A SOBER DISCOURSE OF THE Honest Cavalier WITH THE Popish Couranter: WHEREIN, The Author of the Dialogue between the Pope and Fanatic vindicates himself to be an hearty Lover of his Prince and Country.  
TO WHICH Is Annexed, a Serious Epistle to HODGE.  
By a Person of Quality.  Principis & Patriae scribere jussit Amor. 
LONDON, Printed for Henry Brome, at the Gun in St. Paul's Churchyard, at the West-End, 1680.   

A SOBER DISCOURSE OF THE Honest Cavalier, &c,  Cavalier. 
HOld Sir; so much for Trimtram; though Papacy and Presbytery should depend upon your Moment's, you must stop till I have a perfect Account of your Popish Courant; nay, 'tis in vain to dispute my Authority; there is Liberty and Property in the case: Come, What News from Rome?  Couranter. 
Well then, if you must, I will give you a faithful Report of the Contents of it; The old Popish Dons are become mere Fumblers at Politics, and the Jesuit resolves to try the Juvenile Fry; and the Apprentices were to have met together under the plausible Pretence of Roasting the Rump, and there should have been provided Irish Sauce; and the Lads were to have pulled down the Meeting-Houses, ●nd let fly their Teuksbury Mustard-Balls; and when Rapine had been rampant, there should have been sung Te Papam laudamus at the Devil's Chapel.  Cav. 
What? still the old Cheat! Is it impossible there should be a Plot, but it must be a Popish one? Is there no sort of men that have Art and Wickedness enough to Plot against the Government, but only the Pope and the Jesuit? And do you really fancy that these Youths at London designed any Service to the Old Gentleman at Rome? I perceive you have a tender Veneration for Meeting-Houses: Now, for my part, if I were to enter any of those Houses, I would neither put off my Hat, nor my Shoes; for I believe it is no more holy Ground than that of Tyburn; and the Howl and Harangues of both places are much alike: I am afraid this Expression should offend you; but I assure you, I have good Authority for the Resemblance; for Alexander Bishop of Alexandria, in his Epistle to Alexander another Catholic Bishop, tells him, That the Arrians had deserted the Communion of the Catholic Church, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, erecting to themselves Dens of Thiefs; and if the Meeting-Houses were to be pulled down, I am confident it was no Popish Conspiracy; for I have reason to believe, that the Conventicles in London do the Jesuits as much Service as the Shrines of Diana did the Silversmiths at Ephesus; and I am persuaded that the Pope would offer as much Money to prevent the Dilapidation of Meeting-Houses, as the devout Members of the Church of England have given to repair the Ruins of St. Paul; and if an Indulgence from the Pope would do as much Service in Heaven, as an Indulgence to fanatics, does the Pope on Earth, we would send for more Advices from Rome, than your Packet-ship brings us.  
I am sure these Youths were never the Catechumeni of the Church of England; for Popular and Tumultuary Reformations are not consistent with the quiet and obedient Principles of our Religion; therefore I have a vehement suspicion, That the Juvenile Fry you speak of, must be the spawn of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
State or City-Troublers.  a Phrase that defines a Fanatic exactly; only it is too long and too ancient; for Philo-Judaeus in Flaccum so styled the Isidori, a turbulent Faction in Alexandria; and I am afraid that your Teuksbury Mustard-Balls would have flown over the Meeting-Houses, and fallen directly upon Whitehall, St. James'; and some would have dropped upon Lambeth.  
As for your Irish Sauce, if there be such a Villainy in the world as a Popish Plot in Ireland, I have one reason more to believe, that there is a Fanatick-Design in England; for this was the former Method of Rebellion: and you know we live in an Age that loves to act by Precedents; and there is such a League and Covenant between the Pope and Fanatic, that you never knew one begin a Plot, but the other took the Advantage, and did proceed by Consequence.  
I cannot but censure your rude Expression of Te Papam landamus; for besides your putting the Pope into the place of God, it looks like a Fanatic Burlesque of that ancient and excellent Hymn of the Church, Te Deum landamus. But what other Intelligence does your Courant afford us?  Cour. 
O Sir, The News of a Dialogue between the Pope and Fanatic; such a Piece of Paper-Roguery as—  Cav. 
Hold, Be Civil; for I am the man.  Cour. 
Then you are a Desperate, Impudent, Seditious, Popish, Kindle-Coal Pamphleteer.  Cav. 
I never yet swallowed a Teuksbury-Mustard-Ball, nor am I skilled in that Fanatick-Art of Spitting Fire: My Religion hath taught me so much Generosity, that I think the best return to Raillery, is to make no Reply at all; only, I would not have you call me Desperate; for I am far from Despair: I do not think the King hath forgot his vexatious Traverses, and hazardous Adventures between Worcester and Liege; but thinks himself concerned to be as cautious of a Fanatic, as he is of a Jesuit; but if it were possible for the King to forget the History of his Father's Death, and the Annals of his own Life, I would not yet despair: I believe there is a God, who will not long suffer his Name to be abused by Canting Blasphemies and Fanatic Prostitutions: And so much for your Raillery; let me have an Account of those Crimes with which you charge me.  Cour. 
You would tempt those you call fanatics to assassinate his Sacred Majesty, by remonstrating the Facility and Security of that Villainy, p. 4.  Cav. 
The Life of his Sacred Majesty is of more value to me, than all the Fanatick-Blood of Europe; and I am so far from suggesting his Assassination, that I think since the Days of Daniel, no People ever had more reason than we, to salute their Prince with that Phrase of ancient Loyalty, O King, live for ever.  
The Popish Plot being first discovered in a very nice Crisis of State, was by some Designing Men inflamed with all the Arts and Aggravations imaginable, with a purpose to serve the Fanatick-Interest; and this Intrigue was so politicly managed and improved, that the Factions grew rampant, and the Church of England, like the King, was brought into the Plot for contriving their own Destruction; and none allowed to be Protestants but the Presbyterians; and none were thought Enemies to the Pope, but his Friends in Conventicles. Now I oft thought with horror, That in that heat which the Truth of the Plot had occasioned, and amidst those Artificial Smokes, which cunning Men had raised to attend it, a Fanatic had more advantage to destroy the King in that Juncture, than a Jesuit; and I believe we are more obliged to the Providence of God, than the Conscience of those Men, that the Mischief was not effected. Now can you think, that if I had intended to have acquainted the fanatics, as I call them, with this Advantage and security of Assassination, that I would have Published the Mystery? No sure, I should have gone to 
* An House of Vanity, or a Conventicle.  Bethaven, and whispered the Matter to some of the Secret Ones; but I thought, to publish the Danger, was a very honest Method to prevent it.  
But I observe you are very Civil to the King, and call him Sacred Majesty (and so indeed he is by the Style of Religion and Law) but I am afraid that men of your Temper do never compliment Princes, but when they are above your affronts; and you will allow the King to be Sacred, so long as he can assert his Majesty, but if ye can divest him of his Sovereignty, and reduce him into condition to be affronted, than he shall be Charles Stuart again, and his Family no more jure divino, than that of the late Usurper.  
There are a sort of men in England, who treat their Princes as the Pagans did their Deities, call them Sacred, and pay them adoration and Sacrifice, as long as their humours are served, and their Interest indulged, or under some present air; but like them, they must have their Gods enclosed in narrow shrines, and in a Storm, if the wind do not favour their course, they will affront their Numen, which before they adored, and having him upon the chain, will whip him into compliance: But these men I speak of (under the rose) to use your own Parenthesis) have outdone those Pagan Insolences, and in a Tempest of their own raising cast their Deity overboard, because he would not answer their unreasonable Addresses.  
And here Sir, in plain dealing, which you call Impudence, I will give you my Sense of Popish Plots: I am so far in this matter from being an Infidel, that I believe the Popish Plot is as old as the Reformation, and that there have been no times since the happy Inauguration of Queen Elizabeth without some Trains and Jesuitical Consults to subvert the established Government of Church and State, except the times of our late confusions, for then there was no need of Plotting, when the Jesuit by his Fanatic Engines had effected the ruin of Church and Monarchy; and so sat down in ease and triumph, and founded Colleges in those days, which made such a noise in these. No sooner had God by a Miracle restored the King to his Crown, and the Church to its orderly Establishment, but the Popish Mines were framed anew, and the Jesuit proceeds in course to consult our ruin; and as for those men that opened the Vault, and discovered the Mine in our late Critical Juncture; may they find that reward, which their truth, justice and honest intentions deserve.  
Now that which gives the Pope such a peculiar Envy to the Church of England, is this: By our Episcopacy and Priesthood, by our public Confession of the Ancient Creeds, by our well-composed Liturgy, and by solemn Decency and Order in public Devotions; We retain the Face of an Ancient Catholic and Apostolic Church, and if we should continue undisturbed for some Ages, the Beauty and Eminency of our Primitive Christianity might have such an Influence upon most part of Christendom, That they would discover the Cheat of Popish Supremacy and Innovations, and reform according to our most excellent Model of the first 400 years; but I am confident, if this Monarchy and Hierarchy were destroyed, and Fanaticism had the Regency of England, that the Pope would be at no farther charges for the carrying on of Plots; for such a Chaos of Fanaticism would serve as an excellent Foil to commend the Beauty of the Romish Church, and might add many Proselytes to that Religion; but for want of Foundation and Argument, they would be so unable to contend with the Papacy, that the Pope would not think them worthy of his Designs. If there be not some Truth in this, pray give me a Reason, Why, since the Reformation, we never heard of so many Popish Plots against Holland and Geneva, as against the established Government and Religion of England.  Cour. 
You have impudent Reflections upon the King and Parliament, etc.  Cav. 
I confess the Reflections you point to, were very impudent; but in that consists their Propriety: The Pamphlet was a Dialogue between the two immortal Enemies of the King, and Church; and I thought that wise and honest men would not mistake those rude Expressions for the Sentiments of the Author; for if I had made the Pope and Fanatic to have spoken Civilly of Princes, and talked like honest men and good Subjects, I had misrepresented the Scene, and perverted the Nature of the Beast; for, had you been with me at Leicester-Election, and heard those rude Fanatic Clamours against his most Sacred Majesty, and seen their Affronts to the Loyal Gentry and Clergy, you would have thought that I had managed the Fanatic with great Prudence, and taught him to speak with more Modesty and Manners, than he would have been guilty of, had he been left to his natural Idiom.  
But if you will have my own Sense, I look upon the King to be as God's immediate Delegate in the Government of these Nations, and therefore reckon a Libel against my Prince, to be but one Remove from Blasphemy.  
I have a very great Honour and Veneration for his Grace the Duke of Lauderdale, and I do not question but that Noble Lord, whose Wisdom hath contributed very much to the Safety of Three Kingdoms, will easily discern, That the Author intended no Dishonour to his Name, by that honest Rudeness of Lucifer, or Lauderdale.  Cour. 
You have an impudent Reflection too upon those of the Long Robe, p. 4.  Cav. 
I believe there never was more worthy and Loyal Men under the Long Robe, than there is in this Age; but you know there was once a Society less Numerous, and more Sacred, that yet had one Traitor, that wore the Pallium, and among so many Thousands that are used to carry the Bag, it would be little less than Miracle, if there should not be found two or three, who would betray their Lord to an High Court of Justice, if there were a Jewish Sanhedrim to tempt them with the Silver pieces.  Cour. 
You ridicule Sir E. B. G's Murder, and scornfully call him that mere Shadow of a Knight.  Cav. 
I had as great a value for Sir E. B. G. and as serious a Sense of his Murder, as you; but you know, from his thin Body he was usually called The Ghost; and being to speak the Sense of his Enemy, I thought the Shadow of a Knight might have been a pardonable Phrase: for my part I am so far from making a Ridicule (as you call it) of that Worthy Person, that I look upon the Blood of Sir E. B. G. as the most substantial Evidence of the Popish Plot.  Cour. 
You affirm, The Common People of England have no more Judgement in Theology than the Chineses had in Mathematics; an excellent Credit for the Established Ministry, under whose Conduct and Teaching they live!  Cav. 
I confess, if all the Souls in England were under the actual Conduct of the Established Ministry, there were some Consequence in your Insinuation; but you know very well, that there are many Thousands, who are bewildered by those Wand'ring Stars who have no Fixure from Heaven, nor Establishment on Earth: It was this sort of Seduced People, for whom that Reflection was intended; and therefore had you been unpassionate, you might have observed, That it was the Fanaticks Let to speak that Passage, and as of those of his own Tribe; and indeed I do believe, That most of those deluded People have no more skill in Primitive Christianity, than the Chineses have in Mathematics. And how is it possible they should have a clear Notion of Religion, who are led by the Mists of Darkness, as St. Judas calls the Schismatics of old? I suppose you have seen the Authentic Speeches of Kid and King, the two late Preaching Rebels of Scotland: Were not they excellent Professors of Divinity? How passionately did they expound some Texts of Moses, for the Religious observation of the Scottish Covenant, which had no more relation to that Matter, than the Chapter of the Cow in the Alcoran of Mahomet? And you cannot expect that the People should have more Judgement than their Rabbis; And therefore when some of the Captive-Rebels were interrogated, for what Reason they took up Arms? they Answered, for Defence of the Truth: And being further examined, For what Truth? They could give no Account of that; And being Catechised, they did not know two Articles of the Christian Creed, nor one of the Ten Commandments; and as for their Duty towards God or their Neighbour, I suppose you will easily grant they were never taught such mere Moral Divinity. Now, pray Sir, consider, How can such silly Women, and uneducated Men, who were scarce over taught any other Gospel than that according to the Canticles; who never heard any other Divinity, besides Fanatic Separations, and Enthusiastic Unions; how can these, I say, he supposed to have any truer Notion of Christianity, than the Chineses had in Clockwork? But as for that humble and devouter part of the Commonalty, who have lived in a constant Communion with the Established Church, I believe they have a better Understanding of Christian Religion, than most of the Friars of Rome, or the People-Drivers of England. This Expression may offend you, especially, when I must tell you, I was taught it by Imperial Authority; for when the Council of Chalcedon had determined that Controversy for which they were Assembled, the Emperors Valent. and Marcian, did strictly Command by their Imperial Edicts, That all should acquiesce in the Decrees of the Council, and did prohibit all Conventicles, in this excellent Phrase, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; and now proceed, Sir.  Cour. 
You falsely suggest that there are many unconforming Ministers posted in the Established Church, by the Title of Sober and Moderate Men.  Cav. 
Sir, I hearty wish that Suggestion were false. I am infallibly assured, That there is a lamentable Corporation in the Cantons of the East-Angles, which, according to my Map, is next door to Rotterdam; the Living indeed is an Appropriation, and managed by Fanatick-Lessees; but in this Half-Moon have been posted two or three Nonconforming Ministers, who have no more Holy Orders than the Turkish Mufti; and here the unfortunate Infants, either have no Christendom, or else, by no better Commission than a Midwife-Authority; and the Dead Buried with no more Solemnity than an Ass. Whether the Church's Canons have lately forced these uncommissioned Officers to quit the Post, I am not yet informed; but I am sure, That for some years since the King's Restaturation, they did desecrate the very Church, and had their Pay out of the Parochial Tithes, and were adored by the silly Vulgus with the Title of sober and moderate Men:  
But I acknowledge, These sort of Men were not principally intended by my Insinuation; for I look upon these as Religious Banditi; and under a Covenant to war against the Church; but I mean such, who by Episcopal Orders and Institution have a fixed Station within the Church, and yet by Disobedience and Treachery do undermine that Establishment.  
Sr. My Conscience assures me, that the Latin Verse, which is the Signpost to your Popish Courant, is a false position as to me, but in respect of these Men it will run true.  

Tuta frequensque via est sub amici fallere nomen,  
Tuta frequensque licet sit via, Crimen habet.   
I think it might be demonstrated that he is a Nonconformist, who not only crosses the Line, but comes short of the direct Canon of Conformity. Suppose you should lend upon bond to one of your dear Brethren, whom ye will not call fanatics, the full Sum of an hundred pounds of good and lawful English Money, to be paid to the above said Couranter at a determined time, and when that Period be expired your friend should honestly come and tender you thirty pieces, and tell you, that he was able indeed to pay the Sum total, but having some in his Family, who had a great tenderness for Money, and did not love the height of Law-conformity, that therefore he was resolved, he would never pay more than this thirty pound. Would you gravely applaud the Prudentials of the man, and style it soberness and moderation? or would you according to Law call it nonpayment? Sir, do but consider without prejudice, whether the Oaths and Obligations of Canonical Obedience are not more Sacred Ties of Conscience, than the hand and seal to a Noverint Vniversi, and eke also, etc. but you are so good at Deductions, that I will leave you to make the application.  
The honest Divines of the Church of England, who for the● Conscience and Obedience are Branded for Highflyers, look upon the Rubrics of the Common-Prayer-Book as indispensible Directions of the Church, and as commanded by Authority of Parliament; for the act of Uniformity not only establishes those public Prayers and Offices, but commands; That all and singular Ministers in any Cathedral, Collegiate or Parish-Church, or Chapel or other place of public Worship within this Realm of England shall be bound to say and use Morning and Evening Prayer, Celebration and Administration of both the Sacraments, and all other the Public and Common Prayer, in such Order and Form as is mentioned in the said Book, Entitled the Book of Common-Prayer, etc. That is, according to the Rubrics, for that is the only Order and Form of usage.  
Now one of the first Orders, which is to be noted in the Common-Praier-Book, is, that such Ornaments of the Church and of the Ministers thereof, at all times of their Ministration shall be Retained, and be in Use, as were in the Church of England by the Authority of Parliament, in the Second Year of King Edward the sixth. But I know some humoursome Ministers in the Established Church, that dare not wear a Surplice in Winter, because it is too cold a Garment. They would fancy themselves to be in Lapland, and buried in Snow; and to put it on in Summer, looks like going into the Furnace of Babylon: perhaps there may be two or three Critical Days within the Calendar of Moderation, when these Men will vouchsafe to be clothed in white, but then they wear these Ornaments of the Church with more Regret than the Christian-Martyrs did the Bear-skins.  
It is enjoined by Rubric, and Statute-Law, That the Offices of Morning and Evening Prayer should be fully and exactly performed; for this Service being devoted both by Church and State, as the National Sacrifice to the Eternal God: There is great reason that the God of Infinite Perfection should not be affronted with the sleight Oblation of half a Sacrifice; but I know some whom the People will call sober and moderate Men, who like the irregular Sons of Eli, will choose and snatch at some peculiar parts of the Sacrifice which best please their nicer fancies, and leave the rest as not worthy to be touched.  
It is prescribed both by Authority of Church and Parliament, that the Communion-Office to the end of the Catholick-Praier should upon all Sundays and Festivals be read at the Holy Table, and this is so far from Innovation, that the whole Christian World for about 1500 years never had such a thing as a Desk in their Houses of Prayer, but all their Devotions or Christian-Sacrifices which were immediately directed to the Almighty God, were offered up at the holy Table, which was therefore called the Altar; and I have reason to believe, that this Altar was railed in; for I find, the Council of Chalcedon, which assembled in the Church of S. Euphemia, were placed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, sitting before the Cancelli, Rails or Steps of the holy Altar; and yet I know men within the established Church, who are more unwilling to go to the Altar, than our Saviour was to go up to Mount Calvar; men who never come at the Table, but upon the necessity of a Sacrament, and then too they will force the Table to come down to them.  
It is required, that he who Ministers, should read the Public Prayers with a distinct and audible voice; I know some of these moderate men who read them with such cold and careless murmur, as if they thought that Sacrifice not worthy of the Calves of their lips; but when they mount the Pulpit, the Calm is changed into Thunder and Tempest.  
It was the custom of the Ancient Church, and the Command of our own, to use the sign of the Cross within the Office of Baptism; and though that usage is carefully stated and expounded by the Sense of the Church, to prevent mistake or superstition, yet I know some, who prefer the Chamber before the Church, and the Possit-Bason before the Hallowed Font, which have no more regard to this significant Ceremony, than Jews or Mahometans, who are declared Enemies to the Cross of Christ: Indeed, if there chance to be in the Parish a bold Cavaliering Gentleman, who looks upon the Cross as the great Ensign of our Religion and Nation, perhaps if such an one be concerned, the moderate Curate may be frighted into observance; and yet then, if possible, he will cheat the Congregation, and give the Infant only a dash over the head like an Adverb, but will avoid crossing the line, for fear of raising Spirits or Storms. Now in this matter, I would humbly advise these scrupulous Gentlemen to construe and consider the modest Sentiment of Isaac Caesai●bon, who was a man of as much learning, and as little Popery, as any moderation-man in England; Scimus veterem Ecclesiam & in vita communis usu, & in ritibus sacris, multum usam esse venerabili illo signo, sed ut pia ceremonia, quae rationi addicta, animos fidelium ad Christi crucem veheret, non materiae alicui terrenae, aut figurae, aut gestui affigeret. Hoc sensu Sanctissimi Prudentissimique illi Antistites, qui Ecclesiae in Anglia reformandae negotio praefuerunt, & in publicis locis cruces passi sunt remanere, & in nonnullis etiam ritibus sacris retinuerunt, ut in Baptismo. And now, truly Sir, I am still of opinion, that those Demicanons whose mouths are turned into the Church, do it more mischief than all the Fanatic Blunderbusses.  Cour. 
You call the Commons of England uneducated.  Cav. 
This Cavil is so idle, and so mistaken, that it deserves not to be considered; and therefore all I shall say to it, is this, that that part of the Commons who are endued with honesty and good education, will have so much wit and loyalty as never to quarrel with the expression, and for the rest, they are at your service.  Cour. 
Nay, but you dishonour the Gentlemen, and say they are half-witted, and easy to be imposed upon.  Cav. 
I see malice is no good Commentator; for the Text implies no more, than that some of the Commons are uneducated, and some of the Gentlemen half-witted; and he that doth not believe this to be true, must neither have wit, nor education; I call them half-witted Gentlemen, who will suffer their private Animosities to become public Quarrels against their Prince; I think them half-witted Gentlemen, who can be decoyed into the Tents of the Faction by that cajoling pretence, that there is no method to keep out Popery, but to bring in the Presbyterian. Now these wheadled Gentlemen look to me, like the Sheep in the Apologue, who being informed that the illnatured Curs had a plot upon the Flock, were put into great hurries; some of the wisest thought it their greatest security and interest to keep close to the conduct and protection of the Shepherd, but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 appointed several Woollen Committees to consider of this grand Affair; these Staple-Politicians voted in the Wolves, as the most proper and stoutest Guardians against their implacable Enemies the bloody Dogs, but no sooner were these Patrons admitted into the Fold, but they devoured that Flock they were chosen to defend; even so, he that hath but one scruple of Wit, will understand the Moral. Shall not I think those Gentlemen easy to be imposed upon, who can be brought to believe, that those men who once overturned the Government, are the fittest persons to be chosen to support it?  Cour. 
But there's worse than all this yet; for you scoff at the Protestant Religion, and call it a Hogan-Mogan Word; nay you say the Turk may be taken into the Poll-Book of Protestants, because he abhors the Popish Mass, etc.  Cav. 
I do not question but you have seen the Letter from Legorn. Now I do think the Turk is full as much a Protestant, as the Queen is a Mahometan; and I will further maintain, That the Turks are as much Protestants, as the Church of England are Papists; for thus your dear Friends dispute against us. The Church of England continues a Succession of Bishops and Priests, they retain a Liturgy, they continue the Sign of the Cross, and bow at the Name of Jesus, and wear the Surplice; and seeing in all these things they agree with the Church of Rome, Therefore the Church of England are Papists. Now from the same Systeme of Logic, I thus argue; The Turk agrees with the Protestants, in their renouncing the Pope's Infallibility, Supremacy, Indulgence, Transubstantiation, Adoration of Images, etc. Ergo, the Turk is a Protestant. Sir, I think it just as far from Constantinople to Geneva, as from Geneva to Constantinople; and when your Cretain Disputers will quit their Sophistry, and grant the Church of England to be no Papists, than I will be so honest, as to protest, That the Turk is no Protestant; but till then, I will defend, that the Argument does been quadrare, or in plain English, 'tis as long as 'tis broad.  
Pray Sir, do not mistake me; for I assure you, I am so far from any Alliance to Popery, that I dare adventure to converse with that nice Company of Mr. Oates. I am sure he never saw me at a Popish Consult in his Life; I have had the good Fortune never to know one Jesuit or Romish Priest in Europe; but I confess, I have no great Fondness for the Words Protestant's, though I am resolved to live and die in that Religion, as it is wisely established in the Church of England; and because I am not of the Fanatick-Temper, to cavil for nothing but Obstinacy and Humour, I will ingenuously, give you my Reasons why I have a singular Disgust against that Word, Protestant: I doubt not but you are so much Dutchified, as to understand the Phrase Hogan-Mogan, as well as I; and to grant Protestant to be a High and Mighty Word in England; but yet for all this I do not like it; and for these Reasons:  
First, My last Intelligence from Adrianople assured me, That the Grand Sultan, and all his Musselmen are no way Popishly affected, but are ready to take the Test against Popery, and to renounce all Popish Doctrines and Superstitions, with as much Devotion as any Presbyterian in England. Now if the mere Protesting against the Pope, must be the Essential Character of Christian Religion; I confess I cannot tell how to avoid the Consequence, but must conclude the Turk to be a Protestant; and I think that Name ought not to be so passionately Courted by a Christian, that will not distinguish him from a Turk.  
Secondly, The Established Church of England, though the best Reformed Church in the World, yet in great Wisdom, does not assume this particular Characteristick of Protestant, in all its Articles, Canons and Liturgy; and therefore I see no reason why I should be so privately enamoured of that Name, which the Church never thought fit Publicly to espouse.  
Thirdly, The Word Protestant is above four and fifty Degrees of Northern Latitude, and hath so large an Arch, that it comprehends Quakerism, Anabaptism, Catabaptism, Familism, and all the Fanatic Colonies and New-found-Lands of Enthusiasm. And though, Sir, such a Paper-Roguery as the Dialogue may call these men fanatics, yet you know all sober and moderate men call them Protestants; and I acknowledge I have no great kindness for that Word, which does levelly a Cathedral to a Conventicle, and makes no distinction betwixt an Archbishop and a Lay-Elder. If I were cast upon Japan, and some Commanding Japonese would have an Account of my Religion, I suppose you would give me leave to answer, I am a Christian; which is a Sound intelligible to all Nations. If I should tell him, I was a Protestant, he would Fancy that Name to be some particular Sect of Northern Paganism: But suppose in my Return, I should Land at Thoulon, and there some Brisk Monsieurs should demand my Religion; now if I should answer, I was a Protestant, they would run me through all the Compass of Protestant Religion, ask me, Whether I were a Protestant according to the North, or according to the Points of the North and by East, or the North North-East, or the North-East and by North; and so whirl me through more than two and thirty Points, before I could come to State my true Position.  
And since our Circumstances require that we must have some other Denomination besides that of Christian, I confess I have most Veneration for the Title of Catholic; which was of much Elder Date than the Papacy, and hath been Confirmed and Conseerated by Three Creeds, and Four General Councils, and the constant Usage of the Eastern and Western Churches; and though the Ancient Church did in Councils and Public Confessions protest against the Heresies of Arrius, Novatus, Eutyches, Donatus, &c, with as much Solemnity, as ever any did against Popish Doctrines; yet they thought it not Wisdom, from this Accident, to call themselves Protestant's; but did sacredly retain the old Title of Catholic; and notwithstanding the general Signification of the Word Catholic, yet I observe that particular Patriarchates and Provinces of the Christian Church, did claim a share in this Title for I have seen Imperial and Conciliary Epistles to the Bishops of the Catholic Church of Alexandria, Constantinople, etc. And this, Sir, before the first Date of your History of Popery; I love no Stylo novo in Religion, and therefore, according to the Old Style, I call myself a Member of the Reformed Catholic Church of England. Now this Character will distinguish me from the Pope, the Fanatic, and the Turk, that Fiery Triplicity of the World.  
Fourthly, I have a Persuasion, That if the several Churches which reform themselves from the Errors and Superstitions of Rome, had continued a Succession of Bishops and Priests, and had retained the Title of Catholic, with some decent Reverence in public Solemnities, all modest Papists would have embraced the Communion of the Reformed Churches; and the Pope would soon have been confined to St. Peter's Patrimony: But, leaving the Pope in possession of that Ancient Title of Catholic, and assuming to ourselves a New Style, which the Church never knew for 1500 years, was as mighty an advantage to Rome, and as great a mischief to the Reformation, as our Enemies themselves could have designed; for this gave occasion for many to conclude, That our Church had no Elder Epocha than the Augustan Confession, and that our Religion was as new as the Title of it. How many Proselytes this great Scandal, though little Argument, hath gained the Church of Rome, I leave to unpassionate men to consider; and whether the Jesuit have not used all his Arts to render this Word Protestant as Sacred and Venerable as he can, is not unworthy of Suspicion or Enquiry.  
I know there are many good Men (who never well thought of this Matter) who, with great Innocence glory as much in the Title of Protestant, as the Ancient Martyrs in that of Christian; and I openly declare, without any Masquerade, That I do as sincerely abhor all Papal Usurpations, Innovations and Superstitions, as your Courantship itself; but I confess, I have no Courtship for that distinguishing Name of Protestant, which serves so much to Eternize the Divisions of Christendom, and to promote the Jesuitical and Fanatick-Intrigues of England.  Cour. 
You honour the Cavaliers with the Title of unconsidering Animals.  Cav. 
As for my calling some of the Cavaliers unconsidering Animals, if they please to consider the honest purpose of that Reflection, it will be the best Answer to you, and Satisfaction to me.  Cour. 
But you dishonour the House of Commons; making your Fanatic say, We have a House of Commons of our own Temper.  Cav. 
In this, I was so far from forcing the Fanatic against his Sense, that I left him to his own Freedom; for after the last Election, they did openly boast in Streets and Coffeehouses, That they had now a Parliament, that would make the Clergy leave off their Surplices; and they hoped now to see the Day, when their Gowns should be pulled over their Ears; with such like insolent Bravadoes: And therefore, if there be any Mistake or Injury done to tee present House of Commons, they must impute the Reason of our Suspicions to the public and imprudent Triumphs of the Fanatic Party, who did so much Glory in them, as their Mighty Friends and Patrons.  
Indeed this Present House of Commons had the ill Fate to be introduced with just such Tumults and Popular Heats as that of Forty One. And I know, 'tis Faction only that is Turbulent; Loyalty and good Meaning are quiet Virtues, and never produce an Earthquake or a Tempest, though they may do what they can to preserve themselves from these violent Commotions. I know there are many Gentlemen of undoubted Integrity to Church and State; but there is reason to suspect a Mixture, or else we should never have had so many Popular and Factious Petitions handed, with so many subscribing Conventiclers, for the Sitting of this Parliament.  Cour. 
But you strike at the Basis of the Government, and blow a Trumpet for Rebellion, when you tell the World of an immortal opposition between the King and Parliament; That the Constitution (that is, of Parliaments) is unpracticable, and that either we must have a King without a Parliament, (which is an English Impossibility) or else a Parliament without a King. And to make sure Work, you repeat it in these Words: There is no Medium to be fancied between Empire and Commonwealth; the King must either resolve to take up the Imperial Crown, or prepare to lay down his Head; whereby you must mean an Absolute Despotic Power.  Cav. 
Though we are ready to defend our Sovereign with our Lives and Fortunes, we are only prepared to suppress a Rebellion, but never design to foment it. Our Powder will never fire within an Ordinance of Parliament, nor shall our Swords ever breathe a Vein without a Commission from the King. I have as natural an aversation to Rebellion, as a Fanatic hath to Loyalty. I have not in me one Atom of Popery or Presbytery; but my Allegiance is of the same Temper with that of Primitive Christianity. But I suppose I might with Convenanting Kid, be a Rebel to my Prince, and yet enjoy the good Opinion of the Saints, and have the Privilege to be Canonised; for you know many of your Friends Alarmed the Nation into a late Rebellion, by Carse ye Meroz, and such like Celeusma's; and quoted the Revelations for sounding of Trumpets: but I perceive the high and mighty Crime that you so aggravate, is Misprision against the most Sacred Majesty of the People; for you say I strike at the Basis of the Government, when I insinuate, that the Constitution by Parliaments is unpracticable. Sir, I know that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is honest Greek for a King; and it signifies the Basis of the People; but I see, according to some Constructions, the Commons are the Basis of the King and Government too; and so by this Scheme of Politics when an Ordinance of Parliament struck, off the Head of the King, the A●ce did not strike at the Basis of the Government, only cut off some Guilded Flourish upon the Top of the Column; but the Foundation was unshaken, as long as any Commons sat at Westminster. Pray Sir, for fear of this nice Danger of striking at the Basis of the Government, be pleased, in your next Courant, to give us a Logical Definition of the Government of England, whether we may, in one word call it a Monarchy, and then I know who is the Basis of the Government; and if he never be wounded till my Hand strike him, I promise you, for all me, he shall be immortal; or, whether we must call it a Monarchical, Aristocratical, or Democratical Government; or a Democratical, Aristocratical Monarchy. Sir, This looks like a Conjuring Circle, but if you can find out the certain Square of it, it will be a very obliging Discovery.  
But when you accuse me for making the Constitutions of Parliaments unpracticable, you sum up the Evidence without the least Favour or Mitigation; for you might have considered, That I granted Parliaments to have been a most-happy Constitution, and that it was the fault of Fanatick-Confusions and Effronteries that rendered this Constitution unpracticable. There is no man hath more Wishes, and greater Veneration for Loyal Parliaments than I; for than I should think the Constitution not only practicable, but the most Happy in the World; but when the Nation is convulsed with Fanatick-Rage and Madness of the People, and so much Canvasing for a Choice of the most likely Men to oppose and affront the King, so long I must think that Constitution unpracticable; but than it is not I, but your Friends in Meeting-Houses that render the House of Commons unpracticable.  
Sir, Let me tell you a Story from Legorn: There was a Poderoso Sennor, who had left to him by his Ancestors a most curious piece of Clockwork, which for many years after its first composure performed its motions with excellent order and exactness, but in process of time; one of the considerable Wheels broke lose from the Clasps and due subordination to the Primum mobile, which so disordered the whole Frame, that nothing was heard but Whurries and Alarms: This Noble Lord did several times by his own hands pull up the weights, to try whether the Wheels might fall into their due Centre and Order, but no sooner were they mounted aloft, but down they came with noise and confusion; at length an honest Don plainly tells his Lordship, that one of the three greater Wheels had started from its ancient Circle, and from the power of the first mover; and so long as it was thus displaced and disordered, the motion would be confused and irregular, and it was but vanity to pull up the weights. But if his excellent care and wisdom, could provide another Wheel that might be made of the ancient Temper, and framed with fit Dimensions, and placed upon its just Centre, with a due Closure and subordination to the primary moving power, and a fit respect to the lesser Wheels, that then all would move with quiet and order, and the work would be as glorious and useful as ever it was in the days of his Prodecessors.  
But I see, that which frights most, is the King's Taking up the Imperial Crown. The words despotic and absolute I grant to be greater Bugs than Blazing Stars, and extraordinary Eruptions of Aetna: I know you are pleased to allow the King the Compliment of the Crown-Imperial, but you would have it signify no more than the Cap at Venice. Your Friends are unwilling to grant the King so much despotic Power, as to be Master of his own Head. You would have the Government of England to be a mear Game at Chess, between King and Parliament, and when the Knights and Paunes have out-plotted the King, & forced him into straits, The King must not move beyond the exact square, but must yield himself to be check-mated, and the Royal Game to be lost. You would reduce your Prince unto such difficulties as should be insuperable according to Law; and then having gained this advantage upon him, the King must tamely give up his Head and his Crown, but in no case make Use of one extraordinary motion of Authority to secure his Life and Monarchy: If this be the Case of Princes, God have mercy upon poor Kings, who must be so Tyrannically restrained as not to be allowed the privilege of the Law of Nature, not to be suffered to preserve themselves in extremity by any extraordinary method of proceeding; but to be ruined by the punctili● of a Law. And, though under the Obligation of an Oath to protect their Subjects, be yet denied the power of doing it. There is no Government upon Earth so well constituted, but corruption of time and manners may produce such mischiefs and difficulties, as will be impossible to redress without some new measure of proceeding; and in such a case of necessity, I think the Supreme Power may secure itself by some unusual act of Authority, without being thought despotic or absolute. I believe the Kings of Israel were not absolute; Ahab could not seize upon Naboth's Property without his consent or Legal forfeiture. But put case the Syrians had invaded the Land, and so far advanced as to besiege the Royal City and Palace; had it not been lawful in this extremity for the King to have cut down the Vines, and turned Naboths Vineyard into a Garrison, without or against his consent? Suppose there were a mutual Law between both these Kingdoms, that no English Army should enter the Bounds of Scotland without the consent of that Parliament, and so vice versa. Now suppose that (which thanks be to God we have no reason to fear) almost all the whole People of Scotland should revolt, and crown an Usurper, must the King with his English Army stand conjured up within the Circle of Tweed, and lose a whole Kingdom upon a point of Law, or out of Compliment to a Statute? or might not his Majesty in this extremity enter into the Bowels of Scotland with a non obstante? Thus, if the Age were calm and sober, and allegiance were the general Mode of England, and none could represent the People but such who are devout to Church and State; then the King would be safe enough within the Boundaries of Law, and should have no reason to act beyond the Circle of that Crown-Imperial, which is already his just Right and Possession; and in my greatest ecstasy of Loyalty, I will never wish the King more despotic, than to be always in the Head of Loyal Parliaments: but let us presume, that the greatest part of the Populacy should be so debauched by Republican-Arts, or Fanatick-Principles; that it were absolutely impossible, that a Loyal Parliament should be chosen, but that most of the Members who were to be returned, should only serve as the Factious Granadeer, to make some bold assault upon King and Monarchy: would not you grant, that during these unlucky circumstances, Parliaments were impracticable; and exhaling such sulphury Clouds, would only produce Thunder and Tempest?  
Remember the Fatal Instance of Charles the First, and what he was brought to by the Insolences of a Factious House of Commons; and then consider whether under the like difficulties it were not justifiable in the King, rather to lengthen his Sceptre half an Inch, than to suffer himself to be shortened by the whole head. Whether it be not lawful for the King in his Supreme Wisdom, rather to exert one unusual Act of Royal Power upon State-Necessity, than to reduce himself and his Loyal Subjects under the absolute and Despotic-Power of a Fanatick-Commonwealth, or Usurper; of whose Tyrannies we have felt too much already.  
Indeed, if the abused Countrymen could be brought to their right ●●●fits and Senses, and the Gentlemen would increase to full Understanding, and leave the Fanatic naked to his own ill looking Countenance and Interest, than I should think the Faction inconsiderable, and the old method of Elections as practicable as ever, but in the mean time, till, this Miracle be wrought suppose the King should by his Imperial authority command, that no Papist, or any desperate Fanatic, who by Ecclesiastical Censure or their own perverse Separation stood excommunicate from the Established Church, should have any Votes in the Election of Knights and Burgesses who were to serve in Parliament. Sir, this is the utmost I ever meant by taking up the Imperial Crown, and therefore had you been ingenuous, you should have inserted those words of mine (or else by his Supreme wisdom contrive some more, quiet and safer method of Elections) but this whole expression you have designedly omitted. I am sure this Method may be vindicated by common Reason, and that is a more universal and elder Sanction than common Law. Can any Man in reason expect that those men should be well qualified to establish the Quiet of the Kingdom, who are chosen in Fanatic Hurricanes? Are these men that Saint the murderers of Charles the First, fit persons to choose a Council for the Second? Can the declared Enemies to the Monarchy and Church of England, ever be presumed to choose those who are friends to either? Is it reasonable that the inveterate Enemies of the Government should be entrusted with such a power as shall be constantly improved to destroy it?  
I know a Loyal or Churchof- England Parliament would keep their Ancient Landmarks, and be thankful to the Throne, for the Favour of the Chair, and not think it the People's chiefest Privilege and Business to encroach upon their Prince and his Prerogative: But if we must have Presbyterians to represent us, pray let me request you to compile an exact Map of their Dominions; for it would much tend to the Quiet of the Kingdom, to know the certain Extent and Boundaries of such a House of Commons: for if their Privileges be Infinite, or Unlimited, we are not yet secure from Arbitrary Power; and I should think 500 Masters is as much Despotic Government, as a Single Caesar. But pray, when you draw this Map, do it after the Old Modest Measure of the English Compass, and not according to the Tedious Scale of Germane Miles, which makes one Privilege as long as Three.  
And thus I am, Sir, in spite of your Calumnies▪ an honest Cavalier, a sincere Member of the Established Church of England, a great Friend to Honest and Loyal Parliaments, a hearty Lover of my Prince and Country, and strike at none but the Pope and Fanatic; and I hope you will not call Them the Basis of the Government.