THE ANSWER OF A PERSON of QUALITY, To a Scandalous LETTER Lately Printed and Subscribed by P. W. Entitled, [A Letter desiring a just and merciful Regard of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, given about the end of October, 1660. to the then Marquis, now Duke of Ormond, and the second time L. Lieutenant of that Kingdom.]  
DUBLIN. Printed by I. C. Anno Dom. 1662.   

The Answer, etc.  
HAving lately seen a Printed Paper, the Title whereof is, [A Letter desiring a just and merciful regard of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, given about the end of October, 1660. to the then Marquis, now Duke of Ormond, and the second time L. Lieutenant of that Kingdom:] Subscribed by P. W. And finding it in effect, whatever the words of it are, extremely undutiful to his sacred Majesty, very disrespectful to the Duke of Ormond L. Lieutenant of Ireland, and most scandalous not only to the Protestants of Ireland, but also to those of the same Religion in his sacred Majesties other Kingdoms: I have esteemed myself obliged, as a faithful subject to the King, as an humble servant to the L. Lieutenant, and as a son of the Protestant Church, whose Members are as highly as falsely aspersed by it, to expose in print an Answer to that Letter, which before I enter upon, I will only say, P. W. professing not a little to be his Grace's servant, if he meant not this Letter as a respect to his Grace, why was it written? if he did, why was it printed? But P. W. despairing to receive from his Grace the effects of his unjust desires for his Countrymen, chose this way to acquaint them, 'twas not for want of his solicitation. He would let them see, since he could not make them beholding to My L. Lieutenant, that they were so to him.  
Since I shall often have occasion to name IRISH PAPISTS, I have thought fit here, once for all, to declare, That I mean not thereby in all, or any part of my Answer, any of those Worthy Persons of that Nation and Religion who have still faithfully served the King, whose merit I highly respect, and the more, because it has been preserved from infection even in a very Pest-house; nor any of those, who having been truly sorrowful for it, and in the constancy of their subsequent services to his Majesty, have washed themselves clean: For I take a perfect delight in any change from bad to good; and I heartily wish, that every one of them had not so much endangered their being polluted again, as interceding and pleading for their guilty Countrymen does amount unto. Having thus made this necessary digression, I shall now proceed.  
The parts separate of this Letter are three. First, a Preface. Secondly, a Petition. Thirdly, a Conclusion or concluding Wish. P. W. prefaceth; First, the Fears and jealousies of those whom he calls the Catholics of Ireland. Secondly, His own affection to, and confidence in his Grace the Duke of Ormond.  
Fears and jealousies are no less than must in reason be expected in the Generality of the Irish Papists; For though the goodness and indulgence of the best of Kings may make their condition safe: yet the conscience of their own guilt will never suffer them to be secure. Pretended Fears and jealousies were the Forerunners, if not Causers of Troubles past; I hope P. W. intends them not as such, for Troubles to come.  
Fear is founded on, at least attended with Hatred; and if one of the Best of his Majesty's Servants, one of the chiefest of his Ministers, be thus 1. universally, 2. Intensly feared, and therefore 3. hated, 4. as P. W. says, by his own Countrymen: (but let all that P. W. prints, stand or fall, as this last particular is true or false; for his Grace is neither his Countryman by birth, Religion, or any other relation to which that Name is appliable;) yea 5. by his own Fiduciares (as is expressed in the Printed Letter.) If, I say, all this be not true, why does P. W. say it? if it be true, what can others expect? For if the flame be so in the green Tree▪ what will it be in the dry?  
The Irish Papists in their former and later Apologies for the horridest of Rebellions, have not to this very day (within any of his Majesty's Dominions) even pretended publicly any other cause for their Rapines, Murders, Massacres and Treasons, but what resolves itself into Fears and jealousies. And if their Passions be the same, it is to be feared their Wills are not altered. And if their Wills be the same, nothing under God, can prevent the effects, but want of strength.  
Especially considering that 1. in 1641. no such antecedent animosities or hatreds had prepared matters for Fears and jealousies, as by the worst of Rebellions is now become even nationally violent, (but by the way, it seems to me somewhat hard, that those which give the rise for the Cause, should first cry out in the Effects.) 2. In 1641. these Fears and jealousies (if really in any) were but in a Few; but now P. W. confesseth, That they have seized upon almost all the Nobility, Gentry and others, yea the Generality of the Catholics of Ireland, even the constant Believers of, passionate Sticklers for, and fastest Friends to his Grace the Duke of Ormond; and this so intensely, that it produceth the loss both of Faith and Hope.  
Here it may well be observed what temper they are of, whom P. W. pleads for; jealousies, Fears and want of faith are so inseparable from them, that those in 1641 were only said to be derived from his Majesty's Enemies, but now (all such by the mercy of God being blown away) they are derived from his Majesty's chief Minister of State of this Kingdom; and who is made such, as P. W. saith, and as I most heartily acknowledge, by his own great deserts. What is it can suppress the Fears and jealousies of P. W's. Countrymen, when his Majesty's free Election of a chief Governor, and such a one as the Duke of Ormond is, cannot do it? This acknowledgement of P. W's. fully proves, that the Irish Papists Fears and jealousies of the chief Governors of this Kingdom in 1641, were only taken up by those, and not cause given for them by these. The plain English is this, though his Majesty should from time to time nominate for Lord Lieutenant of this Kingdom, the wisest and the faithfullest of his Subjects; yet because the King commissionates them, or because they are such, or both, many (I wish I could not say most) of the Irish Papists will be jealous and fearful of them.  
Concerning P. W's. affection to, and confidence in his Grace the Duke of Ormond, expressed by several instances of free and frequent access to him, of his and others reliance on his word, of his daily care and trouble to support his esteem, and of blaming distrusters as guilty of ignorance of State affairs, and the Intrigues obstructing, as yet; or of inconsideration of those wiser ways, though slower, than folly or rashness could chalk out, or of prejudice and evil Passion. I will only say, That though P. W. would make us believe, as if some word in secret had post by his Grace to the Irish Papists, which they dare thus mention to himself, and publish to the world; at least that he who is a professed Enemy to the English Interest, and Protestant Religion, is his Graces intimate and familiar Confident; and by such as visible, as false arts, endeavour to infect the Protestants with the disease of him, and his Countrymen; jealousies and fears of the L. Lieutenant. Yet I dare as truly, as confidently aver, though P. W's. Oratory were as great as his malice, his insinuations could not shake, much less overthrow that irremoveable confidence his Majesty's Protestant Subjects of Ireland, ●ave built with great reason and experience upon his Grace, even on the double Accounts, of his Principles and Practices. To attempt to betray with a Kiss, is neither a new art nor a new sin. But he that would destroy by undermining, would do it by open force, if his power proportioned his will.  
Concerning P. W's. affection to his Grace, he says no more for that in particular, than he says in general for his Countrymen's having a right to the Peace made in 1648. Therefore I believe his Grace will take his measure of the former, by his knowledge of the later.  
After this Preface, P. W. petitions, That his Grace would no longer delay, than shall be necessary, yea that he would in this present conjuncture, effectually demonstrate that justice and favour he intended to the Catholics of Ireland, in the Articles of Peace made in 1648.  
Though P. W. in the first clause, petitions only that his Grace would no longer delay than shall be necessary; yet as if struck with the Fears and Jealousies of his Countrymen, and not daring to submit the determination of that period of necessity to his Grace's judgement, he petitions limitedly, if not positively, in the later clause, for the present conjuncture.  
If the subject matter of that Justice and Favor petitioned for, may be measured (as is expressed) by his Grace's intendment, I am confident the Protestants of Ireland, should his Majesty think fit) will freely submit their All, to that Decision; without either Articling with him first; or breaking Articles after the guilt of making them.  
P. W. enforceth his Petition by Arguments pretending to 

Justice Distributive In the common case considered 

Absolutely.  
comparatively    
Justice Commutative In some special cases of the 

Transplantation.  
Corporation.      
In respect of the common Case considered absolutely, P. W. argues, That the Irish Papists in 1648. FREELY put themselves and their power into his Grace's hands.  
But Freely in this instance, if it signifies aught meritoriously, it signifies the same as gratis; when as it was made, 1. upon Articles; 2. even upon such Articles, as forced from his Majesty all the Regalia, both Ecclesiastical and Temporal; 3. when as at such a season, and in such a Tempest every good Subject should freely have cast his Goods overboard, to prevent the common Wrack, even then the Irish Papists would not contribute to prevent one Leak, but at a Rate unproportionate, and as the Tempest or Leaks increased, so increased their Rates. But to show how freely the Irish put themselves and their power into his Majesty's hands, I need but rehearse his sacred Majesties own words, in the preamble of his Majesty's Gracious Declaration of the 30. of November 1660. page 3. viz. We well remember the Cessation of the Peace, which Our Royal Father of blessed Memory had been FORCED, during the late Troubles, to make with his Irish Subjects of that Our Kingdom, and by which he was COMPELLED to give them a full pardon for what they had before done amiss, upon their return to their duty, and their promise of giving his Majesty a vigorous assistance. In the same page of the same Declaration, soon after follow these words, viz. We could not forget the Peace which Ourselves was afterwards NECESSITATED to make with our said Subjects, in the time when they who wickedly usurped the Authority, had erected that odious Court for the taking away the life of Our dear Father, etc.  
That which his Majesty calls Forced, Compelled and Necessitated, P. W. calls Freely putting themselves into his Grace's hands; so that that untrue suggestion of his needs no other refutation as to the time past, and as to the time to come, I wish I had not cause to doubt, if ever they put themselves into his Grace's hands, that which they will call Freely, will be an effect of compulsion, force and necessity. Whatever the Submission was in 1648. and how free soever pretended; yet the express letter of those Articles, (Article 18.) precludes all offences which shall be committed or done after their Date; and after that, the Irish Papists instead of freely putting themselves and their powers in the L. Lieutenant's hands, signally declared their Contempt of him, Disobedience to him, and Opposition against him. For proofs whereof, among many, I shall set down one undeniable instance of each.  
1. For their Contempt: In April 1650. by a Message they desired the L. Lieutenant to Leave the Kingdom, and commit the Government to one of their own election, in whom they could confide. That which Now P. W. varnisheth with a modester phrase of Fears and jealousies, was Then contempt and diffidence. At the same time that they owned the L. Lieutenant's Authority, they desire him to resign it, without his Majesty's consent, nay so much as his knowledge; yet this is but consonant to the whole Series of their practices, never to acknowledge the Kings Right, but to affront it, or to get their ends by it.  
2. For their Disobedience when the L. Lieutenant refused upon weighty reasons of Piety, Duty and State, to conform to this Message, and leave the Kingdom; in August following they by their public Declaration professed their Disobedience in these very words: We do hereby manifest to the People, that they are no longer obliged to obey the Orders or Commands of the Marquis of Ormond. Words which so clearly evidence their Rebellion, and the vastness of it, that they need no Comment, nor ought but the Text itself to prove both those Truths. Nor is there need of any other proof to evince their entire breach of those Articles, which they now so fiercely plead for the benefit of. They are so far from giving proofs of their duty to the King, and of their gratitude for his mercy extended in those Articles; that least any should suspect them guilty of those, they declare their power paramount to his Majesty's authority.  
3. They proceed from bad to worse, from worse to worst; from Contempt to Disobedience, from disobedience to downright Opposition. And accordingly the very next month they cause their Clergy to excommunicate not only the L. Lieutenant, but all that should feed, or adhere to him. That which Christ commands us to do to our Enemies; (if thy Enemy hunger, feed him;) and that which even common Charity makes us do to the very beggars at our gates, they not only refuse to do to him they so recently acknowledged to have his Majesty's Authority, nay who had the honour to represent his person: but also they prohibit all others to do it, and upon no less penalty than Excommunication; and that nothing may be wanting to sublimate their wickedness to the highest, Religion is made the instrument of their iniquity.  
The Notoriety whereof, and of many other acts diametrically opposite to that free submission immediately pretended, is so undeniable, that P. W's. own Conscience squeezeth out this confession, I am not ignorant that some have after transgressed in a high nature.  
But first, the aforementioned Declaration runs in the name of the Catholics of Ireland; now some, was then all.  
Secondly, All the premised instances of Contempt, Disobedience and Opposition were not the acts of private, but of public persons, even of those public persons into whose hands the Irish Papists may truly be said to have gratis put themselves and their power.  
Thirdly, The general silence and submission of the Body of the Irish Papists to the premised instances, conclusively argues, a general consent thereunto, at least subsequent, if not antecedent; for either they were generally consenting, or dissenting; if dissenting, why did not that Generality punish the Transgressor's, or even oppose and deny the Transgression? if generally consenting, that extenuating particle some, declares more affection in P. W. to those Consenters, than either to his Majesty or his Viceroy.  
The next Argument respecting the General Case, is propounded by way of Comparison, and that as frequent as untrue, charging, (1) Protestant's, (2) Many Protestants, (3) Many thousand Protestants, (4) In the three Kingdoms; 1. To have been more heinously criminal; 2. To have contributed, or intended as little for the bringing home of his Majesty, as the most wickedly principled of the Roman Catholics of Ireland.  
If ever any, this Comparison is odious, between Many thousands Protestants in the three Kingdoms, and not barely the Irish Papists, but the most wickedly principled of them: So that if P. W. may hold the scale, the Crimes of those Protestants shall weigh more, and their Services for his Majesty, at least their intendments, less.  
But let P. W. prove any one of those many Thousands thus wickedly principled to be a Protestant, and and he will with the same labour disprove his charge. Let him prove his charge in any one particular, and he will with the same labour disprove his instance to be a Protestant.  
I believe most in the three Kingdoms have been first or last heinously criminal, so that every Mouth must be stopped. But certainly their guilt gradually differs, and the most wickedly principled of the Roman Catholics of Ireland deserve not the lowest degrees in it. Yet possibly some others in the three Kingdoms may run parallel with them; But I assume, such are more closely allied both in Principle and Practice, to the Irish Papist, than English Protestant.  
Suppose all be involved in one Common guilt, is the eye of P. W. evil, because his Majesties is good? or, is there any necessity to extend the same Grace to all; or to render a Reason, where only Grace makes the difference? I presume P. W. expects a greater degree of favour than many others of his Countrymen, and therefore his Fears and jealousies are less; his affection and confidence more; and may not his Majesty's Grace make a general as well as personal difference?  
Lastly, As God who is glorious in all perfections, doth magnify his Mercy above all his works: so his Majesty who abounds in all Royal virtues, doth above all abound in Grace and Goodness, and from that Grace and Goodness, without the least pretention of merit (the Popish tenant) or Articling, (the Irish practice) the English Protestants confess to derive their All. Yet they humbly conceive, there are rational inducements for his Majesty in the degrees of his Grace, to discriminate between the Irish Papists and the English Protestants.  
1. In all Societies the public acts of FREE Representatives, virtually and interpretatively include all, who declaratively oppose not. But the English Representative, though under a Force, would never consent to cast off his Majesty's Authority, and as soon as freed from Force, brought home his Majesty; the Irish when at most freedom, and after a submission pretended, distrusted, disobeyed, opposed his Majesty's Authority; yea banished and excommunicated (him in effigy in) his Viceroy; and his, namely, all that should feed him or adhere to him; nor did they ever as a public Representative, either witness their repentance, or contribute to his Majesty's Restoration.  
2. The English Protestants, as became Subjects, submitted to his Majesty freely and absolutely; but the Irish Papists as became Enemies, not only Articled with his Majesty, but compelled him in the day of their height and his necessity, to such Articles, as they knew nothing but necessity could compel him to. The English Protestants may therefore claim his Majesty's Grace, which is as great as their Gild; the Irish Papists can only claim what is due by Articles, the foundation whereof being dissolved on their parts, they can justly claim nothing by them, though his Majesty's Mercy has given them much.  
3. The forfeited Estates of the English Protestants were fully at his Majesty's dispose, and might be freely remitted; but the forfeited estates of the Irish Papists were sold by his late Majesty of blessed memory, and that sale, for the satisfaction of the Adventurers, countenanced and declared in Parliament, and therefore the forfeited Estate of the Irish Papists could not be remitted without satisfaction to the innocent Purchasers.  
4. His Majesty may rationally expect more future obedience and loyalty from English Protestants, than Irish Papists; For (1) the English Protestants are the Conquerors, the Irish Papists the conquered; and ancient as well as modern experience has made it appear, the conquered never did (some think morally never will) love the Conqueror; and though his Majesty should give the Irish Papists not the half only, but the whole of this Kingdom: yet they will never probably forgive the English Protestants for conquering them, nor consequently heartily love that Royal Authority which first commissionated the Protestants to do it.  
5. Until these last unhappy and unnatural troubles, the English Protestants in Ireland were never charged as guilty of any Rebellion; but the Irish Papists in all opportunities never other than rebellious. Queen Elizabeth was the mirror of her age, yet during all her Reign the Rebellions of the Irish Papists in Ireland were very frequent. King james was another Solomon, a Prince of peace, yet was his peace interrupted by the Rebellion of Irish Papists, and by that only. King Charles the First was a greater than that Solomon, and the wisest of men thought the Irish Papists fastened in 1641. to his Majesty by the best of Governments; and to the English Protestants, by the strictest Ties of interess, friendship, marriage and (which is more in their esteem) Gossipping, & fostering; to the Public Peace, by their as flourishing, so free condition; and to all, by those Royal Graces which his sacred Majesty at that time indulged their Commissioners, such as themselves could desire; 'twas then but ask and have: yet all this honey turned into gall; for at that very time in which the King was exercising such high acts of Grace to them, the Irish Papists plotted, and soon after perpetrated the worst of Rebellions; the worst extensiuè, exulcerating generally; and intensiuè, breaking forth with more perfidy, barbarism and cruelty than can be paralleled in any History.  
6. Principles of Religion engage English Protestants to submit to the King as Supreme; but Principles of Religion engage Irish Papists to advance as Supreme a Foreign Prince, and limits all their obedience, with a Saving to the pretended Apostolic See. Certainly his Majesty may expect more future obedience from Protestants, whose consciences engage them to Loyalty; than from Irish Papists, whose consciences are engaged to the Pope. Can his Majesty trust them, if they be not faithful to their Conscience-ingagement? and if they be, can he trust them when their Consciences engage them to his Enemy?  

The next sort of Arguments respect some special Cases, as (1) of the Transplantation, (2) of the Corporation.  
Concerning the Transplantation, P. W. peremptorily concludes, That it cannot be continued on account of their Crimes since 1648. nor stand with the Articles, or with the equity of the Laws, much less with the justice of the Prince.  
1. This Conclusion without any proof, with the same facility as it is said, may be gainsaid.  
2. The foundation of those Articles, and consequently the Articles themselves are thrown down by the Irish Papists; wherefore it matters not as to his Majesty, what can or cannot stand with them.  
3. Many other Countries and Ages have formerly on less grounds used Transplantation, and been justified therein as just and equal, by Lawyers and Casuists.  
4. Observe his Sacred Majesty's Royal and Fatherly indulgence even to those Irish Papists, who being Innocent, sued out Decrees, and obtained possession of Lands in the Province of Connaught and County of Clare. First, Positively; for though they had bound themselves up therein by their own Act, in which though his Majesty saith in the 14 page of his Gracious Declaration of the 30 of November 1660. We might without any injustice deny to relieve them; yet his Clemency is so great, That in the same 14 page of his said Declaration, he breaks those fetters which they had bound themselves in, and orders them to be restored unto their former estates.  
Secondly, Comparatively; his Majesty uses those innocent Irish Papists with more tenderness than even those which He honours with the high Title of his Friends in England and Ireland, as appears in the 18 and 19 pages of the said Declaration: For though such are not to expect that his Majesty should pay back to them the Moneys they were compelled in the evil times to disburse for their Compositions, the payment whereof they would have avoiden had it been in their power, as much as the Irish Papists would have avoided their Transplantation: yet his Majesty's Friends are not relieved from their own Act, when the innocent Irish Papists are relieved from theirs.  
5. Observe the insolency of P. W. for though his Sacred Majesty in Council, by his said Declaration published to the world in print, declared that some other transplanted Irish are to stand bound by their own Act, and not to be relieved against it; yet P. W. is so far from acknowledging and magnifying his Majesty's Mercy in using the innocent Irish Papists with more favour, than even those happy persons whom his Majesty honours with the high title of being his Friends, that P. W. peremptorily says, viz. The Transplantation cannot be continued on account of their crimes since 1648. nor can it stand with the Articles, or with the equity of the Laws, much less with the justice of the Prince.  
6. That the Justice of his Sacred Majesty in Council may appear to be such, in not breaking so much of the Transplantation, as is confirmed by the said Declaration, I desire these following particulars may be throughly considered:  
(1) If such transplanted Irish Papists into Connaught and Clare should plead that the Force of the late horrid Usurpers constrained them to go thither in person; I answer, yet no Force lay upon them to sue out Decrees, and obtain possessions of Lands there in lieu of their former forfeited Estates in the other Provinces. And it is only in point of Land that the said Transplantation is continued: so that their doing of what they could not avoid, is not made conclusive to them, but only their doing of that which they could avoid, and yet solicited and brought to effect, is made binding to some of them. To which I shall add, that those to whom it is made obliging, are only such as having no title to innocency, (for all Innocents' are freed from Transplantation) have no title to any of their former Estates. And therefore this confirming of them in the compensation of that, to which they had no right, should invite them to acknowledge his Majesty's Mercy, which yet P. W. in their behalf exclaims against as injustice.  
(2) Though all these guilty Transplanted Irish have forfeited their right to the Articles extorted from his Majesty in 1648. and though by those Articles (had they been as punctually observed by them, as they have been generally and often violated by themselves yet) his Majesty was not obliged to hinder them from making an unequal bargain or exchange for those their forfeited Lands, which by his mercy they were restored unto, nor to confirm to them those Lands which they sued for in satisfaction of their former Estates; yet his sacred Majesty confirms to them, in confirming their Transplantation, those Lands which they themselves had obtained from the Usurpers, as a compensation for the Lands they left, and to which they had not the least shadow of a Title, because they had broken, yea often, if not always, the said Articles of peace vouchsafed to, and extorted by them, in the year 1648.  
(3) The persons themselves who are transplanted, have by their public Agents made the continuance and settlement of the Transplantation the subject matter of several Petitions and Addresses to the RUMP: therefore as for them to decry it now, argues in them a fuller readiness to obey Force, than Right: so the continuance of it being in effect but a granting of their own desires and petitions, they can justly blame none but Themselves. To prove the truth of this, I shall set down the Titles and chief Heads of two petitons presented to the RUMP. The one is in print, and thus addressed: To the Supreme Authority the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, etc. The humble Petition of Sir Robert Talbot Baronet and Garrot Moor Esq on the behalf of themselves and the distressed Irish, Submittees upon Articles of War, and others who are to have a certain proportion of their estates by the Act for the settling of Ireland, held forth in the year 1652. Wherein, to use their own words, They humbly show, That the Petitioners upon confidence of enjoying the benefit of several Declarations and Articles of War held forth unto them by Authority of this Parliament, etc. did readily subject and put their Consciences, Lives and Fortunes as in a secure Sanctuary under the protection of this Commonwealth, having ever since walked peaceably and in due conformity to the Government, without the least defection therein; That since the Interruption given to the sitting of this Parliament in the year 1653. No Christian Nation can parallel the sufferings of the Petitioners, etc. which render the Petitioners as fit Objects of your Honour's piety, justice and compassion, as any who may challenge your protection. Notwithstanding the Petitioners withered hopes, and former confidence, being afresh revived by your Honour's return to the management of the present Government, and their propensions so great to peace and quietness, that rather than ravel into the settlement, They do willingly acquiesce in the Transplantation, albeit it was not executed by any legal power, as not being derived from your Honours. Soon after in the same Petition follow these words: They do apprehend that contrary to your Honour's pious intentions manifested in the said Act for settling of Ireland, they may be postponed or neglected, unless provided for in the Act of settlement now to be established: And therefore the Petitioners humbly pray, etc. This Petition was delivered by the said two Agents for the Irish Papists at the door of the House of Commons in England, and entered by the Clerk of the Rump.  
The other Petition was in writing, and subscribed Robert Talbot, Garret Moor: the Title of it is, To the Supreme Authority, the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, etc. Supplications humbly tendered by Sir Robert Talbot Bar. and Garret Moor Esq for and on the behalf of themselves and the distressed Roman Catholics of Ireland, in order to be therein relieved by the Act of Settlement now to be passed. Their second Supplication in this Petition is set down in these words, viz. That the estates assigned unto the Petitioners in the Province of Connaught and County of Clare be confirmed unto them. The third Supplication in the said Petition is in these words, viz. That the Decrees obtained by any of the Petitioners pursuant to the Articles and Qualifications be put in a way of satisfaction and for the time passed put in equal condition with others who have had the benefit of their Decrees. The fourth Supplication of this Petition is expressed in these words, viz. That there having been no time limited by this Parliament for the Petitioners to enter and prosecute the claims according to their respective Qualifications, and the interruption given to the sitting thereof soon after the Act of Settlement, having hindered many from doing the same; and that others through absence, poverty, and the short sitting of the Court for the adjudication of Claims, appointed since the said Interruption, could not do it, That a farther time be allowed unto such to enter and prosecute (as aforesaid) their Claims. The fifth Supplication is expressed in these words, viz. That several of the Petitioners are able to make appear their constant good affection and adherence to the Commonwealth, for whom a competent time to be allowed to make out the same, is humbly supplicated, and that these and such of the Petitioners as have already done the same, may have the benefit held forth unto them by the Act for settling of Ireland.  
These expressions being verbatim in the said two Petitions, I shall only observe from thence what follows, 1. The persons who presented these Requests to the RUMP, did it not only for themselves, but for the Papists of Ireland, in whose behalf they own themselves to be Solicitors. 2. Those two Gentlemen (their public Agents) were persons of too much knowledge and discretion to have done any thing, especially of so high a nature as this, for so great a body of people, without sufficient power from themselves so to do 3. That these their Agents Addresses to the RUMP were by allowance and command from themselves, needs not better to be proved, than by the Irish Papists ever since continuing those their two Agents in public employment for them, even to this day.  
4. To that very RUMP by whose immediate Commission the horridest of Murders was acted, they scruple not to make their application, and even by the stile of the Supreme Authority the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, etc. and that twice. If P. W. should say they were necessitated to petition, and that their petition would not be received without it were so directed, I answer, No consequence of their suffering could be so great, as the guilt of owning the RUMP by the twice before mentioned Titles. The single Advocate of the Irish Papists, viz. P. W. lays it as a guilt upon all the Protestants of Ireland, that some of them fought under one of the Regicides to recover their own Estates, and punish the guilt of the first Rebellion, and their often violation of their Articles; and yet their public Agents in behalf of all the Papists of Ireland, own all those Regicides to be that Supreme Authority.  
5. But if the Consciences of the Irish Papists were hardened enough to run into a certain sin, but in the expectance of an uncertain advantage, why yet in their printed Petition did they use these guilty expressions, viz. They did readily subject and put their CONSCIENCES, Lives and Fortunes as in a secure Sanctuary under the protection of that Commonwealth. Though if they would petition, they may say there was a necessity to style the RUMP, the Supreme Authority; yet sure they cannot say there was a necessity in the body of the Petition to insert such criminal words: therefore since the Body of the Petition is more than consonant to the Title of it, it is but reasonable to believe, the Title they gave the RUMP, was as voluntary as the expressions with which they treat them. If they would but make his Sacred Majesty, what in print they acknowledged the RUMP was to them, viz. A secure Sanctuary to put their Consciences, Lives and Fortunes in; if what is passed could not be remedied, yet the mischiefs to come might perhaps be prevented.  
6. But as if the immediate before mentioned respects to the RUMP had not been sufficient, they pay them others, professing in these words, viz. Their withered hopes and former confidences are a fresh revived by the RUMPS return to the management of the Government, under which their propensions to peace and quietness are so great, that they willingly ACQVIESCE in the TRANSPLANTATION. Would they be but as joyful for his Sacred Majesty's restauration, as they say they were for the RUMPS, and had they been as willing to express their propensity to the peace and quietness of this Kingdom, under his Majesty's undoubted Authority, as under the RUMPS usurped power, P. W. had been exempt from the Guilts of writing and printing his Letter, and I from the trouble of answering it. The Irish Papists are not only content to declare, They willingly acquiesce in the Transplantation; but to heighten the merit of that performance, they add these words, viz. Albeit it was not executed by any legal power: yet had they stopped there, those their last words had been true, and sure the RUMP would have had arrogancy enough to have assumed to themselves, without an explanation from the Petitioners, that thereby was meant, what their Agents positively say in the immediate next following words, viz. As not derived from your Honours. Though the Irish Papists in their engagements, nay Oaths to others, are not without their Equivocations and Mental reservations, etc. yet to the RUMP, when they might have left themselves, (as to the last expression,) to a fair explanation, they voluntarily cast it behind them, in these clear words, As not derived from your Honours. Those which now pretend to such Loyalty to his Majesty, voluntarily confess, No execution was legal that was not derived from the RUMP; is not this implicitly, if not explicitly, an owning in the Irish Papists the legality of the RUMPS power, even in the Bloody Murder of his Sacred Majesty, that being derived from those the Irish Papists call Their Honours. But it is no wonder, that those to whom the Irish Papists did rerdily subject themselves, and put their Consciences, lives and fortunes as into a secure sanctuary, should have so much plainness, kindness and obedience for them. May we not too from thence infer, till they consider his Sacred Majesty, as they professed they considered the RUMP, his Majesty may not well expect from them, that ready subjection and propensity to peace, which in their said Addresses they promised to those Usurpers.  
7. Observe, all this is said and done since the Peace of 1648. yea part of it, and that the most criminal too, but some few months before his Majesty's blessed restauration; with what face could the Irish Papists by the same Agents plead for the Articles of peace before his Majesty, as inviolable observers of them; who but a few weeks before owned the RUMP for the Supreme Authority: owned that they readily did subject and put their Consciences, Lives and Fortunes, as in a secure sanctuary, under their protection: owned their withered hopes and former confidence was afresh revived by the RUMPS return to the management of the Government: owned, their propensions to peace and quietness under the RUMP to be so great, that as one evidence thereof, they willingly did acquiesce in the Transplantation; with these superlative expressions, Albeit it was not executed by any legal power, as not being derived from their Honours. The very Murderers of his late Majesty of Glorious Memory are the elected Sanctuary of the Irish Papists, not only for their lives and fortunes, but even for their CONSCIENCES also. That bloody Power which made the Royal Line of England, and all good Subjects of England, Scotland and Ireland so long wither, is by their return to Government, that only which makes the hopes of the Irish Papists to revive and spring. That Power is by the Irish Papists owned to be the only legal one, by which all our Laws and Liberties were cut up even by the very roots. Were there nothing but this to make them forfeit the Articles they so plead for, it were but too much; if this be their observance of their Recognition of his Majesty, though the Pope may absolve them, God will not. Sure P. W. cannot prove any one of the Protestants whose whole number he so calumniates, to be so criminal, as I have proved even the Generality of the Irish Papists to be, in this one particular; I bate him many others. And doubtless 'twas a less sin in the seduced Protestants to submit for a while to him, who cast down those English Murderers, and helped them against these Irish Murderers, than readily to subject their Consciences, Lives and Fortunes to those Parricides, yea to own them as their secure Sanctuary for all, and so pathetically to exult in their second Usurpation.  
8. In the many forementioned passages, both of the written and the printed Petition, they press for the Confirmation of the Transplantation, and the benefit of the Rules for adjudging of Qualifications, and make the granting thereof to be effects of the RUMPS Piety, justice and Compassion. The Irish Papists are pleased to beg that Grant, as an act of piety, justice and compassion in the RUMP, which his Sacred Majesty confirming, (and much more to the advantage of the Irish) P. W. calls an Injustice. And in the 6. and 7. Paragraphs of the said written Petition, they set forth that several of the Petitioners are able to make appear their constant good affection and adherence to the Commonwealth, that some have already actually done it: And in effect, That the number of those so adhering and of constant good affection to the Commonwealth was so great, that they sue even for a longer time than had been allowed, for the proving thereof; they being so many, that they were straightened in time to make out that Truth.  
There are other clear observations and inferences which I could make out of those two Petitions, which I decline; enough having been said to evince what I promised to prove upon this Head: and I have much behind to answer, to which I hasten.   

The Gild of the Corporations in part instanced.  
The 2. special Case concerns the Irish Corporations which P. W. with his usual confidence determines, cannot be excluded on any account that may stand with his Majesty's Gracious Concessions; nor can there be any reasons of State which may accord with a good conscience to exclude them; yet he confesseth with a paradventure, That two or three of them deserved punishment, and Limerick a severe one.  
The Corporations of Ireland that P. W. mentions were so notoriously guilty in overthrowing the foundation of that peace wrested from His Majesty, that it seems strange how any one can be found to plead for them, especially to his Grace the Duke of Ormond, who knows their actings. Their Education rendered them most able of any know their duty; their Incorporation most capable of any to deliberate concerning their duty; their Fortifications and men most secure to discharge their duty; yet these above all other persons and places, put forth with greatest Arguments of choice and freedom, the highest acts of Treachery and Rebellion. The evidences whereof amount to much more than P. W's. paradventure, and the subject reacheth much farther than P. W's. two or three Corporations, it being the general practice of all such, into which his Majesties L. Lieutenant desired admiss●ion. P. W. confesseth, That Limerick deserved a severe punishment, and certainly the demerit must be great, which extorts this confession even from their Advocate; nor was their crime less than laesae Majestatis, for they insolently opposed the admission of his Majesty's Viceroy: though 1. their Mayor had invited him, 2. Iretons storm threatened their wrack, 3. the L. Lieutenant offered to steer that Vessel, and to adventure his person and Fortune in the same bottom with them. But surely if Limerick deserves many stripes, galway and Waterford proportionally to their crimes deserve more. galway after the Articles of 1648. (so much and groundlessly pleaded) 1. searched (to use his Graces own words) with force and arms for the L. Lieutenant, as if they judged him a Traitor. 2. They treated with the Duke of Lorraine to be Protector of Ireland, as if they judged themselves Lords of all. 3. They refused to admit any Garrison commissionated by his Majesty's authority, and surrendered that Town (as if they esteemed themselves a Free State) without consulting the Marquis of Clanrickard then L. Deputy, though resident within few miles thereof, and though he were of P. W's. own Nation and Religion. But I will not say that even those double Ties were less powerful to beget a respect for him, than his representing the King's person, and his own worth, were incitements to P. W's. Countrymen so highly to affront him. Waterford likewise after those Articles of 1648. denied a passage to the L. Lieutenant and his Army, though at that time his Lordship was strengthened with the conjunction of the Ulster Forces, in pursuit of the Enemy, who were weakened by a long Winter-March, multiplicity of Garrisons, want of necessaries, and sickness of the Soldiers; nay offered himself to become an hostage, and to commit the Army to another's conduct; yea so horrid was their perfidy, that when afterwards the L. Lieutenant and seven more were occasionally received into that City, the Citizens combined either to take away his life, or deliver him up prisoner to the Usurpers; for the prevention whereof, he was forced suddenly and secretly to withdraw thence.  
What falsehood will P. W. be afraid to suggest to Strangers, and what wickedness will he be afraid to patronise at home, when he shall dare thus to assert to the L. Lieutenant himself, and publish it in print to the world, That no reasons of State can accord with the dictates of a good Conscience, to exclude these Corporations from the future capacity of repeating such signal acts of Rebellion. But P. W. as farther motives of favour to the said Corporations, adds and says, 1. The hand of God hath punished them; 2. Some were faithful amomg them; 3. The English Protestants are more criminal.  
First, The hand of God hath punished them: But that the Magistrate should spare, because God punishes, is a non sequitur. Though the Lord sent hornets before Israel to drive out the Hivite and the Canaanite, and the Hittites; yet he commands Israel to destroy those Nations, and their name from under heaven.  
2. P.W. says, There have been many faithful subjects in those Towns, even in the most criminal of them; and God was so far from involving the just in the destruction of the wicked Sodomites, that if he could find there but ten just men, he would for their sake pardon all the rest.  
1. The sin of Apostasy seems worse in some respect than other sins; and therefore on this sin, Lot's wife, whom God had rescued from the destruction of Sodom, though but for looking back to it, is immediately turned into a pillar of Salt. I heartily wish the Irish Apostates would remember Lot's wife.  
2. Though God would not involve the righteous in the punishment of the wicked but delivered just Lot; yet he transplanted him into Zoar, and condemned Sodom and Gomorra with an overthrow, making them an Example to those that after should live ungodly. Even so his Majesty hath taken care for the innocent, in his Gracious Declaration, without justifying the wicked, and for the innocent has provided a Zoar, whether their souls may escape and live.  
3. Since P. W. professeth his thoughts to be far from desiring to obstruct the securing the peace of the Country; let him consider how adviseable it is to put a sword into a Madmans' hand, or to capacitate such rebellious spirits to hurt themselves and others.  
Since Limerick, notwithstanding the hand of God, and mixture of good, deserved a severe punishment; and since galway and Waterford are not less deserving; ought not those Corporations and their Advocate rather to acknowledge his Majesty's gracious indulgence and mercy, in remitting the severity of the Laws: than to exclaim thus insolently against his Royal proceedings as unjust, unequal, and such as cannot accord with a good Conscience.   

The Gild of English Protestants and Irish Papists compared.  
Thirdly, P. W. returns to his former Comparison between the Irish Papists and the English Protestants; and in prosecution thereof, urgeth, 1. That the worst of the Irish Papists were never Regicides; 2. That they fought against such men, when England, Scotland and the Protestants of Ireland deserted the Royal Cause.  
As to the first, That the Irish Papists are not Regicides; let it be considered, That the Doctrine of Regicide is common in the Romish Schools, and the Practice in their Courts.  
2. That to touch the Anointing, is virtually to touch the Anointed. Take away the Regalia, and in effect you taken away the King. The Irish Papists were so guilty hereof, that they not only usurped all the Royal peculiars, but also set up a Government distinct from, and opposite to his Majesty's in a General Assembly; yea therein they Enacted, viz. That no Temporal Government or jurisdiction should be assumed, kept or executed in Ireland, or in any Province or County thereof, other than what should be approved or instituted by their General Assembly. Had the Devil had leave to touch Iob's person, he would not have spared him, when he touched all that was his.  
3. Did not the Irish Papists, distrust, disobey, oppose and excommunicate the L. Lieutenant, and absolutely disclaim his Majesty's authority in him; did they not conspire to Murder Him, or which is worse (if worse can be) to deliver him to the worst sort of Murderers? Surely those who dealt thus with such a Servant, if the Son had been sent to them, would not have scrupled his Murder, that the inheritance might wholly be theirs.  
As to the 2. That when England, Scotland and the the Protestants of Ireland wholly deserted the Royal Cause, the Irish Papists fought against the Regicides in defence of his Majesty's right.  
1. It is no less calumnious than false, to charge England, Scotland and the Protestants of Ireland to have wholly deserted the Royal Cause: and it is amazing to consider how any Irish Papist (I am loath to say Rebel) dare thus by a Letter even to the Duke of Ormond, and printed paper to the whole World, impeach the Nations of England and Scotland, and all the Protestants of Ireland to have wholly deserted the Royal Cause: what may not Foreigners credit against us abroad, if P. W. dare thus to charge us at home?  
But a Narrative of the matter of Fact is the clearest expedient to refute this slander: wherein let England and Scotland answer for themselves; (if any Answer seem necessary to so palpable a falsehood) and let the Protestants of of Ireland excuse my zeal, if I urge some clear instances (though I pretermit many) for their vindication.  
Those which P. W. slanders with having deserted the Royal Cause, when the Irish Papists fought against the Regicides in defence of his Majesty's Rights, were even the very first in Ireland which proclaimed his Majesty, my L. Lieutenant also at the head of them; and that duty was performed by the Protestant Army in the Province of Munster, the same year in which by giving the Irish Papists some considerable defeats, the said Papists were reduced to a real necessity of submitting to his Majesty, which yet they but seemingly did. But possibly P. W. was at that time so busy in preparing those Articles of Peace which were to fetter his Majesty, that he had not leisure to hear how his Protestant Subjects freely proclaimed him. It is also undeniably true, that a considerable Body of the Protestants of Ireland under the L. Lieutenant, though mingled with the Irish Papists, fought constantly against the Regicides, nay after the said Irish Papists would have been Kegicides themselves, at least so far such as conspiring to murder his Majesty in effigy at Waterford etc. did amount unto, and never declined that quarrel, till by the infidelity of their Accusers, they were not only disabled to prosecute it, but as several of themselves have confessed, were reduced at last, even for the preservation of their lives, to keep as strict Guards against the Irish Papists as against Cromwell. All which his Grace having found was but too true, he withdrew himself at last out of the Kingdom and permitted those Protestants to withdraw themselves from the Irish: Therefore let any unbiased person judge whether the Irish Papists or all the Prtestants were wholly the deserters of the Koyal Cause; or which of them fought longest against the Kegicides: if the insolence and disloyalty of the Irish Papists were such, even when Cromwell was at their gates, what would it not have been without that Curb. But I see though P. W. remembers what he should not, yet he can forget what he should remember.  
In the years 1641 and 1642, the Protestants in Ireland not only fought as his Majesty's Subjects, but by his command and with his Commission against the Irish Rebels; in the year 1643, a Cessation was concluded by his Majesty's Authority, and the Irish engaged by Articles; both English and Irish by duty, to transport their Armies to England for his Majesty's service. The English did it, the Irish only made a show (till the English were gone) of doing of it, and then plotted and attempted the destruction of the few English remaining in Munster, whereby the Lord of Inchiquin, who then commanded in that Province by the King's Commission; and the English with him were necessitated to stand on their own defence, yet this is the first pretence which the Irish Papists make, that the English Protestants deserted the Royal Cause. Can even Malice itself judge, the Protestants designed the deserting of the King's Service, when they sent their Army to the King, by which only they were capable of disserving him: nay sent it in that very Juncture of time, wherein they had as much cause to fear the ruin of themselves and Families, from the often Violations of the Cessation by the Irish Papists, after that Cessation was made, as from their inhumanities' before. But yet, when his Majesty's Service required it, though the answering thereof, by transporting their Armies into England, threatened more than a probable ruin to them at home from the Irish Papists, who then delayed, and indeed never after would send an Army to the King into England; yet the Protestants did not so much as hesitate, but cheerfully exposed themselves to the danger, to pay the duty, and receive the honour of their obedience.  
The same infidelity and Treachery which Munster, and the parts more remote first experienced, the L. Lieutenant and the Protestants with him at Dublin at last tasted: And his Grace was thereby compelled in the year 1647. (with his Majesty's permission, if not Order) to resign Dublin and all the adjoining Garrisons into the hands of the Parliament, which is the second pretention for this slander.  
On these occasions the English Protestants of Ireland (not by choice but necessity, (and a necessity only created by the Irish Papists themselves) not by the Protestants own private acts, but the necessitated acts of those that were set over them by his Majesty's authority) came into the Stream, with the violence whereof they confess themselves afterwards hurried into such miscarriages as made their hearts ache; yet (they hope) less criminal than those in the Irish Rebellion, or to any degree of Apostasy, which deserves the scandal that P. W. lays on them, of wholly deserting the Royal Cause.  
For 1. Notwithstanding the violent endeavours of both Papists and Anabaptists, not many of the Protestants of Ireland have declined the Church of England, in her greatest Trials, whose principles are not only most consonant to Truth, but also most useful and dutiful to the Royal Cause: and for that reason were opposed most by the two extremes. So that Old Protestants in the Anabaptist dialect, was the same with Royalist, and by them the Protestants of Ireland were dealt with accordingly. And 2. as the principles, so the practices of the Protestants vindicate their loyalty. 1. They submitted this Kingdom to his Majesty; not as England and Scotland, by the concurrence of the General and General Officers, but without them, nay against them, 2. Though they saw the difficulty of that attempt, and foresaw the hazard from Anabaptists (who then in chief commanded the Army in Ireland) if they succeeded not; and from Irish Papist pretenders (whose necessities had driven them to serve themselves by his Majesty in Flanders) if they succeeded; yet were they early (if not the first) and free without Articling in the duty of their submissions. And least P. W. who says many things that are not true, should deny this, which is so signally true, I will cite the undeniable Testimony of his Sacred Majesty himself, which follows in these words in the 2. page of his Majesty's gracious Declaration for the settlement of Ireland: We acknowledge that our good Subjects of the Kingdom of Ireland have born a very good part in procuring this happiness, that they were EARLY in their dutiful Addresses to us, and made the same professions of a resolution to return to their duty and obedience to us, during the time of our being beyond the seas, which they have since so EMINENTLY made good and put in practice.  
Here is not only a profession of duty, but a making of it good, and putting it in practice. Here is not only an early owning of his Majesty's Authority, but an owning it when he was devested from the actual exercise of it, and that too (as to Ireland) by the Irish Papists. And this is also the first fruits of the Protestants having recovered the power of Ireland, and that with no less hazard than loyalty.  
3. To make the Discrimination yet clearer: The Irish Papists at first murdered and fought against his Majesty's good Subjects, to take from him his Crown. The Protestants of Ireland fought against his Enemies to restore him to it. The Papists of Ireland were seemingly good Subjects, but to become more dangerous Rebels. But the Protestants of Ireland if seemingly Rebels, were such, but to become more useful Subjects. The last action of the Irish Papists, when they had the power, was to expel his Majesty's Authority, with circumstances as wicked as the very sin: but the first action of the English Protestants, when they were in power, was to restore his Majesty's Authority, with circumstances almost as dutiful as the Action itself.  
Lastly, Not to hold a candle longer to the Sun, I will but instance one other experiment, and against an experiment there is no arguing; and the instance of this experiment is even in the very Case now controverted, and in which also my L. Duke of Ormond himself was the judg. In the year 1650. when it came in Question, which were the worst, the Irish Papists, or the seduced Protestants. He permitted all those worthy Protestants which till then he served under him, to come off to the rest of the Protestants, though then headed by Iret●n himself; esteeming them safer with that real Regicide so accompanied, than with those pretended Antiregicides, so principled. Certainly he esteems those less ill to whom he sends his Friends, than from whom he sends them. If so wise and so faithful a Servant to his Majesty, as the L. Lieutenant is, had had any hope that the Irish Papists would ever have returned to their Loyalty, doubtless he would never have sent away from them, so many powerful helpers of it, and friends unto it: and if his Grace had not had more than hopes that the English Protestants would have returned to their obedience as soon as they had got the power of doing it, he would never have sent his friends unto them. The Wisdom of his Grace's foresight has been happily justified in the Result. For all the Protestants which then came off, were eminently instrumental and concurring in the duty of accomplishing that blessed Event. I dare as truly as confidently say, the most of the Protestants of Ireland only served under the Usurpers, but to bring the Irish Papists to those terms which without the force of English swords they would never have been brought unto. The Ancient and Modern often breaches of Faith which the Irish Papists were guilty of, made it too evident to many of the Protestants, that nothing could bind them but steel and iron. The truth of both these positions is clearly read in that issue which the Providence of God has effected. However the once Seduced Protestants of Ireland are willing to take shame to themselves, and give glory to God, in confessing their Gild such, (though not by causing, yet by complying with the late Usurpation, though to a good end) that they readily acknowledge they owe their lives and estates wholly to his Majesty's Grace and indulgence; and will be more joyful to employ both in the honour and duty of his service, than now they are in having received both from his mercy and goodness. For 'tis fitter to discharge obligations, than to contract them. The lively sense the once seduced Protestants of Ireland have of their failings, and of his Majesty's Clemency, so justly humbles them, that they can take no pleasure to recriminate others, farther than by showing the Injustice of P.W's. comparisons; which they are more troubled he gave them a rise to do, than after the rise was given they were troubled to find out what fully has done it. But in regard the Irish Papists in all their discourses, as well as their Papers, pretend to the defence of his Majesties Right; it seems even necessary, by way of answer to the other branch of this proposition, to rub up their memories. 1. That in 1641 the Irish Papists unprovok'd (1) rebelled, (2) rob the Protestants of more personal Estate, than the Fee-simple of all the forfeited Lands in Ireland is worth; (3) in a few Months murdered about two hundred thousand innocents'; (4) with a sin next to Blasphemy, as now they pretend his Majesty's defence, so than they pretended his Authority. The PRETENDING whereof having been so horrid a sin, (for it was no less than to have entitled his then Sacred Majesty to all their unparallelled crimes, nay to have made him the Author of them) I think it a duty to the memory of that Glorious MARTYR, to present the Reader in this place with what will clearly evince their malice therein to be as great, as his then Majesty's Innocence; and nothing can better illustrate the vastness of this, but by proving 'tis a parallel to that. I could instance many signal and clear evidences of this Truth, besides that memorable one which follows: But since I have in most of my Answer made use of their own writings, and prints, to make out their guilt: in this very particular I will pursue that method, and only cite the Preamble of their own Remonstrance, delivered by the L. Viscount Gormanston, Sir Lucas Dillon, and Sir Robert Talbot Baronet, to his Majesty's Commissioners at the Town of Trim in the County of Meath, on the 17 of March 1642. In which Remonstrance of Grievances (for so they call it) after they have taken notice that his Majesty had authorized Commissioners to hear what they should say, or propound, these very words follow, viz. Which your Majesty's gracious and Princely Favour we find to be accompanied with these words, viz. Albeit we do extremely detest the odious Rebellion which the Recusants of Ireland have, without ground or colour, raised against Us, Our Crown and Dignity. Words which deserve to be written with a Beam of the Sun, as eternal monuments of his Majesty's justice, and their Gild; nor were they spoken in a corner, but spoken under the Great Seal, and even in that Commission which those False-accusers were to see and hear read; and by those expressions they were sufficiently provoked to have pleaded that Authority they so falsely pretended, had they had the least shadow for that black calumny. In these Royal expressions also (if at least the Irish Papists have the Modesty (I bate them the Justice) to acknowledge the King was a fitter Judge of their Crimes, than they themselves were) the actings of the chief Governors of Ireland, when that horrid Rebellion broke out, are fully vindicated: for the said Irish were so far from being provoked unto it by those, that no less a testimony than the word of that great, just and wise Prince proves, they had no ground, nay not so much as a colour for it.  
2. In the year 1646, and after a peace concluded with them, they attempted, by a Treachery not to be paralleled by any but themselves, to cut off the Lord Lieutenant and Army with him, who marched out of Dublin on security and confidence of that peace.  
3. The same year, the Council and Congregation of the confederate Catholics of Ireland, obliged their General Preston by a solemn Oath, in these very words, viz. To exercise all acts of Hostility against the L. Marquis of Ormond by name, and his party; and to help, advise with counsel, and assist in that service the L. General of Ulster employed in the same expedition.  
This Oath is a fruitful Theme to declaim upon, but I will limit my observations upon it, only to these following particulars. 1. Lest any should doubt they are his Majesty's Subjects; lest any of themselves should repent the sin of not having been such, they swear (that they may raise their crimes above pardon) to exercise all acts of Hostility against his Majesty, in the person of that noble Lord who had then, as now, the high honour to represent him; If killing be an act of hostility, they in this Oath swear to kill him; if this be not actual Regicide, I am sure 'tis not their fault that it is not. This horrid Oath takes off all disguises, and makes their sin as visible as great. And if such a Crime be capable of accession, it did contract it by the same persons engaging privately, about the same time, (as I have been assured by an undeniable Testimony) That he would serve the King, which he afterwards endeavoured to excuse only by saying, His Army was not Nuntio-proof. By which it appears indisputably whether the Irish Papists are Subjects to the King, or to the Pope.  
(2) Instead of repenting and making amends for the late violated peace in the year 1646, they swear to destroy him, with whom they had made it.  
(3) This Oath reduced the taker of it to a sad Dilemma, either to Rebellion or Perjury.  
(4) This Oath evidences that nothing is so powerful with the Irish Papists, as to destroy his Majesty's Government; since the uniting of the Old Irish Papists and the Old English Papists, which the Pope himself could not effect: the dethroning of his Sacred Majesty has accomplished. They that could never agree in any thing else, agree in this, and 'tis made the very Bond of their iniquity. I will say no more on this subject, but that Herod and Pilate could be friends, when it was to crucify Christ.  
4. In the year 1647, from Kilkenny jan. 18. the Popish Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of the confederate Catholics of Ireland employ Commissioners to Rome, France and Spain, to invite a foreign power into Ireland, particularly to Rome their titular Bishop of Ferns and Nicolas Plunket Esq (who was Knighted by the Pope for his good service therein, and is now one of the confident Advocates for the Irish Papists as defenders of his Majesty's Rights, and against the Protestants of Ireland as deserters of the Royal Cause) these, I say, were authorized to declare, viz. That they raised arms for the freedom of the Catholic Religion, which are their own very words in the third Article of those their Instructions.  
In their Remonstrance in the beginning of the Rebellion, whatever they said necessitated some few discontents to take up arms, than they took off the vail, and positively said, That they raised arms for the freedom of the Catholic Religion. Certainly if ever they may be believed to speak true, it is when they speak to the POPE; and if ever any thing may be believed to be the voice of all the Irish Papists, it is when the Popish Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of the confederate Catholics speak in one Assembly. What is meant by the Freedom of the Catholic Religion has been practically expounded by the Professors of it in Ireland; not only affirmatively, that those which are of it, should enjoy the public and undisturbed exercise thereof themselves; but negatively, to be an exclusion of the public, if not private, exercise of the True Religion. Many instances I could present the Reader of this, but I shall only set down two: The 1. is Dean York a reverend Minister of God's word, during his residence at galway, was not allowed to pay the last duties of Christian burial to those Protestants which died in that Town; but was forced to bury them, nay his own children privately in his Garden. The 2. is, That my L. Duke of Ormond, though owned by the Irish Papists to be the Kings L. Lieutenant, and consequently representing his Sacred Majesty's person, was still denied the use of so much as one Church or Chappel, wherever the said Papists had the power; nay one of the Generals of the Irish PAPISTS, now living, told my L. Lieutenant at Kilkenny, That if the King in person came into Ireland, he should not be allowed by them One Church to celebrate his Devotions in: to whom his Grace made a return, proportionate to the disloyalty of that Declaration, and part of that return being prophetical, and since fulfilled, I shall here insert the words, viz. I hope to live to so all of that mind to be without one Church in Ireland to say Mass in. By these two instances it is evident, That the direct meaning of those words, The Freedom of the Catholic Religion, is no other than the total banishing out of this Kingdom the exercise of the Religion established in it, by Truth itself, and by the good and wholesome Laws of the Land.  
5. In another part of the third Article of the said Instructions, these very words are inserted, viz. The cofederate Catholics do intend that you let his Holiness know, their resolution to insist upon such Concessions and Agreements in matters of Religion, and for the security thereof, as his Holiness shall approve of, and be satisfied with.  
This palpably evinceth, that the Papists of Ireland being Subjects, or Rebels, depends wholly upon the Pope's pleasure: For let his Majesty grant them what he will, yet his pretended Holiness' approbation must be the rule by which only they will be bound. And this is made most evident by the words of the nineth Article in the said Instructions, which follow in these words, viz. In case his Holiness will not be pleased to descend to such Conditions, as might be granted in matters of Religion, than you are to solicit for considerable aids, whereby to maintain a war, and to ascertain and secure the same etc. And soon after in the same nineth Article, these words follow, viz. You are to make application to his Holiness for his being Protector of this Kingdom; and by special instance to endeavour his acceptance thereof, etc.  
Still the Pope is their King; and that he may be so almost in name as well as in power, they solicit him by special instance to accept that Title, under which he might act that power: so that it is not the Confederate Catholics fault, if a PROTECTOR were not in Ireland, before the Sectaries had set up one in England. Nay their Commissioners then sent to France and Spain, were required in case of the Pope's refusal of being their Protector, to offer it to either of those Kings, nay to any Popish Prince, from whom (to use their own words) they might have most considerable aids. In effect, they are willing any one should govern them, but he who only had the Right to do it. But yet as becomes obedient sons of the Church of Rome, the Pope has the advantage of the preemption.  
It appears the Irish Papists hang, as their Faith in God, so their Loyalty to their Prince, on the Pope's sleeve; and certainly it is not probable that those should defend his Majesties Right, over whom (1) a foreign Prince, (2) such a foreign Prince as considers His Majesty as an Heretic, and consequently an enemy, hath full power; and (3) That power on the strongest account, even that of Conscience and Religion.  
In the year 1648 another Peace was concluded with the Irish Papists, but after that, they disowned, disobeyed, opposed, conspired to murder, excommunicated, and banished his Majesty's Viceroy, as appears by the former instances.  
In sum, when the power of Ireland was in the hands of the Irish Papists, they designed and endeavoured to betray it to Foreigners: But when in the hands of the Protestants of Ireland, they absolutely, and without antecedent conditions, submitted it and themselves to his Sacred Majesty.   

As to their fight against the Regicides,  
I answer, 1. Vicious extremes are not only opposite to virtue, but also one to the other; Papists and Sectaries oppose each other, and both the Protestants.  
2. The Spaniard and the Dutch fought against the Regicides, yet neither of them in the day of Trial, proved themselves friends to his Majesty's Rights.  
3. 'Tis the Cause, not the Suffering only, which makes the Martyr; 'tis not the fight, but the ground and end of the fight, which proves which is the good Subject, and of that, let even P. W. judge by the former Instances.  
The last Argument pretends to commutative Justice, and is ushered in by a comparison and preoccupation.  
The former thrice pressed way of comparison, is yet propounded here again, but with less injustice here, than before; the comparison before was between Papists and Protestants, here between Papists and Presbyterians, Anabaptists, Quakers, Fifth Monarchy men, Independents.  
To which I shall only say, Whatever tenants opposite to Regal power may be found among any Sectaries, are, if not learned from, I am sure taught by the Romish Schools. Papists and Sectaries like Sampsons' Foxes, are tied by their tails, though their heads be divided; their way may seem contrary, but they all tend to the same end, the ruin of the Cornfield.  
As P. W. ushers in his Arguments on one side with a comparison: so on the other with a preoccupation, relating to the power of those which he calls Adversaries, and declareth it to be no greater than his Majesty is pleased to make it.  
To the truth of this Declaration the Protestants of Ireland freely consent; professing to the world, that though their Army is such, as sufficed to subdue the Irish Rebels when universally confederated throughout the Kingdom, and supplied by Foreigners with Money, Arms and Ammunition, and strengthened with no less than the Pope's blessing and Nuntio: yet their power consists not in Arms or Armies, Fortifications or Men; but in loyalty and obedience to his Sacred Majesty's Commission and Authority; and is consequently, as P. W. says, no greater than his Majesty is pleased to make it. And since this is the true State of the Protestant, both principle and interest, As in truth it is, even their Adversary being their Judge, 'tis likely therefore that P. W. declares they are his Adversaries, (for I believe his Friends are other guess men) But doubtless those are fittest to be trusted with power, who are no stronger by it, even by their enemy's acknowledgements, than He which gives it, is willing to make it; than those who never had power, but what they forced from his Majesty, and who never employed that power (the whole stream of their own actions being their Judges) but against that Sacred Majesty from whom they wrested it.   

The Arguments following plead justice, and that justice grounded on the Articles of 1648. and judged by the sad consequences threatened on the breach thereof, whether we regard men or God.  
Though concerning the Articles of 1648, enough hath been instanced already, yet to leave P. W. without occasion of Cavil, it will not be unfit to add somewhat more here.  

1. The Contents of those Articles are in themselves unwarrantable, except in case of Necessity which hath no Law.  
2. The Condition of those Articles whereon they were principally, if not only founded, hath been often and entirely violated by the Irish Papists.   
The Contents of those Articles are unwarrantable unless in case of necessity, because they are contrary to an higher obligation, according to the Rule both of public and private justice.  
1. His Majesty at his Coronation, binds himself to God, to govern these Kingdoms according to their respective Laws; and let P. W. himself consider, how agreeable it is to Law or public Justice, that the Militia, Treasury, an Army of fifteen thousand Foot, two thousand five hundred Horse, of Irish Papists, and even in effect the Legislative power itself, should be in the hands of twelve men to be chosen by Irish Papists; or that there should be no alteration in England of what they in Ireland should think fit to transmit to his Majesty for the settlement of that Kingdom; or even that the Irish Rebels should be pardoned without the consent of Parliament, when his Majesty in Parliament the seventeenth year of his Reign, adjudged such pardon before conviction to be null and void; hereby even when they treated with his Majesty concerning the affairs of this Kingdom, assuming the Legislative authority of it, by repealing the Statute made the 10. of Henry the VII. (commonly called Poynings Law) and the explanatory Law thereof, in 3. and 4. of Philip and Mary.  
And though hitherto they chiefly pleaded before his Sacred Majesty in Council, but for so much benefit of the Articles of peace in 1648, as would restore them to their forfeited Estates: yet if they had prevailed therein, upon the score of that plea, it must in consequence have adjudged for them the benefit of all the other Articles, as a right. For if any of those Articles are due to them by an obligation of justice, all are then due to them by the same obligation; and since, as appears by his Majesty's Gracious Declaration in Council, of the 30 of November 1660. that they have no right to any of their forfeited estates, nor any title but what his Majesty's mercy and bounty hath vouchsafed safed to divers of them; it thence follows, That his Majesty in Council has adjudged, They have no right to those Articles. For as an adjudication of his Sacred Majesty of their title to any one of the said Articles, had entitled them to all: so an adjudication of his Majesty in Council, That they had not a right to that one they pleaded for, has adjudged them to have no right to any.  
2. Was not his late Majesty of glorious memory before those Articles, (1) preingaged to the Adventurers for many of the forfeited Lands in Ireland; (2) in the strictest form of engagement, even by an engagement in Parliament; (3) on the account of strictest justice, even by way of sale; (4) on the best account of sale, the end thereof being to reduce the Irish Rebels: therefore might not these Arguments which P. W. urgeth in this instance against the breach of public Faith, be at least more appliable to this engagement of his late Majesty, to his now Majesty's Declaration at Breda, and his gracious Declaration of the 30. of November 1660; which were all Acts of choice, premeditation and freedom: than to those Articles of 1648, which was an act of necessity and rebellious force. The Casuists and Schoolmen will easily resolve P. W. that the later and lesser obligation, aught to give place to the elder and greater. But if P. W. object, that if his Majesty were under an obligation preceding and opposite to theirs, why did he enter into an obligation unto them? To that I answer, 1. That then it was not Res integra; for his Majesty's Rebellious Subjects, even some of the Adventurers themselves had superinduced a necessity upon his Majesty, which as he could not foresee when he made his first contract: so by all the ties of natural preservation, he was bound to take away, when they were brought upon him; and it could not be a breach of Faith in the King to them, who made it (as things then stood) impossible to perform it. 2. Though necessity be an unhappy plea, yet when 'tis a true, it is an allowable one. (3). That very necessity which constrained his Majesty to those Articles, had they been observed by those with whom they were made, would have invited all honest Englishmen to have cheerfully waited, till by the expected fruits and effects of that Peace, his Majesty might have been enabled to have satisfied them; nay they would rather have lost their money, than his Majesty should have broken his Faith with them, that had kept it with him, and would have been so serviceable to him; besides his Majesty might have been so soon reseated in his throne, that the debts of the Crown would have been so small, & his Subject's ability and affections so great; that he might and would easily have satisfied the Adventurers desires, without forfeited Land in Ireland, even by their own consent. But the breach on the Irish Papists side, has occasioned so long and chargeable a War, that their forfeitures, together with the vast sums sent out of England into Ireland, and raised in Ireland itself, are scarce able to defray that expense, which their own violation of Faith has engaged the Crown in: so that it is but just, that the Bear-skin (as far as it will go) should contribute to pay for the healing of those wounds, which the Bear itself had given. His Sacred Majesty in the 3. page of his Declaration, speaking upon these Articles, uses these very words: viz. When they who wickedly usurped the Authority in this Kingdom, had erected that odious Court, for the taking away the life of Our dear Father; no body can wonder that we were desirous, though upon DIFFICULT CONDITIONS, to get such an united power of our own Subjects, as might have been able, with God's blessing, to have prevented that infamous and horrible Parricide.  
In these clear and Royal expressions the world may see what was the only incentive to his Majesty, for his granting of that Peace, even no less than the preventing of the Murder of his blessed Father, and the bloody consequences of it: And therefore if that were the hopeful effect of those Concessions, had they been observed on the Irish side; may not we (without too much straining) infer, that the breach on their side, contributed to, if not acted that unparallelled Crime. To commit the sin, and not to prevent the sin, when men have the preventative power of it, are very near allied, if not the same Crimes.  
I shall also here again observe, that what P. W. calls Freely putting themselves and their power into my L. Lieutenant's hands; his Sacred Majesty justly marks with these observable expressions, [upon difficult Conditions;] may I not therefore from thence also well infer, That P. W's. Clients, do nothing so freely as when they put difficult Conditions on His Majesty.  
Though I have said and proved by undeniable evidences, That the Irish Papists have violated and broken the Articles they extorted in 1648; yet because P. W's. Tenants obliges him to believe Works of supererrogation, I will gratify him in practising in this particular, one of his own principles, by adding farther what follows, to evince the Irish Papists have egregiously broken the said Peace; the foundation of which, is the Recognition made by them of his Majesty's Sovereignty, and their Obligation to obey and uphold it, with their Lives and Fortunes, which is therefore not only inserted after the Title, as a part of the Agreement, but premised to all the rest, as the Ground and Principle of the following Graces and Securities, which without it, are like a Castle in the air, that has no foundation, and therefore cannot stand.  
Besides the 18th Article of the said Peace expressly excludes from the benefit thereof, such as should after offend. The doubt then that remains, turns on these two Hinges, 

1. Whether this Condition or Recognition were broken.  
2. By whom it was broken.    
The first appears affirmatively, beyond contradiction, in the many former instances; for after the conclusion of those Articles, the Irish Papists despised, disowned, rejected, expelled, banished and excommunicated the L. Lieutenant, and all adhering to him, and in him, his Majesty's Authority.  
Secondly, It clearly appears, That even those who made these Articles with the Lord Lieutenant, were guilty of their Breach: For if they were not able to keep this Condition inviolable, they transgressed that duty expressed in the Recognition, and were Abusers both of His Majesty's Authority and Service. And if they were able to keep this Condition inviolable, they are guilty for not accordingly keeping it.  
Thirdly, These Articles were not made with any individuals singly considered, but with the then Ruling Power of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, for accordingly the phrase in the Title is, viz. [Articles of Peace, made and concluded with the General Assembly.] And in the Conclusion, [Signed by Sir Richard Blake Knight, in the Chair of the General Assembly, by Order, Command and unanimous Consent of the said Catholics in full Assembly.] Seeing then their Ruling Power made the said Recognition, and that their Ruling Power published the Breach thereof to the world, as is evident by their Declaration of the twelfth of August 1650. so by many other insolent violations, though His Majesty's Grace and Mercy hath indulged to the particular actings of many Individuals, yet in relation to those Articles, or an account of any Obligation in justice due to them, they are not to be regarded.  
Yet his sacred Majesty's justice to, and tenderness of the said Irish Papists has abundantly appeared, not only in his having in person still heard them upon the said Articles of Peace, but also in giving them near 2 years' time to prove all they pleaded, and so long left the Kingdom unsettled, that they might be fully heard in all their Allegations; nay, even by his giving Them a liberty which never yet was given to any, even a free sight of the Bill of Settlement, which was humbly presented to Him by the Lords Justices and Council, pursuant to Poynings Law, and a full liberty to make all the objections they could against it; which yet they have been so far from acknowledging as an effect of his Royal Care and Indulgence, that in all their Answers (which I have diligently perused) I do not find so much as a bare taking notice of that unpresidented Favour. But possibly since by that Indulgence their guilt has been but the more evidenced, they untruly consider the consequences of that mercy to be, what only was intended in the extending of it, and therefore were loath to pay his Majesty thanks for what has but more discovered their Crimes. But yet this is but proportionate to the rest of their proceedings: for since they call his sacred Majesty's mercy an injustice, they may at the same rate decline paying Acknowledgements for his condescensions to them.  
Having thus proved that the Peace was broken by the Irish Papists after it was made, I shall now say something to prove that it was DESIGNEDLY broken BEFORE IT WAS MADE.  
If by a previous Engagement and Oath the Irish Papists confirmed their first confederacy not to be dissolved by the Peace which then they seemingly pursued. If they combined to make themselves JUDGES of his Majesty's Actions, and to appeal to themselves upon every Occurrence that they should be inclinable to misinterpret; notwithstanding their Protestations of obedience to his Majesty's Authority, than I conceive the whole peace thereby is on their part made void and null. But that they did so, is clearly evident, and that by an OATH solemnly taken (not by private men, or a factious party, but) by all the Prelates, Noblemen, and Gentlemen that were the Grand Committee, upon concluding the said Peace, That in case of non-performing of the Articles thereof, (that is to say, If all the particulars therein were not carried on according to their liking) they were to continue the Association and Union of Confederate Catholics, and to do ALL Acts preservative thereunto.  
In this place it seems to me requisite to let the Reader know what that Union and Association of the Confederate Catholics was, which they swear to continue; which I shall instane in somce particulars, out of their own Originals now remaining on Record.  
In the first Roll they swear in these very words, viz.  
I A. B. do promise, protest and swear before God and his Saints and his Angels, That I will during my life bear true Faith and Allegiance to my Sovereign Lord Charles by the grace of God, King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, and to his HEIRS and lawful Successors, and that I will to my power, during my life, defend, uphold and maintain all his and their JUST PREROGATIVES, Estate and Rights, the Power and Privileges of Parliament of this Realm, the Fundamental Laws of Ireland, and the FREE EXERCISE OF THE ROMAN CATHOLIC FAITH AND RELIGION THROUGHOUT THIS LAND, and the Lives, just Liberties, Possessions, Estate and Right of all those that have taken, or shall take this Oath, and perform the Contents thereof; and that I will OBEY and RATIFY all the ORDERS and the DECREES MADE and TO BE MADE by the Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholics of this Kingdom concerning the said public Cause. And that I will not SEEK or RECEIVE directly or indirectly ANY PARDON or protection for any Act DONE or TO BE DONE touching the General Cause, without the consent of the Major Part of the said Council; and that I will not directly or indirectly do any Act or Acts that shall prejudice the said Cause; but will to the hazard of my life and estate, assist, prosecute, and MAINTAIN the same.  
Moreover I do further swear, That I will not accept of, or submit unto ANY PEACE made or to be made with the said Confederate Catholics, without consent and approbation of the General Assembly of the said Confederate Catholics, and for the preservation and strengthening of the Association and Union of the Kingdom, that upon any peace or accommodation to be made or concluded with the said Confederate Catholics as aforesaid, I will to the uttermost of my power insist upon, and maintain the ensuing propositions, until a peace as aforesaid be made, and the matters to be agreed upon in the Articles of peace be ESTABLISHED and SECURED by PARLIAMENT. So help me God and his holy Gospel.  
In this their first Confederacy Oath, they swear flat and known contradictions: for they swear to bear true Faith and Allegiance to the King, and with the same breath they swear they will obey and ratify all the Orders and Decrees made and to be made by their supreme Council, who had then actually cast off the King's Authority, and set up a Government in opposition to his Majesties. It had sure been at lest enough to swear to obey and ratify all Orders and Decrees they had made, without increasing that guilt by the high accession of swearing to obey and ratify all to be made by the Supreme Council. Herein they show, what the POPE is to them in Spirituals, their Supreme Council is in Temporals, whom they obey with a blind and implicit Faith.  
They swear also to maintain the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom, and in the same breath they swear to maintain the free exercise of the Roman Catholic Religion, which is expressly against Law; as it is, that any should govern the Kingdom, but by his Majesty's Authority; which they assumed and usurped in all the essentials of it: nay not only the matter of the Oath is against those Laws they swear to maintain; but even the taking or imposing of any Oath which by Law is not warranted, is a violation of the Laws: But they are so far from owning these their Crimes, that they swear they will not seek or receive directly or indirectly any pardon or protection for any thing done or to be done, touch-this General Cause, etc. They can be content to seek and receive a Pardon from the POPE for sins to come, but they swear they neither will seek or receive directly or indirectly a Pardon for, nay not so much as a Protection from his Majesty, for sins past, without the consent of their Supreme Council. This is a fine bearing Faith and Allegiance to the King, this is a good upholding and maintaining the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom. They swear too, that these Acts of highest Rebellion, they will to the hazard of their Lives, and Estates assist, prosecute, and maintain.  
But they proceed further, for they swear not to accept of, or submit to ANY PEACE made or to be made without the consent and approbation of the General Assembly of the said Catholics: ANY PEACE, that is, let the Conditions be never so good, let the Person that grants them be the King Himself, they will not accept of it, they will not submit unto it, without, etc.  
If the King would so far forget those signal Crimes which made them need his Pardon and Protection, and would not so much as name them, but make a Peace with them, as if they had never done any offence, yet they swear, that not one of them shall accept of, or submit to such a Peace, but as is before expressed; nay, to show how perfect a ROMISH Confederacy it is, if any Individual should be struck with the horror of his Crimes, he cannot fly to the King's Mercy for Pardon or Protection, without Perjury: And to inveigle such as had not then been polluted with those sins, they swear to protect all such as shall enter into their guilt; and thereby in consequence threaten to ruin such as shall not: This is admirable bearing true Faith and Allegiance to the King, and maintaining the Laws of the Kingdom!  
But this is not all, for they further swear in these words, viz. For the preservation and strengthening of the Union of the Kingdom upon any peace to be made or concluded with the said confederate Catholics as aforesaid, They will to the uttermost of their Power, insist upon and maintain the ensuing Propositions, until a peace as aforesaid be made, and the matters to be agreed upon in the Articles of peace be established and secured by Parliament.  
The first Proposition to which this Oath relates, and to which it is annexed, is expressed in these words, viz. That the Roman Catholics both Clergy and Laity in their several capacities have the free and public exercise of the Roman Catholic Religion and Function throughout the Kingdom, in as full lustre and splendour as it was in the Reign of King Henry the Seventh, or other Catholic King his Predecessors, Kings of England and Lords of Ireland, or in England.  
That is to say, That none should be admitted to live in Ireland but Papists: for none or very few but such; were in the Reign of those Kings in Ireland.  
The second Proposition mentioned, follows in these words, viz. That the secular Clergy of Ireland, viz. Primates, Archbishops, Ordinaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacon's, Prebendaries, and all other Dignitaries, Parsons, Vicars, and all persons of the secular Clergy, and their respective successors, shall have and enjoy all, and all manner of jurisdictions, Privileges and Immunities in as full and ample manner as the Roman Catholics secular Clergy had or enjoyed the same within this Realm, at any time during the Reign of the late King Henry the Seventh, sometime King of England, and Lord of Ireland, any Law, Declaration of Law, Statute, Power, or Authority whatever, to the contrary notwithstanding.  
That is to say, Their Wills must be the Law; and since they think fit to set up POPERY in Ireland, and to banish the true Religion out of it, it is but requisite they should take the maintenance from the Legal, and give it to the Titular Clergy. And lest we should doubt this to be the true meaning of the second Proposal, they clearly explain it in the fourth, which follows in these words, viz. That the Primates, Archbishops, Bishops, Ordinaries, Deans, Deans and Chapters, Archdeacon's, Chancelours, Treasurers, Chanters, Provosts, Wardens of Collegiate Churches, Prebendaries and other Dignitaries, Parsons, Vicars, and other Pastors of the Roman Catholic secular Clergy, and their respective successors, shall have, hold enjoy all the Churches and Church-living, in as large and ample manner, as the LATE PROTESTANT CLERGY respectively enjoyed the same, on the first day of October in the year of our Lord 1641. together with all the profits, emoluments, perquisites, liberties, and the rights of their respective Sees, and Churches belonging; as well in places now in possession of the Confederate Catholics, as also in all other places that shall be recovered by the said Confederate Catholics from the adverse Party, within the Kingdom, SAVING to the said Roman Catholic Laity their Rights, according to the Laws of the Land.  
That is to say, Our Clergy shall have All, therefore yours can have nothing; this is a perfect Fifth-Monarchy Principle, for here Dominion is only founded in pretended Grace, none being to have the benefit of the Laws of the Land, but the Papists. Nay, his Sacred Majesty, because a PROTESTANT, is as such, denied any one of those Rights, which the meanest of the Irish Rebels, because a PAPIST, is to enjoy, as such; and lest their words for it should not be taken, they confirm it with an OATH. The Legal and Orthodox Clergy of Ireland may see in this, what goodly Provision had been made for them, and their respective Successors, if this pious Roman Catholic Confederacy had succeeded.  
But least this their first Oath of Confederacy might be thought a thing they were surprised into, in the first heat and fury of the Rebellion; and lest the takers of it should forget what the Imposers of it would have them believe they were bound unto by it; some time after, premeditately, and in cool blood, they caused it a second time to be taken in terminis, and subscribed with a preamble to it, the close whereof, runs in these Words, viz. And for that it is requisite that there should be an unanimous consent and real union between all the Catholics of this Realm, to maintain the premises and strengthen them against their adversaries, it is thought fit by them, that they, and whosoever shall adhere unto their party, as a Confederate, should for their better assurance of their adhering fidelity and constancy to the public Cause, take the ensuing Oath▪ viz. I A. B. etc.  
In the beginning of the said Preamble, they give the priority and precedency of place to the Defence of their own Estates and Liberties, to that of the defence of his Majesty's Regal Power, Prerogatives, Honour, State, and Rights; That is to say, They will mind themselves before the King, which they fully explain in the third Oath of their Union and Confederacy, which after their rejection of the Peace concluded with them by his Majesty's Authority, they entered into, took and subscribed, and which follows in these words, viz.  
I do swear and protest that I will adhere to the present Union of the Confederate Roman Catholics that REJECTED THE PEACE lately agreed and proclaimed at Dublin; and do nothing by Word or Deed, Writing, Advice, or otherwise, to the prejudice of that Union, and will to the uttermost of my power, advance and further the good and preservation of it, and of his Majesty's Rights, and the privileges of free born Subjects to the Natives of this Kingdom.  
The two former Oaths seem to them to be only the THEORY of Rebellion, and they were loath to stop there, therefore they proceed in this third Oath, to the PRACTICE of it. In the first and second Oath, they swear they will obey and ratify all the Orders and Decrees made, and to be made by the Supreme Council of the Confederate Catholics; and in this third Oath, they very abundantly observe what they swore in the two precedent ones; but although in both those they swore as positively, I am sure much more justly (though not justifiably) du rig their Lives to bear true Faith and Allegiance to the King, and though that just part of the Oath hath the priority of place, in both Oaths, yet the priority of obedience, when it came in competition which should be most binding, viz. either those parts which related to their obedience to his Majesty, or those which related to their obedience to their General Assembly, they practically interpret it for, and adjudge it to the latter.  
In their two first Oaths, they swear they will not accept of, or submit unto any Peace made or to be made with the said confederate Catholics, without the consent and approbation of their General Assembly.  
But either this Peace which they swear to reject, was made with the consent and approbation of their General Assembly, or without their consent or approbation: If the latter, how can the Generality of the Irish Papists plead for the benefit of what their Governing Power was against; If the former, then against their two preceding Oaths, they reject that Peace which by their General Assembly's consent and approbation had been concluded, and which (at least by a strong implication) they were sworn to observe. I know of no Oath of theirs which bound them to more than not to accept of peace from his Majesty without the consent and approbation of their General Assembly, till this third was taken and subscribed. When they are not guilty enough by old Oaths, they will make themselves guilty enough by entering into new Oaths. Doubtless the guilt of two solemn Oaths, not to make peace with their King, without the approbation and consent of their own fellow Subjects, even of their own setting up, and that too, as one of the products of a bloody Rebellion, was guilt enough; but in their third Oath, they proceed farther, and reject that peace which even themselves had solicited, and which was highly advantageous for them, only because the HEADS of the Catholic Confederacy had then hopes of getting more from the King (whose condition then began to decline) by Rebellion, then by Peace. Nay, that which their two former Oaths did not oblige them unto, viz. To reject a Peace made with his Majesty when CONSENTED TO, and APPROVED BY their General Assembly, They SWEAR TO OBSERVE; and that which their two former Oaths obliged them unto, viz. During their lives to bear true Faith and Allegiance to the King, they WILL NOT OBSERVE, though the rate of that crime amounts to no less than to a double, if not a treble Perjury.  
I must here acquaint the Reader, That this third Oath of Union and Confederacy, whereby they rejected the Peace, is, as the two former Oaths, without a date in its Original now on Record; possibly it was their intention thereby to insinuate to the people, that the Engagement they entered into, was a duty incumbent on them from the first, and was to have no end. But if P. W. should say that this Oath had only reference to the rejected Peace in Anno 1646. I will only answer, The same Inferences are of the same force in reference to the rejected Peace in Anno 1648. and therefore if they be not rightly applied as to the time, yet they be as to the thing.  
Certainly no written wickedness can ascend higher than in that same Oath, in which they swear to reject, and actually do reject his Majesty's Authority, when clothed with peace, even a peace of their own seeking, and highly advantageous to them, they also swear to preserve his Majesty's Rights. I can find no consistency in the said Oath, unless they mean it to be his Majesty's Right, to be governed and used according to the pleasure of the Roman Catholic Union and Confederacy; nor can I tell what they mean by preserving the Privileges of freeborn Subjects to the Natives of this Kingdom, unless thereby they mean, that those Privileges are parramount to his Majesty's Authority, and they the only Judges and Preservers of them.  
But because the Irish Papists endeavour to extenuate the sins of entering into their first and second Confederacie-Oath, by pleading that their engagements in them were but temporary, and were not to be conclusive, but as they should be established and secured by Parliament; I think it necessary lest by that specious pretence the Reader might be deluded, to set down here how they designed that Parliament should be constituted: which I shall do out of the Original of their Instructions remaining in my hands.  
The Title of those Instructions is, viz. Instructions for the Lord Viscount Mountgarret, Lord Precedent of our Council, etc. And the rest of the Commissioners employed by the General Assembly of his Majesty's most faithful and dutiful Subjects, the Confederate Catholics of his Highness' Kingdom of Ireland, etc. unto the Lord Marquis of Ormond, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, etc.  
The words of the 22. Article of these Instructions, are these, viz. You are to be Suitors to his Majesty to have a Parliament helden before the Lord Marquis of Ormond, or a CATHOLIC, or a NATIVE well-affected.  
I doubt if these Commissioners had not been immediately employed to the then Lord Marquis of Ormond (now Duke of Ormond) they would scarcely have named him to be the person before whom the desired Parliament should have been holden; for since even while they made a direct address to his Lordship, they had the presumption to add, viz. Or a Catholic, or a Native well-affected, if his Grace were not to have seen what they desired, they would not have mentioned Him. And the truth of this appears clearly in the Paper entitled, The sense of the Congregation of the Clergy upon the Instructions presented to them, to be given the Agents to be now employed to France. Dated the 21 of December 1647. wherein to use their own words, they say, viz. We offer the ensuing Articles, which we desire may be drawn up into Instructions with the rest, to be given to the said Agents, with Order to insist on them, and in no sort to recede from them.  
The first of those Instructions are in these words, viz. First, that an Instruction be given the said Agents for getting the Lord Deputy, or other chief Governor or Governors of this Kingdom to be A ROMAN CATHOLIC.  
In this the Reader may evidently find, though when the Irish Papists make Addresses to the Lord of Ormond they are so discreet as to name Him for the person before whom the Parliament shall be holden, yet when they may write what he is not to see, they absolutely leave Him out, and desire that the Parliament may be holden before a chief Governor that is a Roman Catholic, with this addition, viz. AND IN NO SORT TO RECEDE FROM THIS INSTRUCTION.  
The second Particular which the said Congregation of the Clergy desire may be added to the Instructions to be given to their Agents, then designed to be sent to the Queen and Prince, then in France, and which they are to INSIST UPON, and IN NO SORT to recede from, is expressed in these very words, viz. 2 d. Instruction. That the particular Articles or Concessions to be obtained for Religion, may be published together with the Temporal Articles; and that until both be published together, THE PEACE MAY NOT OBLIGE NOR BE ACCEPTED BY THE CONFEDERATE ROMAN CATHOLICS: And that the QUEEN NOR PRINCE come not to this Kingdom till the Peace be published as aforesaid, and accepted by the Nation.  
By this it undoubtedly appears that no peace would be accepted of by the Irish Papists, but such a one as even by the Royal Assent, was to give them the whole Kingdom in Fact and Power, if not in name: Nor was the QUEEN and PRINCE, his now Majesty, so much as to come into Ireland, till Ireland was in effect given away to the Crown.  
Although this Paper entitled The sense of the Congregation of the Clergy, have many Particulars as full of Disloyalty and Rebellion, as those I have already mentioned, yet I shall set down no more but the seventh Paragraph, which they desire may be passed into an Instruction; which follows in these words, viz. That if a PROTECTOR must be chosen for the Nation, it may be his HOLINESS. And that the Nation may not by choosing Spain or France for Protector, be necessitated to make the other of them not chosen their Enemy abroad, and thereby rend the Kingdom at home into division.  
This in my opinion evinceth, that as bad as the Papist Clergy in Ireland were, yet the Original design of choosing a PROTECTOR was the Act of the LAY PAPISTS, but indeed when a foreign Protector was resolved upon, the Popish Clergy as became true Sons of the Romish Church, were singly for the Pope's having the Protectorship, and fortify that their desire with a very material and politic consideration, if not threatening, viz. That unless it were so, it might rend the Kingdom into Divisions. But I desire the Reader will observe that rending of the Kingdom would not have proceeded from the casting off of his Majesty's Authority, but from the PAPAL, FRENCH AND SPANISH FACTIONS, who would have contended for the Sovereignty of this Kingdom: But not so much as the least word mentioned that the Kingdom would have been rend by the resistance of any party in his Majesty's behalf: Though three foreign Powers would have found Friends to have countenanced their respective designs, yet his Majesty's lawful Right could not find any numerous Assertors of it.  
Having thus done with the Paper entitled The sense of the Congregation, I shall now proceed to acquaint the Reader with the residue of those Instructions, which will let him plainly see how they projected that Parliament should be constituted which was to establish and secure the Articles of Peace insisted on. One of which I have already particularised, and now shall proceed to the rest.  
The 24th Instruction is set down in these words, viz. You are to be Suitors to his Majesty, that all Indictments, Outlawries, Attainders, and other Acts, made, published, or done, in the Courts of Dublin, or elsewhere in this Kingdom, or the Kingdom of England, in prejudice of the said Catholics, or any of them, since the seventh day of August 1641. shall be before he sitting of the Parliament here, taken off the file, and vacated; and so declared by his Majesty's public Proclamation.  
This is a good preparation for composing a fit Parliament for the ends of the Confederate Catholics. Before they did any thing for the King, they press the King would by a Proclamation vacat the legal proceedings of the Court of Justice. They desire to be put in a capacity to act new crimes, by a forgiveness of the old.  
The 11th Instruction runs in these words, viz. You are to be humble Suitors to his Majesty, That such as are already employed or apppointed, or that shall now be apppointed to execute the Office of Sheriff by our party, in the several Counties of the Kingdom shall stand: and the said Offices to be conferred upon them by Letters Patents.  
Though the Sheriffs of Ireland are pricked by the chief Governor or Governors of this Kingdom, yet they will themselves name those Sheriffs, that thereby they might be in a condition to be sure the respective Knights of the Shires for their intended Parliament should be Roman Catholic Confederacie-Men.  
The close of the 26 Instruction is in these words, You are to procure that no new Corporations shall send Burgesses to Parliament, without the allowance of Parliament first had.  
The 13th Instruction runs in these words, viz. You are desire that such Corporations as anciently sent Burgesses to the Parliament, be now admitted, notwithstanding that by the power of some late Governors, they were of later days debarred of this privilege.  
By these three Instructions the Reader may see how well they would have constituted the House of Commons for the Catholic Confederacy; first, Sheriffs who are to be Judges of the Elections of the Knights of the Shires they would nominate, and have his Majesty commissionate by Letters Patents. Secondly, some old Burroughs who had scarce an Inhabitant in them, and who therefore for several preceding Parliaments had no Writs sent unto them to make Elections, they desire now may send Burgesses to their intended Parliament: And Burroughs who are by the King's Charter to send Burgesses to Parliament, and who are numerously planted with Protestants, were to send none to serve for them in Parliament.  
Thus far the Confederates had well provided for themselves in the constitution of the House of Commons, now I shall let the Reader see that their care was no less in the constitution of the House of Lords: For the 23 Instruction is in these words, viz. That no Lord not estated in this Kingdom, or estated in this Kingdom, and not resident here, shall have vote in the said Parliament of this Realm, by PROXY or OTHERWISE.  
The King is the Fountain of Honour; but here the Confederate Catholics will stop the Stream of it; as they think sit; voting by Proxy, which is the undoubted Right of the Peers, they will not admit; and those Peers who by the Rebellion of the Confederates were expelled out of Ireland, must be denied their Rights, even when a peace is concluded; Nay possibly those Peers might not be considered as estated Lords, whose Estates the said Confederates had possessed themselves of; so that by the Acts of the Rebellion they were to lose their Lands, and by the Desires of the Rebels to lose their Votes: And perhaps if Protestant Peers which the Rebellion had forced into England would have returned into Ireland to vote in this intended Parliament, they might (had this Instruction took place) been denied to vote in Person, as well as by Proxy, on account that they were not estated persons by reason their Lands were then in the possession of the Rebels, who had taken good care that the Peace should not oblige, nor be accepted by the confederate Catholics, till all the Articles of it were established & secured by Parliament.  
The Confederates rest not here, but to make all things surer, the 44th Instruction is set down in these words, viz. That such as shall be recommended by the supreme Council of the Confederate Catholics, shall be by his Majesty called by Writ to sit in the Upper House.  
In the 23d Instruction before mentioned, they attempt to hinder the constitution of the House of Peers to be as by Law and Custom it ought to be; and in this 44th Instruction they attempt to constitute it as it ought not to be. In the foregoing Instruction they endeavour to stop the true Fountain of Honour, and in this Instruction they would make themselves to be the Fountain of Honour. Nor does this Instruction run with the introductive words of the former, viz. You are to be Suitors, or humble Suitors to his Majesty, but positively set down, as if what they demanded were rather a Right, than a Favour; neither do they limit their recommendation of such as are to be called to sit in the Upper House, to such only as were his Majesty's Subjects, or his Rebels, but indefinitely, viz. all that shall be recommended by the Supreme Council of the confederate Catholics; so that the forming of the House of Peers, the great and inseparable Right and Prerogative of the Crown, they not only desire to WREST from the King, but also they desire to VEST IT IN THEMSELVES: Nor do they stop there, but by this Instruction (had it been granted) they would have had the power to have constituted the House of Lords OF FOREIGNERS, and doubtless amongst those, his Holiness' NUNTIO, then amongst them, would scarcely have been forgotten.  
Thus far the Catholic Confederacy had well provided for the composition of the House of Commons and the House of Peers, as far as concerned the Temporal Lords; Now I shall let the Reader see that their care was no less in providing that the House of Peers should be as well constituted for the Spiritual Lords, which they manifest in their 25th Instruction, which follows in these very words, viz. You are to be Suitors to his Majesty, that the Writs of summons be issued to the ARCHBISHOPS AND BISHOPS WITHIN OUR QVARTERS, and they to have PLACE AND VOTE in Parliament.  
This is a Request INDEED, here is not only a taking away of the Right of the Protestant Archbishops and Bishops, but a giving of it to the Papists: Nay, would not this have been (if granted) an owning that the POPE by his Consecration had the Right to send Peers into the House of Lords, if not to create them. But since they were sworn by their Confederacy to have the free and public exercise of the Roman Catholic Religion and Function throughout this Kingdom in its full lustre and splendour, as it was in the Reign of King Henry the seventh, or any other Catholic King his Predecessor, Kings of England and Lords of Ireland, 'tis no wonder they take the surest Ways to reach that End. But yet the wisdom of the Kings of England, and their experience of the Irish Papists has been such, that had all these Instructions been granted to them, yet they could not have reached their Design, which the said Papists well knew, and therefore to throw down ALL Impediments, in their 21th Instruction, which follows in these very words, they further desire, viz. You are to be Suitors to his Majesty, That upon the first sitting of the next Parliament, That an Act may be transmitted for the suspension of POYNINGS HIS ACT, entitled, An Act that no Parliament shall be holden in this Land, until the Acts be certified into England, and all other Acts enlarging or explaining the same. And that it be afterwards left to the consideration of the Parliament, whether the same shall be ALL TOGETHER REPEALED or continued.  
In these Instructions the Confederates show a Catholic Care of the Roman Catholic Cause: They were not contented to attempt by force and open Rebellion to wrest this Kingdom from the Crown of England, but having failed thereof in that way, they endeavour to effect it in this: first they will have a PAPIST chief Governor, and that (to use their own words) the Commissioners must not only INSIST UPON, but must IN NO SORT RECEDE FROM; Then they must have a Parliament, and that not only to be constituted against the King's undoubted prerogative, the known and ancient Laws of the Land, and Privileges and Rights of both Houses, but also must be composed according to the desires and inventions of the Irish Papists: and because by Poynings' Act no Bill or Bills could be transmitted into England till first they had past the chief Governor or Governors and privy Council of this Kingdom, and then were certified to his Majesty and privy Council in England, by the said chief Governor or Governors, and privy Council to be good and expedient for this Kingdom, and then were not to pass in Parliament here, but as approved of by his Majesty and Council in England, and remitted hither under the Great Seal of England; whereby the Crown of England was wisely secured that nothing should be enacted here to the prejudice of it: The said Irish Papists desire that in their said next Parliament Poynings' Act might be suspended, and all other Acts enlarging and explaining the same; and than that it may be left to the consideration of the Parliament, SO CONSTITUTED, whether the same shall be ALTOGETHER REPEALED, or continued; that is to say, That the LAMB be put into the Claws of the WOLF, and then leave it to the consideration of the Wolf whether or no he would devour him. If it should be said, That the forementioned Instructions were only the Confederates desires to his Majesty; I only desire to know whether they made those desires with an intention to have them denied or granted: If the first it was ridiculous, if the last it was rebellious. But by all this it undeniably appears, If the providence of God, and His Sacred Majesty's Wisdom and Care had not disappointed the boundless designs of the said Irish Papists, not only the Protestant Religion and the Professors of it in Ireland had been LOST, but also this Kingdom had been LOST to the Crown of England, for the said Irish Papists were to have held what they then rebelliously possessed till their Articles of Peace had been established and secured by Parliament, and if they could have had a Parliament such as they designed, all the Kingdom would in effect have been theirs by Authority of Parliament; so that either way they had secured themselves as much as their CONFEDERATED WISDOMS could project.  
But since the most essential parts of the Articles of Peace were to be finally obliging but as they were to be confirmed by Act of Parliament in the next Parliament which should be assembled after the perfecting the said Articles; let P. W. remember this present Parliament is the first that has been called together in Ireland since the conclusion of the Peace, and let him see in the GREAT BILL OF SETTLEMENT how far the Parliament thinks fit to put their sanction to those Articles. If P. W. should say, This is not such a Parliament as his Countrymen intended at and before the making of those Articles; I shall join with him in his saying thereof, and shall only add, That GOD AND HIS SACRED MAJESTY be praised, it is not such a Parliament.  
I must desire the Readers excuse for these digression● which I thought necessary, that he might the better know, even out of the Originals of the Papers of the Irish Papists, what kind of Parliament that was, by which they had designed to establish and secure the Articles of their Peace, as also what that Association and Union of the Confederate Roman Catholics is, which their Grand Committee swore to continue, and to return unto upon the concluding of the Peace in 1648. in case they themselves judged the Articles thereof at any time unobserved unto them. I wish the said Irish Papists think not themselves TO THIS DAY bound by it; nay; I wish they do not think it INDISSOLVEABLE.  
This horrid Oath of the Grand Committee beforementioned, is now so undeniable, (though it was then managed in the dark, and carried on with all possible secreeie) that it was by all their Titular Bishops in their published Excommunications against the Lord Lieutenant, interpreted and insisted on, as a most CONSCIENTIOUS engagement to invite all their Nation to a disobedience of his Majesty's Authority; whereby they have not only argued themselves guilty of the greatest unworthiness and treachery, men could possibly be faulty in; they have not only forfeited all that Grace and Favour which could be intended them by that Peace, and invalidated all the Articles of it; but they have likewise continued to themselves the guilt of their Rebellion and Confederacy to this present DAY, and lie obnoxious to the utmost penalty of the Law for the same, unless his Majesty's Mercy be greater than their Crimes; and consequently P. W's causeless curses and threatenings are not to be feared.  

Those threatenings respect MEN 

The Irish Papists.  
The Judicious Protestants.    
Those threatenings respect GOD.   
First P. W. tells us that the hearts of the Irish Papists would by such proceedings be estranged from his Majesty: The sense whereof is, that the Irish will follow the King for nought but the LOAVES; nay, it had been happy for Ireland if the very Loaves themselves would have prevented their hearts from being estranged; but 'tis morally impossible while such a National and Religional distinction continues: The experience of the last Rebellion, if no other proof thereof had been, evinceth the estrangedness of the Irish Papists to be such, that the Interest in them of the greatest Nobleman in Ireland when for the Crown, is not so considerable, as a popish priests against it. Wherefore the estrangedness P. W. mentions must still be expected, but with this difference, That the BEAST if pampered, will Kick, if kept low, OBEY.  
Secondly, P. W. foretelleth that the judicious Protestants will on such proceedings be perpeturlly jealous, notwithstanding any Declaration from Breda, or Acts from Westminster.  
Though P. W. may be a true Seer of the estranged hearts of the Irish papists, yet I dare charge him to be a false Prophet concerning judicious protestants; for though they duly value his Majesty's Declarations and Acts of Grace, as signal Expresses of his Goodness; yet their confidence rests on the inward principle in his Majesty's Breast, whereto without such Expresses, or Articling, or capitulating for such (as the Irish papists did) they freely submitted, and are more confirmed by their late experience to continue in that duty.  
But if in P. W's judgement the ungrounded apprehension of any violation or breach of promise may estrange the hearts of the Irish papists from his Majesty, whom they are bound in conscience to love, honour and obey, notwithstanding miscarriages in Government; and if the like apprehensions may cause jealousies in judicious protestants notwithstanding Declarations and Acts of Parliament, let it not seem strange or hard (at least to P. W. and his Countrymen) if a continued Series of Covenant-Breaches, Rapines, Murders, Massacres, Crueltys, Perfidies, Treasons and Rebellions exercised by the Irish papists against the Crown and protestant Religion, raise jealousies in the hearts of all judicious Protestants. Or if his Majesty be pleased on these accounts in his great justice, Wisdom and Goodnsss to restrain them from further ruining others first, and then themselves.  
The Crown hath often lost by Credulity what it hath got by Valour; it hath lost by pretence of Peace what it had gained in open War: The King's interest in France was thus lost, the GOD of peace prevent the like in Ireland.  
The consequence threatened in respect of God, are dreadful judgements, such as P. W. confesseth to have been wonderfully inflicted on the Irish Nation for their breach of the peace in 1646. and such as were inflicted on Saul's house for his breach with the Gibeonites.  
I see the best Wits have not always the best Memories, else P. W. would have remembered the breach made by his Nation in 1641. and since 1648. as well as in 1646. for those doubtless were as criminal as this: but possibly he thinks it was more sin for his Countrymen to violate what they obliged themselves to as a FREE STATE, than what they were obliged to do as SUBJECTS; and therefore thinks their sins in 1646. were greater than in 1641.  
But if all were pardoned by the peace made in 1648. why does he remember the Judgements for the breaches in 1646? if he thinks all were not, why does he not remember the breaches made in 1641. and at least attribute some of those Judgements to that breach?  
But I had almost forgot what perhaps P. W. may plead in answer to my Objection, and that is no less than the POPE's BULL of indulgence and pardon published in Latin in Ireland, and thus carefully (for so much of it as follows) translated into English.  

URBANUS OCTAVUS. Ad futuram rei memoriam.  
Having taken into our serious consideration the great Zeal of the Irish towards the propagating of the Catholic Faith, AND THE PIETY OF THE CATHOLIC WARRIORS IN THE SEVERAL ARMIES OF THAT KINGDOM (which was for that singular fervency in the true worship of God, and notable care had formerly in the like case by the Inhabitants thereof, for the maintenance and preservation of the same Orthodox Faith, called of old, THE LAND OF SAINTS,) and having got certain notice how IN IMITATION OF THEIR GODLY AND WORTHY ANCESTORS, they endeavour BY FORCE OF ARMS to deliver their thralled Nation from the Oppressions and grievous Injuries of the Heretics, wherewith this long time it hath been afflicted, and heavily burdened, and GALLANTLY do what in them lieth TO EXTIRPATE AND TOTALLY ROOT OUT those Workers of Iniquity, who in the Kingdom of Ireland had infected, and always striven to infect the Mass of Catholic purity, with the pestiferous Leaven of their Heretical contagion; WE THEREFORE BEING WILLING TO CHERISH THEM with the gift of those Spiritual Graces whereof by God we are ordained the only Disposers on earth, by the mercy of the same almighty GOD, trusting in the authority of the blessed Apostles Peter and Paul, and by virtue of that power of binding and losing of souls, which GOD was pleased (without our deserving) to confer' upon us: To ALL and EVERY ONE of the faithful Christians in the aforesaid Kingdom of Ireland, NOW and FOR THE TIME MILITATING AGAINST THE HERETICS and other Enemies of the Catholic Faith; they being truly and sincerely penitent, after confession, and the Spiritual refreshing of themselves with the sacred Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ, DO GRANT A FULL AND PLENARY INDULGENCE AND ABSOLUTE REMISSION FOR ALL THEIR SINS, and such as in the holy time of jubilee is usual to be granted to those that devoutly visit a certain number of privileged Churches within and without the walls of our City of Rome; by the tenor of which present Letters for once only and no more, we freely bestow the favour of this absolution upon all and every one of them, and withal desiring heartily all the faithful in Christ now in Arms as aforesaid would be partakers of this most previous Treasure.  
To all and every one of the aforesaid FAITHFUL CHRISTIANS We grant licence and give power to choose unto themselves for this effect any fit Confessor, whether a secular Priest, or a regular of some Order; as likewise any other selected person approved of by the Ordinary of the place, who after a diligent hearing of their Confessions shall HAVE POWER TO LIBERATE AND ABSOLVE THEM from Excommunication, Suspension, and all other Ecclesiastical Sentences and Censures, by whomsoever, or for what cause soever pronounced or inflicted upon them, as also FROM ALL SINS, TRESPASSES, TRANSGRESSIONS, CRIMES AND DELINQUENCIES HOW HEINOUS AND ATROCIOUS SOEVER THEY BE, etc.  
Dated at Rome in the Vatican or St. Peter's Palace, the 25th day of May, 1643. and in the 20th year of our Pontificate. M. A. MARALDUS.   
This BULL of Indulgence and Pardon of the Pope either is an answer to my question, or it is not; if P. W. should say it is not an answer to my Question, than it remains still in force: if P. W. should say that it is an answer to my Question, than I desire the unbyass'd Reader to consider whose Subjects the Irish papists are: For His late Majesty of Glorious Memory under His Great Seal declares in these very words, viz. We do extremely detest the ODIOUS REBELLION which the Recusants of Ireland have without Ground or Colour raised against Us, Our Crown and Dignity: But the Pope by his Bull calls that Rebellion of the Irish Papists, an imitation of their godly and worthy Ancestors, with this farther addition, That the said Irish Papist GALLANTLY do what in them lieth TO EXTIRPATE AND TOTALLY ROOT OUT THE PROTESTANTS, who he is pleased to call Workers of Iniquity. Nay, his Holiness proceeds farther, for being willing to cherish them in their Rebellion, he dispenses to them the gift of spiritual Graces, of which he says he is under GOD the only Disposer on earth, and therefore grants them a full & plenary indulgence and absolute remission for all their sins, trespasses, transgressions, crimes and delinquences, how heinous and atrocious soever they be. If the Pope's power over the Irish Papists be so great, I shall not wonder their obedience to the King is so little: neither shall I admire that Rebellions have been so frequent in Ireland for the time past, nor doubt they will be as frequent for the time to come, if the strength of the Irish Papists proportions their inclinations, & if the said Papists consider fight against the King's Authority is Merit, and dying in that Quarrel is MARTYRDOM. Their propensity to the sin of Rebellion needed not those two double incentives to it, viz. If they succeed, HEAVEN and IRELAND is theirs; if they succeed not, HEAVEN is theirs: His Sacred Majesty will have but little hold of men who are acted by such Principles, and by such beliefs. I desire also it may observed, this BULL was sent them in May 1643. at which time the Irish Papists were in the height of their Rebellion; for they then had neither Cessation or Peace to plead, which might entitle them so much as to the Name of Subjects. It may be also this pardon of the Pope's made them the more cheerfully swear neither to seek or receive directly or indirectly a pardon from a King. I hope the Reader will also observe that the design of the Irish Papists by their Rebellion, what ever they pretended for it, was no less than TO EXTIRPATE AND TOTALLY ROOT OUT THE PROTESTANTS, and this attested by the POPE himself, which he calls a GALLANT ACT, and an imitation of their GODLY ANCESTORS, which proves that General if not Universal Massacrings has not been only the attempted sin of the Irish papists of this Age, but had descended to them by inherritance, and some wish it may not be conveyed to their Posterities. 'Tis likewise worthy the Readers observation, Though his Sacred Majesty might warrantably have done unto those Irish papists what they would have done to the protestants, and though persons of such bloody principles and designs as the POPE owns the said Irish papists to be, and incourages them to persevere in, with assurance of pardon here, and Heaven hereafter, are not very likely to be obedient Subjects to the King, or good Neighbours to their fellow Subjects; yet not one of them suffers merely for his Religion, and many of them, though guilty, are pardoned and restored. This practically and clearly shows the difference between the true mother and the false mother, as also how much more consonant to CHRIST's Doctrine and Practise the HEAD OF THE PROTESTANT CHURCH does act, than the HEAD OF THE POPISH CHURCH does act; and MAN can in nothing be so well like unto GOD, as in being merciful as GOD is merciful.  
But for all P. W's fencing, I am confident were his Countrymen as fully pardoned for their breaches of the Articles made in 1648. as by that peace P.W. says (whatever he thinks) they are pardoned for their breaches in the year 1646. he would as well attribute his Countrymens' sufferings to the breaches of 1648. as to any preceding. But I see it is easier for his Majesty to forgive TWO Rebellions, then for P. W. acknowledge ONE, which he is so far from doing, that upon a supposititious covenant-breach on the King's side, he thereby insinuates a charge against the most faithfully indulgent of Princes. But the protestants of Ireland dare APPEAL CHEERFULLY even to the Tribunal of GOD HIMSELF, that the judgement may fall where the breach is.  
And since P. W. acknowledges that all the wonderful judgements fallen upon the Irish Nation is for the breach of the Articles of 1646. and that I have fully proved in many signal instances, the Articles ni 1648. were no less broken by them, let all men consider how visible the breach was which he CONFESSETH, when the breach in 1648. is so visible, which he DENYETH: And since all the past judgements on his Countrymen, he owneth, were only inflicted for the breach in 1646. let him and them, if they please, ascribe the punishments to come in the Bill of Settlement, to their breaches in 1641. and to their breach of the Articles in 1648. for doubtless these deserve some judgements as well as that.  
I fully own Faith should be observed wherever it is given, as long as the conditions for which it is given are observed: And I as heartily confess that a violation of Faith calls down the severest of God's punishments; for all promises made before the righteous Judge of heaven and earth, when broken, are not broken singly to those to whom, but even also to him before whom they are made; and God will not be mocked: I wish those which now think such judgements on such breaches just and inevitable, had in 1641. in 1646. in 1648. and many times since, so well remembered the truth of that position, as not to have run into those sins, which must, as an inevitable consequence of them, draw down such punishments. But since what is passed cannot be recalled, I will pray they may avoid in the future, what for the time passed they might have prevented. But because P.W. has instanced the case of Saul's children and the Gibeonites, I will endeavour to show how far it is parallel to that case to which he unjustly applies it, and how far it is not.  
First how far it is Parallel.  

1. joshua knew not the persons of those with whom he made that league; neither did the King know the hearts of those with whom he made that peace.  
2. Those were neighbours, nay lived amongst the Israelites to whom joshua promised peace, though they said they were of a far Country; the Irish were neighbours, at least locally; nay they lived long amongst us, though at last they would not let us live among them; but indeed they were from a very far Country, even from Rome itself.  
3. Those deluded joshua into that league, and said they were his servants, when they were his Enemies; the Irish Papists did also delude the King into that peace, and said they were Subjects, when indeed they were Rebels. Thus far the Parallel holds.   
Now I will show in what, and how much it differs.  

1. The Gibeonites deluded joshua into a peace; but the Irish Papists (to use His Sacred Majesties own words) forced, compelled, necessitated him into Cessations and Peace's.  
2. The Gibeonites were Strangers, but the Irish Papists were (at least ought to have been) Subjects.  
3. The Gibeonites never broke those Conditions granted to them, though by those conditions they were made in effect Slaves; but the Irish Papists broke, yea often, if not always theirs, though after an unparallelled Rebellion they were in effect made Lords of all Ireland, even the bloody Stage upon which they had acted their guilt.  
4. Saul's children were not executed for their Father his having made the Gibeonites hewers of wood, and drawers of water, (the utmost that the Protestants desire even to the worst principled of the Irish Papists) but for killing the Gibeonites after they were peaceable Slaves: So that those judgements P. W. seems to threathen his Majesty with, if they have not the Articles of 1648. made good, he and his Countrymen have only reason to fear; for his Majesty kept them, and they have broken them. Since the breach of Faith is so foul a Sin, and deserves such heavy Punishments, even by P. W's own confession, and since it is fully proved those for whom he pleads, have not only once, but often, yea always broken their Agreements; let them with patience bear what they have drawn upon themselves; and let him henceforth employ his Pen and his Press in inviting his Countrymen rather to acknowledge his Majesty's mercy, that no more are punished, then that some are, and that so little too, comparatively to their crimes.   
I will from P. W's Parallel take a rise for the inserting of two particulars: The first is, If any of the children of P. W's Clients lose their Lands, though actually they were not guilty of their Father's Rebellions, let him remember, even in the case which he instances, that the seven sons of Saul were hanged up unto the Lord in Gibeah of Saul, though they had not actually slain those Gibeonites for which they themselves were punished. Let him also remember that till justice was done, the famine lasted; and after it was done, the famine ceased. Those lost theirs lives for their father's sin; but these (if any) lose but their fathers forfeited Lands for their Father's crimes. The second is, Though even the Spirit of God itself witnesseth, That Saul sought to slay the Gibeonites in his zeal to the children of Israel and juda; yet that itself could not silence or suspend the Justice of God. And therefore let P. W. know, That though in the third Article of their Instructions to the titular Bishop of Fernes, and Sir Nicolas Plunket, (their Commissioners to Rome) they own to the Pope that in their zeal they raised Arms for the freedom of the Catholic Religion, yet no zeal in Religion can apologise for, or will hinder the effects of God's Justice on his Countrymen for their unparallelled murders, and their often breaches against Nature, and against Stipulation: To do evil that good may come of it, may be the Doctrine of Rome, but is not the Doctrine of Christ; and by the Fruit the Tree is best known.   

THE CONCLUSION.  
The Conclusion, or concluding Wish, [That his Grace the Duke of Ormond may be as another joseph to his Brethren] the Hearts of the Protestants of Ireland close with; desiring that he may be a joseph not only to the Israel of GOD, [The Religious Protestants] but also a joseph even to the Egyptians themselves, feeding and preserving them, yet so as becomes Pharaoh's Steward, reserving Kings free dispose, and removing, that is, TRANSPLANTING THE PEOPLE from one end of the borders of Egypt, to the other end thereof.  
May herein the Practice of joseph be his Pattern, and the Blessings of joseph be his Portion! The Blessings of Heaven above, the Blessings of the Deep that lieth under, the Blessings of the Breasts and the Womb; these Blessings be on the Head of this joseph, and on the Crown of the HEAD of Him that was separate from (those which call themselves) HIS BRETHREN.   
FINIS.