SOME FREE REFLECTIONS Upon Occasion of the PUBLIC DISCOURSE ABOUT Liberty of Conscience, And the Consequences thereof in this present Conjuncture.  
In a Letter to a Friend.  
By one who cordially embraces whatsoever there is of true Religion in all Professions, and hates every thing which makes any of them hate or hurt one another.  
Licenced August the 11 th'. 1687.  
LONDON, Printed, and Sold, by Andrew Sowle, at the Crooked-Billet in Holloway-Lane in Shoreditch, and at the Three Keys in Nags-Head-Court in Grace-Church-Street, over-against the Conduit, 1687.   

SOME Free Reflections, etc.  
Dear SIR,  
THE Information you gave me upon my first arrival here of the great Ferment that is now raised in men's minds by the King's late Declaration for Liberty of Conscience; and the Counsel you were pleased to giv me thereupon for my own Conduct, that I should be cautious in asserting any Opinions contrary to the currant Stream of the Times; This Information, and this Counsel, I say, were so Prudent and so Friendly that I acknowledge myself obliged to you for them, and therefore I now return you my hearty thanks. I know not how you came to imagine that such a precaution was necessary for me, who have been so long a Stranger to my own Country, and by consequence, who am not much wedded to any of those particular Factions, that have this long while miserably divided it. But I must confess to you, that so it is. The News I had heard of that Declaration abroad, had been so pleasing to me, as seeming the only possible Cure for those unhappy divisions, that without your previous advice I should have been astonished at the dislike I have heard expressed of it by many of my best Friends; and perhaps not able thereupon to refrain from opposing them, so directly as might have lost me their Esteem and Friendship which I am very desirous to conserv. Well, it is to you then that I owe the obligation of some prudent reservedness, which I have yet maintained in all occasions of converse about public Concerns, during these eight or ten Days that I have been here: And it is to you therefore that I am now resolved to address myself for further directions. Such a reservedness has indeed in it a Prudence which self Interest will always exhort unto: But when the matter is of public and great concernment, so narrow a confinement seems unsuitable to the generous Principle of universal Charity, wfiich the Christian Religion insites us unto. That Principle, you know, is apt to move me when occasions seem to require it. And therefore that I may not ere in my general aim of contributing towards the public good, I desire you to weigh with me those Considerations which have rendered the prospect of a general Liberty of Conscience so pleasing to me; that I may, upon your better advice, either propagate or stifle them, as shall appear most consonant to my Duty.  
The thing in itself is so agreeable to the nature of Mankind, and to the particular Laws of the truly Primitive Christian Religion, that it is much to be wondered how so sociable a Creature as Man is, and so meek a Creature as a Christian ought to be, should have ever infringed such an excellent Rule. Can any thing be more reasonable than for every man to allow unto another that Liberty which he desires for himself? Can any thing be more peaceable than that Principle, which, allowing such a Liberty, does thereby take away the occasion of bitterest Contention? The very Light of Nature directed the Wise Heathens unto it, during some Thousands of Years; insomuch that whatever other Differences happened among them, upon account of civil Interest, their Societies were never disturbed by the disagreement of their Conceptions in matters of Religious Speculation. The Jews, who had greater reason than any other Nation to set a high valu upon their own Law, as having received it by an extraordinary Ministration, yet nevertheless attempted not to force any one to a compliance therewithal, who lay not under the same Conviction as themselves. The Primitive Christians, who reasonably may be supposed to have had the truest sense of their great Master's Instructions; were so far from inculcating any Principles of Persecution, that they exclaimed against the practice of it, as the greatest mark of that Antichristianism which had been▪ foretell them was to spring up in the World. The Arguments with which this Principle of Liberty, or Toleration, has been defended are many and strong. But it would be very superfluous in me to insist upon them unto you, who have seen and heard them repeated of late Years in a thousand Forms, and who I know are yourself▪ convinced of the natural equitableness of the thing, not withstanding all the inconveniencies that you have represented to me in its practice. I will therefore add only one reason for it, which seems to me invincible, and then pass to the consideration of those inconveniencies, which is my main design.  
I say then that the establishing of any Religious Persuasion by Force is unreasonable, because indeed it is impossible. The Mind of man is not capable of receiving any conviction but either by sensible proof, or rational demonstration. Blows and Torments may force an outward Compliance, but they cannot work any change in the Heart; and therefore, neither can any such forced compliance be acceptable to God, because 'tis only the Heart that he looks after. Thus than it is evident that all the effect of any forcible Imposition in Religion, in those that are so forced, can be nothing but Hypocrisy; and consequently that nothing can be more unjust, nor more ridiculously absurd than to attempt the establishment of any Religion by such like means. Let it be therefore concluded between you and me, as I know it is, that no man has right to impose upon another in matters purely Religious; Which is to say, That every man has right in those matters to enjoy his own Liberty. And now let us examine what Advantages or Inconveniencies may arise from that Liberty in the present Conjuncture of Affairs in England; and consequently, whether a Prudent and an Honest man ought sincerely to wish for it, and contribute unto it, in such opportunities as Providence puts into his hands, or no. That is the very Question which now concerns me, and therefore I will endeavour to lay it before you as plainly and as impartially, as I can.  
The Liberty of Conscience now aimed at in England, in the ordinary Discourse of People, implys no less than the change of our Laws; and that especially in those two important Heads, the Penalties imcumbent upon Dissenters, and the Test for the discovery of Dissenters. These have been looked upon by some as the Bulwarks of our security; and therefore it is not much to be wondered if the discourse of their removal does alarm those men's minds. Nevertheless if it be considered how little security those things have been unto us, how little rest they have procured us; nay on the contrary, what discontent and murmuring, what contests and factions they have raised and fomented among us; I say, if this be considered, methinks the ground of men's present apprehensions should in a great measure be taken away. What good is it, in truth, that those Laws have done us? They have not hindered the spreading of any fanciful Opinions among the different Sects into which we are divided. But they have rendered all those Sectaries discontented, inclined them to Sedition and Rebellion, and thereby made the Government it self uneasy and unsecure. This is plain matter of fact, most evidently visible to every one that does not wilfully blind himself. Why therefore should any one be alarmed at the change of those Laws which we have experienced to be so insignificant, not to say so contrary unto the very ends for which they were Established? And why should not we all much rather rejoice at the prospect of this new Experiment of Liberty, which affords more lively hopes of stable Comfort? Truly the design appears to me so plausible, that I cannot conceiv any thing but Interest capable to blind men's minds in the consideration of it.  
But to that supposition of mine it may perhaps be here replied with confidence; That it is indeed Interest which causes the reluctancy we are speaking of, and that their Interest being such, it is fitting men should maintain it, and oppose all innovations contrary thereunto: For this they think sufficiently, authorized by that Fundamental Maxim, of Salu● Populi, etc. which affirms the People's Interest to be the supremest Law.  
This Maxim indeed I allow to be unquestionably just; and if their application of it to this case be so too, we must acknowledge they have reason, and join with them. But if, on the contrary, the continuance of the Test and Penalties be only the Interest of a very small part of the Nation, and that the general Interest of the whole lys in the Liberty now designed, then will the force of their main Artillery be found pointed against themselves, and their Argument easily destroyed. It is necessary therefore to consider whose Interest it is to introduce this Liberty, and whose to oppose it; that we may judge which of the two is the most general. But that judgement is so easy, that no man can be long in suspense about it. The whole Body of Dissenters from the Church of England, however subdivided and distinguished in other things, are all united & comprehended in that common Cause. They have all been straitened, persecuted and oppressed; and therefore nothing can be more natural than for them to desire Liberty and Ease. Now this collective Body of the several Dissenters is manifestly greater than the Church of England alone. But besides these, it is also evident that a great part of the Church of England itself, I dar boldly say the best part of it, those Learned and Rational Divines, I mean, who have sometimes by opprobry been termed Latitudinarians, (though in truth, the word sound nothing but honourable) Those have always declared themselves of moderate Principles, their Interest lies also evidently in Moderation and Forbearance, because they are no less hated by the severer sort of their own Brethren than even the Disienters themselves; and the People that have been influenced by their Doctrine is so numerous, that the remaining strict and narrow-spirited Churchof- England-men, whose Interest engages them to maintain their own Privileges by infringing the just Rights of their Neighbours; this remaining number, I say, is so small in comparison of the whole Body of the Nation, that it is even ridiculous for them to build their pretences upon the forementioned Maxim, which in effect is directly contrary thereunto.  
Now if this be so indeed, that Liberty of Conscience is not only the Right of every particular Man, but also the general Interest of the whole Nation, methinks no Man ought any longer to be a shamed of, or alarmed at the project of it; but rather every honest Man ought to contribute his Endeavours that it may succeed.  
Yes, may somday, if it were only Liberty of Conscience that were pretended to, there could be little objected against it: Nay, it must be confessed that the bend of the Nation that way is now so strong, that the most part would freely enough consent to the abolishing of those Penal Laws which have hitherto restrained it. But, say they, that is not al. Those that design the abolishing of the Penal Laws, do at the same time design to take away the Test, and thereby not only to permit the Exercise of the Roman Catholic Religion, but also, to admit Roman Catholics into a share of our Government; which, they add, is a Consideration wholly of a different Nature from that of mere Liberty of Conscience, and the Practice whereof would be very unpolitic. This is the Objection that makes the great Cry in this Conjuncture. Those that endeavour to introduce Liberty of Conscience aim also to take away the Test: Those that would take away the Test are secret if not open Papists: And both the one and the other, under pretence of Liberty of Conscience, are Betrayers of the true Liberties and fundamental Laws of their Country. With this Cry many modest and honest Men are born down, and silenced. And indeed it requires more than ordinary Courage and Strength to bear up against so impetuous a Torrent. But when all is done, Truth and Reason are able to bear up against any thing: And therefore I will now examine impartially whether they be found on the side of these Objectors, or of the forementioned Patrons of Liberty.  
Two things especially are here to be inquired into. First, whether the Test, as it is by Law imposed upon Roman Catholics, be really an Entrenchment upon the natural and just Liberty of their Consciences, or whether indeed it be a mere political thing of a different Nature, without any Relation thereunto. And in the next place, whether the taking away of that Test may probably prove advantageous or prejudicial to the general Interest of the Nation. Upon these two Considerations lies the Stress of this whole Debate.  
Now to the first, I must needs affirm that in my Opinion the imposing of that Test is a thing of a mixed Nature. It is indeed political, because the design of it is to exclude the Roman Catholics from public Employment: But it is also Religious, because it makes their Opinion in Religion the Condition of that Exclusion: And therefore it can in no wise be said to be of so different a Nature from the Liberty of Conscience we are speaking of, as to have no Relation at all thereunto. On the contrary, I conceiv not how any one can doubt it to be an infringement of that Liberty. For those Employments being not hereditary, the way to them is by Nature open to every Man, according as his Capacity and other Circumstances may fit him for them. Now if a Person otherwise duly qualified for such an Employment▪ which might enable him and his Family to live in Ease and Comfort, shall by reason of some Opinion in religious Matters be excluded from that Employment, and thereby exposed to Penury and Hardship; this indeed is not a direct putting that Person to Death for that Opinion, but it is a taking away from him that Talon which Nature or Industry had given him as a Provision for the Comfort of his Life. And can any one now say that such a Practice is not a Burden or a Snare to that Man's Conscience? What real Difference is there, I beseech you, whether the Laws of the Land do authorize a Minister of Justice to oppress and torment a Man for his Opinion, or that they cast the Man himself into such Circumstances that his own Necessities do the same thing? Surely there is none at al. It is as clear therefore as Noon day that the imposing of this Test is a straitning of the natural and just Liberty of such a Persons Conscience. And therefore whoever does acknowledge in general that Liberty of Conscience is a Right of Nature and of Christianity, as hath before been hinted, must in particular acknowledge that the Test is unwarrantable, because it is an evident Infringement thereof. Now the far greater Part of the Nation, at this day, seeming inclined, by that Reason, to the abolishing of Penal Laws; if they would act consonantly to their own Principles, they ought, for the same Reason, to desire the Abolishing of the Test also.  
This Point being once gained, that the imposing of this or any other such like Test, in matters of Religion, is an Infringement of our Natural and Christian Liberty, the remaining Considerations that are urged in favour of it, ought not to be of any great weight with upright and honest-minded Men. Tho some Advantage might be pretended to be found in the doing of it, we ought not for any Advantage to transgress so fundamental a Law. We must not sin that Grace may abound. We must not do Evil that Good may ensue. Those are known Precepts; and if they were attended to, this Debate might here be ended. But Interest, Interest, is a strange thing. People are possessed with an Opinion that the admitting of Roman Catholics into a share of our Government is against the Interest of the Nation: And therefore they still think they are bound to oppose it, per fas & nefas. I must therefore go on still further, in examining now whether the extending of Liberty of Conscience so far as I have shown that it ought to go, viz. To the taking away of the Test, and by consequence to the admitting Roman Catholics into public Offices, be contrary to the general Interest of the Nation or no.  
That we may judge rightly of this Question, we must consider in what Circumstances the Nation is now situated, both in respect of the Head and Body of it. Our Prince is a Catholic: and we ourselves are divided into several Sects, of which the Catholics are in number the least considerable. The Interest of all those Sects, excepting only a small number of rigid and narrow-spirited Church of England Men, has been already shown, to lie in Toleration and Liberty. But there is no reason to expect the King should indulge them in that beloved Liberty, unless they consent to allow him the same Liberty for those of his own Persuasion. Now that Indulgment and that Consent do necessarily imply the same Extent on the one side as on the other. The Protestant Dissenters claim a Right to public Employments: And shall not the King demand the same Right for Catholic Dissenters also? He may do it so much the more reasonably as the Conformity of their Principles with his may naturally induce him to confide more in their Affection and Fidelity. This being so, and the Liberty which we thirst after not being obtainable at any other Price, who can be so unmannerly and so i'll natured as to refuse unto the King that which they demand of him for themselves? Or who can be so childlishly humorsom, and so devilishly malicious, as to refuse unto themselves their own reasonable and necessary Comforts, rather than allow others to enjoy the like? So strange an Extravagance as that can not, certainly, fall into very many Heads. For it being evident by this Consideration, that all those whose Interest obliges them to desire Liberty for themselves (which is to say the far greater part of the Nation) are obliged by the same Reason to allow the same Liberty, in its utmost extent, unto others: Because their own is not otherwise obtainable: I say this being so, though it may seem hard to say, yet really it is much harder not to suspect some Defect either in the Intellects or Integrity of those that oppose it.  
But prehaps I sing of Victory too soon. The Opposers of that Branch of Liberty which I now plead for, will be apt to tell me that it is not simply upon the account of their Religion that the Roman Catholics are excluded from any share in our Government; but because their Principles tend to the Oppression of others, and make them restless until they themselves become absolute Masters. This Objection indeed would have some Force if it proceeded from Persons who were themselves innocent of the Crimes they impute unto others: But where all are equally Guilty, it may be wondered with what forehead any one can produce it. The plain Truth is, that ever since Religion became twisted with secular Interest, and the Profession of Divinity became a Trade, all sides have striven to get uppermost; and being so, have persecuted their Fellows. The Invention of new Creeds or Tests, and the Persecution of Dissenters, is too too ancient. The true Simplicity of our Saviors and his Apostles Doctrine, and the meekness of their Spirit, lasted not many Ages: ay dar not say how few Years. But let us look nearer Home. Calvin, the great Institutor of Presbyterianism, showed the narrowness of his Spirit in the Niceness of his Theological System, the Cruelty of his Spirit in the Death of Servet; and his Followers have trod faithfully in his Steps, as well by the frequent Superfoetation of their Articles of pretended Orthodoxy, as by their Persecution of Dissenters where they have had Power, and by their Resistance even in open War, where they have been abridged of the Privilidges they pretended unto. Shall I instance also in our Church of England? I am loath to discover our own Shame. But, alas, it lies already too open, without my Discovery. She has persecuted ever since her first Establishment: And some of the Penal Laws then made, are now the very Subject of this present Debate. This Gild has been Universal. And if Jesus Christ should now say unto the Partisans of all Sects, as of old unto the Pharisees who accused the Woman taken in Adultery, let him that is Innosent cast the first Stone, I am persuaded the Effect would now be the same as then; they would all go away Convicted. Let not that therefore be urged against any one unto which all are equally obnoxious. An Objection loses all its Force when it may so justly be retorted against the Objector.  
O but, will some say, the Case is not equal. The Danger is greater from the Roman Catholics than fromothers, in that the very Principles of their Religion do dissolve their Obligation to Fidelity, and leave them at liberty to pursu the Advancement of their Church by the Violation of all the most sacred Bonds with which other Men are tied. For shame, let us in the End learn to be more equitable, and not impute unto any Man as a Principle of his Religion that which he utterly disowns. If there have been Men amongst them of such pernicious Principles, have there not been such also amongst us? If some of their Casuistical Doctors have palliated in some Occasions the Crimes of Treason and Rebellion, have not some of our zealous Ministers in other Occasions encouraged unto the same? We want not our Authors that maintain mischievous Principles, no more than they want theirs: witness the List of those condemned not long ago by the University of Oxford. Now will any Presbyterian think he has fair Play shown him by those that shall impute unto him all the Consequences which may be drawn from the Writings of Buchanan; or a Church of England Man from those of Julian Johnson? Crimes are personal. And Societies must not be condemned for the Miscarriages of particular Persons. Let every Man then bear his own Burden. Let us all henceforward cease from criminating others with things wherewith we ourselves may be so justly recriminated. Now the surest way to stifle these Reproaches is by mending the Faults. Wherefore let us now on all sides study to reform whatever is amiss: Let us unanimously renounce the Principle of Persecution: and let that be the only Test, upon which our Government be modelled, as has been already judicially advised by another Hand. In doing so, there is no Fear but the common Union and Interest of all Parties, in a League of mutual Liberty, will be incomparably a better Security for us against any particular Usurper, than our several Factions have been hitherto one against another.  
But still this Answer is not direct enough. Those that are Parties in such a Case are seldom sensible of the Danger wherewith they threaten others, but always intent upon those Dangers wherewith they conceiv that others threaten them. It is not sufficient therefore to tell them that the Danger on both sides is mutual. No, they expect that on their Side there should be no Danger at al. Let us endeavour therefore to satisfy them in that Point also: and then let them show themselves to be worthy Citizens, by a cheerful Compliance with their own Duty, and our common Interest. What can this Danger be that is apprehended by the taking away of the Test? That the Papists should Lord it over us, and with an open Force extirpate our Religion by the ancient Method of Fire and Faggot, or work our Conversion by the new Mode of Dragooning? But that is not rationally to be apprehended from so inconsiderable a Number of Men as they ar. Is it supposed that their Numbers may increase, and in the end grow formidable? That Argument strikes more directly against the Toleration of their Religion than against the abolishing of the Test: For it is the Toleration alone which will giv them Opportunity of spreading their Doctrines, and labouring to make Proselytes. Wherefore that Argument ought not to be urged by those who acknowledge that Toleration to be a natural Right and a Christian Duty; which certainly most Men now do, and all Men ought to do. No, but it will be said that the Temptation to Popery will be yet greater, by the open way to advantageous Employments, when the Test shall be taken away. But do not those Objectors see and consider the uncertainty of the Continuance of those Advantages, or perhaps even some stinging Consequence attending them, under a Protestant Successor? Ay certainly they are not so blind as to be ignorant thereof. Experience has shown them already the Force of that Antidote in some eminent Instances, which may assure them that no poisonous Effects, at least no mortal ones, are now to be apprehended from this guilded Pill of Preferment.  
I might here add many other Considerations to dissipate this panic Fear. As, The Spirit of the Nation, now animated more than ever against Popery. The Interest of the Papists themselves to keep within modest and moderate Bounds, lest too great a stretching after things out of their Reach, should make them lose their present Footing. And, not improperly, The Word of a King, who has solemnly promised us that he will not suffer any Man to be oppressed in the just Liberty of his Conscience: Of a King, I say, who does not now first begin to affect that Language, but who has been long known to assert the same Principle: Of a King, who values himself more upon his Integrity and Faithfulness than upon all the Glories and Advantages of his Crown: And of a King, in fine, whose Interest as well as Honour obliges him to keep his Word. These are all Considerations of weight. But after a Demonstration of the Impossibility that the Roman Catholics should arrive to that Strength as to be able to hurt us, (though we suppose them to be never so willing) it is superfluous to enlarge upon Topics of a weaker Nature. That which cannot happen in humane Probability, need not be feared in humane Conduct, nor ought it to be objected in humane Consultations.  
I will therefore here stop the Course of these Reflections; which I must acknowledge do now seem unto me strong enough to dissipate those Fears which your Prudence first instilled into my Mind, and to encourage an honest Heart to go on straight forwards, as Providence shall enable him, in the present Work of this Day, notwithstanding any Opposition or Reproach that may attend it. The thing in itself is good. And therefore I declare to you, that I will no longer be ashamed or afraid to show my Approbation of it, and to dispose others▪ as I may be able, unto the same Sentiments. I ought indeed, in good Manners, to have expected your Judgement, before I made so express a Declaration of my own. But I know your Honesty too well to doubt of your Concurrence herein, and your Friendship too well to fear any hard Censure for my transgressing those little Rules of formal Decency. Let us both of us put our Hands to the Work, in God's Name, in the Sphere where we are placed. And to begin the Attempt, if you judge that these Reflections of mine may be in any degree useful unto the Public, I giv you free Liberty to disperse them as you think convenient. But that Permission engages me to add yet a few Words more; which are not indeed much needful to yourself, but may perhaps not be unuseful to others.  
In perusing what I have writ, I cannot but suspect that a Prejudice may arise against me in some men's Minds, from the Disinteressedness I have shown in respect of the different Sects of Protestants; as if I were myself a Papist, and designed wholly to favorize that Party. To obviate that Prejudice, I therefore desire the World may know that I am so far from being engaged in any Party, that I sincerely desire the Distinctions of all Parties may be obliterated amongst Mankind, and that all the Ends of the Earth may be brought into Subjection and Obedience unto the Gospel of the Holy Jesus, and own no other Name or Profession but that of Christianity. Oh what glorious Days, Oh what transporting Comforts, and solid Happiness, would that Temper of Spirit bring into the World! Then would the Root of Contention be cut up, when all Men were engaged in the same Cause. Disputes would surely cease, when Men came to know that the Religion which Jesus Christ came to institute upon Earth▪ consists not in any airy Speculations, nor shadowy Ceremonies, but wholly and solely in actual Obedience to his Holy Precepts. They would then easily infer, from such a Foundation; that Notions and Doctrines, and much more outward Cults, are only so far necessary unto Salvation as they are proper to influence men's Lives. They would then know that the Grace of God which bringeth Salvation hath appeared unto all Men; and that therefore it doth not lie hid in Difficultys and Obscuritys, which few or none do comprehend; but that the Rules it prescribes us are plain, even to the meanest Capacitys, teaching us, that denying Ungodliness and worldly Lusts, we should liv soberly, righteously, and Godlily in this present World. This would make all Men more intent upon then Duty, upon the strict Observance of the Rules of Justice, of Truth, and of universal Charity and Goodwil towards one another, which is the choicest Flower in all the Garland of Christian Virtues. And in the same Proportion as those Virtues increased, still further Knowledge, and a sound Judgement in Divine Truths would increase with them; and the Seeds of Discord would at the same time be destroyed. We should then turn our Swords into Ploughshares, and our Spears into Pruning-hooks; we should not learn War any more, but rest Fearless under our own Vines, and our own Figtrees, and every Man walking in the Name of his God. Prince's would not then press Uniformity in things of small Consequence, with a Violence only tolerable in Occasions of the most fundamental and greatest Importance: Subjects would not refuse Conformity in things indifferent, with a Headstrongness only excusable in Points most essential: Nor would either the one or the other mistake those fundamental and essential Points, when all were agreed that they consisted only in Piety, Sobriety, and Virtue. An Authority tempered with Sweetness, and a Subjection mixed with Lov, would make all Estates of Men as happy as our frail Condition of Mortality can admit.  
This Thought, you see, has a little warmed me; and no wonder it should: For indeed it is the only Fire that heats my Zeal, the only Spring that gives Motion to my sluggish and indifferent Temper. God grant that it may kindle some Measures of a like Flame, nay a higher Measure, I beseech him, in those that read it. Then should I hope daily to see more and more considerable Advancements in the Work that Providence seems to be now acting in the World. Shall I explain my Meaning? Why not? I am sure it tends not to the Injury of any Man, and therefore it can not be reputed Criminal. Well, 'tis this. The Persecution we have heard of in France, I am well informed, has inspired a strange Spirit of Reformation into the Romish Clergy themselves: They acknowledge the Abuses that are in their Church, as far as ever its outward Oeconomy and public Authority will admit: They preach openly at Paris against all manner of Superstition and Idolatry▪ They instruct their Auditors in a spiritual Adoration of the supreme Deity: They do not rack the Consciences of their Penitents with any strict Determination in Points incomprehensible, but they turn them wholly to the Essential Duties of Life: And in this Manner they endeavour to produce and maintain Unity between themselves and their New Converts, as they call them, in the Bond of Peace. This appears to me an Antiperistasis to the Designs of the Authors of that Persecution; a Rebound guided by Providence, which produces a far different Effect from the direct Blow. But this is not al. We have heard of something like it in Italy, and in Spain; which has already made some Noise and a very considerable Progress in those Countries. Perhaps indeed these things may be censured by some Doctors of that Communion, who are as much wedded to their old-fashioned Popery as the narrower sort of Churches-of-england-man (amongst Protestants) are wedded to their liturgical Rites and Ceremonies. But however it is one Step, nay a great Advancement, towards a general enlightening of men's Minds in true Religion, which I strongly hope will be conducted by Providence to a happy Issu. And as I contemplate the Prospect of our English Liberty, as a Dispensation of Gods own Direction, extended unto us by a Hand from whence we lest expected it; as an Instrument more exactly fitted by him for the Atchieument of this great Work than those others aforementioned; so I heartily wish that all tru-hearted Englishmen would put their Hands unto this Work; that we may be all found diligent Laborers in the Vineyard where we are placed, faithful Servants in the Improvement of the Talon committed unto us, and by no means barren and unfruitful in the Knowledge of our Lord Jesus Christ, unto which we have so much pretended.  
Pardon, I entreat you, this Excursion. It is now time for me to return to my first Theme, and draw towards a Conclusion of this tedious Letter. Those that read it with unprejudiced Eyes will easily discern that I write it not to serve the Interest of any one Party, further than that Interest tends to the general Good: And that I despise the Censures of all Parties, in comparison to the Satisfaction I propound unto myself in contributing towards that Good. My Rule is straight. Let others make theirs so too, and we shall all infallibly arrive at that happy Rest which we all breath after. I will sum up what I have said, or supply what I have omitted, in a few Words. Liberty of Conscience is the natural Right of Mankind, and the general Interest of England. Penal Laws and Tests are direct Infringements of that Right, and they tend evidently to the ruin of that Interest. Will we therefore acquit ourselves like honest and prudent Men, let us settle ourselves in that our natural Privilege, and let us abolish every thing that is opposite thereunto. Let us abolish those things, I say, we that are private Persons, in persuading every Man his Neighbour to that Disposition: And when we shall be called to it, let us elect such Members to serve in Parliament as shall be disposed to consent unto the abolishing of them by Law. That is the surest Means to engage the King unto us, and to engage us all unto one another. His Government will be so much the more easy as he finds his People the more compliant with his just Desires▪ And our Security will be so much the greater, nay it will be entire, when our Properties, our Liberties, and our Religion, shall be defended by the common Union of all Parties against our only public Enemies, all turbulent and ambitious Innovators.  
I am, Dear Sir, Yours, etc.  
FINIS.