A TRUE COPY OF two Letters, the first sent from the Earl of Ormond to the Honourable Colonel Michael Jones, Commander in chief of the Parliaments forces in Leinster: AND Governor of the City of Dublin.  
With Colonel Jones his Answer, to the Earl of Ormond's said LETTERS.  
DUBLIN, Printed by William Bladen, 1649. and now reprinted.   


The Lord of Ormonds' Letter, to Colonel Jones.  
Sir,  
I Have not thus long forborn to invite you, with those under your Command, to a submission to his Majesty's authority in me, and a Conjunction with me, in the ways of his service, out of any the least aversion I had to you or any of them, or out of any disesteem I had to your Power to advance or impede the same, but out of a fear that whilst those that have of late usurped power over the Subjects of England, held forth the least colourable shadow of moderation in their intentions toward the settlement of Church or State, & that in some tolerable way with relation to Religion, the interest of the King and Crown, the Freedom of Parliaments, and the Liberty of the Subject, any addresses from me proposing the withdrawing of that Party from those thus professing, ana from whom they have received some, and expect farther support, would have been but coldly received, & any determination thereupon deferred in hope & expection of the fore mentioned settlement, or that if you yourself (who certainly have not wanted a foresight of the sad confusion now covering the face of England) would have declared with me, the Lord Inchequin, and the Protestant Army in Munster, in prevention thereof. Yet my fear was, it would have been as difficult for you to have carried with you the main body of the Army under your Command (not so clear sighted as yourself) as it would have been dangerous for you and those with you, well inclined, to have attempted it without them. But now that the Masque of hypocrisy, by which the Independent Army hath ensnared and enslaved all Estates and degrees of men, is laid aside: Now that bare-faced they evidently appear to be the subvertours of true Religion, and the protectors and invitors not only of all false ones, but of irreligion and atheism, now that they have barbarously and inhumainly laid violent sacrilegious hands upon, and murdered Gods Anointed, and our King; not as heretofore some Patricides have done, to make room for some usurper, but in a way plainly manifesting their intentions, to change the Monarchy of England unto Anarchy, unless their aim be first to Constitute an elective Kingdom, and Cromwell or some such John of Leyden being elected, then by the same force by which they have thus fare compassed their end, to establish a perfect Turkish tyranny: now that of three Estates, of King, Lord, and Commons; whereof in all ages Parliaments have consisted: there romans only a small number; and they dregs and 〈◊〉 of the house of Commons picked and awed by the Army, a wicked remnant left for no other end, than yet further (if it be possible) to delude the People▪ with the name of Parliament, the King being murdered, and the Lords and the rest of the Commons being by unheard of violence forced at several times from the house and some imprisoned: and now that there remains no other Liberty in the Subject, but to profess blasphemous opinions, to revile and tread under foot Majestracy, to murder Magistrates, and oppress and undo all that are not like minded with them. Now I say I cannot doubt, but that you, and all that are with you, or under your command, will take this opportunity to declare and act, against so monstrous and unparpaleled a Rebellion, and that you and they, will cheerfully acknowledge, and faithfully serve and obey Our gracious King, Charles the second, undoubted Heir of his Father's Crown and virtues: under whose right and conduct we may by God's assistance restore Protestant Religion to purity, and therein settle it, Parliaments to a Freedom, good Laws to their force, and our fellow Subjects to their just Liberty: wherein how blessed and glorious a thing it will be, to be so considerably Instrumental as you may now make yourself; I leave to you now to consider, and though I conceive there are not any Motives relating to Particular interests to be mentioned after these so weighty Considerations, which are such as the World hath not at any time been furnished with, yet I hold it my part to assure you, that as there is nothing you can reasonably propose for the safety, satisfaction, or advantage for yourself, or of any that shall adhere to you, in what I desire, that I shall not to the uttermost of my power provide for, so there is nothing I should or would more industriously avoid, than those necessities arising from my duty to God and Man, that may by your rejecting this offer, force me to be a sad instrument of shedding of English blood, which in such a case must on both sides happen. If this overture find place with you (as I earnestly wish it may) let me know with what possible speed you can, and (if you please) by the bearer in what way you desire it should be drawn on to a Conclusion, for in that, as well as in the substance you shall find all ready compliance from me that desires to be,  
Carrack the 9 of March 1648. Your affectionate friend to serve you, ORMONDE.  
For Colonel Michael Jones, Governor of Dublin.   

Colonel Jones, his Answer to the Lord of Ormonds said Letter.  
My Lord.  
YOur Lodrships of the 9 I received the 12 instant and therein have I your Lordship's Invitation to a Conjunction with yourself (I suppose) as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and with others, now united with the Irish, and with the Irish themselves also. As I understand not how your Lordship should be invested with that power pretended, So am I very well assured, that it is not in the power of any, without the Parliament of England to give and assure pardon to those bloody Rebels, as by the Act, to that end passed, may appear more fully. I am also well assured, that the Parliament of England, would never assent to such a Peace (such as is that your Lordships with the Rebels wherein is little or no Provision made either for the Protestants or the Protestant Religion, nor can I understand how the Protestant Religion should be settled and Restored to its purity by an Army of Papists, or the Protestants interests maintained by those very Enemies by whom they have been spoiled, and theirs slaughtered, and very evident it is, that both the Protestants and Protestant Religion are in that your Lordship's treaty, left as in the Power of the Rebels to be by them born down and rooted out at Pleasure.  
As for that consideration by your Lordship offered of the present and late Proceed in England: I see not how it may be a sufficient motive to me, (or any other in like trust, for the Parliament of England, in the service of this Kingdom) to join with those Rebels upon any pretences in that your Lordship's Letter mentioned.  
For therein were there a manifest betraying of that trust, reposed in me, In diserting the service and work committed to me, in joining with those I should oppose, and in opposing whom I am obliged to serve.  
Neither conceive I it any part of my work and care to take notice of any whatsoever proceed of State foreign to my charge and trust here, especially they being found hereunto apparently destructive.  
Most certain it is (and former ages have approved it) that the intermeddling of Governors and Parties in this Kingdom with sidings and Parties in England, hath been the very betraying of this Kingdom to the Irish, whiles the British forces here had been thereupon called off and the place therein laid open, and (as it were) given up to the common Enemy.  
It is what your Lordship might have observed in your former Treaty with the Rebels, that upon your Lordships thereupon withdrawing and sending hence into England, the most considerable part of the English Army, then commanded by you, thereby was the remaineing British party, not long after, overpowered, and your quarters by the Irish over run to the gates of Dublin, yourself also reduced to that low condition as to be besieged in this very City (the Metropolis and Principal Citadel of the Kingdom) and by those very Rebels who till then, never could stand before you. And what the end hath been of that party also, so sent by your Lordship into England (although the flower and strength of the English Army here, both for Officers and Soldiers) hath been very observable.  
And how much the Dangers are at present (more than in former ages) of hazarding the English interest in this Kingdom by sending any parties hence into any other Kingdom, upon any pretences whatsoever is very apparent, as in the generality of their Rebellion, now more then formerly, so considering your Lordship's present Conclusions with, and Confessions to the Rebels, wherein, they are allowed the continued possession of all the City's Forts, and places of strength, whereof they stood possessed at the time of their Treaty with your Lordship, and that they are to have a standing Force of fiveteen thousand Foot, and two thousand five hundred Horse (If I well remember it) all of their own party, Officers, and Soldiers, and they (with the whole Kingdom) to be regulated by a Major party of Irish trusties chosen by the Rebels themselves, as persons for their interests and ends to be by them confided in, without whom nothing is to be acted. And herein, I cannot but mind your Lordship, of what hath been sometimes by yourself delivered, as your sense in this Particular, that the English interest in Ireland must be preserved by the English and not by Irish; and upon that ground (if I be not deceived) did your Lordship then Capitulate, with the Parliament of England, from which clear Principle, I am sorry to see your Lordship now receding.  
As to that by your Lordship menaced to us here of blood and force, if discenting from those your Lordship's ways and designs.  
For my Particular I shall (my Lord) much rather choose to suffer in so doing (for therein shall I do what is becoming and answerable to my Trust) t●e● to purchase to myself, in the contrary, the ignominious brand of Perfidy, by any Allurements of whatsoever advantages offered me.  
But very confident I am, that the same divine power which hath followed me in this work, will still follow me, and in that Trust doubt I nothing of thus giving your Lordship, plainly, this my Resolution in that Particular. So I remain  
My Lord, Dublin March 14. 1648. Your Lordship's humble Servant Signed, Mic. Jones.  
For the Lord of Ormond these.   

The Lord of Ormondes' Letter to Colonel Michael Jones. March the 27. 1649.  
Sir,  
I Should not trouble you nor yet myself with a Reply to your Letter of the 14 of March answering mine of the ninth, but that I am unwilling to suffer you to remain in the mistake you seem to have taken up of my proceed, or that any other to whom your said Letter may be communicated should be thereby misled, and if in what I have to say you find your duty pointed at even in relation to the trusts reposed in you, you will have the less reason to believe it impertinent if you reflect upon some parts of your Letter which mind me of mine. And if you further consider that I have at least as much title to give such adm●nitions in this Kingdom as you can justly pretend unto, for it was (as you say you suppose) as Lord Lieutenant of Ireland that I invited you to a Submission to that his late and his now Majesty's authority placed in me, and to a conjunction with others both English and Irish that have Submitted thereunto, and I hearty wish there were no other Arguments necessary to your satisfaction then such as might prove this Authority to be derived to me by the same Power that in all ages since the Conquest, hath and only can dispose of the Government of this Kingdom, so that whatsoever your understanding of the matter may be, you must look for impostors, and bare pretended Authorities nearer home, whither what you next say and affirm, and are so very well assured of (namely that it is not in the power of any to give and assure pardon to those bloody Rebels) be an inference out of your former mistake, or grounded on the Act you mention, or both, is not much material; for as I am sufficiently able to justify the Authority I had to treat and conclude the Peace, so if it were granted that by the said Act his late Majesty had limited his power of Pardoning till after conviction to the consent of his two houses of Parliament then sitting by virtue of his writts and summons, And this I believe (though I be not well read in the Statutes) to be the uttermost extent of that Act in this Particular, will it therefore follow that by no means this power can ever revert to the proper fountain whence (even that act shows) it was, and must be derived, and if by none other means; yet will it not revert by the dissolution of that Parliament; or if not by an ordinary dissolution of it, yet by so horrible and execrable dismembering as that mentioned in my former Letter; is not that Parliament torn asunder & the power reverted, or can it be thought that the intent of that act (passed by the free vote of the Lords and Commons and completed by the Royal assent) was, that a despicable number of the Commons, become slaves or Parasites to a Rebellious Army, should assume the name or power of Parliament, declare Regal power unnecessary, nay prejudicial to the Commonwealth, abolish ●oth it and the House of Peers for ever, and erect in the room of this demolished ancient, and glorious Fabric, a misshapen Republic, wherein to settle themselves Revenues and Bloody Governors, and get the Power of pardoning and making use of his Subjects (evidently invested in and reverted to the king) against so great unheard of & horrid innovations must not be exercised without their leave, nor they punished for the Highest Treasons but by their own consents, and if these men are meant by you under the name of the Parliament of England, you may be well assured as you say you are, they would never consent to this or any other Peace thwarting their evil ends, one of the most monstrous, whereof declaredly is never to have more Parliament to deliver Judgement in this or any other matter; for the title Bloody Rebels which you appropriate to those with whom this Peace is concluded. You may know that by an Article of the Peace all such are excluded from pardon, and therefore I conceive it is that one father Reyly an active Instrument in crimes of that nature, is as I here treating for conditions for himself and others, with some of a like dye, not that you or any with you are hereby any further intended then as you or they shall abet or adhere to those in England that undeniably are so. And where you say there is in this Peace little or no provision made either for the Protestants, or Protestant Religion, you are to understand with whom the Treaty was, namely with those of another Religion, from whom propositions for Protestants or Protestant Religion was not to be expected, nor was it necessary to obtain their consents to any such provision, the established Laws providing for both, and no part o● those Laws being by the Peace to be repealed, they stand in force for their advantage and security; true it is that the severity of certain Laws against Roman Catholics for the Exercise of their Religion is to be porvided against by Act of Parliament, but without prejudice to Protestant Religion, or Protestants whose interests as fully saved unto them.  
Your not understanding how Protestant Religion should be settled and restored ●o its purity by an Army of Papists makes it not impossible, nor I hope improbable but that that happy work may be effected by the blessing of God under the conduct of his Majesty that now is, whose Authority a Protestant Army hath acknowledged, and will faithfully obey; and to a conjunction with these (not excluding any that have good and loyal Affections) you were invited however you think fit for this work to make me intent only an Army of Papists, And where you say it is evident that both Protestants and protestants Religion are in that treaty left as in the Power of the Rebels to be by them borne down and rooted out at pleasure, I must take leave to affirm that the contrary is indeed very evident, as will appear when the particular powers left in the Irish afterwards mentioned by you as arguments for that assertion come to be considered of, you are pleased still to mistake the invitation, which was not as you say to join with Rebels but to forsake the worst of those that ever deserved that title even in relation to the Parliament of England, whether taken in the true definition of it when the King was acknoledged head of that body, or when the two Houses without the King were so called, which how they have been served by their Servants the Independent Army hath been already sufficietnly spoken of, to manifest that to serve or adhere to those that have acted such mischiefs by the impulsion or countenance of that Army is the foulest breach of trust imaginable, and I am very sorry you so fare resolve yourself obleiged to serve them as to think it no part of your work to endeavour to preserve or restore those by whom you were entrusted, and that it is not worth your notice or care what destruction falls upon them, but take it to be a matter Foreign to your charge and trust. I shall readily acknowledge that the divisions in England have in former ages been by the means you mention prejudicial to the English interest in this kingdom, but you must also acknowledge that the Usurper or wrong Doer in England, was only guilty of that prejudice; unless you will impose upon all that have Governed or shall Govern in this Kingdom, a necessity of turning Trust-breakers and Traitors, when, and as often as it hath pleased or shall please God to give success to any Rebellion in England: Nor should this in my judgement, be a very pleasing profession to those you are (as you say) obliged ●o serve, since it amounts to no more than that, whilst they prosper, you will so think and no longer; which is all I shall say to your Observations, of the consequences of my sending part of his late Majesty's Army to serve him in England, according to his Command; which Army came over under his Commission. Now to those Concessions, which you say are so dangerous to the Protestant and English Interest in this Kingdom: I shall first answer, that admitting them to be, as you have mistaken, and set them down, the danger is much more increased by the division of the English and Protestants; if this be granted, as in reason it ought to be; the Question than will be who is in fault, that there is not a conjunction, and in that sense by what you have written, I conceive you will not believe me a competent judge, and that for the same reason, I am confident you are not, it must be left to God, who I am sure is.  
Your mistakes in the Concessions are these: First, you say, they are allowed the continued possession of all the Cities, Forts, and Places of Strength, whereof they stood possessed at the time of the Treaty; but you give no limit to the time they are to continue this Possession, as the Article doth; namely, till settlement by Parliament, nor do you mention that those Places are to be commanded, ruled, and Governed in Chief, by his Majesty's Chief Governor or Governors for the time being, as by that Article they are.  
Next you say, that they are to have a standing Force of fifteen thousand Foot, and two thousand five hundred Horse, all of their Party: in the number you are not mistaken, but you are when you say that they are all to be of their Party, if you intent by Rebels the late Confederates, for if they be Roman Cotholikes, that Article is fulfilled, and of them there are many that were not of t●e Confederates, but much more mistaken you are, when you affirm that those Forces and the whole Kingdom, are to be regulated by a major Party of trusties of the Irish, there being nothing in their power through the whole Articles, extending either to the regulating of an Army, or any piece of one, much less of the whole Kingdom: and even in those powers derived to them by the Articles, which for the most part are in matters of Levies and Taxes upon their own freehold: there is a negative power left to the chief Governor for the time being, for the more equal execution thereof, in case any Protestant, or Protestants Estate happen to be therein concerned.  
I shall not deny (though I do not remember it) but I may have said, that the English Interest in Ireland, must be preserved by the English, for I avow it is still my opinion: But then certainly I understood, of no English Interest separate, from, or Independent of the King and Crown of England; much less such an English Interest as is now set up; and which you say, you are obliged to serve, exclusive both to King, Crown and Parliament; nor did I understand myself, and many others less English, or less concerned in the English Interest, because of our long continuance in this Kingdom; nor yet was it exclusive to all of Irish descent, many of whom do now, and have in all Ages well deserved of the Crown of England.  
I shall not deny neither, but that being pressed principally by the Party, for whom the mentioned Father Reyley is said to be now Treating at Dublin, I made choice to capitulate with you, and others employed by the two Houses of Parliament to that end, and into their hands to commit the keeping of the places, I could no longer hold, then to give them up: or suffer them to be taken by an Army instigated by a foreigner to the danger of the whole Kingdom, and the destruction of those I had so long protected; and you may remember the expressions you were then pleased to make in detestation of any violence to the King's person, or the just rights of his Crown, from which loyal expression, I am sorry to see you now recede.  
If you please to look again upon that part of my Letter, which you interpret, a menace of blood and force, you will retract that part of yours that charges me with it, or else must give me leave to think you were willing to take a slender occasion, to manifest your resolution to some other then to me, who am as ready to submit to God's good pleasure, in the event of my undertake, as you are positive, that he will follow you in your work. I remain  
Your Servant ORMOND Thurles this 27th of March 1649  
For Colonel Michael jones, These   

Colonel Michael Jones his return to the Lord of Ormonds' Letter of the 27. of March, 1649.  
My Lord,  
YOur Lordships of the 27. of March I received this 29th. this being in reply to mine of the 14. of March, answering your Lordship's former of the ninth.  
The rectifying of mistakes in me concerning your Lordship's proceed, and the satisfying of others, that they be not by that my Letter misled, are by your Lordship declared the reasons moving you to this Reply.  
Notwithstanding all which, I do (for my part) profess myself therewithal nothing satisfied, nor my judgement thereby any way convinced, so, as I should abate any thing in my former conceptions of your Lordship's ways and designs, from apprehending them to be, to the Protestants here, to the Protestant Religion, and to the very English Interest in this Kingdom, pernicious altogether, and apparently destructive, nor can I think any other (not interessed in those your Lordship's ways, or not carried on and biased with particular respects) will, on view of this your Lordship now offered, pass any other judgement upon those your proceed. And herein am I now confirmed more than formerly, being by that your Lordships Reply called on, and enforced to look into your Lordship's late transactions with the Rebels further, and more than otherwise, I should have done.  
As for the Protestant Religion, I cannot but very much wonder to find your Lordship still asserting, the possibility and probability of its being by you restored to its purity, and settled by that Army of Papists.  
To pass what may otherwise show it, at least, improbable: Let it be here considered, that now we look on those Armies of Papists with you, as on them who have styled themselves Confederates in respect of that Association, and of those Oaths wherein they stand bound to the setting up of Romish Religion, and that to the greatest advantage.  
And how inconsistent that their solemn Profession is with their restoring the Protestant Religion to its purity, and for settling it, I leave it to all not Popishly affected. This I am sure of, That neither before your Lordship's late Treaty with the Rebels, nor since, have their actions given us the least hope of probability (if in that power by your Lordship still left in them, there be not a very impossibility) of that by your Lordship herein so confidently affirmed.  
But you say, Yours is not an Army of Papists, pointing to those of the Protestants in Munster drawn, or rather forced into that Confederacy, with yourself, and the Rebels.  
That remnant of Protestants (I speak it plainly, betrayed into the hands of their mortal enemies, the Enemies of both their Religion and Nation;) that remnant (I say) is all your Lordship hath for countenancing that your assertion. And what can that handful do, (although of good affections) for enforcing the predominant, and so the contrary confederate party, to a restoring and settling Protestant Religion to its purity? If it be not impossible, sure I am it is improbable. I said, that for the Protestants there is little or no provision, in that your Lordship's peace with the Rebels.  
Herein your Lordship now tells me, That it was not necessary the Protestants should be named in that Treaty, the established Laws of the Kingdom, (no part of which is to be in those Articles repealed) saving to them their Interests.  
Thereunto shall I add what of your Lordships own words are thereunto preceding, which are these, You are to understand with whom the Treaty was, namely with those of another Religion, from whom Propositions for Protestants or Protestant Religion was not to be expected; wherein is enough (I think) to show a necessity of some express provisions to be made for the Protestants and Protestant Religion, and that they should not be so cast upon  implications, having to deal with such from whom nothing was to be expected for good, either to them, or their Religion, (as you so confess.) Herein is also appearing the possibility and probability of restoring and settling the Protestant Religion by an Army of Papists.  
As for the not repealed Laws by your Lordship mentioned, whereunto the Protestants are in that case by your Lordship left and referred, I desire herein to be satisfied concerning the Protestants remedy for satisfaction from those by whom they have been most unjustly despoiled and destroyed in their whole fortunes; are they herein referred to the established laws not repealed in that your Lordship's peace? But those Laws (although not repealed) are by your Lordship as to this particular, all dashed out at once, in that your 18. Article, wherein is found an Act of Oblivion, passing over all whatsoever was done by the Rebels in that kind, and much more, from 23. of October, 1641. And for the Protestants Estates of land and freehold, I mean in the Plantation of the Kingdom, since 1. jacobi, are not all of them shaken in your Lordships 7. 15, and 16. Articles? Thus indeed are the Protestants in your Lordship's Treaty provided for, and (your Lordship thinks) sufficiently.  
You say (my Lord) ' I am mistaken in saying that the continued possession of all the Cities, Forts, and places of strength, whereof the Rebels stood possessed at the time of the Treaty, is allowed them in that Treaty.  
Under favour (my Lord) I am not therein mistaken, the 29. Article showeth it; it is true indeed, that thereunto is that limitation given by Your Lordship now mentioned, this to continue till settlement by Parliament: But is not a continuance till settlement by Parliament a continuance? And of how long a continuance that may be, I believe Your Lordship cannot at present easily resolve, nor (by any thing yet appearing) is Your Lordship cert●ine when that expected Parliament and settlementshall be (if ever it be) whether the Rebels so possessed of so considerable a part of the Kingdom, and of the standing power of a confiding Army of fifteen thousand Foot, and two thousand five hundred Horse, will be willing to to cast off what may assure unto them, that which is to be so settled to them by that Parliament.  
That very Parliament also (by them and in the Articles termed a free Parliament) is none other than what shall be made up wholly (or more than the most part) of their own (for more than five parts of six of the Corporations are wholly theirs;) a fit Parliament for settling the Protestant Religion and the Protestants Interests.  
I have not herein mentioned (your Lordship addeth) that those Forts, etc. ars to be commanded, ruled, and governed in Chief, by his Majesty's chie●e Governor for the time being, as by that Article they are.  
That in the Article concerning this, is in substance, That the said Cities, Garrisons, Towns, Forts, and Castles, now in the Quarters of the Roman Catholics are to be commanded by such as shall be approved by the Lord Dillon Costillagh &c. (naming the Rebels twelve Irish trusties) or by any seven of them, the said persons so by them approved, being to be therein authorized by the Lord Lieutenant, wherein appeareth that in those trusties is the approving power, without whom your Lordship can act nothing as to the persons entrusted with those Commands. And it is presumed that the persons so approved by those trusties, are likely to be such as they confide in so, as no● to be commanded, ruled, or governed (I say not by Your Lordship, whom they look on with more than ordinary respects) but by any other, to the prejudice of their designs; therefore was not that omission in me (I conceive) so great, as to deserve your Lordship's pains in so observing it, or that your Trumpet should post so, and so fare, to mind me of it.  
It was said of the Rebels standing Force of fifteen thousand Foot, and 3500. Horse, That it was to be all of their own party, Officers and Soldiers, and they with the whole Kingdom to be regulated by a major party of Irish trusties.  
Herein you say, I am not mistaken in the number (to use your Lordships own words) but when you say they are all of their own party, if you intent by the Rebels, the late Confederates, for if they be Roman Catholics, that Article is fulfilled, and of them there are many that were not of the Confederates. So your Lordship.  
In which difference by your Lo: given me, between the Roman Catholics Confederates (with whom your Lo. so Treated) and the Roman Catholics. I find myself allowed the liberty of terming the Confederate Roman Catholic Rebels but not all that are Roman Catholics. I will not say that all that are of the one, are also of the other. I shall say they are not, if (as not actually declaring in the Rebellion so) they do not any way abett, aid, or countenance, those in rebellion so; for such in the eye of the law are looked on, as in the same guilt equally involved. But how many there be of such Roman Catholics, I know not, I am certain they are not of that number as to make up an Army of fifteen thousand foot and two thousand five hundred horse (which was that intended) and most sure I am that such Roman Catholics would not be those to be so confided in.  
But much more are you mistaken, (so it followeth in that your Lordship's Reply) when you affirm, that those forces and the whole Kingdom are to be Regulated by a Major party of trusties of the Irish, there being nothing in their power, through the whole Articles extending either to the Regulating of an Army or any piece of one, much less of the whole Kingdom. And even in those powers derived to them by the Articles (which for the most part, are in the matters of leav●es and taxes upon their ownfreeholds) there is a negative power left to the Chief Governor for the time being.  
Herein I appeal to those your Lordship's Articles wherein the power of the said trusties appears to be in some things more than in levies, and Taxes. And further than what concerns that mentioned army, and that with an negative power in them also balancing if not over balancing that in your Lordship.  
The power of the Irish trusties is found to be in Causes Maritine (Article 24) in naming and approving those, Commanding their Towns, Forts, &c Article 29) to dismiss, or add at their pleasure, to the standing Army of 15000 foot and 2500 horse, (Article 9) To approve of those who shall be appointed Justice's of the Peace (Article 28) To name and approve of persons for the Judic●tories (Article 33) To dispose of Estates of all not adhering to their party (Article 27) To Levy money for buying Arms etc. and for entertaining of Friggots (ibid.) To lay up such arms & ammunition in such Magazines, etc. (ibid.) To raise m●ny etc. (ibid.) And not to raise money (as your Lo: hath it) on their own freholds only bu● therein to tax the persons or Estates of any in the Kingdom (Article 27) So as it is evident that the influence of their power is not upon th● Army alone, but even upon the Kingdom also. As for your Lordships pretended negative power it is certainly as nothing, while it is not in your power to act in those things, without them, more than your Lordship conceiveth them of no power without you, There being a negative power in both, and a joint conccu●rence necessary. And if the dispute should at any time be of the validity of either, their will be found with most advantage being backed up, and supported with that power and force which will appear theirs wholly. You except of my terming the Rebels, bloody Rebels, I wish hearty I had been mistaken, And very hearty, that it had not been (as now it is) your Lordship's misfortune to plead for them, in that cause of blood, that innocent blood whose cry, and justice, will undoubtedly pursue to destruction▪ those murderers, and their abetters, whosoever they were, or shall be.  
Your Lordship tells us, that by an article of that peace, all such are excluded from pardon: But how (my Lord) the 18 Article showeth it in the manner and Circumstances. As, that there shall be first a singling out, and particularising of certain actions there termed barbarous and inhuman, by whom? by the Lord Lieutenant, and by the Lord viscount Dillon of Costilah, the L. Viscount Muskery, the Lord Baron of Athenry, Alexander Mac Donell, Sir Lucas Dillon, Sir Nicholas Plunket, Sir Richard Barnwall, jeffrey Brown, Donough O Callaghan, Tirlagh O Neil, Miles Reily, and Gerrald Fennell, or any seven or more of them. I know not whether all these are, (I am sure some of them are) persons chargeable with the same barbarous and inhuman crimes; neither know I but that all of them are nearly interessed in such as may be so charged, But see the trial of these Malefactors▪ They are not to receive justice in the ordinary course of Law in such Cases provided; but left they are to be tried, and adjudged by such indifferent Commissioners as shall be agreed upon by the Lord Lieutenant, and the said Lord Dillon etc. or any seven or more of them, neither is this all, for the power also of those very Commissioners so chosen, is to continue only for two year's beginning six months after the date of the said Articles: dated january 17. 1648. See what mock justice is here, And whether in this kind of inquisition for blood, your Lordship hath sufficiently provided for purging the land of that blood, and for washing off from those Rebels, that their lasting blot of Bloody Rebels. You tell me (my Lord) of him you call father Reyley (by you said) to be here, Treating with me: As here he is not, so was his Treating with me, concerning release of Prisoners; nor am I enabled (neither desire I to be enabled) with such power of Treating, as is by your Lordship intended; neither conceive I him, or those of his Party such, as are to be deluded with a Treaty, where is not power to grant, no not to receive what should be propounded. And if any thing should have been so by him propounded, it could be no more interpreted a Treaty, then may this with your Lordship, yet is he your Lordship now mentioneth the same, who was with others of that tribe, sometimes by your Lordship employed for Treating with the Rebels, in the beginning of this Rebellion: and (if reports fail not) with whom your Lordship would now close, if you knew how: but that were (it seems) in me a sin, which in your Lordship were none, Circumstances considered. As for that power remaining in me (which your Lordship is pleased to question) it is what is derived from the Parliament of England, in that Act wherein the management of the War of Ireland against the Rebels, is to all intents and purposes left solely in the Parliament without further Concurrence. The forces here being to be raised, maintained, disposed and ordered by the Parliament, as is in the said Act appearing. In which Act is also provided against any pardon to the said Rebels before attainder (surely intending much less after) wherein the Parliament of England is not concurring; I had therefore sufficient grounds for questioning your Lordships assumed power, both in concluding that your peace with those Rebels contrary to the said Act, and in what else your Lordship pretends of power without the Parliament, over the Parliament forces in that Province of Monster, or elsewhere in this Kingdom. And how Trivial (give me leave to say it) is that your Lordship's discourse, of the now reverting of that power, seeing that Act is still in being. Your Lo: again presseth the late proceed in England, those particularly against the Person of the late King: loath I was, in my last, to mind your Lo: of what then I might, yet did not but now must, being by your Lo: thereunto thus enforced, that your Lordship may do well to lay your hand upon your own heart, and examine there, whether you may not there find yourself (I say yourself,) a principal occasioning that the King's suffering. For it is evident, that Your Lordship appearing here, as you had done, & as you now do, (the Treaty at Carisbrooke then in being, between the King and People, and very hopeful proceeding) you gave in yourself and in your actions, occasion to the Kingdom of England to suspect the sinceirty of that Treaty, which hath since occasionally produced what hath thereupon followed. Yet whatsoever that hath been, or whatsoever the Changes have been since as thereupon ensuing, (which your Lordship offers me as an an argument for changing me in my ways,) I therein continue to express myself (as formerly I have done) that all those things, (being things without me) are matters foreign to my work and Trust here. For unto my standing here (where I am placed) am I principally bound, and for any evils following the neglect of this my charge, am I accountable, not for what is elsewhere, and out of my charge, of what consequence or concernment soever.  
Herein therefore declare I myself clearly, that were there neither King nor Parliament, yet should I stand firm to my principles, and to this my trust, against those Bloody Rebels, to the best of my power, for preserving the English interest in Ireland, which is in those your Lo. proceed plainly hazarded. In the conclusion of that your Lo: Reply your Lo: Retracts that in your former of menacing us here, with blood and force, if dissenting from you: You now say, no such thing is found in that your Letter.  
I shall not much trouble myself in a thing I value not, were it so or not; I shall only refer you therein to your Lordships own words: ' There is nothing (you say) I should more industriously avoid then those necessities arising from my duty to God and Man, that may by your rejecting this offer, force me to be a sad instrument of shedding English blood, which in such case must on both sides happen. The construction I now leave to yourself; this only, on this review which you give me of it, I cannot but offer to your Lordships very serious consideration, That as you shall answer it to God, you be tender of that English blood, there now in your disposing and power, that in the offering up those principally to the slaughter (a pleasing sacrifice to the Irish Rebels) you be not after found the betrayer of that part of the Kingdom (a considerable part of it) to the Common Enemy. And that your Lordship would also seriously consider, what it shall be, to be that Instrument (as your Lordship saith you must be) of shedding English blood on both sides, so engaging upon each other those by whom the English Interest is to be here preserved. I should be sorry to see your Lo: (of the same blood) to be therein but an instrument, but most of all, a principal, as in this and such your Lordships proceed, you must be necessarily. To that which hath passed me in discourse with your Lo: (whereof you mind me) concerning violence to the King's Person, It was occasioned on his removing from Holmby by some of the Army, against whom your Lordship expressing yourself in some bitterness, I said, that no evil or violence, was therein by the Army intended to his person, but that the securing him from evil was that principally respected: what since hath followed, is what I assure myself you Lordships proceed here have very much occasioned. From which discourse, your Lordship cannot conclude me (as you do) receding from my principles.  
All things thus considered, and seeing how little is in that your Lordships Reply more than in your former, either as to matter or satisfaction (give me leave to give your Lordship this my sense clearly) I have cause to doubt, your sending this your Trumpet, (on this slight errand) to be intended for other ends rather. I therefore desire your Lordship would be pleased for the future, not in this kind, to trouble yourself or me any further; this being a dispute to be decided by the Sword, not by the Pen. And that your Lordship would be pleased thus to understand me once for all; That I shall never (by God's grace) recede from my just principles, which hitherto I have never done, howsoever your Lordship is pleased therein to charge me over deeply, and (I must needs say it) very unjustly. Nor shall I ever seek myself or my private advantage to the deserting of my trust (as have some others) a Crime not to be after so easily expiated by a slender or lean Manifest. So I remain,  
Dublin, March 31 1649 My Lord, Your Lordship's humble Servant Signed Mic: jones  
For the Lord of Ormond, These.   
FINIS.