ANSWER To a Scandalous LETTER Lately Printed and Subscribed By PETER WELSH, Procurator for The Sec. and Reg. Popish Priests of Ireland.  
ENTITLED, [A Letter desiring a just and merciful Regard of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, given about the end of Octob. 1660. to the then Marquis, now Duke of Ormond, and the second time Lord Lieutenant of that Kingdom.]  
By the Right Honourable The EARL of ORRERY, One of the Lords Justices of the Kingdom of Ireland, and L. Precedent of the Province of Munster, etc.  
Being a full discovery of the treachery of the Irish Rebels since the beginning of the Rebellion there, necessary to be considered by all Adventurers and other persons estated in that Kingdom.  
Printed at DUBLIN by J. C. and reprinted at London, 1662.   

A Letter desiring a just and merciful regard of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, given about the end of October 1660 to the then Marquis, now Duke of Ormond, and the second time Lord Lieutenant of that Kingdom.  
SInce I had the honour of speaking last to your Excellence, I reflected, (by occasion of several Discourses had this week with Persons of quality) on the daily increase of the Fears and Jealousies of my Countrymen: Which is the reason, That instead of waiting on you this morning about private Concernments, (as I intended) I chose rather out of my unalterable affection to yourself, to give first this paper, and therein my thoughts and my desires relating to the public, that is, to yourself, and to his Majesty, and his Kingdom of Ireland.  
My Lord, I thought fit to tell you, That considering the General fear seized already almost on all the Nobility, Gentry, and others here of that Nation, and reflecting on the vast difference betwixt my own belief and theirs, it seems to me, I behold (in us particularly, who have for so many years so much relied on your word and virtue) somewhat fulfilled, not unlike the mysterious extinction of all the Lights to one in the Ceremony of Tenebrae in holy week. For, my Lord, I observe in the generality of the Catholics of Ireland here, even (I say) of those who have been so long as well your constant believers as your passionate sticklers, a dimness and darkness seizing their judgements; even your fastest friends heretofore, losing at present their faith of your future appearance for them, and hopes of their delivery by you at any time evermore: Some through ignorance of State affairs, and intrigues obstructing as yet: others through inconsideration of those ways you take much wiser, though slower, than folly and rashness could chalk out: and some out of prejudice or an evil passion, which blinds them and makes them abuse the timorousness and credulity of all they can, to lessen your esteem and your dependencies, all they are able.  
My Lord, these are thoughts, which more and more trouble me daily: because I have daily new occasions to reflect on them. And therefore would not longer but give them your▪ Excellence, even in this method and in writing, that they might take the deeper impression▪ as very much concerning you, since your own welfare, and the Kings and the peoples (in my judgement) very much depends on a good esteem of so great a Minister, as your great deserts have made you.  
But withal, My Lord, I will give your excellence my most earnest, and most humble desires that you delay no longer than shall be necessary, to clear these clouds of darkness: and clear them in this present conjuncture, by an effectual demonstration of that justice and favour you intended the Catholics of Ireland, in your Articles of 48. when they so freely put themselves and their power into your hands. I am not ignorant that some have after transgressed in a high nature. But you know, my Lord, there are many thousands of Protestants in the three Kingdoms, who have been far more heinously criminal, both against his Majesty and against his Father, of blessed Memory, and who have contributed, or intended as little for bringing home his Majesty, as the most wickedly principled of the Roman Confederates of Ireland. And we all know (my Lord) that all the Protestants are not only pardoned (except a very few of the most immediate Regicides (but equalled in all capacities with his Majesty's most faithful and approved subjects. Yet if these unfortunate Catholic transgressors must be alone, in this general Jubilee of the three Nations, held unworthy to rejoice in the King's restauration; if they alone, besides their most grievous and most unparallelled sufferings under tyranny these eight or nine years past, must anew suffer, and yet a more heavy judgement, under the most clement Prince on earth; if they alone must experience all the rigour of his Laws and judicatures for their offences after the peace of 48. (which offences however criminal were not bloody) your Excellence may be nevertheless pleased to consider the Transplantation cannot be continued on any such account, nor on any other which may stand either with those Articles, or with the equity of the Laws, and much less with the justice of a Prince whom God hath restored to redeem the oppressed from the yoke of tyranny, to lead captivity captive, and give gifts to men. And your Excellence may be further pleased to consider that the Corporations generally cannot be excluded on this account, nor on any other may stand with his Majesty's gracious concessions in these Articles. Neither do I think there can be any reasons of State may accord with the dictates of a good conscience to exclude them. I confess, my Lord, the undutifulness of some, two or three peradventure deserved punishment, and Limerick a severe one. But this, my Lord, is long since inflicted by the hands of God and man. The plague and famine, the sword and gibber, even by the power of tyrants destroyed them, and revenged your quarrel; though, I am sure, you are more divinely principled than to mind your own revenge on any. Besides, my Lord, your Excellence knows there have been very many faithful subjects in these towns, even in the most criminal of them.  
My Lord, you are more just than to involve the just in the punishment of the wicked. God, himself, whose power cannot be limited by Laws, would not punish the just, not even when he was most incensed by the most criminal Cities that ever stood on earth. He assured the prophet Jeremy, that could he find one just man in all Jerusalem (when most sinful and reprobate, and by his revenging justice designed for a ●eneral desolation) he would single out that man from the wicked and ●ave him (for so our translation reads) nay, for his sake be merciful to the whole City (if your Translation be right.) When the crying sins of Sodom and Gomorrah forced open the floodgates of heaven to power down those prodigious flames of fire and brimstone, we read in Genesis yet would not the justice of God permit execution, before he had put in a place of safety one just man that was found in Sodom. And, which is yet more observable, was further pleased to assure Abraham, that he was so far from intending to involve the just in the destruction of the wicked, that i● in these great places designed for so great vengeance, he could find but even ten just men, he would for their sake pardon all the rest, that is, not Sodom alone, but the five Cities, and the whole Pentapolitane region annexed. My Lord, our gracious King hath in imitation of this mercy of God, pardoned for some just men's sake all the Protestant Cities of his Dominions. And will he not pardon the miserable remainders of one poor Catholic Town? or two? or three at most? if perhaps there be so many that have any way offended. I am sure, what ever their offence hath been, it hath been these many years passed sufficiently punished: and hath been, even of the most criminal, incomparably less than what may be charged on most of all his Majesty's Protestant Cities. And I am sure there have been in the very worst of them, and in the most disobedient more than fifty (the greatest number Abraham proposed for mercy to Sodom) just men (I say) to his Majesty, and your Excellence; than which you take no further cognizance of justice in this particular. And what besides may render them unfit objects of the general mercy, if not perhaps their Religion? Which nevertheless, being so Chrstian, and allowed by Articles, can be no exception. Yet if notwithstanding all this, the few and miserable Survivours and Heirs of the dead in the general desolation, must suffer again, and under his royal justice: I beseech you (my Lord) Let not the Tables of Sylla and Marius, let not their general proscriptions or confiscations be renewed on this occasion, or affixed in the Courts and Judicatures of the British Monarchy. Let not these bright days of universal joy, be rendered to the Irish Catholics alone dark, sad, and dismal. Nor let these days be infamously memorable to posterity for a distinction so unequal. Even the greatest and worst of Delinquents, amongst the Catholics of Ireland, even of those very Corporations or Cities, that have been most refractory, were so far from being Regicides, or any way inclined unto them, (and only such, and but very few of such, because only some of the most immediate actors, have been hitherto thought fit to be excluded a share in this joy) that they have fought against them even to despair: and fought against them when England and Scotland, and the Protestants of Ireland, wholly deserted the Royal cause: and fought against them as well in defence of his Majesty's rights as under the title of his Subjects; till at last by long sieges, and multitudes overpowred, and through God's unsearchable. Judgements, and their desertion by friends abroad, and home divisions they lost themselves and their Country.  
Nevertheless, my Lord, ●●● be it from my thoughts to desire the obstruction of any lawful and honest course may be justly taken to secure the peace of that Country from rational dangers: if any such can be in our days from the Catholic Natives. What I humbly beg is, That if these Catholics must be always so unfortunate as to be thought unworthy His Majesty's Graces and Favours to Protestants that fought against him, when they fought for him, or of such as he vouchsafes; even Presbyters, Anabaptists, Quakers, Fift-monarchy-men, Independents (the greatest Enemies to regal power in some Tenets, wherein the Roman Catholics are the surest friends) his Majesty may be at least graciously pleased to let them have the benefit of his Concessions articled with them. And what I beg, my Lord, is that his Majesty not so much regard the power of our Adversaries as the Justice of our cause. My Lord, their power is no greater at this time, than His Majesty is pleased to continue or make it. There is a huge difference betwixt their influence on the meaner Officers and common Soldiers now, and that it was in the time of the long Parliament, or in the days of Tyranny and Anarchy. In a word it will signify a mere nothing, if once uncommissioned by His Majesty, and the common Soldiers paid.  
However, my Lord, their power cannot be so dangerous, as their unjust demands of biased interest and pretended zeal, if complied withal by His Majesty, and by a breach so notorious and so great of our Articles. For, besides that such proceed would, in all probability, estrange the hearts of the Irish Catholics from his Majesty, and by a consequence of reason (how strange soever this may appear at first sight) kindle and raise in all judicious Protestants who have ever fought in any of his Dominions, either against himself, or against his Father, even in the very Demanders (how much soever blinded at present by proper interest) perpetual Jealousies, and distrusts of thei● own safety, notwithstanding any Declaration from Breda, or Acts of Westminster passed in this present Parliament: they would, (which is most of all to be feared as the worst of evils, and may Providence divert it in obstructing the cause) turn the heart of God from our good Prince; and bring his Judgements on him. My Lord, never, or scarce ever did public breach of public faith escape very public and very dreadful Judgements, even in this World, I mean. Histories profane and sacred are full of sad examples of both kinds. And for the people's breach, our Irish Nation these fourteen years passed so wonderfully scourged beyond almost all example, for their breach of their first Articles, those of forty six, with you (my Lord) will be recorded in after ages as one of the saddest. But for a Prince's transgression of this nature, and Judgements following, even such as are infallibly known to have been for this only cause inflicted, and by God's own immediate execution for the greatest part, and the rest by his good will and pleasure, that of the 21. of the 2. of Samuel is pertinent and formidable. The very first of faithful Kings, elected by God's immediate ordinance, anointed by God's immediate commandment, appointed by him Ruler of his peculiar people, and Champion on Earth of his Church against Infidels; even this beloved of God for a time, this dear darling of Heaven for some years, ●o ●oone● attempted against Articles, on the poor Gibeonites, and their four Cities, but those most fearful and exemplar Judgements, recorded by Samuel, were decreed against him, and, for this very fact alone, against his posterity, and against the whole Kingdom of Israel. Neither could all the miseries of his own life after, nor the ignominy of his own death, and of the best of his children, which followed very soon, nor the Army of God perishing with him by the swords of Idolaters, expiate this public breach of public Articles. Not although they were his own Subjects with whom he broke, and not Subjects only, but slaves born, and by covenant; nor slaves alone, but Amorites, whose Towns and Lands, and fortunes had been the free gift of God to the Children of Israel, in his promise to Abraham 700. years before, and long after appropriated the second time unto them by the Law of Moses, and by his particular command for extirpation of the ancient Inhabitants, and of the Amorites by name, and for never entering any League or Peace or Covenant with them. Not although these Gibeonites, when they articled by their Predecessors, were Infidels, Enemies of one true God, and their Articles made with true believers, and believers infallibly such, and not with Saul, but with Josue, 300. years before the Reign of Saul, and never by him ratified. Nor although, what is more observable, these Articles were obtained of Joshua through his ignorance of the people that treated with him, and by their lies and circumvention of him. Nor finally, although these Articles were assented unto by Joshua only, and his twelve chief Captains; the whole multitude (concerned in this business) not consenting otherwise; as appeared within three days after the Conclusion, by their general murmur against the Prince. My Lord, note of all these extenuating circumstances, nor altogether, not even backed with zeal for the people of God (the scripture noting particularly that Saul sought to slay the Gibeonites in his zeal to the Children of Israel and Judah) no excuse, no pretence whatsoever could obtain so much mercy of the great Justicier of Heaven, as to inflict the punishment of this article-breaking on the person of Saul alone; not even together with his beloved Jonathan's, or on his Legions, and People in his own days only. The vengeance of God must pursue his Posterity and Kingdom, long after his death, and for this cause alone. A mortal Famine of three years' continuance must consume the twelve Tribes of Israel, even in the reign of his Successor; and for this very sin only, as God himself revealed to holy David. Nor would the Famine cease, till by David's commandment seven of Saul's Children and Nephews were delivered to the Gibeonites; and by the hands of these very men, whose Articles he broke, crucified alive upon a Mountain, to expiate this public and horrid sin, even in the face of the sun. May Providence, and the King's Righteousness, and your sage Counsel (my Lord) obstruct all occasions of reflecting on this, (and so many other examples of God's revenge of Article-breaking) any further than that the best of Kings may see the worsts of evils attending the Counsels of our Adversaries: and that their power, whatever it be, cannot be so dangerous as their demands against our Articles.  
My Lord, I conclude here, but with my hearty wishes, That in the House, and at the Counsels of our great King, your Excellence may both appear and approve yourself hereafter what you are in part already, another Joseph. That by the best of Advices you may preserve the best of Princes, and all his people of so many different Nations of the British monarchy. May it be so, my Lord! And may the Catholics of Ireland in particular own you a great Deliverance! as I cannot but confidently expect from you in due time; for my light in the triangle cannot be extinguished. But (my Lord) may not innocent beloved Benjamin alone, nor friendly Reuben only, but even Simeon and Levi, and their Complices against you heretofore, have cause to bless God for you hereafter. May they all find in effect, that you have the bowels of Joseph, to forgive and compassionate them, and his power to deliver them, and his faith to believe, That God permitted their evil against you, even in forcing you twice away from them, of purpose to preserve you for their good; and that you might return, even this second time, their great Deliverer. Propitious Heaven, and your own good Genius, my Lord, second my wishes! And may your faithful believer see with his own eyes the full accomplishment! that he may employ all his days after, and all his Labours in consecrating to posterity your Name, with this Elogium of Joseph, the Saviour of his Brethren, and of his Country, and of all the People. And these are the hearty wishes of  
(My Lord) Your Excellencies most humble, most obsequious, and most devoted Servant, P. W.   

The Answer. etc.  
HAving lately seen a Printed Paper, the Title whereof is, [A Letter desiring a just and merciful regard of the Roman Catholics of Ireland, given about the end of October, 1660. to the then Marquis, now Duke of Ormond, and the second time L. Lieutenant of that Kingdom:] Subscribed by P. W. And finding it in effect, whatever the words of it are, extremely undutiful to his sacred Majesty, very disrespectful to the Duke of Ormond L. Lieutenant of Ireland, and most scandalous not only to the Protestants of Ireland, but also to those of the same Religion in his sacred Majesties other Kingdoms: I have esteemed myself obliged, as a faithful subject to the King, as an humble servant to the L. Lieutenant, and as a son of the Protestant Church, whose Members are as highly as falsely aspersed by it, to expose in print an Answer to that Le●ter, which before I enter upon, I will only say, P. W. professing not a little to be his Grace's servant, if he meant not this Letter as a respect to his Grace, why was it written? if he did, why was it printed? But P. W. despairing to receive from His Grace the effects of his unjust desires for his Countrymen, chose this way to acquaint them, 'twas not for want of his solicitation. He would let them see, since he could not make them beholding to My L. Lieutenant, that they were so to him.  
Since I shall often have occasion to name IRISH PAPISTS. I have thought fit here, once for all, to declare, That I mean not thereby in all, or any part of my answer any of those Worthy persons of that Nation and Religion who have still faithfully served the King, whose merit I highly respect, and the more, because it has been preserved from infection even in a very Pest-house; nor any of those, who having been truly sorrowful for having rebelled in the constancy of their subsequent services to his Majesty, have washed themselves clean; For I take a perfect delight in any change from bad to good; and I heart'ly wish, that every one of them had not so much endangered their being polluted again, as interceding and pleading for their guilty Countrymen does amount unto. Having thus made this necessary digression, I shall now proceed.  
The parts separate of this Letter are three. First, a Preface. Secondly, a Petition. Thirdly, a Conclusion or concluding Wish. P. W. prefaceth, First, the Fears and Jealousies of those whom he calls the Catholics of Ireland. Secondly, His own affection to, and confidence in his Grace the Duke of Ormond.  
Fears and Jealousies are no less than must in reason be expected in the Generality of the Irish Papists; For though the goodness and indulgence of the best of Kings may make their condition safe: yet the conscience of their own guilt will never suffer them to be secure. Pretended Fears and Jealousies▪ were the Forerunners, if not Causers of Troubles past; I hope P. W. intends them not as such, for Troubles to come.  
Fear is founded on, at least attended with Hatred; and if one of the best of His Majesty's Servants, one of the chiefest of his Ministers, be thus, 1. universally, 2. Intensly feared, and therefore 3. hated, 4. as P. W. says, by his own Countrymen: (but let all that P. W. prints, stand or fall, as this last particular is true or false; for his Grace is neither his Countryman by birth, Religion, or any other Relation to which that Name is appliable;) yea 5. by his own Fiduciares (as is expressed in the printed Letter.) If, I say, all this be not true, why does P. W. say it? if it be true, what can others expect? For if the flame be so in the green Tree, what will it be in the dry?  
The Irish Papists in their former and later Apologies for the horridest of Rebellions, have not to this very day (within any of his Majesty's Dominions) even pretended publicly any other cause for their Rapines, Murders, Massacres and Treasons, but what resolves itself into Fears and Jealousies. And if their passions be the same, it is to be feared their Wills are not altered. And if their Wills be the same, nothing under God, can prevent the effects, but want of strength.  
especially considering that 1. in 1641. no such antecedent animosities or hatreds had prepared matters for Fears and Jealousies, as by the worst of Rebellions is now become even nationally violent, (but by the way, it seems to me somewhat hard, that those which give the rise for the Cause, should first cry out in the Effects.) 2. In 1641. these Fears and Jealousies (if really in any) were but in a Few; but now P. W. confesseth, That they have seized upon almost all the Nobility, Gentry and others, yea the Generality of the Catholics of Ireland, even the constant Believers of, passionate Sticklers for, and fastest Friends to his Grace the Duke of Ormond; and this so intensely, that it produceth the loss both of Faith and Hope.  
Here it may well be observed what temper they are of, whom P. W. pleads for; Jealousies, Fears and want of faith are so inseparable from them, that those in 1641. were only said to be derived from his Majesty's Enemies, but now (all such by the mercy of God being blown away) they are derived from his Majesty's chief Minister of State of this Kingdom; and who is made such, as P. W. saith, and as I most hearty acknowledge, by his own great deserts. What is it can suppress the Fears and Jealousies of P. W's. Countrymen, when His Majesty's free Election of a chief Governor, and such a one as the Duke of Ormond is, cannot do it? This acknowledgement of P. W's. fully proves, that the Irish Papists Fears and Jealousies of the chief Governors of this Kingdom in 1641. were only taken up by those, and not cause given for them by these. The plain English is this, though his Majestly should from time to time nominate for Lord Lieutenant of this Kingdom, the wisest and the faithfullest of his Subjects; yet because the King commissionates them, or because they are such, or both, many (I wish I could not say most) of the Irish Papists will be jealous and fearful of them.  
Concerning P. W's. affection to, and confidence in his Grace the Duke of Ormond, expressed by several instances of free and frequent access to him, of his and others reliance on his word, of his daily care and trouble to support his esteem, and of blaming distrusters as guilty of ignorance of State affairs, and the Intrigues obstructing, as yet; or of inconsideration of those wiser ways, though slower, than folly or rashness could chalk out, or of prejudice and evil Passion. I will only say, That though P. W. would make us believe, as if some word in secret had passed by his Grace to the Irish Papists, which they dare thus mention to himself, and publish to the world; at least that he who is a professed Enemy to the English interest, and Protestant Religion, is his Graces intimate and familiar Confident; and by such as visible, as false arts, endeavour to infect the Protestants with the disease of him, and his Countrymen; Jealousies and fears of the L. Lieutenant. Yet I dare as truly, as confidently aver, though P. W's. Oratory were as great as his malice, his insinuations could not shake, much less overthrow that irremovable confidence his Majesty's Protestant Subjects of Ireland, have built with great reason and experience upon his Grace, even on the double Accounts, of his Principles and Practices. To attempt to betray with a Kiss, is neither a new Art or a new Sin, but he that would destroy by undermining, would do it by open force, if his Power proportioned his Will.  
Concerning P. W.'s affection to his Grace, he says no more for that in particular, than he says in general for his countrymen's having a right to the Peace made in 1648. Therefore I believe his Grace will take his measure of the former, by his knowledge of the later.  
After this Preface, P. W. petitions, That his Grace would no longer delay, than shall be necessary, yea that be would in this present conjuncture, effectually demonstrate that justice and favour h● intended to the Catholics of Ireland, in the Articles of Peace made in 1648.  
Though P. W. in the first clause, petitions only that his Grace would no longer delay than shall be necessary; yet as if struck with the Fears and Jealousies of his Countrymen, and not daring to submit the determination of that period of necessity to his Grace's judgement, he petitions limitedly, if not positively, in the later clause, for the present conjuncture.  
If the subject matter of that Justice and Favour petitioned for, may be measured (as is expressed) by his Grace's intendment, I a● confident the Protestants of Ireland, should his Majesty think fit) will freely submit their All, to that Decision; without either articling with him first; or breaking Articles after the guilt of making them.  
P. W. enforceth his Petition by Arguments pretending to  

Justice  
Distributive 

In the common case considered 

Absolutely.  
Comparatively      
Communitive 

In some special cases of the 

Transplantation. Corporation.       
In respect of the common Case considered absolutely, P. W. argues, That the Irish Papists in 1648. FREELY put themselves and their power into his Grace's hands.  
But Freely in this instance, if it signifies aught meritoriously, it signifies the same as gratis; when as it was made, 1. upon Articles; 2. even upon such Articles, as forced from his Majesty all the Regalia, both Ecclesiastical and Temporal; 3. when as at such a season, and in such a tempest every good Subject should freely have cast his Goods overboard, to prevent the common Wrack, even then the Irish Papists would not contribute to prevent one Leak, but at a Rate unproportionate, and as the Tempest or Leaks increased, so increased their Rates. But to show how freely the Irish put themselves and their power into his Majesty's hands, I▪ need but rehearse his sacred Majesties own words, in the preamble of his Majesty's Gracious Declaration of the 30. of November 1660. page 3. viz. We well remember the Cessation of the Peace, which Our Royal Father of blessed Memory had been FORCED, during the late Troubles, to make with his Irish Subjects of that Our Kingdom, and by which he was COMPELLED to give them a full pardon for what they had before done amiss, u●on their return to their duty, and their promise of giving his Majesty a vigorous assistance. In the same page of the same Declaration, soon after follow these words, viz. We could not forget the Peace which Ourselves was afterwards NECESSITATED to make with our said Subjects, in the time when they who wickedly usurped the Authority, had erected that odious Court for the taking away the life of Our dear Father, etc.  
That which his Majesty calls Forced, Compelled, and Necessitated, P. W. Freely putting themselves into his Grace's hands; so that that untrue suggestion of his needs no other refutation as to the time past, and as to the time to come, I wish I had not cause to doubt, if ever they put themselves into his Grace's hand, that which they will call Freely, will be an effect of Compulsion, Force and Necessity. Whatever the Submission was in 1648. and how▪ Free soever pretended; yet the express letter of those Articles, (Article 18.) precludes all Offences which shall be committed or done after their Date; and after that, the Irish Papists instead of freely putting themselves and their powers into the L. Lieutenant's hands, signally declared their Contempt of him, Disobedience to him, and Opposition against him. For proofs whereof, among many, I shall set down one undeniable instance of each.  
1. For their Contempts: In April 1650. by a Message they desired the L. Lieutenant to Leave the Kingdom, and commit the Government to one of their own election, in whom they could confide. That which Now P. W. varnisheth with a modester phrase of Fears and Jealousies, was then contempt and diffidence. At the same time that they owned the L. Lieutenant's Authority, they desire him to resign it, without his Majesty's consent, nay so much as his knowledge; yet this is but consonant to the whole Series of their practices, never to acknowledge the Kings Right, but to affront it, or to get their ends by it.  
2. For their Disobedience when the L. Lieutenant refused upon weighty reasons of Piety, Duty, and State, to conform to this Message, and leave the Kingdom; in August following they by their public Declaration professed their Dissobedience in these very words: We do hereby manifest to the people, that they are no longer obliged to obey the Orders or Commands of the Marquis of Ormond. Words which so clearly evidence their Rebellion, and the vastness of it, that they need no Comment, nor ought but the Text itself to prove both those Truths. Nor is there need of any other proof to evince their entire breach of those Articles which they now so fiercly plead for the benefit of. They are so far from giving proofs of their duty to the King, and of their gratitude for his Mercy extended in those Articles; that least any should suspect them guilty of those, they declare their power paramount to his Majesty's Authority.  
3. They proceed from bad to worse, from worse to worst; from Contempt to Disobedience, from Disobedience to downright Opposition. And accordingly the very next month they cause their Clergy to excommunicate not only the L. Lieutenant, but all that should feed, or adhere to him. That which Christ commands us to do to our enemies; (if thy enemy hunger, feed him;) and that which even common Charity makes us do to the very beggars at our gates, they not only refuse to do to him they so recently acknowledged to have his Majesty's Authority, nay who had the honour to represent his person: but also they prohibit all others to do it, and upon no less penalty than Excommunication; and that nothing may be wanting to sublimate their wickedness to the highest, Religion is made the instrument of their iniquity.  
The Notoriety whereof, and of many other acts diametrically opposite to that free submission immediately pretended, is so undeniable, that P. W's. own Conscience squeezeth out this confession, I am not ignorant that some have after transgressed in a high nature.  
But first, the aformentioned Declaration runs in the name of the Catholics of Ireland; now some, was then all.  
Secondly, All the premised instances of Contempt, Disobedience and Opposition were not the Acts of private, but of public persons, even of those public persons into whose hands the Irish Papists may truly be said to have gratis put themselves and their power.  
Thirdly, The general silence and submission of the body of the Irish Papists to the premised instances, conclusively argues, a general consent thereunto, at least subsequent, if not antecedent; for either they were generally consenting, or dissenting; if dissenting, why did not that Generality punish the Transgressor's, or even oppose and deny the Transgression? if generally consenting, that extenuating patricle some, declares more affection in P. W. to those Consenters, than either to His Majesty or his Viceroy.  
The next argument respecting the General Case, is propounded by way of Comparison, and that as frequent as untrue, charging, (1.) Protestants, (2.) Many Protestants, (3.) Many thousand Protestants, (4.) In the three Kingdoms; 1. To have been more heinously criminal; 2. To have contributed, or intended as little for the bringing home of his Majesty, as the most wickedly principled of the Roman Catholics of Ireland.  
If ever any, this Comparison is odious, between many thousand Protestants in the three Kingdoms, and not barely the Irish Papists, but the most wickedly principled of them: so that if P. W. may hold the scale, the Crimes of those Protestants shall weigh more, and their Services for His Majesty, at least their intendments, less.  
But let P. W. prove any one of those many Thousands thus wickedly principled to be a Protestant, and he will with the same labour disprove his charge. Let him prove his charge in any one particular, and he will with the same labour disprove his instance to be a Protestant.  
I believe most in the three Kingdoms have been first or last heinously criminal, so that every mouth must be stopped. But certainly their guilt gradually differs, and the most wickedly principled of the Roman Catholics of Ireland deserve not the lowest degrees in it. Yet possibly some others in the three Kingdoms may run parallel with them; but I assume, such are more closely allied both in principle and practice, to the Irish Papist, than English Protestant.  
Suppose all be involved in one Common guilt, is the eye of P. W. evil, because his Majesties is good? or, is there any necessity to extend the same Grace to all; or to render a Reason, where only Grace makes the difference? I presume P. W. expects a greater degree of favour than many others of his Countrymen, and therefore his Fears and Jealousies are less; his affection and confidence more; and may not his Majesty's Grace make a general as well as personal difference?  
Lastly, As God who is glorious in all perfections, doth magnify his Mercy above all his works: so his Majesty who abounds in all Royal virtues, doth above all abound in Grace and Goodness, and from that Grace and Goodness, without the  pretention of merit (the Popish tenant) or Articling, (the Irish practice) the English Protestants confess to derive their All. Yet they humbly conceive, there are rational inducements for His Majesty in the degrees of his Grace, to discriminate between the Irish Papists and the English Protestants.  
1. In all Societies the public acts of FREE Representatives, virtually and interpretatively include all, who declaratively oppose not. But the English Representative, though under a Force, would never consent to cast off his Majesty's Authority, and as soon as freed from Force, brought home his Majesty; the Irish when at most freedom, and after a submission pretended, distrusted, disobeyed, opposed his Majesty's Authority; yea banished and excommunicated (him in effigy in) his Viceroy; and his, namely, all that should feed him or adhere to him; nor did they ever as a public Representative, either witness their repentance, or contribute to his Majesty's Rest oration.  
2. The English Protestants, as became Subjects, submitted to his Majesty freely and absolutely; but the Irish Papists, as became Enemies, not only articled with his Majesty, but compelled him in the day of their height and his necessity, to such Articles, as they knew nothing but necessity could compel him to. The English Protestants may therefore claim his Majesty's Grace, which is as great as their guilt; the Irish Papists can only claim what is due by Articles, the foundation whereof being dissolved on their parts, they can justly claim nothing by them, though his Majestiss mercy has given them much.  
3. The forfeited Estates of the English Protestants were fully at his Majesty's dispose, and might be freely remitted; but the forfeited estates of the Irish Papists were sold by his late Majesty of blessed memory, and that sale for the satisfaction of the Adventurers, countenanced and declared in Parliament, and therefore the forfeited Estate of the Irish Papists could not be remitted without satisfaction to the Innocent Purchasers.  
4. His Majesty may rationally expect more future Obedience and Loyalty from English Protestants, than Irish Papists. For (1) the English Protestants are the conquerors, the Irish Papists the Conquered, and ancient as well as modern experience has made it appear, the Conquered never did (some think morally never will) love the Conqueror; and though his Majesty should give the Irish Papists not the half only, but the whole of this Kingdom: yet they will never probably forgive the English Protestants for conquering them, nor consequently hearty love that Royal authority which first commissionated the Protestants to do it.  
5. Until these last unhappy and unnatural troubles, the English Protestants in Ireland were never charged as guilty of any Rebellion; but the Irish Papists in all opportunities never other than rebellious. Queen Elizabeth was the mirror of her age, yet during all her Reign the Rebellions of the Irish Papists in Ireland were very frequent. King James was another Solomon, a Prince of peace, yet was his peace interrupted by the Rebellion of Irish Papists, and by that only. King Charles the first was a greater than that Solomon, and the wisest of men thought the Irish Papists fastened in 1641 to his Majesty by the best of Goverments; and to the English Protestants, by the strictest Ties of Interess, friendship, marriage and (which is more in their esteem) Gossipping and Fostering; to the public peace, by their as flourishing, so free condition; and to all, by those Royal Graces which his sacred Majesty at that time indulged their Commissioners, such as themselves could desire; 'twas then but ask and have: yet all this Honey turned into Gall; for at that very time in which the King was exercising such high acts of Grace to them, the Irish Papists plotted, and soon after perpetrated the worst of Rebellions; the worst extensiuè, exulcerating generally; and intensiuè, breaking forth with more perfidy, barbarism and cruelty than can be paralleled in any History.  
6. Principles of Religion engage English Protestants to submit to the King as Supreme; but Principles of Religion engage Irish Papists to advance as Supreme a Foreign Prince, and limits all their obedience, with a Saving to the pretended Apostolic See. Certainly his Majesty may expect more future obedience from Protestants, whose Consciences engage them to Loyalty; than from Irish Papists, whose Consciences are engaged to the Pope. Can his Majesty trust them, if they be not faithful to their Conscience-ingagement? and if they be, can he trust them when their Consciences engage them to his Enemy?  

The next sort of Arguments respect some special Cases, as (1) of the Transplantation, (2) of the Corporation.  
Concerning the Transplantation, P. W. peremptorily concludes, That it cannot be continued on account of their Crimes since 1648. nor stand with the Articles, or with the equity of the Laws, much less with the Justice of the Prince.  
1. This Conclusion without any proof, with the same facility as it is said, may be gainsaid.  
2. The Foundation of those Articles, and consequently the Articles themselves are thrown down by the Irish Papists; wherefore it matters not as to his Majesty, what can or cannot stand with them.  
3. Many other Countries and Ages have formerly on less grounds used Transplantation, and been justified therein as just and equal, by Lawyers and Casuists.  
4. Observe his Sacred Majesty's Royal and Fatherly Indulgence even to those Irish Papists, who being Innocent, sued out Decrees, and obtained possession of Lands in the Province of Connaught and County of Clare. First, Positively; for though they had bound themselves up therein by their own Act, in which though his Majesty saith in the 14. page of his Gracious Declaration of the 30. of November 1660. We might without any injustice deny to relieve them; yet his Clemency is so great, That in the same 14. page of his said Declaration, he breaks those Fetters which they had bound themselves in, and orders them to be restored unto their former estates.  
Secondly, Comparatively; his Majesty uses those innocent Irish Papists with more tenderness than even those which He honours with the high Title of his Friends in England and Ireland, as appears in the 18. and 19 pages of the said Declaration: For though such are not to expect that his Majesty should pay back to them the Moneys they were compelled in the evil times to disburse for their Compositions, the payment whereof they would have avoiden, had it been in their power, as much as the Irish Papists would have avoided their Transplantation: yet his Majesty's Friends are not relieved from their own Act, when the innocent Irish Papists are relieved from theirs.  
5. Observe the insolency of P. W. for though his Sacred Majesty in Council, by his said Declaration published to the world in print, declared that some other transplanted Irish are to stand bound by their own Act, and not to be relieved against it; yet P. W. is so far from acknowledging and magnifying his Majesty's Mercy in using the innocent Irish Papists with more favour, than even those happy persons whom his Majesty honours with the high Title of being his Friends, that P. W. peremptorily says, viz. The Transplantation cannot be continued on account of their crimes since 1648. nor can it stand with the Articles, or with the equity of the Laws, much less with the Justice of the Prince.  
6. That the Justice of his Sacred Majesty in Council may appear to be such, in not breaking so much of the Transplantation, as is confirmed by the said Declaration, I desire these following particulars may be throughly considered:  
(1) If such transplanted Irish Papists into Connaught and Clare should plead that the Force of the late horrid Usurpers constrained them to go thither in person; I answer, yet no Force lay upon them to sue out Decrees, and obtain possessions of Lands there in lieu of their former sorfeited Estates in the other Provinces. And it is only in point of Land that the said Transplantation is continued: so that their doing of what they could not avoid, is not made conclusive to them, but only their doing of that which they could avoid, and yet solicited and brought to effect, is made binding to some of them. To which I shall add, that those to whom it is made obliging, are only such as having no title to innocency, (for all Innocents' are freed from Transplantation) have no title to any of their former Estates. And therefore this confirming of them in the compensation of that, to which they had no right, should invite them to acknowled his Majesty's Mercy, which yet P. W. in their behalf exclaims against as injustice.  
(2) Though all these guilty Transplanted Irish have forfeited their right to the Articles extorted from his Majesty in 1648. and though by those Articles (had they been as punctually observed by them, as they have been generally and often violated by themselves yet) his Majesty was not obliged to hinder them from making an unequal bargain or exchange for those their forfeited Lands, which by his mercy they were restored unto, nor to confirm to them those Lands which they sued for in satisfaction of their former Estates; yet his sacred Majesty confirms to them, in confirming their Transplantation, those Lands which they themselves had obtained from the Usurpers, as a compensation for the Lands they left, and to which they had not the least shadow of a Title, because they had broken, yea often, if not always, the said Articles of peace vouchsafed to, and extorted by them, in the year 1648.  
(3) The persons themselves who are transplanted have by their public Agents, made the continuance and settlement of the Transplantation the subject matter of several Petitions and Addresses to the RUMP: therefore as for ●hem to decry it now, argues in them a fuller readiness to obey Force, than Right: so the continuance of it being in effect but a granting of their own desires and petitions, they can justly blame none but Themselves. To prove the truth of this, I shall set down the Titles and chief Heads of two petitions presented to the RUMP. The one is in print, and thus addressed: To the Supreme Authority, the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, etc. The humble Petition of Sir Robert Talbot Baronet, and Garrot Moor Esq; on the behalf of themselves and the distressed Irish, Submittees upon Articles of War, and others who are to have a certain proportion of their estates by the Act for the settling of Ireland, held forth in the year 1652. Wherein, to use their own words, They humbly show, That the Petitioners upon confidence of enjoying the Benefit of several Declarations and Articles of War held forth unto them by Authority of this Parliament, etc. did readily subject and put their Consciensciences, Lives and Fortune's as in a secure Sanctuary under the protection of this Commonwealth, having ever since walked peaceably and in due conformity to the Government, without the least defection therein; That since the interruption given to the sitting of this Parliament in the year 1653. no Christian Nation can parallel the sufferings of the petitioners, etc. which render the petitioners as fit Objects of your Honour's piety, justice and compassion, as any who may challenge your protection. Notwithstanding the Petitioners withered hopes, and former confidence, being a fresh revived by your Honour's return to the management of the present Government, and their propensions so great to peace and quietness, that rather than ravel into the settlement, They do willingly acquiesce in the Transplantation, albeit it was not executed by any legal power, as not being derived from your Honours. Soon after in the same Petition follow these words: They do apprehend that contrary to your Honour's pious intentions manifested in the said Act for settling of Ireland, they may be postponed or neglected, unless provided for in the Act of settlement now to be established: And therefore the Petitioners humbly pray, etc. This Petition was delivered by the said two Agents for the Irish Papists at the door of the House of Commons in England, and entered by the Clerk of the Rump.  
The other petition was in writing, and subscribed Robert Talbot, Garret Moor: the Title of it is, To the supreme authority, the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, etc. Supplications humbly tendered by Sir Robert Talbot Bar. and Garret Moor Esquire, for and on the behalf of themselves and the distressed Roman Catholics of Ireland, in order to be therein relieved by the Act of Settlement now to be passed. Their second Supplication in this petition is set down in these words, viz. That the Estates assigned unto the Petitioners in the Province of Connaught and Country of Cla●e be confirmed unto them. The third Supplication in the said petition is in these words, viz. That the Decrees obtained by any of the Petitioners pursuant to the Articles and Qualifications be put in a way of satisfaction and for the time passed put in equal condition with others who have had the benefit of their Decrees. The fourth Supplication of this petition is expressed in these words, viz. That there having been no time limited by this Parliament for the Petitioners to enter and prosecute the claims according to their respective Qualifications, and the interruption given to the sitting thereof soon after the Act of Settlement, having hindered many from doing the same; and that others through absence, poverty, and the short sitting of the Court for the adjudication of Claims, appointed since the said Interruption, could not do it, That a farther time be allowed unto such to enter and prosecute (as aforesaid) their Claims. The fifth Supplication is expressed in these words, viz That several of the Petitioners are able to make appear their constant good affection and adherence to the Commonwealth, for whom a competent time to be allowed to make out the same, is humbly supplicated, and that these and such of the Petitioners as have already done the same, may have the benefit held forth unto them by the Act for settling of Ireland.  
These expressions being verbatim in the said two petitions, I shall only observe from thence what follows, 1. The persons who presented these Requests to the RUMP, did it not only for themselves, but for the Papists of Ireland, in whose behalf they own themselves to be Solicitors. 2. Those two Gentlemen (their public Agents) were persons of too much knowledge and discretion to have done any thing, especially of so high a nature as this, for so great a body of people, without sufficient power from themselves so to do. 3. That these their Agents Addresses to the RUMP were by allowance and command from themselves, needs not better to be proved, than by the Irish Papists ever since continuing those their two Agents in public employment for them, even to this day.  
4. To that very RUMP by whose immediate Commission the horridest of Murders was acted, they scruple not to make their application, and even by the stile of the supreme authority the Parliament of the Commonwealth of England, etc. and that twice. If P. W. should say they were necessitated to petition, and that their petition would not be received without it were so directed, I answer, No consequence of their suffering could be so great, as the guilt of owning the RUMP by the twice before mentioned Titles. The single Advocate of the Irish Papists, viz. P. W. lays it as a guilt upon all the Protestants of Ireland, that some of them fought under one of the Regicides to recover their own Estates, and punish the guilt of the first Rebellion, and their often violation of their Articles; and yet their public Agents in behalf of all the Papists of Ireland, own all those Regicides to be that supreme Authority.  
5. But if the Consciences of the Irish Papists were hardened enough to run into a certain sin, but in the expectance of an uncertain advantage, why yet in their printed petition did they use these guilty expressions, viz. They did readily subject and put their CONSCIENCES, Lives and Fortunes as in a secure Sanctuary under the protection of that Commonwealth. Though if they would petition, they may say there was a necessity to style the RUMP, the Supreme authority; yet sure they cannot say there was a necessity in the body of the petition to insert such criminal words: therefore since the Body of the Petition is more than consonant to the Title of it, it is but reasonable to believe, the Title they gave the RUMP, was as voluntary as the expressions with which they treat them. If they would but make his Sacred Majesty, what in print they acknowledged the RUMP was to them, viz. A secure Sanctuary to put their Consciences, Lives and Fortunes in; if what is passed could not be remedied, yet the mischiefs to come might perhaps be prevented.  
6. But as if the immediate before mentioned respects to the RUMP had not been sufficient, they pay them others, professing in these words, viz. Their withered hopes and former confidences are afresh revived by the RUMPS return to the management of the Government, under which their propensions to peace and quietness are so great, that they willingly ACQVISECE in the TRANSPLANTATION. Would they be but as joyful for his Sacred Majesty's restauration, as they say they were for the RUMPS, and had they been as willing to express their propensity to the peace and quietness of this Kingdom, under his Majesty's undoubted authority, as under the RUMPS usurped power, P. W. had been exempt from the Guilts of writing and printing his Letter, and I from the trouble of answering it. The Irish Papists are not only content to declare, They willingly acquiesce in the Transplantation; but to heighten the merit of that performance, they add these words, viz. Albeit it was not executed by any legal power: yet had they stopped there, those their last words had been true, and sure the RUMP would have had arrogancy enough to have assumed to themselves without an explanation from the petitioners, that thereby was meant, what their Agents positively say in the immediate next following words, viz As not derived from your Honours. Though the Irish Papists in their engagements, nay Oaths to others, are not without their Equivocations and Mental reservations, etc. yet to the RUMP; when they might have left themselves, (as to the last expression,) to a fair explanation, they voluntarily cast it behind them, in these clear words, As not derived from your Honours. Those which now pretend to such Loyalty to His Majesty, voluntarily confess, No execution was legal that was not derived from the RUMP, is not this implicitly, if not explicitly, an owning in the Irish Papists the legality of the RUMPS power, even in the bloody Murder of his Sacred Majesty, that being derived from those the Irish Papists call Their Honours. But it is no wonder, that those to whom the Irish Papists did readily subject themselves and put their Consciences, lives and fortunes as into a secure Sanctuary, should have so much plainness, kindness and obedience for them. May we not too from thence infer, till they consider his Sacred Majesty, as they professed they considered the RUMP, his Majesty may not well expect from them that ready Subjection and propensity to peace, which in their said Addresses they promised to those Usurpers.  
7. Observe, all this is said and done since the peace of 1648. yea part of it, and that the most criminal too, but some few months before his Majesty's blessed Restauration; with what face could the Irish Papists by the same Agents plead for the Articles of peace before his Majesty, as inviolable observers of them; who but a few weeks before owned the RUMP for the Supreme Authority: owned that they readily did subject and put their Consciences, Lives and Fortunes, as in a secure Sanctuary, under their protection: owned their withered hopes and former confidence was afresh revived by the RUMP'S return to the management of the Government: owned their propensions to peace and quietness under the RUMP to be so great, that as one evidence thereof, they willingly did acquiesce in the Transplantation; with these superlative expressions, Albeit it was not executed by any legal power, as not being derived from their Honours. The very Murderers of his late Majesty of glorious memory are the elected Sanctuary of the Irish Papists, not only for their Lives and Fortunes, but even for their CONSCIENCES also. That bloody power which made the Royal Line of England, and all good Subjects of England, Scotland and Ireland so long whither, is by their return to Government, that only which makes the hopes of the Irish Papists to revive and spring. That power is by the Irish Papists owned to be the only Legal one, by which all our Laws and Liberties were cut up even by the very Roots. Were the●e nothing but this to make them forfeit the Articles they so plead for, it were but too much; if this be their observance of their Recognition of his Majesty, though the Pope may absolve them, God will not. Sure P. W. cannot prove any one of the Protestants, whose whole number ●e so calumniates, to be so criminal, as I have proved even the Generality of the Irish Papists to be, in this one particular; I bate him many others. And doubtless 'twas a less sin the seduced Protestants to submit for a while to him who cast down those English Murderers, and helped them against these Irish Murderers, than readily to subject their Consciences, lives and Fortunes to those Parricides, yea to own them as their Secure Sanctuary for All, and so pathetically to exult, in their second usurpation.  
8. In the many forementioned passages, both of the written and printed petition, they press for the Confirmation of the Transplantation, and the benefit of the Rules for adjudging of Qualifications, and make the granting thereof to be effects of the RUMP'S Piety, Justice and Compassion. The Irish Papists are pleased to beg that Grant, as an act of piety, justice and compassion in the RUMP, which his Sacred Majesty confirming, (and much more to the advantage of the Irish) P. W. calls an Injustice. And in the 6. and 7. Paragraphs of the said written petition, they set forth that several of the Petitioners are able to make appear their constant good affection and adherence to the Commonwealth, that some have already actually done it: And in effect, That the number of those so adhering and of constant good affection to the Commonwealth was so great, that they sue even for a longer time than had been allowed, for the proving thereof; they being so many, that they were straightened in time to make out that truth.  
There are other clear observations and inferences which I could make out of those two petitions, which I decline; enough having been said to evince what I promised to prove upon this Head: and I have much behind to answer, to which I hasten.   

The Gild of the Coporations in part instanced.  
The 2. special Case concerns the Irish Corporations which P. W. with his usual confidence determines, cannot be excluded on any account that may stand with his Majesty's Gracious Concessions; nor can there be any reasons of State which may accord with a good Conscience to exclude them; yet he confesseth with a peradventure, That two or three of them deserved punishment, and Limerick a severe one.  
The Corporations of Ireland that P. W. mentions were so notoriously guilty in overthrowing the foundation of that peace wrested from his Majesty, that it seems strange how any one can be found to plead for them, especially to his Grace the Duke of Ormond, who knows their actings. Their Education rendered them most able of any to know their duty; their Incorporation most capable of any to deliberate concerning their duty; their Fortifications and men most secure to discharge their duty; yet these above all other persons and places, put forth with greatest Arguments of Choice and Freedom, the highest acts of Treachery and Rebellion. The evidences whereof amount to much more than P. W.'s peradventure, and the Subject reacheth much farther than P. W's two or three Corporations, it being the general practice of all such, into which his Majesties L. Lieutenant desired admission. P. W. confesseth, That Limerick deserved a severe ●●nishment, and certainly the demerit must be great, which extorts this Confession even from their Advocate; nor was their Crime less than laesae Majestatis, for they insolently opposed the admission of his Majesty's Viceroy: though 1. their Mayor had invited him, 2. Iretons storm threatened their wrack, 3. the L. Lieutenant offered to steer that Vessel, and to adventure his person and Fortune in the same bottom with them. But surely if Limerick deserves many stripes, galway and Waterford proportionally to their crimes deserve more. galway after the Articles of 1648. (so much and groundlessly pleaded) 1. searched (to use his Graces own words) with force and arms for the L. Lieutenant, as if they judged him a Traitor. 2. They treated with the Duke of Lorraine to be Protector of Ireland, as if they judged themselves Lords of all. 3. They refused to admit any Garrison commissionated by his majesty's authority, and surrendered that Town (as if they esteemed themselves a Free State) without consulting the Marquis of Claurickard then L. Deputy, though resident within few miles thereof, and though he were of P. W's own Nation and Religion. But I will not say that even those double Ties were less powerful to beget a respect for him, than his representing the King's person, and his own worth, were incitements to P. W's Countrymen so highly to affront him. Waterford likewise after those Articles of 1648. denied a passage to the L. Lieutenant and his Army, though at that time his Lordship was strengthened with the conjunction of the Ulster Forces, in pursuit of the Enemy, who were weakened by a long Winter March, Multiplicity of Garrisons, want of necessaries, and sickness of the Soldiers; nay offered himself to become an hostage, and to commit the Army to another's conduct; yea so horrid was their perfidy, that when afterwards the L. Lieutenant and seven more were occasionally received into that City, the Citizens combined either to take away his life, or deliver him up prisoner to the Usurpers; for the prevention whereof, he was forced suddenly and secretly to withdraw thence.  
What falsehood will P. W. be afraid to suggest to Strangers, & what wickedness will he be afraid to patronise at home, when he shall dare thus to assert to the L. Lieutenant himself, and publish it in print to the world, That no reasons of State can accord with the dictates of a good Conscience, to exclude these Corporations from the future capacity of repeating such signal acts of Rebellion. But P. W. as farther motives of favour to the said Corporations, adds and says, 1, The hand of God hath punished them; 2. Some were faithful among them; 3. The English Protestants are more criminal.  
First, The hand of God hath punished them: But that the Magistrate should spare, because God punishes, is a non sequitur. Though the Lord sent Hornets before Israel to drive out the Hivite and the Can●a●ite and the Hittites; yet he commands Israel to destroy those Nations, and their name from under Heaven.  
2. P. W. says, There have been many faithful Subjects in those Towns, even in the most criminal of them; and God was so f●r from involving the just in the destruction of the wicked Sodomites, that if he could find there but ten just men, be would for their sake pardon all the rest.  
1. The sin of Apostasy seems worse in some respect than other sins; and therefore on this sin, Lot's Wife, whom God had rescued from the destruction of Sodom, though but for looking back to it, is immediately turned into a pillar of Salt. I hearty wish the Irish Apostates would remember Lot's Wife.  
2. Though God would not involve the righteous in the punishment of the Wicked, but delivered just Lot; yet he transplanted him into Zoar, and condemned Sodom and Gom●rrae with an overthrow, making them an Example to those that after should live ungodly. Even so his Majesty hath taken care for the Innocent, in his Gracious Declaration, without justifying the Wicked, and for the Innocent has provided a Zoar, whether their Souls may escape and live.  
3. Since P. W. professeth his thoughts to be far from desiring to obstruct the securing the peace of the Country; let him consider how adviseable it is to put a Sword into a Madmans' hand, or to capacitate such rebellious Spirits to hurt themselves and others.  
Since Limerick, notwithstanding the hand of God, and mixture of good, deserved a severe punishment; and since galway and Waterford are not less deserving; ought not those Corporations and their Advocate rather to acknowledge his Majesty's gracious indulgence and mercy, in remitting the severity of the Laws: than to exclaim thus insolently against his Royal proceed as unjust, unequal, and such as cannot accord with a good Conscience.   

The Gild of English Protestants and Irish Papists compared.  
Thirdly, P. W. returns to his former Comparison between the Irish Papists and the English Protestants; and in prosecution thereof urgeth, 1. That the worst of the Irish Papists were never Regicides; 2. That they fought against such men, when England, Scotland, and the Protestants of Ireland deserted the Royal Cause.  
As to the first, That the Irish Papists are not Regicides; let it be considered, That the Doctrine of Regicide is common in the Romish Schools, and the practice in their Courts.  
2. That to touch the Anointing, is virtually to touch the Anointed. Take away the Regalia, and in effect you take away the King. The Irish Papists were so guilty hereof, that they not only usurped all the Royal peculiars, but also set up a Government distinct from, and opposite to his majesty's in a General Assembly; yea therein they Enacted, viz. That no Temporal Government or Jurisdiction should be assumed, kept or executed in Ireland, or in any Province or County thereof, other than what should be approved or instituted by their General Assembly. Had the Devil had leave to touch Job's person, he would not have spared him, when he touched all that was his.  
3. Did not the Irish Papists, distrust, disobey, oppose, and excommunicate the L. Lieutenant, and absolutely disclaim his Majesty's Authority in him; did they not conspire to Murder Him, or which is worse (if worse can be) to deliver him to the worst of Murderers? Surely those who dealt thus with such a Servant, if the Son had been sent to them, would not have scrupled his Murder, that the Inheritance might wholly be theirs.  
As to the 2. That when England, Scotland, and the Protestants of Ireland wholly deserted the Royal C●use, the Irish Papists fought against the Regicides in defence of his Majesty's right.  
1. It is no less calumnious than false, to charge England, Scotland & the Protestants of Ireland to have wholly deserted the Royal Cause: and it is amazing to consider how any Irish Papist (I am loath to say Rebel) dare thus by a Letter even to the Duke of Ormond, and printed paper to the whole World, impeach the Nations of England and Scotland, and all the Protestants of Ireland, to have wholly deserted the Royal Cause: what may not Foreigners credit against us abroad, if P. W. dare thus to charge us at home?  
But a Narrative of the matter of Fact is the clearest expedient to refute this Slander: wherein let England and Sootland answer for themselves; (if any Answer seem necessary to so palpable a falsehood) and let the Protestants of Ireland excuse my zeal, if I urge some clear instances (though I pretermit many) for their vindication.  
Those which P. W. slanders with having deserted the royal Cause, when the Irish Papists fought against the Regicides in defence of his Majesty's Rights, were even the very first in Ireland which proclaimed his Majesty, my L. Lieutenant also at the head of them; and that duty was performed by the Protestant army in the Province of Munster, the same year in which by giving the Irish Papists some considerable defeats, the said Papists were reduced to a real necessity of submitting to his Majesty, which yet they but seemingly did. But possibly P. W. was at that time so busy in preparing those Articles of Peace which were to fetter his Majesty, that he had not leisure to hear how his Protestant Subjects freely proclaimed him. It is also undeniably true, that a considerable Body of the Protestants of Ireland under the L. Lieutenant, though mingled with the Irish Papists, fought constantly against the Regicides, nay after the said Irish Papists would have been Regicides themselves, at least so far such as conspiring to murder his Majesty in effigy at Waterford, etc. did amount unto, and never declined that Quarrel, till by the infidelity of their Accusers, they were not only disabled to prosecute it, but as several of themselves have confessed, were reduced at last, even for the preservation of their lives, to keep as strict Guards against the Irish Papists as against Cromwell. All which his Grace having found was but too true, he withdrew himself at last out of the Kingdom and permitted those Protestants to withdraw themselves from the Irish: Therefore let any  person judge whether the Irish Papists or all the Protestants were wholly the Deserters of the Royal Cause; or which of them fought longest against the Regicides: if the insolence and disloyalty of the Irish Papists were such, even when Cromwell was at their gates, what would it not have been without that Curb. But I see though P. W. remembers wha● he should not, ye● he can forget what he should remember.  
In the years 1641. and 1642. the Protestants in Ireland not only fought as his Majesty's Subjects, but by his Command and with his Commission against the Irish Rebels; in the year 1643. a Cessation was concluded by his Majesty's Authority, and the Irish engaged by Articles; both English and Irish by duty, to transport their Armies to England for his Majesty's service. The English did it, the Irish only made a show (till the English were gone) of doing of it, and then plotted and attempted the destruction of the few English remaining in Munster, whereby the Lord of Inchiquin, who then commanded in that Province by the King's Commission; and the English with him were necessitated to stand on their own defence, yet this is the first pretence which the Irish Papists make, that the English Protestants deserted the Royal Cause. Can even Malice itself judge, the Protestants designed the deserting of the King's service, when they sent their Army to the King, by which only they were capable of disserving him: nay sent it in that very Juncture of time, wherein they had as much cause to fear the ruin of themselves and Families, from the often Violations of the Cessation by the Irish Papists, after that Cessation was made, as from their inhumanities' before. But yet, when his Majesty's Service required it, though the answering thereof, by transporting their Armies into England, threatened more than a probable ruin to them at home from the Irish Papists, who then delayed, and indeed never after would send an Army to the King into England; yet the Protestants did not so much as hesitate, but cheerfully exposed themselves to the danger, to pay the duty, and receive the honour of their obedience.  
The same Infidelity and Treachery which Munster, and the parts more remote first experienced, the L. Lieutenant and the Protestants with him at Dublin at last tasted: and his Grace was thereby compelled in the year 1647. (with his Majesty's permission, if not Order) to resign Dublin and all the adjoining Garrisons in●o hands of the Parliament, which is the second pretention for this slander.  
On these occasions the English Protestants of Ireland (not by Choice but Necessity, (and a necessity only created by the Irish Papists themselves) not by the Protestants own private acts, but the necessitated Acts of those that were set over them by his Majesty's authority) came into the Stream, with the violence whereof they confess themselves afterwards hurried into such miscarriages as made their hearts ache; yet (they hope) less criminal than those in the Irish Rebellion, or to any degree of Apostasy, which deserves the scandal that P. W. lays on them, of wholly deserting the Royal Cause.  
For 1. Notwithstanding the violent endeavours of both Papists and Anabaptists, not many of the Protestants of Ireland have declined the Church of England, in her greatest Trials; whose principles are not only most consonant to Truth, but also most useful and dutiful to the Royal Cause: and for that reason were opposed most by the two Extremes. So that Old Protestants in the Anabaptists Dialect, was the same with royalist, and by them the Protestants of Ireland were dealt with accordingly. And 2. as the principles, so the practices of the Protestants vindicate their loyalty. 1. They submitted this Kingdom to his Majesty; not as England and Scotland, by the concurrence of the General and General Officers, but without them, nay against them. 2. Though they saw the difficulty of that attempt, and foresaw the hazard from Anabaptists (who then in chief commanded the Army in Ireland) if they succeeded not; and from Irish Papist pretenders (whose necessities had driven them to serve themselves by his Majesty in Flanders) if they succeeded; yet were they early (if not the first) and free without Articling in the duty of their Submissions. And least P. W. who saye● many things that are not true, should deny this, which is so signally true, I will cite the undeniable Testimony of his Sacred Majesty himself, which follows in these words in the 2. page of his Majesty's gracious Declaration for the Settlement of Ireland: We acknowledge that our good Subjects of the Kingdom of Ireland have born a very good part in procuring this happiness, that they were EARLY in their dutiful Addresses to Us, and made the same professions of a resolution to return to their Duty and Obedience to Us, during the time of Our being beyond the Seas, which they have since so EMINENTLY made good and put in practice.  
Here is not only a profession of duty, but a making of it good, and putting it in practice. Here is not only an early owning of His Majesty's Authority, but an owning it when he was devested from the actual exercise of it, and that too (as to Ireland) by the Irish Papists. And this is also the first fruits of the Protestants having recovered the power of Ireland, and that with no less hazard than loyalty.  
3. To make the Discrimination yet clearer: The Irish Papists at first murdered and fought against his Majesty's good Subjects, to take from him his Crown. The Protestants of Ireland fought against his Enemies to restore him to it. The Papists of Ireland we●e seemingly good Subjects, but to become more dangerous Rebels. But the Protestants of Ireland if seemingly Rebels, were such, but to become more useful Subjects. The last action of the Irish Papists, when they had the power, was to expel His Majesty's Authority, with circumstances as wicked as the very sin; but the first action of the English Protestants, when they were in power, was to restore His Majesty's Authority, with circumstances almost as dutiful as the Action itself.  
Lastly, Not to hold a candle longer to the Sun, I will but instance one other experiment, and against an experiment there is no arguing; and the instance of this experiment is even in the very case now controverted, and in which also my L. Duke of Ormond himself was the Judge. In the year 1650. when ●● came in Question, which were the worst, the Irish Papists, or the seduced Protestants. He permitted all those worthy Protestants which till then had served under him, to come off to the rest of the Protestants, though then headed by Ireton himself; esteeming them safer with that real Regicide so accompanied, than with those pretended Antiregicides, so principled. Certainly he esteems those less ill to whom he sends his Friends, than from whom he sends them. If so wise and so faithful a Servant to his Majesty, as the L. Lieutenant is, had had any hope that the Irish Papists, would ever have returned to their Loyalty, doubtless he would never have sent away from them, so many powerful helpers of it, and friends unto it: and if his Grace had not had more than hopes that the English Protestants would have returned to their obedience as soon as they had got the power of doing it, he would never have sent his friends unto them. The Wisdom of his Grace's foresight has been happily justified in the Result. For all the Protestants which then came off, were eminently instrumental and concurring in the duty of accomplishing that blessed Event. I dare as truly as confidently say, the most of the Protestants of Ireland only served under the Usurpers, but to bring the Irish Papists to those terms which without the force of English swords they▪ would never have been brought unto. The ancient and modern often breaches o● fa●th which the Irish Papists were guilty of, made it too evident to many of the Protestants, that nothing could bind them but steel, and iron. The truth of both these positions is clearly read in that issue which the providence of God has effected. However the once seduced Protestants of Ireland are willing to take shame to themselves, and give glory to God, in confessing their Gild such, (though not by causing, yet by complying with the late Usurpation, though to a good end) that they readily acknowledge they own their Lives and Estates wholly to His Majesty's Grace and indulgence; and will be more joyful to employ both in the honour and duty of his service, than now they are in having received both from his mercy and goodness. For 'tis fit to discharge obligations, than to contract them. The lively sense the once seduced Protestants of Ireland have of their failings, and of His Majesty's Clemency, so justly humbles them, that they can take no pleasure to recriminate others, farther than by showing the Injustice of P. W's. comparisons; which they are more troubled he gave them a rise to do, than after the rise was given they were troubled to find out what fully has done it. But in regard the Irish Papists in all their Discourses, as well as their papers, pretend to the defence of His Majesties Right; it seems even necessary, by way of answer to the other branch of this proposition, to rub up their memories. 1. Tha● in 1641 the Irish Papists unprovoaked (1) rebelled, (2) rob the Protestants of more personal estate, than the Fee-simple of all the forfeited Lands in Ireland is worth; (3) in a few Months murdered about two hundred thousand innocents'; (4) with a sin next to Blasphemy, as now they pretend his Majesty's defence, so than they pretended his Authority. The pretending whereof having been so horrid a sin, (for it was no less than to have entitled his then Sacred Majesty to all their unparallelled crimes, nay to have made him the Author of them) I think it a duty to the memory of that Glorious MARTYR, to present the Reader in this place with what will clearly evince their malice therein to be as great, as his then Majesty's Innocence; and nothing can better illustrate the vastness of This, but by proving 'tis a parallel to That. I could instance many signal and clear evidences of this Truth, besides that memorable one which follows: But since I have in most part of my Answer made use of their own Writings, and prints to make out their guilt: in this very particular I will pursue that method, and only cite the preamble of their own Remonstrance, delivered by the Lord Viscount Gormanston, Sir Lucas Dillon, and Sir Robert Talbot Baronet, to His Majesty's Commissioners at the Town of Trim in the County of Meath, on the 17. of March 1642. In which Remonstrance of Grievances (for so they call it) after they have taken notice that his Majesty had authorized Commissioners to hear what they should say, or propound, these very words follow, viz. Which your Majesty's gracious and Princely Favour we find to be accompanied with these words, viz. Albeit we do extremely detest the odious Rebellion which the Recusants of Ireland have, without ground or colour, raised against us, Our Crown and Dignity. Word which deserve to be written with a Beam of the Sun, as eternal monuments of his Majesty's Justice, and their guilt; nor were they spoken ●n a corner, ●ut spoken under the Great Seal, and even in that Commission which those False-accusers were to see and hear read, and by those expressions they were sufficiently provoked to have pleaded that Authority they so falsely pre●ended, had they had the least shadow for that black calumny. In these Royal expressions also (if at least the Irish Papists have the modesty (I bate them the Justice) to acknowledge the King was a fit Judge of their Crimes, than they themselves were) the actings of the chief Governors of Ireland, when that horrid Rebellion broke out, are fully vindicated: for the said Irish were so far from being provoked unto it by those, that no less a Testimony than the word of that great, just and wise Prince proves, they had no ground, nay not so much as a colour for it.  
2. In the year 1646. and after a peace concluded with them, they attempted, by a Treachery not to be paralleled by any but themselves, to cut off the Lord Lieutenant and Army with him, who marched out of Dublin on security and confidence of that peace.  
3. The same year, the Council and Congregation of the coufederate Catholics of Ireland, obliged their General Preston by a solemn Oath, in these very words, viz. To exercise all acts of Hostility against the L. Marquis of Ormond by name, and his party; and to help, advise with counsel, and assist in that service the L. General of Ulster employed in the same expedition.  
This Oath is a fruitful Theme to declaim upon, but I will limit my observations upon it, only to these following particulars. 1. Lest any should doubt they are his Majesty's Subjects; lest any of themselves should repent the sin of not having been such, they swear (that they may raise their crimes above pardon) to exercise all acts of Hostility against his Majesty, in the person of that noble Lord who had then, as now, the high honour to represent him; if killing be an act of Hostility, they in this Oath swear to kill him; if this be not actual Regicide, I am sure 'tis not their fault that it is not. This horrid Oath takes off all disguises, and makes their sin as visible as great. And if such a Crime be capable of accession, it did contract it by the same persons engaging privately, about the same time, (as I have been assured by an undeniable Testimony) That he would serve the King, which he afterwards endeavoured to excuse only by saying, His Army was not Nuntio-proof. By which it appears indisputably whether the Irish Papists are Subject to the King, or to the Pope.  
(2) Instead of repenting and making amends for the late violated peace in the year 1646, they swear to destroy him, with whom they had made it.  
(3) This Oath reduced the taker of it to a sad Dilemma, either to Rebellion or perjury.  
(4) This Oath evidences that nothing is so powerful with the Irish Papists, as to destroy his Majesty's Government; since the uniting of the old Irish Papists and the old English Papists, which the Pope himself could not effect: the dethroning of his Sacred Majesty has accomplished. They that could never agree in any thing else, agree in this, and it is made the very bond of their iniquity. I will say no more on this subject, but that Herod and Pilate could be friends, when it was to crucify Christ.  
4. In the year 1647. from Kilkenny Jan. 18. the Popish Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons of the confederate Catholics of Ireland employ Commissioners to Rome, France and Spain, to invite a foreign power into Ireland, particularly to Rome their titular Bishop of Ferns and Nicholas Plunket Esq; (who was Knighted by the Pope for his good service therein, and is now one of the confident Advocates for the Irish Papists as defenders of his Majesty's Rights, and against the Protestants of Ireland as deserters of the Royal cause) these, I say were authorised to declare, viz. That they raised arms for the freedom of the Catholic Religion; which are their own very words in the third Article of those their Instructions.  
In their Remonstrance in the beginning of the Rebellion, whatever they said necessitated some few discontents to take up arms, than they took off the vail, and positively said, That they raised arms for the freedom of the Catholic Religion. Certainly if ever they may be believed to speak true, it is when they speak to the POPE; and if ever any thing may be believed to be the voice of all the Irish Papists, it is when the Popish Lords Spiritual and Temporal and Commons of the Confederate Catholics speak in one Assembly. What is meant by the Freedom of the Catholic Religion has been practically expounded by the professors of it in Ireland; not only affirmatively, that those which are of it, should enjoy the public and undisturbed exercise thereof themselves; but Negatively, to be an exclusion of the public, if not private, exercise of the true Religion. Many instances I could present the Reader of this, but I shall only set down two: The 1. is Dean York a reverend Minister of God's word, during his residence at galway, was not allowed to pay the last duties of Christian burial to those Protestants which died in that Town; but was forced to bury them, nay his own children, privately in his Garden. The 2▪ is, That my L. Duke of Ormond, though owned by the Irish papists to be the Kings L. Lieutenant and consequently representing his Sacred Majesty's person, was still denied the use of so much as one Church or Chappel, wherever the said Papists had the power; nay one of the Generals of the Irish PAPISTS, now living, told my L. Lieutenant at Kilkenny, That if the King in person came into Ireland, he should not be allowed by them One Church to celebrate his Devotions in: to whom his Grace made a return, proportionate to the disloyalty of that Declaration, and part of that return being prophetical, and since fulfilled, I shall here insert the words, viz, I hope to live to see all of that mind to be without one Church in Ireland to say Mass in. By these two instances it is evident, That the direct meaning of those words, The Freedom of the Catholic Religion, is no other than the total banishing out of this Kingdom the exercise of the Religion established in it, by truth itself, and by the good and wholesome Laws of the Land.  
5. In another part of the third Article of the said Instructions, theses very words are inserted, viz. The confederate Catholics do intent that you let his Holiness know, their resolution to insist upon such Concessions and Agreements in matters of Religion, and for the security thereof as his Holiness shall approve of, and be satisfied with.  
This palpably evinceth, that the Papists of Ireland being Subjects, or Rebels, depends wholly upon the Pope's pleasure: For let his Majesty grant them what he will, yet his pretended Holiness' approbation must be the rule by which only they will be bound. And this is made most evident by the words of the ninth Article in the said Instructions, which follow in these words, viz. In case his Holiness will not be pleased to descend to such Conditions, as might be granted in matters of Religion, than you are to solicit for considerable aids, whereby to maintain a war, and to ascertain and secure the same, etc. And soon after in the same ninth Article, these words follow; viz. You are to make application to his Holiness for his being Protector of this Kingdom; and by special instance to endeavour his acceptance thereof, etc.  
Still the Pope is there King; and that he may be so almost in name as well as in power, they solicit him by special instance to accept that Title, under which he might act that power: so that it is not the Confederate Catholics fault, if a PROTECTOR were not in Ireland, before the Sectaries had set up one in England. Nay their Commissioners then sent to France and Spain, were required in case of the Pope's refusal of being their Protector, to offer it to either of those Kings, nay to any Popish Prince, from whom (to use their own words) they might have most considerable aids. In effect, they are willing any one should govern them, but he who only had the Right to do it. But yet as becomes obedient Sons of the Church of Rome, the Pope has the advantage of the preemption.  
It appears the Irish Papists hang, as their faith in God, so their Loyalty to their Prince, on the Pope's sleeve; and certainly it is not probable that those should defend his Majesties Right, over whom (1) a foreign Prince, (2) such a foreign Prince as considers His Majesty as an Heretic, and consequently an Enemy, hath full power; and (3) That power on the strongest account, even that of Conscience of Religion.  
In the year 1648. another peace was concluded with the Irish Papists, but after that, they disowned, disobeyed, opposed, conspired to murder, excommunicated, and banished His Majesty's Viceroy, as appears by the former instances.  
In sum, when the power of Ireland was in the hands of the Irish Papists, they designed and endeavoured to betray it to Foreigners: But when in the hands of the Protestants of Ireland, they absolutely, and without antecedent conditions, submitted it and themselves to His Sacred Majesty.   

As to their fight against the Regicides.  
I answer, 1. Vicious extremes are not only opposite to virtue, but also one to the other; Papists and Sectaries oppose each other, and both the Protestants.  
2. The Spaniard and the Dutch fought against the Regicides, yet neither of them in the day of trial, proved themselves friends to his Majesty's Rights.  
3. 'Tis the Cause, not the suffering only, which makes the Martyr; 'tis not the fight, but the ground and end of the fight, which proves which is the good Subject, and of that, let even P. W. judge by the former instances.  
The last argument pretends to commutative Justice, and is ushered in by a comparison and preoccupation.  
The former thrice pressed way of comparison, is yet propounded here again, but with less injustice here, than before; the comparison before was between Papists and Protestants, here between Papists and Presbyterians, Anabaptists, Quakers, Fifth Monarchy men, Independents.  
To which I shall only say, Whatever tenants opposite to Regal power may be found among any Sectaries, are, if not learned from, I am sure taught by the Romish Schools. Papists and Sectaries like Sampsons' Foxes, are tied by their tails, though their heads be divided; their way may seem contrary, but they all tend to the same end, the ruin of the Cornfield.  
As P. W. ushers in his Arguments on one side with a comparison: so on the other with a preoccupation, re●a●ing to the power of those which he calls Adversaries, and declareth it to be no greater than His Majesty is pleased to make it.  
To the truth of this Declaration the Protestants of Ireland freely consent; professing to the World, that though their Army is such, as sufficed to subdue the Irish Rebels when universally confederated throughout the Kingdom, and supplied by Foreigners with Money, Arms and Ammunition, and strengthened with no less than the Pope's Blessing and Nuntio: yet their power consists not in Arms or Armies, Fortifications or Men; but in Loyalty and Obedience to his Sacred Majesty's Commission and Authority; and is consequently, as P. W. says, no greater than his Majesty is pleased to make it. And since this is the true state of the Protestant, both Principle and Interest, As in truth it is, even their Adversary being their Judge, 'tis likely therefore that P. W. declares they are his Adversaries, (for I believe his Friends are other guess men) But doubtless those are fittest to be trusted with Power, who are no stronger by it, even by their Enemy's acknowledgements, than He which gives it, is willing to make it; than those who never had power, but what they forced from his Majesty; and who never employed that Power (the whole stream of their own actions being their Judges) but against that Sacred Majesty from whom they wrested it.   

The Arguments following plead Justice, and that Justice grounded on the Articles of 1648. and judged by the sad consequences threatened on the breach thereof, whether we regard men or God.  
Though concerning the Arrticles of 1648. enough hath been instanced already, yet to leave P. W. without occasion of Cavil, it will not be unfit to add somewhat more here.  
1. The Contents of those Articles are in themselves unwarrantable, except in Case of Necessity which hath no Law.  
2. The Condition of those Articles whereon they were principally, if not only founded, hath been often and entirely violated by the Irish Papists.  
The Contents of those Articles are unwarrantable, unless in Case of Necessity, because they are contrary to an higher Obligation, according to the Rule both of public and private Justice.  
1. His Majesty at his Coronation, binds himself to God, to govern these Kingdoms according to their respective Laws; and let P. W. himself consider, how agreeable it is to Law or public Justice, that the Militia, Treasury, an Army of fifteen thousand Foot, two thousand five hundred Horse, of Irish Papists, and even in effect the Legislative power itself, should be in the hand● of twelve men to be chosen by Irish Papists; or that there should be no alteration in England of what they in Ireland should think fit to transmit to his Majesty for the settlement of that Kingdom; or even that the Irish Rebels should be pardoned without the consent of Parliament, when his Majesty in Parliament the seventeenth year of his Reign, adjudged such pardon before Conviction to be null and void; hereby even when they treated with his Majesty concerning the Affairs of this Kingdom, assuming the Legislative authority of it, by repealing the Statute made the 10. of Henry the VII. (commonly called Poynings Law) and the explanatory Law thereof, in 3. & 4. of Philip and Mary.  
And though hitherto they chief pleaded before his Sacred Majesty in Council, but for so much benefit of the Articles of peace in 1648. as would restore them to their forfeited Estates: yet if they had prevailed therein, upon the score of that plea, it must in consequence have adjudged for them the benefit of all the other Articles as a Right. For if any of those Articles are due to them by an Obligation of Justice, all are then d●e to them by the same Obligation; and since, as appears by his Majesty's Gracious Declaration in Council, of the 30. of November 1660. that they have no right to any of their forfeited Estate●, nor any title but what his Majesty's mercy and bounty hath vouchsafed to divers of them; it thence follows, That his Majesty in Council has adjudged, They have no right to those Articles. For as an adjudication of his Sacred Majesty of their Title to any one of the said Articles, had entitled them to All: so an adjudication of his Majesty in Council, That they had not a right to that One they pleaded for, has adjudged them to have no right to any.  
2. Was not his late Majesty of glorious memory before those Articles; (1) preingaged to the Adventurers for many of the forfeited Lands in Ireland; (2) in the strictest form of Engagement, even by an Engagement in Parliament; (3.) on the account of strictest Justice, even by way of sale; (4) on the best account o● sale, the end thereof being to reduce the Irish Rebels: therefore might not these Arguments which P. W. urgeth in this instance against the breach of public Faith, be at least more appliable to this Engagement of his late Majesty, to his now Majesty's Declaration at Breda, and his Gracious Declaration of the 30. of November 1660. which were all Acts of Choice, Premeditation and Freedom: than to those Articles of 1648. which was an Act of Necessity and Rebellious force. The Casuists and Schoolmen will easily resolve P. W. that the later and lesser Obligation, aught to give place to the elder and greater. But if P. W. object, That if his Majesty were under an Obligation preceding and opposite to theirs, why did he enter into an Obligation unto them? To that I answer, 1. That then it was not Res integr●; for his Majesty's Rebellious Subjects, even some of the Adventurers themselves had super-induced a necessity upon his Majesty, which as he could not foresee when he made his first Contract: so by all the ties of natural preservation, he was bound to take away, when they were brought upon him; and it could not be a breach of Faith in the King to them, who made it (as things then stood) impossible to perform it. 2. Though Necessity be an unhappy plea, yet when 'tis a true, it is an allowable one. 3. That very Necessity which constrained his Majesty to those Articles, had they been observed by those with whom they were made, would have invited all honest Englishmen to have cheerfully waited, till by the expected fruits and effects of that Peace, his Majesty might have been enabled to have satisfied them; nay they would rather have lost their money, than his Majesty should have broken his Faith with them, that had kept it with him, and would have been so serviceable to him; besides his Majesty might have been so soon reseated in his Throne, that the debts of the Crown would have been so small, and his Subjects ability and affections so great, that he might and would easily have satisfied the Adventurers desires, without forfeited Land in Ireland, even by their own consent. But the breach on the Irish Papists side, has occasioned so long and chargeable a War, that their forfeitures, together with the vast sums sent out of England into Ireland, and raised in Ireland itself, are scarce able to defray that expense, which their own violation of Faith has engaged the Crown in: so that it is but just, that the Bear-skin (as far as it will go) should contribute to pay for the healing of those Wounds, which the Bear itself had given. His Sacred Majesty in the 3. page of his Declaration, speaking upon these Articles, uses these very words, viz. When they who wickedly usurped the Authority in this Kingdom, had erected that odious Court, for the taking away the life of Our dear Father; no body can wonder that we were desirous, though upon DIFFICULT CONDITIONS, to get such an united power of Our own Subjects, as might have been able; with God's blessing, to have prevented that infamous and horrible Parricide.  
In these clear and Royal expressions the World may see what was the only incentive to his Majesty, for his granting of that Peace, even no less than the preventing of the Murder of his blessed Father, and the bloody consequences of it: And therefore if That were the hopeful effect of those Concessions, had they been observed on the Irish side; may not we (without too much straining) infer, that the breach on their side, contributed to, if not acted that unparallelled Crime. To commit the Sin, and not to prevent the Sin, when men have the preventative power of it, are very near allied, if not the same Crimes.  
I shall also here again observe, that what P. W. calls Freely putting themselves and their power into my L. Lieutenant's hands; his Sacred Majesty justly marks with these observable expression●, [upon difficult Conditions;] may I not therefore from thence also well infer, That P. W's. Clients do nothing so freely as when they put difficult Conditions on his Majesty.  
Though I have said and proved by undeniable evidences, That the Irish Papists have violated and broken the Articles they extorted in 1648. yet becauss P. W's. Tenants obliges