready to die at my Lord's feet, and never gave over, whensoever they were engaged in action, until they had either conquered the Enemy, or lost their lives. They were called White-coats, for this following reason: My Lord being resolved to give them new Liveries, and there being not red Cloth enough to be had, took up so much of white as would serve to clothe them, desiring withal, their patience until he had got it died; but they impatient of stay, requested my Lord, that he would be pleased to let them have it un-dyed as it was, promising they themselves would die it in the Enemy's Blood: Which request my Lord granted them, and from that time they were called White-Coats.  
To give you some instances of their Valour and Courage, I must beg leave to repeat some passages mentioned in the first Book. The Enemy having closely besieged the City of York, and made a passage into the Mannor-yard, by springing a Mine under the Wall thereof, was got into the Manor-house with a great number of their Forces; which My Lord perceiving, he immediately went and drew 80 of the said White-coats thither, who with the greatest Courage went close up to the Enemy, and having charged them, fell Pellmell with the But-ends of their Muskets upon them, and with the assistance of the rest that renewed their Courage by their example, killed and took 1500, and by that means saved the Town.  
How valiantly they behaved themselves in the last fatal Battle upon Hessom-moor near York, has been also declared heretofore; in so much, that although most of the Army were fled, yet they would not stir, until by the Enemy's Power they were overcome, and most of them slain in rank and file.  
Their love and affection to my Lord was such, that it lasted even when he was deprived of all his power, and could do them little good; to which purpose I shall mention this following passage:  
My Lord being in Antwerp, received a Visit from a Gentleman, who came out of England, and rendered My Lord thanks for his safe Escape at Sea; My Lord being in amaze, not knowing what the Gentleman meant, he was pleased to acquaint Him, that in his coming over Sea out of England, he was set upon by Pickaroons, who having examined him, and the rest of his Company, at last some asked him, whether he knew the Marquis of Newcastle? To whom he answered, That he knew him very well, and was going over into the same City where my Lord lived. Whereupon they did not only take nothing from him, but used him with all Civility, and desired him to remember their humble duty to their Lord General, for they were some of his White-Coats that had escaped death; and if my Lord had any service for them, they were ready to assist him upon what Designs soever, and to obey him in whatsoever he should be pleased to Command them.  
This I mention for the Eternal Fame and Memory of those Valiant and Faithful Men. But to return to the Power my Lord had in the late Wars: As he was the Head of his own Army, and had raised it most upon his own Interest for the Service of His Majesty; so he was never Ordered by His Majesty's Privy Council, (except that some Forces of His were kept by His late Majesty, (which he sent to Him) together with some Arms and Ammunition heretofore mentioned) until His Highness' Prince Rupert came from His Majesty, to join with him at the Siege of York. He had moreover the Power of Coining, Printing, Knighting, etc. which never any Subject had before, when His Sovereign Himself was in the Kingdom; as also the Command of so many Counties, as is mentioned in the First Book, and the Power of placing and displacing what Governors and Commanders he pleased, and of constituting what Garrisons he thought fit; of the chief whereof I shall give you this following list.  

A Particular of the Principal Garrisons, and the Governors of them, constituted by my Lord.  
In Northumberland.  


NEwcastle upon Tyne, Sir john Marley Knight.  
Tynmouthcastle and Shields, Sir Thomas Riddal, Knight.    
In the Bishopric of Durham.  


Hartlepool, Lieutenant Colonel Henry Lambton.  
Raby-Castle, Sir William Savile, Knight and Baronet.    
In Yorkshire.  


The City of York, Sir Thomas Glenham Knight and Baronet; and afterwards when he took the Field, the Lord Io. Bellasyse.  
Pomfret-Castle, Colonel Mynn, and after him Sir Io. Redman.  
Sheffield-Castle, Major Beaumont.  
Wortly-Hall, Sir Francis Wortley.  
Tickhill-Castle, Major Mountney.  
Doncaster, Sir Francis Fane, Knight of the Bath, afterwards Governor of Lincoln.  
Sandal-Castle, Captain Bonivant.  
Skipton-Castle, Sir john Mallary, Baronet.  
Bolton-Castle, Mr. Scroop.  
Hemsley-Castle, Sir jordan Crosland.  
Scarborough-Castle and Town, Sir Hugh Chomley.  
Stamford-Bridg, Colonel Galbreth.  
Hallifax, Sir Francis Mackworth.  
Tadcaster, Sir Gamaliel Dudley.  
Eyrmouth, Major Kaughton.    
In Cumberland.  


The City of Carlisle, Sir Philip Musgrave, Knight and Baronet.  
Cockermouth, Colonel Kirby.    
In Nottinghamshire.  


Newark upon Trent, Sir john Henderson, Knight; and afterwards, Sir Richard Byron, Knight, now Lord Byron.  
Wyrton-House, Colonel Rowland Hacker.  
Welbeck, Colonel Van Peire; and after, Colonel Beeton.  
Shelford-House, Col. Philip Stanhop.    
In Lincolnshire.  


The City of Lincoln, first Sir Francis Fane, Knight of the Bath; secondly, Sir Peregrine Bartu.  
Gainsborough, Colonel St. George.  
Bullingbrook-Castle, Lieutenant Colonel Chester.  
Beluoir-Castle, Sir Gervas' Lucas.    
In Derbyshire.  


Bolsover-Castle, Colonel Muschamp.  
Wingfield Manor, Colonel Roger Molyneux.  
Staly-House, the now Lord Fretchwile.     

A LIST of the General OFFICERS of the ARMY.  
1. THe Lord General, the now Duke of Newcastle, the Noble Subject of this Book.  
2. The Lieutenant General of the Army; first the Earl of Newport, afterwards the Lord Eythin.  
3. The General of the Ordnance, Charles' Viscount Mansfield.  
4. The General of the Horse, George Lord Goring.  
5. The Colonel General of the Army, Sir Thomas Glenham.  
6. The Major General of the Army, Sir Francis Mackworth.  
7. The Lieutenant General of the Horse, First Mr. Charles Cavendish, after him Sir Charles Lucas.  
8. Commissary General of Horse, First Colonel Windham, after him Sir William Throckmorton, and after him Mr. George Porter.  
9 Lieutenant General of the Ordnance, Sir William Davenant.  
10. Treasurer of the Army, Sir William Carnaby.  
11. Advocate-General of the Army, Dr. Liddal.  
12. Quartermaster General of the Army, Mr. Ralph Errington.  
13. Providore-General of the Army, Mr. Gervas' Nevil, and after Mr. Smith.  
14. Scout-Master-General of the Army, Mr. Hudson.  
15. Waggon-Master-General of the Army, Baptist johnson.   
William Lord Widdrington was Precedent of the Council of War, and Commander in chief of the three Counties of Lincoln, Rutland and Nottingham, and the forces there.  
When my Lord marched with his Army to Newcastle against the Scots, than the Lord john Bellassis was constituted Governor of York, and Commander in Chief, or Lieutenant General of Yorkshire.  
As for the rest of the Officers and Commanders of every particular Regiment and Company, they being too numerous, cannot well be remembered, and therefore I shall give you no particular account of them.   

2. Of His Misfortunes and obstructions.  
ALthough Nature had favoured My Lord, and endued him with the best Qualities and Perfections she could inspire into his soul; yet Fortune hath ever been such an inveterate Enemy to him, that she invented all the spite and malice against him that lay in her power; and notwithstanding his prudent Counsels and Designs, cast such obstructions in his way, that he seldom proved successful, but where he acted in Person. And since I am not ignorant that this unjust and partial Age is apt to suppress the worth of meritorious persons, and that many will endeavour to obscure my Lords noble Actions and Fame, by casting unjust aspersions upon him, and laying (either out of ignorance or malice) Fortunes envy to his charge, I have purposed to represent these obstructions which conspired to render his good intentions and endeavours ineffectual, and at last did work his ruin and destruction, in these following particulars.  
1. At the time when the Kingdom became so infatuated, as to oppose and pull down their Gracious King and Sovereign, the Treasury was exhausted, and no sufficient means to raise and maintain Armies to reduce his Majesty's Rebellious Subjects; so that My Lord had little to begin withal but what his own Estate would allow, and his Interest procure him.  
2. When his late Majesty, in the beginning of the unhappy Wars, sent My Lord to Hull, the strongest place in the Kingdom, where the Magazine of Arms and Ammunition was kept, and he by his prudence had gained it to his Majesty's service; My Lord was left to the mercy of the Parliament, where he had surely suffered for it, (though he acted not without His Majesty's Commission) if some of the contrary party had not quitted him, in hopes to gain him on their side.  
3. After His Majesty had sent My Lord to Newcastle upon Tyne, to take upon him the Government of that place, and he had raised there, of Friends and Tenants, a troup of Horse and Regiment of Foot, which he ordered to convey some Arms and Ammunition to His Majesty, sent by the Queen out of Holland; His Majesty was pleased to keep the same Convoy with him to increase his own Forces, which although it was but of a small number, yet at that present time it would have been very serviceable to my Lord, he having then but begun to raise Forces.  
4. When Her Majesty the now Queen-Mother, after her arrival out of Holland to York, had a purpose to convey some Arms to His Majesty, My Lord ordered a Party of 1500 to conduct the same, which His Majesty was pleased to keep with him for his own service.  
5. After Her Majesty had taken a resolution to go from York to Oxford, where the King then was; my Lord for Her safer conduct quitted 7000 men of his Army, with a convenient Train of Artillery, which likewise never returned to my Lord.  
6. When the Earl of Montross was going into Scotland, he went to my Lord at Durham, and desired of him a supply of some Forces for His Majesty's service; where my Lord gave him 200 Horse and Dragoons, even at such a time when he stood most in need of a supply himself, and thought every day to encounter the Scottish Army.  
7. When my Lord out of the Northern parts went into Lincoln- and Derby-shires with his Army, to order and reduce them to their Allegiance and Duty to His Majesty, and from thence resolved to march into the Associate Counties, (where in all porbability he would have made an happy end of the War) he was so importuned by those he left behind him, and particularly the Commander in Chief, to return into Yorkshire, alleging the Enemy grew strong, and would ruin them all, if he came not speedily to succour and assist them; that in honour and duty he could do no otherwise but grant their Requests; when as yet being returned into those parts, he found them secure and safe enough from the Enemy's Attempts.  
8. My Lord (as heretofore mentioned) had as great private Enemies about His Majesty, as he had public Enemies in the Field, who used all the endeavour they could to pull him down.  
9 There was such Juggling, Treachery, and Falsehood in his own Army, and amongst some of his own Officers, that it was impossible for my Lord to be prosperous and successful in his Designs and Undertake.  
10. My Lord's Army being the chief and greatest Army which His Majesty had, and in which consisted His prime Strength and Power; the Parliament resolved at last, to join all their Forces with the Army of the Scots, (which when it came out of Scotland, was above Twenty thousand Men) to oppose, and if possible, to ruin it; well knowing, that if they did pull down my Lord, they should be Masters of all the Three Kingdoms; so that there were Three Armies against One. But although my Lord suffered much by the Negligence (and sometimes Treachery) of his Officers, and was unfortunately called back into Yorkshire, from his March he designed for the Associate Counties, and was forced to part with a great number of his Forces and Ammunition, as aforementioned; yet he would hardly have been overcome, and his Army ruined by the Enemy, had he but had some timely supply and assistance at the Siege of York, or that his Counsel had been taken in not fight the Enemy then, or that the Battle had been differed some two or three days longer, until those Forces were arrived which he expected, namely three thousand men out of Northumberland, and Two thousand drawn out of several Garrisons. But the chief Misfortune was, That the Enemy fell upon the King's Forces before they were all put into a Battallia, and took them at their great disadvantage; which caused such a Panic fear amongst them, that most of the Horse of the right Wing of His Majesty's Forces, betook themselves to their heels; insomuch, that although the left Wing (commanded by the Lord Goring, and my Brother Sir Charles Lucas) did their best endeavour, and beat back the Enemy three times, and My Lord's own Regiment of Foot charged them so courageously, that they never broke, but died most of them in their Ranks and Files; yet the Power of the Enemy being too strong, put them at last to a total rout and confusion. Which unlucky disaster put an end to all future hopes of His Majesty's Party; so that my Lord seeing he had nothing left in his Power to do His Majesty any further service in that kind (for had he stayed, he would have been forced to surrender all those Towns and Garrisons in those parts, that were yet in His Majesty's Devotion, as afterwards it also happened) resolved to quit the Kingdom, as formerly is mentioned.  
And these are chiefly the obstructions to the good success of my Lord's Designs in the late Civil Wars; which being rightly considered, will save him blameless from what otherwise would be laid to his charge; for, as according to the old saying, 'Tis easy for men to swim, when they are held up by the chin: So on the other side, it is very dangerous and difficult for them to endeavour it, when they are pulled down by the Heels, and beaten upon their Heads.   

3. Of His Loyalty and Sufferings.  
I dare boldly and justly say, That there never was, nor is a more Loyal and Faithful Subject then My Lord: Not to mention the Trust he discharged in all those employments, which either King james, or King Charles the First, or His now Gracious Master King Charles the Second, were pleased to bestow upon him, which he performed with such care and fidelity, that he never disobeyed their Commands in the least; I will only note,  
1. That he was the First that appeared in Arms for His Majesty, and engaged Himself and all his Friends he could for His Majesty's Service; and though he had but two Sons which were young, and one only Brother, yet they all were with him in the Wars: His two Sons had Commands, but His Brother, though he had no Command, by reason of the weakness of his body, yet he was never from My Lord when he was in action, even to the last; for he was the last with my Lord in the Field in that fatal Battle upon Hessom-moor, near York; and though my Brother, Sir Charles Lucas, desired my Lord to send his Sons away, when the said Battle was fought, yet he would not, saying, His Sons should show their Loyalty and Duty to His Majesty, in venturing their lives, as well as Himself.  
2. My Lord was the chief and only Person, that kept up the Power of His late Majesty; for when his Army was lost, all the King's Party was ruined in all three of his Majesty's Kingdoms; because in his Army lay the chief strength of all the Royal Forces; it being the greatest and best form Army which His Majesty had, and the only support both of his Majesty's Person and Power, and of the hopes of all his Loyal Subjects in all his Dominions.  
3. My Lord was 16 Years in Banishment, and hath lost and suffered most of any subject, that suffered either by War, or otherways, except those that lost their lives, and even that he valued not, but exposed it to so eminent dangers that nothing but Heaven's Decree had ordained to save it.  
4. He never minded his own Interest more than his Loyalty and Duty, and upon that account never desired nor received any thing from the Crown to enrich himself, but spent great sums in His Majesty's Service; so that after his long banishment and return into England, I observed his ruined Estate was like an Earthquake, and his Debts like Thunderbolts, by which he was in danger of being utterly undone, had not Patience and Prudence, together with Heavens Blessings, saved him from that threatening Ruin.  
5. He never repined at his Losses and Sufferings, because he lost and suffered for his King and Country; nay, so far was he from that, that I have heard him say, If the same Wars should happen again, and he was sure to lose both his life, and all he had lest him, yet he would most willingly sacrifice it for His Majesty's Service.  
6. He never connived or conspired with the Enemy, neither directly nor indirectly; for though some Person of Quality being sent in the late Wars to him into the North, from His late Majesty, who was then at Oxford, with some Message, did withal in private acquaint him, that some of the Nobility that were with the King, desired him to side with them against His Majesty, alleging that if His Majesty should become an absolute Conqueror, both himself and the rest of the Nobility would lose all their Rights and Privileges; yet he was so far from consenting to it, that he returned him this answer, namely, That he entered into actions of War, for no other end, but for the service of His King and Master, and to keep up His Majesty's Rights and Prerogatives, for which he was resolved to venture both his Life, Posterity and Estate; for certainly, said he, the Nobility cannot fall if the King be Victorious, nor can they keep up their Dignities, if the King be overcome.  
This Message was delivered by word of mouth, but none of their names mentioned; so that it is not certainly known whether it was a real truth or not; more probable it was, that they intended to sound my Lord, or to make, if possible, more division; for certainly not all that pretended to be for the King, were His Friends; and I myself remember very well, when I was with Her Hajesty, the now Queen-Mother, in Oxford, (although I was too young to perceive their intrigues, yet I was old enough to observe) that there were great Factions both amongst the Courtiers and Soldiers. But my Lord's Loyalty was such, that he kept always faithful and true to His Majesty, and could by no means be brought to side with the Rebellious Party, or to juggle and mind his own Interest more than his Majesty's Service; and this was the cause that he had as great private Enemies at Court, as he had public Enemies in the Field, who sought as much his ruin and destruction privately and ●ould cast aspersions upon his Loyalty and Duty, as the●● did publicly oppose him.  
In short, that it may appear the better what loyal and faithful services my Lord has done both for His late Majesty King Charles the First, and His now Gracious Master King Charles the Second, I have thought fit to subjoin both Their Majesty's Commendations which they were pleased to give him, when for his Great and Loyal Services they conferred upon him the Titles and Dignities of Marquis, and Duke of Newcastle.  

A Copy of the Preamble of My Lord's Patent for Marquis, Englished.  
Rex etc. Salutem.  
WHereas it appears to Us, That William Earl of Newcastle upon Tyne, besides his most Eminent Birth and splendid Alliances, hath equalled all those Titles with which he is adorned by Desert, and hath also won them by Virtue, Industry, Prudence, and a steadfast Faith: Whilst with dangers and expenses gathering together Soldiers, Arms, and all other Warlike Habiliments; and applying them as well in Our Affairs, as most plentifully sending them to Us, (having forethought of Our Dignity and security) he was ready with Us in all Actions in Yorkshire, and governed the Town of Newcastle, and Castle in the mouth of Tyne, at the time of that fatal Revolt of the People who were got together; and with a Bond of his Friends did opportunely seize that Port, and settled it a Garrison; bringing Arms to Us (than Our only relief:) In which Service so strongly going on, (which was of grand moment to our affairs) We do gratefully remember him still to have stood to: Afterwards, having Mustered together a good Army, (Our self being gone elsewhere) the Rebels now enjoying almost all Yorkshire, and the chiefest Fortress of all the Country now appearing to have scarce refuge or safety for him against the swelling Rebels, (the whole Country then desiring and praying for his coming, that he might timely relieve them in their desperate condition) And leading his said Army in the midst of Winter, gave the Rebel's Battle in his passage, vanquished them, and put them to flight, and took from them several Garrisons, and places of Refuge, and restored Health to the Subjects, and by his many Victories, Peace and Security to the Countries: Witness those places, made Noble by the death and flight of the Rebels: in Lincolnshire, Gainsborough and Lincoln; in Derbyshire, Chesterfield; but in Yorkshire, Peirce-bridge, Seacroft, Tankerly, Tadcaster, Sheffield, Rotheram, Yarum, Beverly, Cawood, Selby, Halifax, Leeds, and above all, Bradford; where when the Yorkshire- and Lancashire- Rebels were united, and Battle joined with them; when Our Army as well by the great numbers of the Rebels, as much more the badness of Our ground, was so pressed upon, that the Soldiers now seemed to think of flying; He, their General, with a full Carier, commanding two Troops to follow him, broke into the very rage of the Battle, and with so much violence fell upon the right Wing of those Rebels, That those who were but now certain of Victory, turned their backs, and fled from the Conqueror, who by his Wisdom, Virtue and his own Hand, brought death and flight to the Rebels, Victory and Glory to Himself, Plunder to the Soldiery, and 22 great Guns, and many Ensigns to Us. Nor was there before this, wanting to so much Virtue, equal Felicity, for Our most beloved Consort, after a dismal Tempest coming from Holland, being driven ashore at Burlington, and undergoing a more grievous danger, by the excursions of the Rebels, than the tossing and tumbling of the Sea; He having heard of it, speedily goes to Her with his Army, and dutifully receiveth Her, in safety brings Her, and with all security conducts Her to Us at Oxford. Whereas therefore the aforesaid Earl hath raised so many Monuments of His Virtue and Fidelity towards Us, Our Queen, Children, and Our Kingdom; when also he doth at this time establish with safety, and with His Power defend the Northern parts of Our Kingdom against the Rebels; when lastly, nothing more concerns Mankind and Princes, and nothing can be more just, then that he may receive for his Deeds, a Reward suitable to his name, which requires that he who defends the Borders, should be created by Us, Governor of Marquis of the Borderers. Know therefore, etc.   

A Copy of the Preamble of My Lord's Patent for DUKE, Englished.  
Rex etc. Salutem.  
WHereas Our most beloved and faithful Cousin and Counsellor, William Earl and Marquis of Newcastle upon Tyne, etc. worthy by his famous Name, Blood and Office, of large Honours, has been eminent in so many, and so great Services performed to Us and Our Father (of ever blessed memory) that his Merits are still producing new effects, We have decreed likewise to add more Honour to his former. And though these his such eminent Actions, which he hath faithfully and valiantly performed to Us, Our Father, and Our Kingdom, speak loud enough in themselves; yet since the valiant Services of a good Subject are always pleasant to remember, We have thought fit to have them in part related for a good Example and Encouragement to Virtue.  
The great proofs of his Wisdom and Piety are sufficiently known to Us from Our younger years, and We shall always retain a sense of those good Principles he instilled into Us; the Care of Our Youth which he happily undertook for Our good, he as faithfully and well discharged. Our years growing up amidst bad Times, and the harsh Necessities of War, a new Charge and Care of Loyalty, the Kingdom and Religion called him off to make use of his further Diligence and Valour. Rebellion spread abroad, he levied Loyal Forces in great numbers, opposed the Enemy, won so many and so great Victories in the Field, took in so many Towns, Castles and Garrisons, as well in Our Northern parts, as elsewhere; and behaved himself with so great Courage and Valour in the defending also what he had got, especially at the Siege of York, which he maintained against three Potent Armies of Scots and English, closely beleaguering, and with emulation assaulting it for three Months (till Relief was brought) to the wonder and envy of the Enemy; that, if Loyal and Humane Force could have prevailed, he had soon restored Fidelity, Peace and his KING to the Nation, which was then hurrying to Ruin by an unhappy Fate; So that Rebellion getting the upper hand, and no place being left for him to act further valiantly in, for his King and Country, he still retained the same Loyalty and Valour in suffering, being an inseparable Follower of Our Exile; during which sad Catastrophe, his whole Estate was sequestered and sold from him, and his Person always one of the first of those few who were excepted both for Life and Estate (which was offered to all others.) Besides, his Virtues are accompanied with a Noble Blood, being of a Family by each Stock equally adorned and endowed with great Honours and Riches. For which Reasons We have resolved to grace the said Marquis with a new Mark of our Favour, he being every way deserving of it, as one who loved virtue equal to his Noble Birth, and possessed Patrimonies suitable to both, as long as loyalty had any place to show itself in our Realm; which possessions he so well employed, and at last for Us and Our Father's service lost, till he was with Us restored. Know therefore, etc.    

4. Of his Prudence and Wisdom.  
MY Lord's Prudence and Wisdom hath been sufficiently apparent both in his Public and Private Actions and Employments; for he hath such a Natural Inspection, and Judicious Observation of things, that he sees beforehand what will come to pass, and orders his affairs accordingly. To which purpose I cannot but mention, that Laud, the then Archbishop of Canterbury, between whom and my Lord, interceded a great and entire Friendship, which he confirmed by a Legacy of a Diamond, to the value of 200 l. left to my Lord when he died, which was much for him to bequeath; for though he was a great Statesman, and in favour with his late Majesty, yet he was not covetous to hoard up wealth, but bestowed it rather upon the Public, repairing the Cathedral of St. Paul's in London, which, had God granted him life, he would certainly have beautified, and rendered as famous and glorious as any in Christendom: This said Archbishop was pleased to tell His late Majesty, that my Lord was one of the Wisest and Prudentest Persons that ever he was acquainted with.  
For further proof, I cannot pass by that my Lord told His late Majesty King Charles the First, and Her Majesty the now Queen-Mother, some time before the Wars, That he observed by the humours of the People, the approaching of a Civil War, and that His Majesty's Person would be in danger of being deposed, if timely care was not taken to prevent it.  
Also when my Lord was at Antwerp, the Marquis of Montross, before he went into Scotland, gave my Lord a Visit, and acquainted him with his intended Journey, ask my Lord whether he was not also going for England? My Lord answered, He was ready to do His Majesty what service he could, and would shun no opportunity, where he perceived he could effect something to His Majesty's advantage; Nay, said he, if His Majesty should be pleased to Command my single Person to go against the whole Army of the Enemy, although I was sure to lose my life, yet out of a Loyal Duty to His Majesty, and in Obedience to his Commands, I should never refuse it. But to venture (said he) the life of my Friends, and to betray them in a desperate action, without any probability of doing the least good to His Majesty, would be a very unjust and unconscionable act; for my Friends might perhaps venture with me upon an implicit Faith, that I was so honest as not to engage them without a firm and solid foundation; but I wanting that, as having no Ships, Arms, Ammunition, Provision, Forts, and places of Rendezvous, and what is the chief thing, Money; To what purpose would it be to draw them into so hazardous an Action, but to seek their ruin and destruction, without the least benefit to His Majesty? Then the Marquis of Montross asked my Lord's Advice, and what he should do in such a case? My Lord answered, That he knowing best his own Country, Power and Strength, and what probability he had of Forces, and other Necessaries for War, when he came into Scotland, could give himself the best advice; but withal told him, That if he had no Provision nor Ammunition, Arms and places of Rendezvous for his men to meet and join, he would likely be forced to hide his head, and suffer for his rash undertaking: Which unlucky Fate did also accordingly befall that worthy Person.  
These passages I mention to no other end, but to declare my Lord's Judgement and Prudence in worldly Affairs; whereof there are so many, that if I should set them all down, it would swell this History to a big Volume. They may in some sort be gathered from his actions mentioned heretofore, especially the ordering of his affairs in the time of War, with such Conduct, Prudence and Wisdom, that notwithstanding at the beginning of his Undertaking that great Trust and honourable Employment which His late Majesty was pleased to confer upon him, he saw so little appearance of performing his Designs with good success, His Majesty's Revenues being then much weakened, and the Magazines and public Purse, in the Enemy's Power, besides several other obstructions and hindrances; yet as he undertook it cheerfully, and out of pure Loyalty and Obedience to His Majesty; so he ordered it so wisely, that so long as he acted by his own Counsels, and was personally present at the execution of his Designs, he was always prosperous in his Success. And although he had so great an Army, as aforementioned, yet by his wise and prudent Conduct, there appeared no visible sign of devastation in any of the Countries where he marched; for first, he settled a constant Rule for the Regular levy of money for the convenient Maintenance of the Soldiery. Next, he constituted such Officers of his Army, that most of them were known to be Gentlemen of large and fair Estates, which drew a good part of their private Revenues, to serve and support them in their public Employments; wherein my Lord did lead them the way by his own good Example.  
To which may be added his wisdom in ordering the Government of the Church, for the advancement of the Orthodox Religion, and suppression of Factions; as also in Coining, Printing, Knighting, and the like, which he used with great discretion and prudence, only for the Interest of His Majesty, and the benefit of the Kingdom, as formerly has been mentioned.  
The Prudent manage of his private and domestic affairs, appears sufficiently: 1. In his Marriage. 2. In the ordering and increasing his Estate before the Wars, which notwithstanding his Noble House-keeping and Hospitality, and his Generous Bounty and Charity, he increased to the value of 100000 l. 3. In the ordering his Affairs in the time of Banishment, where although he received not the least of his own estate, during all the time of his exile, until his return; yet maintained himself handsomely and nobly, according to his Quality, as much as his Condition at that time would permit. 4. In reducing his torn and ruined Estate after his return, which beyond all probability, himself hath settled and ordered so, that his Posterity will have reason gratefully to remember it.  
In short; Although my Lord naturally loves not business, especially those of State, (though he understands them as well as any body) yet what business or affairs he cannot avoid, none will do them better than himself. His private affairs he orders without any noise or trouble, not over-hastily, but wisely: Neither is he passionate in acting of business, but hears patiently, and orders soberly, and pierces into the heart or bottom of a business at the first encounter; but before all things, he considers well before he undertakes a business, whether he be able to go through it or no, for he never ventures upon either public or private business, beyond his strength.  
And here I cannot forbear to mention, that my Noble Lord, when he was in banishment, presumed out of his Duty and Love to his Gracious Master our now Sovereign King Charles the Second, to write and send him a little Book, or rather a Letter, wherein he delivered his Opinion concerning the Government of his Dominions, whensoever God should be pleased to restore him to his Throne, together with some other Notes and Observations of Foreign States and Kingdoms; but it being a private offer to His sacred Majesty, I dare not presume to publish it.   

5. Of His Blessings.  
ALthough my Lord hath been one of the most Unfortunate Persons of his Rank and Quality, which this later age did produce; yet Heaven hath been so propitious to him, that it bestowed some blessings upon him even in the midst of his Misfortunes, and supported him against Fortune's Malice, which otherwise, as it seems, had designed his total ruin and destruction: Of these Blessings I may name in the first place,  
1. The Royal Favours of His Gracious Sovereign's, and the good esteem they had of his Fidelity and Loyalty; which as it was the chief of his endeavours, so he esteemed it above all the rest. To repeat them particularly would be too tedious, and they are sufficiently apparent out of the precedent History; only this I may add, that King Charles the First, out of a singular Favour to my Lord, was pleased upon his most humble request, to create several Noblemen; the Names of them, left I commit an offence, I shall not mention, by reason most men usually pretend such claims upon the Ground of their own Merit.  
2. That God was pleased to bless him with Wealth and Power, to enable him the better for the service of his King and Country.  
3. That he made him happy in his Marriage; (for his first Wife was a very kind, loving and Virtuous Lady) and blessed him with Dutiful and Obedient Children, free from Vices, Noble and Generous both in their Natures and Actions; who did all that lay in their power to support and relieve my Lord their Father in his Banishment, as before is mentioned.  
4. The Kindness and Civility which my Lord received from Strangers, and the Inhabitants of those places, where he lived during the time of his Banishment; for had it not been for them, he would have perished in his extreme wants; but it pleased God so to provide for him, that although he wanted an Estate, yet he wanted not Credit; and although he was banished and forsaken by his own Friends and Countrymen, yet he was civilly received and relieved by strangers, until God blessed him,  
Lastly, With a happy return to his Native Country, his dear Children, and his own Estate; which although he found much ruined and broke, yet by his Prudence and Wisdom, hath ordered as well as he could; and I hope, and pray God to add this blessing to all the rest, That he may live long to increase it for the benefit of his Posterity.   

6. Of his Honours and Dignities.  
THe Honours, Titles and Dignities which were conferred upon my Lord, by King james, King Charles the First, and King Charles' the Second, partly as an encouragement for future Service, and a Reward for past, are following.  

1. He was made Knight of the Bath, when he was but 15 or 16 years of Age, at the Creation of Henry, Prince of Wales, King James' Eldest Son.  
2. King james Created him Viscount Mansfield, and Baron of Bolsover.  
3. King Charles' the First constituted him Lord Lieutenant of Nottinghamshire, and  
4. Lord Warden of the Forest of Sherwood; as also,  
5. Lord Lieutenant of Derbyshire.  
6. He chose him Governor to His Son Charles, our now gracious King; and  
7. Made him one of his Honourable Privy Council.  
8. He constituted him Governor of the Town and County of Newcastle, and General of all His Majesty's Forces raised, and to be raised in the Northern parts of England; as also of the several Counties of Nottingham, Lincoln, Rutland, Derby, Stafford, Leicester, Warwick, Northampton, Huntingdon, Cambridg, Norfolk, Sussex, Essex and Hereford, together with all the Appurtenances belonging to so great a Power, as is formerly declared.  
9 He conferred upon him the Honour and Title of Earl of Newcastle, and Baron of Bothal and Hepple.  
10. He created him Marquis of Newcastle.  
11. His Majesty King CHARLEs the Second, was pleased, when my Lord was in banishment, to make him Knight of the most Noble Order of the Garter; And  
12. After his Return into England, Chief Justice in Eyre Trent-North.  
13. He created him Duke of Newcastle, and Earl of Ogle.    

7. Of the Entertainments He made for King CHARLES the First.  
THough my Lord hath always been free and noble in his Entertainments and Feast, yet he was pleased to show his great Affection and Duty to his Gracious King, Charles' the First, and Her Majesty the Queen, in some particular Entertainments which he made of purpose for them before the late Wars.  
When His Majesty was going into Scotland to be Crowned, he took His way through Nottinghamshire; and lying at Worksop-Mannor, hardly two miles distant from Welbeck, where my Lord then was, my Lord invited His Majesty thither to a Dinner, which he was graciously pleased to accept of: This Entertainment cost my Lord between Four and Five thousand pounds; which His Majesty liked so well, that a year after His Return out of Scotland, He was pleased to send my Lord word, That Her Majesty the Queen was resolved to make a Progress into the Northern parts, desiring him to prepare the like Entertainment for Her, as he had formerly done for Him: Which My Lord did, and endeavoured for it with all possible Care and Indudustry, sparing nothing that might add splendour to that Feast, which both Their Majesties were pleased to honour with their Presence: Ben johnson he employed in fitting such Scenes and Speeches as he could best devise; and sent for all the Gentry of the Country to come and wait on their Majesties; and in short, did all that ever he could imagine, to render it Great, and worthy Their Royal Acceptance.  
This Entertainment he made at Bolsover-Castle in Derbyshire, some five miles distant from Welbeck, and resigned Welbeck for Their Majesty's Lodging; it cost him in all between Fourteen and Fifteen thousand pounds.  
Besides these two, there was another small Entertainment which my Lord prepared for His late Majesty, in his own Park at Welbeck, when His Majesty came down, with his two Nephews, the now Prince Elector Palatine, and His Brother Prince Rupert, into the Forest of Sherwood; which cost him Fifteen hundred pounds.  
And this I mention not out of a vainglory, but to declare the great love and Duty, my Lord had for His Gracious King and Queen, and to correct the mistakes committed by some Historians, who not being rightly informed of those Entertainments, make the World believe Falsehood for Truth. But as I said, they were made before the Wars, when my Lord had the possessiou of a great Estate, and wanted nothing to express his Love and Duty to his Sovereign in that manner; whereas now he should be much to seek to do the like, his Estate being so much ruined by the late Civil Wars, that neither himself nor his Posterity will be able so soon to recover it.   

8. His Education.  
HIs Education was according to his Birth; for as he was born a Gentleman, so he was bred like a Gentleman. To School-Learning he never showed a great inclination; for though he was sent to the University, and was a Student of St. John's College in Cambridg, and had his Tutors to instruct him; yet they could not persuade him to read or study much, he taking more delight in sports, then in learning; so that his Father being a wise man, and seeing that his Son had a good natural Wit, and was of a very good Disposition, suffered him to follow his own Genius; whereas his other Son Charles, in whom he found a greater love and inclination to Learning, he encouraged as much that way, as possibly he could.  
One time it happened that a young Gentleman, one of my Lord's Relations, had bought some Land, at the same time when my Lord had bought a Singing-Boy for 50 l. a Horse for 50 l. and a Dog for 2 l. which humour his Father Sir Charles liked so well, that he was pleased to say, That if he should find his Son to be so covetous, that he would buy Land before he was 20 years of Age, he would disinherit him. But above all the rest, my Lord had a great inclination to the Art of Horsemanship and Weapons, in which later, his Father Sir Charles, being a most ingenuous and unparallelled Master of that Age, was his only Tutor, and kept him also several Masters in the Art of Horsemanship, and sent him to the Mewse to Mons. Antoine, who was then accounted the best Master in that Art. But my Lord's delight in those Heroic Exercises was such, that he soon became Master thereof Himself, which increased much his Father's hopes of his future perfections, who being himself a person of a Noble and Heroic nature, was extremely well pleased to observe his Son take delight in such Arts and Exercises as were proper and fit for a person of Quality.   

9 His Natural Wit and Understanding.  
ALthough my Lord has not so much of Scholarship and Learning as his Brother Sir Charles Cavendish had, yet he hath an excellent Natural Wit and Judgement, and dives into the bottom of every thing; as it is evidently apparent in the forementioned Art of Horsemanship and Weapons, which by his own ingenuity he has reform and brought to such perfection, as never any one has done heretofore: And though he is no Mathematician by Art, yet he hath a very good Mathematical brain, to demonstrate Truth by natural reason, and is both a good Natural and Moral Philosopher, not by reading Philosophical Books, but by his own Natural Understanding and Observation, by which he hath found out many Truths.  
To pass by several other instances, I'll but mention, that when my Lord was at Paris, in his Exile, it happened one time, that he discoursing with some of his Friends, amongst whom was also that Learned Philosopher Hobbes, they began amongst the rest, to argue upon this subject, namely, Whether it mere possible to make Man by Art fly as Birds do; and when some of the Company had delivered their Opinion, viz. That they thought it probable to be done by the help of Artificial Wings: My Lord declared, that he deemed it altogether impossible, and demonstrared it by this following Reason: Man's Arms, said he, are not set on his shoulders in the same manner as Bird's wings are; for that part of the Arm which joins to the Shoulder, is in Man placed inward, as towards the breast, but in Birds outward, as toward the back; which difference and contrary position or shape, hinders that man cannot have the same flying-action with his Arms, as Birds have with their Wings; Which Argument Mr. Hobbes liked so well, that he was pleased to make use of it in one of his Books called Leviathan, if I remember well.  
Some other time they falling into a Discourse concerning Witches, Mr. Hobbes said, That though he could not rationally believe there were Witches, yet he could not be fully satisfied to believe there were none, by reason they would themselves confess it, if strictly examined.  
To which my Lord answered, That though for his part he cared not whether there were Witches or no; yet his Opinion was, That the Confession of Witches, and their suffering for it, proceeded from an Erroneous Belief, viz. That they had made a Contract with the Devil to serve him for such Rewards as were in his Power to give them; and that it was their Religion to worship and adore him; in which Religion they had such a firm and constant belief, that if any thing came to pass according to their desire, they believed the Devil had heard their prayers, and granted their requests, for which they gave him thanks; but if things fell out contrary to their prayers and desires, than they were troubled at it, fearing they had offended him, or not served him as they ought, and asked him forgiveness for their offences. Also (said my Lord) they imagine that their Dreams are real exterior actions; for example, if they dream they fly in the Air, or out of the Chimney top, or that they are turned into several shapes, they believe no otherwise, but that it is really so: And this wicked Opinion makes them industrious to perform such Ceremonies to the Devil, that they adore and worship him as their God, and choose to live and die for him.  
Thus my Lord declared himself concerning Witches, which Mr. Hobbes was also pleased to insert in his forementioned Book: But yet my Lord doth not count this Opinion of his so universal, as if there were none but imaginary Witches; for he doth not speak but of such a sort of Witches as make it their Religion to worship the Devil in the manner aforesaid. Nor doth he think it a Crime to entertain what Opinion seems most probable to him, in things indifferent; for in such cases men may discourse and argue as they please, to exercise their Wit, and may change and alter their Opinions upon more probable Grounds and Reasons; whereas in Fundamental matters both of Church and State, he is so strict an Adherent to them, that he will never maintain or defend such Opinions which are in the least prejudicial to either.  
One proof more I'll add to confirm his Natural Understanding and Judgement, which was upon some Discourse I held with him one time, concerning that famous Chemist Van Helmont, who in his Writings is very invective against the Schoolmen, and amongst the rest, accuses them for taking the Radical moisture for the fat of Animal Bodies. Whereupon my Lord answered, That surely the Schoolmen men were too wise to commit such an Error; for, said he, the Radical moisture is not the fat or tallow of an Animal, but an Oily and Balsamous Substance; for the fat and tallow, as also the watery parts, are cold; whereas the Oily and Balsamous parts, have at all times a lively heat; which makes that those Creatures which have much of that Oil or Balsam, are long-lived, and appear young; and not only Animals, but also Vegetables, which have much of that Oil or Balsam, as Ivy, Bayes, Laurel, Holly, and the like, live long, and appear fresh and green, not only in Winter, but when they are old. Then I asked my Lord's Opinion concerning the Radical heat: To which he answered, That the Radical heat lived in the Radical moisture; and when the one decayed, the other decayed also; and then was produced either an unnatural heat, which caused an unnatural dryness; or an unnatural moisture, which caused Dropsies, and these, an unnatural coldness.  
Last; His Natural Wit appears by his delight in Poetry; for I may justly call him the best Lyric and Dramatic Poet of this Age: His Comedies do sufficiently show his great Observation and Judgement, for they are composed of these three Ingredients, viz. Wit, Humour and Satire; and his chief Design in them, is to divulge and laugh at the follies of Mankind; to persecute Vice, and to encourage Virtue.   

10. Of his Natural Humour and Disposition.  
MY Lord may justly be compared to Titus the Deliciae of Mankind, by reason of his sweet, gentle and obliging Nature; for though his Wisdom and Experience found it impossible to please all men, because of their different humours and dispositions; yet his Nature is such, that he will be sorry when he seeth that men are displeased with him out of their own ill Natures, without any cause; for he loves all that are his Friends, and hates none that are his Enemies: He is a Loyal Subject, a kind Husband, a Loving Father, a Generous Master, and a Constant Friend.  
His natural Love to his Parents has been so great, that I have heard him say, he would most willingly, and without the lest repining, have begged for his daily relief, so God would but have let his Parents live.  
He is true and just both in his words and actions, and has no mean or petty Designs, but they are all just and honest.  
He condemns not upon Report, but upon Proof; nor judges by Words, but Actions; he forgets not past Service, for present Advantage; but gives a present Reward to a present Desert.  
He hath a great Power over his Passions, and hath had the greatest trials thereof; for certainly He must of necessity have a great share of Patience, that can forgive so many false, treacherous, malicious and ungrateful Persons as he hath done; but he is so wise, that his Passion never outruns his Patience, nor his Extravagancies his Prudence; and although his Private Enemies have been numerous, yet I verily believe, there is never a subject more generally beloved than He is.  
He hates Pride and love's Humility; is civil to Strangers, kind to his Acquaintance, and respectful to all persons, according to their Quality; He never regards Place, except it be for Ceremony: To the meanest person he'll put off his Hat, and suffer every body to speak to him.  
He never refuses any Petition, but accepts them; and being informed of the business, will give a just, and as much as lies in him, a favourable answer to the Petitioning Party.  
He easily Pardons, and bountifully Rewards; and always praises particular men's Virtues, but covers their Faults with silence.  
He is full of Charity and Compassion to persons that are in misery, and full of Clemency and Mercy; in so much, that when he was General of a great Army, he would never sit in Council himself upon Causes of Life and Death, but granted Pardon to many Delinquents that were condemned by his Council of War; so that some were forced to Petition him not to do it, by reason it was an ill precedent for others. To which my Lord merrily answered, That if they did hang all, they would leave him none to fight.  
His Courage he always showed in Action, more than in Words, for he would Fight, but not Rant.  
He is not Vainglorious to heighten or brag of his Heroic Actions; Witness that great Victory upon Atherton-moor, after which he would not suffer his Trumpets to sound, but came quietly and silently into the City of York, for which he would certainly have been blamed by those that make a great noise upon small causes; and love to be applauded, though their actions little deserve it.  
His noble Bounty and Generosity is so manifest to all the World, that I should light a Candle to the Sun, if I should strive to illustrate it; for he has no self-designs or self-interest, but will rather wrong and injure himself then others. To give you but one proof of this noble Virtue, it is known, that where he hath a legal right to Felons Goods, as he hath in a great part of his Estate, yet he never took or exacted more than some inconsiderable share for acknowledgement of his Right; saying, That he was resolved never to grow rich by other men's misfortunes.  
In short, I know him not addicted to any manner of Vice, except that he has been a great lover and admirer of the Female Sex; which whether it be so great a crime as to condemn him for it; I'll leave to the judgement of young Gallants and beautiful Ladies.   

11. Of His outward Shape and Behaviour.  
HIs Shape is neat, and exactly proportioned; his Stature of a middle size, and his Complexion sanguine.  
His Behaviour is such, that it might be a Pattern for all Gentlemen; for it is Courtly, Civil, easy and free, without Formality or Constraint; and yet hath something in it of grandeur, that causes an awful respect towards him.   

12. Of His Discourse.  
HIs Discourse is as free and unconcerned, as his Behaviour, Pleasant, Witty, and Instructive; He is quick in Repartees or sudden answers, and hates dubious disputes, and premeditated Speeches. He loves also to intermingle his Discourse with some short pleasant stories, and witty sayings, and always names the Author from whom he hath them; for he hates to make another man's Wit his own.   

13. Of His HABIT.  
HE accouters his Person according to the Fashion, if it be one that is not troublesome and uneasy for men of Heroic Exercises and Actions. He is neat and cleanly; which makes him to be somewhat long in dressing, though not so long as many effeminate persons are. He shifts ordinarily once a day, and every time when he uses Exercise, or his temper is more hot than ordinary.   

14. Of His DIET.  
IN his Diet he is so sparing and temperate, that he never eats nor drinks beyond his set proportion, so as to satisfy only his natural appetite: He makes but one Meal a day, at which he drinks two good Glasses of Small-Beer, one about the beginning, the other at the end thereof, and a little Glass of Sack in the middle of his Dinner; which Glass of Sack he also uses in the morning for his Breakfast, with a Morsel of Bread. His Supper consists of an Egg, and a draught of Small-beer. And by this Temperance he finds himself very healthful, and may yet live many years, he being now of the Age of Seventy three, which I pray God from my soul, to grant him.   

15. His Recreation and Exercise.  
HIS prime Pastime and Recreation hath always been the Exercise of Manage and Weapons; which Heroic Arts he used to practise every day; but I observing that when he had overheated himself, he would be apt to take cold, prevailed so far, that at last he left the frequent use of the Manage, using nevertheless still the Exercise of Weapons; and though he doth not ride himself so frequently as he hath done; yet he takes delight in seeing his Horses of Manage rid by his Escuyers, whom he instructs in that Art for his own pleasure. But in the Art of Weapons (in which he has a method beyond all that ever were famous in it, found out by his own Ingenuity and Practice) he never taught any body, but the now Duke of Buckingham, whose Guardian He hath been, and his own two Sons.  
The rest of his time he spends in Music, Poetry, Architecture and the like.   

16. Of His Pedigree.  
HAving made promise in the beginning of the first Book, that I would join a more large Description of the Pedigree of my Noble Lord and Husband, to the end of the History of his life: I shall now discharge myself; and though I could derive it from a longer time, and reckon up a great many of his Ancestors, even from the time of William the Conqueror, He being descended from the most ancient family of the Gernouns, as Cambden relates in his Britannia, in the Description of Derbyshire; yet it being a work fitter for Heralds, I shall proceed no further than his Grandfather, and show you only those noble Families which my Lord is allied to by his Birth.  
My Lord's Grandfather, by his Father, (as is formerly mentioned) was Sir William Cavendish, Privy-Counsellor and Treasurer of the Chamber to King Henry the Eighth, Edward the Sixth, and Queen Marry; who married two Wives; by the first he had only two Daughters; but by the second, Elizabeth, who was my Lord's Grandmother, he had three Sons and four Daughters, whereof one Daughter died young. She was Daughter to john Hardwick of Hardwick, in the County of Derby, Esq and had four Husbands: The first was— Barlow Esq who died before they were bedded together, they being both very young. The second was Sir William Cavendish, my Lord's Grandfather, who being somewhat in years, married her chiefly for her beauty; she had so much power in his affection, that she persuaded him to sell his Estate which he had in the Southern parts of England (for he was very rich) and buy an Estate in the Northern parts, viz. in Derbyshire, and thereabout, where her own friends and kindred lived, which he did; and having there settled himself, upon her further persuasion, built a Manor-house in the same County, called Chattesworth, which, as I have heard, cost first and last above 80000 l. sterling. But before this House was finished, he died, and left six Children, viz. three Sons and three Daughters, which before they came to be marriageable, she married a third Husband, Sir William St Loo Captain of the Guard to Queen Elizabeth, and Grand Butler of England; who dying without Issue, she married a fourth Husband, George Earl of Shrewsbury, by whom she left no Issue.  
The Children which she had by her second Husband, Sir William Cavendish, being grown marriageable; the eldest Son Henry, married Grace the youngest Daughter of his Father in Law, the said George Earl of Shrewsbury, which he had by his former Wife Gertrude, Daughter of Thomas Manners, Earl of Rutland, but died without Issue.  
The second Son William, after Earl of Devonshire, had two Wives; the first was an Heiress, by whom he had Children, but all died save one Son, whose name was also William, Earl of Devonshire: His second Wife was Widow to Sir Edward Wortly, who had several Children by her first Husband, and but one Son by the said Will. Cavendish, after Earl of Devonshire, who died young.  
His Son by his first Wife, (William Earl of Devonshire) married Christian, Daughter of Edward Lord Bruce, a Scots-man, by whom he had two Sons, and one Daughter; the Eldest Son William, now Earl of Devonshire, married Elizabeth, the second Daughter of William Earl of Salisbury, by whom he has three children, viz. Two Sons and one Daughter, whereof the Eldest Son William is married to the second Daughter of james now Duke of Ormond; the second Son Charles is yet a youth: The Daughter Anne married the Lord Rich, the only Son and Child to Charles now Earl of Warwick; but he died without Issue.  
The second Son of William Earl of Devonshire, and Brother to the now Earl of Devonshire, was unfortunately slain in the late Civil Wars, as is before mentioned.  
The Daughter of the said William Earl of D evonshire, Sister to the now Earl of D evonshire, married Robert Lord Rich, Eldest Son to Robert Earl of Warwick, by whom she had but one Son, who married, but died without Issue.  
The third and youngest Son of Sir William Cavendish, Charles Cavendish, (my Lord's Father) had two Wives; the first was Daughter and Coheir to Sir Thomas Kidson, who died a year after her Marriage, without issue: The second was the younger Daughter of Cuthbert Lord Ogle, and after her Elder and only Sister jane, Wife to Edward Earl of Shrewsbury, who died without Issue, became Heir to her Father's Estate and Title; by whom he had three Sons; whereof the eldest died in his Infancy; the second was William, my dear Lord and Husband; the third, Charles', who died a Bachelor about the age of Sixty three.  
My Lord hath had two Wives; the first was Elizabeth, Daughter and Heir to William Basset of Bloore, in the County of Stafford, Esq and Widow to Henry Howard, younger Son to Thomas Earl of Suffolk; by whom he had ten Children, viz. Five Sons, and five Daughters; whereof five, viz. three Sons, and two Daughters, died young; the rest, viz. Two Sons and three Daughters, came to be married.  
His Elder Son, Charles, Viscount of Mansfield, married the Eldest Daughter and Heir of Mr. Richard Rogers, by whom he had but one Daughter, who died soon after her birth; and he died also without any other Issue.  
His second Son Henry, now Earl of Ogle, married Francis the eldest Daughter of Mr. William Pierrepont, by whom he hath had three Sons, and four Daughters; two Sons were born before their narural time; the third, Henry Lord Mansfield is alive: The four Daughters are, the Lady Elizabeth, Lady Frances, Lady Margaret, and Lady Catharine.  
My Lords three Daughters were thus married; The eldest, Lady jane, married Charles Cheiney, Esq descended of a very noble and ancient Family; by whom she hath one Son and two Daughters. The second, Lady Elizabeth, married john now Earl of Bridgwater, than Lord Brackly, and eldest Son to john then Earl of Bridgwater; who died in Childbed, and left five Sons, and one Daughter, whereof the eldest Son john Lord Brackly, married the Lady Elizabeth, only Daughter and Child to james then Earl of Middlesex.  
My Lords third Daughter, the Lady Frances, married Oliver Earl of Bullingbrook, and hath had no Child yet.  
After the death of my Lords first Wife, who died the 17 th' of April, in the Year 1643, he married me, Margaret, Daughter to Thomas Lucas of St. john's near Colchester, in Essex, Esquire; but hath no Issue by me.  
And this is the Posterity of the three Sons of Sir William Cavendish, my Lord's Grandfather by his Father's side; The three Daughters were disposed of as followeth:  
The eldest, Frances Cavendish, married Sir Henry Pierrepont of Holm Pierrepont, in the County of Nottingham, by whom she had two Sons, whereof the first died young; The second, Robert, after Earl of Kingston upon Hull, married Gertrude, the eldest Daughter, and Co-heir to Henry Talbot, fourth Son to George Earl of Shrewsbury, by whom he had five Sons and three Daughters, whereof the eldest Son, Henry, now Marquis of Dorchester, hath had two Wives; the first Cecilia, Eldest Daughter to the Lord Viscount Bayning, by whom he had several Children, of which there are living only two Daughters; the eldest Anne, who married john Rosse, only Son to john now Earl of Rutland; the second, Grace, who is unmarried. His second Wife was Catharine, second Daughter to james Earl of Derby, by whom he has no Issue living.  
The second Son of the Earl of Kingston, William, married the sole Daughter and Heir of Sir Thomas Harry's, by whom he had Issue five Sons, and five Daughters, whereof two Sons and two Daugters died unmarried: The other six are,  
Robert the Eldest, who married Elizabeth, Daughter and Co-heir to Sir john Evelyne, by whom he has three Sons, and one Daughter. The second Son George, and the third Gervas', are yet unmarried.  
The eldest Daughter of William Pierrepont, Frances, is married to my Lords now only Son and Heir, Henry Earl of Ogle, as before is mentioned.  
The second, Grace, is married to Gilbert now Earl of Clare, by whom he hath Issue, Two sons, and three daughters.  
The third, Gertrude, is unmarried.  
The third son of the Earl of Kingston, Francis Pierrepont, married Elizabeth the eldest daughter of Mr. Bray, by whom he had Issue, one son, and one daughter; the son, Robert, married Anne the daughter of Henry Murray. The daughter, Frances, married William Pagatt, eldest son to William Lord Pagatt.  
The fourth son of the Earl of Kingston, Gervase, is unmarried.  
The fifth son, George Pierrepont, married the daughter of Mr. jonas, by whom he had two sons unmarried, Henry and Samuel.  
The three daughters of the said Earl of Kingston, are, Frances the eldest, who was married to Philip Rowleston; the second, Marry, died young; the third, Elizabeth, is unmarried.  
The second daughter of Sir William Cavendish, Elizabeth, married the Earl of Lennox, Uncle to King james; by whom she had only one daughter, the Lady Arabella, who against King Iame's Commands (she being after Him and His Children, the next Heir to the Crown) married William, the second son to the Earl of Hereford; for which she was put into the Tower, where not long after she died.  
The youngest daughter Mary Cavendish, married Glbert Talbot, second son to George Earl of Shrewsbury; who after the decease of his Father, and his elder Brother Francis, who died without Issue, became Earl of Shrewsbury; by whom she had Issue, four sons, and three daughters; the sons all died in their Infancy, but the daughters were married.  
The eldest, Mary Talbot, married William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, by whom (some eighteen years after her Marriage) she had one son, who died young.  
The second daughter, Elizabeth, married Sir H enry G ray, after Earl of Kent, (the fourth Earl of England) by whom she had no Issue.  
The third and youngest daughter Aletheia, married Thomas Howard Earl of Arundel, the first Earl, and Earl-Marshal of England; by whom she left two sons, james, who died beyond the seas without Issue; and H enry, who married Elizabeth, daughter of Esme Stuart, Duke of Lennox; by whom he had Issue, several sons, and one daughter; whereof the eldest son, Thomas, (since the Restauration of King Charles the Second) was restored to the Dignity of his Ancestors, viz. Duke of Norfolk, next to the Royal Family, the first Duke of England.  
And this is briefly the Pedigree of my dear Lord and Husband, from his Grandfather by his Father's side; concerning his Kindred and alliances by his Mother, who was Katherine, Daughter to Cuthbert Lord Ogle, they are so many, that it is impossible for me to enumerate them all, My Lord being by his Mother related to the chief of the most ancient Families of Northumberland, and other the Northern parts; only this I may mention, that My Lord is a Peer of the Realm, from the first year of King Edward the Fourth his Reign.    

THE FOURTH BOOK: Containing several Essays and Discourses Gathered from the Mouth of MY NOBLE LORD and HUSBAND. With some few Notes of mine own.  

I have heard My Lord say,  

I.  
THat those which command the Wealth of a Kingdom, command the hearts and hands of the People.   

II.  
That He is a great Monarch, who hath a Sovereign Command over Church, Laws and Arms; and He a wise Monarch, that employs his subjects for their own profit, (for their profit is his) encourages Tradesmen, and assists and defends Merchants.   

III.  
That it is a part of Prudence in a Commonwealth or Kingdom to encourage maintainers; for drowned Lands are only fit to maintain and increase some wild Ducks, whereas being drained, they are able to afford nourishment and food to cattle, besides the producing of several sorts of Fruit and Corn.   

IV.  
That without a well ordered force, a Prince doth but reign upon the courtesy of others.   

V.  
That great Princes should not suffer their chief Cities to be stronger than themselves.   

VI  
That great Princes are half-armed, when their subjects are unarmed, unless it be in time of Foreign Wars.   

VII.  
That that Prince is richest, who is Master of the Purse; and he strongest that is Master of the Arms; and he wisest that can tell how to save the one, and use the other.   

VIII.  
That Great Princes should be the only Paymasters of their Soldiers, and pay them out of their own Treasuries; for all men follow the Purse; and so they'll have both the Civil and Martial Power in their hands.   

IX.  
That Great Monarches should rather study men, than Books; for all affairs or business are amongst Men.   

X.  
That a Prince should advance Foreign Trade or Traffic to the utmost of his Power, because no State or Kingdom can be Rich without it; and where Subjects are poor, the Sovereign can have but little.   

XI.  
That Trade and Traffic brings Honey to the Hive; that is to say, Riches to the Commonwealth; whereas other Professions are so far from that, that they rather rob the Commonwealth, instead of enriching it.   

XII.  
That it is not so much unseasonable Wether that makes the Country complain of Scarcity, but want of Commerce; for whensoever Commodities are cheap, it is a sign that Commerce is decayed; because the cheapness of them, shows a scarcity of money; for example, put the case five men came to Market to buy a Horse, and each of them had no more but ten pounds, the Seller can receive no more than what the Buyer has, but must content himself with those ten pounds, if he be necessitated to sell his Horse: But if each one of the Buyers had an hundred pounds to lay out for a Horse, the Seller might receive as much. Thus Commodities are cheap or dear, according to the plenty or scarcity of money; and though we had Ours of Gold and Silver at home, and no Traffic into Foreign parts, yet we should want necessaries from other Nations, which proves that no Nation can live or subsist well, without Foreign Trade and Commerce; for God and Nature have ordered it so, That no particular Nation is provided with all things.   

XIII.  
That Merchants by carrying out more Commodities than they bring in; that is to say, by selling more than they buy, do enrich a State or Kingdom with money, that hath none in its own bowels; but what Kingdom or State soever hath Mynes of Gold and Silver, there Merchants buy more than they sell, to furnish and accommodate it with necessary provisions.   

XIV.  
That debasing, and setting a higher value upon money, is but a present shift of poor and needy Princes; and doth more hurt for the future, then good for the present.   

XV.  
That Foreign Commerce causes frequent Voyages; and frequent Voyages make skilful and experienced Seamen, and Skilful Seamen are a Brazen Wall to an Island.   

XVI.  
That he is the Powerfullest Monarch that hath the best shipping; and that a Prince should hinder his Neighbours as much as he can, from being strong at Sea.   

XVII.  
That wise Statesmen ought to understand the Laws, Customs and Trade of the Commonwealth, and have good intelligence both of Foreign Transactions and Designs, and of Domestic Factions; also they ought to have a Treasury, and well-furnished Magazine.   

XVIII.  
That it is a great matter in a State or Kingdom, to take care of the Education of Youth, to breed them so, that they may know first how to obey, and then how to command and order affairs wisely.   

XIX.  
That it is great Wisdom in a State, to breed and train up good States men: As, first, To let them be some time at the Universities: Next, To put them to the Inns of Court, that they may have some knowledge of the Laws of the Land; then to send them to travel with some Ambassador, in the quality of Secretary; and let them be Agents or Residents in Foreign Countries. Fourthly, To make them Clerks of the Signet, or Council: And lastly, To make them Secretaries of State, or give them some other Employment in State-Affairs.   

XX.  
That there should be more Praying, and less Preaching; for much Preaching breeds Faction; but much Praying causes Devotion.   

XXI.  
That young people should be frequently Catechised, and that Wise Men rather than Learned, should be chosen heads of Schools and Colleges.   

XXII.  
That the more divisions there are in Church and State, the more trouble and confusion is apt to ensue: Wherefore too many Controversies and Disputes in the one, and too many Lawcases and Plead in the other aught to be avoided and suppressed.   

XXIII.  
That Disputes and Factions amongst Statesmen, are forerunners of future disorders, if not total ruins.   

XXIV.  
That all Books of Controversies should be writ in Latin, that none but the Learned may read them, and that there should be no Disputations but in Schools, lest it breed Factions amongst the Vulgar; for Disputations and Controversies are a kind of Civil War, maintained by the Pen, and often draw out the sword soon after; Also that all Prayer-Books should be writ in the native Language; that Excommunications should not be too frequent for every little and petty trespass; that every Clergyman should be kind and loving to his Parishioners, not proud and quarrelsome.   

XXV.  
That Ceremony is nothing in itself, and yet doth every thing; for without Ceremony there would be no distinction neither in Church nor State.   

XXVI.  
That Orders and Professions ought not to entrench upon each other, lest in time they make a confusion amongst themselves.   

XXVII.  
That in a Well-ordered State or Government, care should be taken lest any degree or profession whatsoever swell too big, or grow too numerous, it being not only a hindrance to those of the same profession, but a burden to the Commonwealth, which cannot be well if it exceeds in extremes.   

XXVIII.  
That the Taxes should not be above the riches of the Commonwealth, for that must upon necessity breed Factions and Civil Wars, by reason a general poverty united, is far more dangerous than a private Purse; for though their Wealth be small, yet their Unity and Combination makes them strong; so that being armed with necessity, they become outrageous with despair.   

XXIX.  
That Heavy Taxes upon Farms, ruin the Nobility and Gentry; for if the Tenant be poor, the Landlord cannot be rich, he having nothing but his Rents to live on.   

XXX.  
That it is not so much Laws and Religion, nor Rhetoric, that keeps a State or Kingdom in order, but Arms; which if they be not employed to an evil use, keep up the right and privileges both of Crown, Church and State.   

XXXI.  
That no equivocations should be used either in Church or Law; for the one causes several Opinions to the disturbance of men's Consciences; the other long and tedious Suits, to the disturbance of men's private Affairs; and both do oftentimes ruin and impoverish the State.   

XXXII.  
That in Cases of Robberies and Murders, it is better to be severe, then merciful; for the hanging of a few, will save the lives and Purses of many.   

XXXIII.  
That many Laws do rather entrap, then help the subject.   

XXXIV.  
That no Martial Law should be executed, but in an Army.   

XXXV.  
That the Sheriffs in this Kingdom of England have been so expensive in Liveries and Entertainments in the time of their Sherifalty, as it hath ruined many Families that had but indifferent Estates.   

XXXVI.  
That the cutting down of Timber in the time of Rebellion, has been an inestimable loss to this Kingdom, by reason of Shipping; for though Timber might be had out of Foreign Countries that would serve for the building of Ships, yet there is none of such a temper as our English Oak; it being not only strong and large, but not apt to splint, which renders the Ships of other Nations much inferior to ours; and that therefore it would be very beneficial for the Kingdom, to set out some Lands for the bearing of such Oaks, by sowing of Acorns, and then transplanting them; which would be like a Storehouse for shipping, and bring an incomparable benefit to the Kingdom, since in Shipping consists our greatest strength, they being the only Walls that defend an Island.   

XXXVII.  
That the Nobility and Gentry in this Kingdom, have done themselves a great injury, by giving away (out of a petty pride) to the Commonalty, the power of being Juries and Justices of Peace; for certainly they cannot but understand, that that must of necessity be an act of great Consequence and Power, which concerns men's Lives, Lands and Estates.   

XXXVIII.  
That it is no act of Prudence to make poor and mean persons Governors or Commanders, either by Land or Sea; by reason their poverty causes them to take Bribes, and so betray their Trust; at best, they are apt to extort, which is a great grievance to the people; besides, it breeds envy in the Nobility and Gentry, who by that means rise into Factions, and cause disturbances in a State or Commonwealth: Wherefore the best way is to choose Rich and Honourable Persons, (or at least, gentlemans) for such Employments, who esteem Fame and Honourable Actions, above their Lives; and if they want skill, they must get such under-Officers as have more than themselves, to instruct them.   

XXXIX.  
That great Princes should consider, before they make War against Foreign Nations, whether they be able to maintain it; for if they be not able, than it is better to submit to an honourable Peace, then to make War to their great disadvantage; but if they be able to maintain War, then they'll force (in time) their Enemies to submit and yield to what Terms and Conditions they please.   

XL.  
That, when a State or Government is ensnarled and troubled, it is more easy to raise the common people to a Factious Mutiny, then to draw them to a Loyal Duty.   

XLI.  
That in a Kingdom where Subjects are apt to rebel, no Offices or Commands should be sold; for those that buy, will not only use extortion, and practise unjust ways to make out their purchase, but be ablest to rebel, by reason they are more for private gain, than the public good; for it is probable their Principles are like their Purchases.  
But, that all Magistrates, Officers, Commanders, Heads and Rulers, in what Profession soever, both in Church and State, should be chosen according to their Abilities, Wisdom, Courage, Piety, Justice, Honesty and Loyalty; and then they'll mind the public Good, more than their particular Interest.   

XLII.  
That those which have Politic Designs, are for the most part dishonest, by reason their Designs tend more to Interest, than Justice.   

XLIII.  
That Great Princes should only have Great, Noble and Rich Persons to attend them, whose Purses and Power may always be ready to assist them.   

XLIV.  
That a Poor Nobility is apt to be Factious; and a Numerous Nobility is a burden to a Commonwealth.   

XLV.  
That in a Monarchical Government, to be for the King, is to be for the Commonwealth; for when Head and Body are divided, the Life of Happiness dies, and the Soul of Peace is departed.   

XLVI.  
That, as it is a great Error in a State to have all Affairs put into Gazettes, (for it overheats the people's brains, and makes them neglect their private Affairs, by over-busying themselves with State-business;) so it is great Wisdom for a Council of State to have good Intelligences (although they be bought with great Cost and Charges) as well of Domestic, as Foreign Affairs and Transactions, and to keep them in private for the benefit of the Commonwealth.   

XLVII.  
That there is no better Policy for a Prince to please his People, then to have many Holidays for their ease, and order several Sports and Pastimes for their Recreation, and to be himself sometime Spectator thereof; by which means he'll not only gain love and respect from the people, but busy their minds in harmless actions, sweeten their Natures, and hinder them from Factious Designs.   

XLVIII.  
That it is more difficult and dangerous for a Prince or Commander to raise an Army in such a time when the Country is embroiled in a Civil War, then to lead out an Army to fight a Battle; for when an Army is raised, he hath strength; but in raising it, he hath none.   

XLIX.  
That good Commanders, and experienced Soldiers, are like skilful Fencers, who defend with Prudence, and assault with Courage, and kill their Enemies by Art, not trusting their Lives to Chance or Fortune; for as a little man with skill, may easily kill an ignorant Giant; so a small Army that hath experienced Commanders, may easily overcome a great Army that hath none.   

L.  
That Gallant men having no employment for Heroic Actions, become lazy, as hating any other business; whereas Cowards and base persons are only active and stirring in times of Peace, working ill designs to breed Factions, and cause disturbances in a Commonwealth.   

LI.  
That there have been many Questions and Disputes concerning the Governments of Princes; as, Whether they ought to govern by Love, or Fear? But the best way of Government is, and has always been by just Rewards and Punishments; for that State which cannot tell how and when to punish and reward, does not know how to govern, by reason all the World is governed that way.   

LII.  
That if the ancienr Britain's had had skill, according to their Courage, they might have conquered all the World, as the Romans did.   

LIII.  
That it would be very beneficial for great Princes to be sometimes present in Courts of Judicature, to examine the Causes of their poor Subjects, and find out the Extortions and Corruptions of Magistrates and Officers; by which glorious Act they would gain much Love and Fame from the People.   

LIV.  
That it would be very advantageous for Subjects, and not in the least prejudicial to the Sovereign, to have a general Register in every County, for the Entry of all manner of Deeds, and Conveyance of Land between party and party, and Offices of Record; for by this means, whosoever buys, would see clearly what Interest and Title there is in any Land he intends to purchase, whereby he shall be assured that the Sale made to him is good and firm, and prevent many Lawsuits touching the Title of his Purchase.   

LV.  
That there should be a Limitation for Law-Suits; and that the longest Suit should not last above two Terms, at length not above a Year; which would certainly be a great benefit to the Subjects in general, though not to Lawyers; and though some Politician's object, That the more the people is busy about their private Affairs, the less time have they to make disturbanee in the public; yet this is but a weak Argument, since Lawsuits are as apt to breed Factions, as any thing else; for they bring people into poverty, that they know not how to live, which must of necessity breed discontent, and put them upon ill designs.   

LVI.  
That Power, for the most part, does more than Wisdom; for Fools with Power, seem wise; whereas wise men, without Power, seem Fools; and this is the reason that the World takes Power for Wisdom; and the want of Power for Foolishness.   

LVII.  
That a valiant man will not refuse an honourable Duel; nor a wise man fight upon a Fool's Quarrel.   

LVIII.  
That men are apt to find fault with each other's actions; believing they prove themselves wise in finding fault with their Neighbours.   

LIX.  
That a wise man will draw several occasions to the point of his design, as a Burning-Glass doth the several beams of the Sun.   

LX.  
That although actions may be prudently designed, and valiantly performed; yet none can warrant the issue; for Fortune is more powerful than Prudence, and had Caesar not been fortunate, his Valour and Prudence would never have gained him so much applause.   

LXI.  
That ill Fortune, makes wise and honest men seem Fools and Kanves; but good Fortune makes Fools and Knaves seem wise and honest men.   

LXII.  
That ill Fortune doth oftener succeed good, then good Fortune succeeds ill; for those that have ill Fortune, do not so easily recover it, as those that have good Fortune are apt to lose it.   

LXIII.  
That he had observed, That seldom any person did laugh, but it was at the follies or misfortunes of other men; by which we may judge of their good natures.   

LXIV.  
I have heard my Lord say, That when he was in Banishment, He had nothing left him, but a clear Conscience, by which he had and did still conquer all the Armies of misfortunes that ever seized upon him.   

LXV.  
Also I have heard him say, That he was never beholding to Lady Fortune; for he had suffered on both sides, although he never was but on one side.   

LXVI.  
I have heard him say, That his Father one time, upon some discourse of expenses, should tell him, It was but just that every man should have his time.   

LXVII.  
I have heard my Lord say, That bold soliciting and intruding men, shall gain more by their importunate Petitions, then modest honest men shall get by silence (as being loath to offend, or be too troublesome) both in the manner and matter of their requests: The reason is, said he, That Great Princes will rather grant sometimes an unreasonable suit, then be tired with frequent Petitions, and hindered from their ordinary Pleasures; And when I asked my Lord, whether the Grants of such importunate suits were fitly and properly placed? He answered, Not so well as those that are placed upon due consideration, and upon trial and proof.   

LXVIII.  
I have heard my Lord say, That it is a great Error, and weak Policy in a State, to advance their Enemies, and endeavour to make them friends by bribing them with Honours and Offices, saying, They are shrewd men, and may do the State much hurt: And on the otherside, to neglect their Friends, and those that have done them great service, saying, they are Honest men, and mean the State no harm: For this kind of Policy comes from the Heathen, who prayed to the Devil, and not to God, by reason they supposed God was Good, and would hurt no Creature; but the Devil they flattered and worshipped out of fear, lest he should hurt them: But by this foolish Policy, said he, they most commonly increase their Enemies, and lose their Friends; for first, it teaches men to observe, that the only way to Preferment, is to be against the State or Government: Next, Since all that are Factious, cannot be rewarded or preferred, by reason a State hath more Subjects, than Rewards or Preferments, there must of necessity be numerous Enemies; for when their hopes of Reward fail them, they grow more Factious and Inveterate then ever they were at first: Wherefore the best Policy in a State or Government, said my Lord, is to reward Friends, and punish Enemies, and prefer the Honest before the Factious; and then all will be real Friends, and proffer their honest service, either out of pure Love and Loyalty, or in hopes of Advancement, seeing there is none but by serving the State.   

LXIX.  
I have heard him say several times, That his love to his gracious Master King Charles the Second, was above the love he bore to his Wife, Children, and all his Posterity, nay to his own life: And when, since His Return into England, I answered him, That I observed His Gracious Master did not love him so well as he loved Him; he replied, That he cared not whether His Majesty loved him again or not; for he was resolved to love him.   

LXX.  
I ask my Lord one time, What kind of Fate it was, that restored our Gracious King, Charles' the Second, to His Throne? He answered, It was a blessed kind of Fate. I replied, That I had observed a perfect contrariety between the Fortunes of His Royal Father, of blessed memory, and Him; for as there was a division amongst the generality of the people, in the Reign of King Charles the First, tending to His Destruction; so there was a general Combination and Agreement between them in King Charles the Second His Restauration; and as there was a general malice amongst the people against the Father to Depose Him; so there was a general Love for the Son to Enthrone Him. My Lord answered, I had observed something, but not all; for, said he, there was a Necessity for the people to desire and Restore King Charles the Second; but there was no Necessity to Murder King Charles the First. For the Kingdom being through so many Alterations and Changes of Government, divided into several Factions and Parties, was at last hurried into such a Confusion, that it was impossible in that manner to subsist, or hold out any longer; Which Confusion having opened the People's Eyes, the generality being tired with the evil effects and consequences of their unsettled Governments under unjust Usurpers, and frighted with the apprehension of future dangers, began to call to mind the happy Times, when in an uninterrupted Peace they enjoyed their own, under the happy Reign of their Lawful Sovereigns; and hereupon with an unanimous consent Recalled and Restored our now gracious King; which, although it was opposed by some Factious Parties, yet the generality of the people outweighed the rest; neither was the Royal Party wanting in their endeavours.   

LXXI.  
Ask my Lord one time, Whether it was easy or difficult to govern a State or Kingdom? He answered me, That most States were governed by secret Policy, and so with difficulty; for those that govern, are (at least, should be) wiser then the State or Commonwealth they govern. I replied, That in my opinion, a State was easily governed, if their Government was like unto God's; that is to say, If Governors did Reward and Punish according to the desert. My Lord answered, I said well; but he added, the Follies of the People are many times too hard for the Prudence of the Governor; like as the sins of men work more evil effects in them, than the Grace of God works good; for if this were not, there would be more good than bad, which, alas, Experience proves otherwise.   

LXXII.  
Some Gentlemen making a complaint to my Lord, That some he employed in His Majesty's Affairs, were too hasty and overbusy. My Lord told them, That he would rather choose such persons for His Majesty's service as were overactive, than such that would be fuller of Questions than Actions. The same he would do for his own particular affairs.   

LXXIII.  
Some condemning My Lord for having Roman- Catholics and Scots in his Army; He answered them, that he did not examine their Opinions in Religion, but looked more upon their Honesty and Duty; for certainly there were honest men and loyal Subjects amongst Roman Catholics, as well as Protestants; and amongst Scots as well as English. Nevertheless, my Lord, as he was for the King, so he was also for the Orthodox Church of England, as sufficiently appears by the care he took in ordering the Church-Government, mentioned in the History. To which purpose, when my Lord was walking one time with some of His Officers in the Church at Durham, and wondered at the greatness and strength of the Pillars that supported that structure; My Brother, Sir Charles Lucas, who was then with him, told my Lord, that he must confess, those Pillars were very great, and of a vast strength; But said he, Your Lordship is a far greater Pillar of the Chureh then all these: Which certainly was also a real truth, and would have more evidently appeared, had Fortune favoured my Lord more than she did.   

LXXIV.  
My Lord being in Banishment, I told him, that he was happy in his misfortunes, for he was not subject to any State or Prince. To which he jestingly answered, That as he was subject to no Prince, so he was a Prince of no Subjects.   

LXXV.  
In some Discourse which I had with my Lord concerning Princes and their Subjects; I declared that I had observed Great Princes were not like the Sun, which sends forth out of itself Rays of Light, and Beams of Heat; effects that did both glorify the Sun, and nourish and comfort sublunary Creatures; but their glory and splendour proceeded rather from the Ceremony which they received from their subjects. To which my Lord answered, That Subjects were so far from giving splendour to their Princes, that all the Honours and Titles, in which consists the chief splendour of a subject, were principally derived from them; for, said he, were there no Princes, there would be none to confer Honours and Titles upon them.   

LXXVI.  
My Lord entertaining one time some Gentlemen with a merry Discourse, told them, that he would not keep them Company except they had done and suffered as much for their King and Country as he had. They answered, That they had not a power answerable to my Lords. My Lord replied, They should do their endeavour according to their Abilities: No, said they, if we did, we should be like yourself, lose all, and get but little for our pains.   

LXXVII.  
I being much grieved that my Lord for his loyalty and honest Service, had so many Enemies, used sometimes to speak somewhat sharply of them; but he gently reproving me, said, I should do like experienced Seamen, and as they either turn their Sails with the wind, or take them down; so should I either comply with Time, or abate my Passion.   

LXXVIII.  
A Soldiers Wife, whose Husband had been slain in my Lord's Army, came one time to beg some relief of my Lord; who told her, That he was not able to relieve all that had been loyal to His Majesty; for said he, My losses are so many, that if I should give away the remainder of my Estate, my Wife and Children would have nothing to live on: She answered, That His Majesty's Enemies were preferred to great Honours, and had much Wealth: Then it is a sign (replied my Lord) that your Husband and I were Honest Men.   

LXXIX.  
A Friend of my Lords, complaining that he had done the State much Service, but received little Reward for it; my Lord answered him, That States did not usually reward past Services; but if he could do some present Service, he might perhaps get something; but (said he) those men are wisest that will be paid beforehand.   

LXXX.  
I observing that in the late Civil Wars, many were desirous to be employed in States Affairs, and at the noise of War, endeavoured to be Commanders, though but of small Parties, asked my Lord the reason thereof, and what advantage they could make by their Employments? My Lord smilingly answered, That for the generality, he knew not what they could get, but danger, loss and labour for their pains. Then I asked him, Whether Generals of Great Armies were ever enriched by their Heroic Exploits, and great Victories? My Lord answered, That ordinary Commanders gained more, and were better rewarded then great Generals. To which I added, That I had observed the same in Histories, namely, That men of great Merit and Power, had not only no Rewards, but were either found fault withal, or laid aside when they had no more business or employment for them; and that I could not conceive any reason for it, but that States were afraid of their Power: My Lord answered, The reason was, That it was far more easy to reward Under-Officers, then Great Commanders.   

LXXXI.  
My Lord having since the Return from his Banishment, set up a Race of Horses, instead of those he lost by the Wars, uses often to ride through his Park to see his Breed. One time it chanced when he went through it, that he espied some labouring-men sawing of Woods that were blown down by the Wind, for some particular uses; at which my Lord turning to his Attendants, said, That he had been at that Work a great part of his life. They not knowing what my Lord meant, but thinking he jested; I speak very seriously, (added he) and not in jest; for you see that this Tree which is blown down by the Wind, although it was sound and strong, yet it could not withstand its force; and now it is down, it must be cut in pieces, and made serviceable for several uses; whereof some will serve for Building, some for Paling, some for Firing, etc. In the like manner, said he, have I been cut down by the Lady Fortune; and being not able to resist so Powerful a Princess, I have been forced to make the best use of my Misfortunes, as the Chips of my Estate.   

LXXXII.  
My Lord discoursing one time with some of his Friends, of judging of other men's Natures, Dispositions and Actions; and some observing that men could not possibly know or judge of them, the events of men's actions falling out oftentimes contrary to their intentions; so that where they hit once, they failed twenty times in their Judgements. My Lord answered, That his Judgement in that point seldom did miss, although he thought it weaker than theirs: The reason is, said he, Because I judge most men to be like myself; that is to say, Fools; when as you do judge them all according to yourself, that is, Wise men; and since there are more Fools in the World then Wise men, I may sooner guests right than you: for though my judgement roves at random, yet it can never miss of Errors; which yours will never do, except you can dive into other men's Follies by the length of your own line, and found their bottom by the weight of your own Plummet, for the depth of Folly is beyond the line of Wisdom.  
Besides, said he, You believe that other men would do as you would have them, or as you would do to them; wherein you are mistaken, for most men do the contrary. In short, Folly is bottomless, and hath no end; but Wisdom hath bounds to all her designs, otherwise she would never compass them.   

LXXXIII.  
My Lord discoursing some time with a Learned Doctor of Divinity concerning Faith, said, That in his opinion, the wisest way for a man, was to have as little Faith as he could for this World, and as much as he could for the next World.   

LXXXIV.  
In some Discourse with my Lord, I told him that I did speak sharpest to those I loved best. To which he jestingly answered, That if so, than he would not have me love him best.   

LXXXV.  
After my Lords return from a long Banishment, when he had been in the Country some time, and endeavoured to pick up some Glean of his ruined Estate; it chanced that the Widow of Charles Lord Mansfield, My Lords Eldest Son, afterwards Duchess of Richmond, to whom the said Lord of Mansfield had made a jointure of 2000 l. a Year, died not long after her second marriage; for whose death, though My Lord was heartily sorry, and would willingly have lost the said Money, had it been able to save her life; Yet discoursing one time merrily with his Friends, was pleased to say, That though his Earthly King and Master seemed to have forgot him, yet the King of Heaven had remembered him, for he had given him 2000 l. a Year.    

SOME FEW NOTES OF THE AUTHORESS.  

I.  
IT was far more difficult in the late Civil Wars, for my Lord to raise an Army for His Majesty's Service, than it was for the Parliament to raise an Army against His Majesty: Not only because the Parliament were many, and my Lord but one single Person; but by reason a Kingly or Monarchical Government was then generally disliked, and most part of the Kingdom proved Rebellious, and assisted the Parliament either with their Purses or Persons, or both; when as the Army which my Lord raised for the defence and maintenance of the King, and his Rights, was raised most upon his own and his Friend's Interest: For it is frequently seen and known by woeful Experience, that rebellious and factious Parties do more suddenly and nnmerously flock together to act a mischievous design, then loyal and honest men to assist or maintain a just Cause; and certainly 'tis much to be lamented, that evil men should be more industrious and prosperous then good, and that the Wicked should have a more desperate Courage, than the Virtuous, an active Valour.   

II.  
I have observed, That many by flattering Poets, have been compared to Caesar, without desert; but this I dare freely and without flattery say of my Lord, That though he had not Caesar's Fortune, yet he wanted not Caesar's Courage, nor his Prudence, nor his good Nature, nor his Wit; Nay, in some particulars he did more than Caesar ever did; for though Caesar had a great Army, yet he was first set out by the State or Senators of Rome, who were Masters almost of all the World; when as my Lord raised his Army (as before is mentioned) most upon his own Interest (he having many Friends and Kindred in the Northern parts) at such a time when his Gracious King and Sovereign was then not Master of his own Kingdoms, He being overpowered by his rebellious Subjects.   

III.  
I have observed, That my Noble Lord has always had an aversion to that kind of Policy, that now is commonly practised in the world, which in plain terms is Dissembling, Flattery and Cheating, under the cover of Honesty, Love and Kindness: But I have heard him say, that the best Policy is to act justly, honestly and wisely, and to speak truly; and that the old Proverb is true; To be wise is to be honest: For, said he, That man of what Condition, Quality or Profession soever, that is once found out to deceive either in words or actions, shall never be trusted again by wise and honest men. But, said he, A wise man is not bound to take notice of all Dissemblers, and their cheating Actions, if they do not concern him; nay, even of those he would not always take notice, but choose his time; for the chief part of a wise man is to time business well, and to do it without Partiality and Passion. But, said he, The folly of the world is so great, that one honest and wise man may be overpowred by many Knaves and Fools; and if so, than the only benefit of a wise man consists in the satisfaction he finds by his honest and wise actions, and that he has done what in Conscience, Honour and Duty he ought to do; and all successors of such worthy Persons ought to be more satisfied in the worth and merit of their Predecessors, then in their Title and Riches.   

IV.  
I have heard that some noble Gentleman, (who was servant to His Highness then Prince of Wales, our now Gracious Sovereign, when my Lord was Governor) should relate, that whensoever my Lord by his prudent inspection and foresight did foretell what would come to pass hereafter; it seemed so improbable to him, that both himself and some others believed my Lord spoke extravagantly: But some few years after, his predictions proved true, and the event did confirm what his Prudence had observed.   

V.  
I have heard, That in our late Civil Wars there were many petty Skirmishes, and Fortifications of weak and inconsiderable Houses, where some small Parties would be shooting and pottering at each other; an action more proper for Bandites or Thiefs, then stout and valiant Soldiers; for I have heard my Lord say, That such small Parties divide the Body of an Army, and by that means weaken it; whereas the business might be much easier decided in one or two Battles, with less ruin both to the Country and Army: For I have heard my Lord say, That as it is dangerous to divide a Limb from the Body; so it is also dangerous to divide Armies or Navies in time of War; and there are often more men lost in such petty Skirmishes, then in, set-Battels, by reason those happen almost every day, nay every hour in several places.   

VI  
Many in our late Civil-Warres, had more Title than Power; for though they were Generals, or chief Commanders, yet their Forces were more like a Brigade, than a well-formed Army; and their actions were accordingly, not set-battels, but petty Skirmishes between small Parties; for there were no great Battles fought, but by my Lord's Army, his being the greatest and best-formed Army which His Majesty had.   

VII.  
Although I have observed, That it is a usual Custom of the World, to glorify the present Power and good Fortune, and vilify ill Fortune and low conditions; yet I never heard that my Noble Lord was ever neglected by the generality; but was on the contrary, always esteemed and praised by all; for he is truly an Honest and Honourable man, and one that may be relied upon both for Trust and Truth.   

VIII.  
I have observed, That many instead of great Actions, make only a great Noise; and like shallow Fords, or empty Bladders, sound most when there is least in them; which expresses a flattering Partiality, rather than Honesty and Truth; for Truth and Honesty lie at the bottom, and have more Action than Show.   

IX.  
I have observed, That good Fortune adds Fame to mean Actions, when as ill Fortune darkens the splendour of the most meritorious; for mean Persons plied with good Fortune, are more famous than Noble Persons that are shadowed or darkened with ill Fortune; so that Fortune, for the most part, is Fame's Champion.   

X.  
I observe, That as it would be a grief to covetous and miserable persons, to be rewarded with Honour, rather than with Wealth, because they love Wealth, before Honour and Fame; so on the other side, Noble, Heroick and Meritorious Persons, prefer Honour and Fame before Wealth; well knowing, That as Infamy is the greatest Punishment of unworthiness, so Fame and Honour is the best Reward of worth and merit.   

XII.  
I observe, that spleen and malice, especially in this age, is grown to that height, that none will endure the praise of any body besides themselves; nay, they'll rather praise the wicked then the good; the Coward rather than the Valiant; the Miserable than the Generous; the Traitor, than the Loyal: which makes Wise men meddle as little with the Affairs of the world as ever they can.   

XIII.  
I have observed, as well as former Ages have done, That Meritorious persons, for their noble actions, most commonly get Envy and Reproach, instead of Praise and Reward; unless their Fortunes be above Envy, as Caesar's and Elexanders were; But had these two Worthies been as Unfortunate as they were Fortunate, they would have been as much vilified, as they are glorified.   

XIV.  
I have observed, that it is more easy to talk, then to act; to forget, then to remember; to punish, then to reward; and more common to prefer Flattery before Truth, Interest before Justice, and present service before past.   

XV.  
I have observed, that many old Proverbs are very true, and amongst the rest, this: It is better to be at the latter end of a Feast, then at the beginning of a Fray; for most commonly, those that are in the beginning of a Fray, get but little of the Feast; and those that have undergone the greatest dangers, have lest of the spoils.   

XVI.  
I have oberved, That Favours of Great Princes make men often thought Meritorious; whereas without them, they would be esteemed but as ordinary Persons.   

XVII.  
I observe, That in other Kingdoms or Countries, to be the chief Governor of a Province, is not only a place of Honour, but much Profit; for they have a great Revenue to themselves; whereas in England, the Lieutenancy of a County is barely a Title of Honour, without Profit; except it be the Lieutenancy or Government of the Kingdom of Ireland; especially since the late Earl of Stafford enjoyed that dignity, who settled that Kingdom very wisely both for Militia and Trade.   

XVIII.  
I have observed, That those that meddle least in Wars, whether Civil or Foreign, are not only most safe and free from danger, but most secure from Losses; and though Heroic Persons esteem Fame before Life; yet many there are, that think the wisest way is to be a Spectator, rather than an Actor, unless they be necessitated to it; for it is better, say they, to sit on the Stool of Quiet, then in the Chair of Troublesome Business.  
FINIS.