THREE LETTERS Tending to demostrate how the Security of this Nation Against all Future Persecution FOR Religion, Lys in the Abolishment of the Present Penal Laws and Tests, and in the Establishment of A NEW LAW For Universal Liberty of Conscience:  
With Allowance.  
LONDON, Printed, and Sold, by Andrew Sowle, at the Three Keys, in Nags-Head-Court, in Grace-Church-Street, over-against the Conduit, 1688.   
Three LETTERS, etc.  

The First Letter.  
SIR,  
UPon the receipt of your last Letter, I was, at first, a little troubled to perceiv the censorious Judgement you pass upon my Politics, in reference to the grand business of Liberty of Conscience. But after a little consideration I comforted myself. For I not only remembered your constant favourable regard towards those of different Persuasions from yours, but I observed also, even in that very Letter, that you agree with me in this Fundamental Principle, That no Man ought to be Persecuted for Matters of mere Religion. And this agreement in so great a Principle made me hope that, notwithstanding our present Difference, it would be no hard matter for you and me to agree in our particular Conclusions, and consequently in our Conduct. To procure that Agreement there is nothing requisite but Honesty and Sense. Let us but examine thoroughly whither that Principle leads, and let us be true to the result of our own Examinations, and the Work will be done.  
But perhaps so strict a subjection as this to the consequences of that Principle, however just and reasonable in itself, may seem unto you a little unseasonable in this Conjuncture▪ Nay, I must acknowledge to you▪ that I myself also am not so much Master of my Passions, as to let Reason have always that absolute Dominion that belongs to it. The fear of being deceived, by a Party of Men who plead for Liberty, makes me sometimes doubtful in determining upon the practice of what I acknowledge to be a Duty. I am convinced that the Interest Of this Nation, as well as the Laws of Christianity, requires an Absolute, Universal, Equal, and Inviolable Liberty of Conscience. Nothing that does not tend to the Ruin of the Government, or to the Prejudice of the People, which is but one and the same thing, should be made the occasion of laying any Restraint upon any Man. But where I see ground to fear that the granting of this Liberty should serve only to put a Power into their Hands that now demand it, whereby they may be able hereafter to take it away from others, truly in that case I am apt to hesitate upon the Point; or to say better, I confess that I hesitate not at al. For I would by no means that a specious hope of Christian Liberty should betray the Nation into a New Unchristian Slavery.  
Thus far I am sure I agree with you. We would have Liberty with Security of its continuance: not otherwise. Now I entreat you to examine whether or no, in the rest, you agree with me. I ask then, If so be it can be demonstrated that the Penal Laws, and Tests too, may be taken away without exposing the Nation to any hazard of Persecution by the Roman Catholics; Nay, if a far better Security may be provided against that Persecution than those present Laws and Tests do afford us; will it not be an Act of Equity and Wisdom, as well as Christianity, in that case, to abolish them? This Security being supposed, nothing can hinder us from complying with that Design, but such Considerations as arise from the Covetousness and Ambition of engrossing all Honourable and Profitable Employments unto our selus, and those of our own Persuasion. But will any Considerations of that Nature, when they interfere with a Public Interest and an avowed Duty, be justifiable, or even excusable, either before God or Man? I cannot doubt but your determination in that Point will be the same with mine. Those Considerations are too sordid to be of any weight with an Honest Mind.  
Your Objection, I know, in reading these Questions, will arise from a Diffidence that any new Security of this nature, either will or can be granted us. There indeed perhaps you and I may differ in our opinions. But however, to come as near as we can, I will at present suspend my own Hopes, and concurring with your Doubts, consider only what is our Duty, and the Duty of all honest Men, even in this supposed doubtful Conjuncture.  
An Example in the like case, not many years ago, when the Nation was in as great a ferment as it is now, may direct us. Those that supposed there could be no other real Security, against the fears that possessed them, than that Odious Bill of Exclusion which they promoted in Parliament, professed nevertheless their constant willingness to listen unto any Expedients that should be offered for that purpose. If they did not then comply with any of those Expedients, it was the heat of Faction that hindered them; and they have since on all occasions acknowledged their Error. Let us therefore profit by their Example. Let us imitate them in that reasonable disposition which they professed, and be careful to avoid those heats which caused their actual miscarriage.  
In a word, let us, at least, put the Thing to a Trial. Let it be referred to the Wisdom of a Parliament to weigh the Expedients that may be invented or offered for our Security. Let Moderate Men be chosen into that Parliament; and not such as are engaged, by along habit of Persecuting, to keep up the present Penal Laws, as Tools already fitted for their hands. Till we be called to that Election-Work, let us each of us endeavour to dispose our Selus, dispose One Another, and as occasion offers dispose our Friends, to that Spirit of Wisdom and Moderation which is now so necessary. And till this Business have been weighed in Parliament, let us a little suspend our Judgement upon it, and have always a great care that we obstruct not the Good we desire by heighting any doubtful Jealousys to an irreconcilable Extremity.  
These are the Rules of my Politics, which I hope you will now look upon a little more favourably than you seemed to do in your last Letter. At present I will trouble you no further. But if what I have now said prove acceptable, I shall be very ready, upon your desire, to explain further my inmost thoughts upon any the nicest Circumstances of this great Affair.  I am &c:  

The Second LETTER.  
SIR,  
I Am heartily glad that my last Letter has given you any measure of Satisfaction. But I perceiv by your new Quaeries, that I have engaged myself, in the close of that Letter, to a greater Task than I was aware of. It is not enough to have satisfied you so far as I have gone, but I must either continu to answer your new Difficulties, or else join with you in owning them to be unanswerable. I must either show you the very Expedients that may be contrived for securing us against any future Persecution by the Roman Catholics, or else acknowledge that no such thing either can or will be done. That is a little hard. The thing may be felzable, though I should not be able to demonstrate it. Others may know more than I can. Nay, indeed the truth is that I know so little, and others have already said so much upon this Subject, that, as I cannot pretend to make any new Discoveries in it, so neither am I willing to repeat just the same things that you have read elsewhere: And between those two Difficulties I am something straitened in complying with what you desire. Nevertheless since I am engaged, I will rather hazard to repeat what may have been hinted at already by others, than refuse to explain unto you my own Conceptions.  
The Security we demand must be considered either as it lies naturally in the thing itself; I mean in the Repeal of all Old Penal Laws and Tests, and in the Sanction of a New Great Charter for Liberty of Conscience; or else as it may be fortified by such Expedients as the Wisdom of a Parliament may think sit to propound, and His Majesties Goodness may vouchsafe to grant.  
But this last Consideration belongs not to my Province. It becomes not private Persons to anticipate. Parliamentary Deliberations, much less to prescribe Rules unto His Majesties Conduct. It suffices me, in that respect, to know that His Majesty has been pleased, by often reiterated Promises, to assure us that he will concur with his Parliament, in any thing that may be reasonably offered for the Establishment of such a Law of Christian Liberty as may never be broken. I am not curious to pry further into those matters, until His Majesty shall think fit in his Wisdom to disclose unto the Nation the Treasures of his Goodness. And to speak freely to you, as a Friend, I am yet the less curious about it at this time, nor any ways impatient to know more, until a Parliament may be ready to deliberate thereupon; because I know already, that there are a sort of Men in the Nation who watch upon every occasion, with all the Arts that Malice can invent, to blast any thing that shall be offered for the advancement of this Christian Design. Leaving therefore the consideration of this Accessional Security that we look for, I will now apply myself to consider only what prospect of Security the thing itself does in its own Nature afford us.  
When we discourse about this Security, I suppose we both of us understand it only with relation to the hazard that may arise from taking away the Tests. For as to the Penal Laws, singly considered, I think all Men that have Souls large enough (as I am sure you have) to prefer the general Good of their Country before the narrow Advantages of a Party, will agree that it is no less the Interest of this Nation to abolish them, than the Duty of all Mankind to forbear Persecution.  
There is no hazard in the abolishment of those Penal Laws. Now what the hazard may be in abolishing the Tests, will be best perceived by considering the effect of their imposition. The effect, in which the Protestant Interest consists, is that the Roman Catholics are thereby excluded from all Places of Public Trust, either Civil or Military. This, I should have said, is the Intent of them. But how far the real Effect falls short of that Intent, and how far it must needs fall short thereof in the Reign of a Catholic Prince, is too evident to need any demonstration. Nevertheless, supposing that the Roman Catholics were indeed thereby debarred from entering into any Public Employments, What is the advantage that Protestants, or that the Nation in general, pretend to receiv by their Exclusion? I know you will tell me that we have thereby our Security against that Principle of Persecution which we think inseparably joined to their Religion. They will not be able to impose their Religion upon us, nor persecute us for not receiving it. That is the true End, and we will suppose it to be real Effect, of the Tests.  
You do not pretend sure that the Exclusion of the Roman Catholics from such Employments is any Security to our Civil Rights, or to the Fundamental Constitution of our Government. They are English Men as well as we. The Civil Rights of English Men ought to be no less dear to them than to us. And if any malicious Surmizer should presume to imagine that His Majesty had a design to raise his own Prerogative upon the ruin of the People's Liberties, we have reason to believ, by many past instances, that Men of another Religion, much more numerous and powerful than the Roman Catholics, would be found no less ready Instruments, but far more proper ones, for the effecting of that work. The best defence that I know against those imaginary fears, and the most becoming dutiful Subjects, is to comply cheerfully with his Majesty in all things reasonable; that so an unreasonable Refusal may not force him upon new Methods, and make us feel in the end what we are perhaps too slow to conceiv, that Omnia dat qui justa negat.  
But I return to the consideration of our being secured against Persecution by the Exclusion of the Roman Catholics from Public Employments. In very good time, that the Church of England▪ now looks for such a Security! I am sure others have not been secured against it, by the public administration of Her Members. However, let us consider how it is that the Tests secure us, or how it is that they hinder them from entering into those Employments. It is not as a Wal or Barricado that confines them to a certain Enclosure, out of which they cannot move; nor is it as a Charm or Spell that, by any Magic Virtue, hinders them from acting. It is only as a Law, which, by the penalty annexed to it, awes their Minds, and makes them fearful to transgress it. They dar not enter into Public Offices, lest they should be punished for the Breach of that Law which forbids them to do it. But, pray, Who is it that should punish them for that Offence? They know very well that in this Reign they are in no danger. That Law is now dispensed with. The only Bridle therefore that restrains them from transgressing it, is evidently the fear of its being Revived in the Reign for the next Successor; because it is a Law whose Penalty they will be always liable unto, whensoever the Government shall think fit to exact it.  
Now if this be the only Ground of their Exclusion from Public Offices, and consequenly of our pretended Security; I say if it be only the Force of a Law that works that effect; pray let us consider if another Law might not be contrived, to secure us much more effectually against Persecution, that this Exclusion of them either does or can do.  
Let us therefore have a Law enacted, which, in Abolishing all those Penal Ones, and all the Tests too that are now complained of, shall Establish a Universal and Equal Liberty of Conscience, as a Magna Charta of Religion, with all the engaging Circumstances that the Wit of Man can invent to make it inviolable. Let that Liberty be declared to be the Natural Right of All Men, and any violation thereof be therefore accounted Criminal. Let not only every Actual Infringement of that Law, but every Motion, Proposition, or Contrivance, expressed either in Word or Deed, tending any way to the invalidating of it, be esteemed and declared an Undermining of the Fundamental Constitution of our Government, and accordingly to be punishable with the utmost Severitys, even as Felony or Treason. Let the Extent of this Law reach all Conditions and all Degrees of Men, Ecclesiastical, Civil and Military, from the highest Lord to the meanest Beggar. Let not future Parliaments themselves be exempted from the danger of infringing it; but let any Proposition tending thereunto, though even in either House of Parliament, be not only reputed a Transgression thereof, but expressly declared to be the highest and worst of all Transgressions; and let no Parliamentary, or other Privilege whatsoever extempt any such Offender from the severest Punishment, no more than they can do it now from that of Treason. And after all this, and what more the Wisest Heads may invent, let The King himself be humbly beseeched to suffer in it a Clause, by which, reserving all other Rights of his Prerogative inviolated, he may solemnly renounce the only Right of Dispensing with this Law, or of Pardoning any Transgressor of it in any case whatsoever.  
Supposing now that such a Law as this should be Enacted, I beseech you to consider if it do not answer the end of securing us against Persecution, infinitely better than the present Tests that exclude the Roman Catholics from Public Employments. It will secure, in the first place, all the Dissenting Protestants from the present Penal Laws, which the Tests do not: And it will indeed secure all Parties against all Persecution, in every respect far better than they do. It will do it in a direct manner: Whereas they work only by a weak and strained Consequence. It will do it upon the solid grounds of Religion, Truth and Equity: Whereas they are built only upon precarious, partial and unjust Principles. It will be declared to be in its own Nature Indispensable: Whereas they are every day dispensed with. It will be Established by a more solemn Sanction: And it will be enforced by more awful and terifying Penalties.  
These Advantages, as you see, do all appear in the simplest prospect that we can take of the thing itself, in its own Nature; in the mere Abolishment, I mean, of the Laws of Persecution, and the Establishment of a Law of Liberty; without the help of any further Expedients. That is the only thing that I proposed to myself to explain. And I cannot but now hope that even this explanation, how imperfect soever it be, will convince you that it is not so dangerous a Work to abolish the Tests, nor so difficult to establish a lasting Security against Persecution, when those Tests shall be Abolished, as some People industriously endeavour to persuade us. But I perceiv that I have been already too tedious upon this Argument. Wherefore without further Application or Improvement thereof, I now refer what I have said to your Examination, and submit to your Judgement, resting always etc.   

The Third LETTER.  
SIR,  
SInce I have had the good fortune to please you the second time, I am resolved to try it a third. I have endeavoured, as you have seen, to make it appear that it is not impossible to contrive a more Equitable and Vnexceptionable Law than the Tests, which will secure us also infinitely better than they do, against the danger of being Persecuted by the Roman Catholics. Now you answer me that this Law, though it should be consented to, would be less Security to us against the Roman Catholics than the Tests: because by it they would be admitted into the Legislative, as well as Executive, parts of our Government; whereas by the other they are wholly excluded from both. And an Exclusion, say you, especially from the Legislative Power, is a far better Security than any Regulation whatsoever that can be made about their conduct in it: because, when once admitted into that capacity, there will be still reason to apprehend lest they should break thro' the Rules prescribed for their Conduct, and change even the Laws themselves at their pleasure.  
This is indeed very specious. But I entreat you to consider, in the first place, That the Exclusion we talk of by the Tests is only Imaginary, not Real. We please ourselves with a Notion, while we are frustrated of the Thing. A Dispensation dissipates all that Bulwark into Dust and Air: While on the contrary the Regulation I have propounded is to be declared and made absolutely Indispensable. Which is no inconsiderable advantage on the side that I incline to.  
But this is not al. Your Objection prompts me to a further Defence of my Proposition. Nothing will serve your turn but an Absolute Exclusion of those that may have a mind to hurt us, from all manner of share, either Legislative or Executive, in our Government. Be it so. I am very well pleased to join Issu with you upon that Point.  
The Hurt we fear, and desire to fence against, is Persecution. Let us therefore, in God's name, exclude all Persecuting Papists, and Protestants too, from those Employments. But let all those that have a Spirit of Moderation and Charity, joined with other necessary Qualifications, be promiscuously admitted into them, whatsoever be their profession of Religion. It is not the Notion of Transubstantiation that hurts us. Why should we therefore make that the ground of an Exclusion? Let us go to the true Ground of the Matter, and do our Work at once, effectually.  
In a Word: Let this Act itself, that we are projecting, be the Fundamental Test for the Admission of all Persons into all manner of Public Employments, or for their Exclusion from them. Let every Member of both Houses of Parliament, before they are admitted to sit there, be obliged to subscribe a Declaration, importing That they solemnly profess, and, in the presence of God, sincerely acknowledge the natural Equity of this Great Law; and that they in like manner promise never to infringe it, nor either directly or indirectly to promote any design of undermining or invalidating it in any manner whatsoever. Let all those that shall presume to sit in either House, without having first subscribed that Declaration, be liable to the severest Penalties that shall be annexed to the foresaid Law. And let all future Acts (if any such there should be) passed by a Parliament not so qualified as by this Law shall be required, be declared Illegal and Nul. Nay further, if it may be thought any strengthening to our Security, let also All other Public Officers, as well as the Members of Parliament, be obliged, upon their entrance into those Offices, to subscribe the same solemn Declaration, upon the hazard of the same Penalties, and of the Illegality and Nullity of all their Proceedings. Let all that Govern, or Teach, or any way Officiate in Ecclesiastical Affairs, either in Church or Conventicle; All Judges, Justices, Juries, Magistrates, Military Commanders both by Sea and Land, with all the Inferior and Subordinate Officers depending upon any of them, from the highest to the lowest, be All subject to the same Rule.  
This is the Test against Persecution that we have been long since advised to, by One of the earliest and strongest Writers upon this Subject; but which the Nation seems not yet to have enough reflected upon. If this be not judged a sufficient security, I wish those that perceiv the defects of it would propound unto us any thing better. I shall be always for choosing the best. But however, in the mean while, I think all Men must agree that, if it be indeed Persecution that we desire to fence against, this is infinitely a better security in that respect than the present Penal Laws and Tests ar. And therefore, provided this may be granted, I cannot but yet hope that there will appear to be among us Men Wise enough, and Honest enough, and those too, Numerous enough, to sway the Nation to consent to their abolishing.  
I have said already that, upon the supposition of this Security there can be nothing but private Ambition or Avarice capable to raise an opposition against this generous Design of Universal Liberly. But surely no private Interest will be capable to bear up long against the general Interest of the Nation. Now it has been often asserted by many, and demonstrated with great evidence, that those whose Interest it is to desire Liberty are far more numerous than those that oppose it. But if in that there should at present be any mistake, I am sure, when once this Liberty shall be established, it will then be visibly and indisputably the Interest of all Parties to maintain it. All the several Interests of the Nation will be then drawn up into one Circle, and the Extremitys will touch each other. The Church of England and Protestant Dissenters, how opposite soever in other respects, will thereby become inseparably cemented into one Common Caus. And, though we should suspect the Roman Catholics to have contrary inclinations, yet the strength of the others Union will oblige them, for their own Safety, to concur in promoting the general Good.  
Yet for all this, I will not stick to acknowledge that such a suspicion of an inclination to Persecute, in any that may be uppermost, is not altogether unreasonable. The Examples of Persecutions raised at one time or other, by all Parties that have had the power to do it, authorise those Fears. But for that very reason, I say, that this is the fittest time that ever we can expect, to settle this Liberty in England: because the Power is now in the Hands of the weakest Party, which is therefore least able to strain it. And if once that Settlement be made, the united Interest of all Parties in the Advantages it brings along with it, will in human appearance secure it against the possibility of ever being shaken hereafter.  
These Considerations, you see, afford a second Prospect of our Security in the establishment of a Law of Liberty; in that it will be the Interest of all Parties to maintain it: And they afford also an Incitement to set about that Work; because of the seasonableness of the opportunity: Which things deserv exceedingly to be attended unto. But after so palpable a demonstration, as I think I have given, of that Security, in the frame of the Law itself, I have no mind now to entertain you with any thing that may appear more speculative, though in effect it be no less solid.  
My meaning in this is, that I have shown only the Possibility of this Security. But whether or no it will be just granted in the manner that I conceiv it, is what I cannot answer for. I rather hope it will be made much better. But however, after this plain appearance of the possibility of the thing, I think I may resume what I said in my first Letter, as an Advice of some weight; That, in this Conjuncture, it is both the Duty and the Interest of the Nation to put this business to a Trial, in a Grave and Moderate Parliament; and not by any means to make that impossible, by Faction, Jealousy, or Despair, which seems easily obtainable by a prudent Conduct.  
Let this be our constant Aim, to have Liberty settled by a Law. That is the Mark that▪ I shoot at▪ And I would be very loath that other People's Errors, or Humours, should make me miss it. We ought All to be singly▪ intent upon our own Duty; and if we keep so, we cannot fail to know it. Which way soever we turn our Reflections, in these matters of Politics, they will always bring us back to the same Centre. The General Good is the Rule and Touchstone, by which all must be tried and measured. That General Good can never be attended unto, much less procured, without the General Satisfaction of all Parties; Nor that Satisfaction without this Equal and General Liberty which I have been pleading for.  
Now therefore that every one may the more easily discern their own Duty, while we are in this evident possibility of obtaining such an equal and secure Liberty; I would have the Church of England, in the first place, Consider with how much Justice the Odium of a Self-interessed and sordid Partiality, will be cast upon Her by all Men, in case She still continue to obstruct it. Let Her consider that, and be Ashamed. In the next place, If the Protestant Dissenters should suffer themselves to be fooled out of this Liberty, by the cunning of their Old Adversaries; I would have them consider how obnoxious they yet lie, even at this very hour, to the Redoubled Lashes of the same Laws under which they have so long groaned. Let Them consider that, and Tremble. And if the Roman Catholics should ever attempt to overstrain the Advantages they may receiv by this Liberty, when it shall be established; I would have them Consider that in gaping for the Shadow, they will be in danger to lose the Substance. Let Them consider that, and be Wise. I have now done. Lonely again beg of you to pardon the tediousness of all these Considerations, and to believ me to be most sincerely and affectionately  
Yours, etc.   
FINIS.