Matchless Cruelty, DECLARED At large in the ensuing History of the WALDENSES: Apparently manifesting unto the World the horrible Persecutions which they have suffered by the Papists, for the space of four hundred and fifty years. Wherein is related their Original and Beginning; their Piety and Purity in RELIGION, both for Doctrine and Discipline.  
LIKEWISE, Hereunto is added an exact Narrative of the late Bloody and Barbarous Massacres, Murders, and other unheard of Cruelties committed on many thousands of the Protestants, dwelling in the Valleys of PIEDMONT, etc. by the Duke of Savoy's Forces, joined with the French Army, and several bloody Irish Regiments.  
Published by Command of his Highness, the Lord Protector.  
LONDON, Printed for Edward Brewster, at the Crane in Paul's Churchyard, 1655.   


THE HISTORY OF THE WALDENSES, COMMONLY CALLED IN ENGLAND LOLLARDS: The first Book.  

CHAP. I.  
That God in all times hath raised up labourers for the gathering together of his Saints. At what time Valdo began to teach, and with what fruit: what he was, and all they that from his name are called Waldenses.  
GOD hath never left himself without witnesses, but from time to time he raiseth up instruments to publish his grace, enriching them with necessary gifts for the edification of his Church, giving them his holy Spirit for their guide, and his truth for a rule, to the end they may discern the Church which began in Abel, from that which began in Cain: As also teaching them to define the Church by the faith, and the faith by the Scriptures, strengthening them in the midst of their greatest persecutions, and making them to know, that the cross is profitable, so long as the faithful change by that means earth for heaven, and the children of God are not lost when being massacred and cast into the fire by a course of justice, we may find in their blood and ashes the seed of the Church.  
That which hath been observed in all ages, hath after a more particular manner appeared amongst those Christians that are called Waldenses, who were raised in a time when Satan held men in ignorance, having wrapped the greatest part of those that call themselves Christians in that great sin of the world, I mean Idolatry, Kings and Princes employing their authority for the establishment thereof, appointing all those to the slaughter that would exempt themselves from the wounds due unto Idolaters.  
This was about the year of our Lord a thousand one hundred and threescore, at what time the punishment of death was inflicted upon all those that did not believe, that (the words of consecration being pronounced by the Priest) the body of our Lord jesus Christ was in the Host under the accidents of the bread, the roundness and whiteness, yea the very body, as great and as large as it was upon the cross, the bread vanishing, and being transsubstantiated into the flesh of Christ. At what time it was likewise enjoined to adore the Host, to crouch unto it, to bow the knees before it: yea it was called God, and men did beat their breasts before it, and locked it up in a box to worship it, as they still use even at this day.  
This doctrine being altogether unknown to the Apostles, who never spoke word of any such mystery, as also in the Primitive Church, wherein there was never any Doctor that taught this expiatory sacrifice for the living and for the dead, occasioned many Christians to enter into a detestation thereof, choosing rather to suffer a temporal death by resisting such Idolatry, then by consenting thereunto to suffer in hell.  
Peter Valdo a citizen of Lions shown himself most courageous in the opposition of this invention, 
Guido de Perignan in the flower of Chronicles.  taxing therewithal divers other corruptions, which with time crept into the Church of Rome, affirming that she had lost the faith of jesus Christ, that she was that whore of Babylon, that barren figtree, which our Saviour had long before cursed.  
That we were not to obey the Pope, in as much as he was not the head of the Church.  
That Monkery was a stinking carrion, and the mark of the Beast.  
That Purgatory, Masses, dedication of Temples, worshipping of Saints, commemoration of the dead, were no other than the inventions of the devil, and the snares of Avarice.  
Valdo was so much the more attentively harkened unto, 
See the Sea of Histories, fol. 203. Claud. Rubis in his history of the City of Lions. p. 269.  because he was in high esteem for his learning and piety, as also for his great bounty towards the poor, not only nourishing their bodies with his material bread, but their souls with the spiritual, exhorting them principally to seek jesus Christ the true bread of their souls.  
Many Historiographers do write, 
Lois Cam. in his hist. of the orthod. brethren of Bohemia. p. 7. Guido de Perignan in his flower of Chronicles.  that he had a resolution to lead an unblameable life, approaching as near as he could to that of the Apostles, & that upon a mournful unlucky accident that fell out unexpected, and it was this. Being one evening in the company of some of his friends, after supper passing the time with talk, and refreshing themselves, one of the company fell down dead upon the ground, 
The Catal. of witnesses of the truth. p. 535. Simon de Noion in his book of the names of the Doctors of the Church.  with which sudden accident all that were present being strangely affrighted, Valdo amongst the rest was touched to the quick, and by this dart of God's justice was wrought to an extraordinary amendment of life, applying himself wholly to the reading of the Scriptures, seeking in them his salvation, and sometimes consulting the writings of the ancients, he continually instructed those poor people that resorted unto him for alms.  
The Archbishop of Lions called john de Bell's Mayons, being advertised that Valdo made profession of teaching the people, boldly blaming the vice, luxury, excess and arrogancy of the Pope and his Clergy, inhibited him from teaching, especially for that being a lay person, he exceeded the limits of his profession and condition of life, and therefore that he should not continue therein under pain of excommunication, & proceeding against him as against an Heretic.  
Valdo replied, that he could not hold his peace in a matter of so high importance as the salvation of men, and that he would rather obey God, who had enjoined him to speak, than man who had commanded him to hold his peace.  
Upon this answer the Archbishop endeavoured to have him apprehended, but that could not be, because Valdo having many kinsfolk and friends, was beloved of many, and so continued closely in Lions, by the favour and protection of his friends for the space of three years.  
Pope Alexander the third of that name, having understood that in Lions there were divers persons that called into question his sovereign authority over the whole Church, fearing that this beginning of rebellion might give some blow to his supreme dignity & power, cursed Valdo and his adherents, and commanded the Archbishop to proceed against them by Ecclesiastical censures, even to the utter extirpation of them.  
Claud. Rubis saith, 
Claud. Rubis in his hist. pa. 269.  that Valdo and his followers were wholly chased out of Lions, and Albert de Capitaneis saith that they could not be wholly driven out. Other things we could not learn of this first persecution, but only that they that escaped out of Lions, 
Albert de Capit. in his book of the original of the Vaudois.  who of Valdo were called Waldenses, followed him, and afterwards did spread themselves into divers companies and places.   

CHAP. II.  
That the dispersion of Valdo and his followers, was the means that God used to spread the doctrine of Valdo almost throughout all Europe.  
ALbert de Capitaneis saith, that Valdo retired himself into Dauphiney at his departure from Lions, and Claud. de Rubis affirmeth that he conversed in the mountains of the said Province, with certain rude persons, yet capable to receive the impressions of his belief. And true it is that the Churches of the Waldenses which have continued very long, and whereof there are yet a greater number than in any other place of Europe, are they of Dauphiney, and the bordering race or lineage of them, that is to say, those of Piemount, and Provence. Vignier saith, that he retired into Picardy, 
Vignier in the 3. part of his historical Bibliothe que. pa. 130.  where in a short time, he did so much good, that there were divers persons that did adhere unto his doctrine, for which shortly after they suffered great persecutions. 
Dubranius in his history of Bohemia. Book 14.  For as Dubranius saith sometime after, King Philip Augustus enforced by the Ecclesiastical persons, took arms against the Waldenses of Picardy, razed and overthrew three hundred houses of gentlemen that followed their part, and destroyed certain walled Towns, pursuing them into Flanders, whither they were fled, and caused a number of them to be burnt.  
This persecution enforced many to fly into Germany, where shortly after they were grievously persecuted, namely, 
See the Sea of Histories.  in the country of Alsatia, and along the Rhine by the Bishops of Mayence and of Strasburge, who caused to be burnt in the town of Bnigne thirty five Burgesses of Mayence in one fire, and at Mayence eighteen, who with great constancy suffered death. And at Strasburge fourscore were burnt at the instance of the Bishop of the place. These persecutions multiplied in such sort by the edification that they received who saw them die, praising God, and assuring themselves of his mercy, that notwithstanding the continual persecutions, there were in the County of Passau, and about Bohemia, in the year one thousand three hundred and fifteen, to the number of fourscore thousand persons that made profession of the same faith. 
Math. Paris in his history of the life of king Hen. 3. in the year 1223.  They had likewise goodly Churches in Bulgaria, Croatia, Dalmatia, and Hungary, as Math. Paris reports, instructed and governed by one Barthelmew borne at Carcassonne. The Albegeois on the other side professing the same faith, have filled many countries, until in the end, they were almost wholly extirpated, as shall appear in their particular history.   

CHAP. III.  
By what names the Waldenses have been called by their adversaries: and with what faults and offences they have been charged.  
THe Monks, Inquisitors and mortal enemies to the Waldenses, not being content to deliver them every day to the secular power, they have besides laid upon them many opprobrious imputations, affirming them to be the authors of all the heresies in the world which they endeavoured to purge, imputing all those monstrous abuses that they had forged only to the Waldenses, as if they only had been the receptacle of all errors.  
First therefore they called them, of Valdo a citizen of Lions, Waldenses; of the country of Albi, Albigeois. 
Vaudois. Albigeois.   
And because such as did adhere to the doctrine of Valdo, departed from Lions spoiled of all humane means, and the most part having left their goods behind them, in derision they called them the beggars of Lions.  
In Dauphiney they were called in mockery Chaignards. 
Chaignards'.   
And because some part of them passed the Alps, 
Tramontanes.  they were called Tramontanes.  
And from one of the disciples of Valdo, called joseph, who preached in Dauphiney in the diocese of Dye, 
josephists.  they were called josephists.  
In England they were called Lollards, 
Lollards.  of the name of one Lollard who taught there.  
Of two priests who taught the doctrine of Valdo in Languedoc, called Henry, and Esperon, they were called Henriciens, 
Henriciens. Esperonistes.  and Esperonistes.  
Of one of their pastors who preached in Albegeois, named Arnold Hot, 
Arnoldistes. Siccars.  they were called Arnoldists.  
In Provence they were called Siccars, a word of Pedlars french which signifieth Cutpurse.  
In Italy they were called Fraticelli, 
Fraticelli.  as much to say, as Shifters, because they lived in true love and concord together.  
And because they observed no other day of rest but the Sabbath days, 
Insabathas.  they called them Insabathas, as much to say, as they observed no Sabbath.  
And because they were always exposed to continual sufferings, 
Patareniens, or Paturins.  from the Latin word Pati, which signifieth to suffer, they called them Patareniens.  
And forasmuch as like poor passengers, they wandered from one place to another, 
Passagenes.  they were called Passagenes.  
In Germany they were called Gazares, 
Gazares.  as much to say, as execrable and egregiously wicked.  
In Flanders they were called Turlupins, 
Turlupins.  that is to say, dwellers with wolves, because by reason of their persecutions they were constrained many times to dwell in woods and deserts.  
Sometimes they were called by the names of those countries and regions where they dwelled, 
Toulousains. Lombard's. Piccards. Lionistes. Bohemiens,  as of Albi, Albigeois: of Toulouze, Toulousains, of Lombardie, Lombard's, of Piccardie, Piccards, of Lion, Lionists, of Bohemia, Bohemiens.  
Sometimes to make them more odious, they made them confederates with ancient heretics, but yet under more than ridiculous pretexes. For because they made profession of purity in their lives, and of faith, they called them Cathares. 
Cathares.  And because they denied the bread which the priest shown in the Mass to be God, they called them Arriens, 
Arriens.  as denying the divinity of the eternal Son of God. And because they maintained that the authority of Emperors and Kings depends not upon the authority of the Pope, 
Manicheens. Gnostics. Cataphrigiens. Adamites. apostolics.  they called them Manichcens, as appointing two Princes. And for other causes which they feigned, they called them Gnostics, Cataphrigiens, Adamites, and apostolics.  
Sometimes they spitefully abused them. Matthew Paris calls them Ribalds. 
Ribalds. Buggers. Sorcerers.  The compiler of the Treasure of histories calls thrm Buggers. Rubis saith, that when a man speaks of a sorcerer, he calls him Vadois. And that which is more, he takes upon him to prove that they are so. To which temereity it shall be necessary to answer in his due place, where they shall be cleared from all those impostures which their enemies have laid upon them, out of those books from which we have gathered that which followeth.  
First they impose upon them, 

This imposture is found in the book of Albertus de Capitaneis, of the original of the Vado●, pa. 2. In the book of Ramertus, de forma hoereticandi hoereticos. fol. 36.  
Item in the accusation of the Priests of Bohemia, which they make to the king Ladislaus against the Vadois.  
Rai. ibid. fol. 37.   that ancient calumny wherewith the painims defamed the Christians of the Primative Church, that is, that they assembled themselves in the night time, in corners and lurking holes, and that the Pastor commanded the lights should be put out, saying, Qui potest capere capiat, that is, catch who catch can, whereupon every man endeavoureth to fasten upon whom he can, without any respect of blood or parentage, and that the lights being put out, they committed abominable incests; many times the child with his mother, the brother with his sister, and the father with his own daughter: adding moreover, that they were to understand, that the children begotten by such copulations were most fit to be Pastors.  
Secondly, they have charged them that they maintain that a man may put away his wife when he will, and the wife her husband to follow that sect.  
The third calumny that they charge them withal is, 
Claud. Rubis in his history of Lion. pa. 269.  that they have community of all things amongst them, even of their wives and all.  
The fourth is, 
S. Bernard in his Homily 66. upon the Canticles. Albert ibid.  that they reject the baptism of little infants.  
The fifth, that they adore their Pastors, prostrating themselves before them.  
The sixth, 
Albert ibid.  that they maintain that it is not lawful to swear, for any cause whatsoever.  
The seventh, 
Rain. fol. 36.  that they maintain that the Pope doth sin mortally when he makes war against the Turk, and that they likewise sin mortally that do obey him, when by them he makes war against heretics.  
The eight calumny is, 
Rain. ibid. fol. 22. article 32.  that they use no reverence towards holy places, and that he sins not more grievously that burneth a Church, than he that breaks into any other private house.  
The ninth, 
Albert ibid.  that they maintain that the Magistrate ought not to condemn any to death, and that they that do it sin mortally: and that they maintain this error, to the end they may escape the hands of the judge, and go unpunished.  
The tenth, 
Idem ibid.  that the layman being in the state of grace, hath more authority than the Prince that life's in his sin.  
The eleventh, 
Rain. in Summa fol. 12.  that with the Manicheens they ordain two Princes, that is, one good God, the creator of good, and one bad, that is, the devil, the creator of evil.  
The twelfth, 
Idem lib. de forma haeret. fol. 21.  that whatsoever is done with a good intention, is good, and that every one shall be saved in that which he doth in that said good intention.  
The thirteenth, 
Albert. de origine Vaud. fol. 4.  that it is a meritorious work to persecute the Priests of the Church of Rome, the Prelates and their subjects. And that a man may without sin hurt them in their persons or goods, and withhold their tenths from them without scruple of conscience.  
The last is taken out of the book of Rubis, 
Claud. Rubis in his history of Lion, book 3. pa. 169.  where he saith, that Valdo and his Pastors retired themselves into Dauphiney in the vale Pute, and the valley Angrongne, where they found certain people rather like savage beasts than men, suffering themselves to be mocked and abused, and where they became, saith he, one like another, and such as rid post upon a besom. Adding therewithal (to bring within the compass of his calumnies, the Towns, Cities, & States where the Gospel is received in our times:) And to say the truth (saith he) these are two things that commonly follow the one the other, heresy and sorcerie, as it is verified in our times, in those Cities and Provinces which have given entertainment unto heresy.   

CHAP. FOUR  
How the Waldenses are justified and cleared from the calumnies contained in the former Chapter, by those writings which they have left.  
THe Waldenses of Bohemia, whether they were the remainder of that people that followed Valdo, as some are of opinion that he ended his days in Bohemia, after he had retired himself out of Germany, and escaped the hands of the Bishops of Mayence and Strasburge: or whether they were such persons as afterwards professed the same faith which the Waldenses did, it is without all doubt that they were gricuously persecuted by king Ladislaus king of Hungary and Bohemia: and we have in our own hands an Apology of the said Waldenses, which they sent unto the king whom they called Lancelau, to justify themselves against sundry complaints which were made against them by their adversaries: as also we have a book with this inscription, Aico es la causa del nostre despartiment de la Gleisa Romana. That is to say, Behold the cause of our separation from the Church of Rome. And forasmuch as the answer to the first calumny, that is, that they assembled themselves in dark corners, where the candles being put out, their adversaries do affirm they committed villainous incests, we have copied out the answer of the said Apology in their own terms and language, for the more certainty, and better edification.  

This Apology the author jean Paul Perrin set down in two columns, the one French, the other in the language of the Waldenses, which for brevity sake we set down only in English, referring those unto the French book that desire to see the original.  
AMong other things (say they) they publish, 
In the letter to king Ladislaus. pa. 2.  like angry barking curs, that it is a law and common amongst us to say, Yield thyself to whomsoever shall request thee: and that we take our pleasures in dark caves and corners with whomsoever shall present themselves unto us, whether they be our mothers, or daughters, or wives, or sisters.  
How true this is, it may appear in that God having kept and preserved us for above these forty years past, it hath been never known that there hath been any whoredom amongst us that hath escaped unpunished, or any such villainy committed. In such sort that our lives and carriages condemn those that accuse us.  
And for as much as the Waldenses speak this of themselves, and to their own praise, and therefore this their justification may seem but weak, look a little into that which they have written elsewhere against whoredom, which may suffice to show, that they were very far from this diabolical affection to debase themselves by incests. The sin of luxury is very pleasing to the devil, 
Their book of the remedy against the sin of luxury. Chap 21.  displeasing unto God, and injurious against our neighbours, because therein a man obeyeth the basest part of his body, rather than God who hath preserved it. A foolish woman doth not only take from a man his good, but himself too. He that is given to this vice keeps faith to no man, and therefore David caused his faithful servant to be slain, that he might enjoy his wife. Amon defiled his sister Tamar. This vice consumes the heritage of many, as it is said of the prodigal child, that he wasted his goods living luxuriously. Balaam made choice of this sin, to provoke the children of Israel to sin, by occasion whereof there died twenty four thousand persons. This sin was the cause of the blindness of Samson: it perverted Solomon: and many have perished by the beauty of a woman. Prayer, and fasting, and distance of place are the remedies against this sin. For a man may overcome other vices by combating with them, but in this a man is never victorious but by flying from it, and not approaching near unto it: where of we have an example in joseph. It is therefore our duties to pray daily to the Lord, that he will keep us fare from the sin of luxury, and give us understanding and chastity.  
Against the second imposture, 
See their book of Virtues, in the Chapter of marriage.  that they maintain that a man may put away his wife when it pleaseth him, they say that marriage is a knot that cannot be untied but by death, except it be for fornication, as our Saviour Christ saith. And Saint Paul 1. Corinth. 7. saith, That the wife is not to departed from her husband, nor the husband from his wife.  
To the third calumny, 
See the book of the Waldenses entitled of virtues in the Chapter of marriage.  touching the community of goods and wives, they say concerning marriage, that it was ordained by God long since in the terrestrial Paradise, and that it is a good remedy against whoredom. And that Saint Paul speaking thereof saith, Let every man have his wife, and every woman her husband: As also that the husband ought to love his wife as Christ loved his Church, and that the married couple ought to live together in holiness with their children, bringing them up in the fear of God.  
As touching goods, every man hath possessed his own proper substance at all times and in all places. In Dauphiney, 
It appeareth by the process that we have in our hands, by which it appears that Lewes the 12. of that name, condemned the usurpers of the goods of the Waldenses to a restitution. It appears by the treatises of Meneobe, and other instances made by the Waldenses of Provence.  when the Archbishops of Ambrun, john and Rostain, had spoiled them of their goods: when the Lord of Argentiere, and Montainar, and Arreas of Bonne had dispossessed the Waldenses that dwelled in the valley of Fraissimere and of Argentiere of their goods and possessions, the restitution of every man's inheritance was prosecuted by the particular persons from whom they had taken them. The Waldenses of Provence do demand at this present of the Pope, the goods and lands which have been annexed to their demaine, and taken from them by confiscation, every particular person making faith for every part and parcel of goods and lands which had descended upon them from their ancestors the Waldenses time out of mind, they never having had any such community amongst them, that might any way derogate from that lawful propriety which every one had to his own lands.  
The fourth calumny was touching Baptism, which, 
In the book of the Waldenses entitled the Spiritual Almanac. fol. 45.  it is said, they denied to little infants: but from this imputation they quit themselves as followeth.  
The time and place of those that are to be baptised is not ordained, but the charity and edification of the Church and congregation must serve for a rule therein, etc.  
And therefore they to whom the children were nearest allied brought their infants to be baptised, as their parents, or any other whom God had made charitable in that kind.  
True it is, that being constrained for some certain hundred years to suffer their children to be baptised by the Priests of the Church of Rome, they deferred the doing thereof as long as they could possibly, because they had in detestation those humane inventions which were added to that holy Sacrament, which they held to be but pollutions thereof. And forasmuch as their Pastors (which they called Barbes) were many times abroad employed in the service of their Churches, they could not have the Sacrament of Baptism administered to their infants by their own Ministers: for this cause they kept them long from Baptism, which the Priests perceiving, and taking notice of, charged them thereupon with this imposture: which not only their adversaries have believed, but divers others who have well approved of their life and faith in all other points.  
The fifth calumny was, that they adored their Pastors, prostrating themselves before them. To justify the Waldenses from this imposture, there needs no more, but that the Reader will be pleased to take the pains to read that which they have written touching the adoration of one only God, in the exposition that they made in the book of their doctrine upon the first Comman dement of the Law of God. There you shall find that they have given much honour even to their Pastors, as unto those that keep the word of Reconciliation, entertaining them charitably, accounting themselves obliged thereunto for conscience sake; but that they ever had any intention to give that worship to the creature that is only due unto the Creator, can never be made good but by way of calumny. 
It appeareth by the process form by the said Albert against the Waldenses of the Alps.  Howsoever Albert de Capitaneis their deadly enemy in the Diocese of Turin, would have extorted from them, that they adored their Pastors, which he could never enforce them to confess.  
The sixth calumny was, that they maintained, that it was not lawful to swear at all.  
They say and affirm, 
In their book entitled the Spiritual Almanac, in the exposition of the third commandment.  that there are lawful oaths tending to the honour of God and the edification of our neighbours, alleging that place in the 6. Heb. 16. That men swear by the greater, and an oath for confirmation is to them an end of all strife. As also they allege, that it was enjoined the people of Israel to swear by the name of the eternal God, Deut. 6.13. and the examples of those oaths that past between Abimelec and Isaac, Gen. 26.31. and the oath of jacob, Gen. 31.53.  
The seventh calumny was, to make them odious to the people, as if they had preferred the peace with the Turk, before that with the Church & the kingdom of Christ, affirming that they maintained, that the Pope did mortally sinne when he sends an expedition of soldiers with the badge of the cross upon their Cassocks or Coatarmour against the Saracens.  
For their justification herein, we must observe, 
In the book of the causes of their separation from the Church of Rome. p. 235  that they complain not of the enterprise of war against the Turks, but of those spoils that the Popes make of the goods of the Church and other divine graces under the pretence thereof, abusing the ignorant people with their Bulls and Benedictions, who too willingly receive their lies and inventions, buying them at a dear rate. As also they think hardly of it, that the Pope should send out his Croisades, his crossed soldiers being strangers, to pursue them as heretics, before they be heard or convinced to be such.  
But they are not the only men that condemn this avarice, which the revenging spirits of the Popes have showed by their Croisades.  
Paulus Langius a German Historiographer lays an imputation upon Leo the tenth, 
Paul. Lan. in his Chronicle of France 1513. See the examination of the Council of Trent. lib. 1. c. 5.  that he levied great sums of money under a pretence of war against the Turks, which he bestowed shortly after upon thirty Cardinals, which he had newly created.  
Guicciardine noteth in his History, that the self same Pope imposed great exactions upon the people, the been fit whereof fell into the lap of his sister Magdalen, and that all that levy of money was but to satisfy the avarice of a woman, and that the Bishop of Aremboldo was thought by him a commissary worthy such an action, to put it in execution with all manner of extortion.  
Alexander the fourth converted the vow of Jerusalem, to the vow of Poville, that is to say, 
A part of Naples, whose inhabitants are held very dangerous.  the vow of revenge: For he gave power to his Legates to absolve the King of England, Henry the third by name, dispensing with his vow of the cross for Jerusalem, upon condition that he should go to Poville, to make war against Manfred Frederic Emperor not long before. It is the Historiographer Math. Paris, 
Math. Paris in his History of England. See the first book of the examination of the Council of Trent. cap. 5. In the book of the causes of their separation from the Church of Rome. p. 125  that setteth down the complaint that then was made, that is to say, that the tenths employed for the succour of the holy Land, were taken away and converted to the relief of Poville, against the Christians.  
The eight calumny was, that they used no reverence towards holy and consecrated places, holding that that man sinned not more grievously that burneth a Church, than he that breaks into any other house.  
They say, that neither the place, nor the chair, make a man the more holy, and they have maintained that they deceive themselves much that comfort themselves, or presume the more, because of the dignity of the place: for what place more high than Paradise? what place more secure than heaven? and yet nevertheless man was banished out of Paradise for sinning there; and the Angels were thrown from heaven, to the end they might be examples to those that came after, and to teach them, that it is not the place, nor the greatness nor dignity thereof, that makes a man holy, but the innocence of his life.  
Against the ninth calumny, that is to say, that they defend that the Magistrate ought not to condemn any to death, they say:  
That it is written, 
In the book of the Waldenses entitled The light of the treasure of faith. fol. 214.  that we are not to suffer the malefactor to live, and that without correction and discipline doctrine serves to no purpose, neither should judgements be acknowledged nor sins punished. And therefore just anger is the mother of discipline, and patience without reason, the seed of vices, and permitteth the wicked to digress from truth and honesty.  
True it is that they have found fault that the Magistrates should deliver them to death, 
It appeareth by the complaint they made to the King Ladislaus, King of Hungary and Bohemia.  without any other knowledge of the cause, than the simple report of Priests and Monks, who were parties and judges, insomuch that having discovered the abuse which they brought into the Church, they condemned them for heretics, and delivered them to the secular power (so they call their Magistrates.) Now this seemed unto them a cruel simplicity in the said Magistrates, to give faith to persons passionate and not indifferent, such as the aforesaid Priests were, and to put to death so many poor innocent people, never hearing them or examining the cause.  
The tenth calumny, was to make them odious to Kings and Princes, that is to say, that a lay man in the state of grace, had greater authority than a Prince living in his sins.  
Against this imposture they affirm, 
In the book of the causes of their separation from the Church of Rome. p. 41.  that every one must be subject to those that are in authority, obey them, love them, be at peace with them, honour them with double honour, in subjection, and obedience, and readiness, paying unto them that which is their due.  
The eleventh calumny was grounded upon that assertion of the Waldenses, that the Pope had no authority over the Kings and Princes of the earth, who depend immediately upon God alone. For from thence they take occasion to call them Manichees, as appointing two Princes.  
Against this imputation they say; 
In the book of the treasure of faith. art. 2.  We believe that the holy Trinity hath created all things visible and invisible, and that he is Lord of things celestial, terrestrial, and infernal, as it is said in S. john, All things are made by him, and without him nothing is made.  
The beginning of this calumny was taken out of the Extravagantes of Pope Boniface 8. who subiecting the authority of Emperors unto his, saith of his own, Quicunque huic potestati resistit, Dei ordinationi resistit, nisi duo (sicut Manichaeus) fingat esse principia. De Maiorit. & obedientia, Can. Vnam sanctam. l. 1. tom. 8.  
The twelfth calumny imports thus much, that they held that whatsoever is done with a good intention is good, and that every one shall be saved in whatsoever is done with the said good intention.  
To this imposture we need no other answer than that which the Monk Raynerius (who was always their backfriend) saith elsewhere, 
Rain. lib. de forma heretic. art. 38.  that is, that they maintain that every man is saved by his faith, which he calls a Sect. It is very necessary that a liar should have a better memory, then to affirm things contradictory.  
And to show that they made no profession of any such belief, that may suffice that they have said against Antichrist; That he hath brought these errors into the Church under a colour of good intention, and a show of faith.  
The thirteenth calumny was, that they maintain that a man may kill, or detain from the Priests their tithes, without scruple of conscience.  
It is certain that if the Waldenses had power to employ their tithes to some other use then to the nourishment of those whom they find to be dumb dogs, drowsy watchmen, slow bellies, seducing and being seduced, they had done it: 
It appeareth by the process against the Waldenses of Dauphiné, by Albert de Capitaneis, & other Monks Inquisitors.  but there was never any as yet that hath occasioned the least troubles that may be in that regard. It well appeareth that in whatsoever depended on their own wills, they have never offered more or less unto those people, taking no thought for their Masses and Trentals after their death: the which the Priests complain of, and from thence take occasion to accuse them for heretics. And as touching revenge, hear what they say.  
The Lord knowing that we shall be delivered, saith: 
In the book of the Waldenses entitled of Tribulations. p. 274  Beware of men: but he doth not teach or counsel any of his chosen, to kill any, but rather to love their enemies. When his disciples said unto him, in the ninth of S. Luke, Wilt thou that we command that fire come down from heaven, and consume them? Christ answered and said, Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of. Again the Lord saith unto Peter, Put up thy sword into thy sheath, etc. For temporal adversities are to be contemned, and patiently to be endured, for there happeneth nothing therein that is new. We are here the Lords floor, to be beaten, as the corn when it is separated from the chaff.  
The last calumny of the Waldenses, which we have gathered out of the writings of their adversaries, is that which Claud. Rubis lays upon them as a foul aspersion, 
Claud. Rubis in his history of Lions. p. 269.  in his History of the City of Lions. That being retired unto the Alps, at their departure from Lions they became like the rest of the people of that country, besom riders.  
And he is not content to tie himself to the Vaudois only, but he addeth, These are things that ordinarily follow one another, Heresy and Sorcery, as it is verified (saith he) in our times in those Cities and Provinces that have given entertainment unto heresy.  
We will first justify the Waldenses, and then answer Rubis in the behalf of those Cities and Provinces which he hath enclosed within this calumny. All they offend against the first Commandment (say the Vaudois in the exposition of the first Commandment) that believe that the Planets can enforce the will of man. These kind of men, as much as in them lies, account the Planets as gods; for they attribute unto the creature, that which belongs unto the Creator. Against which the Prophet jeremy 10. speaketh: Learn not the way of the heathen, and be not dismayed at the signs of heaven, for the heathen are dismayed at them. And S. Paul in the fourth to the Galathians, Ye observe months, and days, and times, and years: but I am afraid of you, lest I have bestowed upon you labour in vain.  
All they offend against this commandment, that believe Sorcerers and Soothsayers: for these men believe the devils are gods. The reason is, because they ask of devils that which God alone can give, that is, to manifest things hidden, and to foreshow the truth of things to come, which is forbidden of God, Levit. 19.31. Regard not them that have familiar spirits, neither seek after wizards to be defiled with them. And in the 20.6. The soul that turneth after such as have familiar spirits, and after wizards to go a whoring after them, I will set my face against that soul, and will cut him off from amongst his people. And in the last verse of that Chapter, A man or woman that hath a familiar spirit, or that is a wizard, shall surely be put to death; they shall stone them with stones, their blood shall be upon them.  
As touching the punishment of this sin, and the vengeance that God taketh upon such a one, we read in the 2. Kings 1.3. that the Angel of the Lord sent unto Elijah to meet the messengers of Ahaziah, and to say unto them, Is it not because there is not a God in Israel, that ye go to inquire of Baalzebub the God of Ekron? and therefore saith the Lord in that place, Thou shalt not come down from that bed on which thou art gone up, but shalt surely die. Saul died, because he had disobeyed the commandment of God which he gave unto him: he regarded it not, neither did he hope in the Lord, but took counsel of Sorcerers, for which cause the Lord took away his life, and transferred his kingdom unto David the son of Ishai.  
Let every man therefore know, that all enchantment, or conjuration, or charm in writing, made to give remedy to any kind of persons or beasts, is of no value, but is rather a snare of our ancient adversary the devil, by which he entrappeth and deceiveth mankind.  
Here you may see what the Waldenses have written against Sorcerers out of the word of God. It remaineth that we answer unto that calumny of Rubis, that it is apparent in our times, that heresy and sorcery are inseparably joined together, in those Cities and Provinces that have given place unto heresy.  
He taxeth without all doubt the City of Geneva, and the States of the Cantons that have received the Gospel, without any other show of proof, but that most commonly in those places Sorcerers are condemned to death, following the commandment of God, which suffereth no Sorcerer to live. He might fare better have concluded, if he had said that in those places where the reformation of Religion was established in our times, no man doth either converse or hath acquaintance with Sorcerers, but so soon as any such is found he is put to death: And therefore no man can affirm that to be true, except he will say, that to burn Sorcerers, is to support them, and by the authority of the word to put them to death, be a kind of heresy.  
It is true indeed that in those places heresy and sorcery are joined together, where they that make profession to teach the people are for the most part Sorcerers; whereof many men have complained, who have written with a great deal of grief, that which they knew to be put in practice by their Priests and Monks, yea by some of the Popes themselves.  
Bodin affirmeth, 
Bodin in his Daemon. l. 4. c. 6. p. 211.  that there are infinite indictments in which it appeareth that the Priests many times are not only Sorcerers, or at least wise that Sorcerets have intelligence with the Priests, but that they are content to say Masses for Sorcerers, fitting them with sacrifices, consecrating their parchments, putting rings upon their graved tombs, or other the like things upon their altar, or under the linen of the altar when they said Mass.  
john Vuier Physician to the Duke of Cleve, 
john Vuier in his book of devils. l. 4. chap. 3. fol. 303.  though he made profession of the Romish religion, writes as followeth. If the Pastors of the Churches did stop up the windows of false doctrines and other impieties, they should certainly have (saith he) a wholesome preservative for those that are under their charge against the subtle practices and impostures of the devil, whereby they that are most unadvised should not be so often entangled as commonly we see them, to the great hurt and detriment of their souls; which cometh to pass, not only by the negligence of the Priests, whom it most concerneth, & whose charge it is to look unto it, but also by their pursuit, counsel, perverse doctrine, and deceitful working, by which they allure and draw the simple people to have recourse to unlawful remedies, as often as they are any way afflicted with sudden, long, known and unknown maladies, proceeding from natural causes, or from those which are above nature: which turneth to the great scandal of the Church, considering that they make profession to be Ecclesiastical persons, and for the most part they are Priests or Monks, whom men think to be such, that it is a great wickedness to have the least ill thought or opinion of them, since they should serve for an example to their flock, and considering they are Doctors and teachers; But perhaps (saith he) these Magicians think that this art belongs unto them by a special prerogative, and that they have right thereunto by an hereditary succession, because the Priests of Egypt (of whom Pythagoras, Empedocles, Democritus, Plato, have learned their Magic) were Negromancers. Now I think not, saith he, that they that will take upon them to defend these Priests and the practice of their enchantments, are so audacious as to object unto me divers Popes of Rome skilful in the Magic art, affirming that they have put it in practice to their great profit & comfort: such as Silvester 2. was, 
Platina in the life of Silvester 2. fol. 218. printed at Paris ann. 1551.  who as Platina and Nauclerus affirm, obtained the Popedom by that means; and such as Benedict 9 in the year one thousand three hundred and two, who before was named Theophilact, and after Maledictus, because of his wickedness. Such also as was john 20. and john 21. 
john More in his History of the Schisms of the Church saith, that all the Popes here spoken of were Sorcerers, Magicians and Negromancers.  as Cardinal Benno writeth, who aided themselves with their familiar friends, Laurentius, Gratian, and Hildebrand, all culpable of these enchantments. For all the Popes that were after Silvester 2. unto Gregory 7. who was a great and a famous Magician, and who (as Benno writeth) as oft as it seemed good unto himself, would shake his sleeves in such a manner, that sparkles of fire should come forth of them, whereby he blinded the eyes of the more simple and less subtle, as if they had been miracles and signs of sanctity. Such were all these Popes, as it is set down in their lives, where you may also read many execrable examples, whereby they won women to their love, and were much given to offer abominable sacrifices unto devils in forests and mountains.  
The Magicians then of our times, saith Vuier, must not think to cover themselves under this mantel and pretence. But we have reason to deplore the miseries of these times, wherein we can hardly find any men more wicked and less punished, than they that do always admonish the simple people that the evils that happen unto them are sent by the permission of God.  
Moreover he complaineth that these conjuring Priests dare to use infinite blasphemies, enriched with divers crosses figured with their cursed and sacrilegious hands. As also of that use they make of their holy water, of their exorcised salt, their consecrated tapers at Easter, their candles and tapers at Candlemas against the devil, with which he mocks them: as also the fumigations of holy bows upon Palmesunday, and of herbs stuck upon the doors upon the day of Saint john the Baptist, and the sprinkling of holy water at the feast of the Assumption of the Virgin Mary. Moreover such Priests, saith he, abuse the sacrament of the Eucharist to commit their villainies.  
He likewise complaineth that Theology and Physic are polluted with coloured exorcisms, by their mumbling of barbarous words in an unknown tongue, by abusing the word of God, by bands, necklaces, and charms, all which conspire and procure the utter ruin and damnation of men.  
Moreover he saith, that the Priests have very apparently made use of divers apparitions of Satan, affirming themselves to be the souls of this or that man, and feigning to be in the pains of Purgatory, for their own particular profit. And when the devil hath not sufficiently furnished them, they have counterfeited themselves to be spirits, to draw the living to more frequent oblations, donations, and dotations, to satiate their avarice.  
Lavater saith as much, 
Lavater in his book of the apparition of devils, Chap. 14. 7.  and relates at large the history of the false spirit of Orleans, and of the jacobins at Berne, which amongst others were the most famous impostures of Monks.  
The famous Parliaments of Aix & Grenoble have condemned unto death divers Priests that were sorcerers, as namely, at Aix a certain Hermit adored of the people for a Saint. And Lewes Godfrey, that famous Magician, beneficed in the Church of Acoules at Marseilles, who was burnt in Provence the last of April, 1611. And at Grenoble Nobilibus a Monk, and a certain Priest in the Diocese of Ambrun, who baptised infants in the name of Baalzebub And therefore we may conclude, that forasmuch as in these venerable Parliaments they have condemned sorcerers to death, which is not done elsewhere, they are to have the blame that do it not, of which fault Rubis would seem to tax the States and Cities without exception. More modesty becomes a man then was in this passionate Rubis: for it is great reason, that among Priests such should be excepted, as God hath not so fare forth abandoned, as to suffer them to adhere to the sorceries of Satan. This prattler should have thought, that either soon or late this calumny would be retorted to his own shame. He should have contented himself with his reproachful speeches against the Waldenses, of whom he hath belched many false reports, carried by the violence of his own humour, and not have laid aspersions on the living: yea he should blush to think that he hath given us just occasion to retort upon himself and his wicked Priests, that which he would lay upon those that make profession of the Gospel, and that punish with death all sorcerers: so far are they from having communion or converse with them. Thus you have the justification of the greatest calumnies that have been laid upon the Waldenses by their own writings, which may satisfy any man that is not carried with passion. It is necessary that we now produce such witnesses, for the better defence of their innocence, as are free from all suspicion.    

CHAP. V.  
Testimonies of piety, probitte and erudition given to the Waldenses, by dinerse of their adversaries themselves.  
I Acobus de Riberia, who in his time gave aid to the persecution of the Waldenses, 
jacob. Rib. in his collections of the City of toulouse.  saith, that they held a long time the higher place in Gallia Norbonen. in the Diocese of Albi, Rhodes, Cahors, and Again, and that in those times they were of little esteem that would be called Priests and Bishops, 
Chassagnon citeth Riberia in his history of the Albigcois, pa. 27.  because the said Priests for the most part were either unworthy or ignorant: and therefore it was an easy matter for the Waldenses (saith he) to get the upper hand amongst the people, for the excellency of their doctrine.  
Rainerius a jacobin Monk and a cruel Inquisitor of the Waldenses, 
Rain. in his book De sorma heret. fol. 98.  thinking to darken their reputation, because they usually read the Scriptures, saith, that when the Waldenses would give knowledge of their doctrine, they alleged many things touching chastity, humility, and other virtues, showing that we are to fly all vice and wickedness, alleging the words of Christ and his Apostles, insomuch that the women that understood them, were so ravished therewith, that they seemed to them rather to speak like Angels then men.  
He addeth, that they taught what manner of men the disciples of Christ ought to be, 
Ibid. fol. 98.  out of the words of the Gospel and the Apostles, affirming that they only were the successors of the Apostles that imitated them in their lives. Concluding hereupon (saith he) that the Pope, the Bishops, the Clergy that enjoy the riches of this world, and imitate not the sanctity of the Apostles, are not the governors of the Church: it not being the will of Christ to dommit his Church to such kind of people, that should rather prostitute her by their ill examples and wicked actions, then to present her a chaste virgin, in the same purity they have received her from him; and therefore that we are nor to obey them. He addeth moreover, that they lived very religiously in all things, their manners well seasoned, and their words wise and polished, by their wills always speaking of God and his Saints, persuading to virtue, and to hate sin, to the end (saith he) that they might be in greater esteem with good men.  
Claud. de Seissel Archbishop of Turin, 
Claud. in his treatise against the Waldenses.  gives this testimony of the Waldenses, that as touching their life and manners, they have been always sound and unreprovable, without reproach or scandal amongst men, giving themselves, to their power, to the observation of the Commandments of God.  
The Cardinal Baronius attributeth to the Waldenses of Tholouse the title of good men, 
Baronius in his Ecclesiastical Annals, Tom. 12. an. 1176. pa. 835.  which tells us that they were a peaceable people, howsoever he elsewhere imputeth unto them sundry crimes, and that very falsely.  
As touching erudition, Rainerius hath said, 
Raine. ibid. fol. 97.  that they teach their children, yea even their daughters, the Epistles and the Gospels. jacobus de Riberia saith, that they were so well instructed in the Scriptures, 
jacob. de Rib. in his collections of the City of Toulouze.  that he hath heard a plain countryman repeat the book of job word by word, and divers others that could perfectly repeat the whole new Testament.  
The Bishop of Cavaillon in the time of the great persecution against the Waldenses of Merindall in Provence (of which history we shall speak in his due place) appointing a certain Monk a Divine, 
Vesembec. in his Oration touching the Waldenses.  to enter into conference with them, to convince their error, before (saith he) we come to violence: but the Monk being much perplexed, retired himself, saying, that he had not so much profited in his whole life in the Scriptures as he had done in those few days of his conference with the said Waldenses, in examining the Articles of their Confession by the passages of Scripture cited by them. This Bishop not being satisfied by this trial, sent a company of young Doctors, that came lately from Sorbonne, to confound them by the subtlety of their questions. But one there was among the rest, that said at his return with a loud voice, that he had learned more touching the doctrine necessary to salvation, in attending to the answers of the little children of the Waldenses in their catechizings, then in all the disputations of divinity which he had over heard in Paris.  
Bernard de Girard Lord of Haillan saith, 
Bern. de Gir. in his history of France. lib. 10.  that the Waldenses have been charged with more wicked opinions than they held, because (saith he) they stirred the Popes and great men of the world to hate them for the liberty of their speech which they used in condemning the vices and dissolute behaviour of Princes and Ecclesiastical persons.  
King Lewis 12. 
Vosemb. in his Oration of the Waldenses.  having been informed by the enemies of the Waldenses dwelling in Provence, of many grievous crimes which were imposed upon them, sent to make inquisition in those places, the Lord Adam Fumee master of Requests, & a Doctor of Sorbon called Parui, who was his Confessor. They visited all their Parishes and Temples, and found neither images, not so much as the least show of any ornaments belonging to their Masses and ceremonies of the Church of Rome, much less any such crimes as were imposed upon them; but rather that they kept their Sabbaths duly, causing their children to be baptised according to the order of the Primative Church, teaching them the Articles of the Christian faith and the Commandments of God. The king hearing the report of the said Commissioners, said, (and he bound it with an oath) that they were better men than he, or his people. 
It appeareth by the memorial of the Archbishop of Ambrun named Rostain.  The same king understanding that in Dauphiney, namely, in the valley of Fraissiniere, in the Diocese of Ambrun, there were a certain people that lived like beasts without religion, having an evil opinion of the Romish religion, he sent a Confessor of his with the Official of Orleans to bring him true information thereof. This Confessor with his colleague came unto the place, where they examined the Waldenses dwelling in the said valley, touching their belief and conversation. The Archbishop of Ambrun who made account that the goods of the said Waldenses were annexed to the demaine of his bishopric, as being confiscable for the cause of heresy, pressed the aforesaid Commissioners speedily to condemn them for heretics; but the said Commissioners would not obey his desire, but rather justified them as much as in them lay, insomuch that before their departure, the said Confessor of the king in his chamber at the sign of the Angel in Ambrun, wished in the presence of many, that he were as good a Christian as the worst of the said valley of Fraissiniere.  
King Francis the first of that name, 
joachim Camer. in his history, pag. 352.  and successor to Lewis 12. understanding that the Parliament of Provence had laid heavy burdens upon the Waldenses dwelling at Merindol and Cambriers, and other places thereabout, desired to be informed of the belief, life, and conversation of the said Waldenses, and to that end commanded William de Belay, Lord of Langeay at that time his Lieutenant in Piedmont, to make a diligent inquiry into those affairs: whereupon the said Lord sent into Provence two honest reverend men, to whom he gave in charge to make inquiry both of the lives and religion of the Waldenses, as also of the proceed of the Court of Parliament against them. These two deputies to the Lord de Langeay reported that the greatest part of the country of Provence did affirm that the said Waldenses were a kind of people very painful, and that about two hundred years since they departed from the country of Piedmont, and came to dwell in Provence, and taking upon them the profession of husbandmen and shepherds, they made many villages that were destroyed in the wars, and other desert savage places, very fertile by their labours. And that they had found by informations in the said country of Provence, that the aforesaid men of Merindol were a peaceable people, beloved of their neighbours, men of a good and godly conversation, careful to keep their promises, and to pay their debts without suits of law, very charitable, not suffering any amongst them to fall into want and beggary, liberal to strangers and poor passengers to the utmost of their power: As also that the inhabitants of Provence did affirm that they of Merindol were known from others of the country, because they could never be persuaded to blaspheme, or so much as to name the devil, or in any sort to swear, except it were upon certain contracts or in judgement. And that they were likewise known by this, that whensoever they fell into company of such as used either idle, or wanton, or blasphemous discourse against the honour of God, they presently departed.  
Thus you see how many of the adversaries of the Waldenses have given honourable reports of them, enforced thereunto by the force of truth itself. Let us now see in what esteem they have been with those that succeeded them in the same belief.   

CHAP. VI  
Testimonies given of the Waldenses by many great personages that have made profession of the reformed religion.  
THeodor Beza calleth the Waldenses the seed of the most pure ancient Christian Church, 
Beza in his history of worthy men.  which was miraculously preserved in the midst of the darkness and errors which have been hatthed by Satan in these latter times,  
Constans upon the Revelation, 
Const. upon the Apocalypse.  showeth that the reformation of the Church in the Western parts of the world began in France, by the means of Waldo, and that from this source it spread itself through the rest of Europe.  
Bullinger speaks thus of the Waldenses, 
Bullinger in the Preface of his sermons upon the Revelation.  What should we say (saith he) that above four hundred years since, throughout France, Italy, Germany, Poland, Bohemia, and other countries and kingdoms of the world, the Waldenses have made profession of the Gospel of Christ jesus, and in many their writings and continual preach accused the Pope to be the true Antichrist of whom the Apostle Saint john had prophesied, and therefore we were to fly from him. These people being tortured with divers most cruel torments, have with unspeakable constancy given testimony of their faith by glorious martyrdoms, and the like they suffer even at this very day. It is beyond the power of man to banish them or to root them out, notwithstanding it have been often attempted by most mighty kings and Princes stirred up by the Pope, but it is God (saith he) that hath hindered all their violent outrages. 
Vesembecius in his Oration of the Waldenses.  Luther confessed that he hated the Waldenses as desperate men, until he knew the piety and truth of their belief by their own confessions and writings, whereby he perceived that these good and honest men were much wronged, and that the Pope had condemned them for heretics, being rather worthy of the praise that is due to Saints and Martyrs: And that he had found in the said Waldenses one thing worthy admiration, and to be observed as a miracle never heard of in the Church of Rome, namely, that the said Waldenses having abandoned all humane learning, gave themselves wholly, to the utmost of their power, to the meditation of the law of God day & night, and that they were very expert in the Scriptures, and well exercised in them; and that contrarily they whom we call our great Masters in the Papacy, made so light account of the Scriptures (glorying nevertheless in the title thereof) that there were some amongst them, that had scarce seen the Bible.  
Having also read the confession of the Waldenses, he said that he did thank God for that great light that it had pleased God to impart unto them, taking great comfort with them, for that all occasion of suspicion amongst them whereby one was suspected to the other of heresy, was taken away, and that they were knit so close together, as that they were all sheep of one fold, under the only Pastor and Bishop of our souls, who is blessed for ever.  
Oecolampadius writ unto the Waldenses of Provence, in the year a thousand five hundred and thirty, this letter following.  
WE have understood with a great deal of contentment by your faithful Pastor George Morel, 
This letter is found in the book of George Morel, pastor of the Waldenses touching the conference which he had with Oecolamp. and Martin Bucer.  what your faith and religion is, and with what terms you speak thereof. We therefore yield humble and hearty thanks to our merciful Father, who hath called you to so great light in this age, even in the midst of those obscure darknesses which are spread throughout the whole world, and the unlimited power of Antichrist. And therefore we acknowledge and confess that Christ is in you, for which we loan you as brethren. And I would to God we had power and ability to make you feel that in effect which we shall be ready to do for you, yea though it be in matters of greatest defficultie. We would not that you should take that which we writ to proceed out of any pride, or attributing to ourselves any superiority, but out of that brotherly love and charity we bear towards you. The Father of our Lord jesus Christ hath imparted unto you an excellent knowledge of his truth, more than to many other people, and hath blessed you with a spiritual benediction. So that if you persist in his grace, he hath in store greater treasures for you, which he will enrich you withal, and make you perfect, that you may grow to the full measure of the inheritance of Christ.  
The subscription of the letter is, Oecolampadius wisheth the grace of God the Father, by his Son jesus Christ, and his holy Spirit, to his well-beloved brethren in Christ, which they call Waldenses.  
Martin Buoer writ unto them at the same time this letter following.  
BLessed be the Lord God and our loving Father, who hath preserved you to this present time in so great knowledge of his truth, and who hath now inspired you in the search thereof, having made you capable and fit to do it. Behold now what the nature of true faith is, which is, that so soon as it knows in part any spark of the divine light, it preserveth carefully the things that are given unto it of God. Saint Paul is an example unto us, who in all his Epistles shows the great care that he hath had to procure the glory of God. And doubtless if we pray with a good heart, that the name of God be sanctified, and his kingdom may come, we shall prosecute nothing with such diligence as the establishment of the truth where it is not, and the adnancement thereof where it is already planted. 
The rest of this letter is hereafter in the book of the persecutions of the Waldenses. Vigneaux in his Memorials of the Waldenses. fol. 4.  One only thing doth especially grieve us, that our employments at this time are such about other affairs, that we have no leisure to answer you at large as we desire, etc.  
Le Sieur de Vigneaux who was a Pastor of the Waldenses in the valleys of Piedmont, hath written a Treatise of their life, manners, and religion, to whom he gives this testimony, that they were a people of a holy and godly life and conversation, well governed, great enemies to vice, but especially their Barbes, for so they called their Pastors. And speaking of those of his own time, he saith: We live in peace in these valleys of Piedmont, and in love & amity one with another, we have commerce together, never marrying our sons to the daughters of those of the Church of Rome, or our daughters to their sons; yea our manners and customs please them so well, that such as are masters and call themselves Catholics, desire to choose their men servants and maidservants rather from amongst us then themselves. And they come also from fair to seek nurses for their children amongst us, finding in ours more fidelity then in their own.  
And as touching the doctrine for which the Waldenses have been persecuted, 
It appeareth by the History of the Estate of the Church. p. 337.  they do affirm (saith he) that we are to believe the Scriptures only in that which concerneth our salvation, not any way depending upon men. That the Scriptures contain in them whatsoever is necessary to salvation, and that we are not to believe any thing but what God hath commanded us.  
That we have one only Mediator, and therefore we are not to invocate Saints.  
That there is no Purgatory, but all such as are justified by Christ go to eternal life.  
They approve of two Sacraments, Baptism and the Supper of the Lord.  
They affirm that all Masses are damnable, especially those that are said for the dead, and therefore are to be abolished.  
That all humane traditions are to be rejected, as not being necessary to salvation.  
That singing and often rehearsal of divine Service, fasts tied to certain days, superfluous seasts, difference of meats, so many degrees and orders of Friars, Monks, and Nuns, so many benedictions and consecrations of creatures, vows, pilgrimages, and the whole confusion and great number of ceremonies heretofore invented, are to be abolished.  
They deny the supremacy of the Pope, and especially that power that he usurpeth over civil government; and they admit of no other degrees, than Bishops, Priests, and Deacons.  
That the Sea of Rome is the true Babylon, and that the Pope is the fountain of all the evils in these days.  
That the marriage of Priests is good and necessary.  
That they that hear the word of God, and have the true knowledge thereof, are the true Church, unto which Christ jesus hath delivered the keys, to let in the flock, and to chase away the wolves.  
Behold here (saith Vinaux) the doctrine of the Waldenses, which the enemies of the truth have impugned, and for which in those times they persecuted them, as their enemies themselves do witness.  
Viret speaks of the Waldenses as followeth. 
Viret of the true & false religion. lib. 4. chap. 13. p. 249.  The Papists (saith he) have imposed great crimes, and that very wrongfully, upon those ancient faithful people, commonly called Waldenses, or the poor people of Lions, from Waldo whose doctrine they followed, by which they make it appear that the Pope is Antichrist, and that his doctrine is nothing else but humane traditions, contrary to the doctrine of Christ jesus. For which cause they have dealt against them, as the ancient Painims did against the Christians, accusing them that they killed their own children in their assemblies.  
The Author of the History of the reformed Churches in France writeth thus. 
The Ecclesiastical History of the reformed Churches of France. tom. 1. lib. 1. p. 35.  The Waldenses (saith he) time out of mind have opposed themselves against the abuses of the Church of Rome, and have in such sort been persecuted, not by the sword of the word of God, but by all kind of violence and cruelty, as also by a million of calumnies and false accusations, that they have been enforced to disperse themselves into what parts of the world they could, wand'ring through desert places like poor savage beasts, the Lord nevertheless preserving the remnant of them, in such sort, that notwithstanding the fury of the whole world, they were still preserved in three countries fare distant one from the other, that is, Calabria, Bohemia, and Piedmont, with the bordering parts thereabout, from whence they have been dispersed into the quarters of Provence, about two hundred & seventy years since. And as touching their religion, they have always avoided the Papal superstition. For which cause they have been always vexed by the Bishops and Inquisitors, abusing the power of secular justice, in such sort, that it is an evident miracle of God that they should be able to continue.  
john Chassagnon writes as followeth. 
john Chassagnon in his History of the Albigeois. p. 25.  It is written of the Waldenses (saith he) that they rejected all the traditions and ordinances of the Church of Rome, as unprofitable and superstitious, and that they made no great account of their Clergy and Prelates. And for this cause being excommunicated and chased out of the country, they dispersed themselves into many and divers places, as into Dauphiney, Provence, Languedoc, Piedmont, Calabria, Bohemia, England, and other places. Some have written that one part of the Waldenses retired themselves into Lombardie, where they multiplied in such a manner, that their doctrine was dispersed throughout all Italy, and came as fare as Sicily. Nevertheless in this great dispersion, they always kept themselves in union and fraternity for the space of four hundred years, living in great sincerity and the fear of God.  
The Author of the History of the State of the Church writes of them thus. 
The History of the Estate of the Church. p. 336.  After that Waldo (saith he) and his followers were driven out of Lions, one part of them retired to Lombardie, where they multiplied in such a manner, that their doctrine began to disperse itself into Italy, and came into Sicily, as the Patents of Frederick the second, given out against them whilst he reigned, do witness.  
Vesembecius saith, 
Vesemb. in his oration of the Waldenses. p. 3.  that when the Pope and his catchpoles saw that the Roman Hierarchy received great detriment by means of the Waldenses, insomuch that there were certain Princes that had taken their defence, amongst whom was the King of Arragon, and the Earls of Toulonze, in those days puissant Princes in France, they began to oppress them upon most unjust occasions, bringing them into hatred with the people, and especially of Kings, to the end that by this means they might be utterly exterminated.  
Vignier makes mention of the Waldenses in his Historical Bibliotheke, 
Vignier in his Historical Bibliothec. p. 130.  and saith, that they have endured many long and grievous persecutions, and yet notwithstanding there was never any thing that could hinder them from retaining that doctrine which they had received from the Waldenses, delivering it (as it were) from hand to hand unto their children.  
Hologaray affirms, 
Hologaray in his History of Foix p. 120. 121.  that the Waldenses and Albigenses were of a contrary opinion to the Bishop of Rome in all those maxims or principles that were publicly preached & commanded by his authority, that is, that were invented by him, and contrary to the word of God. And he witnesseth withal, that there were amongst them wise men, and very learned, and sufficient to defend their belief against the Monks.  
Mathias Illyricus writes, 
Math. Illyricus in his Catal. of the witnesses of the truth. p. 134.  that he finds by the writings of Waldo, which lay by him in certain ancient parchments, that Waldo was a learned man, and that he did not cause the books of the Bible to be translated into the vulgar tongue, but that he took pains therein himself.  
It is most certain, that the adversaries of Waldo and the Waldenses, make no great account of these above named testimonies, because they hold them to be both of one and the same rank and order, both the witnesses and those to whom they bear witness, that is, all for heretics: but this History is not only for the enemies of the truth, but to the end the lovers thereof may see that that which is here produced, doth not intent only our own particular commendations, but to show that there have been before us certain great personages, whose memory they reverence that have spoken of the Waldenses as of the true Sacraments of God, who have maintained the truth with the loss of their lives, and earnestly desired in their times to see the reformation we enjoy in ours.  
And as le Sieur de S. Aldegonde saith, 
In the first table of his differences, the third part. p. 150.  the occasion why they were condemned for heretics, was no other but because they maintained that the Mass was an impious corruption of the holy Supper of the Lord.  
That the Host was an idol forged by men.  
That the Church of Rome was wholly adulterated and corrupted, and full of infidelity and idolatry.  
That the traditions of the Church were but superstitions and humane inventions.  
That the Pope was not the head of the Church, and for other points of this nature.  
And as the said Aldegonde observes, it was a great work of God, that how diligent soever the Popes with their Clergy have been, using likewise the assistance of secular Princes and magistrates, to root them out, yet they could never do it, neither by proscriptions, nor banishments, nor excommunications, nor publications of their Bulls, nor Indulgences and Pardons to all those that shall make war against them: nor by any manner of torments, fire, flames, gibbets, or other cruel effusion of blood, could they ever hinder the current of their doctrine, but it hath spread itself almost into all the corners of the earth.  
This hath le Sieur de Saint Aldegonde writ of the Waldenses. But forasmuch as doubt may be made, whether we have in these days any proofs in the world of their belief, it is necessary that we produce hereabouts an inventory of books which they have left unto us, to the end that when there shall be any question of their doctrine, every one may understand what the writings are out of which we have gathered that which they taught.   

CHAP. VII.  
That Peter Waldo and the Waldenses have left books which make proof of their belief, and what they are.  
THat Waldo left something in writing unto us, 
In the former Chap.  it appears by that which Math. Illyricus saith, that he hath certain parchments of his, which show him to be a learned man. 
History of the Estate of the Church. p. 307.   
The Author of the History of the Estate of the Church gives this testimony that followeth. Waldo at the same time (saith he) made a collection in the vulgar tongue of sundry passages of the ancient Fathers, to the end he might defend his opinions not only by the authority of the holy Scripture, but also by the testimony of the Doctors against his aduersaries.  
About forty years since le Sieur de Vignaux Pastor of the Churches of the Waldenses in Piedmont, writ as followeth in his memorial that he made: Of the beginning, Antiquity, Doctrine, Religion, Manners, Discipline, Persecutions, Confessions, and progress of the people called Waldenses, I that writ (saith he) can witness, that being sent unto these people to preach the Gospel of our Lord jesus Christ, which I did about some forty years together, I had no need to take much pains to win them from the ceremonies of the Church of Rome, nor to root out of their minds the Pope, the Mass, Purgatory, and such other things, wherein they were a long time Doctors before my coming, although the greatest part of them knew neither A nor B.  
It is to this servant of God to whom we are much bound for the multitude of books written by the Waldenses. For as oft as he lighted upon any, he gathered them together and kept them carefully, which he did the more commodiously, for that, as he saith, he conversed with them almost for the space of forty years, which was about some fourscore years past. For it was about the end of his days that he delivered to some particular persons his said Memorials, which he had gathered touching the Waldenses, and all those ancient books which he had collected in their valleys, touching the substance of which he thus speaketh. We have, saith he, certain ancient books of the Waldenses, tontaining Catechisms and Sermons, 
Ibid. p. 3.  which are manuscripts written in the vulgar tongue, wherein there is nothing that makes for the Pope or popery. And it is wonderful, saith he, that they saw so clearly in those times of darkness, more gross than that of Egypt.  
Le Sieur de Saint Ferriol, Pastor in the Church of Orange, being carried with an holy curiosity, gathered together many of the said books, 
In his first table. p. 153.  which he shown to le Sieur de S. Aldegonde, who made mention of them in his first table, wherein he saith that there are other manuscripts written in a very ancient letter in the Library of M. joseph de la Scale.  
Now all the books hereunder mentioned, being delivered unto me to furnish me with proofs for this History, I will reduce into this Catalogue.  
First we have in our hands a new Testament in parchment in the Waldenses language, very well written, though with a very ancient letter.  
Also there is a book entitled the Antechrist, which thus gins, Qual cosa sia l' Antechrist, en datte de l'an mille cent & vingt.  
In the same volume there are contained divers Sermons of the Pastors of the Waldenses.  
With a Treatise against sin, and the remedies to resist sin.  
Also a book entitled, The book of Virtues.  
In that volume there is another Treatise with this inscription, De l'enseignament de li filli: that is to say, of the Instructions of children.  
A Treatise of Marriage.  
A Treatise entitled, Li parlar de li Philosophes & Doctors, that is, sentences of Philosophers and Doctors.  
All which books are written in the language of the Waldenses, which is partly Provenciall, and partly Piemontaine. All of them sufficient to instruct their people to live well, and to believe well: the doctrine of all which books being conformable to that which is taught and believed at this present in all the reformed Churches.  
From hence we conclude, that that doctrine that hath been maintained in our times against humane inventions, is not new but to those that have buried it wilfully, or whose ancestors have detested it, out of their ignorance of the goodness thereof; there being found divers writings, and that in great number, which make good that for these four hundred and fifty years the doctrine of the reformed Churches is the selfsame which for many ages hath been buried by ignorance and ingratitude.  
Which our adversaries themselves have in some sort avouched, when they say and confess, that that doctrine which they call new, is but the substance of the errors of the ancient Waldenses, as may appear by their own writings, from whence we have gathered that which remaineth, in the Chapter following.   

CHAP. VIII.  
That the adversaries of the Waldenses have acknowledged that the doctrine of the Waldenses is conformable to that of those that at this present make profession of reformation.  
LIndanus makes Caluin an inheritor or heir of the doctrine of the Waldenses. 
Lindan. in his a naliticke tables.   
The Cardinal Hosius saith, 
Hosius in his fit book of the herefles of our times.  that the leprosy of the Waldenses hath infected all Bohemia, at what time following the doctrine of Waldo, the greatest part of the kingdom of Bohemia was separated from the Church of Rome.  
Gwaltier Monk the jesuite, 
Gwalt. in his Chro. table. sec. 12. Chap. 15. pa. 494.  in his Chronographicall table, or to speak otherwise, in his molehill of lies, makes the Waldenses, and those they call the poor abused, and the Ministers of Caluin, to be of one and the same belief in twenty seven Articles.  
Claud. Rubis saith, 

Claud. Rubis in his history of the City of Lions. lib. 3. pa. 269.  
Silvius and Duhravius in their Histories of Bohemia.  
Tho. Wal. in his 6. volume of things sacramen. tall. Tit. 12. Chap. 10.  
Le Sicur de la Popeliniere in his hihorie of France. l. 1.   that the heresies that have been in our times have been grounded upon the heresies of the Waldenses, and he calls them the relics of Waldo.  
Aeneas Silvius who was afterwards Pope Ptus the second of that name. And john Dubravius Bishop of Olmusse in their histories of Bohemia, make the doctrine taught by Caluin all one with that of the Waldenses.  
Thomas Walden, who writ against the doctrine of Wicklisse faith, that the doctrine of Waldo crept out of the quarters of France into England. Whereunto agrees le Sieur de la Popeliniere, who addeth that the doctrine of the modern Protestants differs very little from that of the Waldenses, which (saith he) being received into the parts of Aibi, the Albigeois communicated it unto the English their neighbours, who then held Guienne, from whence it was dispersed into many parts of England, and so at the last, as it were from hand to hand it came to the understanding of Wickliff, a famous professor of divinity in the University of Oxford, and Pastor of the parish of Luterworth in the Diocese of Lincoln, who for his eloquence and rare gifts, won the hearts of many of the English, even of the greatest men amongst them; insomuch that a certain scholar carried unto prague a book of Wickliff's called the Vniversalities, which being diligently read over by john Hus, he increased and explained the doctrine long before sowed in Bohemia by the Waldenses, and was in a manner hid from the time of Waldo: in such sort that many of the people, scholars, Nobles, and Ecclesiastical persons themselves, followed the same doctrine.  
The Cardinal Bellarmine saith, 

Bellar. Tom. 2. lib. 1. Chap. 26. col. 86.  
Ecchius in his commonplaces Chap. 28.   that Wickliff could add nothing to the heresy of the Waldenses.  
Ecchius lays an imputation upon Luther, that he hath done nothing else but renew the heresies of the Waldenses, Albig Wicklesse, and john Hus, long since condemned.  
Alphonsus de Castro saith, 
Alphonsus lib. 6. against heresies. pa. 99  that Wickliff hath done nothing else but brought to light the errors of the Waldenses.  
Arnold Sorbin priest of Monteig reproacheth the cities and towns of Saint Antonin, Montauban, Milan, 
In the history Friar Peter of the valleys Sernay. fol. 172.  Castres', Puylorens, Gaillac, and others of the Albigeis and Languedoc, that they have done nothing but revive the errors of the Albigeois.  
john de Cardonne in his Rhymes in the forefront of the history of the said Monk of the valley Sernay saith thus: 
In the history of the Monk of the valleys survey.  
What the sect of Geneva doth admit,  
Th'heretic Albigeois doth commit.   
Anthony d'Ardene of Tholouse in the same book saith: 
Ibid.  
Wherewith our Hugonites seasoned were,  
The same intention, the selfsame care.   
We need not therefore dispute any longer of the antiquity of this doctrine, but only of the purity thereof, since that not only by the affirmation of those that were adversaries to the Waldenses and the last resormation, there are whole ages, during the which the substance of that belief hath remained in divers persons, who crying out against the abuses which have crept into the Church, have been oppressed by persecutions. And for as much as it is denied, that we have had a succession of such instruments, who have opposed themselves from time to time against those corruptions and errors, which have borne sway, we will produce in the Chapter following a catalogue, both of those which our adversaries have named, and put to death, and of those whom the Waldenses have had for their Pastors for these four hundred and fifty year's last passed, at leastwise of as many as have come to our knowledge.   

CHAP. IX.  
The names of those Pastors of the Waldenses who have instructed them for four hundred years last passed, and have come to our knowledge.  
WAldo from whom the Waldenses took their name, began to teach the people in the year of our Lord, a thousand one hundred and sixty.  
Le Sieur de Sancte Aldegonde observeth, 
In his first table of Differ. pa. 150.  that at the same time that Waldo began to show himself and to teach at Lions, God raised others in Provence and Languedoc, among whom the principal were, Arnold, Esperon, and joseph, of whom they were named Arnoldists, josephists, & Esperonists: though because their doctrine was first received in Albi in the country of the Albigeois, they were commonly called Albigeois, in such manner that on the one side the Waldenses, and on the other the Albigeois were as the two Olives, or the two lamps which Saint john speaketh of, whose light did spread itself through all the corners of the earth.  
At the same time (saith he) followed Peter Bruis, whereupon many called them Peter Brusiens.  
To whom there succeeded in doctrine, one Henry, the one being a Priest the other a Monk, and they taught in the Bishoprickes of Arles, Ambrun, Die, and Gap, from whence being chased away, they were received at Tholouse.  
There was a certain man (saith he) called Barthelmew borne at Carcassonne, 
Idem ibid. p. 15●  that ordered and governed the Churches in Bulgaria, Croatia, Dalmatia, Hungaria, and appointed Ministers, as Matthew Paris reports, naming him their Pope or Bishop, and alleging to that purpose the letter which the Bishop of Portuense Legate to the Pope in the parts thereabouts, writ to the Archbishop of Rouen and his suffragans; demanding succours and assistance against them, insomuch that they were at the last constrained to retire themselves into deserts, following that prophecy in the 12 of the Revelation, which saith, that the woman great with child, that brought forth a man child, which is the true Church of God, should in such sort be persecuted by the Dragon, which cast out of his mouth water as a flood after the woman, that he might cause her to be carried away of the flood, so that she was constrained to fly into the wilderness, where she should be nourished for a time, and times, and half a time, or for the space of forty two months, or a thousand two hundred and threescore days.  
Rainerius makes mention of two famous Bishops of the Waldenses, viz, of one Belazinanza of Verona, & one john de Lugio, who taught amongst them after the abovenamed, & about the year a thousand two hundred & fifty.  
Arnold Hot, pastor amongst the Waldenses, maintained the disputation at Mont Real, whereof we shall make mention in his due place.  
Lollard was also in great reputation amongst them, both for a Commentary which he had written upon the Revelation, as also for that he had given knowledge of their doctrine in England, of whose name the Waldenses were called Lollards.  
The Waldenses of the valleys of Angrongne, of Dauphiney, Provence, and Calabria, have had for their Pastors, these whose memories they have preserved for above three hundred years past, that is to say, in Piedmont,  
Paul Gignons de Bobi. 
It appears by the memories of Vignaux. fol. 14.   
Peter the less.  
Anthony of the valley of Suse.  
john Martin of the valley Saint Martin.  
Matthew de Bobi.  
Philip of the valley Lucerna.  
George of Piedmont.  
Steven Laurence of the valley Saint Martin.  
Martin de Mean.  
john of the valley of Lucerna, who for some offence was suspended from his office for seven years, during which time he remained at Gennes, where the Pastors had a house, as they had also another very fair one at Florence.  
john Girard, de Mean, surnamed with the great hand.  
Of the valley of Angrongne, Thomas dirty, who died in the service of the Waldenses Churches at Poville.  
Sebastian dirty, who died in Calabria.  
john Bellonat, of the same valley, who was the first amongst the Pastors that married a wise.  
Of the valleys of peruse, james .  
Benedict Gorran.  
Paul Gignous, de Bobi.  
john Romagnol, of Sesena in Italy.  
Of Dauphiney, Francis of the valley of Fraissiniere.  
Michael Porte, of the valley Loyse, in Briançonnois.  
Peter Flot of Pragela.  
Of Provence, Angelin de la Coste.  
Daniel de Valentia, and john de Molines.  
These two were sent into Bohemia to serve in the Churches of the Waldenses gathered together in the said Realm: but they betrayed the Churches, and brought much mischief upon them, by discovering unto the enemies of the said Waldenses whatsoever they knew of their troops and meetings, whereby there happened a great persecution: which occasioned the Churches of Bohemia to write to the Waldensian Churches of the Alps, from thence forward not to call to such vocations any persons whose faith, honesty and zeal, was not throughly known by long proof and experience.  
The last Pastors which they had were George Maurel, and Peter Masçon, who in the year of our Lord 1530. were sent into Germany to confer of religion with Oecolampadius, Bucer and others. Peter Masçon was taken prisoner at Dijon.  
Steven Negrin and Lewis Paschal were sent into Calabria in the year 1560. to the Waldensian Churches at Montald, Saint Xist, and other places thereabout. Steven N●egrin was taken prisoner and sent to Cosence, where he died in prison for want of sustenance.  
Lewis Paschal was sent to Rome, where he was condemned and burnt alive, Pope Pius the fourth of that name being present and his Cardinals: whom he summoned to appear before the throne of the Lamb to give an account of their cruelties.  
There are a great number of others, as may appear by the process commenced against the Waldenses of Dauphiney which are come to our hands, wherein mention is made of divers Pastors which they have had, 
It appeareth by that bag of procese which was found in the Cabinet du Sieur d' Auençon Archbishop of Ambrun, at the last taking of Ambrun, against the Waldenses of Froissiniere, & Largentiere.  who have been many times imprisoned and delivered unto death by the Monks the Inquisitors, who caused them to be watched even upon the high Alps, when they traveled from one company to another. This small number may suffice to give us to understand, that though their enemies did their best endeavour wholly to banish them, and to root them out from off the earth, yet the eternal God hath not ceased to provide laborers for his harvest, when there was any need, to preserve even to this present day, only in Dauphiney and Provence, many thousands that think it their glory to have come from the ancient Waldenses, and are rather inheritors of their zeal and piety, than their earthly substance, which their persecutors do possess, as the Pope doth at this present, who hath joined to his pretended Apostolic chamber, all the inheritance of the Waldenses who have had any thing in his country of Venecin; and under the pretence of heresy, if he could, he would take away their lives too: so far is he from thinking to restore that which in vain he hath been importuned to do, & which his officers have promised to restore, with more vanity and falsehood than honesty or true meaning. Now forasmuch as the Reader not knowing what manner of men their Pastors were, they may be the less esteemed, we will in the Chapter following insert what we find in their writings, which may make proof of their vocation, the exercise of their charge, zeal, and piety.   

CHAP. X.  
What manner of men the Barbes or Pastors of the Waldenses were: what their vocation, with what zeal and fidelity they have exercised their charge.  
THe Monk Rainerius reports many things touching the vocation of the Pastors of the Waldenses, which never were. 
Rain. de forma harct. fol. 8.  As that which is imposed upon them, that they have one greater Bishop, and two followers, which he calls the elder son and the younger, and a Deacon; that he laid his hands upon others with sovereign authority, and sent them whither he thought good, like a Pope.  
Against these impostures, I have here set down what is found in their writings touching the vocation of their Pastors.  
All such (say they) as are to be received for Pastors amongst us, 
The book of the Pastors George Maurel, and Peter Masçon. pa. 8.  notwithstanding they remain yet with their parents, are to entreat us to receive them to the ministry, and that we will be pleased to pray unto God for them, that they may be made capable of so great a charge. Which the said suppliants do to no other end, but to show their humility.  
They are to learn certain lessons, and to learn by heart all the Chapters of Saint Matthew and Saint john, and all the Epistles which they call Canonical, a good part of the writings of Solomon, David and the Prophets.  
Afterwards having good testimonies of their learning and conversation, they are received with the imposition of hands into the office or function of preaching.  
The last that are received are to do nothing without the leave and licence of their Seniors received before them. As also they that are first ought not to attempt any thing with out the approbation of their companions, to the end that all things might be done amongst us in order.  
We Pastors do assemble ourselves together, every year once, to determine of our affairs in a general Council.  
Our nuttiment and apparel are willingly administered unto us, and as it were by way of alms, very sufficiently by the people whom we teach.  
The money that is given us by the people, is carried to the aforesaid general Council, and is delivered in the presence of all, and there it is received by the most ancients, and part thereof is given to those that are travellers or wayfaring men, according to their necessities, and part unto the poor.  
When any of us that are Pastors shall fall into any foul or unclean sin, he is cast out of our company, and forbidden the charge of preaching.  
Amongst other power and authority which God hath given to his servants, it belongs unto them to choose guides of the people, and Ancients in their charges, according to the diversity of employment, in the unity of Christ. Which is proved by the saying of the Apostle in his Epistle to Titus, Chap. 1. verse 5. For this cause left I thee in Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and or deign Elders in every City, as I have appointed thee.  
Thus you see how the Pastors of the Waldenses were chosen and maintained in their charge, but to the end that their zeal may the better appear, we will insert in the Chapter following a letter which one of the said Pastors writ to one of their Churches, by which it may easily appear with how holy and sanctified affection they laboured to call the people to repentance, and to instruct them in the faith.   

CHAP. XI.  
An Epistle of the Paster Barthelmew Tertian, written to the Waldensian Churches of Pragela.  jesus be with you. To all our faithful and well-beloved brethren in Christ jesus. Health and salvation be with you all. Amen. 
THese are to advertise and to advice your brotherhood (hereby acquitting myself of that duty which I own unto you all in the behalf of God, principally touching the care of the salvation of your souls, according to that light of the truth which the most high God hath bestowed on us) that it would please every one of you to maintain, increase, and nourish to the utmost of your power, without diminution, those good beginnings and customs which have been left unto us by our ancestors, whereof we are no way worthy. For it would little profit us to have been renewed by the fatherly instance, and the light which hath been given us of God, if we give ourselves to worldly, diabolical, and carnal conversations, abandoning the principal, which is God, and the salvation of our souls, for this short and temporal life. For the Lord saith in his Gospel, What doth it profit a man to gain the whole world, and to lose his own soul? For it should be better for us never to have known the way of righteousness, then having known it to do the contrary. For we shall be inexcusable, and our condemnation the greater: for there are greater and more grievous torments provided for those that have most knowledge. Let me therefore entreat you by the love of God, that you decrease not, but rather increase that charity, fear and obedience which is due unto God, and to yourselves amongst yourselves, and keep all those good customs which you have heard and understood of God, by our means: and that you would remove from amongst you all defaults and wants, troubling the peace, the love, the concord, and whatsoever taketh from you the service of God, your own salvation, and the administration of the truth, if you desire that God should be merciful unto you in your goods temporal and spiritual. For you can do nothing without him; and if you desire to be heirs of his glory, do that which he commandeth: If you will enter into life keep my commandments. Likewise be careful that there be not nourished amongst you any sports, gluttony, whoredom, dance, nor any lewdness or riot, nor questions, nor deceits, nor usury, nor discords; neither support or entertain any persons that are of a wicked conversation, or that give any scandal or ill example amongst you, but let charity and fidelity reign amongst you, & all good example; doing to one another as every one desires should be done unto himself. For otherwise it is not possible that any man should be saved, or can ●aue the grace either of God or man in this world, or glory in another. And it is necessary that the conductors principally should have a hand herein, and such as rule and govern. For when the head is sick all the members are likewise ill affected. And therefore if you hope and desire to possess eternal life, to live in good esteem and credit, and to prosper in this world in your goods temporal and spiritual, purge yourselves from all disorderly ways, to the end that God may be always with you, who never forsaketh those that trust in him. But know this for a certain, that God heareth not nor dwelleth with sinners, nor in the soul that is given unto wickedness, nor in the man that is subject unto sin. And therefore let every one cleanse the ways of his heart, and fly the danger if he would not perish therein. I have no other thing to write at this present, but that you would put in practise these things: And the God of peace be with you all, and accompany us in our true, devout, and humble prayers, that he will be pleased to save all those his faithful that trust in Christ jesus.  Wholly yours Barthelmew Tertian, ready to do you service in all things possible according unto the will of God. 
This Epistle of the Pastor Tertian gives us assurance of that holy affection which they had to lead the people of God; but the Confession of the faith of the Waldenses found in the books of those Pastors above mentioned, shall show us more clearly how pure their belief hath been, and how fare from those heresies and errors that have been imputed unto them. And that therefore they have been very unjustly persecuted.   

CHAP. XII.  
The Confession of the faith of the Waldenses.  
WE believe & do firmly hold all that which is contained in the twelve Articles of the Symbol which is called the Apostles creed: 
Article 1. Taken out of the book entitled the Spiritual Almanackk, and from the Memorials of George Morel.  and we account all that for heresy which agreeth not with the said twelve Articles.  
We believe that there is one God, the Father, Son, Art. 2 and holy Ghost.  
We acknowledge for holy & Canonical Scripture the books of the Bible, that is to say, the five books of Moses. Art. 3 

Genesis. The book of joshua.  
Exodus. The judges.  
Leviticus. Ruth.  
Numbers. 1. of Samuel.  
Deuteronomie. 2. of Samuel.  
1. of Kings. The Lamentat. of jeremy.  
2. of Kings. Ezechiel.  
1. of the Chronicles. Daniel.  
2. of the Chronicles. Hosea.  
1. Esdras. joel.  
Nehemiah. Amos.  
Ester. Obadiah.  
job. jonah.  
The book of Psalms. Micah.  
The Proverbes of Solomon. Nahum. Habakuk.  
Ecclesiastes. Zephaniah.  
The song of Solomon. Haggai.  
The Prophecy of Isaiah. Zachariah.  
The Pophesie of jeremy. Malachi.    
The Apocryphal books are these that follow, which are not received of the Hebrews, but we read them (saith S. Hierome in his prologue to the Proverbs, for the instruction of the people, not to confirm the authority of Ecclesiastical doctrines: that is to say, 

The third book of Esdras. Ester after the 10. chap. to the end.  
The fourth of Esdras.  
Tobiah. The song of the 3. children.  
judith. The history of Susanna.  
Wisdom. The history of the Dragon.  
Ecclesiasticus. 1. Maccabees.  
Baruch, with the Epistle of jeremiah. 2. Maccabees.  
3. Maccabees.    
Here follow the books of the new Testament.  

The Gospel according to S. Matthew.  
The Gospel according to S. Mark.  
The Gospel according to S. Luke.  
The Gospel according to S. john.   


The Acts of the Apostles. The first to Timothy.  
The Epistle of S. Paul to the Romans. The second to Timothy.  
To Titus.  
The first to the Corinth. To Philemon.  
The 2. to the Corinthians. To the Hebrews.  
The Epistle to the Galat. The Epistle of S. james.  
The Epist. to the Ephesians The 1. Epistle of S. Peter.  
The Epistle to the Philippians. The second of S. Peter.  
The 1. Epistle of S. john.  
The Epistle to the Colos. The second of S. john.  
The first to the Thessaly. The third of S. john.  
The second to the Thessalonians. The Epistle of S. jude.  
The Revelation of S. john.    
The books above named teach thus much, Art. 4 that there is one God almighty, wholly wise and wholly good, who hath made all things by his goodness. For he created Adam according to his own image and similitude: but by the malice of the devil, and the disobedience of Adam, sin entered into the world, and we are made sinners in Adam, and by Adam.  
That Christ was promised to our forefathers, Art. 5 who received the Law, to the end that knowing their sin by the Law, and their unrighteousness and insufficiency, they might desire the coming of Christ, to the end he might satisfy for their sins, and accomplish the Law by himself.  
Art. 6 That Christ was borne at the time appointed by God his Father, that is to say, at a time when all iniquity abounded, and not for our good works sake only: for all were sinners; but to the end he might offer his grace and mercy unto us.  
That Christ is our life, and truth, and peace, Art. 7 and justice, and Advocate, and Pastor, and sacrifice, and sacrificer, who died for the salvation of all those that believe, and is raised again for our justification.  
We do also firmly hold, Art. 8 that there is no other mediator and advocate with God the Father but only jesus Christ. And as touching the Virgin Marie, that she is holy, humble, and full of grace; and so do we believe of all the other Saints, that they attend in heaven the resurrection of their bodies at the day of judgement.  
We do also believe that after this life, Art. 9 there are only two places: the one for those that shall be saved, the other for the damned, which we call Paradise and Hell, denying altogether Purgatory, as being a dream of Antechrist, and invented against the truth.  
We have also always believed, Art. 10 that the inventions of men are an unspeakable abomination before God, as the feasts and the vigils of Saints, holy water, the abstaining upon certain days from flesh, and such like, but principally the Masses.  
We do abhor all humane inventions, Art. 11 as coming from Antechrist, all which bring troubles with them, and are prejudicial to the liberty of the spirit.  
Art. 12 We believe that the Sacraments are outward signs of holy things, or visible forms of invisible grace; and are of opinion that it is good that the faithful do sometimes use those signs and visible forms, if it may be done: But nevertheless we believe and do hold, that the aforesaid faithful may be saved, not receiving the said signs, when they want place or power to use them.  
Art. 13 We do not acknowledge any other Sacrament but Baptism and the Eucharist.  
We do honour the secular power, Art. 14 with all subjection, obedience, promptitude and payment.   

CHAP. XIII.  
Another Confession of the faith of the Waldenses.  
WE believe that there is one only God, Art. 1 
Taken out of the book of Charles du Moulin de la Mon. des François. p. 65.  who is a Spirit, the Creator of all things, the Father of all, who is above all, and in us all, who is to be adored in spirit and truth, upon whom only we wait, and to whom we give all glory for our life, our nourishment, clothing, health, sickness, prosperity, adversity: we love him as the author of all goodness, we fear him as knowing our hearts.  
Art. 2 We believe that jesus Christ is the Son and image of his father; that in him dwells the fullness of the divinity; by whom we know the Father, who is our mediator and advocate, and there is no other name under heaven given unto men by which we can be saved; in whose name only we call upon the Father, and use no other prayers but those that are contained in the holy Scriptures, or agreeing unto them in substance.  
We believe that the holy Ghost is our Comforter, Art. 3 proceeding from the Father and the Son, by whose inspiration we make our prayers, being renewed by him, who doth all good works in us, and by him we have knowledge of all truth.  
We believe that there is one holy Church, Art. 4 which is the congregation of all the elect and faithful, which have been from the beginning of the world, and shall be unto the end, whereof our Lord jesus Christ is the head: the which Church is governed by his word, and guided by the holy Ghost, in which all good Christians ought to remain: for it prayeth without ceasing for all, and the word thereof is agreeable unto God, without which no man can be saved.  
Art. 5 We hold that the Ministers of the Church ought to be irreprehensible both in life and doctrine, otherwise they are to be deposed from their office, and other to be substituted in their place. And that no man ought to presume to undertake this honourable calling, but only he which is called of God as Aaron, nourishing the flock of Christ, not for dishonest gain, or as having any superiority over the Clergy, but as being an example to the flocke, in word, in conversation, in charity, in faith, and in chastity.  
We confess that Kings, Art. 6 Princes, and Governors are ordained and established Ministers of God, to whom we are to obey. For they carry the sword for the defence of innocents' and the punishment of malefactors; and for this cause are we bound to do them honour, and to pay tribute. From which power and authority no man can exempt himself, as may appear be the example of our Lord jesus Christ, who refused not to pay tribute, not challenging any iutisdiction of temporal power.  
We believe, Art. 7 that in the Sacrament of Baptism the water is the visible and external sign, which representeth unto us that which by the power and virtue of God invisible, so working, is within us, that is to say, renovation of the spirit, and mortification of our members in jesus Christ, by which we are also received into the holy congregation of the people of God, protesting and declaring before it our faith and change of life.  
Art. 8 We hold the holy Sacrament of the table or Supper of our Lord jesus Christ, to be a holy remembrance and thanksgiving for the benefits which we have received by his death and passion, which is to be received in faith and charity, examining ourselves, that so we may eat of that bread and drink of that cup, as it is written in the holy Scripture.  
We confess, that marriage is good and honourable, Art. 9 holy and instituted of God, which ought to be forbidden to none, if there be no impediment by the word of God.  
We confess that they that fear God, Art. 10 seek the things that please him, doing good works, the which he hath prepared to the end we should walk in them, which are charity, joy, peace, patience, benignity, goodness, mildness, sobrictie, and other works contained in the holy Scriptures.  
On the contrary, Art. 11 we confess that we are to take heed of false teachers, whose end is to call the people from the true worship of God, and to rest themselves upon creatures, putting their confidence in them, as also to persuade the people to leave those good duties that are contained in the holy Scriptures, and to do those that are invented by men.  
Art. 12 We hold the old and new Testament for the rule of our faith, & we agree to the general Confession of faith, with those articles contained in the Symbol of the Apostles, which doth thus begin, I believe in God the Father Almighty, etc.  
And for as much as the Pastors of the Waldenses taught their people the Athanasian Creed in the Waldensian language, we have taken it out of their books, word by word as they pronounced it in old time.   

CHAP. XIIII.  
The Symbol of Athanasius in the Waldensian language.  
QValquequal vol esser faict self devant totas c●sas es de necessitatenir la fe Catholica, laqual si alcun non tenré entierament sensa dubi periré eternalment. Ma aquesta es la fe Catholica. Qunos' houran un Dio en Trinita, & la Trinita en unita, non confondent personnas, ni departent la substantia. Car antra es la personna del Pair, & deal Filli, & deal Sanct Esperit. La Paire non crea, lo filli non crea, lo Sanct Esperit non crea. L● Pair non mesurivol, lo Filli non mesurivol, lo Sanct Esperit non mesurivol. Lo Pair Eternal, lo Filli Eternal, lo Sanct Esperit Eternal. Emperço non tres Eternals, ma un Eternal, enaimi non tres mesurivols, & non crea. Semeillament lo Pair tot Poissant, lo Filli tot poissant, & lo Sanct Esperit tot Poissant, emperço, non tres tot Poissants, ma un tot Poissant. Enaimi lo Pair es Dio, lo Filli Dio, lo Sanct Esperit Dio, emperço non tres Dios, ma un Dio. Enaimi lo Pair es Seignor, lo Filli Seignor, lo Sanct Esperit Seignor, emperço, non tres Seignors, ma un Seignor. Ca enaimi nos sen costreit confessar per Christiana verita, una chascuna persona Dio o Seignor, enaimi per Catholica Religion, nos sen defendu dire esser tres Dios ni tres Seignors. Lo Filli es sol del Pair, non faict, ni crea, ma engenra, lo Sanct Esperit es del Pair, & deal Filli, non fait, ni crea, ni engenra ma procedent. Donc lo es un Pair, non tres Pairs, un Filli, non tres filli, un Sanct Esperit, non tres Sanct Esperits. En aquesta Trinita alcunna cosa non es premiera ni derniera, alcuna cosa maior, o menor, ma totas tres personas entre lor son ensem Eternals, & eygals. Enaimi que per totas cosas coma esdict de sober, la sia dhonorar la Trinita en Vnita, & l'Vnita en Trinita. Donc aquel que vol esser fait salf senta enaima de la Trinita. Ma a la salut eternal es necessari creyre fidelment l'encarnation del nostre Seignor jesus Christ. Donc la fe dreita es que nos crean, & confessan que lo nostre Seignor jesus Christ filli de Dio, es Dio & home. Et es Dio engendra avaunt li segle, de la substantia del Pair, & es home na all segle de la substantia de la Maire, essent perfect Dio, & perfect home: d'anima rational & d'humana carn, aigal del Pair second la Divinita, & menor second l'humanita. Loqual iaciaço quel sia Dio & home, emperço lo es un Christ & non dui, ma un, non per conversion de la Diuinita en carn, ma propiament de la Humanita en Dio, un totalment, non per confusion de la Diuinita en carn, ma propiament de la humanita en Dio: un totalment, non per confusion de substantia ma per unita de personas. Car enaima larma rational, & lafoy carn, es un home, enaima Dio & home es un Christ loqual est passionna per la nostra salut, descend en li enfern, lo ters iorn resuscite de li mort, & monté en li cel, & see a la dextra de Dio lo Pair Omnipotent. Daqui es a venir iugear li vio & li mort. A laduenament delqual tuit an a resuscitar, cum li lor corpse, & son a rendre raçon de li lor propis faict. Et aquilli que auran faict been, anaren en vita eterna, & aquilli que aurant faict mal anaran all fuoc eternal.  
The belief of the Waldenses is sufficiently known by that which is contained in the pure & holy doctrines of their confessions above mentioned; and yet nevertheless it is for the same that they have been persecuted for the space of four hundred and fifty years, & still should be if they lived near those places where humane inventions are preferred before the word of God. For though Satan be confounded, and his kingdom dissipated by the brightness of the Gospel, yet he ceaseth not to hold those under the yoke of Idolatry, whose understandings he hath blinded, and to keep them by violence under the tyranny of his laws, hiding that ignorance and error that men do naturally love, in those darknesses wherein they take pleasure. But as it hath not pleased the eternal God, that the faith of his servants and Martyrs should be buried, so it likewise pleaseth him, that their constancy should be made manifest for our edification and example. And this is the reason why having showed in the first book that the Waldenses believed to salvation what was necessary, I have thought good to publish in the second book that which is come to my knowledge of their sufferings for righteousness.  
The end of the first Book.   

PART OF THE CATALOGVE OF the Waldenses books, being accidentally omitted in page 44. after the 30. line, are here inserted as followeth.  
A Commentary or paraphrase upon the Symbol of the Apostles.  
A Treatise of the Sacraments.  
A Commentary or Paraphrase upon the Commandments.  
A Commentary upon the Lord's prayer.  
A Treatise of Fasting.  
A Treatise of Tribulation.  
A little Catechism entitled, Interogations menors.  
A Treatise against dancing and taverns.  
A Treatise of four things to come, that is to say, death unto all: eternal life to the good: hell to the wicked: and the last judgement.  
A Treatise entitled, Del Purgatori soima: that is to say, Of the dream or invention of Purgatory.  
A Treatise against the invocation of Saints.  
We have also a book very ancient whereof the title is, Aeyço es la causa del nostre dispartimēt de la Gleisa Romana. That is to say, This is the cause of our separation from the Church of Rome.  
In this volume there is an Epistle or Apology of the Waldenses entitled, La Epistola al Serenissimo Rey Lancelau, a li Ducs, Barons, & a li plus veil del regne: lo petit tropel de li Christians appella per falls nom falsament P. O.U. that is to say, Poor or Waldenses.  
There is also a book, wherein there are many Sermons of their Barbes, and an Epistle called, The Epistle to our friends, containing many excellent doctrines to teach all sorts of people how to lead their lives in all ages.  
In the same volume there is a book entitled, Sacerdotium, wherein is showed what is the charge of a good Pastor, and what the punishment of a wicked.  
There is also come to our hands, a book of poetry in the Waldensian tongue, wherein are these Treasties following. A prayer entitled, New comfort. A rhythm of the four sorts of seeds mentioned in the Gospel. Another entitled Bark. And one called, The noble lesson, 
In his first Table p. 153.  of which book Le Sieur de Saint Aldegonde makes mention.  
We have also an excellent Treatise entitled, Vergier de consolation, containing many good instructions, confirmed by the Scriptures and divers authorities of the Ancients.  
Also an old Treatise in parchment entitled, Of the Church: and another called, The Treasury and light of faith.  
Also a book entitled, The spiritual Almanac.  
Also a book in parchment, Of the means to separate things precious from the base & contemptible, that is to say; virtues from vices.  
Also the book of George Morel, wherein are contained all the questions which George Morel and Peter Masçon moved to Oecolampadius and Bucer touching religion, and the answers of the said parties.    

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THE WALDENSES: Containing that which is come to our knowledge, of the grievous persecutions which they have endured for their Faith, for the space of more than four hundred and fifty years.  

CHAP. I.  
By whom the Waldenses have been persecuted, for what, by what means, and in what times.  
THE Waldenses have had no greater enemies than the Popes; 
Rainerius of the Waldenses.  because, saith the Monk Rainerius, that amongst all those that have raised themselves against the Church of Rome, the Waldenses have been always the most dangerous and pernicious, insomuch that they have resisted him for a long time; as also because this Sect, (saith he) is more general, for there is not almost any Country in which it hath not taken footing. And thirdly, because all other by their blasphemies against God, strike a horror into men's hearts; But this on the contrary, hath a great appearance of piety, for they carry themselves uprightly before men, and believe rightly touching God in all things, holding all the Articles that are contained in the Symbol, hating and reviling the Church of Rome, and therein (saith he) they are easily believed of the people.  
And in another place the said Rainerius saith, 
Rainer. cap. de study pervertendi alios & modo docendi. fol. 98.  that the first lesson that the Waldenses give to those whom they win to their Sect, is this, that they teach them what the Disciples of Christ ought to be, and that by the words of the Gospel and the Apostles, affirming, that they only are the Successors of the Apostles, that imitate their life. Inferring thereby (saith he) that the Pope, the Bishops and Clergy, that possess and enjoy the riches of this world, and seek after them, follow not the examples of the Apostles, and therefore are not the true guides of the Church, it never being the purpose of Christ jesus, to commit his chaste and beloved spouse, to those who rather prostitute her by their ill examples, and wicked actions, then preserve her in that purity wherein they received her at the beginning, a virgin chaste and without spot.  
In hatred therefore of divers discourses which the Waldenses have written against the luxury, avarice, pride, and errors brought in by the Pope, they have always persecuted them to the death.  
The means they have used utterly to exterminate them, have been in the first place their thunderbolts, curses, cannons, constitutions, decrees, and whatsoever clse might make them odious to the Kings, Princes, and people of the earth, giving them over, as much as lies in their power, unto Satan, interdicting them all communion and society with those that obey their laws, judging them unworthy and uncapable of any charges, honours, profits, or to inherit, or to make wills, or to beburied in common churchyards, confiscating their goods, disinheriting their heirs, and where they could by any means apprehend them, they have condemned them to be delivered to the secular power, their houses to be razed, their lands and moveables confiscated, or given to the first conqueror. And of all these sentences we have at this day the schedule, 
These sentences are to be seen in the manuel of the Inquisitors, with the letters of Pope Alexanderthe thirteenth & of divers other Popes which succeeded him.  given by the Popes, with the instruments which they have employed to such executions, as also of the commands which they have given unto Kings, Princes, Magistrates, Consuls and People, to make an exact inquisition, to shut the gates of the City, to crave the assistance, and best help of the people, to ring the Tol-bell, to arm themselves: and if otherwise they cannot be apprehended, to kill them, and to use all manner of violence, which they shall see needful in such a case: Giving to the accusers the third part, or some other portion of that which shall be confiscated, all councillors and favourers of them being condemned to the same punishment.  
And forasmuch as no Prince or Magistrate, or any other had any power to frame a process against any in the fact of pretended heresy; commandment was given to the Bishops, every one in his jurisdiction, to make an inquiry into their flocks, and take notice how every particular person was affected, to the ordinances of the Popes, and the Church of Rome. So when Waldo began to complain and to cry out against the corruptions, of the said Church of Rome. Alexander the third than Pope, enjoined the Archbishop of Lion to proceed against him; and forasmuch as the said Prelate did not banish him according and as soon as he desired, 
This Couneel was held at Latran. 1180. See the 27. Chap.  he speedily assembled a Council, where he excommunicated Waldo, and all those that followed his doctrine, though it were under other names.  
But this means was thought to be too easic for so pressing an action as this of the Waldenses was, who ceased not for all those thunderbolts, to preach, that the Pope was Antichrist, the Mass an abomination, the Host an idol, and Purgatory a fable. Points that being received were sufficient to oucrthrow all the authority of the Pope, & to dry up all the rivers of gain and grease of the Clergy. And therefore Innocent the third, who succeeded Pope Celestine the third of that name, about the year 1198, took another course than that of the ordinary Bishops, to frame the process against the Waldenses, and others whom he called Heretics. He authorised certain Monks, who had the full power of the Inquisition in their hands, and framed the Process, delivered to the secular power, by a full and absolute authority, and a far shorter way, but much more cruel, delivering the people by thousands into the hands of the Magistrates, & the Magistrates to the executioners; whereby in a few years, all Christendom was much mon by those pitiful & lamentable spectacles, to see all those burnt or hanged, that did trust only in one Lord jesus. Christ for their salvation, and renounced the vain hopes innented by men, & for their profit, which was all the fruit of that aforesaid Inquisition, which we shall speak of in the Chapter following.   

CHAP. II.  
Of the Inquisition: by whom it was first put in practice: by what subtleties and cruelties the Waldenses have been vexed by it.  
IN the beginning of the prosecution of the Popes, utterly to exterminate the Waldenses, they were content with the means above mentioned in the precedent Chapter, but either because the business went but slowly forward, or because notwithstanding those means, the number increased in such manner, of those that believed, that these means were found to be weak, it was resolved by Pope Innocent the third, to assay whether by the way of preaching he could obtain that, which by violence he could never do. He sent therefore certain Bishops and Monks, who preached in those places of the Waldenses that were suspected to profess their religion; but as he saith, that writ the Treasure of Histories, 
The Treas, of Hist. in the year 1206.  the said Preachers converted not any, but a few poor people, but for the most part (saith he) they still persisted in the profession of their faith. In Gallia Narbonensi there were employed two Monks, that is to say, Pierre de Chateauneuf, 
Lib Inquisit. cap. de non occidendo. fol. 100 Sic fuit occisus Sanctus Petrus de Ordine fratrum Pradicatorum.  and Dominique born at Calahorre in Spain, to whom they joined a certain Abbot of Cisteaux, and in a throng, as it were together, there came many other Priests and Monks, & amongst the rest a certain Bishop of Cestre. The Monk Pierre de Chateauneuf was slain in this business, and for that canonised for a Saint. Dominique continued in his persecution of the Waldenses both in deed and word. This Monk seeing himself to be in authority, 
Moynes qui mandient.  instituted an Order of begging Monks, who after his name were callad Dominicans, and the said Monk was canonised, and his Order confirmed by Pope Honorius, being warned (saith he) to do it, by a dream. For it seemed to him, that the Church of Rome was falling, and that Dominique upheld it with his shoulders, in recompense whereof, the said Pope commanded that the said Order should have the first place among the Mendicants. 
Mandians.   
It is said of this Monk, 
The Martirologe in the life of Dominique.  that his mother when she went with child with him, she did dream, that she had in her womb a dog that cast out flames of fire out of his throat. His followers interpret this to his advantage, as if hereby we were given to understand, that he should be that dog, that should vomit out that fire, which should consume the Heretics: But on the contrary, they whom he every day delivered unto death, might well say that he was the dog, that had set on fire all Christendom, and that the flames that came out of his throat, do note unto us, those fiery and infernal sentences which he pronounced against the Christians. Howsoever he carried himself so well in these affairs, that before he died, he built many goodly houses in Languedoc, Provence, Dolphin, Spain, and elsewhere, by which he had obtained great revenues, either from the liberality of those that affected his Order, or the Confiscations of the Waldenses, by which the Count Simon of Montfort gave him great privileges and alms, as cutting large thongs of another man's leather.  
He laboured in the Inquifition as the chief, with such contentment to the Popes, that from that time forward, the Monks of his Order, have been always employed in the Inquisition.  
The power given to these Monks Inquisitors, was without limits. For they could assemble the people, whensoever it pleased them, by the sound of a bell, proceed against the Blshops themselves, and send out process, if there were need, to imprison, and to open the prisons without control. All manner of accusations was available enough: A Sorcerer, a Harlot were sufficient witnesses, without reproach, in the fact of pretended heresy. It was no matter who did accuse, or whether by word of mouth, or by tickets cast in before the Inquisitor, for without any personal appearance, or confronting one another, the the process were framed, without party, without witness, and without other law, than the pleasure of the Inquisitor. To be rich was a crime near unto heresy, and he that had any thing to lose, was in the way to be undone, either as an Heretic, or at the least, as a favourer of heretics. One bare suspicion stopped the mouths of fathers and mothers, and kinsfolk, that they durst not intercede for punishments to come, and he that did entreat for the convey of a cup of cold water, or a little straw to lie upon in some stinking dungeon, was condemned for a favourer of Heretics, and brought to the same or worse extremities. There was no Advocate that durst under take the defence of his nearest kinsinan or friend, or Notary that durst receive any act in his favour. And that which was more, after that a man was once entangled within the snares of the Inquisition, he could never live in any assurance, for he was always to begin again: For if any man were set at liberty, it was only for a time till they might better consider of it. Death itself made not an end of the punishment, for they have left unto us certain copies of their sentences against the bones of the dead, to dis-interre and to burn them, yea thirty years after the decease of the party accused. They that were heirs had nothing certain, for upon any accusation of their fathers or kindred, they durst not undertake the defence of their own right, or possess their own inheritance, without the crime or suspicion of Heresy, and that they rather inherited their bad faith and opinions then their goods. The people, yea the most mighty and richest amongst them, were constrained, in a manner, to adore these Monks the Inquisitors, and to bestow upon them great Presents for the building of their Covents and dotations of their houses, for fear to be accused of Heresy, and not to be esteemed zealous for the faith of those holy fathers. And the better to entertain men with an apprehension of these things, they sometimes made shows and bravadoes of their prisoners, leading them in triumph at their Processions, some being enjoined to whip themselves, others to go covered after the manner of St. benedict's, that is to say, with certain red Cassocks with yellow crosses, to signify that they were such as had been convinced of some error, and that at the first offence they should afterward commit, they were already condemned for Heretics. Others appeared in their shirts, barefoot and bareheaded, with a with about their necks, a torch in their hands; that being thus prepared and furnished, they might give terror to the beholders, to see such persons of all estates and sex, brought to so miserable a condition, being all forbidden to enter into the Church, but to stay in the porch, or to cast an eye upon the Host when it was showed by the Priest; until it was otherwise determined by the Fathers the Inquisitors.  
And for the full accomplishment of the contentment of the said Fathers, their accused were exiled for a penance, into the holy Land, or enroled for some other expedition against the Turks or other Infidels, levied by the command of the Pope, to serve the Church for a certain time at their own charge: and in the mean time, the said holy Fathers took possession of the goods of the poor Pilgrims; and that which was worst of all, at their return, they must not inquire whether the said Monks had in their absence any private familiarity with their wives, for fear lest they should be condemned for backsliders, impenitent, and altogether unworthy of any favour.  
Now these violences being executed from the year a thousand two hundred and six, which was baout the time that Dominique erected his Inquisition, to the year one thousand two hundred twenty eight, there was so great a havoc made of poor Christians, that the Archbishops of Aix, Arles, and Narbonne, being assembled together at Aingou, in the said year 1228, at the instance of the said Monks the Inquisitors, to confer with them about divers difficulties in the execution of their charge, had compassion of the misery of a great number that were accused, and kept in prison by the said Monks the Inquisitors, saying:  
It is come to our knowledge, 
See the Catal. of the Test. of the truth. pag. 53●.  that you have apprehended so great a number of the Waldenses, that it is not only not possible to defray the charge of their nourishment, but to provide lime and stone to build prisons for them; we therefore counsel you (say they) that you defer a little such imprisonments, until the Pope may be advertised of the great numbers that have been apprehended, and that he do advice what pleaseth him to be done; if not, there is no reason you should take offence for those that are impenitent and incorigible, 
Vous tuissies.  or that you should doubt of their relapse, or that they should escape away, or having their liberty should infect others, because you may condemn such persons without delay.  
There needs no other proof than this of the aforesaid Prelates, to make it appear that the number of those whom the Inquisition had delivered unto death, was very great. For touching the question moved by the said Inquisitors, whether they that have frequented the company of the Waldenses, and have received the Supper of the Lord with them, are to be excused, because they say they offended out of ignorance, not knowing that they were Waldenses: The the answer of the said Prelates was, that they were not to be excused; Because (say they) who is so great a stranger, as not to know that the Waldenses have been punished and condemned for these many years since, and who knoweth, not that for a long time they have been pursued and persecuted at the charge and travel of Catholics, this pursuit being sealed by so many persons condemned to death; if it cannot be called into doubt.  
And yet nevertheless, the speech of the said Prelates being conferred, with that which George morel, in the year a thousand five hundred and thirty, hath written, it would be none of the least wonders that God hath wrought, that notwithstanding the bloody persecutions after Waldo his time, in the year a thousand one hundred sixty, 
George Morel in his memorial. pa. 54.  there were according to the report of Morel, above eight hundred thousand persons that made profession of the faith of the said Waldenses.  
As touching the subtleties of the said Inquisitors, we should not have had any knowledge thereof, but from such as have escaped from the Inquisition of Spain, but that it was the will of God that their cunning tricks should not be so closely hid, but that we had examples thereof even from themselves.  
Behold then the crafty subtleties of the Inquisitors, which served them for a rule in the framing of their process against the Waldenses.  
It is not expedient to dispute of matter of faith before lay-people.  
No man shall be held for a penitent man, if he accuse not those that he knows to be such as himself.  
He that accuseth not those that are like unto himself, shall be cut off from the Church, as a rotten member, for fear lest the members that are sound, should be corrupted by him.  
After that any one hath been delivered to the secular power, great care must be taken, that he be not suffered to excuse himself, or to manifest his innocence before the people: because if be he delivered to death, it is a scandal to the lay-people; and if he make an escape, there is danger of his loyalty.  
Good heed must be taken, not to promise life unto him that is condemned to death, before the people, considering that an Heretic will never suffer himself to be burnt, if he may escape by such promises. And if he shall promise to repent before the people, if he have not his life granted unto him, there will arise ascandall amongst them, and it will be thought that he is wrongfully put to death.  
Note (say they) that the Inquisitor ought always to presuppose the fact, without any condition, and is only to inquire of the circumstances of the fact, as thus: how often hast thou confessed thyself unto Heretics? In what chamber of the house have they lain, and the like things.  
The Inquisitor may look into any book, as if he found there written, the life of him that is accused, and of all that he inquires of.  
It is necessary to threaten death to the accused, if he confess not, and to tell him the fact is too manifest, that it is fit he should think of his soul, and renounce his Heresy, for he must die, and therefore it shall be good for him to take patiently whatsoever shall light upon him. And if he shall answer; since I must die, I had rather die in that faith I profess, then in that of the Romish Church, then conclude for certain, that before he made but a show of repentance, and so let him suffer justice.  
We must not think to vanquish Heretics by learning or by the scriptures, inasmuch as men that are learned, are rather confounded by them, whereby it comes to pass, that the Heretics fortify themselves, seeing they are able to delude the most learned.  
Again, great heed must be taken that the Heretics never answer directy, and when they are pressed by frequent interrogations, they have a custom to allege for themselves, that they are simple and foolish people, and therefore know not how to answer. And if they shall once see the assistants to be moved with compassion towares them, as if they should do them wrong, thinking them to be simple people, and therefore not culpable; then they gather heart, and make a show of shedding tears like poor miserable creatures, and flattering their judges, they endeavour to free themselves from the Inquisition, saying: Sir, If I have been faulty in any thing, I will willingly do penance, but yet give me your aid and assistance to deliver me from this infamy, into which I am fallen by the malice of others, not mine own fault.  
But then the courageous Inquisitor must not yield for all these flatteries, nor give any belief to those dissimulations.  
Moreover the Inquisitor must tell them, that they shall gain nothing by swearing falsely, because they have enough to convince them by witnesses; and therefore they must not think, that by means of their oath they shall avoid the sentence of death; but they must promise them (say they) that if they will freely confess their error, they shall have mercy; for in such perplexities, there are many, that confess their error in hope to escape.  
Thus you see the subtleties of the Monks the Inquisirors, such as they practised in times past, against the Waldenses throughout all Europe: It remains that we now see what their practice hath been in every particular Realm and Province, so far forth as is come to our knowledge. And first we will begin with Dauphine, because it is the Province into which Waldo and his followers retired themselves at their departure from Lion.   

CHAP. III.  
Of the Waldensian Churches in Dauphine, and the persecutions which they have suffered, which are come to our knowledge.  
THe Waldensian Churches in Dauphine, have been for these many hundred years spread abroad throughout divers parts of the Province. For they have had Churches in Valentia, 
Valentinois.  where at this present there are places, wherein times out of mind, the faith of the Waldenses hath been received from the father to the son, as the place des Faulques, and Beauregard in Valentia, and La Balm near Crest; out of which places there are come to our hands certain process against some particular persons of the same places, for being accused by the Inquisitors as adhering to the faith of the Waldenses above three hundred years since. But the more famous Churches of the said Province, are those of the Valley of Fraissiniere, near Ambrun, of Argenterie, of the Valley Loyse, which for the Waldenses sakes was called Val lute, as if there had been nothing in the said Valley but a Brothel-house, and receptacle of all manner of dissolute living and villainy. This was utterly rooted out. On the other side of the Alps, there is a valley called the Valley of Pragela, where they have inhabited time out of mind. A Valley that is in the jurisdiction of the Archbishop of Turin, peopled even at this present with those that are descended from the first Waldenses, of whom mention hath been made heretofore. They were the inhabitants of this Valley that peopled the Waldensian Valleys of Piedmont, La peruse, Saint Martin, Angrongne and others; as also those of the Waldenses inhabited in Provence, and Calabria, are come out of those places of Dauphine, and Piedmont. In said Valley of Pragela, there are at this day, six goodly Churches, every one having their Pastor, and every Pastor having divers villages, which belong to every one of these Churches, all filled with those that have descended from the ancient Waldenses. They are Churches truly reform time out of mind. For although in the said Valley, there are at this present old people, and not a small number that draw near, yea and some that are above a hundred year old, yet these good old men, have never heard of their fathers, or grandfathers, that mass was ever sung in their times in that Country. And though perhaps the Archbishops of Turin, have caused it to be song in the said Valley, whereof the inhabitants have had no knowledge, yet there is not any amongst them, that makes profession of any other faith or belief, then that the confession whereof we have heard in the former book.  
For all those books before mentioned, have been received by the Inhabitants of the said valley, which hath been in times past, one of the safest retiring places that the Waldenses had in all Europe, environed on all sides with mountains almost unaccressable, within the caves whereof they retired themselves in times of persecution.  
Le Sieur de Vignaux who was one of the first Pastors that preached to his people, long before the exercise of the reformed Religion was free in France, could not satisfy himself with the liberal speech, integrity, and piety of these people, whom he found altogether disposed to receive the dispensation of the word of God, which their forefathers had cherished, and in which they had instructed their posterity. And it was worthy the observation, that notwithstanding they were weakened on all sides, and environed with the enemies of their Religion, in danger to be apprehended when they went out of their doors, yet was there never any worldly respect that had power to alter their holy resolution, from the father to the son to serve God, taking his word for the rule of their faith, and his law for the rule of their obedience. And in this design it was, that they have been blessed of God, above all Christian people throughout Europe, insomuch that their infants were hardly weaned from their mother's breast, but their parents took a singular delight to instruct them in the Christian faith and doctrine, until they were able to confound many persons dwelling elsewhere well strooken in years, and overwhelmed with ignorance.  
To this pass their Pastors brought them, who not being content to give them exhortations upon the Sabbath days, went also in the weekdays to instruct them, in the villages and hamlets thereabouts, not sparing themselves for the roughness of the rocks, the coldness of the air, the incivility of the country, where they were feign to climb up high mountains to visit their flock, and to carry unto them the food of their souls; even at those times when the people in the heat of summer were keeping their cattles upon the high rocks, and there they many times teach and instruct them in the open fields. There you may see those that hear the word of God with attention and reverence: There is discipline exercised with fruit; There the people pray with fervency of zeal, at their retain from their labours, at night when they go toe their rest, & in the morning before they undertake any work; First in their private houses, then in the Temple they beg the assistance of the Lord in all their actions, thoughts, words, and deeds, and so betake themselves to their labours, under the protection of the living God, whom they love, and honour and adore. There you may descry more zeal, and more simplicity, then in many other places, that abound in the delights and pleasures of this world; neither are they so rude and blockish, but that they have divers amongst them that can read, and deliver their minds in good terms, especially they that travel sometimes into the lower Countries for their commodities; they have Schools wherein their children are taught and nurtured, neither do they want any thing they think necessary to advance the glory of God amongst them.  
The first persecution that is come to our knowledge, was that, which was moved by a certain Monk Inquisitor of the Order of the Frier-Minors, named Francis Borelli, having a Commission in the year 1380, 
Anno 1380.  to make inquiry and to inform touching the Sect of the Waldenses, in the Diocese of Aix, Arles, Ambrun, Vienna, Geneva, Aubonne, Savoy, the Venetian County, Dyois, Forests, 
This Bull was taken out of the Chamber Country of Grenoble.  the Principality of Orange, the City of Anignon and Selon, as his Bull gave him authority, which he received from Clement the seventh, who then was Resident and ruled in Anignon. By reason of the nearness of his Court to the habitation of the Waldenses; he thought good to purge Dauphine, of those that held him to be Antichrist; and for this cause he commanded the Bishops of Dauphine, Provence, and other places, to which his power did extend (for there was then a schism, and all Europe was divided, partly for Vrbani the sixth, and partly for this said Clement) to watch in such sort over their flocks, that there might not any live amongst them that was of the Sect of the Waldenses.  
This Monk cited to appear before him at Ambrun, all the inhabitants of Erassiniere, Argentiere, and the valley Pute, upon pain of excommunication. They appeared not, nor any for them, & were therefore condemned for their contumacy, and in the end shut out of the Church, by the last and most direful excommunication of offenders: and in the space of thirteen years, during which time he always caught one or other, he delivered by sentence to the secular power to be burnt at Grenoble; that is to say, of the valley Pute, William Marie of Vilar, Peter Long, alias Chastan; john Long, alias Truchi, Albert Vincens, joane the wife of Steven Vincens, and divers others; that is to say, to the number of one hundred and fifty men, divers women, with many of their sons and daughters well strooken in years, whose names we have not here inserted because we would not grieve and weary the Reader.  
Of the Valley of Argentiere and Frassinieres, Astine Berarde, Barthelemie the wife of john Porti, and others of both sexes, to the number of eighty, who were all condemned to be delivered to the secular power; in such sort, that whensoever any one of them was apprehended, he was presently brought to Grenoble, and there without any other show of process, burnt alive.  
This last sentence was pronounced at Ambrun in the Cathedral Church, in the year one thousand three hundred ninty three, to the great gain and commodity of the Monks the Inquisitors, who adjudged to themselves two parts of the goods of the said condemned, and the rest to the temporal commanders, with inhibition to their bordering neighbours, to assist them in any manner howsoever, to receive them, visit, defend them, or to minister relief or sustenance to any of them, or to converse with them in any sort, or to do them any favour, or give them any aid or counsel, upon pain to be attainded and convinced for a favourer of Heretics, they being declared unworthy of all offices, and public charges and counsels; forbidding every man to use the service of any of them in matter of testimony, they themselves being judged unsufficient to make a will, or to succeed in any inheritance. And if any of them should be judges, that their sentences should be of no force, and no causes should be called before them. And if any of them be Advocates, that their defences and pleas be not received; if Notaries, that their instruments be of no effect, but canceled and defaced; If Priests, that they be deprived of all offices and benefices, with inhibition to all Ecclesiastical persons, to minister the Sacrament unto them, to give them sepulture, or to receive from them any alms or oblations, upon pain of deposition from charges, and deprivation of their Benefices.  
This Monk reserved to himself, by the said sentence, the review and examination of the process of some dozen that he named therein; and they were those which he would willingly have to pass by the golden gate. For in the process that are come to our hands, there are many that complain, that they had never been entangled in the snares of the Inquisitors, but for their goods; being well known that they never had any knowledge of the Belief of Waldenses.  
As touching the Waldenses of the valley of Pragela, they were assailed by their enemies upon the side of Susa a town in Piedmont, about the year a thousand four hundred: and forasmuch as they had many times assaulted them in vain, at such times as they could retire themselves into the high mountains, and caves or hollow places thereof, 
Vineaux in his Meuo●. fol. 6.  from whence they might much indamage, and hinder those that came to assail them, the said enemies set upon them, about the Feast of the Nativity of Christ, a time when these poor people never thought, that any would have durst to have past the mountains being covered with snow, who seeing their caves and caverns taken by their enemies, they betook themselves to one of the highest mountains of the Alps, named afterward the Albergam, that is to say, the mountain of retreat, and running together in troops with their wives and children, the mother's carrying their cradles, and leading their infants by the hand, that were able to go, the enemy followed them until night, and slew many before they could recover the mountain. They that were then slain had the better bargain. For night coming upon these poor people which were in the snow, without any means to make any fire to warm their little infants, the greatest part of them were benumbed with cold, & there were found in the morning fourscore small infants dead in their cradles, and most of their mother's mothers died after them, and divers others were giving up the last gasp.  
The enemies being retired in the night, into the houses of these poor people, they ransacked and pillaged whatsoever they could carry to Susa, and for the full accomplishment of their cruelty, they hanged upon a tree a poor Waldensian woman, whom they met upon the mountain de Mean, named Margaret Athode.  
The Inhabitants of the said Valley, hold this persecution to be the most violent, that their fathers have related unto them, that in their times or the times of their grandfathers they have ever suffered; and they talk of it at this present, as if it were a thing lately done, and fresh in memory; so often from the father to the son, hath mention been made of this unexpected surprise, the cause of so many miseries amongst them.  
Now in the mean while, the Waldenses of the valley Frassiniere, that remained and had escaped this aforesaid persecution, were again violently handled by the Archbishop of Ambrun their neighbour in the year 1460, that is, in the time of Pope Pius the second of that name, and of Lewis the eleventh King of France.  
This Archbishop named john, made a Commissioner against the said Waldenses, a certain Monk of the order of the Frier-Minors, called john Vayleti, who proceeded with such diligence and violence, that there was hardly any person in the valleys of Frassiniere, Argentiere, and Loyse, that could escape the hands of the said Inquisitor, but that they were apprehended either as Heretics, or favourers of them.  
They therefore that knew nothing of the belief of the Waldenses, had recourse unto King Lewis the eleventh, humbly beseeching him, to stay by his authority the course of such persecutions. The King granted unto them his letters, the which we have in this place thought good to insert at large, because by them it shall be easy to know what the will and desire of the said Monks was, who entangled in their process many of the Romish religion, under colour of the Inquisition against the Waldenses.  
The Letters of King Lewis the eleventh.  
Lewis by the grace of God, King of France, Dauphin de Vienois, Conte de Valentinois, and Dioys; to our wellbeloved and faithful Governor of our Country of Dauphine, health and dilection.  
TOuching that part of the Inhabitants of the valley Loyse, Frassiniere, Argentiere, and others of our Country of Dauphine, it hath been certified, that notwithstanding they have lived, and are desirous to live as becometh good Christian Catholics, without holding, or believing, or maintaining any superstitious points, but according to the ordinance and discipline of our mother the holy Church; yet nevertheless, some religious Mandians, who call themselves the Inquisitors of the faith, and others thinking by vexations and troubles, to extort from them their goods, and otherwise to molest them in their persons, have been desirous, and still are, to lay false imputations upon them, that they hold and believe certain Heresies and superstitions against the Catholic faith; and under this colour, have and still do vex and trouble them with strange involutions of process, both in our Court of Parliament in Dauphine, and in divers other Countries and jurisdictions.  
And to come to the confiscation of the goods of those whom they charge with the same offence, many of the judges, yea, and the said Inquisitors of the faith themselves, being commonly religious Mandians, 
Mandians.  under the shadow of the office of Inquisitors, have sent, and every day do send forth process against those poor people, without reasonable cause; putting some of them to the rack, and calling them in question without any precedent information, and condemning them for matters whereof they were never culpable, as hath been afterwards found, and of some, to set them at liberty, have taken, and exacted great sums of money, and by divers means have unjustly vexed and troubled them, to the great prejudice and hindrance, not only of the said Suppliants, but of Us and the Weale-publicke, of our Country of Dauphine.  
We therefore being willing to provide against this mischief, and not to suffer Our poor people to be vexed and troubled by such wrongful proceed, especially the Inhabitants of the said places affirming, that they have alwates lived, and will live, as becometh good Christians, and Catholics, not having ever believed, nor held other belief, then that of our mother the holy Church, nor maintained, nor will maintain, or believe any thing to the contrary, and that it is against all reason, that any man should be condemned of the crime of Heresy, but only they, that with obdurate obstinacy will stubbornly maintain and affirm things contrary to the sincerity of our faith. We have by great and mature deliberation, and to meet with such frauds and abuses, unjust vexations and exactions granted to the said Suppliants, and do grant, and of our certain knowledge, and special consent, full power and authority royal, & Delphinale; We have willed and ordained, and do will and ordain by these Presents; that the said Suppliants, and all others of our Country of Dauphine, be freed from their courts and process, and whatsoever process any of them shall have sent forth, for the causes above mentioned; We have of our certain knowledge, full power and authority royal and Delphinale, abolished, and do abolish, made, and do make of none effect by these Presents, and we will that from all times passed unto this day, there be nothing demanded of them, or wrong offered, either in body or goods, or good name. Except nevertheless there be any, that will obstinately and out of a hardened heart, maintain and affirm any thing against the holy Catholic faith.  
Moreover, we have willed and ordained, and do will and ordain, that the goods of the said Inhabitants Suppliants, and all other of our Country of Dauphine, that for the causes above mentioned, have been taken and exacted of any person, in any manner whatsoever, by execution or otherwise; shall by the ordinance or command of our Court of Parliament of Dauphine, or any other whatsoever, as also all bills and obligations, which they have given for the causes above said, whether it be for the payment of fees for the said process or otherwise, shall again be restored unto them, unto which restitution all such shall be constrained, that have in any thing, either by sale or spoil of their goods, moveables or unmovables, by detention or imprisonment of their persons any way wronged them, until they have restored their goods, and things above mentioned, and obeyed; otherwise to be enforced by all due and reasonable means requisite in such a case, notwithstanding all appellations whatsoever, which our will is in any manner be deferred.  
And because that by reason of those confiscations, which have been beretofore pretended, of the goods of those whom they have charged and accused in this case, divers more for covetousness, and a desire of the said confiscations, or part of them, then for justice, do and have put many people in suit, and to come to the end of their confiscations, have held divers terms against justice. We have declared, and do declare by these Presents, that we will not from hence forward, for the said cause, have any confiscations taken, levied, or exacted, for us, or by our Officers; and whatsoever right may come unto us, we do acquit ourselves off, and remit unto the children or other inheritors thereof, against whomsoever shall pretend a right to those confiscations. As also to meet with those frauds and abuses, offered by the said Inquisitors of the faith; we have forbid, and do forbid, that any man suffer any of the said Inquisitors of the faith, to proceed from hence forward against any of the said Inhabitants of our country of Dauphine, nor restrain any of them for the cause above mentioned, without express letters from ourself touching that matter. Moreover we have forbid, and do forbid, for the cause aforesaid and the like, any of our judges and Officers of our Subjects to undertake any jurisdiction or knowledge, but all causes and process in the said case, to be sent unto us, and those of our grand Counsel to us; to whom, and not unto others, we have reserved the hearing and determination. We therefore command and directly enjoin you, that our Letters be put in execution from point to point, according to the form above said, and not other ways, as in such case is requisite. For it is our pleasure it should be done; and to do it we give you full power and authority, and commission, and special commandment. We charge and command all our justices, Officers, Subjects, Commissioners, and Deputies, to give their assistance for the due obedience thereunto.  
Given at Arras the 18 of May, 1578.  
The Archbishop of Ambrun ceaseth not to proceed against the accused, yea he was much more animated then before, grounding himself upon that clause of the aforesaid Letters; If there be not any found rebellious and refractory, and that obstinately harden themselves in their opinions. And therefore he pretended not to do any thing against the aforesaid Letters, because they that had obtained them, made not their appearance in judgement, for their justification, verifying that they were neither obstinate nor rebellious. Moreover, the Archbishop extorted from the one part of the Inhabitants of Frassiniere, Argentiere, and the valley Loyse, a disclaiming of those requests presented to the King, declaring that there were no people in Dauphine less free from Heresy, than they that were most forward to purge themselves before the King: He caused information again to be made, and that which we have observed in the said informations is, that the witnesses produced by the Archbishop were almost all Priests or Officers of the said Archbishop, as namely William Chabassal Canon of Ambrun, Francis Magnici, Priest of the valley Loyse, Rostain Payan, Curate of Saint Marcelin, Anthony Garneri Priest, Aimar Raimond Chaplin, Michael Pierre, Curate of Frassinieres, all which deposed, that all they that had recours unto King Lewis the eleventh were Waldenses. The Archbishop being thus strengthened, by their disclaim, and these witnesses, and the assertion of one john Pelegrin, who was corrupted with silver, to accuse the Waldenses of such ancient calumnies, as long since have been laid upon the Christians of the Primative Church, that is, that they assembled themselves together in dark places, to commit whoredom, the candle's being put out; he sent to the Court, to justify himself against those informations given to the King, that he pursued the Waldenses, rather to get their goods, then for any zeal he bore to the Catholic faith: but this only witness prevailed but little, against many other, who would never depose any thing against their conscience, that they had ever seen amongst the Waldenses, any thing that had but the least appearance of that villainy wherewith the aforesaid false witness had charged them. Nevertheless the Archbishop ceaseth not to annoy the foresaid accused to the uttermost of his power, in such sort, that wanting means to defray the charge, the greatest part of them betook themselves to flight, there being only amongst those that were persecuted, one james Patineri, who openly averred the unjust vexation, to the prejudice of the Letters obtained of his majesty, and demanded a copy of the proceeding, that he might right himself by Law. The Archbishop leaves him in peace, pursuing those that wanted courage to oppose themselves against his violences. But the Consuls of Frassiniere, Michael Ruffi, and john Girand, sped not so well: For having been cited to appear before the said Archbishop to answer both in their own name, and of the inhabitants of their Valley; having answered that they had nothing to say before the said Archbishop, because their cause was then depending before the King and his Counsel, which they then openly averred, and demanded a Copy off: being pressed to answer, notwithstanding their protestations, and averment to the contrary, Michael Ruffi answered in his own language, and nodding his head, Veici rages, and upon a new instance or importunity veici una bella raisin; the Archbishop being strangely moved against the said Consuls for this their contempt, sent them to the fire without any other Indictment. But the Archbishop stayed not long after them; for he died, and not without an evident proof of the justice of God, presently after the said execution. Thus ended the persecution of the said Archbishop, and his Commissioner john Veileti in the year one thousand four hundred eighty seven.  
Now we may observe one notorious villainy in the process framed by this Monk Veileti: For having the said process in our hands, we found certain bills or tickets, in which the said Commissary took the answers of those that were accused, simply as they were taken from their mouths; but we have afterwards found them strangely stretched and extended in the process, and many times quite contrary to that which was in the sumptum as they call it, inverting and altering the intention of the said accused, making him to say that which he never thought of; as for example: Inquire whether he believed, that after the words of the Sacrament were pronounced by the Priest in the Mass, the body of Christ was in the Host, in as gross a manner and as great, as it was upon the cross; If the Waldenses shall answer no; Veileti sets down the answer thus; That he had confessed, that he believed not in God, or at least wise his Scribe, he dictating it. Again, Inquire whether we ought not to pray unto Saints; If he answer no: they set it down, that he railed and spoke ill of the Saints. Inquire whether we are to reverence the Virgin Mary, and pray unto her in our necessities; If he answer no: They set it down in writing, that he spoke blasphemy against the virgin Mary. Behold here the fidelity of the said Monks inquisitors, in an action so important, and it could not be without the great providence of God, that such impiety should be conserved and kept unto this present time, that men might see with what spirit they were led, that cut the throats and burnt the faithful of the Church, after they had oppressed them with impostures, demanding of us nevertheless, where these faithful of the Church were, which they have massacred before these times wherein we live.  
And if the Reader desire to know, how such Process, and Indictments are come to our hands; here he may see again, that it hath not been without the great providence of God, that they themselves that have committed these cruelties and villainies, are they that have kept the said papers and process in their libraries, and places wherein their Records are laid; as namely the Archbishops themselves of Ambrun; john and Rostain and others until the time that this City being recovered out of the hands of the Conspirators, in the year one thousand five hundred eighty five, and brought under the obedience of the King, by Monsieur the Mareshal de l'esdignieres; all the said process and proceed attempted, and intended for many hundred years together, against the said Waldenses, were cast into the street, by reason that the Archbishops house was set on fire, by the enemies themselves, with an intent to defend a tower, called Tour Brune, whether they were retired, and to cut off a Gallery of wood, by which the Archbishop had passage to the said Tower. The Lord de Calignon of happy memory, and whilst he lived being Chancellor of Navarra, being there; and the Lord of Vulcon at this present, Counsellor to the King in his Court of Parliament at Grenoble, they caused the said Indictments long since framed against the Waldenses to be gathered together, from whence we have collected that which concerns the cruelties, and lewd carriage of the said Monks Inquisitors, and their adherents, as also, that which hereafter followeth touching the Waldenses in Dauphine, and the persecutions of the Archbishops of Turin against the Waldensian Churches of Pragela by their Commissaries.  
Hitherto we have not found that any have hotly pursued the Waldenses by war; but Albert de Capitaneis,  of Cremona, sent against them by Innocent the eight, in the year one thousand, four hundred, eighty eight, began to entreat the assistance of the King's Lieutenant in Dauphine called Hugnes de la Paln, who for this service levied troops of men, and marched to those places, where the said Albert told him there were any of the Waldenses, namely in the valley of Loyse. And to the end the business should seem to be undertaken according to a form of justice, and to give the better authority to that which by them should be executed, the said Lieutenant of the King took in his company a Counsellor of the Court, named Mr. john Rabot. Being arrived at the said valley Loyse, they found none of the Inhabitants, to whom they might speak a word; for they had all retired themselves into their caverns into the high mountains, having carried thither with them their little children and whatsoever was most precious unto them, and fit for nourishment. This Lieutenant of the King caused a great quantity of wood to be laid at the entrance of their caves or caverns, and fire to be put unto it, in such manner that either the smoke by smothering them, or the fire by burning them, constrained a great number, to cast themselves headlong from their caverns upon the rocks below, where they ended their lives, being broken in pieces, and if there were any amongst them that durst to stir, he was presently slain by the soldiers of the said County of Varax, Lord of Paln. This persecution was very extreme; For there were found within the said caverns four hundred small infants, stifled in their cradles, or in the arms of their dead mothers. It is held for a certain truth amongst the Waldenses of the neighbouring Valleys, that there then died above three thousand persons, men and women of the said Valley. And to say the truth they were wholly extirpated, in such sort, that from that time forward, the said Valley was peopled with new Inhabitants, there was no family of the said Waldenses that ever took footing there; which is a certain proof that all the Inhabitants thereof of both sexes died at that time. This Lieutenant of the King, having destroyed the said Inhabitants of the Valley Loyse, fearing lest the Waldenses should settle themselves there again, & to the end they might not one day be troubled again to chase them out, he gave the goods and possessions of the said Valley, to whom it pleased him, which was no sooner parted amongst them, but the Waldenses of Pragela, and Frassinieres had provided for their safety, attending the enemy at the passages, and narrow straits of their Valleys, in such manner, that when the said Lieutenant of the King came to invade them, he was constrained honestly to retire. Albert de Capetaneis being called elsewhere by his Commission, surrogated a certain Monk of the Order of Saint Francis, named Francis Ploieri, who began to inform anew against the Waldenses of Frassiniere, in the year one thousand four hundred eighty nine. He citeth them to appear before him at Ambrun, and for not appearing, he excommunicateth them, curseth and recurseth them, and in the end condemned them for Heretics, partinacious, and backsliders, to be delivered to the secular power, and their goods confiscated. To this judgement there gave assistance, in behalf of the Court of Parliament in Dauphine, a certain Counsellor thereof named Ponce, to the end that this mixed judgement might be without appeal. The sentence was pronounced in the great Church at Ambrun, afterward fastened upon the door of the said Church in a great Table, in the lower part whereof, there were thirty two Articles of the belief of the said Waldenses, that is to say, against the Mass, Purgatory, the Invocation of the Saints, Pilgrimage, the observation of Feasts, distinction of Viands upon certain days, and other matters that were affirmed by the said Waldenses.  
But this Inquisitor added to the Articles of their belief, that they held, that for the augmentation of humane kind, a man might company with his own sister, niece, or other in any degree of proximity whatsoever, because God hath said, Increase and multiply.  
Again, that every man that burneth in lust, may carnally know any woman whatsoever, without sinning, because the Apostle saith, that it is better to marry then to burn, and because it is said in the Gospel (qui potest capere captat) interpreting it thus, catch he that catch can.  
Now the informations upon which they grounded their sentence being come to our hands, this imposture hath been dicovered to their own condemnation: for there is not any witness, or at leastwise the greatest part of those that were heard; but they were Priests or Monks, who being demanded by the said Monk, whether they knew this belief contained in the aforesaid Articles to be true, answered, that they never knew, amongst the Waldenses any such things either taught or practised.  
In the same bundle or bag of process against the Waldenses, there is there one framed against two Pastors, who were taken, 
Sur le col de cost Plane.  about the hill in the side of the Plain, the one named Francis Gerondin, the other Peter james, in the year one thousand four hundred ninety two. Being demanded why the Sect of the Waldenses grew and increased so fast, and for a long time together had spread itself into so many places. This Monk thus sets down the answer of the Pastor Gerondin; That the dissolute life of the Priests was the cause, and because the Cardinals were covetous, proud, luxurious, being a thing known unto all, that there was neither Pope, Cardinal, nor Bishop, that kept not their whores; few or none that had not their youth for Sodomy: and therefore it was an easy matter for the Waldensian Pastors, to persuade the people, that the Religion of such scandalous persons was not good, since their fruits were so bad. And presently after, the said Pastor being demanded, what they taught touching Luxury: They make him to answer, that luxury is no sin, except it be betwixt the mother and her child. As if it had been possible that the Pastors could have drawn the people from the Church of Rome by condemning the luxury of the Priests, if they themselves should teach, that luxury was no sin. Again, being demanded why the incest of the child with the mother was a sin, they make him to answer; because God hath forbidden it; And being asked, where he hath forbidden it, they make him to say, that Christ jesus said unto john before he ascended up into heaven, Garde to done seray failli una volta non tornar piu. That is to say, Take heed thou enter not into that place from whence thou once camest. And all this was thus set down and subscribed, not only by the dictat and appointment of the said Monk, but by the approbation and signature of the Councillor Ponce, and one Oronce judge of Briancon. Wherein appears the private conspiracy, and unjust confederation of the said Inquisitors, in that they were not content to persecute them with violence, but to oppress them with calumnies, making the said Pastors to answer so unaptly & childishly touching those things wherein (as it shall appear in it due place, that is to say, in their exposition upon the sixth Commandment) the said Pastors were throughly exercised in the Scriptures, and therefore that it is a plain imposture which they have forged, and an idle tradition, in which exposition they leave nothing to say against luxury and incontinency of all that is taught us in the word of God.  
This persecution was very extreme: for the Waldenses being condemned by the Inquisitor as Heretics; Ponce the Counsellor, and Oronce judges, sent them to the fire without appeal; and that which multiplied the number of those that were persecuted, was, that whosoever did any way mediate for them, whosoever he were, whether it were the child for the father, or the father for the child, he was presently imprisoned, and his indictment framed, as a favourer of Heretics.  
In the year one thousand four hundred ninety four, Anthony Fabri Doctor and Canon of Ambrun, and Christopher de Salliens Canon Vicar, and Official of the Bishop of Valence, had Commission from the Pope to commence suit against the Waldenses in Dauphine, otherwise called Chagnards. Fabri the Inquisitor, and one Gobandi Notary of Ambrun and Secretary to the said Inquisitors carried to Ambrun a certain indictment framed against Peironette of Beauregard in Valentinois, the widow of one Peter Berand, of whom we do not make mention for her constancy, but because she delivened in her answers many things that may add some things to this History.  
Being therefore demanded whether she had seen, or understood of any of the Pastors of the Waldenses, she answered at the first, that she had not, being resolved to answer to all interrogatories negatively. The Inquisitors ordained, that because she had not satisfied their demands, she should be conveied to the prison of the Bishop of Valence, who being threatened to be further urged touching the question, confessed that about some twenty five years since, there were two men clothed in grey, that came to her husband's house, & that after supper, the one of them asked her, Naves vous iamais awi parlar d'un plen pung de mond, que si non era tot lo monde seria afin. That is to say, Whether she had heard any speech of a handful of people that are in the world, without which the world must have an end. Having answered that she never heard any speech therereof, but of one Monsen Andre, Parson of Beauregard, who often told her, that there was a small number of people in the world, without whom the world must perish; and that then he likewise told her, that he was now come thither, to confer with her about that little flock, and to give her to understand, that they were the men, that had learned by the Commandments of God, how to serve him, & that they traveled about the world to instruct men, how they ought to adore and honour him, and to reform the abuses of the Church of Rome. Again, that among other things he told her, that we ought not to do any thing to another, which we would not have done unto ourselves; That we are to worship one only God, Who is only able to help us, and not the Saints departed; That we ought not to Swear; That we are to keep faith in marriage, and to keep holy the Sabbath day, but that there was no necessity of observing other Feasts. That Ecclesiastical persons were too rich, which was the cause why they maintained their strumpets, and lived scandalously; and that of the Pope he said in his language; Autant crois & autant maluais es lo Papa coma neugun autre, & per co non ages de poissansa. That is to say, that the Pope is as bad, or rather worse than any other, and therefore he hath no power. Again, that he taught that there was no Purgatory, but only Paradise for the good, and hell for the wicked. And therefore all the sing and suffrages for the souls of of the dead, by the Priests, avail nothing; nor the walks, and go and come of the Priests about the Churchyards, singing Kirieleison. As also, that it was better to give to the poor, then to offer unto Priests, and that it was a vain thing to bow the knee before the images of Saints.  
She was sent bacl to prison, and the next morrow called again: but persisting in her former speech, she added, that the said Pastors had told her, that the Priests that received money for the Masses they sing, were like judas that sold his Master for silver; and they that gave money for their Masses, were like the jews, that bought Christ with money.  
These Inquisitors discharged this Peironette, until they were otherwise advised, having first drawn from her, whatsoever she knew, of the assemblies of the Waldenses, of such persons as frequented them, of the places and times, which afterwards brought great trouble to the said Churches of the Waldenses, and gain and prey to the Inquisitors.  
In the year of our Lord, one thousand four hundred ninety seven, the Archbishop of Ambrun, named Rostain, would know at his arrival, how things had passed until then, against the Waldenses of his Diocese, and finding that they that dwelled in the valley of Frassiniere, had been excommunicated by the Inquisitors that had then framed their indictments, & that they had delivered them to the secular power, nothing hindering the execution of the sentences pronounced against them, but their flight, he would not enter into the said Valley, though he were earnestly requested, by one Fazion Gay, an inhabitant of the said Valley, saying, that they had been condemned authoritate Pontificis Romani, and therefore he might begin his journey unto them inconsulto Pontifice: but when our holy father laxabit mihi manus (saith he) and their absolution shall be plain and apparent unto me, I will go to vifit them. Fazion Gay speaking in the behalf of the said Inhabitants, that made profession to live like good Catholics (say they) answered, that the King had released of such punishments, provided that they lived like good Catholics for time to come.  
The Archbishop replied, that he would do nothing until he had sent to the Pope, and that to that purpose he had deputed a Master in Theology, called Friar john Columbi, and he would write to the Pope and Cardinals; and send them a verbal report of what had passed against them, and he would request their advice, how to carry himself in this business. But he gave them afterwards to understand, that he could receive no answer. Hereupon King Charles the eight of that name, King of France, being departed this life, the said Archbishop took his journey to the Coronation of King Lewis the twelfth, in the year one thousand four hundred ninety eight, which being come to the knowledge of the said Inhabitants of Frassiniere, and knowing too well, that they had no reason to expect, that any thing in their favour could come from Rome, and that the Archbishop would be easily entreated, to enjoy those goods that had been confiscated by his predecessors, and that he would be unwilling to make restitution of those goods which they had annexed to his Archbishopricke, they resolved with themselves to send to King Lewis the twelfth, and to become humble petitioners unto him, that he would be pleased, to take some order for the restituti-of their goods, the which the said Archbishop, the Monks Inquisitors, and divers others detained from them. The King committed this business, to his Chancellor and his Counsel: The Chancellor speaking thereof to the Archbishop, he answered, that the restitution that they demanded, concerned not himself, because the said goods were confiscated by the Inquisitors long time before he was called to the Archbishopric of Ambrun: but there were then at Paris (saith he) the Precedent of Grenoble, and the Chancellor Rabot, that were able to answer to the said Article, they being the men that had condemned them.  
The Waldenses on the other side, were very earnest that the said Archbishop namely, and especially might be enjoined to make restitution of their goods, because many parcels of the said goods were annexed to the demaine of the said Archbishop, and that whensoever they demanded them, he sent to the Pope, to the prejudice of that, which the late deceased King had ordained.  
The grand Counsel having taken knowledge of this business, ordained that nothing should be innovated, in that which concerned the Waldenses of Frassiniere, the King having written to the Pope, that there might be Apostolical Commissaries joined with the said Archbishop as Ordinary, to make an end of this business for this time.  
For the prosecution of the said ordinance, there were named for Apostolical Commissioners, a certain Confessor of the Kings, and the Official of Orleans, who came to Ambrun, in the year one thousand five hundred and one, and the fourth of july.  
Here let the Reader judge of the capacity of the said Archbishop, by those memorial that he hath left, and which we have here written out word for word.  
The Gentlemen, (saith he) the Confessor, and the Official of Orleans, being arrived at Ambrun, sent unto me a Post for the Packet to bring the Letter missives of the King, to the which being received by me, I obeyed, and sent unto them to entreat them, that they would be pleased to lodge with me as Monsieur the Confessor had promised to do at Lion, and presently I sent some of my people, to offer them a lodging, and sent them of my wine: to whom they answered, that I should no more send any thing, to the end that they of Frassiniere, should not have them in suspicion, and that therefore they would not accept of my lodging. And after dinner I went to their lodging, accompanied with Monsiver the Abbot of Boscaudon, some of my Canons, and other Officers, and to the said Commissioners I offered again my house, doing them honour and reverence, as to Apostolical and Royal Commissioners, and for the honour of their charge and persons; Then the said Commissioners presented unto me the said Apostolical and Royal Commissions, requiring of me, as being joined in the said Commissions, and as ordinary, to take notice of it. The Commissions being viewed and read, I presently offered myself, with all honour and reverence, to give them all the aid and favour I could possibly, and that for my part, there should nothing be wanting, but that the said Commission should be fully accomplished, offering unto them all the process and indictments that I had, as they demanded them, notwithstanding a great part of the said process were remaining in the great Counsel, from the time of that Monsieur the Chancellor Adam Fumee (who caused my predecessor and his Secretary to be arrested) at Lion until the said Adam Fumee had the original of the process, which were about the charge of a moil, not suffering the said Secretary to retain any writing, as the said Secretary medio iuramento, in their presence deposed. Afterwards Monsieur the Confessor began to blame those Commissioners, which in former times had been employed therein. And did charge and admonish (semel, bis, ter, sub paena excommunicationis latae sententiae, trina & Canonica monitione praecedente) that I should show, and that incontinently, all the indictments that I had touching this matter, for he was to spend in this business but a few days, being to return unto the Court, at the Feast of our Lady in August to the King, who expected him, as his Confessor, notwithstanding, that before I had offered to deliver him the said process. But when I saw that he proceeded against all form of Law, and that he purposed to proceed against the dignity Episcopal, rather by suspensions than excommunications, and that I was a judge as well as he, and more than that, Ordinary, I asked the Copy of their Commissions, & terminum ad respondendum, according to the form of the Law written. Then Monsieur the Confessor answered, that he had used the said Censures and Commands not long before against the Masters of the Parliament of Grenoble, and that therefore he might use it against myself.  
Replying also unto me; You petty Clerks know nothing but two C. C. Codice, & Capitulo, and two ff. Digestis, and will take upon you to suppress Divinity, and that he heard the King speak it out of his own mouth, that the Archbishop of Ambrun would oppose himself against his Commission, and be an open accuser of the Waldenses. To whom I answered, that he must pardon me, for I did not believe but that the King had a better opinion of me, because in this matter I had never traveled but to a good end, as I always intended to do. Then Monsieur the Confessor continuing in his discourse; spoke these words; Vos ad me in modum Scribarum & Pharisaeorum Christum accusantium ad Pilatum accessistis, cum tantis viris Ecclesiasticis ad terrendum me: sed nihil teneo sub vobis aut domino vestro, & de nihilo vos timeo. That is to say; You are come unto me as the Scribes and pharisees, when they accused Christ before Pilate, and with so many Ecclesiastical persons, to terrify me, but I hold nothing under you or your dominion, and I fear you not at all. To which I answered, that I brought no more with me, than those that were accustomed to bear me company walking through the City. And suddenly he commanded the lay-people to avoid the chamber, then revoked the sentences which he had thundered out against me, against all form of law, saying; that it was expedient to use those rigorous terms in the presence of the lay-people, and especially there being some of the Waldenses present, as more at large touching the kind carriage of monsieur the Confessor, and of matters above spoken of, it appears by a public instrument.  
Thus you see part of the notes of the Archbishop Rostain set down word by word, wherein we find sundry falsehoods, as for example: He writ in great grief, that the said Commissioners, heard not above three or four witnesses, and we find in the said bundle of writings for remembrance, of the Archbishop Roslain, a Copy of informations wherein there were four and twenty witnesses heard and examined.  
Again he saith, that they asked no other question, but if they were good Catholics or no, to which being well taught, they answered yea, and with that answer the Commissioners contented themselves: And yet it appeareth that they demanded divers questions touching the Eucharist, Purgatory, Invocation of Saints, and divers other points.  
Again he saith, that the witnesses were fearful and durst not speak, and yet it plainly appeareth, that the witnesses produced, were for the most part Priests and Monks, of the faction of the Archbishop, exhibited by him.  
Again, that they suffered nothing to be set down in writing; whereas it appeareth, that there are no Indictments where there is more written, then in those that were framed by the said Commissioners.  
But that which troubled the Archbishop most, was that the said Commissioners gave sentence of absolution touching Contumacy, sine praeiudicio causae principalis & iuris cuicunque acquisiti; against which the Archbishop protested, and would not yield his consent to seal the said sentence, complaining that Monsieur the Official of Orleans had made known by his proceed, that he favoured the said Waldenses, especially having said openly at his lodgiug at the sign of the Angel in Ambrun, that he desired to be but as good a Christian, as the worst of Frassiniere.  
But the greatest hurt came to himself, for he saw that he must restore divers viniards belonging to the said Waldenses, situated at S. Clement's, S. Crespin, and at the place Chanteloube, and divers inheritances at Chateau-Roux, which his Predecessor named john, had joined to the Demaine of his Archbishopricke.  
The Confessor of the King having reported unto him and to his Counsel, what he knew touching the Waldenses, and how they were absolved of their contumacy, did ordain that the goods of the said Waldenses should be restored, whereupon these Letters following were granted by King Lewis the twelfth 〈◊〉 that name.  
Lewis by the grace of God, King of France, etc.  
FOr as much as it is come to our knowledge, that the Inhabitants of Frassiniere have endured great troubles and vexations, punishments, and travels, We desiring to relieve them, and that they should be restored to their goods, movables, and immovables, do by these Presents command all those that detain the said goods, that incontinently and without delay, they desist and renounce the said goods, and restore them to the said Suppliants, or their Atturneys for them, every one in his place and rank. And in case of opposition, refusal or delay; We having regard to their poverty and misery, wherein they have a long time, and now are detained, without power to obtain justice, desiring withal Our heart it should be administered unto them, Our will is to take notice thereof in Our own proper person, warning all those that shall oppose themselves, or make delay, to appear before Us at a certain competent day, etc.  
Given at Lion the twelfth of Oct. 1501.  
These Letters being executed, it was the opinion of most men, that since the fairest and best part of the goods of the said Waldenses was possessed by the Lord Archbishop, that there was great reason, that he should give example unto others; seeing especially, that that which they held, came unto some of them as a salary or fee for their punishments, and by the hands of the Archbishop john his Predecessor.  
The Archbishop Rostain answered, that he held none of the goods of the Frassinieres: only certain goods had been annexed to his Archbishopricke upon good and just cause, and incorporated to his Church, by his Predecessor, the said goods being within the territories and jurisdiction thereof, in which no commandment of the King hath ever been accustomed to be executed, and therefore it is not to be believed, that it cometh from the will of the King, being Protector of the Churches, and following the example of his great predecessors: But yet nevertheless, the said Archbishop being willing to please our Lord the King, will be content to yield unto the said Inhabitants of Frassiniere the said vineyards, upon condition that other the Lords and Masters of Dauphine, deliver that which they have of the said goods, and then the Archbishop will be content to restore that which he and his Church do possess.  
Thus these poor people were frustrated of their attempt. For there was not any one that would restore any thing of that which he detained. And therefore they summoned before the King and his counsel the said Archbishop, Master Pons Counsellor of the Parliament at Grenoble, Peter de Rames, Esquire, Lord of Poit, Faix de Rames, the Master of Montainard, and of Argentiere, Arrovars de Bonne, and divers other ordinary Attorneys, Priests and Burgeses of Ambrun, and Briancon. They sent to the Court, and having there more friends and credit, than the Inhabitants of Frassiniere. Their excuse was received, wherein they declared, that it was not in their power to restore the said goods, before the Pope had absolved them.  
And the Archbishop protested, that he for his part, was ready to restore all that his Predecessors had united to his Church, provided that they had the aforesaid absolution. This occasioned such as were less affected and constant, to assay this way, and to send to Pope Alexander the sixth of that name, than Bishop of Rome: But they were compelled rather not to go to Rome, but to fetch a writ of absolution from the Cardinal Legate in France, George of the title of Saint Xist; which would suffice, and might be obtained with less charge. For the obtaining whereof they had the Commissary, the King's Confessor. They sent therefore one Steven Roux, who who brought two Bulls, one by which he gave absolution for Simony, theft, murder, usury, Adultery, dedention of Benefices, destruction of goods Ecclesiastical, violence against Clerks, by beating them, unlawful oaths, perjuries, Frauds, yea Apostasy, and Heresy, and whosoever had committed any crime, were it never so heinous, this Cardinal absolved them from all, by his Apostolical authority.  
And forasmuch as his Archbishop might pretend, that the said Bull did not absolve the said people of Frassinieres, having been condemned by the said Apostolical authority, by Commissioners and Inquisitors deputed by the Pope, and therefore his mouth was stopped, he brought another Bull, in which there was especially this clause; Having power from the Pope to decide or determine any matter, that any other, that hath been deputed by that holy Sea, or substituted can do, yea where there hath been an appeal, absolving all that have in any manner been condemned.  
This poor man thought he had gotten much; and proceeded far in this business; but the Archbishop Rostain flouted his Bulls, saying that they were obtained with too great a price and importunity, and that he must have an absolution from the Pope himself. And so resolved with himself to restore nothing, and all the rest followed his example. And notwithstanding they had had absolution from the Pope, yet they would have restored, nothing for he knew well enough that in those days, all things were sold at Rome, witness those Latin verses which were written a 'gainst the said Alexander the sixth. 
Vendit Alexander cruces, altaria Christum,  
Emer at ille prius, vendere iure potest.  
Pope Alexander sold altars, Christ, and his cross,  
He bought them, had he not sold, had lived by the loss.  Again, 
Templa, Sacerdotes, Altaria, Sacra, Coronae,  
Ignis, Thura, Preces, Caelum est venale, Deúsque.  
Temples & Priests, Altars & Crowns, they sell for pelf,  
Fire, Frankincense, Prayers, heaven, and God himself.  which is to be understood of their breaden god in the Mass.  
The Archbishop therefore, was the cause, why others kept still those goods in their possession, without any restitution; and though some particular persons were afterwards called into question, as namely Le Sieur de Montainar, de Rames, and others, yet they could never have any remedy.  
In the year one thousand five hundred sixty, the Waldenses of Frassiniere and Pragela, had their Churches furnished with Pastors, who held them in the exercise of their religion, at that time wherein they persecuted unto death all those that made profession of reformation. The Precedent Truchon made an Oration to the States of Provence assembled the same year, the sixth of November, of purpose to exterminate the said Waldenses of Frassinieres and Pragela, saying, that it was necessary to purge the old and ancient Leven, likely to make sour the whole Country of Dauphine, if some course were not taken to prevent it. By these States it was rerefolued by open force to extirpate them, and by arms, and to this purpose Commissions were given forth to levy troops of men, and to pass into the said Valleys: but so soon as the drum was strooken up, and the men in arms throughout Provence, the unexpected death of King Francis the second of that name altered the design, and afterwards the said Waldensian Churches in Dauphine continued, as still they do by the singular favour of God.   

CHAP. FOUR  
Of the Waldensian Churches in Piedmont, and those persecutions they endured, that are come to our knowledge.  
THE Waldenses have had famous Churches in the Valleys of Piedmont, Angrongne, lafoy peruse, the Valley Saint Martin Lucerna, and other bordering places for time out of mind. It is held for certain amongst them, that they are a part of the Waldenses of Dauphine, Pragela, Frassinieres, and other places their near neighbours; and that in time being multiplied in so great abundance, that the Country could not feed them, they were constrained to disperse themselves at length and at large, where they might best settle themselves. So dear like brothers, have they been one to another, and notwithstanding they have been always oppressed with troubles, yet with a most hearty love and charity, they have ever succoured one another, not sparing their lives and goods for their mutual conservation.  
The first troubles that the Waldenses of Piedmont endured, came from the report of certain Priests, sent thither by the Archbishop of Turin, who informed that the people that were committed to their charge, lived not according to the manners and be lief of the Church of Rome, neither offering for the dead, nor caring for Masses, or absolutions, nor to get any of theirs out of the pains of Purgatory by any of their usual means. The Archbishops of Turin have persecuted them, as much as lay in their power, making them odious to their Princes, who understanding of the good report that their neighbours gave of their mild & honest conversation, 
Vignaux in his memorial fol. 7.  and that they were a simple people, fearing God, of a good carriage, without deceit or malice, loving integrity and plain dealing, always ready to serve their Princes, and that very willingly they yielded unto them all dutiful obedience, and that with alacrity: Being in such grace and favour with the people their neighbours, that they endeavoured to bring into Piedmont to their service, their young people, and to provide their nurses amongst them to bring up their young infants; the said Princes continued a long time in a purpose not to molest them: but the Priests and Monks that were frequent amongst them, gaining nothing by this their belief, charged them with an infinite number of Calumnies, and whensoever they went into Piedmont upon occasion of business, they always caught one or other, and delivered him to the Inquisitors, and the Inquisitors to the executioner; In such manner, that there was hardly any Town or City in Piedmont in which one or other of them was not put to death. For jordan Tertian was burnt at Suse; Hypolite Roussier was burnt at Turin; Villermin Ambroise was hanged at Mean; as also Anthony Hiun, Hugh Chiampe de Fenestrelles being taken at Suse, was conveied to Turin, where his bowels were torn out of his belly, and put into a basin, and he afterwards cruelly martyred: among which the servants of God, there were some who have maintained that truth, which they have known for above two hundred and fifty years, and others above a hundred and fifty. But amongst all the rest, the constancy of one Catelin Girard is worthy the remembrance, who being upon the block whereon he should be burnt at Revel in the Marquisate of Saluces, he requested his executioners, to give him a coupple of stones into his hands, which they refused to do, fearing he had a purpose to fling them at some one or other, but he protesting the contrary, at the last they delivered them unto him, 
Vignaux in his memorial, fol. 7.  who having them in his hands, said unto them; when I shall have eaten these stones, then shall ye see an end of that religion for which you put me to death, and so cast the stones upon the ground.  
The fires were kindled until the year one thousands four hundred eighty eight, at what time they resolved to assault them by open force, because, besides that they perceived that the constancy of those whom they did publicly put to death, drew a great number of others to the knowledge of God, they likewise found that by this means they should never come to their purposed design. And therefore they levied men to join with Albert de Capitaneis, one put in Commission by Pope Sixtus the fourth, and Innocent the eight. There were eighteen thousand soldiers mustered, besides a great number of the Inhabitants of Piedmont, who ran to the pillage from all parts. They marched all at once to Angrongne, Lucerne, lafoy peruse, Saint Martin Praviglerm, and Biolet, which is in the Marquisate of Saluces, as also they raised troops in Vaucluson in Dauphine, overrunning the Valley of Pragela; to the end that being bound to their own defence, they might not be able to favour their neighbours, the Waldensian Churches in Piedmont. All this was guided by the singular providence of God, in that they divided their troops by bands, rather out of their pride then for their better expedition. For notwithstanding they were all employed in their own defence, and could not succour one another, yet the enemy by this division did so diminish their forces, that they were every where beaten, but especially in the Valley of Angrongne, where they made their most violent assault. For as this levy of men could not be raised, without some advertisement that it was against themselves, so accordingly they prepared themselves to receive them, keeping themselves to the strait passages, where few men were able to make any assault, being armed with certain long targets of wood, that did wholly cover them, and wherein the arrows of their enemies strooke, without any hurt to themselves: The foremost being thus armed and covered, the rest did good service, and with good advantage, with their bows and crossbows under the covert of the said targets, and as the enemy thought to draw near to the passages, the women and children being spectators, upon their knees cried out in their own language, O Dioaiutaci, etc. O God help us. Whereat the enemies making themselves merry, amongst other one Captain Saquet, counterfeiting the said women, was slain, and cast headlong from the mountain into a deep bottom, which to this day is called the Gulf of Saquet. At the same time, a certain Captain named le Noir de Montdeni, cried out to the women that prayed unto God, imiei, i miei faranno la passada, as much to say, as the soldiers cried out to them to put them to death, was killed with the shot of an arrow in the throat; which the soldiers perceiving, and that the rocks, the stones and the arrows covered them, they betook themselves all to their heels, and the greatest part of them, cast themselves down from the rocks. This people observed another effect of the providence of God, and that is, that the enemies approaching to the strongest place by nature, which is the Valley of Angrongne, called le Pre de la Tour, where they might have fortified themselves, and made themselves masters of the said Valley; God sent so thick a cloud, so dark a fog, that the enemies could hardly see one another, insomuch that they had no leisure or means to know the goodness of the place, or to stay there; whereupon the Waldenses gathering courage, followed the chase in such manner, that being all dispersed, and not seeing which way they went, the greatest part fell headlong down the mountains, and put themselves unto flight, quitting themselves of their arms and their booties, which they had gotten at their entrance in the Valley, where they had poured out their wine, their corn, and loaded th' eir servants with their most precious moveables.  
It pleased God to touch the heart of their Prince with some compassion of this poor people. It was Philip the seventh of that name, Duke of Savoy, and Prince of Piedmont; who said, that he would not have that people, that had been always true and most faithful and obedient unto him, to be rigorously handled by way of Arms; being contented that a dozen of the principal amongst them, should come to Pignerol, where he was, to ask pardon for all the rest, for that they had taken arms in their defence, which he gave them to understand by a certain Bishop whom he sent to Praisut; they deputed the said dozen, to do whatsoever his Highness required of them; He received them lovingly, and forgave them all that was passed during the war, paying a certain sum of money for the charges thereof. And forasmuch as he had been informed, that their young infants were borne with black throats, and that they had four rows of teeth, and hairy, he commanded that some of them should be brought to him to Pignerol, which was presently executed, and seeing them all fair and perfect creatures, he was much displeased with himself, for that he was so easily persuaded to believe, that which was reported unto him touching this people, declaring withal, that his pleasure was, that from thence forward they should live with the selfsame liberties and prerogatives, as in former times, and as all his other subjects of Piedmont did.  
Notwithstanding all this, the Moneks the Inquisitors, sent out process every day, for as many of them as they could apprehend, especially they kept themselves in ambush in a certain Convent near unto Pignerol, from whence they delivered them to the secular power. This persecution endured to the year, one thousand five hundred thirty two, at what time they resolved to order their Churches in such sort, that that exercise which was before performed in covert, might be known of every one, and that their Pastors should preach the Gospel openly, that is to say, without any apprehension of persecutions that might happen unto them.  
His Highness was speedily advertised of this change, and much moved therewith, in such sort, that he commanded one Pantaleon Bersor, to speed himself into the said Valleys with his troops of men, which he so readily performed, that before the people were ware of it, he was entered their Valleys with five hundred men, part on foot, and part on horseback, ransacking, pillaging, and wasting whatsoever was before them. The people leaving their plough and tillage, put themselves into their passages, and with their slings, charged their enemies with such multitudes of stones, and that with such violence, that they were constrained to fly, and to abandon their prey, many of them remaining dead upon the ground. This news came presently to his Highness, being likewise told him, that experience had taught them before, that it was not the way to reclaim and subdue these people by arms, the places of their habitation being so favourable unto them, they knowing better the straits and passages of the Country, than the assailants; and therefore there was nothing to be gotten, when the skin of one of the Waldenses must be bought with the loss of the lives of a dozen of his other Subjects. He thought it therefore not good to molest them any more by arms; but only that they should be taken by retail, one by one, as they came into Piedmont, and exemplary justice executed upon them, if they changed not their belief, that so by little and little they might be destroyed, to the astonishment of all others that dwell in the said Valleys, and so their ruin might be procured insensibly, and without the danger of any other the Prince's Subjects.  
All this hindered not, but that they still persisted in their resolution. And to end that all things might be done in order amongst them, they assembled themselves together, out of all their Valleys, to Angrongne, in the year one thousand five hundred thirty five, and the twelfth of September; that is to say, all the heads of every families with their Pastors; where by of them it was certified, that their brethren the Waldenses of Provence and Dauphine, had sent into Germany their Pastors, George morel, and Peter Masson to confer with Oecolampadius, Bucer, and other the servants of God, who there preached the Gospel, touching the belief which they have had from the father to the son, time out of mind: that they had found that God had been very merciful and gracious unto us, in that he hath preserved us undefiled in the midst of so many Idolatries and superstitions, which have infected all Christendom in the ages past, 
This admonition or remonstrance given by Oecolamp. and Bucer to George Morrel and Pet. Masson is in the Memor. of the said Monel fol. 5.  under the tyranny of Antichrist of Rome. They have encouraged us by holy advertisements and reasons given, and exhorted us not to bury those talents which God hath imparted unto us: finding it an evil thing, that we have so long delayed the time to make public profession of adhering to the Gospel, and causing it to be preached in the ears, and to the knowledge of every one, leaving the events unto God, of whatsoever it shall please him shall fall upon us by procuring his glory, and the advancement of the Kingdom of his Son. And afterwards having read the letters of the said Oecolampadius and Bucer, which were sent unto them, as to their Brethren the Waldenses of Provence and Dauphine, the Propositions or Articles following, were ordered, read, and approved, signed and sworn to by all the assistants, with one mind and consent, to conserve, observe, believe, and retain amongst them inviolably, without any contradiction, as being conformable to the doctrine, which hath been taught them from the father to the son for these many hundred years, and taken out of the word of God.  
ARTICLE I. That Divine Service cannot be done, but in spirit and in truth; For God is a spirit, and whosoever will pray unto him, must pray in spirit.  
II. All that have been, or shall be saved, have been chosen of God before all worlds.  
III. They that are saved, cannot but be saved.  
iv Whosoever holdeth , denieth wholly the Predestination and the grace of God.  
V. No work is called good, but that which is commanded by God; and no work is evil, but that which is forbidden by God.  
VI A Christian may swear by the name of God, not any way contradicting that which is written in the fift Chapter by Saint Matthew, provided, that he that sweareth, take not the name of the Lord in vain. Now that man sweareth not in vain, whose oath redoundeth to the glory of God, and the good of his neighbour. Also, a man may swear in judgement, because he that bears the office of a Magistrate, be he Christian or infidel, hath the power of God.  
VII. Auricular Confession is not commanded of God, and it is concluded according to the holy Scriptures, that the true confession of a Christian consisteth in confessing himself to one only God, to whom belongs honour and glory. There is another kind of confession, which is, when as a man reconcileth himself unto his neighbour, whereof mention is made in the fift of Saint Matthew. The third manner of Confession is, when as man hath sinned publicly, an all men take notice of it, so he confess and acknowledge the fault publicly.  
VIII. We must cease upon the Lord's day, from all our labours, as being zealous of the honour and glory of God: for the better exercise of our charity towards our neighbours, and our better attendance to the hearing of the word of God.  
IX. It is not lawful for a Christian to revenge himself upon his enemy, in any manner whatsoever.  
X. A Christian may exercise the office of a Magistrate over Christians.  
XI. There is no certain time determined for the fast of a Christian, and it doth appear in the word of God, that the Lord hath commanded, or appointed certain days.  
XII. Marriage is not forbidden any man, of what quality or condition soever he be.  
XIII. Whosoever forbiddeth marriage, teacheth a diabolical doctrine.  
XIIII. He that hath not the gift of continency, is bound to marry.  
XV. The ministers of the word of God, ought not to be changed from place to place, except it be for the great benefit of the Church.  
XVI. It is not a thing repugnant to the Apostolical communion, that the ministers should possess any thing in particular, to provide for the maintenance of their families.  
XVII. Touching the matter of the Sacraments, it hath been concluded by the holy Scriptures, that we have but two Sacramental signs, the which Christ jesus hath left unto us; the one is Baptism, the other the Eucharist, which we receive to show what our perseverance in the faith is, as we have promised when we were baptised, being little infants: As also in remembrance of that great benefit, which jesus Christ hath done unto us, when he died for our redemption, washing us with his most precious blood.  
These Articles being resolved upon by them, astonished the Priests that were amongst them to gather up the revenues of their Cures, being out of all hope to see those people reclaimed, and brought unto the obedience of the Church of Rome by any force, much less of their own accord; and perceiving the door to be shut against their gain, they retired themselves without speaking a word. Upon this their retreat, the Mass vanished of itself in the Valleys of the said Waldenses; And because they had only the new Testament, and some books of the old, translated into the Waldenstan tongue, they resolved speedily to send to the press the whole Bible, their books being only manuscripts, and those but a few. They sent therefore to Newcastle in Suitzerland, 
Suisse. See the Ecclesiastical History of the Churches of France, pag. 37 1536.  where they gave fifteen hundred crowns of gold to a Printer, who brought to light the first impression of the French Bible which was seen in France: and incontinently in the year one thousand five hundred thirty six, they sent to Geneva, one Martin Gonin, to provide a large supply of such books which he should see to be fit for the instruction of the people: but they were frustrated of their intent, because this good man was apprehended for a Spy, passing over the hill de Gap. by a certain Gentleman named George Martin, Lord de Champolion, and so soon as he was known to be a Waldensian, he was sent to Grenoble, and there kept in prison, 
In the book of Martyrs of our time, lib. 3 fol. 111.  and afterwards in the nighttime cast into the River Lyzere, for fear lest he should speak of his belief before the people: for the Monk Inquisitor, that delivered him to the secular power, told them, that it was not good that the world should hare him, because (saith he) it is to be feared, that they that hear him, may become worse than himself.  
There happened wars in Piedmont, between King Francis the first of that name, and the Prince of Piedmont, which fell out happily for these poor people, for so long as those confusions continued, they were at quiet, until Pope Paul the third of that name, solicited the Parliament of Turin to take some violent course against them, in doing justice upon them, as upon pernicious Heretics, whensoever they should be delivered into their hands by the Inquisitors. This Parliament caused a great number to be burnt at Turin, in imitation of other Parliaments in France, who burned in those times, those they called Lutherans.  
They had recourse unto the King, presenting unto him their petition, that they might not be persecuted by the said Parliament for the profession of that Religion, in the which they and their ancestors had lived for many hundred years, and that by the permission of their Princes. But they made it worse with them than it was before; for the King enjoined them to live, according to the laws of the Church of Rome, upon pain to be chastised as Heretics. He likewise commanded the Court of Parliament at Turin, to cause all his Subjects within their jurisdiction, to profess his religion; Adding withal, that he did not burn the Lutherans throughout his whole Kingdom of France, to make a reservation of them among the Alps.  
The Parliament endeavoured speedily to put the commandment of the King in execution, and for that cause enjoined them upon pain of their lives, to quit themselves presently of their Ministers, and to receive Priests to sing Mass, living after the manner of other the King's subjects. They answered, that they could not obey any such commands against the commandment of God, whom in what belongs unto his service, they would rather obey then men. But had not the King at that time had other employments elsewhere, without all doubt this Parliament would have made them do that by force, which they would not be brought unto by simple commands. They therefore contented themselves to prosecute them by the Inquisition, and to receive from the Monks, those they condemned to the fire. But afterwards in the year 1555, they increased the persecution. For having condemned to the fire, one Barthelmew Hector a Stationer, who was executed at Turin, because he died with admirable constancy, insomuch that he edified the assistants and standers by, in such manner, that he drew tears from their eyes, and words of compassion from their mouths, justifying him with a mutual applause, which they gave of his good speeches and prayers unto God. The Parliament took occasion herupon, to do their best endeavour to overthrew this profession in the very source, and to use the authority of the King, to enforce this people to live under the laws of the Church of Rome, 
In the Book of the martyrs of our time. lib. 8. fol 122.  or miserably to perish. To this end and purpose, the Parliament of Turin deputed a certain Precedent of Saint julian, and a Collateral named de Ecclesia, to transport themselves unto those places, and there to put in practice whatsoever they thought good, either to reduce or to exterminate the said people, with promise to assist them, with whatsoever shall be needful to this purpose, according to the advice and counsel they should receive from them.  
This Precedent with his Collateral, ttooke their journey to peruse, and caused Proclamations publicly to be made in the name of the King, that every one of the Inhabitants was to go to Mass, upon pain of his life. Afterwards, they came to Pignerol, where they cited many to appear before them. Amongst others, there appeared a poor simple labouring man, whom the Precedent commanded to cause his child to be rebaptized, which had lately been baptised by the minister of Saint john near Angrongne. This poor man requested so much respite, as that he might pray unto God before he answered him. Which being granted with some laughter, he fell down upon his knees in the presence of all that were there, and his prayer being ended, he said to the Precedent, that he would cause his child to be re-baptised, upon condition, that the said Precedent would discharge him by a bill signed with his own hand, of the sin which he should commit in causing it to be rebaptized, and bear one day before God the punishment and condemnation which should befall him, taking this iniquity upon him and his. Which the Precedent understanding, he commanded him out of his presence, not pressing him any farther.  
Now having framed divers indictments against some particular persons of the said Valleys, and made some collections of whatsoever the Precedent could imagine might hurt the people, he assayed also to win them by the preach of the Monks, whom he brought with him into the Valley of Angrongne. Being therefore come unto the place where their Temple was, he caused one of his Monks to preach in the presence of the people, who made unto them a long exhortation to return unto the Church of Rome, of which he reported many things which the people believed not. After that the Monk had said as much as he would, and that he held his peace, the greatest number of the people required, that the Pastors that were there present, or some one of them for all, might be permitted, lovingly and mildly to answer to the discourse that had been made by the Preacher; but the Precedent by no means would give way thereunto, whereupon there followed a certain rumour or muttering among the people, which strooke the Precedent and his Monks with an astonishment, in such sort, that they could have been content to have been elsewhere: but dissembling their fear, the Precedent retired himself, without a word speaking, to Turin, whether being come, he related to the Parliament what he had done, and withal signified unto them the difficulties that were, to win this people by extremities, because if any attempt should be made to take them by violence, they were resolved to defend themselves, and the places of their abode being favourable unto them, it was to be feared, it would cost a great deal of labour, and much blood would be shed, before they could either be brought into the Church of Rome, or out of the world. That is was the work of a King to root them out, and a King of Franc; and therefore it was necessary to send the reports, and to commit unto his own will and pleasure, the issue of so troublesome an enterprise. This advice was followed, the indictments and reports were sent to the King, but as the affairs of the Court cannot be finished but with long time, there passed a whole year, before there was any other course spoken of, or taken against them, then that of the Inquisitors, who always delivered some one or other to the secular power; but the year being expired, there came from the Court express commands of the King to make them to do that by force, which they would not be brought unto by words, or friendly usage. The Parliament re-sent the said Precedent of Saint julien, who so soon as he was arrived at Angrongne, he commanded them in the name of the King to go to the Mass, upon pain of Confiscation of bodies and goods. They demanded a Copy both of his commission and his speech, promising to answer him in such a manner, that he should have reason to rest contented: but nothing could give the Precedent satisfaction, who still pressed upon them to change their religion, but in vain. For they answered him, that they were not bound to such commands, against the commandment of God. He commanded that twelve of the pricipalln amongst them, with all the Ministers and Schoolmasters should presently yield their bodies to the prisons of Turin, there to receive such sentence as reason shall require, and he enjoined the Sindics of the said Valleys to dismiss and suffer to departed presently all strangers, and from thence forward not to receive any Preachers or Schoolmasters, but such as shall be sent them by the Diocesan. They answered, that they could not nor would not obey any such commands as were against God, and that they would not make their appearance at Turin, because they could not do it without danger of their lives, and to be molested for their belief.  
This Parliament of Turin was in such sort incensed against them, that as many as they could cause to be apprehended in Piedmont, and the frontiers of the Valleys, so many they burned at Turin; among others M. jeffrey Varnigle Minister at Angrongne was burnt in the year one thousand five hundred fifty seven, by whose death at Turin in the place of the Castle, the people were much strengthened and edified, there being present a great number, that saw him to persist in the invocaton of the name of God unto his last gasp.  
During these grievous persecutions, the Protestant Princes of Germany did intercede for them, beseeching King Henry the second, to suffer them to live in peace, in the profession of that Religion wherein they had lived from the father to the son for some ages past. The King promised to have regard to this their request, and indeed they continued quiet, until the peace was made between the King of France and of Spain, and that the Duke of Savoy was restored to his estates, that is to say, in the year one thousand five hundred fifty nine.  
The year after the said restitution of the Country, the Pope's Nuntio reproved the Duke of Savoy, for that he followed not the steps of the Kings of France in his zeal, who affecting the Catholic Romish religion, had with all his power persecuted the Waldenses and Lutherans of the Valleys of Angrongne, and other their bordering neighbours; and that if he did not join his forces in what possibly he could to bring them into the bosom of the Church, or to take them out of world, that his Holiness should have great reason to suspect him to be a favourer of them. The Prince of Piedmont promised to use all the means he could, for their reduction or utter subversion; in pursuit whereof, he commanded them to go to the Mass, upon pain of their lives, and to see their Valleys laid open to fire and sword. To which command they not yielding obedience, he set upon them by open force, and gave the charge of this war, to a gentleman named le sieur de la trinity; And in the mean while at the selfsame time he caused them to be pursued by the Monks the Inquisitors, jaconiel, and de Corbis.  
But forasmuch as the History of this war, 
This war is printed in a treatise by itself. And it is likewise set down in the 8. book of the history the Martyrs of our times. fol. 532.  is brought to light elsewhere, we will not enter into any large discourse thereof, only we may here observe, that after la trinity had been well beaten with his troops, seeing that the Lion's paw could stand him in no steed, he covered himself with the Fox's skin, telling them that what had passed, had befallen them for want of parley and communication, rather than for any ill will that his Highness' bare unto them; and that if his soldiers had exceeded their bounds, it was because of that resistance which they found, and that hereafter he would be an instrument for their conservation, and as desirous to procure their peace, as at the beginning he shown himself earnest to procure their trouble. And therefore he counselled them to send certain of the principal amongst them to his Highness, by whom he would send his commendatory letters, both to the Prince, and Madame Margarit Duchess of Savoy, and only sister to Heury King of France, and that he did assure himself that his Highness would blot out the remembrance of all that was passed: But yet he thought it necessary, that above all things they should give some testimony of obedience to their Prince; who in other places was enforced by the Pope to establish the Mass in all his territories, and therefore they should permit that the Mass might be song in Angrangne, which was but a thing indifferent unto them, since he did not require their presence at it, but only that he might write unto his Highness, that they were his good and obedient Subjects. And moreover, to the end, that his Highness might not still persist in his opinion, that any strange minister did make his abode within his Provinces, that it was in their power to entreat them, to retire themselves unto Pragela for some few days, and that afterwards when his Highness should be pacified towards them, they might call them home again. It cost him a great deal of labour to gain thus much of them; for if we entreat our Pastors to retire themselves (say they) it will be a counsel of the flesh, and God will not bless it; for our enemies when they shall have gotten this advantage of us, and that we have no man left to comfort us, to counsel us, to reprove, to exhort us, they will endeavour no doubt to the utmost of their power, ever to shut the gates against the return of our good Pastors, by wose ministry, we have been so worthily instructed, and fortified against a world of temptations. And therefore to the end we may not be accused as Rebels for recalling them home again, it shall be better for us not to deprive ourselves at all of the fruit of their ministry, and from hence forward to be reputed for such in serving of God, as preserve those whom he hath sent to preach his word unto us. He is as powerful to preserve us, as he hath been heretofore in times past, and ungrateful wretches we are to doubt of his assistance, and not to think that we so iniserable a flock, the dogs being chased away, shall not be devoured by the wolves. Those and divers the like were the speeches and motions of those that were most clear sighted, and more zealous than the rest, but yet this could not hinder others from entreating their Pastors to retire themselves for some few days to Pragela, a Valley near unto theirs, & peopled with their brethren the Waldenses of Dauphine. Here a man might perceive the heavy justice of God 'pon them, and the beginning of misery, every one to melt into tears, the rocks resounding and calamities, with cries and lamentations, when even women and infauts, conducted their Pastors to the high mountains, to pass over to the other part of them. And from other parts, when they saw the principal amongst them, to take their journey to Turin, to the midst of their enemics, many presaged the evil that would overtake them, and it seemed unto them that God had forsaken them, at that time when they had forsaken him in the person of his servants. It came to pass even as it had been foretold, by those that could not allow of those counsels of the flesh. For being arrived at Turin, they were presently locked up in strong prisons, their indictments framed as against Heretics, the passages guarded to hinder any that might give advertisement of the usage and entertainment they received, that were deputed to this service. And in the mean time, lafoy trinity told them, that he knew that his Highness had agreed to all that they demanded, and that he had written unto him, that he detained them for no other cause, but to assure him of their promises for time to come, to which purpose he likewise raised a Fort which he built near to Angrongne. Which made them to think hardly of their affairs, in that they could hear no news of their poor prisoners, and much less would la trinity suffer them to send any thither. In the end, having a long time consulted with themselves what they should do, seeing a Fort built which might curb and bridle them for ever, if they should suffer it to be brought to perfection; and on the other side, fearing if they should enterprise any thing against those that laboured therein, that it should cost them their lives that they sent to Turin, they were in great and extreme perplexities, not knowing what course to take; for they found, that they had been mocked by that Prater de la trinity, and therefore it stood them upon to commit the event to the providence of God, and to reconcile themselves to him by prayer and fasting, which when they had done, they called home their Pastors, implored the assistance of their neighbours of Pragela, who came unto them with their arms, entered into the Temples, wherein lafoy trinity had caused them to build Altars, and to place images, and overthrew the Altars, and laid them level with the ground, razed up the foundations themselves, broke down the images, besieged the Fort and took it, killed as many as made resistance, beat the succours that were sent to the said Fort, put them to slight and slew a great number of them. The Prince Emanuel Philibert being much offended herewith, would have revenged himself upon those that he kept in prison; but Madam Margarite interceding for them, pacified the Prince, showing that is was necessary for them to consult with themselves touching that usage and entertainment, his Highness had given to those that were deputed, and that seeing themselves in the way to a total destruction, they had taken this obliqne means to relieve and to help themselves. His Highness therefore by the advice and instigation of the Pope's Nuntio, had enforced the said deputies to go to the Mass, and there to ask pardon of God, the Pope, and their holy mother the Church of Rome, with promise to live according to the Laws thereof; and afterwards sent them to prison, attending the perfection of his Fort. But seeing himself frustrated of his expectation, he followed the course proposed by Madam Margarit, under which they have lived unto this present, which agreement we do not here insert, because it is elsewhere set down in their History. True it is, that afterwards they suffered at sundry times, sundry persecutions, which they bore patiently, and with much zeal. Among the rest, that in the year 1570, was very extreme. For their Prince being entered into an offensive league against the Protestants, with many other Princes of Europe, he began to trouble and to vex his said Subjects of the Valleys of the Waldenses: First by forbidding them to have any commerce with the Waldenses of Dauphine, upon pain of their lives; and secondly to assemble themselves in any Synod or Consultation, but in the presence of the Governor of Castrocaro; for the fulfilling whereof, he failed not to be present at the first Synod, which they called at Bobi. The Pastors and Ancients that were there, signified to the said Governor, that his assistance in their Synods was no way displeasing unto them, because the matters that were to be handled, were such, as if the whole world were a witness unto them, the more should their piety towards their God appear, and fidelity to wards their Prince, being to deliberate of nothing, but what might tend to the glory of God, and their obedience to their superiors: And that forasmuch as his Highness took occasion to distrust them, it must needs be the false information of some of their enemies, and therefore assuring themselves in their own consciences, that they had never deserved it, they could not but take this novelty for a manifest breach of the treaty and agreement he had made with them, and and a persecution shaking the free exercise of their religion. They entreated therefore the Governor of Castrocaro, to retire himself, and not to molest them by any such innovation, and swarming from the former treaties, at leastwise until that they having justified themselves before his Highness, it might be otherwise ordered and provided by him. The Governor stands still resolved to stay there. The Pastors and Ancients declare against the said the novelty; The Governor also for his part protesteth, not to enterprise any thing herein, but by the express commandment of his Highness, and that they should be better content, that he had that charge then any other, because he was willing to do them any good might lie in his hour, made a good interpretation of all their actions, and would not fail to make a true report unto his Highness of the fidelity he perceived to be in their carriage.  
He was therefore admitted into their Synod, at the end whereof, he used this subtlety, that is, he attempted to sow envy and jealousy amongst the Pastors, giving good words in general, that he had found their order fair and good, and that he never had believed, that they had proceeded with such zeal, order, and charity; but yet there was no reason he should wonder that his Highness had been jealous and distrustful of strange Ministers, because he knew very well, that they were more violent in their opinions, than the homebred of the Country, at leastwise the greatest part; for he made exception of Mr. Steven noel, whom he knew (saith he) to be a peaceable man, and more affectionated to the contentment of his Highness; and therefore that since his Highness had resolved not to permit any stranger to inhabit within his Lands, he could not believe, that Ministers were more exempted than other men, and therefore to the end he might not be constrained to use his power and authority, to enforce them to withdraw themselves out of those Countries, that they should do well, if of their own accords, they departed somewhether else, which would be far better and more honourable for them, then that they should stay, till the Prince should enforce their departure out of his Countries by banishmnet. They answered, that they could not believe, that his Highness had any such meaning, as the Governor would seem to persuade them. But that they might be the better informed of the truth thereof, they would depute some amongst them to go to his Highness.  
The Governor being much moved, that they would give no credit to his words, nor do any thing by his persuasions, suffered the soldiers of Castrocaro, to compass the temple, at what time the Preacher was in the Pulpit, and to do divers insolences, shooting off their guns, and astonishing those who were disarmed, and thought themselves surprised. Master Steven Noel was entreated to write to Madam Margarite, which he did: but the Letters by which Madam assured them, that the Governor had commandment from his Highness to keep himself within the limits of the treaty passed betwixt his Highness and the people, remained still in the hands of the said Governor, and in the mean time, whilst these things were afoot, the Massacre executed in France in the year 1572 happened, which in such a manner puffed up the pride, and increased the courage of the said Governor, that there was no means to stay his violences; For the bonfires of joy being made throughout all Piedmont, because of this effusion of blood, this Governor persuaded himself, that he should shortly see the like persecution in the said Valleys, and therefore the people hearing the Cannons that were shot off, and the great contentment that his Highness took, they persuaded themselves that they should not long continue in peace, and therefore they thought their surest course was, to convey those goods that were most precious unto them, unto the top of the Alps, into the hollow caves whereof, they had been accustomed to retire themselves in troublesome times. His Highness being advertised, that his people were resolved, and ready to defend themselves, thought it not wisdom to hazard the lives of his other subjects, to bring them into obedience, and so contented himself, that he had made them to fear; giving command in the mean time, that whensoever upon any occasion they came into Piedmont, they should be apprehended and executed as Heretics; whereof the people being advertised, they sought such commodities as were fit to maintain life in Dauphine, in the Valleys of their brethren of Pragela and Valcluson. Afterwards his Highness and Madam Margarite being departed this life, Charles Emanuel their son and Prince of Piedmont hath maintained them in peace, under the treaty made with their said Highness, his father and mother. Notwithstanding the which, the Inquisitors have been always watchful to apprehend one or other, especially to hinder them from speaking of their belief, when they came down into Piedmont. For in such a case, (provided that it appear, that they have held any discourse) they have always condemned them for teaching strange doctrines, and swerving from the agreement, whereby it is enjoined, that they broach no new opinions.  
The last that hath been persecuted for this cause, was a certain merchant of Lucerna, whose History we will here insert, because by his constancy he did much edify the people; & that it may appear unto the world, that the Popes cease not to show how odious unto them, the doctrine of the Gospel is, and that if it were in their power to rule the hearts of the Kings and Princes of Europe at their pleasure, the fires at this present should still be burning in all those places where they have any power or authority.  
It was in the year 1601, that Barthelmew Copin a Waldensian of the Valley of Lucerna, was at Ast in Piedmont with his merchandise, at a Fair that should be the next morrow, and being at table in the evening at supper, with divers other Merchants, there was one that began a discourse of the diversities of Religions, and spoke many things tending to the dishonour of the Waldenses of the Valleys of Angrongne, and their bordering neighbours. Copin hearing him to speak of his brethren less modesty than became those that professed themselves to be Merchants, and of their Religion, to the dishonour of God, he thought it would be a fault in himself, if he should make no reply to those blasphemies that he heard: He therefore answered the party that held this discourse, in favour of his Religion; And what (saith he that had been reprehended by Copin) are you a Waldensian? He answered, Yea. And do you not believe, that God is in the Host? No, saith Copin. Fie upon you, replies the other, what a false Religion is yours? My Religion (saith Copin) is as true, as it is true that God is God, and as I am sure I shall die. The next morrow Copin was called before the Bishop of Ast, who told him that he had been advertised of certain scandalous discourses and opinions, which but the day before he held in the evening at his lodging, and that he must acknowledge the offence, if he would obtain pardon, otherwise he would take order for his punishment. Copin answered, that he had been provoked thereunto, and howsoever, he had said nothing, that he would not maintain with the danger of his own life; that he had some goods in the world, and a wife and children; but he had lost the affection he bore unto those things, neither were they dear unto him, to the prejudice of his conscience: And as touching his behaviour (saith he) if it would please the Bishop to inquire of the Merchants of Ast, who all knew him, whether he were an honest man, they would all witness for him, that he had never wronged any man, in that whole time he had traded and conversed with them; and that being a Merchant, he was to be dismissed for that cause, for which he was then in that place, that is, for traffic, and therefore not to be molested. That if jews and Turks were permitted to come to Fairs, and to traffic throughout all Piedmont, much more should he be permitted who was a Christian, especially, since that in that discourse of Religion he did but answer to a question moved unto him, and that it was lawful for any man to answer, and to give a reason of his faith, to whom and in what place soever, even by virtue of that treaty and agreement between the Waldenses of the Valleys and his Highness, which forbids them to broach new opinions, but takes not from them the liberty to answer, to whomsoever shall ask any questions of them.  
The Bishop hearkened not at all to these allegations, but gave commandment, that he should be sent to prison. The morrow after, the Bishops Secretary came to visit Copin, and making great profession of love towards him, he said unto him, that he would have him know as from his friend, that if he did not acknowledge his fault, he would be in great danger of his life.  
Copin answered him, that his life was in the hands of God, and he would never desire to preserve it to the prejudice of his glory, and forasmuch as he had but two or three paces to walk in his journey to heaven, his hearty prayer unto God was, that he would be pleased to give him the grace, not to turn back. Some few days after, he was examined by a Monk Inquisitor, in the presence of the Bishop, who tormented him a long time with sweet and gentle persuasions, endeavouring to win him by fair words, to the abjuration of his belief: but Copin always convinced him by the word of God, alleging unto him, that if he should be ashamed of Christ jesus, or deny him before men, Christ would be ashamed of him, and deny him before his Father in heaven. The Monk ended his disputation with these and the like threatening speeches; Go thou ways thou cursed Lutheran, to all the devils in hell; and when thou shalt be tormented by those unclean spirits, thou wilt remember those good and holy counsels, which we have given thee, to bring thee to salvation; but thou hadst rather go to hell, then to reconcile thyself to our holy mother the Church. It is long ago (saith Copin) that I was reconciled to our mother the Church.  
After many violent encounters, they caused his wife and a son of his to come unto him, promising him liberty, and to departed with them if he would amend his fault by confessing it. They suffered his said wife and son to sup with him in prison, which time he spent in exhorting them to patience, the wife for that she should want a husband, the child a father, but yet should assure themselves, that God would be their father, and more than a husband; and for his own part he was not bound to love either wife or children more than Christ, & that they should hold it to be no small happiness, that it hath pleased God to do him that honour, as to be a witness unto his truth, with the loss of his life, and that he hoped that God would be so favourable unto him, as to give him strength to endure all manner of torments for his glory. He committed to the care and charge of his wife, his son and his daughter which they had in marriage, enjoining her to bring them up in the fear of God. He commanded his son to obey his mother, for so he should draw down upon him the blessing of God, he prayed them to pray for him, that God would be pleased to strengthen him against all temptations, and so having blessed his son, and taken leave of his wife, they were dismissed out of prison, and he locked up where he was before. His wife and child shedding fountains of tears, and crying out in such a lamentable manner, as would have moved the hardest hearts to compassion. This good man not being content with what he had said unto them by word of mouth, writ unto her this Letter following, the original Copy whereof she delivered unto us, written and signed with the hand of the said Copin, the superscription whereof was this:  
To my loving Companion, Susan Copin. At the Tower of Lucerna.  
MOst dear Companion, I have received much comfort by your coming into this place, and so much the more, by how much the less I expected it: And I think it was some comfort to yourself, that you had the means to sup with me, as it came to pass but yesterday being the fifteenth of September, in the year 1601, being Saturday. I know not the cause why this was permitted, but all things are in the hand of God, and whatsoever were the cause; I do not think we shall ever eat together again. And therefore pray unto God to be your comforter, and put your trust in him, who hath promised never to forsake those that trust in him. You are wise, and therefore govern our house in such sort, that you keep our children Samuel and Martha in obedience, whom I command, by that authority that God hath given me, to be faithful and obedient unto you, for then God will bless them. For the rest, be not grieved concerning myself, for if God have appointed, that I am come to the end of my days, and that it pleaseth the Almighty God, that I shall render up my soul, which he hath long time lent me, my trust in him is, that out of his abundant mercy, he will receive it into heaven, for the love of his Son Christ jusus, by whom I believe, that our sins are blotted cut, even by his precious death and passion; And I beg at his merciful hands, that he will accompany me unto the end, by the powerful assistance of his holy Spirit. Be always careful to pray unto God, and to serve him, for so God will bless and serve you. Take no care to send me any thing for these three weeks, and then you may send me, if you please, some money to pay the jailor, and some thing else to secure me, if I live till then. Remember also that which I have often told you, that is, that God prolonged the life of King Ezechias for fifteen years; but that he had prolonged mine a great deal more, for it is a long time ago, that you have seen me in a manner dead, and nevertheless I am yet alive, and I hope and hold for certain, that he will still preserve me alive, until my death shall be better for his glory and mine own felicity, through his grace and mercy towards me.  
From the Prison at Ast, Sept. 16. 1601.  
The Bishop of Ast was much troubled, what to determine concerning this poor man: For if he should let him go, they feared a scandal, and that many would gather heart and courage, to speak with a loud voice against the Romish Religion. On the other side, there was a clause in the treaty made between his Highness and the Waldenses, which cleared him from all offence, in these words. And if any question shall be moved unto them, touching their faith, being in Piedmont with other his Highness' Subjects, it shall be lawful for them to answer, not incurring thereby any punishment real or personal. Now he was asked the question, and therefore to be quit from blame: But the Bishop would not have it said, that he had committed him to prison unjustly. To the end therefore, that his death might not be imputed unto him, and it might not be thought, that he sent him away absolved, he sent his indictment to Pope Clement the eight, to understand what course he should take herein. It could never be known what answer the Bishop had; but shortly after he was found dead in prison, not without some appearance, that he was strangled, for fear lest if he should have been publicly executed, he might edify and strengthen the people by his confession and constancy. After his death he was condemned to be burnt, and so being brought out of prison, his sentence was read in the same place, and cast into the fire. And this was the last of the Waldenses, that is come to our knowledge, that hath been persecuted to the death for his belief.   

CHAP. V.  
Of the Waldenses inhabiting in the Valleys of Mean and Maites, and the Marquisate of Saluces, and the last persecutions that they suffered.  
AT what time the Waldenses of Dauphine dispersed themselves in Piedmont, there were some that made their abode in the Marquisate of Saluces, in the Valleys Maties and Mean, and the parts thereabouts. These were not forborn during the grievous persecutions which their brethren of the Valleys of Angrongne, Saint Martin, and others suffered. All their refuge was to fly into the said Valleys, namely when the said Governors of the said Marquisate persecuted them by the commandment of the Kings of France, who condemned to death, within their Realms all such as made profession of the same belief that they did. Now the deceased King of Happy memory Henry the Great and fourth of that name, having given to his Subjects an edict of pacification, the Waldenses that lived in the Marquisate, enjoyed the same privileges, that the other Subjects did of the same Realm; but when afterwards by the treaty with the Duke of Savoy, la Bresse was changed for the Marquisate of Saluces, the poor Waldenses were deprived of the free exercises of their Religion, within the jurisdiction of the said Marquisate, for at the instance of the Nuntio of Pope Clement the eight, the free liberty of their Religion was not only interdicted; but by a new edict all they were banished, that within the said Marquisate, made profession of any other Religion, then that of the Church of Rome: and for the better furtherance of their speedy departure, there were sent to the said Valleys and Marquisate, a great number of Monks Inquisitors, who went from house to house; examining the consciences of every one, by which means there were above five hundred families banished, who retired themselves into the Realm of France, but especially into Dauphine. And to the end, that in those places into which they were come, it might not be cast in their teeth, that they were banished out of their Countries, for some wickedness that they had committed, but that it was only the zeal they bore to their religion, that had made them wanderers in the world, they made this Declaration following, in the year 1603.  

The Declaration of the Waldenses of the Valleys Maties and Mean, and the Marquisate of Saluces, made in the year 1603.  
FOrasmuch as time out of mind, and from the father unto the son, our Predecessors have been instructed and nourished in the doctrine and Religion whereof from our infancy we have made open profession, and have instructed our families, as we have learned of our forefathers; As also that during the time, that the King of France held the Marquisate of Saluces, it was lawful for us to make profession, not being disquieted or molested, as our brethren of the Valleys of Lucerna, lafoy peruse and others; who by an express treaty and agreement, made with our Sovereign Prince & Lord, have enjoyed unto this present, the free exercise of the reformed religion; but his Highness being persuaded by evil council, and ill affected people, rather than his own will, hath resolved to molest us, and to that end hath published an edict: To the end therefore that it may be made known to all men, that it is not for any crime committed, either against the person of our Prince, or for any rebellion against his edicts, or the committing of any murders or thest, that we are thus tormented, and spoiled of our goods and houses; We declare, that being certainly assured and persuaded, that the doctrine and Religion taught and followed in the reformed Churches, as well of France, Switserland, Germany, Geneva, England, Scotland, Denmark, Su●dia, Polonia, as other Realms, Countries, and Signories; whereof we have unto this present time, made open profession, under the obedience of our Princes and Sovereign Lords, is the only true doctrine, and Christian religion, ordained and approved of God, which only can make us agreeable unto him, and conduct us to salvation: We are resolved to follow it, with the loss of our lives, goods and honours, and to continue therein the remainder of our lives. And if any shall pretend that we are in an error, we require him to make us see our error, and offer incontinently to abjure, and do likewise promise, to follow that which shall be proved unto us to be the better, desiring nothing so much, as with an assured and safe conscience, to follow the true and lawful service, which we poor creatures own unto our Creator, and by that means to attain to the true and eternal felicity. But if any shall go about, by force and constraint to cause us to forsake, and abandon the true way of our salvation, and to enforce us to follow the errors and superstitions, and false doctrines invented by men, we desire a great deal rather to abandon our houses, our goods, and life's too. We therefore humbly beseech his Highness, whom we acknowledge to be our lawful Prince and Lord, not to suffer us to molested without cause, but rather permit us to continue so long as we live, and our children and posterity after us, in that obedience and service, which unto this day we have rendered unto him, as faithful and loyal Subjects; and so much the rather, because we demand no other thing of him, but that we yielding faithfully unto him, that which we are bound unto by the express commandment of God, it may likewise be lawful for us, to render unto God, that homage and service, which we own unto him, and he requires at our hands in his holy word.  
Beseeching in the mean time (in the middle of our exile and calamity) the Reformed Churches to hold us, and acknowledge us, to be true members therereof, being willing to seal without blood (if God will have it so) the Confession of faith made and published by them; which we acknowledge in all things, and throughout, conformable to the doctrine, taught and written by the holy Apostles, and therefore truly Apostolical. We promise to live and die therein. And if so doing, we be afflicted and persecuted, we yield hearty thanks unto God, who hath done us that honour to suffer for his name; leaving the issue of our affairs, and the justice of our cause, in the hands of his divine providence, who will deliver us, when and by what means it pleaseth him. Humbly beseeching him, that as he hath the hearts of Kings and Princes in his hands, he will be pleased to mollify the heart of his Highness, to take pity of those, that have never offended him, or purpose to offend him, to the end he may hold and acknowledge those to be more faithful, loyal, and obedient to his service, than they are that provoke him to such persecutions. In the the mean time that he would be pleased to support us in the midst of these temptations, and strengthen us with Patience and Constancy, to persevere in the profession of the truth unto the end of our lives, and our posterity after us, Amen.   
This persecution hath continued unto this present time, at the instance of Pope Paul the fift, and his Nuntio, who still troubleth and vexeth this poor people, by his Monks the Inquisitors. They have made some to alter their opinions, who had no power to quit themselves of their goods, but have accommodated themselves to the world: but the greatest number persisted constant in calling on the name of God, choosing rather to be banished here on earth, from their native countries, then to be deprived of eternal life; hating their Possessions, their Country, their Houses, being the places where they could not inhabit, without the denial of Christ and his truth.   

CHAP. VI  
Of the Waldenses inhabiting in the New Lands, and the persecutions which they have suffered.  
THe New lands of which we are here to speak, are in the Alps, in the Frontiers of Piedmont, Dauphine, and Provence, of which the chief City is Barcelona or Barcelonette. Within the said Lands, there are certain Villages, which have been peopled by the Waldenses time out of mind, placed in the best part of the said Lands amongst others josiers. These places have continued a long time, the Princes of Piedmont nothing regarding the abode of the said peoples within their Provinces: but the Priests made them odious to the world, because they were unprofitable unto them, by not living after the manner of other people, who contributed unto them for the living and for the dead; in such sort, that when his Highness persecuted in his state, those that had quit themselves of the Laws of the Romish Church, these were not forgotten, especially when the Governors of the said Valley opposed themselves against them. These were therefore of the number of those, that were summoned in the year 1576, to go to the Mass, or to forsake his Highness' Country; wherein they found not better means to help themselves, then to join themselves unto others, who being threatened with the same banishment, had recourse to the Protestant Princes, beseeching them to intercede for them to their Prince, that he would be pleased, not to trouble them in such manner for their belief, which they had made profession off, from the father to the son, for many hundred years, during which time, their Princes have not had any Subjects, that have yielded unto them more faithful obedience than they, not giving place unto any other in their duties, submissions, and contributions, which they have always most willingly paid to their Princes, as they were still ready to continue, yielding obedience to their commands, only that that they might not be troubled in their consciences.  
The Prince Palatine of the Rhine delegated to the Prince of Piedmont a Counsellor of his State, with certain other honourable personages. Being arrived at Turin, they saluted his Highness in the name of the said Prince Palatine, and delivered their Letters of Credence. He was heard by the Prince Emanuel Philibert, very peaceably. This Councillor gave him to understand, that the only charity of their Master towards Christians of the same Religion that he professed, had moved him to mediate for them, that his Highness would be pleased to suffer them to live peaceably in the exercise of their Religion, not offering any violence to their consciences: That he would account this benefit as done unto himself, and he should oblige unto him all the Protestant Princes of Germany, who likewise made the selfsame request by their mouths. That he should have God the more favourable, and his Subjects the more faithful, if he did not show himself inexorable; That the confusions that have happened in all the States of Kings and Princes, that have endeavoured to reign and reclaim the souls of their Subjects by arms, and to reduce them by violence, may make wise all other Princes, which were not yet come to such extremities; That forasmuch as they that have not used rigorous courses, have won the hearts of their people to be more faithful unto them, this means being in his power, they humbly beseeched him to imitate herein the most debonair and gentle Princes.  
It appeared by his Highness' answer, that he took but little pleasure in this intercession, but much more by the effects that followed. For he answered, that notwithstanding that for his part he made no enquiry how the Prince Palatine of the Rhine, and other Princes of Germany, governed their Subjects, and being a Sovereign Prince, he was not to yield an account unto any, of his courses and resolutions, yet nevertheless he thanked the said Prince, and all the rest that were thus charitable towards him, his Estate, and his Subjects, as to wish their content and peace: but that the miseries and calamities that have happened amongst them, by the diversity of Religions, had made him to desire to have in his State but only one, and that must be that which he there found, and in which he had been always brought up, for fear lest under the mantle of Religion, and liberty of conscience, he must dispute with his subjects as a companion, of those things which by just title were in his power to determine as a Master; as it had happened to other Princes in Europe, that in this case had no power to rule their Subjects as Soveragines. And that in might appear unto them, that he loved peace, he had maintained his Subjects the Waldenses dwelling in his State in the Valleys of the Alps, under an edict which he caused to be observed unviolably. That if without the said Valleys he had in his State any itching busy spirits affecting novelties, those he caused to be punished as Rebels. That he thought, that as the said Princes had compassion of his Subjects, that they might enjoy the exercise of their Religion, so he assured himself, that they would not take it in ill part, (so just and judicious they were) if he provided for his surety, and preservation of his State, by punishing the seditions, that he would inquire, in consideration of this their intercession, more narrowly into the estate of his Subjects, making profession of their Religion, and would give them some refreshing.  
And because they had spoken particularly of a certain Minister named Giles, whom he detained locked up in a dungeon, he caused him to be brought forth and placed in a chamber, and after inquiry made of what he was accused, that is, that he had writ to those of Geneva to the prejudice of his service, he set him at liberty. He disclaimed a certain captain of a Castle of the Valley Mean, for some thing he had done against the Waldenses of the said Valley, but for the rest, the Counsellor was hardly gone half his way homeward, but the persecution grew greater than it was before. Amongst others, the Governor of the New-lands in the end of November following, proclaimed with the sound of a trumpet, that whosoever would not within the space of a Month go to Mass, were to avoid the Lands and Territories of his Highness within that time, upon pain of confiscation of body and goods. These poor people of the New lands, they could convey themselves to no place without danger of their lives. For in Provence they burned those whom the Parliament of Aix called Lutherans. In the Territories of Honorat Earl of Tends, they were delivered into the hands of the Executioners. Gonsague Duke of Nevers, commanding for the King of France, in the Marquisate of Saluces, put them to death. In Dauphine, as many as the Archbishop of Ambrun could apprehend, so many he caused either to rot in the dungeons, or to perish in the Tower Brun, with cold and famine; and out of Piedmont they were banished. There remained no other succour but in the dead time of winter, to make their passage by night over a high mountain almost inaccessible, covered with ice and snow, into the Valley of Frassiniere, if possibly they could. They therefore betook themselves unto the mountain, about the feast of the Nativity of our Lord, in the coldest time of all the year: But before they could come to the height thereof, the greatest part of the women and children were benumbed with cold, and the night overtaking them, being in the top of the hill, they were enforced to lie upon the ice, where a great part of them in the morning were found dead. They that escaped the danger, retired themselves into the Valley of Frassiniere. Now after that the houses of these poor people had remained for a time void of Inhabitants, there was no man that would seize or take possion of their Lands, much less till and husband them, and therefore their Governors permitted the said Waldenses to continue there, and to tolerate them, making profession of their belief; only they were to departed out of the confines of the State of the Prince, for the exercise of their Religion. They have repeopled the said Valley. Thus you have heard as much as is come to our knowledge, touching their sufferings, howsoever they have been persecuted from time to time, from the father to the son, as the rest of the Waldenses in Dauphine and Piedmont, but their indictments are not come to our hands.   

CHAP. VII.  
Of the Waldenses dwelling in Calabria, and the persecutions which they have suffered.  
ABout the year of our Lord 1370, the Waldenses of the Valleys of Pragela and Dauphine, grew to so great a number in so small a Country, that they were enforced to send away a certain number of their younger people to seek some other Country to inhabit in. In their travail they found in Calabria certain waste and untilled land, and ill peopled, but yet very fertile, as they might well judge, by those parts near adjoining. They therefore finding the Country fit to bring forth corn, wine, oil of Olives and chestnuts, and that there were hills fit for the breeding and nourishing of cattle, and to furnish them with fuel and timber fit for building; they came unto the Lords of those places to treat with them touching their abode in those Countries. The said Lords received them lovingly, agreed to their laws and orders, to the gteat advantage of these new Inhabitants, came to an agreement with them, touching their Rents, tenths, Tolls, penalties, in case there fall out any differences or offences amongst them; and so having assigned unto them certain quarters or parts of the Country, they returned for the most part of them, to advertise their parents of the good adventure, that had happened unto them, in a rich country, likely to abound in all temporal benedictions. They brought bacl with them from their parents and friends, whatsoever it pleased them to bestow upon them, to begin their house-keeping; many of them married, and brought their wives into Calabria, where they built certain small Towns and Cities, to which their own houses were as walls, as namely Saint Xist, la Garde, la Vicaricio, les Rousses, Argentine, Saint Vincens, and Montolieu. The Lords of the said Countries thought themselves happy, in that they had met with so good Subjects, as had peopled their Lands, and made them to abound with all manner of fruits; but principally because they found them to be honest men, and of a good conscience, yielding unto them all those duties and honours, that they could expect from the best Subjects in the world. Only their Parsons and Priests complained, that they lived not touching matter of religion, as other people did, they made none of their children Priests, nor Nuns, they loved no chanting, tapers, lamps, bells, no nor Masses for their dead. They had built certain Temples, not adorning them with images, they went not on pilgrimage: they caused their children to be instructed by certain strange and unknown Schoolmasters, to whom they yield a great deal more honour than to them, paying nothing unto them but their tithes, according to the agreement with their Lords: They doubted, that the said people made profession of some particular belief, which hindered them from mingling themselves, & joining in alliance with the natural home-born people of the Land, and that they had no good opinion of the Church of Rome. The Lords of those places began to fear, that if the Pope should take notice, that so near his Seat, there were a kind of people that contemned the laws of Romish Church, they might chance to lose them, detained their Priests from complaining of these people, who in every thing else showed themselves to be honest men, such as had enriched the whole Country, yea and the Priests themselves, for the only tithes which they received of that great abundance of fruits, which arise from those lands, out of which in former times they received no profit at all, were such as might very well give them reason to bear with other matters; That they were come to inhabit in those places from far Countries, where perhaps the people were not so much given to the ceremonies of the Church of Rome; but yet since in the principal they were faithful and honest, charitable towards the poor, and such as feared God, they were very willing they might not be molested, by any more particular enquiry into their consciences. These reasons wrought much with those that bore them ill will. For the Lords of those places, stopped the mouths of their murmuring neighbours, who could by no means draw them into any alliance with them, and who saw their goods, their cattles, and all that they possessed blest after a more particular manner then other men's, that they were a temperate people, wise, not lewd or dissolute, not given to dancing, or haunters of Taverns, and out of whose mouths, there did never proceed any blasphemy; and to be brief, living in a Country where the Inhabitants were given to all manner of wickedness; they were as precious stones in a common sink, and therefore both envied and admired, but yet always maintained by their Lords, who comparing these subjects and vassals with others that they had, could not satiate themselves with their praises. Thus were they maintained by their Lords against all envy, and that maugre the Priests, until the year 1560, at what time they could no longer defend them against the Pope's thunderbolts.  
The occasion was, because they then understood, that in their Valleys of Pragela and Piedmont, there were Pastors, that with a loud voice did preach the Gospel: For they had sent to Geneva to be furnished with teachers, and they sent them two, that is to say, Steven Negrin, and Lewis Paschal, who at their arrival, did their best endeavours to establish the exercise of their Religion. Pope Pius the fourth of that name, being advertised hereof, the College of Cardinals was assembled, and presently concluded and resolved upon the utter ruin and ex irpation of this people, who so near the Pope's Seat, durst to plant the Religion of the Lutherans.  
The charge of this persecution was given to Cardinal Alexandrin, a violent man, if there were ever any amongst the Cardinals. He chose two Monks of his own humour, to be his Informers, that is to say, one Valerio Maluicino, and a Dominican Monk, named Alphonsus Urbin, who began with the Inhabitants of Saint Xist. Being in the place, they assembled the people, giving them good speeches, and protesting that their coming thither, was not any way to molest them, but only lovingly to advertise them, that they were not to hear any other Doctors and teachers, than those which should be given unto them by the Prelates of their Diocese. That they knew well, that they had received teachers from Geneva, but by quitting themselves of them, and living hereafter according to the laws of the Church of Rome, they should have no cause to fear any thing: but if they presumed to keep their said teachers amongst them, they did put themselves in danger to lose their lives, their goods and honours, because they were to be condemned for Heretics. And that they might the better know who they were, that had wholly forsaken the laws of the Church of Rome, they caused a bell to be rung to Mass, inviting the people to go thither; but in steed of going to the Mass, they quit themselves of their houses, and with their wives and children that could follow them, they did fly into the woods, leaving only within the City some few decrepit men and women, and little children. The Monks dissembled this flight, that they might the better entrap them all at once. They went to la Garde, not threatening any one of those that stayed in Saint Xist. Being there, they caused the gates of the Town to be locked, and the people to be assembled. They told them, that they of Saint Xist had abjured their Religion, and being gone to the Mass, had asked pardon at God's hands, promising them, if they would do the like, that no man should offer the least hurt that might be. These poor people thinking the Monks had spoken a truth unto them, they were content to yield to whatsoever they would have them do: But when they had understood, that their brethren of Saint Xist had refused to go to Mass, and that they were fled into the woods, they were ashamed of their weakness, and much displeased with their revolt, and therefore instantly resolved with themselves, to go with their wives and children, to their brothers of Saint Xist: but the Lord of the place Saluator Spinello would not suffer them to retire themselves in so miserable a manner, promising to defend them against whomsoever; provided (saith he) that they carried themselves like good Romish Catholics. In the mean time the Monks sent after those of Sainc Xist two Companies of footmen, who ran after these poor people, as after wild beasts, crying out, Amassa, amassa, that is, kill, kill. They slew divers of them. But they that could get to the top of the mountain, being on the height of the rocks, entreated they might be heard; which being granted, they beseeched them to have pity upon them, and upon their wives and children; that they would call to mind, that they had inhabited in those Countries, from the father to the son for some ages, and that in all that time, there was not any that could complain of their conversation; and yet nevertheless, if they could not continue in their houses, in that belief wherein they had lived to this present, if they might be permitted to betake themselves, either by sea or by land, to the protection of God, with their only persons, and some few commodities; and so retire themselves whether it should please the Lord to conduct them, they would very willingly forsake all their goods, rather than to fall into any idolatry, promising both for themselves and all theirs, never to return to their houses again. They beseeched them even for God's cause, not to drive them to such necessities, as that they must be enforced to defend themselves, for if they should be once out of all hope of mercy, it would be dangerous for themselves, who had driven them to these extremities. The soldiers were the more stirred up against them, and presently made a violent assault upon them, which bond these poor people to a just defence, and so being assisted by God, they slew the greatest part of the Soldiers that pursued them, and put the rest to slight. The Monks the Inquisitors, writ to the Viceroy of Naples, that he should speedily sendsome companies of Soldiers, to apprehend cetaine Heretics of Saint Xist, and la Garde, who were fled into the woods, and that in so doing, he should do that which was pleasing to the Pope, and meritorious to himself, if he shall deliver the Church from such contagion. The Viceroy came himself with his troops. Being arrived at Saint Xist, he caused to be proclaimed by the sound of a trumpet, that the place was condemned to be exposed to fire and sword. But in the mean time before his arrival, the women had leisure to return to Saint Xist, whether they ran together, to seek for victual to feed their husbands and children, which were in the wood. The Viceroy caused it to be proclaimed throughout the Realm of Naples, that all banished people that would come to the wars against the Heretics of Saint Xist, should be pardoned all their offences formerly committed; whereupon great numbers gathered themselves together, and were conducted to the woods, where the fugitives of Saint Xist were, and they gave them the chase in so rigorous a manner, that in the end, after the slaughter of divers of these poor people, the rest of them being sore wounded, retired themselves into the caves upon the high rocks, where the greatest part of them died with famine. The Monks Inquisitors made show of much discontent, and that they were much displeased with that which had happened, and being retired to Cossence, where the Sindic of Saint Xist appeared before them, they wished him speedily to withdraw himself, for fear lest the Viceroy should know of his being there, and so apprehend him. This brought those of la Garde a sleep, who being cited by a public proclamation to appear before the said Inquisitors at Cossence, or before the Viceroy at Folcade, they were easily persuaded to believe the promises and fair speeches of the said Inquisitors. For being arrived at Folcade, there were seventy of them apprehended, and being bound, were brought to Montaud before the Inquisitor Panza, who put them all to the rack. Amongst others, he tormented one Steven Charlin with such violence, that his bowels broke out of his belly, and all to extort from him, this confession and imposture, that is, that they sometimes assembled themselves by night to commit whoredoms, and damnable incests, the candles being put out. But notwithstanding his extreme torture, they could never get from him the confession of so great a wickedness.  
There was another called Verminel, who with the extreme pain he endured upon the rack, promised to go to Mass; The Inquisitor thinking, that since the torment of the rack, had enforced him to forsake his Religion, that redoubling the violence thereof, he might draw from this feeble and tired person, the confession of the former imposture. And so caused him to be tormented in such a manner, that many times he left him eight hours together upon the rack, but yet could never get from his mouth so horrible a calumny.  
Another named Marcon, being stripped stark naked, was beaten with rods of iron, afterwards drawn through the streets, and burnt with firebrands. One of his sons was killed with knives, the other was brought to a high tower, where there was offered unto him a Crucifix, with promise that if he would kiss it, his life should be saved. He answered, that he would rather die, then commit idolatry, and though he were cast headlong from that tower, as he was threatened, yet he had rather his body should be broken to pieces here on earth, then by denying Christ and his truth, his soul should be cast into hell. The Inquisitor being much enraged with this answer, commanded him to be cast from the tower, to the end (saith he) we may see whether his God will protect him. Bernard Conte was condemned to be burnt alive, and as he was led to the fire, he cast to the earth a certain Crucifix, which the Executioner had fastened to his hands. The Inquisitor hereupon commanded him to be sent bacl to prison, to the end his pain might be aggravated, and so sent him to Cossence, where he caused him to be covered with pitch, and so burnt. Besides, this Inquisitor Panza, cut the throats of fourscore, as a butcher doth his muttons; afterwards he caused them to be divided into four quarters, and commanded that the high ways from Montald to Chasteau Vilar should be set with stakes for the space of thirty miles, and caused a quarter to be fastened to every stake; and in a place called Moran, he caused to be hanged and strangled, four of the principal men of la Garde, that is to say, james Ferner, Anthony Palomb, Peter jacio, and john Morglia, who died very constantly. A certain young man named Samson, defended himself a long time against those, that would have apprehended him; but in the end being wounded, he was taken and led to a high tower, where he was willed to confess himself to a Priest that was there present, before he should be cast from the tower, which he refused to do, saying, that he had confessed himself too God. So the Inquisitor commanded him to be cast over. The next day the Viceroy passing below by the tower, he found this poor man languishing, having his bones broken, and imploring the mercy of God, to whom he gave a kick on the head with his foot, saying, Is this dog yet alive, cast him out to the hogs.  
Threescore women of Saint Xist were brought to the rack, and used with such violence, that the cords pierced into their arms and legs; in such sort, that in their wounds there were engendered a great quantity of worms, which fed upon them being alive, they not knowing how to remedy it, until some one or other having compassion on them, gave them secretly lime, which caused them to fall from them. They died almost all miserably in prison. Nine of the chief and handsomest amongst them were lost, and it was never known what became of them, after they were delivered to the Fathers of the Inquisition.  
This Inquisitor retired himself to Saint Agathe, where he delivered a great number to the secular power; and if any man offered to intercede for them, he caused him to be put to the rack, as a favourer of Heretics; in such sort, that in the end there was not any that durst to open his mouth in their behalf.  
Pope Pius the fourth of that name, sent for their destruction, the Marquis of Butiane, with promise that if he would do that good office to the holy Sea, as to clear Calabria of those Waldenses that had there taken footing, he would give unto his son a Cardinal's hat. The Marquis took no great pains to execute his Commission, for the Monks the Inquisitors, and the Viceroy of Naples had almost put all to death that they could apprehend, having sent to the Galleys of Spain the strongest of them, and condemned to perpetual banishment the fugitives, sold and killed woman and children.  
As touching their Ministers, Steven Negrin was sent to prison at Cossence, were he died with famine: Lewis Paschal was carried to Rome, where he was condemned to be burnt alive. Pope Pius the fourth, would needs feed his eye with this last punishment of him, that had maintained him to be Antichrist, being present at his death with many of his Cardinals. But the Pope could have wished himself elswere, or that Paschal had been mute, or the people deaf. For he spoke many things against the Pope out of the word of God, which gave him a great deal of discontent. Thus did this good man die, calling upon God with an ardent zeal, that he much moved the standers by, and made the Pope and his Cardinals to gnash their teeth for anger. Thus have you seen the end of the Waldenses of Calabria, who were wholly exterminated; For if any of the fugitives be returned, it is upon condition that they live according the laws of the Church of Rome   

CHAP. VIII.  
Of the Waldenses inhabiting in Provence, and the persecutions which they have suffered.  
THe Waldenses inhabiting in Provence, in the parts of Cabrieres Meriadol, la Coste, and other places near adjoining, have been held for the original offspring of the Waldenses inhabiting in Dauphine and Piedmont, as it may very well appear by the families of the same name; as also there are amongst them, that can prove their progeny or offspring. And upon this occasion it was, that they of Calabria sojourned in in Provence, that is, to disburden their Valleys of the great multitudes of people that were there. And though in the beginning of their arrival in Provence, the Country where they made their abode was a desert, yet they made it in few years fertile and fit (by the blessing of God) to yield Corn, Wine, oil, of Olives, Chestnuts, and other fruits, and that in great abundance.  
The first persecutions which they suffered, are not come to our knowledge, notwithstanding we find oven at this day, the Commissions that have been given by the Popes and Anti-popes' residing in Auignon, very near to the place of their abiding, against the Waldenses inhabiting in Provence; as that of the  of Cremona, 
See before in the 3. Chap.  Albert de Capitaneis, and of the Monk friar Minor Francis Borelli, having Commission against them, in the year 1380, to make inquiry of the Waldenses in the Diocese of Aix in Provence, Arles, and Selon. As also when they were retired into the said Province in the year 1228, when the Archbishop of Aix, Arles, and of Narbonne were assembled at Auignon to give advice to the Inquisitors touching the Waldenses, 
See Chap. 2.  who then said (as you have heard before) that the Inquisitors had apprehended so great a number, that there was not only a want of victual to feed them, but of lime and stone to build their prisons. It is most certain, that then the Waldenses of Provence, dwelling as it were, in the very gates of the Pope's Palace, and about their Earldom of Auignon were not forgotten: But forasmuch as we have no Copies of instruments, that may make good the said persecutions, we will insert into this discourse nothing but what we shall be able sufficiently to prove.  
The first persecution is that, whereof we have the History in the time of King Lewis the twelfth, about the year 1506, That is, that this good King being informed, that there were in Provence a certain kind of people, that lived not according to the laws of the Church of Rome, but were an accursed people, committing all manner of wickedness and villainies, even such, as the very memory of them strooke a horror into men's hearts, and the Christians in the primitive Church had been upbraided with; he gave Commission to his Court of Parliament in Provence to take knowledge thereof, and to chastise them according to their merit. Whereunto the said Court having diligently attended, so soon as the King understood, that divers innocent persons were put to death, he limited the authority of the said Court, and would not suffer them to continue their executions, until he were truly informed, 
Vesembecius in Oratione de Waldensib●s.  what kind of people they were, that to him had been reported to be so wicked. To this purpose he sent Master Adam Fumee, his Master of requests, who told him at his return, that what had been given him to understand, touching the Waldenses of Provence, was very untrue; for they were not any way tainted, either with sorcery, or whoredom, but that they lived like honest men, doing hurt to no man: they caused their children to be baptised, taught them the Articles of their belief, and the Commandments of God, they carefully kept the Lords day, and the word of God was purely expounded unto them. 
Vesembecius in Orotione de Waldensibus. His auditis Rex iureiurando addito me, inquit, & caetero populo meo Catholico meliores illi viri sunt.  A certain jacobin Monk, named Parui, confessor to the King, witnessed as much, who by the King was joined in Commission with the said Master of Requests. Which the King having understood, he said, and bound it with an oath, that they were honester men than himself, or the rest of his Catholic people. This persecution being stained by King Lewis the twelfth, they continued in peace unto the reign of King Francis the first of that name, and at what time there was some speech in France of a reformation of Religion, they sent two of their Pastors, that is to say, George Morel of Frassinieres in Dauphine, and Peter Masson of Burgundy, to Oecolampadius Minister at Basse; to Capito, and Martin Bucer at Strasbourg, and to Berthand Haller at Berne, to confer with them about matters touching their Religion, and to have their advice and counsel about many points wherein they desired to be better satisfied. The Letters which Oecolampadius and Bucer sent unto them, are set down at length in the first Book of this History, the sixth Chapter, where I endeavoured to make it appear unto the world, that many great personages amongst them, that made profession of reformation, have given testimony of their piety and probity; which is the reason why we insert them not again in this discourse, only we will produce those of the Waldenses in their own language, and afterwards in English.  
Salut a Monseignor Oecolampadio.  CAr moti racontant, a sona a nostras oreillas, que aquel que po totas cosas, etc. 
The Letter of the Waldenses of Provence to Mr. Oecolampadius.  
Health to Master Oecolampadius.  
FOrasmuch as divers have given us to understand, and the report is come unto our ears, that he that is able to do all things, hath replenished you with the blessings of his holy Spirit, as it well appears by the fruits, we who live fare distant from you, have thought good to have recourse unto you, and with joyful hearts we hope and trust, that the holy Ghost will illuminate us by your means, and will satisfy us, concerning many things, whereof we are now in doubt, and are hidden from us, because of our ignorance, and negligence, and as it is to be feared to 〈…〉, and the people whom we teach with great insufficiency. For that you may know at once how matters stand; We, such as we are, weak instructers of this little flock, have remained for above four hundred years in the midst of sharp and cruel thorns, and yet in the mean time, not without the great favour of Christ, as all the faithful can easily testify; for this people hath many times been delivered by the favour and mercy of God, being gored and tormented by the said thorns. And therefore we come unto you to be counselled and confirmed in our weakness.  
They writ another Letter to the same purpose, to Martin Bucer, the which for brevity's sake we omit, wherein they relate, that they had addressed themselves for the self same cause to their brethren of Newcastle, Morat, and Berne, which shows how careful the Waldenses were, to seek out all manner of means, that their understandings might be enlightened in the mysteries of piety for the salvation of their souls, especially seeing, that then they sought the means to advance and order their Church in the open view of the world, when the fires were kindled throughout all France, against those of the same Religion that they were, who in those times were called Lutherans: The greater therefore that their zeal was, the more they stirred up their enemies against them, and plunged themselves into the greater dangers. But as all are not victorious by faith, but there are always some weak, who take counsel of the flesh, and persuade themselves without reason, that they can crouch and bow themselves, in those places where God is offended by idolatry, and yet keep the heart pure and neat unto God; Oecolampadius from thence takes occasion, to write that which followeth, to be delivered to those dissemblers, which walk not with an upright foot before God.  
The Letter of Occolampadius, written to the Waldenses of Provence, who thought they could serve God, by prostituting their bodies before Popish Idols. Written in the year 1530.  
Oecolampadius desires the grace of God the Father, by his Son jesus Christ, and his holy Spirit, to his wellbeloved Brethren in Christ, who are called Waldenses.  
We understand, that the fear of persecution hath made you to dissemble in your faith, and that you hid it. Now we believe with the heart to righteousness, and confess with the mouth to salvation; but they that fear to confess Christ before the world, shall not be received by God the Father. For our God is truth, without any dissimulation, and as he is a jealous God, he cannot endure that they that are his, should join together under the yoke of Antichrist; for there is no communion of Christ with Belial: And if you communicate with the infidels, in going to their abominable Masses, you cannot but perceive their blasphemies against the death and passion of Christ: For when they glory in themselves, that by the means of such sacrifice, they satisfy God, for the sins of the living and the dead, what can follow, but that jesus Christ hath not sufficiently satisfied, by the sacrifice of his death and passion, and consequently that Christ is not jesus, that is, a Saviour, and that he died for you in vain. If then we have communion at this impure table, we declare ourselves to be one body with the wicked, how irksome so ever it be unto us. And when we say Amen to their prayers, do we not deny Christ? What death should we not rather choose? What pain and torment should we not rather suffer? Nay, into what hell ought we not rather to plunge ourselves, then to witness by our presence, that we consent unto the blasphemies of the wicked. I know that your weakness is great, but it is necessary, that they that have learned that they are bought by the blood of Christ, should be more courageous, and always fear him, that can cast both body and soul into hell. And what shall it suffice us, to have a care of this life only? shall that be more precious unto us, then that of Christ? And are we contented to have tasted the delights of this world only? Crowns are prepared for us, and shall we turn bacl again? And who will believe, that our faith hath been true, if it fail and faint in the heat of persecution? Let us therefore pray unto God to increase our faith. For certainly it shall be better for us to die, then to be overcome by temptations. And therefore brethren, we exhort you to dive into the bottom of this business. For if it to be lawful to hid our faith under Antichrist, it shall be likewise lawful to hid it under the Empire of the Turk, and with Dioclesian to adore jupiter and Venus, nay, it had been lawful for Tobit to adore the calf in Bethel. And what then shall our faith towards God be? If we honour not God as we should, and if our life be nothing but Hipocricy and dissimulation, he will spew us out of his mouth, as being neither hot nor cold. And how do we glorify our Lord in the midst of our tribulations, if we deny him? Brethren it is not lawful for us to look bacl when our hand is at the plough, neither is it lawful to give care to our wife's enticing us to evil, that is to say, to our flesh, which notwithstanding it endure many things in this world, yet in the haven it suffereth shipwreck.  
These godly admonitions prevailed much for the confirmation of the more weak, and they came in very good time for those who presently after were sifted with many tempestuous outrages, and even one of those that brought the Letters made good use of them, that is to say, Peter Masson, who was apprehended at Diion, where he was condemned to death for a Lutheran. George Morel saved himself with his letters and papers, and came sound and safe into Provence, where he bestowed much pains, and with happy success, in the establishing of the Churches of the Waldenses, of which the Court of Parliament at Aix did every day apprehend one faithful member or other, whom they either condemned to the fire, or sent to the gibbet, or dismissed with marks in their foreheads; until that in the year 1540, the Inhabitants of Merindol were summoned, in the person of five or six of the principal, at the earnest importunity of the King's Attorney in the Parliament of Aix, and the solicitation of the Archbishop of Arles, the Bishop of Aix other Ecclesiastical persons. A sentence was given against them, the most exorbitant, cruel, and inhuman, that ever was in any Parliament, like in all things, to that edict of King Assuerus, granted at the instance of Aman, against the people of God, as it is written in the History of Hester. For besides that, the men and women that were summoned for contumacy, were condemned to be burnt alive, by the said sentence, their children and families outlawed, it was decreed that the place of Merindol should be altogether made unhabitable, the woods cut down, two hundred paces round about it, and all this without any audience or leave granted to any to speak a word.  
The King being informed of the rigour of this Edict, sent into Provence the Lord du Langeai to inform him of the manners and belief of the said Waldenses, and understanding that many things were laid to the charge of this people, which they were not guilty of, King Francis the first of that name, sent Lees of grace and favour, not only in behalf of those that had offended by contumacy, but all the rest of the Country of Provence, expressly commanding the Parliament from thence forward, not in that case to proceed so rigerously, as they had done in times past. These Letters were suppressed. They that were personally summoned made request, that it might be lawful for them to answer by a Proctor.  
Francis Chai, and William Armand appeared for all the rest, requesting in their names, that it might be made to appear unto them in what they had erred, and that by the word of God; being ready to abjure all heresy, if once they might know that they were fallen into any. And for this cause they delivered unto them in writing, a confession of their faith, to the end if they found any thing worthy reprechension by the holy Scriptures, they might be instructed concerning that which they were to recant; or if they found nothing that they could reprehend, that they might be no more molested by so many and so grievous persecutions; for fear lest thinking they made war only against men, it should appear that they made it against God and his truth, and those that maintained it.  
All their petitions served to no other end, then to provoke them the more; for the judges being possessed with an opinion, that they were Heretics, refusing to take the pains to know and examine the truth, they made all their Acts in favour of the Priests that accused them. In such sort that when the Cardinal of Tournon had obtained at a high price Letters from the King for the execution of the aforesaid Decree, notwithstanding the pardon and revocation before obtained, it was executed.  
This was in the year 1545, that the Precedent of oped, Governor of Provence in the absence of the Earl of Grignan, deputed for Commissioners, the Precedent Francis de la Fon, Honoré de Tributiis, and Bernard Badet Counsellor, and the Advocate Guerin in the absence of the Procurator General. He dispatched sundry Commissions, and proclaimed the war with sound of trumpet, both at Aix, and at Marseilles. So the troops being levied, and the five ensigns of the old bands of Piedmont joined with them, the army marched to Pertuis, and the next day being the fourteenth of April, they went to Cadinet, and the sixteenth, they began to set fire to the Villages of Cabrieres, Pepin, lafoy moth, and Saint Martin, belonging to the Lord of Sental, then under age. There the poor labourers without any resistance were slain, women and their daughters ravished, some great with child murdered, without any mercy; The breasts of many women were cut off, after whose deaths the poor infants died with famine, d'Opede having caused Proclamation to be made upon pain of the with, that no man should give any relief or sustenance to any of them. All things were ransacked, , peeled, and there were none saved alive, but those that were reserved for the Galloys. The seventeenth day, oped commanded the old bands of Piedmont to draw near, and the day following he burned the Villages of Lormarin, Ville Laure, and Trezemines, and at the same time on the other side of Durance, le Rieur de la Rocque, and others of the Town of Arles burnt Gensson and la Roque. oped being come to Merindol, he found not any there, but only a young lad called Morisi Blanc, a very simple fellow, who yielded himself prisoner to a Soldier, with promise of two crowns for his ransom; d'Opede finding none other upon whom he might wreak his anger, paid the two crowns to the Soldier, and so commanding him to be bound to a tree, caused him to be slain with hargubuse shot: Afterwards, he commanded the said Town to be peeled, sacked, and utterly razed and laid level with the ground, where there were above two hundred houses.  
There remained the Town of Cabrieres compassed with walls, which were beaten with the Cannon; These poor people being sick within, who were about some threescore boors or Peasants of the Country, called unto them, that they needed not to spend so much powder and pains to batter the Walls, because they were ready to open the gates unto them, and to quit themselves of the place and Country, and to departed to Geneva, or into Germany with their wives and children, leaving all their goods behind them, only that their passage might be free.  
The Lord of Cabrieres treated for them, that their cause might be determined by justice, without force or violence: But oped being within the Town, he commanded the men to be brought into a field, and to be cut in pieces withswords, these valiant executioners striving who could show the best manhood in cutting off heads, arms, and legs. He caused the women to be locked up in a barn full of straw, and so put fire unto it, where were burnt many women great with child. Wherewith a Soldier being moved to compassion, having made an overture for them, they were beaten bacl into the fire with pikes and halberds. The rest of these men, that were found hidden in the caves, were brought into the Hall of the Castle, where they were horribly massacred in the presence of the said oped. As for the women and children, that were found in the Temple, they were exposed to the chief Bawds and Ruffians of Anignon, who slew about eight hundred persons, without distinction of age or sex. About the end of this execution le Sieur de la Coste, kinsman to oped, came thither, who entreated him to send him some men of war, offering to bring all his soldiers into Aix, and to make as many breaches in the wall as he would; which was granted by word of mouth, but not wholly performed. For three Ensigns of foot men were sent thither, who pillaged whatsoever seemed good unto them, burned a part of the Town, ravished women and their daughters, and killed some Boors, not finding any resistance. In this mean time the rest of those of Merindol and other places, were in great extremities in the mountains and rocks, persecuted by oped and his army. They entreated him, that he would permit them to retire themselves to Geneva, with the rest of their wives and children, promising to leave behind them all their goods. He answered, that he would send them all to dwell in the Country of hell, with all the devils, them, their wives and children, in such a manner, that there should be no memory left of them.  
King Francis being advertised of those cruelties that were executed in pursuit of the said arrest, was much displeased therewith, in such sort, that at the very point of death, being wounded with some remorse of conscience, principally because it had all passed under his name and authority, being sorry because he could inflict no punishment upon them before his death, that had shed so much innocent blood, he gave in charge to his son Henry to be revenged on them, in prosecution whereof, after the decease of his father, he sent out his Letters Patents in the year one thousand five hundred forty nine, by which he took unto himself and into his own hands, the cause of the said Waldenses of Provence: but there was none but the Advocate Guerin that was hanged, because he had falsty informed the King, when he kept bacl the revocation of the first retention of the cause of those of Merindoll, whereupon presently followed the execution of the Arrest of the Court of Parliament of Aix. And all the rest that were faulty, escaped upon this consideration, that it was to no purpose to attempt any more against the Lutherans at that time.  
Touching the rest that escaped this massacre, some there were that retired themselves to Geneva, others into Switzerland, others into Germany, and others continued near thereabouts, tilling their land by stealth; and so by little and little, returned home to their old habitations, which they built and repaired at such times as they could by the benefit of the aforesaid Edicts; and were afterwards the seed of many goodly Churches, which at this day are gathered together, flourishing in all piety and zeal, as other Churches in the Kingdom of France.   

CHAP. IX.  
Of the Waldenses that did fly into Bohemia, and those persecutions which they suffered, that have come to our knowledge.  
divers have written, 
Albertus' de Capitaneis lib. de origine Waldensium. Thuanus in historia sui temporis, pa. 457. Petrus Valdus eorum Antesignanus, patria relictain Belgium venit, atque in Picardiam quam hodie vocant, multos sectatores n●etus cum inde in Germaniam transisset per Vandalicas civitates diu diversatus est, ac postremo in Bohemia consedit. See what is said of these two Barbes before in the first book Chap. 9  that Waldo at his departure from Lion, came into Dauphine, and from thence (having erected and ordered some Churches, and laid the foundations of them, which have been miraculously preserved unto this present time) he went into Languedoc, and there he left excellent Pastors, who ordered and instructed those Churches, that afterwards cost the Pope and his Clergy so much to destroy; and from thence he went into Picardy, from whence being chased, he took his journey into Germany, and from Germany he retired himself into Bohemia, where (according to the opinion of some) he ended his days. The Waldenses inhabiting in Dauphine, Piedmont, and Provence, have had communion and incelligence with their Brethren retired into Bohemia, for proof whereof, we have the message of Daniel de Valence, and john de Molin Pastors in Bohemia, who did much hurt to the Churches of that Country, by revealing unto the adversaries those flocks or companies, which before were hidden and unknown, because of the great and grievous persecutions that then were.  
We have also a certain Apology of the Waldenses of Bohemia in the Waldensian tongue, 
Vineaux in his memor. fol. 15  in the form of a Letter, which they wirt to King Ladislaus, whereof the Inscription is.  Al Serenissimo Princi Rey Lancelao. A li Duc Barons, & a li plus veil del Regne. Lo petit tropel de li Christians appella per falce nom falsament Pawers o Valdes. Gratia siaen Die lo Pair & en jesus lo Filli de luy. 
This Letter makes proof of the Communion which the Waldenses of Dauphine have had with those of Bohemia, in that they have had in their language this Letter, which contains a just Apology against those impostures, and other faults which in former times have been imputed to the one and to the other, and have been common with the Christians of the primitive Church. We have also in the same volume a treatise, the inscription whereof is this. Aico es la causa del nostre despartiment de la Gleisa Romana. That is to say; This is the cause of our separation from the Church of Rome. Causes which have been common with all those, that have withdrawn themselves from that Church, for fear of participating of her plagues.  
The Author of the Catalogue of witnesses of the truth, 
Flac. iii. in cattle. test. verit. p. 116.  makes mention of a certain form of Inquisition, which was practised against the Waldenses of Bohemia under King john, which was about the year 1330. As also in another Inquisition this is noted, that the Waldenses of Bohemia sent into Lombardy to the Waldensian Doctors, those whom they would have trained up in the profession of Divinity.  
In the treatise of the beginning of the Churches of Bohemia, 
Lib. de origine Ecclesiarun Bohemiae. pa. 273. Sed cum oppressae tyrannide Pontisicia conventus publicos nullos haberent neque scripta horum extarent vll●, ignotae nostris prorsus fuere. Esrom Rudiger in narrati●ncula de Ecclesijs fratrum in Bohemia Valdenses ad minimum CCXL annis originem nostram antecedunt.  at what time the doctrine of john Hus was there received, the Pastors, Ancients, and faithful of Bohemia say, that the Waldensian Churches of Bohemia, had been oppressed by the tyranny of the Pope, in such manner, that they had no more assemblies, and that there were no more of their writings to be found in Bohemia.  
Esrom Rudiger in his treatise of the Churches of Bohemia saith, that the Waldenses have had their Churches, at the least two hundred and forty years before those of the Hussites, and though he confess that their belief was one and the same, yet he affirmeth that there was not in their times any memory of their Churches, but only of those that were in France at Merindoll, and the places near adjoining. And that when they sent to Bohemia to join themselves unto them in the confession of their faith, they enquired of them, whether they made any public profession of the truth: and when they had understood, that there were some amongst them, that sometimes frequented Papistical Churches, and were present at those idolatries that were there committed, they did bitterly reprehend them for it.  
And therefore they that have answered under the name of the Waldenses, 
See the Confession of the Waldenses in the Catalogue rerum expetendarum. Lib de orig. & confess. Eccl. Pohem. Scimus quod multi boni viri, & veritatis Euangelicae instaurata cultares & sectate res pij seducti & indicationibus falsis & criminationib. adver sariorum, pro Valdensib nos habeant. Ibid. Hoc quidem constat, multum in ipsis lucis fuisse & de plerisque eos rectè sensisse & docuisse, & propter veritatem gravigima perpesso. in Gallia in primis. Aeneas Siluius in his history of the Taborites.  and have brought unto light their confession, which at this day is to be found in the Catalogue of things to be desired, are not any of the Waldenses, but one of those that by way of reproach were afterwards so called, and they have not been ashamed of that name, assuring themselves of the purity of their doctrine. And this notwithstanding, they revive again this common opinion when they affirm that they know well, that there are many good men, that follow and love the truth of the Gospel, who being deceived by false marks and notes, whereby they have described us (say they) have held us for Waldenses.  
And even there to, they give this testimony of the Waldenses; that there is in them much light and knowledge, and that they have well understood and purely taught many things, yea and that they have suffered much for the truth, especially in France; And so they desired to be distinguished from them, to the end that if it were observed, that the Waldenses had done much for the establishment of the truth in their times, that it might likewise be known, that the Hussites have not done little in their time.  
Aeneas Silvius reporteth of one james de Misne, and Peter de Dreze disciples of the Waldenses, that they went into Bohemia in the time of john Hus, and that having conferred with him, he made profession of their doctrine, and they themselves deny it not: for thy say that Wicklif was assisted to shake off the yoke of the Pope, by example of the Waldenses, and that Wicklif was the instrument which God had used for the instruction of john Hus, who taught in Bohemia, and that therefore they have thought themselves much bound to the Churches of the Waldenses, because whatsoever good there hath been in the said Churches, they say, was transported unto theirs; and so have they been in some sort, the beginning of theirs.   

CHAP. X.  
Of the Waldenses inhabiting in Austria, and the persecutions which they suffered.  
THe number of the Waldenses that inhabited in Austria was very great, who were there grievously persecuted, as may appear if we had no other proof than the Chronicle Hirsauge; 
See the Chronicle of Hirsauge.  where it is observed that about the year one thousand four hundred, there were burnt a great number in the City of cream, which is in the said Dukedom of Austria. But mere then that, that which troubled the heads of the persecuters a great deal more, was the speech of one of them, who being executed at Vienna, the principal City in Austria, said at his execution, that there were in that Country, of the same belief that he professed, above fourscore thousand.  
About the year of our Lord, one thousand four hundred sixty seven, the Hussites reforming their Churches, and separating them from the Church of Rome, they understood, that there were in Austria Churches of the ancient Waldenses, upon the frontiers of Bohemia, in the which there were great and learned men appointed for Pastors, & that the doctrine of the Gospel flourished amongst them. That they might know the truth thereof, they deputed two of their Brethren, amongst their Pastors, and two Ancients, with charge to inquire and know, what those flocks or congregations were, for what cause they had forsaken the Church of Rome, their principles and progression, that they should make known unto them the beginnings of their carriage, or demeanour in Bohemia, and give a reason why they were separated from the Romish Church.  
These men being come thither, 
joachimus Cam. in hist. de Ecclesiis Fratrum in Boheraia & Morauta. p. 104.  and having carefully inquired into the state of those Churches of the Waldenses, and having found them, they told them, that they did nothing but what was ordained by our Lord jesus Christ, and taught by his Apostles, holding themselves wholly to the institution of the Son of God in the matter of Sacraments.  
It contented the Waldenses very much, to understand that there were in Bohemia a number of people, that had given unto God the glory, and removed from them the abuse and idolatries of the Church of Rome, exhorting them in the name of God, to continue in that which they had so well begun, for the knowledge and maintenance of the truth, and for the establishment of a good discipline; and in witness of the great joy they received, and that holy Society and Communion, that they desired to have with them, they blessed them in praying for them, and laying their hands upon them.  
Afterwards the said Waldenses related unto them, how God had miraculously preserved them, for these many hundred years, notwithstanding the divers great and continual persecutions which they had endured; And so they lovingly and gently took their leave of their said brethren, and at their return related whatsoever they had seen or done in that their voyage, from whence they received unspeakable contentment, and from that time forward, there continued a holy affection and desire to communicate together as oft as they could, for their common edification. In prosecution whereof, the brethren of Bohemia visited by Letters the Waldenses of Austria, giving them to understand, that they had received great comfort by their last communication they had with them; but yet as they desired not to be flattered in any defect or fault whatsoever, so they could not dissemble without some defect of charity, what they had found in them, worthy reprehension; And that was, that they yielded to much to their infirmities, since that having once known the truth, they nevertheless frequented Papistical Churches, being present at those idolatries, which they condemned, basely profaning and polluting themselves, that we are not only certainly to believe with the heart, but we must likewise make confession with our mouth to salvation. Moreover they told them of another fault, which they had taken notice of, and that was, that they were too careful in heaping up gold and silver, for though the end were good, that is, to help and comfort them in time of persecution; yet forasmuch as every day brought with it affliction enough, and that such cares are not befitting those that are to look only before them, and to lay up a treasure in heaven, they condemned that which was superabundant in them, and which in the end they would principally rely upon.  
The Waldenses of Austria did heart'ly thank them, 
Joachim' Cam. in Hist. de Ecclesijs fratrum in Bobemia & Moravia p. 105  entreating them to continue this holy affection towards them, and for their part to do their best endeavour to further their communion, and to appoint a day and place of meeting and conference: for they having a long time known those their defects, which they had taken notice of, as yet they had not power to provide convenient remedies for the same, but their hope was, that being altogether, they should be able better to resolve with themselves, as also touching many other points of greatest moment. Now when it was even upon the point to send to the place where they had agreed to meet and to assemble themselves, they began to doubt that the business might be discovered, and it might be dangerous to all of them. And besides that, they considered with themselves that they had been supported, notwithstanding their assemblies and belief were sufficiently known, and therefore they should put themselves into extreme danger, if they should join themselves with other people. These considerations made their former designs and purposes of their mutual communications to vanish away; as also in the year following, that is, in the year one thousand four hundred siixty eight, the persecution increased against the said Waldenses of Austria, for there were burnt a great number at Vienna. Among others, the History makes mention of one Steven an ancient man, who being there burnt, confirmed many with his constancy. They that would escape this persecution, retired themselves into the coast of Brandebourg, where they stayed not long, being also there exposed to fire and sword: Amongst those, there was one named Tertor, 
joach, Cam. in hist. de Ecclesijs fratrum in Bohemia & Moravia. p. 117.  that retired himself into Bohemia where he joined himself to the Churches of the Hussites, and finding that a man might there remain in peace both of body and soul, he returned into his Country, and persuaded many to go to Bohemia, and to inhabit there, who were lovingly entertained; and after that time there have been no assemblies of the Waldenses in particular, but they have joined themselves unto the Churches of the Hussites.   

CHAP. XI.  
Of the Waldenses inhabiting in Germany, and the persecutions that there they suffered, whereof we have the proofs.  
NOtwithstanding that incontinently after that Peter Waldo with those that followed him, came into Germany, there was so great a persecution along upon the Rhine by the incitement and instigation of the Archbishops of Mayence and Strasbourg, that there were burnt in one day & in one fire, 
Dubranius in the history of Bohemia.  to the number of eighteen, yet we find that in the time of the Emperor Frederic the second, about the year one thousand two hundred and thirteen, Germany, and especially Alsatia was full of the Waldenses. The searchers were so diligent and exact, 
Coistans upon the Revel.  that they were enforced to disperse themselves into other places to avoid the persecution. This flight turned to the great benefit of the Church, because hereby many learned Teachers were scattered here and there, to make known unto the world the purity of their Religion.  
In the year one thousand two hundred thirty, a certain Inquisitor named Conrade de Marpurg, 
Vig●ier in the 1. part of his Bibli. Historiale.  was ordained by the Pope, Superintendent of the Inquisition. He exercised this charge with extreme cruelty, against all sorts of persons, without any respect even of the Priests themselves, 
Trithem in Chron. Hirsaugiensi. Godefridus Monan Aunal●bus  whose bodies and goods he confiscated. He tried men with a hot iron, saying, that they that could hold an iron red hot in their hands and not be burnt, were good Christians; but on the contrary, if they felt the fire, he delivered them to the secular power. In these times the Waldenses had in the Diocese of Treves many Schools, wherein they caused their children to be instructed in their belief, and notwithstanding all the Inquisitions & persecutions executed upon their flocks, yet they adventured to preach, 
Krautz in Metropol. l. 8. §. 18 & in Saxon. l. 8. ca 16.  calling their assemblies by the sound of a bell, maintaining in publica station (saith the Historiographer) publicly that the Pope was an heretic; his Prelates simonaical and seducers of the people. That the truth was not preached but amongst them: and that had not they come amongst them to teach, God before he would have suffered their faith to perish, would have raised others, even the stones themselves, to enlighten his Church by the preaching of the word. Until these times (say they) our Preachers have buried the truth, and preached lies: we on the contrary preach the truth, and bury falsehood and lies; and lastly we offer not a feigned remission, invented by the Pope, but by God alone, and according to our vocation.  
Matthew Paris an English writer observeth, that about the year 1220, 
Math Paris in Henry 3. anno 1220.  there were a great number in a part of Germany, that took arms, where the Waldenses were cut in pieces, being surprised in a place of great disadvantage, having on the one side a marish ground, and on the other the sea, in such sort that it was impossible for them to escape.  
About the year 1330, they were strangely vexed in many parts of Germany, 
Vignier in his third part of his Historical Biblio. in the year 1330.  by a certain jacobin Monk Inquisitor, named Echard: but after many cruelties executed upon them, as he pressed the Waldenses to discover unto him the reasons for which they were separated from the Church of Rome, being vanquished in his own conscience, and acknowledging those defects and corruptions which they alleged to be in the Church of Rome to be true, and not being able to disprove the points of their belief by the word of God, he gave glory unto God, and confessing that the truth had overcome him, he became a member of that Church which he had a long time before persecuted to the death. The other Inquisitors being advertised of this alteration, were much displeased, and they sent presently so many after him, that in the end he was apprehended, and brought to Heidelberg, where he was burnt, maintaining that it was injustice and wrong to condemn so many good men to death for the righteousness of Christ, against the inventions of Antichrist.  
In the year 1391, the Monks Inquisitors took in Soxony and Pomerania four hundred forty three Waldenses, 
Krautzin Metrop. l. 8. p. 18. & in ●ax. l. 8. cap. 16.  who all confessed, that they had been instructed in that belief for a long time by their ancestors, and that their teachers came from Bohemia.  
In the year one thousand four fifty seven the Monks Inquisitors of the Diocese of Eisten in Germany discovered many Waldenses, which they put to death. They had amongst them twelve Pastors that instructed them.  
We must not overpass the thirty five Burgesses of Mayence, that were burned in the Town of Bingue, because they were known to be of the belief of the Waldenses; nor the fourscore which the Bishop of Strasbourg caused to be burnt in one fire; nor that which Trithemius recounts, that they confessed in in those times, that the number of Waldenses was so great, that they could go from Cologne to Milan, and lodge themselves with hosts of their own profession, and that they had signs upon their houses and gates, whereby the might know them.  
But the most excellent instrument amongst them, that God employed in his service, was one Raynard Lollard, who at the first was a Franciscan Monk, and an enemy of the Waldenses, but yet a man carried with a sanctified desire to find the way of salvation, wherein he had so profited, that his adversaries themselves were constrained to commend him. 
john le Maire in the 3. part of the diff. of Schisms in the 24. schism.  For john le Maire puts him in the rank of those holy men, that have foretold by divine revelation, many things that have come to pass in his time. This worthy man taught the doctrine of the Waldenses, was apprehended in Germany by the Monks Inquisitors, and being delivered to the secular power, was burnt at Cologne.  
This man hath writ a Commentary upon the Apocalypse, where he hath set down many things that are spoken of the Roman Antichrist. This was he of whom the faithful in England were called Lollards, where he taught; witness that Tower in London which at this present is called by his name Lollards Tower, where the faithful that professed his Religion were imprisoned.   

CHAP. XII.  
Of the Waldenses that have been persecuted in England.  
ENgland hath been one of the first places that hath been honoured for receiving the Gospel, for not long after that Waldo departed from Lion, there were many condemned to death as Waldenses, that is to say, eleven years after the dispersion of the Waldenses of the City of Lion. For Waldo departed out of Lion, in the year one thousand one hundred sixty three, 
Math. Paris in his History of England, the said year.  and Matthew Paris reports, that the Monks Inquisitors caused some of the Waldenses to be burnt in England, in the year 1174. And john Bale makes mention of a certain man that was burnt at London, in the year 1210, that was charged with no other matter, then that he professed the Religion of the Waldenses. 
john Basle in the Chronicles of London. Thomas Walden in his sixth volume of things sacramental tit. 12. chap. 10  Thomas Walden an English man hath writ, that in the time of Henry the second the Waldenses were grievously persecuted, and that they were called Publicans: And as for those in whom they found not cause enough to condemn unto death, they marked them in forehead with a burning key, to the end they might be known of every man. This belief of the Waldenses was better known in the time of the wars against the Albingenses, insomuch that (as le Sieur de la Popeliniere hath well observed) the proximity of the lands and possessions of the Earl Remod of Tholouze, 
La Popiliniere in his History of France l. 1.  with Guienne, then possessed by the English, and the alliance of the King of England, brother in law of the said Remond, made the way more easy to the English, not only to secure one another in their wars; but also to take knowledge of the belief of the said Albingenses, which was no other but that of the Waldenses, to the end that they might support them, though the violence were unjust and extreme against those whom the English were many times constrained to defend against those who under the pretence of Religion, invaded his lands. Friar Rainard Lollard was then the most powerful instrument, which God used by exhortations, and sound reasons, to give knowledge to the English of the doctrine, for which the Waldenses were delivered to death. This doctrine was received by Wicklif, as it is noted in the Book of the Beginning and confession of the Churches of Bohemia, who thereby obtained much help for the increase of his knowledge in the truth. He was a renowned Theologian in the University of Oxford, and parson of the parish of Luterworth, in the Diocese of Lincoln; an eloquent man, and profound Scholar. He won the hearts of many English, even of most honourable of the land, as the Duke of Lancaster uncle to King Richard, Henry Percy, Lewes Gifford, and the Chancellor the Earl of Salisbury. By the favour of of these great personages, the doctrine of the Waldenses, or of Wicklif took footing, and had free passage in England, until Gregory the eleventh persecuted those that received it with allowance, by means of his Monks the Inquisitors; the fires being kindled in England for many years, to stay the course thereof: but it was all in vain, for it hath been maintained there maugre Antichrist, until his yoke was wholly shaken off. True it is, that the bones of Wicklif were dis-interred above thirty years after his death, and condemned to be burnt, with such books as his adversaries could recover; but he had before enlightened so great a number, that it was beyond the power of his enemies altogether to deprive the Church of them. For by how much the more they endeavoured to hinder the reading and knowledge of them by horrible threats, and death itself, the more were the affections of many sharpened to read them with greater ardency: It is likewise said, that a certain Scholar having carried into Bohemia one of the books of the said Wicklif, entitled His Universals, and delivering it to john Hus, he gathered that knowledge from it, that made him admirable in Bohemia, and edified all those, who together with him, did very willingly free themselves from the servile yoke of the Church of Rome. 
Lib. de Origine & Confess. Eccl. Bohemiae. Wiclefus à Waldensibus adiutus Hussium nostrum excitavit. pa. 264.  From hence it was said to the Husites, that Wicklif had awakened their john Hus. This Wicklif writ above a hundred volumes against Antichrist or the Church of Rome, the Catalogue whereof is in the book of the Images of famous men, that have combated with Antichrist.   

CHAP. XIII.  
Of the Waldenses that did fly into Flanders, and were there persecuted.  
AFter the great persecution of the Waldenses in the time of Philip the fair, 
S. Aldeg. in his 1. Table of the diff. fol. 149. john Dubravius in the Hstory of Bohemia. lib. 14.  Historigraphers make mention of their repair into Flanders, whether he pursued them, and caused a great number to be burnt. And because they were constrained to retire themselves into the woods, to fly from those that pursued them, they were called Turlupins, that is, 
See before l. 1. c. 1.  dwellers with wolves, as you have heard before in that Chapter, where we have showed what names were given unto them.  
Matthew Paris saith, that a certain jacobin Monk, 
Math. Paris in the life of Henry 3.  named Robert Bougre, had lived amongst the Waldenses, making profession of their Religion, but having afterwards forsaken them, became a Monk, and a very violent persecuter, in such sort, that he caused many to be burnt in Flanders. Now his own friends having taken knowledge, that he much abused the power and authority of his office, laying to their charge many things whereof they were innocent, and executing his authority against many that were altogether ignorant of the belief of the Waldenses, he was not only deprived of the office of an Inquisitor, but cast into prison, and being convicted of divers crimes, was condemned to perpetual prison.   

CHAP. XIV.  
Of the Waldenses that were persecuted in Poland.  
ABout the year of our Lord 1330, there were many that made profession of the Religion of the Waldenses in the Kingdom of Poland. The Bishops had recourse to the means established by the Pope, that is to say, 
Flac. Illy. in his Catol. of the wit. pa. 539.  the Inquisition; whereby they deliver many of them into the hands of the executioner. The Author of the Catalogue of the witnesses of the truth hath written, that he hath lying by him, the form of the Inquisition, which the Inquisitors made use off in this persecution.  
Vignier saith, 
Vignier in his Biblio. pa. 130. In his History lib. 1.  that at their departure out of Picardy, many of them that were persecuted there, retired themselves into Poland.  
Le Sieur de Popeliniere hath set down in his History, that the Religion of the Waldenses hath spread itself almost into all parts of Europe, even amongst the Polonians, and Lutherans; and that after the year one thousand one hundred, they have always sowed their doctrine, little differing from that of the modern Protestants, and maugre all the powers and Potentates that have opposed themselves against them, they have defended it to this day.   

CHAP. XV.  
That many Waldenses have been persecuted. at Paris.  
IN the year 1210, four and twenty Waldenses were apprehended at Paris, 
The history of Languedoc. 1. Forier. fol. ●.  whereof some were imprisoned & some burnt. It happened also, that during the one & twentieth schism, and during the time of Pope john, the one and twentieth of that name, the persecution was great throughout all France, against the Waldenses, but especially at Paris.  
Again in the year 1304, the Monks Inquisitors, appointed for the search of the Waldenses, 
1. Tab. pa. 15 2.  apprehended at Paris a hundred and fourteen, who were burnt alive, and endured the fire with admirable constancy.  
We find also in the Sea of Histories, that in the year 1378, 
The Sea of histories in the year 1378.  the persecution continuing against the Waldenses, there were burnt at Paris in the place de Greue a very great number   

CHAP. XVI.  
Of the Waldenses inhabiting in Italy, and the persecutions which we can prove, they have there suffered.  
IN the year 1229 the Waldenses were spread abroad in great numbers throughout Italy. 
Sigonius de regno Italico lib. 17.  Valcamonica only they had Schools, and from all parts of their abode they sent money into Lombardy for the maintenance of the said Schools. 
Vignier in the 3 part of his Bibl. hist. Rain. in summa fol. 18.  Rainerius saith, that about the year of our Lord, one thousand two hundred fifty, the Waldenses had Churches in Albania, Lombardy, Milan, and in Romagina; as also at Vincence, Florence, and Val Spoletine. In the year of our Lord 1280, there were many Waldenses in Sicily, 
Le Sieur de Hail. in the life of Phil. 3.  as le Sieur de Haillan observeth in his History.  
In the year 1492, Albert de Capitaneis Inquisitor and  of Cremona, apprehended one of the Pastors of the Waldenses, 
It appears by the inditemet of the said Pasto., the orginal whereof is in our hands  named Peter de jaeob, passing over a mountain in Dauphine called le Gol de Costeplane, as he was going to Pragela in the Valley of Frassinieres. Being asked from whence he came, he answered, that he came from the Churches of the Waldenses in Italy, where he had been to perform his duty to his charge, and that he had passed by Gennes, where he told them, 
Genoa.  that the Waldensian Pastors had a house of their own, which agreeth with that which Vignaux noteth in his Memorials. 
Vignaux in his memorial fol. 15.  That is, that a certain Pastor, named john of the Valley of Lucerna, was suspended from the office of a Pastor, for the space of seven years, for some fault he had committed, and that during the said time, he remained at Gennes, where (saith he) the Pastors had a house, as also they had a fair one in Florence. Besides all these testimonies of the abode of the Waldenses in Italy, we have those of Calabria, 
Chap. 7.  of whom th●re was question before. The persecutions that they have suffered in Italy were continual, until they were wholly rooted out. The Emperor Frederic the second of that name, did grievously persecute them by Edicts, 
In the constitution which gins Jnconsutilem tunicam.  by the Inquisition, by constitutions, especially by that which condemneth Gazaros, Patarenos, Leonistas, Speronistas, Arnoldistas, etc. where he bewails the simplicity of those whom he calleth Patareniens, as if he should say, exposed to passions and sufferings, in that they prodigally yielded their lives to contempt, affecting martyrdom; whereas if they would peaceably maintain the faith of the Church of Rome, they might (saith he) live peaceably amongst other men, who acknowledge her to be their mother, and the head of all the Churches in the world. It was his pleasure that they should be severely and speedily punished, for fear lest they should farther spread themselves; seeing also that they had begun to inhabit in Lombardie, and within his Realm of Sicily, where he commanded they should be persecuted with all rigour, to the end they might be driven out from thence, and the whole world together.  
Roger King of Sicily, made also constitutions against them, and caused them to be persecuted.  
Pope Gregory the 9 did grievously persecute them. 
Sigonius de regno Italico li. 17.  A Legate of his, banished them out of all Italy Cities, and Countries, and gave command that their houses should be razed. He appointed in the City of Milan two P●eachers, who by the authority of the Archbishop, made a strict enquiry of the Waldenses, and where they could apprehend any, they caused them to be brought by the Praetor, to the place where the Archbishop had appointed, and that at the public charge.  
Pope Honorius caused them to be grievoursly persecuted under the name of Fraticelli, that is to say, shifting companions: for some do hold, that as many as were so called in Italy, were no other but Waldenses. In the time of Boniface 8, they were charged with the same calumnies, as the Waldenses of Dauphine, and the Christians of the primitive Church. The Monks Inquisitors have always made in Italy an exact search, that they might deliver them to the secular power; and not being content to condemn the living, they framed indictments against the dead, dis-interred their bodies, burnt their bones, and confiscated their goods.  
Paulus Aemilius speaks thus of these shifting fellows. 
Paul. Aemil in Charles the fair.  In the time of Charles le Bel (saith he) there were many great spirits and men very learned. That age flourished in learning, and some there were that were truly holy; others who endeavouring unseasonably, and without measure to outstrip others, became wicked; others whose manners and institutions were doubtful; as for the best and holiest, the wicked of those times bore them a grudge, afflicting them, not speaking a word, or telling them wherefore: And as for those whom they called Fraterculos, Shifters, the Preachers condemned them, both by word and writing, 
I understand the words but not the sense.  cest escarlotte, ces biens, ceste domination, and taught, that they agreed not with the Religion of Christ. They were said to be of the same belief with the Waldenses, because such was their doctrine.  
One amongst the rest, named Herman, being buried at Ferrara, 
See the Sea of histories in the year 1300.  was condemned twenty years after his death to be dis-interred, and his bones to be burnt, notwithstanding that whilst he lived, he were accounted a holy man. Also there was another named Andrew, and his wife Guillaume, that were dis-interred, and their bones burnt.   

CHAP. XVII.  
That some of the Waldenses did fly into Dalmatia, Croatia, Sclavonia, Constantinople, Grecia, Philadelphia, Digonicia, Livonia, Sarmatia, Bulgaria, and were there persecuted.  
THe Monk Rainerius in his book of the form of proceeding against the Heretics, 
Rain●de forma baereticandi. fol. 10.  in that Catalogue that he made of the Churches of the Waldenses, or poor people of Lion, notes that there were in his time, that is to say, in the year 1250, Churches in Constantinople, Philadelphia, Sclavonia, Bulgaria, and Digonicia.  
Vignier saith, that after the persecution of Picardy, 
Vignier in his 3 part of his historical Bib. pa. 130. Math. Paris in the life of Hen. 6 king of England.  were dispersed abroad in Livonia and Sarmatia.  
Math. Paris saith, that long since they were gone as far as Croatia, and Dalmatia, and that they had there taken such footing, that they had won unto them divers Bishops: He saith moreover, that there was one Bar. thelmew, who came from Carcassonne, unto whom they all yielded obedience. And that he styled himself in his Letters; Barthelmew, the servant of the servants of the holy faith, and that he created Bishops, and ordained Churches. Here may be some imposture, in that he attributeth to his own person, that which is attributeth to the Pope, that is, that he called himself the servant of the servants, and yet nevertheless had taken upon him a kind of Soveraingty, contrary to the order enjoined by the Son of God, and followed, and practised by his Apostles. 
Albert. de Cap. lib. de origine Waldensium. p. 1.  As also in that Albertus de Capitaneis saith, that the Waldenses had their great Master in the City of Aquillia in the Realm of Naples, upon whom they absolutely depended. For there is not one word in all their writings, that aims at that end: Only we allege the saying of this Historiographer, to prove the extent of those places, where the Waldenses exiled themselves, to avoid the persecution.  
Antonin relateth, 
Antonin. part. 3 Tit. 2.  that the Waldenses called in Italy Fratecelli, were in his time burnt in divers parts of the world, insomuch that many of them forsaking Italy, retired themselves into Greece, especially one amongst them of principal note, named Lewis de Baniere, and that two Monks or grey Friars were burnt for adhering unto them, that is to say, john Chastillon, and Francis de Hercatura.   

CHAP. XVIII.  
Of the Waldenses inhabiting in Spain, and that they were there persecuted.  
IN the time of the wars against the Earl Remond of Toulouze, and the Earl de Foix, and coming when the Waldenses were persecuted by the Pope's Legates, many of them went into Catalogne, and the Realm of Arragon. This is that which Math. 
Math. Paris in the reign of Henry 3.  Paris sets down, saying, that the time of Pope Gregory the 9, there were a great number of Waldenses in Spain, & about the year 1214, in the time of Alexander the fourth, who complained in one of his Bulls, that they had been suffered to take such footing & that they should have so much leisure as to multiply as they had done. For in the time of Gregory the 9 they so far forth increased in number and credit, that they ordained Bishops over their flocks, to preach their doctrine, which the other Bishops taking notice off, there followed a gricuous persecution.   

CHAP. XIX.  
The Conclusion of the History of the Waldenses.  
BY that which is contained in this first and second Book, it appeareth that the Christians called Waldenses, have opposed themselves against the abuses of the Church of Rome, and for these four hundred and fifty years and upward, they have been persecuted, not by the sword of the word of God, but by all kind of violence and cruelties, besides many calumnies and false accusations. Which enforced them to disperse themselves here and there, where they could have any abiding, wand'ring through desert places; and yet nevertheless, the Lord hath in such sort preserved the remainder of them, that notwithstanding the rage of Satan, they have continued invincible against Antichrist; to whom they have offered a spiritual combat, destroying him by the blast of the spirit of God. Crying with a loud voice, not only throughout all Europe, but in many other parts of the earth, that it was time to departed out of Babylon, lest we participate of her plagues. This is the people that have enforced themselves to re-establish the true and pure service of God, by the power of his word, a contemptible people, even as the filth of the world, by whom nevertheless the eternal God, hath wrought wonderful things, restoring and re-establishing by them his Church: First in France, afterwards, as it were from a new Zion, causing the rivers of his holy Law, and pure doctrine to distil and drop down upon the rest of the world, gathering together his elect, by the preaching of his holy Gospel. And that which is most admirable in this so great a work is, that the doctrine which they have believed and preached, hath been likewise miraculously preserved amongst them, in the middle of all their gricuous and continual persecutions, which they have suffered for righteousness sake: As it is also worthy admiration, that their adversaries have kept a register of the evils, which they have caused them unjustly to suffer. It hath been their glory that they have shed that blood, that crieth for vengeance; exiled the Church for a limited time in the wilderness, and made known by their Histories, that the Dragon hath done but that which was granted unto him, that is, to make war against the Saints: but being delivered from their great tribulation, and their robes whitened in the blood of the Lamb, they have been conducted to the living fountains of water, and God hath wiped all tears from their eyes.  
LAUS DEO.  Revelation 21.7. 
He that overcometh, shall inherit all things,  
and I will be his God, and be shall be my son.    
FINIS.   


THE FIRST BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF THE ALBINGENSES.  

CHAP. I.  
Who the Albingenses were, what their belief, who were comprehended under the name of Albingenses, at what time and by whom they have been instructed, in what esteem their Pastors have been, by whom and in what Council condemned, how they have increased, what Cities and great Lords have taken their part: For what doctrine the Papists have hated them and persecuted them to the death.  
THe Albingenses, which we are to speak of in this History, differ nothing at all from the Waldenses, in their belief: but they are only so called of the Country of Albi, where they dwelled, and had their first beginning. The Popes have condemned them as Waldenses; the Legates have made war against them, as professing the belief of the Waldenses; the Monks Inquisitors, have form their Process and Indictments as against Waldenses: The people have persecuted them, as being such, and themselves have thought themselves honoured by that title, upon the assured knowledge that they had of the purity of their doctrine, 
jaques de Riberia, in Collectaneis urbis Tolozae.  being the selfsame with the Waldenses: In respect whereof, many Historiographers call them Waldenses. We therefore will distinguish them, not by their belief, but by the places of their abode, and by the particular wars which they have endured for the space of above fifty years. Under this name, we comprehend all the subjects of the Earls Remonds of Toulouze, father and son, and the subjects of the Earls of Foix and Coming, and all those that have taken part with them, that have fought for their Religion, and suffered the selfsame persecutions.  
They received the belief of the Waldenses, a little after the departure of Waldo from Lion: The instruments that were employed in this work, were Peter Bruis, one Henry, one joseph, one Esperon and Arnold Hit; of whom they were afterward called Pierrebruisiens, or Petrobrusiens, Henriciens, josephists, Esperonists, and Arnoldists: but above all the rest, Henry and Arnold traveled in the Country of Albi, and that with so good success, that in a short time there were found but a few, and in some places not any, that would go any more to Mass, affirming that the sacrifice of the Mass was only invented to enrich the Priests, and to make them to be more esteemed in the world, as making the Body of Christ by their words, and sacrificing him to God the Father for the sins of the living and of the dead; which was an impierie, destroying the sacrifice of the Son of God, and annihilating the merit of his death and passion. There were many that gave ear to their reasons in the diocese of Rhodes, Cahors, Again, Toulouze and Narbonne, 
jaques de Riberia in his collections 〈◊〉 the City of Toulouze.  because the Doctors that taught amongst the Waldenses were learned men, conversant in the reading of the holy Scriptures, whereas on the other side the Priests, who studied nothing more than the sacrifices of the Mass, and how to receive their oblations for the dead, were altogether ignorant, and therefore contemned of the people.  
Pope Alexander the third, 
Claud. de Rubis in his History of the City o● Lion. Lib. 3. pa● 269.  being much moved with anger because he saw many great Provinces to shake off the yoke of the Romish Church, and to dispense with their obedience, condemned them for Heretics in the Council of Latran.  
Nevertheless, they were in such a manner multiplied, that in the year 1200. they possessed the Cities of Toulouze, Apamies, Montauban, Villemur, Saint Antonin, 
Hologaray in his History of Foix.  Puech Laurence, Castres', Lambs, Carcassonne, Beziers, Narbonne, Beaucaire, Auignon, Tarascon, the Count Venecin; and in Dauphine Crest Arnaud and Monteil-Amar.  
And which is more, they had many great Lords, who took part with them, that is to say, the Earl Remond of Toulouze, Remond Earl of Foix, the Viscount of Beziers, Gaston Lord of Bearne, the Earl of Carmain, the Earl of Bigorre, the Lady of Lavaur, and divers others, of whom we shall make mention in their deu place. And besides all these, the Kings of Arragon and of England, have many times defended their case, by reason of that alliance that they had with the Earl Remond of Toulouze.  
The doctrines that they maintained against the Church of Rome, were these:  
1 That the Romish Church is not the holy Church and Spouse of Christ, but a Church watered with the Doctrine of Devils; That Babylon which Saint john hath described in the Apocalypse, the mother of fornications and abominations, covered with the blood of Saints.  
2 That the Mass was not instituted by Christ, nor by his Apostles, but that it is the invention of men.  
3 That the prayers of the living profit not the dead.  
4 That Purgatory maintained in the Church of Rome, was a humane invention, to glut and satisfy the covetousness of the Priests.  
5 That Saints are not to be prayed unto.  
6 That Transubstantiation is the invention of men, and an erroneous doctrine: And that the adoration of the Bread is a manifest Idolatry.  
And that therefore they were to forsake the Church of Rome, wherein the contrary was affirmed and taught, because a man may not be present at the Masses, where Idolatry is practised, nor attain salvation by any other means, than by jesus Christ, nor transfer unto the creatures the honour that is due to the Creator, nor say of the Bread, that it is God, and adore it, as being God, without the incurring of eternal damnation, for Idolaters shall not inherit the Kingdom of Heaven.  
For all these things affirmed by them, they have been hated and persecuted to the death.   

CHAP. II.  
Pope Innocent the third of that name, made show of a desire to win the Albingenses to the Church of Rome, by preaching and conference. A famous disputation at Montreal. To what end the Pope permitted disputation in matter of Religion.  
POpe Innocent the third of that name, seemed to be carried with a desire to reduce the Albingenses unto the Church of Rome, by preach and reasons, or to oppress them and utterly root them out, by violence of arms, and by cruelty of punishments.  
But before he would come to extremities, he thought in necessary, for the better justification of his proceed, to begin with words, and after wards to come to blows. He sent therefore amongst them certain Preachers, who endeavoured to draw them by gentle persuasions.  
See here how the Compiler of the treasure of Histories speaks of those times. 
The Comp. of the Treasure of Histories in the year 1206.  When there came news (saith he) to Pope Innocent the third, that in his Province of Narbonne, the traitorous Heresy was spread abroad, not only amongst the poor, but Earls, Barons and Knights; he sent the Abbot of Cisteaux, and two Monks with him, to preach against those disloyal buggers. When they had traveled some little way, preaching throughout the Country, they came to Mompelier, where they met with a worthy man that was Bishop of Cestre. This honest man, asked the Abbot of Cisteaux, what he did there. He answered that the Pope had sent him thither, against those Sodomites, but that he could not convert them. This good man was nothing astonished at it, but he still maintained the work of the Lord valiantly, and went on foot to give good example to others, and they stayed and went on foot with him. Afterwards the Abbot returned to the Chapter, or general assembly, but the Bishop and the two Monks, passing a long time through the Country and preaching, they converted many of the meaner sort of people, but of the great ones and richer sort, there were few or none, that returned to the true faith.  
The Abbot came bacl into the Country, and brought with him another Abbot, and divers Monks, and came all on foot; whereupon the Bishop of Cestre began to think with himself how to return into his Country, but died by the way.  
The Monks who preached throughout the Country, found the Princes so obdurate in their malice, that they resolved to stay no longer there, but returned into their Countries, except one good man, who was called Friar Peter of Chasteauneuf, who continued preaching with one of his companions.  
When the Albingenses knew the intention of the Pope, which was, to prerend that he was not the cause, why they whom he judged to be wanderers, did not return to the bosom of the Church of Rome by gentle means, and force of reason, they began to think that it stood them upon to maintain their belief by such conference, otherwise they should give occasion to the adversaries to think, that there was in their Religion some weakness, if there were not any Pastor that would take upon him the defence thereof. It was therefore concluded amongst the Albingenses, to give the Bishops to understand, that their Pastors, or any one of them for the rest, were ready to maintain their belief by the word of God, provided that the conference were well ordered and moderated; that is to say, that there may be moderators, that are men of authority, both on the one side and the other, that may have wherewithal to hinder all tumult and sedition. Provided also, that it be in a place, unto which there may be free access, and the place secured for all persons that may assist, or be present at the said conference. Moreover, that there be some matter or subject chosen by common consent, not to be given over before it be determined; and that he that cannot defend it by the word of God, is to be reputed and held to be vanquished.  
The Bishops and Monks did all allow of the said conditions. The place was Montreal, near Carcasonne, 
This disputation was the most famous, that hath been between the Albingenses, & the Bishops and Priests.  the time, in the year one thousand two hundred and six. The Arbitrators agreed upon by the one part and the other, B. de Villeneufue, and B. Auxerre for the Bishops: and for the Albingenses, R. de Bot, and Antony Riviere.  
Arnold Hit was the Pastor for the Albingenses, 
Chassagnon maketh mention in his first book of the History of the Albingenses pag. 72.  accompanied with those that were accounted fit for such an action: He was the first that arrived at the place and day assigned: Afterwards came the Bishop Eusus, and the Monk Dominique a Spaniard, with two of the Pope's Legates, that is to say, 
Also jaques de Riberia in his collect. of the City of Toulouze.  Peter Chastel and Racul de Justiniano, Abbot of Candets, P. Bertrand Prior d' Auterive: as also the Prior de Palates, and divers other Priests and Monks.  
The Theses or tenerall questions proposed by Arnold, 
This disputation was sent me from the Albingenses, by Mr. Rafin Pastor of the Church of Realmont in old Manuscripts.  were these: That the Mass, with the Transubstantiation, was the invention of men, not the ordinance of Christ, nor his Apostles.  
That the Romish Church is not the Spouse of Christ, but the Church of tumult and molestation, made drunken with the blood of Martyrs.  
That the policy of the Church of Rome, is neither good, nor holy, nor established by jesus Christ.  
Arnold sent these Propositions to the Bishop, who demanded a respite of fifteen days to answer, which was granted him. At the day appointed, the Bishop failed not to appear, with a long and large writing. Arnold Hit desired to be heard by word of mouth, saying: That he would answer to all that was contained in the said writing, entreating his auditory that it might not be troublesome unto them, if he were long in answering to so long a discourse. It was granted that he should be heard with attention and patience, and without interruption. He discoursed at divers hours, for four days together, and with such admiration of those that were present, and readiness for his part, that all the Bishops, Abbots, Monks and Priests had reason to desire they had been elsewhere. For he framed his answer according to the points set down in the said writing, with such order and plainness, that he gave all that were present to understand, that the Bishop having written much, had nevertheless concluded nothing, that might truly turn to the advantage of the Church of Rome against his Propositions.  
Afterwards Arnold made a request, that forasmuch as the Bishops and himself in the beginning of their conference, were bound to prove whatsoever they affirmed by the only word of God, it might be imposed upon the Bishops and Priests, to make good their Mass, such as they sing it, part by part, to have been instituted by the Son of God, and sung in the like manner by his Apostles, beginning at the entrance, unto the Isle Missa est, as they term it: but the Bishops were not able to prove, that the Mass or any part thereof, was ordained in such an action, either by jesus Christ, or his Apostles. With this the Bishops were much discontented and ashamed. For Arnold had brought them to the only Canon, which they pretended to be the best part of their Mass, touching which point he proved, That the holy Supper of our Lord was n ot the Mass. For if the Mass were the holy Supper instituted by our Saviour, there would remain after the Consecration all that which was in the Supper of the Lord, that is to say, Bread: but in the Mass there is no bread; for by Transubstantiation the bread is vanished away; therefore the Mass (saith he) without bread, is not the holy Supper of the Lord, for there is bread. 

jesus Christ broke bread, The Priest breaks the body not the bread.  
St. Paul broke the bread, The Priest breaks the body not the bread.    
Therefore the Priest doth not that which Christ jesus hath done, and St. Paul.  
Upon these Antitheses which Arnold made touching the Supper of the Lord, and the Mass, to prove that it came not from Christ nor his Apostles, the Monks, Bishops, Legates and Priests retired themselves, not being willing to hear any more, and fearing lest they should work such an impression in those that were present, as might shake their belief touching the Mass.  
The Monk of the Valley survey, 
The Monk of the Valley survey, in his Hist. of the Albing. chap. 5.  endeuoureth to bring this action into suspicion, affirming that at what time the Heretical judges exceeded in number, seeing the badness of their cause, and the wretchedness of their disputation, they would not (saith he) give any judgement thereof, nor deliver their writings to their adversaries, for fear lest they should come to light, and render to the Heretics their own. But how should two Legates of the Pope, the Bishops, Abbots, Monks and Priests, put themselves into any such place, where they could be thus overcharged with number? This Monk saith in the same place, that the principal. Arch-heretikes came to the Catholics at the Castle of Montreal, to dispute with them. So that they held then the Castle, and therefore there was no occasion of doubt, or any such violence. And furthermore, how could it be that the Bishops should request the moderators to give judgement in a point of disputation, when they hold that there needs no other sentence than the Popes, who cannot err? Again, how did the Monk know that the Albingenses were overcome, if there were no judgement or sentence given against them? There were, about the same time, many other disputations, as at Serignan, Pannies, but this was only to delay the Albingenses from further proceeding. For in the mean time whilst the Bishop of Toulouze, and the Bishop of Onezimonde disputed at Pamies, and the Pope's two Legates, with Arnold at Montreal, B. of Villeneufue, Arbitrator and Moderator for the Bishops, signified, That there could be nothing determined or agreed upon, by reason of the coming of those Armies that were to fight under the badge of the Cross. This was the subtlety of the Pope, 
Hilagaray in his Hist. of Foix, pa. 126.  to entertain them in conferences touching matter of Religion, that in the mean time he might prepare great Armies, to root out (if he could) both themselves and their Religion.   

CHAP. III.  
The end of the disputation touching Religion, it was not long continued by the Pope and his Legates. The presence of the Pope to publish the expedition against the Albingenses. The Earl Remond humbleth himself before the Pope's Legate, he is whipped by the Legate, and deprived of his Earldom of Venessin by the Pope, he is made chief Leader of the Army of those that fought under the badge of the Cross, at the siege of Beziers.  
NOw when Pope Innocent had prepared his Armies of the Cross, 
So termed because every one that undertaketh the journey, wears on his Cassock or Coat-armour, the badge of the Cross.  and had dispersed them here and there about the Countries of the Albingenses, there were no longer any disputations, except it were with Fire and Faggots, the chief disputers being the Executioners, and the Monks Inquisitors, the Harpies or ravenous birds, which the Pope made use of, for the extirpation of the Albingenses. The pretence of this so famous an expedition was made against the Earl Remond of Toulouze, about the death of a certain jacobin Monk, who was slain by the Albingenses: For the Pope took from thence occasion to send throughout all Europe Preachers to assemble men together, to take vengeance of the innocent blood of Friar Peter de Casteauneuf, who had been slain by the Heretics, promising Paradise to whomsoever would come to this war and bear arms for forty days. This war he called the holy war, and for which he gave the selfsame Pardons, the selfsame Indulgences, as he did unto those who went to the wars of the holy Land, for the conquest thereof. He likewise termed it, the war for the Crucifix, and the Army of the Church. And as for the Earl Remond, hear with what terms he thundered against him in his Bull. We ordain (saith he) that all Archbishops and Bishops, 
A Bull given at Latran in the year 1208.  are to denounce, throughout all their Dioceses, the Earl Remond accursed and excommunicated, as being murderer of a good servant of God, and that with the sound of the Bell, and the extinction of Candles, every Sunday and Festival days. We promise moreover to all those that shall take arms, to revenge the said murder, forgiveness of their sins, seeing that these pestilent Long Slops seek nothing else but to take away our lives. And forasmuch as according to the Law of the holy Canons, faith is not to be kept to him that keeps not his faith to God, we would have all to understand, that every man that is bound to the said Earl by oath of fidelity, society, alliance, or otherways, by the A postolicall authority, is absolved from any such bands; and it shall be lawful for every Catholic man, not only to pursue the person of the said Earl, but also to hold and possess his land, etc.  

And as touching the Albingenses, see how he handleth them.  
We therefore admonish you more carefully, and exhort you more speedily, as being a matter of great necessity, etc. That ye endeavour to understand by all the means that God shall reveal unto you, and study to abolish the Heretical pravity and these Sectaries, and that more severely than the saracenes, impugning them with a strong hand, and a stretched-out arm, as being worse than they, etc. Driving them out of the field of the Lord, taking from them their lands and live, in which (the Heretics being banished) let Catholic inhabitants be substituted in their room.  
The Pope writ to all Christian Princes to frame themselves for the obtaining of that pardon against the Albingenses, that they obtained, if they passed beyond the Seas against the Turks; and particularly the author of the Treasure of Histories saith, That the Pope entreated King Philip and divers Barons, that they would undertake with him that enterprise against the Heretics, and get their pardons: And that the King answered that he was to be excused, by reason of his wars with the Emperor Otho, and King john of England. Of the Barons (saith he) there were many that yielded to the enterprise, for their pardon.  
The Earl Remond, being advertised what was plotted against him in Europe, at the instance of the Pope, sent unto him, humbly beseeching him not to condemn him, before he had heard him speak, assuring him that he was no way culpable of the death of Friar Peter de Casteauneuf, and that it was sufficiently verified that the murderer was fled to Beaucaire: he complained of the malice of his enemies, who had made false informations against him, touching the said murder: But all was in vain, for before his excuses came to Rome, the troops of the Croises, that is, those that bear the badge of the Cross upon their coat-armour, were come to pour down their vengeance upon him and his lands, that is to say, the Duke of Burgundy, Earl of Ennevers, the Earl of St. Paul, the Earl of Auxerre, the Earl of Geneva, the Earl of Poitiers, the Earl of Forests, and the Earl Simon of Montfort. The Lord of Bar, Ginchard of Beavieu, and Ganchier of joigui. As also the Ecclesiastical persons, who had levied in their Diocese a number of Pilgrims and wandering people; they were the Archbishop of Seus, the Archbishop of Rovan, the Bishop of Clermond, the Bishop of Ennevers, the Bishop of Lizieux, the Bishop of Bayeux, and the Bishop of Chartres, with divers others; 
Pelerins.  every Bishop with the Pilgrims of his jurisdiction, to whom the Pope promised Paradise in Heaven, but gave them not one penny upon earth, only he did let them know, that in such a war there were more blows than pardons. This Levy of Pilgrims or wandering persons, was in the year 1209. There was now a necessity either of opposing violence against violence, or to come to submissions. The latter was thought the more easy, but yet dangerous. For to yield himself to the discretion of his enemies, was to bring himself into the danger of his own ruin. The Count Remond therefore came to Valence, before the Pope's Legate named Milo.  
Being entered the toil, he began to excuse himself, saying: That it seemed strange unto him, that so great a number of men should come in arms against him, that used no other arms to defend himself, than his own innocence; that he was much wronged by those that persuaded the people that he was guilty of the death of the Monk Friar Peter of Casteauneuf; that before they had thus moved Heaven and Earth, as it were, they should have enquired of the truth of the fact, and not condemn any before he were heard: That he had there many witnesses of the death of the said Monk, slain at St. Giles, by a certain Gentleman, whom the said Monk pursued, who presently retired himself to his friends at Beaucaire: That this murder was very displeasing unto him, and therefore he had done what lay in his power, to apprehend him, and to chastise him, but that he escaped his hands: That had it been true which they laid to his charge, that he had imbrued his hands in that blood, yet the ordinary courses of justice were to be taken against him, and not to have wrecked their anger upon his subjects that were innocent in this case. And therefore (saith he) to the said Legate, forasmuch as upon an assured trust and confidence, armed only with the testimony of a good Conscience, I am come to yield myself unto your hands, what need is there any more of the employment of these Pilgrims or wandering people, against him whom they had in their own power? That it was promised him, that when his honesty should be known, they that were in arms to fight against him, would defend him: And therefore he humbly entreated the said Legate, to send a Countermand to his Soldiers before they approached any further into his lands and territories, promising to justify himself of whatsoever was laid to his charge, in such a manner, that the Pope and the Church should rest contented: That his own person might serve for a sufficient pledge for the performance of these his promises.  
The Legate answered that the Earl Remond had done well in presenting himself before him, and informing him of his innocence, whereof he would advertise his Holiness, and become an Intercessor for him; but yet the business was of such an importance, that he durst not rely only upon his own knowledge, much less send bacl his Soldiers of the Cross, that had cost so much labour, and lost the gathering together, except he would give such assurances of his words, as might take away from the Pope and the Church, all show or shadow that he may hereafter deal falsely with them that put their trust in him. And therefore he should not think it a difficult matter to deliver into his hands, seven of the best Castles he had in Provence (that is to say, in the Count Venessin, which was then annexed unto Provence) which should serve for an Hostage.  
The Earl Remond knew well the error he had committed, by putting himself under the hatches, but it was too late to be readuised, because the counsels which the Legate gave him, were as commands. He knew himself to be a prisoner, and that he must now receive the Law of him, into whose power he had unwisely cast himself; and therefore he made a show of great willingness to obey to whatsoever was prescribed by the Legate, acknowledging that both his person and his processions were at the service of his holy Father, only beseeching the Legate, that his subjects might receive no more damage by the Soldiers. The Legate promised all the favour that he desired in this regard, and presently sent to the County Venessin, Master Theod. 
The Monk of the Valley survey in his History of the Albm. cap. 11. fol. 23.  Canon of Gennes, to put a Garrison into the Castles and places of importance in the said County, and to give commandment to all the Consuls of the Cities thereof, to make their repair presently to the said Legate; before whom being come, they were given to understand, that the Earl Remond had delivered up his Castles to the guard and power of the Pope, for proof of his fidelity to the Church, whereof they were to be advertised, to the end likewise that they from thence forward, should acknowledge themselves to be the lawful subjects of his Holiness, in case the said Earl Remond should do any thing against the oath of obedience which he had made to the Pope and to the Church of Rome, in which case, as already in those times they were discharged of all oaths of fidelity given in times passed to the said Earl, and his lands were confiscated to the Pope. The Consuls being much astonished to see their Lord thus stripped of all his lands and possessions, could not refuse in the presence of himself, to do whatsoever the said Legate required at their hands. But that which did afflict them most, was, that they saw the Earl Remond conducted to St. Giles, where he was reconciled to the Pope, and to the Church, with these ceremonies that follow. First, the Legate commanded the said Earl Remond to strip himself stark naked, without the Church of St. Giles, having only to cover his nakedness, a close pair of linen breeches, the rest was all bare, head, feet, and shoulders. Then he put a Stole (which Priests wear about their necks) upon his neck, and leading him by the said Stole, he made him to go nine times about the grave of the deceased Friar Peter de Chateauneuf, who had been buried in the said Church, scourging him with rods, which the Legate had in his hand, as long as he went about the said Sepulchre. The Earl Remond demanded satisfaction for this extraordinary penance, for a sin which he had not committed, for he had not killed the Monk: The Legate answered him, That notwithstanding he had not killed him, nor caused him to be killed, yet forasmuch as this murder was committed, within his territories, and he had made no pursuit after the murderer, this murder was deservedly imputed unto him, and therefore that he was to satisfy the Pope and the Church by this his humble repentance, if he desired to be reconciled to the one and to the other. It was therefore necessary he should likewise be scourged in the presence of the Earls, 
Hilagarey in his History of Foix.  Barons, Marquises, Prelates, and all the people: He made him to swear upon the Corpus Domini, (as they call it) and certain other relics, which were brought thither for that purpose, that he should all his life time, be obedient in all things to the Pope and the Church of Rome, and that he should make perpetual, mortal and unreconcilable war against the Albingenses, until they were either utterly exterminated, or brought to the obedience of the Church of Rome, which to perform, he having solemnly and perforce sworn, the Legate to honour him the more, and to bind him to do what he had sworn, made him Captain and Leader of the Soldiers of the Cross, for the siege of Beziers: Which he did, to the end he might drive the Albingenses into despair, ever to be defended by him, who having abjured their Religion, had now power and charge to persecute them.    

CHAP. FOUR  
The perplexity the Earl Remond was in, after his reconciliation: The siege of Beziers: The intercession of the Earl of Beziers for his City: The intercession of the Bishop availeth nothing: The taking of Beziers, what, and with what cruelty.  
THe Earl Remond was much perplexed about that charge that was given him for the conducting of the Army of the Soldiers of the Cross before Beziers. For to carry himself as an enemy against the Albingenses, was to do against his conscience, and to fight against those whose part he had taken until then, as a principal motive and Captain. This was to bind himself to the perpetual servitude of the Pope and his Legates. On the other side, if he should go about to fly, and to forsake the Army, this were to furnish them with new matter of persecution; for in such a case they might justly pursue him, as a perfidious, relapsed and perjured person, and that if he should be apprehended, he should be in danger of losing his life, goods and friends altogether: And yet doing that which the charge the Legate laid upon him, bound him unto, he must be an instrument of the loss of Beziers, and the total destruction of the subjects of his Nephew the Earl of Beziers, and his Nephew himself. In this extremity and anguish of spirit, he chose rather to stay in the Army for certain days, and afterward took his leave of the Legate, and went to Rome, to humble himself before the Pope, which could not be denied him. In the mean time they made an approach to the City of Beziers, the Rams, Slings, Frames, Shedbords, and other engines of war were provided to give a general escalado, setting to the walls of the City so great a number of Ladders, that it was impossible to resist the furious assault which the Pelerins made with all the force and power that they had.  
The Earl of Beziers went forth of the City, and cast himself down at the feet of the Legate Milon, craving mercy for his City of Beziers, and humbly beseeching him not to inflict the same punishment upon the innocent and the nocent, which without all doubt must needs come to pass, if Beziers should be taken by force (which was easy to be done by so great, and so puissant an Army, such as was then ready to scale the walls in every part of the said City) that there would be great effusion of blood on both sides, which might be avoided: That there were within Beziers a great number of good Romish Catholics that would be subject to the same ruin, contrary to the intention of the Pope, whose desire was only to chastise the Albingenses: That if it pleased him not to spare his subjects for the love of themselves, that he would yet have regard unto him, to his age and profession, since the loss would light upon himself, being in his minority, and a most obedient servant to the Pope, as having been brought up in the Romish Church, and in which he would both live and die. And if he took it ill that such persons as were enemies to the Pope, had been tolerated within his territories, it ought not to be imputed unto him, because he had no other subjects but those which his deceased father had left unto him; and that in his minority, and afterwards in that little time wherein he had been master of his own goods, he could not as yet, by reason of his incapacity know this evil, nor minister the remedy, though it were his purpose so to do; but yet his hope was in time to come, to give all contentment that might be, both to the Pope and Church of Rome, as an obedient son both of the one and of the other.  
The answer of the Legate was, 
Chass. in his History of the Albingen. pag. 107.  That all his excuses prevailed nothing, and that he must do as he may.  
The Earl of Beziers returned into the City, and assembled the people together, giving them to understand, that after he had submitted himself to the Legate, he mediated for them, not being able to obtain any other thing at his hands, but pardon, upon condition that they that made profession of the belief of the Albingenses, should come and abjure their Religion, and promise to live according to the Laws of the Church of Rome.  
The Romish Catholics entreated them to yield to this so great a violence, and not to be the cause of their death, since the Legate was resolved not to pardon any, if they lived not all under one and the same Law.  
The Albingenses answered, That they would not forsake their Religion for the base price of this frail life; That they knew well that God was able to defend them, if it pleased him, and that if he would be glorified by the confession of their faith, it should be a great honour to them to die for righteousness sake; That they had rather displease the Pope, who could destroy their bodies only, than God who could cast both body and soul into Hell fire: That they would never be ashamed, or deny that Religion, by which they have been taught to know Christ and his righteousness, or with the danger of an eternal death, profess a Religion which doth annihilate the merit of Christ, and burieth his righteousness; and that therefore they would covenant for themselves as they could, and promise nothing contrary to the duty of true Christians.  
This being understood, the Romish Catholics sent their Bishop to the Legate, humbly to entreat him, that he would not include in this chastisement of the Albingenses, those that were always obedient to the Church of Rome, of whom he that was their Bishop had certain knowledge, being likewise assured that the rest were not altogether past hope of repentance, but that they might be won by gentle means, best befitting the Church, which took no pleasure in the effusion of blood.  
The Legate herewith grew into extreme choler and passion, swearing and protesting with horrible threats, that if all they that were in the City did not acknowledge their fault, and submit themselves to the Church of Rome, they should all taste of one cup, and without respect of Catholic, sex, or age, they should all be exposed to fire and sword. And incontinently he commanded that the City should be summoned to yield itself to his discretion; which they refusing to do, he caused all his engines of war to play, and commanded an assault and general escalado to be made. Now it was impossible for those that were within, to resist so great a violence, 
The Treasure of Hist. in the taking of Beziers. Paul Aemil. pag. ●17.  in such sort, that being thus assaulted, by above a hundred thousand Pelerins, in the end (saith the Compiler of the Treasure of Histories) they within vere vanquished, and the enemy being entered slew a great multitude, and afterwards set fire to the City, and burned it to dust.  
The City being taken, the Priests, Monks, and Clerks came forth of the great Church of Beziers, called St. Nazari, with the Banner, the Crosses, their holy-water, bore headed, attired with the ornaments of the Church, and singing, Te Deum laudamus, as a sign of joy that the Town was taken, and purged of the Albingenses. The Soldiers who had received command from the Legate to kill all, ran in upon them, broke the order of their procession, made the heads and arms of the Priests to fly about, striving who should do best, in such a manner, that they were all cut in pieces. To excuse this cruelty, disallowed by some of those that were spectators, they have inserted into the History these reports; that is to say, That the Pelerins were incensed against the inhabitants of Beziers, because they had cast over the walls of the City, the book of the Gospels, crying unto them, See there the Law of your God; whereupon the Soldiers grew to this resolution, to kill all those they should find within the circuit of Beziers, that so they might be sure not to spare those that had thus blasphemed. But how could the Albingenses do any such thing so impious against the Gospel of our blessed Saviour, considering that one of the principal causes for which they had forsaken the Church of Rome, was because the Gospel of Christ jesus, was, as it were buried amongst them, & the people forbidden to read it. And besides one of the great crimes, which they laid to the charge of the Earl Remond, was, because he carried always about him the New Testament. To this they added a miracle, and that was, that Beziers was taken upon the day of Marie Magdalen, because (say they) heretics speak ill of Magdalin in their law: 
The Treasure of hist. in the taking of Beziers. In the hist. of the Monk Pet. of the Valleys Seruey, of the Albing. ch. 18.  Thus speaks the compiler of the Treasure. Now this imposture is so devilish, that I hardly durst commit it to paper, and yet notwithstanding the Monk of the Valleys survey, sets it down at large without doubts or scruples, though the very thought thereof would make the hair of any man that hath but the least spark of piety to stand on end.  
Now the city being burnt, razed and ransacked, the Pilgrims who thought they merited Paradise by this sacceige and effusion of blood, were speedily conducted to Carcassonne, before the forty days of fight, which they had vowed to the Church of Rome, were expired, because than they were permitted every man to departed to his own home.   

CHAP. V.  
The Siege of Carcassonne, the taking of the town or Borough of Carcassonne: An assault and general Escalado given to the city: A great number of the soldiers of the Cross slain: The Intercession of the King of Arragon for the Earl of Beziers, to no purpose: A stratagem for the taking of the Earl of Beziers: The flight of the people of Carcassonne, by what means: The taking of Carcassonne.  
THe Earl of Beziers, when he saw that he could obtain nothing of the Legate in favour of the city of Beziers, having left this charge to the Bishop, to make trial whether he by any means could obtain pardon for those poor inhabitants, and in the mean time, because he knew very well that having taken Beziers, he would not suffer the city of Carcassonne, to continue in peace, because being strong by nature, the Legate knew there was no store-house for the war, nor better place of repose for the Soldiers than that was; he was counselled to retire himself thither, and speedily to cause it to be furnished, with whatsoever was fit to maintain a long siege. He put himself therefore into Carcassonne, being accompanied with his most faithful attendants.  
He was followed, as it were, foot by foot, by the Legates army, unto which there came new Croises or soldiers of the Cross; that is to say, the Bishop of Agenois, the Bishop of Lymoges, of Bazades, of Cohors, and the Archbishop of Bordeaux, every one, with the Pilgrims of their own Diocese. There likewise arrived the Earl of Turaine, Bertrand de Cardaillac, and the Lord of Bastlenau, of Montratier, who conducted the troops of Querci, and of all these troops the chief Leader was the Earl of Dunoy: There came also a great number of Provenceaux, 
Chassagnon in his hist. of the Albing. lib. 1. pag. 112.  lombards, and Germans, and that in so great a number, that the army of the Legate Milon, risen to the number of three hundred thousand fight men, when he came before Carcassonne.  
The situation of Carcassonne is in this manner. There is a city, and a Bourrough or town. The city is seated upon a little hill, environed with a double wall: the town is in the plain, distant from the city about two miles. At that time the city was accounted a place of great strength; and in this city there dwelled a great number of Albingenses. The Pilgrims thought to have taken it at the first sight, for they ran with great violence upon the first Rampire, and filled the ditch with faggots; but they were beaten bacl with such courage and resolution, that the ground was covered with the dead bodies of Pilgrims, round about the city.  
The young Earl of Beziers, Lord of Carcassonne, won great honour in this first day's encounter, encouraging his subjects and telling them, that they must remember the usage of those of Beziers; that they were to deal with the same enemies, who had changed the siege not the humour, nor the will to extirminate them if they could; That it was fare better for them to die fight, than to fall into the hands of so cruel and merciless enemies. That for his own part, he made profession of the Romish Religion, but yet he saw very well, that this war was not for Religion, but a certain robbery agreed upon, to invade the goods and lands of the Earl Remond and all his; That they had greater cause to defend themselves than he, who could lose no more but his goods and his life, without change of his religion, but they might lose that, and besides the exercise of their religion too; That he would never abandon them in so honourable an action, which was to defend themselves against the invasions of their common enemies, masked with an outward appearance of piety, and in effect true thiefs.  
The Albingenses being much animated by the speech of this young Lord, swore unto him, that they would spend their goods and their lives, for the preservation of the city of Carcassonne, and whatsoever did concern the said Lord. The next morrow the Legate commanded an assault, and general escalado to be made upon the Borough of Carcassonne. The people that were within, very valiantly defended themselves; but the ladders were so charged with men, and so near the one to the other that they touched one another, insomuch that they forced those within from the walls, and so entered the town, calying themselves towards the inhabitants thereof, after the same manner as they had done before to those of Beziers; for they put them all to the sword and fire.  
Whilst those things were in doing, the king of Arragon arrived at the army of the Legate; and went first to the tent of the Earl Remond, who was constrained to give his assistance at this siege against his own Nephew. From thence he went to the Legate, and told him that having understood, that his kinsman the Earl of Beziers was besieged within Carcassonne, he was come unto him to do his best endeavour, to make the said Earl to understand, what his duty was towards the Pope and the Church, which he presumed he should the more easily do, because he knew well, that the said Earl, had always made profession of the Romish religion.  
The Legate gave him leave, to undertake what he had said. The king of Arragon, made his approach to the Rampires. The Earl of Beziers came to parley with him. The king of Arragon desired to know of him, what had moved him to shut up himself within the city of Carcassonne against so great an Army of Pelerins. The Earl answered, that it greatly stood him upon, having so necessary and so just cause, to defend his life, his goods, and his subjects; That he knew well that under the pretence of religion, the Pope had a purpose utterly to overthrew the Earl Remond his uncle, and himself; That he found by that mediation which he had made for his subjects of Beziers, the Romish Catholics whereof he would not receive into grace and favour, neither had spared the Priests themselves, who were all cut in pieces even adorned with their Priestly ornaments, and under the banner of the Cross: That this example of cruel impiety, added unto that which had passed in the town of Carcassonne, where they were all exposed to fire and sword, without distinction of age or sex, had taught him not to look for any mercy either at the hands of the Legate or his Pelerins: And that therefore he chose rather to die with his subjects defending himself, than to be exposed to the mercy of so inexorable an enemy as the Legate was; And that notwithstanding there were within the city of Carcassonne divers of his subjects that were of a contrary religion to that of the Church of Rome, yet they were such a kind of people as had never wronged any, that they were come to succour him at his greatest extremity, and for this their good service, he was resolved not to abandon them, as they had promised for their part to expose their lives and goods for his defence to all hazard and danger whatsoever: That his trust was in God (who is the defender of the oppressed) that he would be pleased to assist them, against that world of men ill-advised, who under the colour of meriting heaven, have forsaken their houses, to burn and pill and sack and ransack, and kill in the houses of other men, without either reason, judgement or mercy.  
The King of Arragon returned to the Legate, who assembled together divers of his great Lords and Prelates, to hear and understand what the King of Arragon would relate unto him, who told him that he found the Earl of Beziers his kinsman much discontented with the former proceed against his subjects of Beziers, and the Town of Carcassonne, which gave him reason to believe, that forasmuch as they had not spared the Romish Catholics, nor the Priests, that it was not a war undertaken for the cause of Religion; but under the colour of Religion, a kind of thievery; that his hope was, that God would give him the grace to make him know his innocence, and the just occasion he had to defend himself; that they should no longer hope they would yield themselves to their discretion, because they saw their discretion was no other, but to kill as many as should yield themselves thereunto; And that therefore if it would please the Legate, to grant unto the Earl of Beziers and his subjects some tolerable composition, that gentleness and mercy would sooner join the Albingenses to the Church of Rome, than extreme cruelty; and that above all, they should remember that the Earl of Beziers was young, and a Romish Catholic, who might do good service for the reducing of those that did any way rely or put their trust in him.  
The Legate answered the King of Arragon, that if he would retire himself a little, they would consult together of that which should be fittest to be done.  
The King being recalled, the Legate gave him to understand, that for his sake, and in consideration of his intercession, he would receive the Earl of Beziers unto mercy, and with him some dozen might likewise come forth with their bag and baggage, if he thought good; but for the people that were within the City of Carcassonne, they should not departed, but at his discretion, 
The Monk of the Valley Sernay, Chap. 20. Du Hailan in his History of France, touching the siege of Carcassenne.  whereof they should hope well and have a good opinion, because he was the Pope's Legate, and that they should all come forth naked, men, women, maids, children, without shirts, or smocks, or other covering, to hid their nakedness: Also that the Earl of Beziers should be delivered to sure guard, and all his goods to remain to the future Lord of that Country, which should be chosen for the preservation thereof.  
The King of Arragon, though he saw this composition to be unworthy the proposing to the Earl of Beziers, yet nevertheless thought good to discharge his office herein, to whom the Earl of Beziers answered, That he would never come forth upon conditions so seasoned, and so unjust, and that he was resolved to defend himself with his subjects, by such means as it should please God to give unto him.  
The King of Arragon retired himself, not without show of the great discontent he received by this unjust proceeding. The Legate hereupon commanded all his engines of war to play, and that they should take the City by force. But it was a spectacle little pleasing unto him, for he was an eyewitness of the loss of a great number of his Pelerins. For they of the City threw down such a quantity of great stones, with fire, and pitch, and brimstone, and boiling water, and gauled the assailants with such infinite numbers of arrows, that the earth was covered, and the ditches filled with the dead bodies of the Pelerins, which caused a wonderful noisome stench, both in the Camp and in the City. This rude unwelcome overthrow caused many of his Soldiers of the Cross to forage and seek for booty abroad, as having accomplished their term of forty days, during the which they had gained Paradise, and refusing to conquer any more, after so fair a purchase, for fear they should change their former felicity for blows.  
The Legate being much troubled to see his company reduced to so small a number, and being without hope to take that place so important to harbour him, that hereafter should have the conduct of the Army of the Church; he bethought himself of a stratagem, which he effected, and it was this: He sent for a certain Gentleman well-spoken, that was in the Army, telling him that it was in his power to do a notable piece of service to the Church, whereby besides the reward he should receive in Heaven, he should in this life be recompensed according to his merit. And so he told him that he was to approach as near as he could to the rampiers of the City of Carcassonne, and there make some sign to those that were besieged, that he desired to have some parley with them, and to speak with the Earl of Beziers, as his kinsman and servant, to whom he had some thing to say, that might redound to his great honour and benefit, and all that were within Carcassonne, & that then he should strain his wits, and do his best endeavour to put him into fears, and to persuade him to have recourse unto his mercy, and withal, to work him by persuasions, promises and oaths, with execrations (of which he being the Pope's Legate had power always to acquit and discharge him) to be content to be conducted by him to the Legate, with assurance to bring him bacl again safe and sound into Carcassonne.  
This Gentleman played his part so well, that he brought with him the said Earl of Beziers, to speak with the Legate, where the young Earl told him, that if he would be pleased to carry himself with greater mildness towards his subjects, he might easily reclaim them as he would himself, and win the Albingenses to the Church; that the composition which was offered them, was dishonourable, and ill-befitting those that were to have their eyes as chaste as their thoughts, and that his people would rather choose to die, than to be brought to so great a shame; and therefore he humbly entreated him to be more merciful unto them, promising to persuade his subjects to accept of any other condition more tolerable.  
The answer of the Legate was: That they of Carcassonne might determine with themselves, as they thought best, and that he in the mean time should take no care for them, for he was now his prisoner until Carcassonne were taken, and his subjects had better learned their duty.  
The Earl being much astonished hereat, protested and averred that he was betrayed, and faith was violated, and that he was come thither upon the word of a Gentleman, given with oaths & execrations, that he would conduct him bacl safe and sound into the City of Carcassonne, But being demanded who and where that Gentleman was, this young Earl was taught that it was no wisdom to leave his City, upon the warrant of simple words only. He was committed to the guard and custody of the Duke of Burgongue.  
The inhabitants of Carcassonne having understood of the imprisonment of their Lord, broke out into tears, and were strucken with strange astonishments, insomuch that they now thought of nothing so much, as how to escape the danger they were in; but all means of escape (to the outward appearance) were taken away, for they were shut up on all sides, and the trenches full of men. But one among the rest told them, that he did remember, that he had heard some ancient men of the City say, that there was in Carcassonne a certain vault or channel under the ground, great and capable, insomuch that men might walk in it upright, & many together, which continued to the Castle of Cameret, in Cabiaret, about three leagues from Carcassonne, and that if the entry thereof might be found, God had provided for them a miraculous deliverance. Hereupon all the Citizens were employed about this search of the vault, except the guard, which were upon the Rampires. At the last, the mouth or entrance thereof being found, they all began this journey through it, about the beginning of the night, with their wives and children, carrying only with them, some victuals for a few days. This remove and departure accompanied with outcries and groan, 
Chass. lib. 2. chap. 14. pag. 121.  and sorrow to leave their houses and moveables, furnished with all manner of goods and furniture, to betake themselves to an uncertain course to save themselves by flight, leading with them their infants, & old decrepit people, with the pitiful skreeching and outcries of women, was a most heavy and lamentable spectacle. They arrived the next morrow at the said Castle, and from thence they dispersed themselves here and there, some to Arragon, others to Catalongue, others to Toulouze, and other Towns that took part with them, whither it pleased God to conduct them.  
The morrow after in the morning the Pelerins were all strangely astonished, for that they had heard no noise all that night, but much more because they saw no man stirring that day. They came near to the walls, but yet with some doubt, fearing lest it should be a bait to draw them within the toil, but yet nevertheless finding nothing that might make them any way distrustful, they mounted the breach, entered the City, and cried out to the Army, that the Albingenses were fled. The Legate speedily sent to make public Proclamations, that no man should cease upon any body in his own right, but that all should be carried to the great Church of Carcassonne, from whence afterwards all things should be brought and sold for the benefit of the Pelerins, rewarding every one according to his merit. And so it was done, and the Earl of Beziers committed to prison in one of the strongest Towers of Carcassonne.   

CHAP. VI  
The Legate Milon establisheth a Captain of war for the Church; the Earl Simon of Montfort accepteth the charge: The Earl Remond is absolved by the Pope: The Earl of Beziers dieth: The King of Arragon displeased with the Earl Simon: divers revolt from his obedience: He demandeth of the Prelates a new supply of the Soldiers of the Cross.  
THe City of Carcassonne being in the possession of the Legate, he resolved with himself to make it a Town of war, an Arsenal against the Albingenses, and presently he assembled all the Prelates and great Lords which were yet in his Army, to take counsel how he might make it a place fit to maintain a war of long continuance in time to come. Besides, he gave them to understand, that notwithstanding he thought it very necessary, that there should be always in the Armies of the Church, a Legate of his Holiness, to give authority to whatsoever should pass, yet nevertheless it was likewise necessary that there should be a secular Captain of the war, one that was puissant, wise, valiant and fearful, absolutely to command all occurrences, and to expedite all affairs concerning the war, by his prudent guide and government, it not belonging to the capacity of Ecclesiastical persons to lead Armies, or to make war; and that therefore they should consult with themselves, to cast their eyes upon some one of the Lords of the Cross, to whom the conquered Countries might be committed, and the care for the direction of this holy war, until it might be otherwise determined by the Pope.  
This charge was first offered to the Duke of Burgongue, afterwards to the Earl of Ennevers, and to the Earl of St. Paul, who did all refuse it. Which the Legate seeing and perceiving it would be a difficult matter to agree in the nomination of a Captain, with one mutual consent they named two Bishops, with the Abbot of Cisteaux, Legat of the Apostolic Sea, and four men of Arms, to whom they gave power to choose him, that hereafter should lead the Army of the Church.  
They named the Earl Simon of Montfort near Paris, notice whereof being given unto him, he excused himself, alleging his incapacity and unhabilities; but in the end he accepted of it, after that the Abbot of Cisteaux had laid his commandment upon him, enjoining him by virtue of obedience, to accept of the said nomination, 
The Treasure of Histories in the Treat. of Albingenses.  whereupon he promised (saith the Compiler of the Treasure of Histories) to do his best endeavour to vex the enemies of our Lord, for so they term the Albingenses.  
The Earl Simon of Montfort, being General of the Army of the Church, made his abode at Carcassonne, with four thousand of his Pelerins, which as yet remained of that great Levy of three hundred thousand men. Montreal, Faviaux and Lemons, contributed great sums of money for the Garrison. For they were not to harbour those Pilgrims that were not bound to any service, their time of forty days being expired; but such Soldiers as were well affected for the guard of that place.  
In this mean time, the Earl Remond of Toulouze, went to King Philip Dieu-donne, to get his letters of Commendation to the Pope, to the end he might be fully cleared and justified touching the death of the Monk, Friar Peter de Chasteauneuf, of the which he was injustly forced to confess himself guilty, only because the murder was committed within his territories, for which the Legate Milon had imposed an unjust penance upon. From the Court of the King of France, he traveled to Rome, where he did immediately receive his absolution of Pope Innocent the third, as if it had been ready and provided for him. The Pope received him with all the courtesy that might be, giving him for a present, a rich Cloak, and a Ring of great price, and granting unto him full remission and absolution touching the said murder, and declaring that he held him in this regard sufficiently justified.  
The Earl of Beziers being prisoner at Carcassonne, died shortly after, the Earl Simon of Montfort was put in possession of his Lands, not without great suspicion of poison. The Earl Simon made show to be much grieved therewith, and caused him to be interred in the great Church of Carcassonne, with great pomp, and with his face uncovered, to the end that none of his Subjects might afterwards doubt of his death. Presently after he made challenge to the inheritance and whole estate of the said Earl, by virtue of those donations which the Legate of the Pope had conferred upon him, and that charge that was laid upon him for the Church.  
In pursuit whereof, he demanded of the King of Arragon, the investiture of the Earldom of Beziers, and the City of Carcassonne. The King of Arragon would not yield thereunto, bewraying much discontent, to see this house overthrown under a pretence of Religion. The like discontent did the Duke of Bourgongue show, at what time the charge of the General was offered unto him, saying, 
Chassag. pag. 126.  That he had Lands and Lordships enough without the accepting of those of the Earl of Beziers, and the spoiling him of his goods, adding therewithal, that he had already suffered wrong enough.  
All the bordering neighbours of the Earl Simon, began to fear him, upon a report which he gave forth, that at the spring following, he would have a great Army of Pelerins at his command, and that then he would chastise those, which had not acknowledged the authority wherein the Church had placed him. Castres' sent unto him the Keys of their City, by some of their Bourgesses. The Castle of Pamies was yielded unto him, every one submitted themselves to his command, round about Carcassonne, and the Vicountie of Beziers. But he received a backblow in the midst of his prosperity, which was a presage unto him of some evil. For the King of Arragon, keeking secretly the Gentlemen of the Vicountie of Beziers, in breath, encouraged them to bring unto equal terms this petty-tyrant, who was brought in for the good of another, saying, That if he were not constrained to have always a world of Pilgrims for his conquests, he would abuse this his rest, to take heart to invade the goods of all those that are near adjoining, under a pretence of that charge he hath from the Pope: but if he once knew how dangerous, it would be for him, to want his Soldiers of the Cross, he would be better advised, considering that it is not possible, that he should always have so great a number of Pilgrims, that should always make him fearful; for there must be time for the levying of them, time for the conducting of them from fare Countries, and if he should make no use of them within forty days of their arrival, he would be more weak than before, after the expiration of their Pilgrimage: That to hurt and hinder him, there can be no better course taken than to keep themselves locked up in their Garrisons at the coming of the Pilgrims, and at their departure when they were weak, to set upon him on every part; that at the last he will be so weary of his great travels, that he will think he hath bought at a dear rate, the good which he believed he had gotten by the title of a Donation of those that had nothing to give. The King of Arragon added hereunto that he had never heard of any so unjust a usurpation, for if this war were made to take away the goods and lives of the Albingensens, by what title had the Legate confiscated the goods of the Earl of Beziers, who had always lived, and also died in the belief of the Church of Rome? That he therefore perceived, that the greatest crime they could find in the said Earl, was, that they found him to be young, and no way powerful. That if God gave him life, he would make it appear, that he loved the Earl of Beziers, and that he was his Kinsman, and would likewise show himself a true friend, to those that had any feeling of those wrongs and outrages that were offered him. Those hopes to be succoured by the King of Arragon, gave heart and courage unto those, that with great impatiency bore the dominion and power of the Earl Simon of Montfort, 
The Monk of the Valley Sernay. Chap. 33.  in such sort, that the said Earl being one day, gone from Carcassonne to Montpelier, he found at his return, that divers had taken Arms, to shake off their yoke, having besieged certain of his Soldiers in a Tower near to Carcassonne. He speedily made his return to secure them, but too late, for not being able to pass a River called Sarasse, and being gone to Carcassonne to pass by the bridge, the Tower was taken before he came. This small affront brought him into some contempt, and gave heart to others, to offer the like. About this time, Captain Boucard for the said Earl Simon at the Castle of Seissac, attempted the surprise of the strong Castle of Cabaret, whereof mention hath been made heretofore; for this end and purpose, he made his approach unto the said Castle, as closely as he could. Captain Roger, who was within the said Castle, for the Earl Remond was come forth with fourscore horse, to forage and seek for booty: Boucard upon the sudden, and unlooked for, charged him, and had well-near discomfited him; but Roger having taken knowledge of the enemy, doubled the charge upon him in so furious a manner, that he overcame the troops of Boucard, and brought him Prisoner to that Castle, which he said he came to surprise.  
At this very time, Gerard of Pepios, took part with the Albingenses, and seized upon Puisorignier, and the Castle of Menerbe. Now the war began to grow very cruel, for (if it be true that the Monk of the Valleys Sernay hath written) Gerard caused the eyes of all the Soldiers of the Earl Simon, which he could take to be plucked out, and cut off their ears and their noses with their upper lip, & sent them all naked to the Earl Simon of Montfort, leaving one for a guide unto the other, with one eye. On the other part, whensoever the Earl Simon was victorer in any place, he caused a great fire to be made, and cast into it as many of the Albingenses as he could take. All they of the Romish Church did as much, that bare Arms for the Albingenses; for William of Rochfort, Bishop of Carcassonne, caused the Abbot of Cisteaux to be slain, meeting him near unto Carcassonne, his body being found murdered with six and thirty wounds, and the Monk which accompanied him, with four and twenty.  
Then the City of Carcassonne (saith the Monk) and the Soldiers that were in it, were stricken with such fear, That they had little hope to defend themselves but by flight, for they saw themselves (saith he) environed on all sides with infinite enemies. From these miseries, which did much move the patience of the Earl Simon, he took occasion to write, to all the Prelates throughout Europe, that if in the Spring following, he were not assisted with new succours of Pilgrims, it was impossible for him to hold out, for his enemies finding his weakness, took the advantage thereof: witness that after the last departure of the Pilgrims, he had lost above forty towns & Castles, of which the people had before brought him the keys, and were now all revolted from him and the Church, being beyond his power to remedy it for want of men. He therefore entreated them in the name of God, to give their helping hand, otherwise he must be enforced to yield up the rights of the Church and the Country altogether.  
Now matters thus standing, the Earl Simon attending new succours, took the Castle of Beron near Montreal, where he caused the eyes of above a hundred Albingenses to be pulled out, and cut off their noses, leaving only one with one eye to be a guide to the rest, and to conduct them to Cabaret. This stirred up the Albingenses in such sort, 
Chass. pag. 136.  that had not succours instantly come, they had shut him up on every side.   

CHAP. VII.  
New succours of Pilgrims come to the Earl Simon, conducted from France by his Wife; The Earl Simon by them recovereth the Castles of Menerbe and Termes, and the Town De la Vaur: The Earl Remond is cited before the Legate; He refuseth to appear: Folquet the Bishop of Toulouze over-reacheth him; causeth him to lose the Castle Narbonnes: The Legate Milon dieth.  
IN the year one thousand two hundred and ten, the Earl Simon being shut up (saith the Treasure of Histories) within Carcassonne, for want of Pilgrims, he understood that the Countess his Wife, came from France, and brought with her a great number of Pelerins, which gave him great comfort, and he went out to meet her.  
A pleasant war it was, wherein Priests levied the Soldiers, and a woman conducted them to the wars.  
The Pelerins were employed in the recovery of the Castle of Menerbe, a place very strong by nature, upon the Frontiers of Spain. This siege was procured by the entreaty of Ameri, Lord of Narbonne, and the Inhabitants thereof, who complained that always in former times this place had been as a thorn in their feet: They yielded themselves for want of water, to the discretion of the Legate, who caused the Pilgrims to enter the place with the Cross and the Banner, and singing Te Deum laudamus. The Abbot of Vaux would needs preach to those that were within the Castle, and to exhort them to acknowledge the Pope, and to stick to the Romish Church; but they not staying till he had ended his Discourse, they all of them cried out, 
The Monk of the Valleys of Sernay, chap. 47. Chass. lib. 3. chap. 7.  saying, We will not forsake our faith, we reject the Romish, you labour but in vain, for neither life nor death shall make us to abandon our belief. Upon this answer, the Earl Simon and the Legate, commanded a great fire to be made, and cast into it a hundred and forty persons, as well women as men, who went into it with joy, giving thanks unto God for that it pleased him to do them the honour, to suffer and to die for his name's sake. Thus did these true Martyrs of Christ jesus finish their frail lives in the midst of the flames, to live eternally in heaven; And thus did they triumph over the Legate of the Pope, resisting him to his face, and threatening the just judgement of God upon the Earl Simon, and that one day he would pay dear for his cruelties, howsoever he seemed now to commit them scotfree, yet he would pay for all when the books should be opened. There were a number of Priests and Monks, that did exhort them to take pity on themselves, promising them their lives, if they would live according to the belief of the Church of Rome: There were only three women that accepted of the condition, that is to say, to live by abjuring their religion; all the rest died constantly, but they were vanquished by the allurements of the mother of Richard de Marsiac.  
After this expedition, 
Terms. The Lord of Tholo in the hist. of his times pa. 459.  the Earl Simon besieged the Castle of Terms in the same territory of Narbonne, a place that seemed impregnable by any force of man. It was taken for want of water, not by any capitulation: but because having had a long time a great want of water, it reigned and they drank of the water which fell into their Cisterns, not sufficiently purified, whereupon they fell into divers diseases. Seeing therefore themselves brought to such an estate, that if they had been driven to fight, they had had no power to make resistance; they resolved one night to quit the place; which they did not being descried by any: The soldiers of the Bishop of Chartres made entry as soon as they perceived they were all departed, and there set up the ensign of their Bishop.  
Amongst other reasons which the Earl Simon used, 
The Monk of the Valleys Sernay ch. 51. and so forward.  to animate his Pilgrims, this was the most pregnant, that this place was the most execrable of all the rest, because there had been no Mass sung there since the year 1180. that is to say for the space of thirty years.  
The Castle Vetuille de la Vaur, 
La Vaur.  much troubled the Earl Simon. It was besieged with new troops of Pilgrims, which a little before came from France, whilst the siege was at Terms, 
Chass. lib. 3. pa. 141. Ologarci in hist. of Foix. pag. 129.  that is to say, the Bishop of Chartres, of Beawais, the Earl of Dreux, and the Earl of Pontieure. This place was upon the river of Agotte, about five leagues from Carcassonne, towards Toulouze, whereof the sister of Aimeri, Lord of Montreal whose name was Gerande, was Lady. The Legate had taken from the said Lord of Montreal all his places, which was the cause why he put himself into the city de la Vaur to defend his Sister. There were within this place many honest men: There came Pilgrims from all parts to the Legate: From Normandy the troops being conducted by their Bishops, especially by him of Lisieux; and there came also unto him six thousand Alemen. The Earl of Foix being advertised which way they came, went and lay in ambuscado for them, where he overthrew them all, not any escaping, but a certain Earl, who at the first encounter, ran away to carry news to the Earl Simon, who pursued the Earl of Foix with fourteen thousand men, but in vain, for he had before retired himself to Mongiscard.  
After six month's siege, the city de la Vaur● was taken by assault, where all were put to the sword, except fourscore gentlemen, whom the Earl Simon caused to be hanged and strangled, and Aimeri was hanged upon a gibber, higher than all the rest; and the Lady of Lavar, was cast alive into a ditch, and therein covered with stones. 
Chass. lib. 3. pag. 150.  One only act of humanity we read was done by the troops of the Earl Simon; and that is, that a gentleman understanding that there were in a house divers women and children sick, he begged them of the General, and they were granted unto him; who conducted them safe and sound out of the city, not being offered by any man the least indignity that may be.  
These were the principal places that the Legate took in the year one thousand two hundred and ten. We must now return to the Earl Remond of Toulouze, who at his return from Rome with letters of favour from the Pope, gave the Legate Milon to understand, that he was reconciled unto the Pope, and had received from him his full absolution, and that he bade bestowed upon him some presents. 
The Treatise of hist. in the treat. of the Albing.  In the mean time the matter is otherwise set down in the Treasure of histories, for there it is said, That the Pope writ to the Bishop of Rhodois, to Master Miles, and Master Theodosius, that if the Earl could purge himself sufficiently before them, of the death of Friar Peter, and the heresy for which he was suspected, that they should give him his purgation.  
This clause gave authority again to the Legates, to hear the said Earl, touching the aforesaid business, which was to bring him bacl again to the beginning of all his misery. The Earl Simon pressed the Legate to proceed in the fact of the Earl Remond, either to absolve, or to condemn him, to the end he might know, whether he should hold him for a friend or for an enemy of the Pope and of the Church, to be at peace with him, or to make war against him.  
The Legate Milon commanded him to appear in his own person, because he would know once for all, 
Chass. lib. 3. pag. 129.  how he and his subjects lived with them, that is to say, with the Earl Simon and the Church.  
The Earl Remond answered, that neither he nor his Subjects had any thing to do with them, that he had made his agreement and reconciliation with the Pope, which the Legate could not be ignorant of, to whom he had showed the Bulls, and therefore he entreated them to forbear any farther to disquiet him, The Earl Simon and the Legate writ unto him again, that it was very necessary, that he should make repair unto him to fulfil the contents of the Bulls. He answered that he had rather take the pains to go to king Philip of France, and to the Emperor, yea to Rome, to the Pope himself, to complain of the wrongs they did unto him, than to put himself any more into their hands.  
When the Legate saw that he could not win him by Letters, he resolved to play the fox and to win him by subtleties. They sent unto him Folquet Bishop of Toulouze, and instructed him how he should carry himself to deceive him: This was a capable instrument for the premeditated treason. He went therefore to the Earl Remond, insinuated himself into his favour, with feigned protestations of his desire to serve him, and his great grief to see so little love betwixt the Legate and himself, wishing that it were in his power to stand him in any steed therein, though with the loss of his own blood, and offering unto him all love and assistance: That he had far greater reason to procure the preservation of his good, than any other person whatsoever: That he would advice him as a friend, to take from the Legate all pretence of suspicion: That when he had once showed himself confident of him, they would no longer doubt of his fidelity; and that even now a fair occasion was offered, to bind the Legate and the Earl Simon unto him, and that was, that whereas he knew they were shortly to come to Toulouze, if he would offer unto them his Castle Narbonnes to lodge in, it would be an excellent testimony of that confidence he had in them and bind them to love him. The Earl Remond being thus gulled by this Bishop, offered them his castle: They accepted thereof, and presently placed therein a great garrison. The word was no sooner slipped the Earl's mouth, but he was sure he should repent it, but it was now too late to recall it. He cursed his own imprudency, and his friends and subjects, his too great facility; for he saw them incontinently to fortify his Castle, that it might serve them for a canesson and bridle for his own subjects: As also from the time of their entrance into that place, he found that they grew bold to speak all the ill they could of the Earl Remond, and that with open mouth; saying that he had mocked the Pope, giving him to understand that which was false, and promising that which he would never perform, insomuch that he was as great an heretic as he was before his abjuration.  
That in the ruin and punishment of the Earl Remond, the destruction of the Albingenses did consist: but on the contrary, though the ground were covered with the dead bodies of the Albingenses, if the Earl Remond should remain, they would always bud and spring up again, and therefore it was resolved to exterminate and utterly to destroy the house of Remond from the bottom to the top. But when men purpose that which God hath otherwise disposed, they come many times short; So it was with the Earl Simon, who was frustrated of this hope, by the sudden unexpected death of the Legate Milon, which changed the face of the affairs of the said Earl Milon: for he was feign to spend many years in the ruinating of that house of the Earl Remond and his adherents, which he had promised to do in a few days.   

CHAP. VIII.  
Theodosius succeedeth the Legate Milon: proceedeth against the Earl Remond, excommunicateth him, and frames very violent articles against him: The Earl Remond retireth himself from St. Giles and Arles with the king of Arragon, lest they should be apprehended by the Legate: Simon besiegeth Montferrand: Baudoin revolteth: The king of Arragon allieth himself with the Earl Simon.  
IN the year of our Lord 1211. Thedize gave the Earl Remond to understand, that he should have what was just and right touching his affairs, and with fair words persuaded him to come to St. Giles. Being there he ripped up the business touching the murder of the Monk Friar Peter de Chasteauneuf from the beginning, without consideration of any precedent justification, and excommunicated the said Earl Remond, not as being guilty of the death of the said Monk, but because he had not driven the Albingenses out of his country as he was bound by promise. The Earl Remond having felt the blast of the said excommunication, retired himself to Toulouze, not speaking a word, before the Legate had means to publish the sentence.  
The Bishop of Toulouze knowing he was excommunicated, sent one to certify unto him, that he was to departed out of the city of Toulouze, so long as the Mass was singing, because he might not say Mass, there being an excommunicated person within the city. The Earl Remond being much moved with the audacious boldness of the Bishop, sent a Gentleman, one of his followers to tell him, that he was to departed and that speedily out of his territories, upon pain of his life. The Bishop departed and sent to the Provost of the Cathedral Church, and to the Canons, that they were to departed with them, and that with the Cross, and the Banner, and the Host, and for the greater devotion, they should go barefoot and in procession. In this equipage they arrived at the Army of the Legate, where they were received as Martyrs persecuted for the Mass, even with tears of the Pilgrims, and the general applause of every one.  
The Legate thought now that he had sufficient cause to prosecute the Earl Remond, as a relapse and impenitent man, but yet he desired much to get hold of him, because if he could once apprehend him, he would quickly make him to conclude that business as the Earl of Beziers did. To this purpose, he flattered him by Letters, full of testimonies of his great love towards him, & by this means drew him once again to Arles. The Earl entreated the King of Arragon that he would be there to hinder (if need should be) any foul play that might be offered. Being come to the place, the Legate commanded the King of Arragon, and the said Earl Remond, that they should not departed the city, without his leave upon pain of indignation, and to be prosecuted as rebels to the Church. Some friend of the Earls used the means, to give him a sight of the Articles of the Sentence, which the Legate had a purpose to publish against the said Earl Remond, which were these that follow.  
That the Earl of Toulouze shall incontinently dismiss and cashier all his men of Arms, not retaining any one of them.  
That he shall be obedient, and subject to the Church, of which he shall repair the damages, and satisfy all costs and charges.  
That throughout all his lands, no man shall eat more than two sorts of flesh.  
That he shall expel out of his countries and territories, all the heretics and their allies.  
That he shall deliver into the hands of the Legate, and the Earl of Montford, all those that shall be named unto him, to do with them as they please, and that within one year.  
That no man within his lands, noble or ignoble, shall wear any apparel of great price, but black and course cloaks.  
That all the strong places and castles of defence, belonging unto him, shall be overthrown and laid even with the ground.  
That no Gentleman of his shall remain or dwell in any City or Castle, but shall make his abode, in the fields and country houses, as a villager.  
That he shall not levy in his lands any tolles, but those that have been of old time imposed.  
That every master of an house, shall pay yearly to the Legate four Toulouzian pence.  
That when the Earl of Montford, or any of his people shall pass through his countries, they shall pay nothing for any thing they take or spend.  
That having performed all things, as above, he shall travel beyond the Seas, to make war against the Turks, never returning again into these parts, but by the commandment of the Legat.  
That after all these things, the Legate and the Earl of Montfort should restore unto him, all his Lands and Signories, when it should please them.  
These Articles being communicated to the King of Arragon, he found them so unjust, that he would stay no longer in that place, but counselled the Earl of Toulouze presently to mount on horseback, for fear lest they should cease upon his person, even to the full execution of those Articles, who it should seem went about to enrich themselves by his spoils. And forasmuch as the said King of Arragon had persuaded the said Earl that he should put no more confidence in the Legate and Earl Simon, he cast in his teeth his too great facility, saying unto him in Gascongne tongue: Plam bous an pagat, that is to say, They have well paid you.  
The Legate and the Earl Simon being much discontented that this prey had escaped their hands, and knowing that he would no more suffer himself to be abused and overreached by words, they endeavoured to get that by force, which either by fair words or foul they could not. Whereupon they went presently and besieged the Castle of Montferrand, into which the Earl Remond had put the Earl Baudoni his brother, with the Viscount of Montelar, Remond of Pierregourde, and Pons Roux of Toulouze, and divers other valiant men to defend that place, which he knew to be of great importance. After some breach and assaults, the Earl Simon being out of all hope to win this place by force of Arms, desired to speak with the Earl Baudoni, which having obtained, he told him that his brother made it appear unto the world, that he had desire to undo him, in that he had shut him up in so paltry a place, which he very well saw he could not long defend, for that at the arrival of that world of Pilgrims, which were now marching towards him, he would quickly know, how great an oversight it was to lock up himself within so weak a hold: That if he did attend any violent assault of these Pilgrims, there would be no more place for mercy. That if he would yield himself and the place, he would leave it to his guard for the Church, and besides, he would make him, for the time to come, a partner of his conquests, with such advantage, that he should shortly be a greater man, and in greater authority than his brother, who had procured unto himself, by his rebellion, his utter overthrow. That he could never have power sufficient to resist the force of so many Kings, Princes and Potentates, who sent their people to this war, rewarded by their own zeal, without any charge of the Church. That every man would commend and admire this his retreat, besides that happiness he should gain unto himself, by consecrating himself to the service of God and his Church, and acquitting himself of that people amongst whom there was not any that was not judged by the Church worthy to be condemned to the fire. The Earl Baudoni suffered himself to be carried by the promises and fair speeches of the Earl Simon, and so delivered up the place, and put himself into Bruniquel, a place very strong which belonged to the Earl Remond, and promised never to bear Arms, but in defence of the Church. These two places drew with them, to the Earl Simons part, the places of Rabasteins', Gaillac, Montague, La Guarda, Pech, Selsas, La Guipia, St. Antonin, with other places near adjoining.  
The Earl Remond being much astonished to see himself betrayed, and abandoned by his own brother, bewailed his misfortunes at Toulouze, where from day to day he attended to be invested; when upon the surcharge of these evils, he understood that the Legate and the Earl Simon, had won unto them the King of Arragon, his one and only prop upon earth, under God. The mean to work it was this: The Legate writ unto him, that he should win great commendation, and do greater service to the Pope and to the Church, if he would once again become a mediator for the peace of the Church. And to that end they entreated him to come to Narbonne, where they hoped to lay a good foundation. He took his journey thither, where the first thing they proposed, was, to make some agreement betwixt the Earl of Foix, and the Church, and the Earl Simon. A premeditated design again to spoil the Earl Remond of his succours. Afterwards they gave him to understand, that the Earl Simon desired to live with him, as with his best kinsman and friend that he had in the world, and for this cause he was very willing to join in alliance with him, if he would be pleased to accept of a daughter of the Earl Simons, to marry with his eldest son. And such conditions they proposed unto him, that he was content that his son should marry the daughter of the said Earl Simon; in regard of which alliance, the King of Arragon, gave to the Earl Simon the investiture of the Earldom of Beziers, which before he would never agree unto, nor to that of Carcassonne, which he likewise at the same time obtained. But that which did most hurt the Earls of Toulouze, and of Foix, was, that they caused the King of Arragon to swear, that he would no more favour the Albingenses, but carry himself as a Neuter in this war betwixt the Church and them.  
The Earl Simon having gotten that which he desired, that is, to alienate the King of Arragon from the Earls of Toulouze, and of Foix, he took his time to bend his forces both against the one and the other.   

CHAP. IX.  
The Earl Simon besiegeth Toulouze, makes a spoil and is beaten, he raiseth the siege: Aimeri is taken prisoner: The Earl of Toulouze is succoured, and by whom: The Earl Simon makes war with the Earl of Foix, who goes in person to speak with the Legate, but obtains nothing: The King of Arragon animateth the Earl of Foix, and his son Roger, and intercedeth for them in vain.  
THe first attempt that the Earl Simon made, after his alliance with the King of Arragon, was the siege of Toulouze, being strengthened with a great multitude of Pilgrims, which the Bishop of Toulouze went to levy in France, whilst the Legate Thedize, and the Earl Simon did delay the Earl Remond, under the shadow of a treaty of peace with him. Being arrived at Montandran, upon the borders of Garonne, near to Toulouze, 
Chas. lib. 3. ch. 14 pa. 162.  the Earl Remond made a sally out of Toulouze, with five hundred horse, and footmen a great number, and came as fare as the bridge, in hope to gain it, or to break it down.  
There was at that bridge a great fight, and many there died both on the one side and the other. In the end, the Earl Remond sounded a retreat, whereupon the enemy took heart, passed the bridge, and pursued the Earl Remond, even to the gates of Toulouze: The Earl Remond made so sudden and so furious a reincounter upon them, that he beat bacl his enemy unto the bridge, which was not large enough to receive them, so that they were almost all slain before they were at the foot thereof. Aimeri the son of the said Simon of Montfort, was taken prisoner.  
The Earl Simon seeing this loss, and his son taken prisoner, animated his Pilgrims to the combat. They endeavouring to be revenged of this overthrow, ran into the ditches, set up their ladders, but they were valiantly repulsed. The ditches were filled with the dead bodies of the Pilgrims, and the Earl Simon was beaten from his horse. In the midst of this conflict, arrived the Earl of Champagne, with a great number of Pilgrims, and he came in good time to be well beaten. The Earl Simon commanded them all to go to the spoil, whereupon the Pilgrims ran into the Vineyards, Orchards and Gardens, cut down all trees that bare fruit, plucked up the Vines by the roots; at what time the Precedent of Ageves came forth of Toulouze, with a great number of the inhabitants thereof, who seeing them to spoil their possessions, ran upon the Pilgrims with violence, scattered here and there through the fields, and slew a great number of them. On the other side the Earl of Foix conducting some troops of horse and foot, slew as many as he met with. The Earl of Bar held his troops in better order, and seeing the disorder especially of those that were flying away, he cried out, a Bar, a Bar; which the inhabitants of Toulouze understanding, charged them so bravely, before any of them could gather themselves unto him, that he was discomfited with the rest. The Earl Remond retired his troops into Toulouze, and commanded solemn thanks to be given unto God, for so admirable a victory over his enemies.  
The fame of the Earl Remonds victories being spread abroad, there came unto him divers succours, from all the parts round about him, for they were all weary of the troops of the Pilgrims, and willingly offered both their goods and their lives to drive them out of the Country. 
Chass. lib. 3. chap. 14. pag. 169.  The Earl Simon being in some scarcity of victual, because the ways whereby they should be relieved, were stopped, was constrained to raise his siege. And besides the Earl of Chalons, the Earl of Bar, 
The Monk of the Valley Sernay. Chap. 79.  and certain other German Earls, retired themselves, their quarantines or forty days being expired; but yet he would not be altogether idle that Autumn: He therefore marched into the Countries of the Earl of Foix, to refresh the rest of his Army, and to possess himself of some places. He went as fare as the Town of Foix, made spoil of all that was about it, and then set fire to the Town. Being at Panies, the Legate took the one half of the Army to accompany him to Roquemaure, where he went to pass the winter, and in his way being in the Earldom of St. Felix of Caraman, he took the Tower of Cassas, and about one hundred men therein, and caused them all to be burnt alive, and laid the place level with the ground. In the mean time the Earl Simon ruinated the Countries of the Earl of Foix, as long as the said Earl kept his bed, being visited with a grievous sickness, during the which, his servants that were about him, durst not tell him of his losses; that is to say, of Pamies, Saverdun, Mirepoix and Prissant, which had been likewise battered, a place very strong near Carcassonne. Being recovered of his sickness, and understanding what havoc the Earl Simon had made of his houses, and what ruin his poor subjects had endured, he went to the Army, and desired to speak with the General, and thus he delivered his mind unto him.  
The inconstancy of tottering fortune (my masters and most renowned Lords) is the cause why I am not astonished to see myself thus infinitely afflicted by this cruel Stepmother. 
Hologoray in his Hist. of Foix. pag. 133.  I have heretofore braved mine enemies, fought in the field amongst those that would resist my power, entertained the great and mighty Monarches as my friends: None have threatened me, much less offended me, neither could my sword ever bear it. I have been employed in public negotiations, which carry with them, as their attendants, infinite discommodities, neither have I gotten any dishonour thereby, and I should have held my labour ill employed, if they had not been upon worthy occasions, never having desired to be accounted an honest man, by those unworthy and unjust means that some men purpose unto themselves. For he that is not an honest man, but because other men should know him to be so, and that he might be the better esteemed after knowledge taken thereof: he that will not do good, but upon condition that his virtue may be known by other men, he is not the person from whom any great service can be expected. We must (saith the Maxim) go to war out of duty, and attend the reward which is never wanting to all honourable actions, be they never so secret; yea, even our virtuous cogitations, being the only contentment which a conscience well ordered receiveth in itself for well doing. Having therefore (my masters and friends) my courage still lodged in a firm and assured place, against all the assaults of Fortune, & my conscience clear in this, that I never gave you any occasion to rise up against me, I have made no doubt to appear before you in this assembly, and to bring with me my head, not my treasures, to expose them to the mercy of the Soldier, or my commodities, to plant them as Barriers about my lands and territories, which you have begun without reason to bring into a lamentable estate, to be judged by your Counsel, and according thereunto, to condescend to that which shall be determined. For I had rather never to have been borne, than to survive my reputation, neither can I suffer that honour and glory, which in my younger years I have justly won, to be extinguished. Have you ever known me to be an enemy to the Realm of France? If it be so, let me lose both life and honour, with shame and dishonour. And who dares speak it to my face? Have I conspired against the Church? What have I done, that any man should have that conceit of me? And do you think, that for the poor remainder of this fantastical imaginary life which I have to live, I will lose the essential life, and purchase to myself, to please any man's appetite, an eternal death? The wise men of the world have proposed to themselves a more honourable and just end, to so important an enterprise. There is no man of honour that chooseth not rather to lose his honour than his conscience. It is that which I hold to be the dearest jewel within my Cabinet. Keep me I pray you in that range which the Kings of France have given me, that is, to be thought faithful, as they have heretofore censured me, when they have had occasion to deal in the affairs of my House, to the end (saith he) that being offended, I be not constrained to defend myself, and to offend you, which shall be much against mine own will and intention. And this by oath I vow unto you.  
Roger the son of the Earl of Foix was much afflicted with the submission of his father, as being an action too base for the greatness of their house. The King of Arragon did likewise distaste it. For notwithstanding he were allied to the Earl Simon, yet he did not fear to let him understand, that he could not approve of his usurpations under the pretence of religion.  
The Earl Simon on the other side, 
Holag. pag. 133.  said with a loud voice.  
That the conquests were just and lawful: that he had his right from the Pope: that there was no other purchase, but that which he won with the sword: that he had an Army to answer whomsoever should oppose himself against it, were it the King of Arragon, and of strength sufficient to defend himself against whomsoever.  
The King of Arragon writ to the Earl of Foix, that forasmuch as the Legate, and the Earl Simon had deceived him, in not restoring those lands and places, which they had promised him to restore, that he should no longer put any trust in them, since the intent of the Earl Simon was too well known. That is, that he endeavoured to make himself great and rich with the goods of another, under a pretence of Religion, if his ambition and avarice were not stayed, by the common arms and intelligence of those, whom he had already spoilt of their goods, and of all others that do but understand, that having begun with their neighbours, he will likewise desire to follow that course without end, the covetous desires of men being endless. That he knew very well that he did not seek his alliance, out of any desire he had to be honoured thereby, but only to hinder him from succouring those whom he desired to strip out of all they had. He likewise exhorted by letters, Roger the son of the Earl of Foix, to fortify himself against the unjust usurpations of Montfort, otherwise every man would laugh at him; that the Earl Summon was but weak, accompanied with a few Pilgrims, ready out of discontents to retire themselves: that he should therefore enter the field, and he should quickly find who would assist him.  
The Earl Remond being much afflicted with the alienation of the King of Arragon, by the marriage of his son with the daughter of Simon of Montfort, thought it necessary to do his best endeavour to regain him, by another marriage. He offered therefore his only son and heir in marriage to a daughter of his; unto which motion, the King of Arragon yielded his consent. 
The Monk of the Valley Sernay, Chap. 67.  The Earl Simon was much displeased herewith. The Monk saith, That this marriage made the King of Arragon very infamous, and much suspected, considering that the Earl of Toulouze, was a manifest persecuter of the Church.  
The King of Arragon knowing the murmur of the Earl Simon, did not fear with open mouth, to publish his purpose and intent to defend the Earl of Toulouze, and of Foix. That the one was his Brother in Law, the other his Subject. That he did assure himself of a day, that God would give them, to make him repent his unjust conquests.  
The Earl Simon being advertized of the threats of the King of Arragon, entreated him to blot out those bad impressions, which he had conceived of him, and that he would make him the judge, and stickler of the difference that was betwixt him and the Earl of Foix: The Earl of Foix on the other side, entreated the King of Arragon to yield thereunto; who obtained of the Earl Simon the restitution of all his Lands and Territories, except Pamies. Which exception, when his son Roger understood, he presently said he would none of that; but he knew very well how to recover that with his sword, which very unjustly he had taken from him by foul play, and false pretences. Whereupon he entered the field, foraged, took his occasions seasonably, and bestowed his time with such incredible diligence, in all his exploits, that he made the Army of the Cross to feel the bloody effects of his valour. On the other side, the Earl of Toulouze took the advantage of the time, nourisheth those sparkles of division, seeks to win the love of the Earl of Foix, and they make between them and their allies, a league offensive and defensive, against the Earl Simon their common enemy, and assemble themselves at Toulouze, to bind it by oath, and so they prepare themselves for the war, every one contributing according to his ability towards an action of such importance.   

CHAP. X.  
The siege of Castlenau d'Arri: the retreat of the Earl Simon: The Earl of Foix offers him battle: The King of Arragon intercedeth for the Earls of Toulouze, of Foix, and Coming; he writeth for them, to the Council de la Vaur, and obtaineth nothing. The King of Arragon defies the Earl Simon, they make levies both on the one side and the other; but the Earl Simon advancing himself, takes divers places.  
THE first exploit of this war which the Confederates undertook, 
Holagary in his h●st. of Foix.  was the siege of Castlenau d' Arri, whether they marched in this order. The Vanguard was conducted by the Earl of Foix, and Prince Roger his son. The main battle by Remond Earl of Toulouze. The rearward by the Prince and Lord of Bearn. This Army was compofed of fifty thousand foot, and ten thousand horse, and besides that, the City of Toulouze was furnished with a good and strong garrison, and all munitions and instruments of war. The Earl Simon put himself into Castlenau d' Arri. The situation of this place was good, and the Castle one of the best; and there were in the City many Soldiers and great Captains, and great store of munition for a long siege. The Earl of Foix made his approach, lodged himself near the rampiers, where he framed many fabrics. In the mean time the enemy sallied forth of the City, and put themselves very rudely and resolutely upon an Army of the Vanguard, but they were with such courage repulsed, that divers remaining dead within the trenches, the rest retired to bethink themselves of a better course. The Suburbs were taken by the besiegers. The Earl Roger was there wounded with a stone, cast from the City by one of their Engines. The Earl of Toulouze encamped himself upon a little hill, right over against the Castle, entrenching and environing himself with rails and barriers. The Prince of Bearn lay on the other side of the City. The Army of the Albingenses increased daily, upon a report given forth that the Earl Simon was there shut up, so great a desire had every one to see his ruin. And because there were too many of the Albingenses at this siege, it was thought good that the Earl Remond should take a part of the Army to surprise certain small holds and Castles, which were somewhat disaduantagious to the Army. He took puylauren's, Albt, Rabasteins', Gaillac, Montagut, and Saverdun.  
The Earl Simon began to see his oversight, to suffer himself to be enclosed within Castlenau d' Arri, and that inasmuch as he was the General, it was fi●hee should be at liberty, to provide for all other places depending upon his authority. He left within the place, Guy de Levis, called the Marshal of Faith, and to the end he might slip out the better, he caused a sally to be made upon the besiegers, engaging certain troops, whilst he in the mean time might make his escape.  
The Earl Remond being advertised of the departure of the Earl Simon, was much offended therewith, more for shame, than for any ill he conceived thereof: because the report had been every where spread abroad that the General was in the Cage, and that he should not come forth but bareheaded, the halter about his neck, and begging mercy. They complained one of another. The Earl of Foix, that they had left him without succour in so dangerous a flight. The Earl Remond, that he would put himself into so great danger, without knowledge given unto any.  
In the end they resolved to raise the siege, because of Winter, and a great levy of Pilgrims marching towards them, whose lives the Earl Simon did not greatly tender, because he had the Pope's Bull, that whosoever should lose his life in that war, should go presently to Paradise, as neat from all sin, as a Hen-roost from ordure. The Earl Simon was strangely puffed up with pride, making himself merry with that great preparation of war, altogether unprofitable to the Albingenses, especially that they had suffered him to make an escape, being twelve to one. Upon this retreat, they in Castlenau would needs follow the Army; but it cost them dear. For Roger made a furious return upon them, killing many of them, and beating them bacl even to the gates of the City.  
The Monk of the Valley Sernay tells this Fable; That notwithstanding there were a hundred thousand fight men in the Army of the Albingenses, yet they of Castlenau d' Arri went forth to their Vintage, and gathered their Grapes as if there had been no enemy before the City, and that their servants went to water their Horses, half a league from the City, the Albingenses not dating to charge them. See here the truth of a Monkish Historiographer. So likewise when he falls into outrages, they are without measure or end. In this Discourse he grows very choleric, against one Savari of Mauleon, Precedent to the King of England at Guienne, who had conducted some troops before Castlenau d' Arri, in favour of the Albingenses, he calls him Infidel, Expugner of the Church, a dangerous poison, a wicked forlorn person, enemy to God, the Prince of Apostasy, artificial in cruelties, the author of all perverseness, a diabolical man, nay the Devil himself. Doubtless he had either given him a hard chase, or his stile is very Monkish.  
After this retreat, all the Lords of the Albingenses retired themselves into their quarters. The Earl of Foix understanding that the Earl Simon was gone to Pamies, where he much troubled his Subjects, he departed from Toulouze with two thousand men, and came to the gates of Pamies, offering battle to the Earl Simon, but he would by no means hearken thereunto, finding his Pilgrims too weak. And doubting that at the Spring following the Albingenses would take the field; the Earl Simon all the Winter thought of nothing so much, as to strengthen the places which he held, to maintain the sieges. Among the rest being desirous to provide for Faniaux, a place of great importance; Roger perceiving it, lay in Ambush in such manner, and to such purpose, that he discomfited all those that brought either victuals or munitions.  
In the mean time, the Earl Simon, who doubted nothing so much as the King of Arragon, caused the Legate to write unto him, that he should no more meddle with the affairs of the Albingenses, except he would entangle himself in the same miseries with them, and include himself in the same excommunication. He likewise caused Philip King of France to write unto him, entreating him not to favour those that were enemies to the Pope and to the Church: The Legate likewise caused him to write to the Pope, touching the same matter.  
These entreaties of the Pope, and the French King, were unto him as express Commands, and therefore when the Earl of Foix, Toulouze and Coming, pressed him to assist them, he told them he would do it; but it was fit he should first do his endeavour to obtain that by gentle and peaceable means, which by war could not be obtained without danger. That the Legate was in counsel with all those of his part, that he would write unto them, and that if he could not obtain what he desired by Letters, he would enforce them to do him reason by Arms. He writ therefore to the said Council, beseeching them to end these deadly wars, enterprised under a pretence of Religion, offering for the Earls, their obedience to the Pope and the Church of Rome, but yet that they should never promise any peace before restitution was made unto the said Earls, of all their lands and goods. The Council de la Vaur returned this answer.  
We have understood the requests that heretofore you have made in the behalf of the Earl of Toulouze, 
The Monk of the Valley Sernay, fol. 113.  his son & his Counsel, the Earl of Foix, and of Coming, & the Lord of Bearne, wherein you name yourself the humble & devoted son of the church; for which we give thanks to our Lord God, and to your Highness. Assure yourself, that in respect of that love you bear to the Church, we give our best attention unto them with our ears, and receive them with gladness from our hearts; but touching the answer we are to make to your Greatness, and the request made by the Earl of Tolouze, his Counsel and his son, we certify you that the cause and denotation thereof belongs to our Sovereign Father, having reserved it to his Holiness. You may call to mind if you please, the infinite offers, grants and graces, which our holy Father the Pope hath offered unto him, after innumerable cruelties and horrible outrages. You may likewise remember the kind entertainment, which he found in the Archbishopric of Nerbonne, by the Abbot of Cisteaux, & Legate at Montpelier two years since; as also the offers which were made unto him, which he would not accept of: Which grace and favour he so much scorned, that he made it appear confidently, and with all oft, that he was not only enemy to God, but to his Church, for which cause he hath deserved to be banished for ever from God, his Grace, and his Church. Touching the requests of the Earl of Foix, Coming, and Lord of Bearne; they have infringed the oaths given by them, and in stead of accommodating themselves to that kind and courteous admonishment, they are filled with that abominable heresy, for which to their great shame and ignomy, they were excommunicated. And this is all the answer we can give to the demand of your Greatness. Given at La Vaur 15. Kalend. Febr. 1212.  
The King of Arragon being much moved with this answer, sent again to the Counsel, demanding truce for the said Earls, until they had received an answer from the Pope, but it was denied.  
The Earl of Foix was well contented, that the Council had yielded nothing to the requests of the King of Arragon, because he must have been engaged by promise for him, that he should acknowledge his tenure of the Pope and the Church of Rome; And which was more, seeing that the King persisted in this opinion, that such promises were to be made, to reobtain their goods, to the end they might never engage themselves for that they could not perform, knowing that the King of Arragon, the Earl of Toulouze, and Coming, were assembled at Toulouze to provide for their affairs, he came thither; and thus he spoke unto them.  
Sir, 
Holagaray in his hist. of Foix  and you my Masters & Friends; Forasmuch as ambition can teach men both valour and temperancy, and avarice can plant in the heart, of a Shop-boy brought up in the shade and in idleness, an assurance to departed from his household hearth, and to commit himself to the billows of the Sea, and the mercy of angry Neptune in a small and frail vessel, it shall be great weakness, and litherly negligence in us, who by the renowned Acts of our Trophies are known even to the Confines of Arabia, if we shall now come by a servile and treacherous acknowledgement to overthrew the Tables and Registers of our valours so highly elevated. No, no, mine arm shall never consent thereunto, we are not now in bondage. I and my son choose rather to make trial of the inconstant hazard of war, than to bring upon us and ours so great and so notable an infamy. And therefore, for the honour of God quit us of that shame, that men take no notice of our lamentable estate, mourning & sighing after our losses, like Distaffe-bearers. If we must needs bow, let it be when we have first done the parts of good and brave Captains. It is an adventurous and high enterprise, (you will say) but it was resolved upon by yourselves, Que ie voy maintenant les ressors qui lui donnent le branle de sa cheute. Far ye well. Sir, We yield not our consent in any thing; Come what come may.  
The King of Arragon was much moved with this discourse of the Earl of Foix, wherein he layeth an imputation upon him, that he was the cause of their ruin, because he had animated them against the Legate and the Earl Simon, and that now he left them as a prey, by procuring a peace worse than a bloody war. You have Sir (saith he) opened a door to our enemies, to tyrannize over us, if they had accepted of it, and to a glory more great, than they could hope to attain by Arms, for we had been all their Subjects, without any other charge, than your own instant request. As for myself (saith he) I had rather have given myself the stab, than to have drunk of that cup. And after many examples produced by him of those that have changed a miserable life for a present death, killing themselves before they would serve for Trophies to their enemies, he continued his discourse as followeth.  
For mine own part, I had rather follow these great Spirits, than having so often given testimony of my valour for another, prefer life before honour by being lazy and negligent in a business that concerns myself. And though Fortune deny me all means, to make opposition against that wrong that another shall offer me, yet my courage will never give way, that I should make myself the speech of the people, or a triumph for men more unworthy than myself. This their denial of what you demanded, doth comfort me, and it upholds our honour, for we must either have broken our faith, or played the Cowards like needy beggars, and lived a life more cruel, more intolerable, than any torment of Phalaris; like miserable men yielding our necks to the yoke of the enemy, and confessing ourselves beaten, sell our own liberty, and our children's after us, and that for ever. Good God what a blow were this Sir? For as much therefore as the tempest is grown so great, and we are driven to so extreme a necessity, embrace us in your arms, be our head, serving us for an example, a watchtower, a conduct: So shall we engage our wills and our lives, to show ourselves your most humble servants in time of need, and valorous Soldiers when occasion shall be offered. And though I be now worn with years, yet never had I greater courage or better resolution.  
The Earl Remond on the other side, entreated the King of Arragon not to abandon their cause, offering unto him both his goods and his life, to fight under his authority.  
The King of Arragon being overcome with these entreaties, and moved with compassion towards the afflicted, in the end took arms, and sent this ticket of defiance, to the Earl Simon by two Trumpeters. Endeavour without delay to execute the will of the Pope, or to fight with your Lord, and if you fall into my hands, you shall pay for it. It is your duty, and I will have it so, and I rather desire it, than to put myself to the charge of a great Army for your ruin.  
The Earl Simon made good use of this Letter of defiance, for he sent it into divers parts of Europe, showing by the Bishops and Monks that preached the Crusade, that the care was not now for the Earl of Toulouze, Foix, Coming, or the Prince of Bearne, but for a puissant King, who had made himself the General of the Albingenses, and that if he were not assisted extraordinarily, the cause of the Church was at an end; and therefore he entreated all good Christians, especially the King of France, to give his best assistance in these holy wars, and extreme necessity.  
On the other side, the King of Arragon writ to the King of France, that the Earl Simon of Montfort had a spirit puffed up with high conceits, fare exceeding both the capacity of his understanding, and his forces; That all his intentions were no other than plaisterings, under the pretence of Religion, and in the mean time he intended nothing so much as to be a King in deed, and Simon by name. He beseecheth the King by Letters and by his Agents, that he would not interpose himself in this war, neither on the one part, nor the other. Which he obtained of the King, insomuch that it troubled him to see his Subjects continually drawn to the shambles of this war of the Albingenses, under a pretence of the Pope's pardon, and to see so many of his great Lords his Kinsmen so vexed by the Earl Simon. When the Earl Simon understood, that the King of France was made a Neuter, he was much afflicted therewith, having now no other recourse but to the threats of the Legate to excommunicate him, if he should proceed any farther. The Legate sent him an Ambassage and Letters. The King of Arragon returned this answer; Go speedily and tell your Master that I will come and see him, and give him an answer with ten thousand fight men, and will him to defend himself, for I will teach him to play with his Peer.  
Every one makes preparation. 
The Monk of the Valleys Sernay. Chap. 89.  The Earl Simon sent into France, to the Archdeacon of Paris, and Master jaques de Vitri, to preach the Crusade. The King Philip Anguste would not have this Levy to be made in his Realm: but yet nevertheless, there went a great number from Awergne, Normandy, and about Lion. The Pilgrims arrived before the King of Arragon had prepared his Army, which gave great advantage to the Earl Simon, for he took in the mean time Grave, came into the Earldom of Foix, took Tudelle of the Albingenses, 
Chass. chap. 17. pag. 177.  and slew all that he found in it, without distinction of age or sex, besieged St. Antonin, and took it, and caused thirty of the principal of that place to be hanged and strangled, and that in cold blood, and after he had granted them their lives, and permitted the Convent of Monks that was in that place, to be sacked and ransacked. He besieged Penes, and received it by composition, as he did likewise Marmande: He ceased upon the Castle of Byron near the Sea. The Earl Simon caused Martin Alquay to be tied to the tail of a horse, and to be dragged through his Army, and afterwards hanged him, because he had before delivered up the place to the Eurle Remond. Moreover, the Castle Sarrazin and Again were yielded to the Earl. Moissac opened the gates to the Soldiers of the Cross, and all this did the Earl Simon, before the King of Arragon or his Army did appear.   

CHAP. XI.  
The exploits of the Earl Simon before the King of Arragon had prepared his Army: The King of Arragon would come to no composition with the Earl Simon, being weakened: The City of Muret taken by the King of Arragon: Battle given: The King of Arragon is slain, and his Army dissipated.  
IN the year of our Lord, one thousand two hundred and thirteen, and the thirteenth of September, the King of Arragon with the Earl Remond of Toulouze, Remond Earl of Foix, and the Earl of Coming, and Prince of Bearne, appeared in the field with their Army, composed of seven thousand horses, and thirty thousand foot. They took Muret a little City upon the borders of the Earldom of Foix, seated upon Garonne, but they took not the Castle. The Earl Simon was of opinion, that that was the place where the Army of his enemies should waste and spend itself, because the Castle was good and strong, and that if he made resistance for some time, it would of itself be scattered and overthrown. He therefore put himself into that Castle, with some small number of his most expert and valorous Soldiers, and furnished it with munition, and gave by his presence such assurance unto the besieged, that they thought themselves invincible, of such power is the good opinion that the Soldiers have of their Captain, to confirm those that are most weak.  
There were some that began to enter into consideration of the proceed of the King of Arragon, in that he would not accept of a composition so advantageous for himself and the Lords of the Albingenses, as the Earl Simon had offered him, when he saw the inequality of their forces. For the Earl Simon had not above seven hundred men on foot, and five hundred horse. It is not good to assault a man, that hath no hope to escape but by arms, for there is not a more violent Schoolmistress than necessity. But the King of Arragon thought it no time to smooth and to flatter, after so many insolent bravadoes against his Lord, of which the Monk hath noted some; 
The Monk of the Valleys Sernay. Chap. 126.  as where he saith, that he writ certain letters unto him, without any salutation, containing these terms, that if he continued in his obstinate defiance, he returned the defiance upon himself, and that from thence forward he held not himself bound to do him any service, and that he doubted not, by the help of God, to defend himself against him and his confederates.  
The King of Arragon having these insolent speeches engraven in his memory, thought him unworthy of any grace or favour in this his weakness, especially imagining that this his submission might only be to avoid this dangerous shock, and to attend his Pilgrims, that he might afterwards be more insolent than before: that at other times when the Earl Simon was in his greatest height, followed with a hundred thousand men, it was his manner always to scoff at the submissions of the Earl Remond of Toulouze, and of Foix, and that it were therefore great weakness not to return like for like: that he would afterwards mock them, if they should have compassion of him that never had pity of any: that since he had so long time taken his pleasure to provoke the Lords to be his enemies, he should have furnished himself with greater numbers of Soldiers, and such as might have more solid pay than the Pope's pardons, that might not leave him at his greatest need, nor be persuaded like Pilgrims, that there was nothing more to be gained: for he that hath gotten Paradise (as the Pope would make men believe in his Bulls) hath nothing else to get but blows if he desire any thing more, as they use to do who continue in this war after their quarantines, their forty days are spent.  
The King of Arragon therefore thought it was fit he should take his advantages against a man so malicious and so insolent. But none can promise himself the victory, but the eternal, who is the God of war, for neither the number of men, nor the equipage or furniture can give the victories, but only God, who many times maketh his power to appear in the weakness of men.  
Their Armies were ranged in this manner. The Earl of Foix, and his son Roger, lead the Vanguard of the Army of the King of Arragon, consisting of three thousand horse, and ten thousand foot, bowmen, and Pikemen, which were the surest arms in those times. The Earl Remond of Toulouze commanded the battle, assisted by the Earl of Coming, and the Prince of Bearne, wherein there were above four thousand horse, and twenty thousand foot, without any rearward.  
The Vanguard of the Earl Simon was conducted by Guy de Levis Marshal of the Faith, consisting of five hundred horse, and three hundred foot. The Earl was in the battle with a thousand horse, and four hundred men on foot, almost all French, without any rearward.  
The King of Arragon made his turns and returns in the head of his Army; which was thought to be a great oversight, because the General of an Army must not carry himself like a Captain of Arquebuziers, nor run his Curvets to be seen, because in the loss of him, consists the loss of the battle, and the Country which he defends; but he is to keep himself in the heart of the Army, to direct by his judgement, as occasions fall out, the whole body of the Army, which is not to stir but by his command and direction. The Earl Simon quite contrary, came down from the Castle of Muret with a slow pace, shut up (as it were) and in good order: The King of Arragon seeing him, thought he came rather to cast himself down at his feet, than to fight. The King of Arragon had lodged his Army in a place very advantageous and favourable. They join battle, and presently the Vanguard of the Earl Simon was almost cut in pieces, and it went so ill with him and his, that it seemed unto him that that was the place whither God had called him, to pay with usury, for all his forepassed cruelties and insolences, to his own shame; when the King of Arragon in the head of his Vanguard approached for his total ruin and destruction; for being come near to an ambush of four hundred Harquebusiers which the Earl Simon had placed in certain old decayed houses, he was wounded to death, and fell from his horse. Whereupon they fell presently into such a disorder and astonishment, that do what the Earl Remond of Toulouze, of Foix and Coming, what they could to stay this cowardly Army, they could prevail nothing with them, but were enforced themselves to follow the trace, and to commit themselves to the hazard and event of this shameful retreat, flying directly to Toulouze. The Earl Simon taking the advantage of his victory, and following the chase, even to the gates of Toulouze, slew so many men in this day's fight, that himself was moved with compassion, grieving for the hard hap of his Lord the King of Arragon, and causing a search to be made among the dead, commanded him to be interred, not in the ground which they call holy, because he was excommunicated, but in a field ne'er to St. Granier.  
The Bishops, Priests and Monks, which were within the Castle of Muret, from whence they might behold from fare the event of this day's journey, 
The Monk of the Valleys Sernay, chap. 127.  have had a Monk that gives them the whole commendations of this so renowned a victory, affirming that it was obtained by the benediction which the Bishop of Coming gave to the Army with the Cross, promising to the Pilgrim's Paradise, without any pain of Purgatory, and that if they died in that fight, they should all be received into heaven as Martyrs. As also he saith, that all the Ecclesiastical persons that were within the place, retired themselves to a Church all the time of the Combat, and that they prayed with such ardency, that they seemed by their cry rather to howl than to pray.  
He that writes the History of Languedoc saith, 
The History de Lang. sol. 12.  that they got the advantage because they had received the benediction from the Bishops, and had adored the wood of the true Cross in the hands of the Bishop of Toulouze.  
On the other side, the Albingenses acknowledged that they saw herein an extraordinary proof of the judgement of God, in that the king of Arragon, attributed at that time, more to his own power and providence, than the help and succours of the eternal God. But yet for all this, they lost not their courage, though they had lost in this journey, fisteene thousand fight men, neither did they despair of the justice and goodness of their cause, it not being the first army that hath been discomfited in a just quarrel, nor the first bad cause, that hath been maintained with victory. So four hundred thousand men of Israel, were beaten by twenty six thousand of the children of Benjamin, who maintained a bad cause, and slew in two battles two and forty thousand men. judge 20. 
judge 20.1 Sam. 4.  So the Philistines being uncircumcised Idolaters, got the better in two battles against the Israelites, and slew of them, thirty four thousand men, and took the Ark of God. So jonathan was slain by the Philistines. 
2 King. 23  So josiah who was zealous of the service of God, received his deadly blow fight against the king of Egypt at Megiddo. So king john having an army of sixty thousand men, was discomfited and taken prisoner by the Prince of Wales, who had not above eight thousand men, notwithstanding the cause of the king of France were very just, defending himself against his enemy, who assaulted him in his own country.  
The war of the Albingenses increased; for the Earl Simon thought it was necessary he should pursue his enemies being half dead and overthrown, and the Albingenses for their part, knew that they must of necessity defend themselves, or be vanquished and brought into thraldom.   

CHAP. XII.  
Pope Innocent the third, sent against the Albingenses a new Legate named Bonaventure. Prince Lewis the son of Philip took on him the Cross, and caused Toulouze and Narbonne to be dismantled, and the walls laid even with the ground.  
THe Earl Simon being puffed up with this victory, sent one to summon the Earl of Toulouze, Foix, and Coming, and the Prince of Bearne, to deliver unto him, the keys of those cities and castles that they possessed, and that they should sabscribe to what it pleased the Legate, or resolve miserably to perish.  
He received no answer, but every one betook himself to his own territories, there to provide the best they could possibly for their affairs. The Earl Remond retired himself to Montauban, and writ to those of Toulouze, from whence he was but then departed, that he understood that Rodolph the Bishop of Arras was coming with a great number of Pilgrims, and therefore, forasmuch as he saw, that they had no means to defend their city, against so great a force, that they should treat and grow to some composition with the Earl Simon, reserving only their hearts unto himself, until God should give means, to free them from those miseries wherein they were plunged, by the insatiable avarice of their common enemy. In the mean time, he, the Earl of Foix, Coming, and the Prince of Bearne, did their endeavours to trouble and to infest the enemy's Armies, with all the power they could for their common good. The city of Toulouze deputed six of the principal men of the city, to offer to the Earl Simon, the keys of Toulouze. He received them honourably and commanded them not to departed from him without his permission. In the mean time, he writ to Lewis the son of king Philip, that since the battle of Muret, they of Toulouze offered to yield themselves unto him, but his desire was that he should have the praise of that conquest being only worthy of himself. King Philip his father would not heretofore permit, that he should war against the Albingenses, becauve he had promised the King of Arragon, to carry himself as a neuter betwixt both, but now hearing of the death of the said King of Arragon, he suffered him to go. The Prince being at Toulouze, the city was delivered into his hands, and presently, the Legate, having assembled the Bishops of his rank, it was concluded that the pillage should be granted to the Pilgrims, and that the city should be dismantled, the Castle of Narbonne excepted; which was incontinently executed, contrary to the promise which had been given them, that nothing should be altered within the city. This good use did the Earl Simon make of the presence and forces of Prince Lewis, for otherwise, he durst not have enterprised the saccage and dismantling of this goodly and great city, without the endangering of his fortunes, were his forces never so great.  
At this very time arrived Bonaventure the Pope's new Legate, and of those that took on them the Cross the Bishop of Beawois, the Earl of Saint Paul, the Earl of Savoy, the Earl of Alencon, the Viscount of Melun, Matthew de Montmorenci, and other great Lords that accompanied him. The Legate seeing so many Pilgrims, began to fear lest Prince Lewis should dispose of divers places which the Albingenses held, to the prejudice of the Pope's authority, under whose name all those conquests were made; for the avoiding whereof he sent unto all those places that held for the said Albingenses, the absolution and safeguard of the Church, in such sort that the Prince thinking to make an assault upon any of them, they produced their absolution, and shown that they were under the protection of the Church. And this Legate grew so audacious as to tell Prince Lewis, that since he was become a soldier of the Cross, he was subject to his commands, because he did represent the person of the Pope, whose pardons he was come to obtain, by obeying the Church, not by commanding as the son of a King, reproaching him besides, that the King his father made no account to contribute to the extirpation of the Albingenses, when the time and season served and there was best opportunity: but now after those victories miraculously obtained, he came to glean the ears of that glory, which was due unto those only that had prodigally spent their lives for the Church. The Prince dissembled this audacious boldness. Narbonne was dismantled by the agreement of the said Prince, which neither the Legate nor the Earl Simon, would not have dared to enterprise without his presence. The Bishop of Narbonne did what he could, to hinder the dismantling of it, affirming that it did much import, that a place in the frontiers of Spain should be preserved with the walls and rampiers thereof: but the Earl Simon and the Legate were very instant to the contrary, & they obtained their desires.  
Here endeth the good fortune of the Earl Simon, for in the end of this levy of Pilgrims which Prince Lewis brought with him, he had enough to do to defend himself from blows; notwithstanding the Albingenses were also wearied with continual wars, and visited from time to time with new expeditions, insomuch that they sunk under the burden of them. Now forasmuch as this war changeth countenance in the person of the chief Leaders, and that from hence forward we shall speak more of the son of the Earl Remond of Toulouze another Remond, and of Roger the son of the Earl of Foix, then of the old Earls: We here make a second book of the actions of the children succeeding their fathers miserably afflicted only for that they had; for in effect there was not any of these great Lords, that was deservedly assaulted for Religion, for many times they had their recourse to the Pope, as to the fountain of all their evils, and in all respects to a poor remedy, never bringing with them from Rome, other thing than good words, with very dangerous effects.   
The end of the first book.   

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE HISTORY OF the WALDENSES, called ALBINGENSES, containing the wars which they maintained after the year one thousand two hundred and thirteen, until they were utterly exterminated.  

CHAP. I.  
The war is renewed against the Earl of Foix: the Arragonians make hostile incursions upon the Lands of the Earl Simon: he is discomfited by the Earl of Foix: Simon is called into Dauphine: The Legate Bonaventure persuades the Earl of Foix and of Toulouze to go to Rome: they further their cause nothing at all: the son of the Earl Remond came from England thither, but in vain.  
THE Prince Lewis son of Philip King of France, his quarantine or forty days being expired, retired himself, not without much discontent, to see, in those wars against the Albingenses, so much tyranny. The Earl Simon endeavoured to get a pardon for those last Pilgrims come from France against the Earl of Foix. 
Hologaray in his Hist. of Foix, pag. 157.  He besieged the Castle of Foix, but with his great loss; for there died before it many gallant men. Having lain before the City ten days, he raised his siege, finding to his great cost that the place was inexpugnable. The Earl Simon his Brother kept his quarter at Varilles: the Earl of Foix unlodged him, slew with his Lance the said Brother of the Earl Simon, and put to flight his whole troop. This was a counterpoise to Monfort his prosperity, which had made him over-insolent. And as one unhappy chance comes seldom alone, even then when he did grind his teeth against the Earl of Foix, swearing that he would make him fly over the Pereney mountains; a messenger brought him tidings of the arrival in the Earldom of Beziers, and about Carcassonne, of diverse troops of Arragonians, and Catalans, who put all they met to sword and fire, saying, That they would revenge the death of their good King Alphonsus: He was therefore advertised, that if he did not speedily secure them, the whole Country would be lost. He departed therefore from Foix with great diligence. 
Idem. fol. 158.  The Earl of Foix, who better knew the straits and byways of his Country than he, stopped his passage, and lay in ambush for him in a place so fitting for his overthrow, that he slew a great part of his troops, without any Alarm. He saved himself with a few of his people. Being come to Carcassonne, it was well for him, that he found not a man to speak a word unto, for the Arragonians had retired themselves; Whereas had they attended his coming, they might easily have discomfited him, considering the small number that were with him. At this very time, other Letters were brought unto him, whereby he was called into Dauphine, where there was one Ademar of Poitiers, and one Ponce of Monlaur, who hindered the passage of the Pilgrims, who came down by the River Rhosne, and were conducted by the Archbishops of Lion, and Vienne. There were likewise the Cities of Monteil-Aimar and Crest Arnaud, who took part with the Albingenses, who were a great hindrance to the Pilgrims. Simon came to treaty and composition with Ademar of Poitiers and Monlaur, not having power to encounter so many enemies.  
Again, he was given to understand, that the Arragonians were returned about Carcassonne; and thither he came and was well beaten, insomuch that he was constrained to shut up himself within Carcassonne, having not wherewithal to keep the field, before he had new supply of Pilgrims to secure him. Seeing at the last that he got nothing of the Earl of Foix by arms, he had recourse to his ordinary wiles and subtleties, hoping to work his ruin, under a pretence of amity. He caused therefore the Legate Bonaventure to write unto him, that he had compassion on him, for that he was so obstinate in so great a war, to his great charge, and the loss of the blood of his Subjects, which if he would he might end in a short time, by taking his journey to Rome, & declaring his innocency to the Pope; that he would give him his best assistance as far forth as possibly he could, to procure the restitution of all his Lands. But yet it was very necessary that the Church should have some gauges of his fidelity, that is, that he should deliver into his hands the Castle of Foix, the one & only means to take away all shadow and show of false play, and that incontinently after his return, turn it should be restored unto him with the rest of his houses.  
He suffered himself to be cheated and gulled by these promises, delivered unto him the Castle of Foix, and took his journey to Rome: but if he went a fool thither, a fool he returned. For the Legate had written to Rome, to the Conclave and to the Pope, that the Earl of Foix was one of the most dangerous Heretics that was amongst the Albingenses, a man of great courage and valiant, and most to be feared: that if he were subdued, the Earl of Toulouze would be much weakened; that he had gotten from him the means to do any hurt, by obtaining by fair words those places, which the Church would never have gotten by arms, namely the Castle of Foix, and that they were to take heed that they made no restitution of his lands, which if they did, it would be impossible that the Church should ever bring the Albingenses to their utter ruin. The Pope was willing enough to join in his overthrow, but because he came unto him with submissions, he feared lest it might be a means to hinder others from ever putting any confidence in the Pope. He was prodigal of his Crosses, his Bulls, and his Words, but in effect he commanded his Legate, that he should not restore unto him those places, until he had given good proofs of his obedience and justification. Presently upon his return he addressed himself to the Legate, to enjoy the effect of his fair promises. The Legate gave him to understand, that his hands were bound by the Pope, because there were some clauses in his Bulls that did bind him to a new proceeding, and to know in good earnest what his innocency was; but yet he should assure himself of his affection, and that he should not attribute to him, if he received not his full content, and that he would do his best endeavour to make love and friendship betwixt the Earl Simon and himself. The Earl of Foix, by little and little withdrew himself, fearing to be arrested, walking about the fields and houses of his Subjects (as for his own, they were all in the hands of the Earl Simon:) There he cursed his own facility, to suffer himself to be gulled by a Priest, bites his singers for anger to see himself so blockishly abused, after so many tricks and stratagems played against him. The Earl of Toulouze, and the King of Arragon, resolve to make a levy of their Subjects, and presently to build a Fort at Montgranier, a place very strong by nature. In a few days they made it a place of defence by the means & labours of their poor subjects, who bewailing their own miseries & their Lords, traveled day & night very willingly, to bring the work to an end. This place being built, he put therein a garrison, & left there his son Roger. The Earl Simon besieged it, & in the end took it by famine. The composition was, that Roger should not bear arms for one whole year against the Church. An Article that troubled much this valiant Lord. For he withdrew himself for the same year into a house, where he counted the months and the days, till the time was expired wherein he might either die valiantly in fight, or vanquish his enemies. And to this purpose he many times conferred with the son of the King of Arragon lately slain, how he might carry himself to find a means to be revenged of his Father's death.  
The Legate Bonaventure in the mean time, useth the same subtlety with the Earl Remond of Toulouze; He persuadeth him to go to Rome, to determine his affairs with the Pope more peaceably, than with the Earl Simon, 
The Monk of the Valley Sernay. Chap. 133.  especially because he was charged with the death of his own Brother, the Earl Baudoin, taken in the Castle d'Olme, in the Country of Cahors, because he had there borne Arms against him; an action that had made him odious both to God and men, and which his enemies did exaggerate, to the end they might stir up the Pilgrims, to take vengeance on him, saying, That at the very point of death they had denied him a Confessor, and that the said Bodoin prayed unto God that he would raise up some good Christians to revenge the wrong done unto him by his brother, as by another Caine.  
The son of the Earl of Toulouze, named also Remond, understanding that his Father was to take his journey to Rome, he went with letters from his Uncle, the King of England, to the Pope, entreating him to do justice to his brother in Law. The young Lord had been brought up until then in England, where he could no longer spend time, seeing his Father oppressed with wars and continual travels, he therefore resolved to use his best endeavours for his deliverance, either by composition or by arms. The cause of the Earl Remond was debated before the Pope. There was a Cardinal that maintained, 
Idem. Chap. 152.  that great wrong had been offered those Lords, who had many times given of their best lands to the Church, to witness their obedience. The Abbot of St. Vberi also took their part, with great courage and resolution. The Earl Remond likewise defended his own cause, charging the Bishop of Toulouze, with many outrages, and that if he had been constrained to defend himself, he must accuse those that had driven him to that necessity, for had he not made resistance, he had long ago been utterly overthrown. That the Bishop of Toulouze had many times caught unto him the fairest of his revenues, and being never satisfied, did still continue to vex him, parting his goods with the Earl Simon of Montfort; and that their only avarice had been the cause of the death of ten thousand men of Toulouze, and of the pillage of that fair and great City, a loss which could never be repaired. The Charterie of Lion did also show unto the Pope, that the Bishop of Toulouze had always kindled the fire, and warmed himself at the flame.  
Arnaud de Villemur did also present himself before the Pope, demanding justice, for that the Legate and the Earl Simon had invaded his lands, he knew not wherefore, since he had never been but obedient to the Church of Rome, relating at large the evils, murders, saccages, robberies, burn, which the said Legate and Earl, under the cloak of the service of the Pope and the Church, had done; and therefore it was necessary that that mask should be taken away, which would otherwise turn to the dishonour of the Pope and the Church, and some speedy course should be taken, for the establishing of peace, and procuring the good of the Church.  
Remond of Roquefevil of the Country of Querci, 
Chass●ib. 4. Ibid.  related also many villainies committed by the said Earl of Montfort, beginning with that which had been done against the Earl of Beziers, whom he caused miserably to die in prison, invaded his Lands, and ruinated his Subjects, and so proceeded to all that had passed against the other Lords, who were constrained to defend themselves against his violences.  
The Pope was much moved with these outrages and would willingly have done some justice, but that it was told him, that if he should cause the Earl of Montfort, to make restitution of that which was taken for the service of the Church, that he should not from henceforward, find any that would fight either for the Pope or the Church: As also, that if he should determine the restitution, yet the Earl Simon had reason, not to give over his hold, until he were fully satisfied for his travels and expenses.  
The Pope returned these affairs to the Legate, commanding him in general terms, to restore the Lands to all those that shown themselves faithful to the Church, and as touching the son of the Earl Remond, 
The Monk of the Valle is Sernay, Chap. 152.  his pleasure was, that that Land that the Earl Remond had in Provence, that is to say, The Earldom of Venisse should be reserved either in part or all for the maintenance of his son, provided that he gave good and assured testimonies of his loyalty and good conversation, showing himself worthy of divine mercy.  
They being returned, demanded of the Legate the execution of their Bulls, requiring the restitution of their Lands. The Legate answered, that he had certain restraints, for the determining whereof there needed some time; that therefore they should in the mean time show fruits worthy their amendment, and that then they should receive what the Pope had decreed, otherwise not.  
When the Earls saw how they were deluded, they resolved to come to blows.   

CHAP. II.  
Remond the son of the Earl Remond took Beaucaire: The Bishop of Tholouze betrayeth the Citizens of Thoulouze: The Earl Simon useth the Inhabitants of Tholouze very ill: They defend themselves to his confusion: A new expedition: Remond taketh Thoulouze: Simon of Montfort comes thither, and after many combats, he is in the end slain with a stone cast by a woman: His army is put to flight.  
THe first exploit of war of Remond, the the son of the Earl Remond, was the taking of Beaucaire, where he made himself Master of the City: afterwards having almost famished those in the Castle, the Earl Simon being no way able to secure them, made a composition for those that were within it, that is, that they should departed, only carrying with them their baggage and necessary furniture. The Earl Simon lost at that place a hundred Gentlemen, which he laid in ambush, near the City, which they within perceiving, made a sally forth, and cut them in pieces. The young Earl Remond won great renown at this siege, and gave the Earl Simon to understand, that his son Aimeri should have in this young Lord, a thorn in his foot, that should make him smart as much, as in his time he had given cause of trouble and vexation to his father. The Earl Montfort went from hence to ravage and make spoil at Thoulouze. The Bishop was gone thither before, and told the Consuls and Principal of the City, that they were to make their appearance before the Earl Simon. They went unto him, but to their great loss, for they were no sooner come before the Earl, but he commanded them all to be bound with cords; whereof some taking notice, that had means to escape to the City, an alarm was given within the City, so hot, that before his arrival all the people were in arms: but being entered by the Castle Narbonne, they recovered certain Towers which were yet remaining, and put themselves into certain places, and having already begun to pillage near the Castle Narbonne, the people fortified themselves, and gave the chase with such violence to those Boothalers and Fire-houses, who had already set fire on some houses, that they drove them to the Castle of Narbonne. The Earl Guy came upon the very instant of this combat, to the succour of his brother the Earl Simon, but after he had fought a while, he was feign in the end to fly to his brother. A great part of the people of the Earl Simon were enforced to retire themselves to St. Stevens, and the Tower of Mascaro, and the Bishop's house, where a great number were slain. The Bishop, who knew that he had been the cause of this misfortune, having counselled the Citizens to make their appearance before the Earl Simon, and the Earl Simon to cease upon them, still continuing his treasons, went forth of the Castle Narbonnes, ran into the streets, crying out unto the people to pacify themselves, for the Earl determined to end these difserences with mildness and gentleness, and that they should not refuse the ways of peace. He alleged so many matters unto them, that in the end they gave ear unto him, and were willing to hearken to a reconciliation, seeing themselves dismantled and brought under the subjection of a Castle & strong garrison, and knowing too well, that at the first succours of the Pilgrims, their City would be exposed to pillage. When they were to know the conditions of their peace, the first Article was: That the Earl Simon would yield to nothing, before all the Inhabitants had carried their arms to the Town-house. This point was hardly obtained, but at the last they yielded unto it: which being done, the Earl Simon caused his people to make their approach, and so being seized on the Town-house against a people disarmed, and having conveyed their Armour to the Castle Narbonnes, he imprisoned the principal men of the City, and caused them to be sent out of Thoulouze whither he thought good, being so uncivilly used, and with such inhuman cruelties, that a great number died by the way. Thus was Toulouze dispeopled of it principal Inhabitants, and the rest put to their ransom, whereby the Earl Simon did greatly enrich himself. And shortly after returning from the Country Bigorre, where he could not take the Castle of Lourde, he discharged his choler upon this poor City, permitting it to be pillaged by his Pilgrims, and then caused the rest of the Towers that were yet about the City to be beaten down.  
In this mean time, the poor Earl of Toulouze was at Mountauban, who understanding of the bad usage of his miserable subjects, for certain months could not but bewail their lamentable estate with sighs and tears.  
At this time, that is to say, in the year one thousand, two hundred and fourteen, 
Sec Paulus Aemil. in the life of Philip Ang.  the Legate held a Council at Montpelier, for the renewing of the Army of the Church, and to confirm the authority of the Earl Simon. The Monk of Sernay saith, that he was there declared Prince of all the conquered Countries of the Albingenses, 
The Monk of the Valleys Sernay, chap. 146.  and that by a common consent, they sent Barnard Archbishop of Ambrun to the Pope, to petition his Holiness, in the name of the Prelates who were present at that Council, that the Earl Simon of Montfort might by him be pronounced Lord and Monarch of all the conquered Countries of the Albingenses, which was done.  
The Council sent unto him to come and receive this dignity of Prince and Monarch. He entered into the City, and being in the Church of our Lady des Tables, where the Prelates of the said Council were to pronounce their sentence in favour of the said Montfort, they heard a rumour in the City. They sent to know what the matter was: It was told them, that the people had understood, that the Earl Simon of Montfart was within the City, and that thereupon they betook themselves to their arms, purposing to kill him, as being their capital enemy. He was advised to steal away along by the walls of the City, and to save himself, for fear lest the whole Council suffered with him. He went therefore on foot, without company, lest he should have been known at the Gate, and so he escaped this great danger. So that he saw himself in one hour honoured almost as a God, chosen and saluted Prince and Monarch, and to fly disguised, and to hid himself like a base scundrell, for fear of the rascal people.  
In regard of the resolution of this Council, the Pope ever writ unto him, 
The Monk of the Valleys Sernay, Chap. 148.  as to a Monarch, styling him, The active dexterious Soldier of jesus Christ. The invincible defender of the Catholic faith. And in the year one thousand two hundred and fifteen, he sent him a Bull, dated the fourth of the Nones of April, by which he gives him authority to keep all those lands he had gotten under his power, granting unto him the revenues, profits and power to administer justice, considering (saith the Pope) that you neither can, nor aught to make war at your own charge. This the Pope's bounty of another man's purse, in a business where he had nothing to give, made him to go to the King of France, to be invested into the Dukedom of Narbonnes, the Earldom of Toulouze, together with all the lands, which the Soldiers of the Cross had conquered and taken from those they call Heretics, or the Protectors of them, which he obtained of the King to hold in fee. The Monk saith, 
The Monk of the Valleys Sernay, Chap. 153.  it was not possible for him to relate the honour which was done unto him upon his way going to France, there being neither City nor Town through which he passed, where the Clergy and people came not to see him, crying out, Blessed is he that comes in the name of God. For such and so great (saith he) was the devout Religion of the people towards him, that there was not any that thought not himself happy to touch the hem of his garments.  
In the year one thousand, two hundred and sixteen, 
The Monk of the Valleys Scrnay, Chap. 161.  he returned from France with an hundred Bishops, who had caused this expedition of the Cross to be preached in their Bishoprikes, being resolved with this great Army to make himself Master, Prince and Monarch, of all those lands which the Pope had given him. And to make it apparent that he had not treated or made any agreement with Girard Adememar, or Guitaud Lord of Monteil-Aimar, nor with Aimar of Poitiers, but until such time as he had power to devour them, he passed the Rhosne at Viviers, and besieged Monteil-Aimar. Guitaud or Girard made great resistance; but when the Inhabitants saw the great Army of Pilgrims, they entreated their Lord to come to composition, for fear lest the City should be pillaged. Which he did, though it were with the loss of his Castle. From thencé he went and besieged the Tower of Crest-Arnaud, belonging to Aimar of Poitiers. He that commanded within, did yield it up out of cowardliness, for otherwise it had been impossible the Pilgrims should have taken it. Afterwards the Earl Simon gave a daughter of his to a son of the said Poitiers, and there was peace concluded betwixt the said Poitiers and the Bishop of Valence, against whom he had a long time before made cruel war. A little before, the Earl Simon had married one of his sons to the daughter of Dauphin of Viennois, and another to the Countess of Bigorre. All which alliances did fortify him much against his enemies. All men trembled before him, and with this great Army of Pilgrims that followed him, he took Pesquieres near to Nysmes, and Bezonce, and put all to the sword he found within, not sparing the women. He took his way to Toulouze, to pillage and to raze it, and to seek the Earl of Toulouze, even to the centre of the Earth, if he were there to be found, at which time he received letters from his wife, advertising him that he should speedily come to deliver her from the hands of the Earl of Toulouze, who had besieged her in the Castle Narbonnes, that he was very strong and had all the people at his devotion, who had received him with great applause, crying out with a loud voice, Long live the Earl of Toulouze. That he was accompanied with his Nephew, the Earl of Coming, Gaspar dela Bar, Bertrand de jorda, Engarrand of Gordo, Lord of Caraman, Armand de Montagu, and Estephe de la Valette, all brave and valiant men and well accompanied.  
This was about the end of the year one thousand two hundred seventeen, that the Earl Remond entered into Toulouze, the Drum beaten, the Ensigns displayed, and the Trumpets sounding. The people pressing to cast themselves down at his feet, to embrace his legs, and to kiss the hem of his garment, and killing as many as they found in the City, that took part with the Earl of Montfort. Whereas, had the Earl Simon come directly to Montauban, at his return from France, the Earl Remond could not have told what to have done, but he stayed at Monteil-Aimar and Crest Arnaud, and Besince, and Pasquieres, and made delays about the marriages so long, that the Earl had time to gather his troops together, and to prepare himself for a strong assault. In such sort, that when he was advertised that he was at Toulouze, the greater part of his Pilgrims were returned into France. But yet it was necessary he should go to Toulouze with those forces that he had: for his wife was in danger to be lost. And he that had been the death of so many women and children, was doubtful what would become of his, falling into the hands of his enemies.  
The Earl Remond created an officer, which they called Vignier, or Provoft, to whom all were bound to obey, upon pain of death. This was the first Vignier that was established at Toulouze. His charge was to provide for the defence of the City, to keep the Moats or Ditches clean, to repair the breaches, to appoint to every one his quarter, and his Captain, especially in times of combat. There came from all parts, troops of succours to the Earl Remond of those that desired consideration for the violences of the Earl Simon.  
The Earl Guy was one of the first in the combat, for his brother the Earl Simon, but he was beaten and put to flight: The Archbishop of Aix, and of Armagnac, with their Pilgrims retired themselves without fight. The Earl Simon being come, made show to besiege Toulouze: but the frequent issues of those that were within, gave him to understand, that it was not for his good. He assembled therefore the Prelates and Lords, to take advice of what was to be done. The Legate perceiving the Earl Simon somewhat astonished, said unto him. Fear nothing, for in a short time we shall recover the City, and put to death, and destroy all the Inhabitants; and if any of the Soldiers of the Cross shall die in this pursuit, they shall pass to Paradise as Martyrs, and hereof they shall assure themselves. To whom one of the great Captains answered, Monsieur Cardinal, you talk with great assurance, but if the Earl believe you, it will be little for his profit. For you and all the other Prelates, and men of the Church, have been the cause of all this evil and ruin, and will be yet more if he believe you.  
It was no time for Monsieur the Cardinal to be offended with this audacious reply, but he must needs sup up this censure. The resolution was, that there should be no more any assault given, but that the City should be besieged on the side of Gascongne. For which cause the Earl of Montfort caused one part of his Army, to pass the River Gar●nne, towards St. Soubra, now they within the City made so blunt a sally, and to such purpose, that they put their enemies to slight. During this combat, came the Earl of Foix with his fresh troops, as well of his subjects, as Navarreans and Catalans, who violently set upon the Earl Montfort, pursuing him even to the brink of Garonne, where with affrightment and precipitation, they cast themselves in heaps into their Boats, and many were drowned in the River. The Earl Simon also fell in, all armed, with his horse, and hardly escaped.  
The Earl Remond caused a general assembly to be made at St. Saornin, wherein he exhorted the people to give thanks unto God for this happy beginning of victory, which they had obtained against their enemies, which was a testimony of God's love, and that they should hope for better: he exhorted every one to give their helping hands to build and to prepare, and to cause their warlike engines to play against the Castle Narbonnes, because this place being last by the enemy, their total ruin must needs follow, and being once recovered by them, they should be in safety. In a very short time were their wooden engines to cast stones, their Slings, their Mangonnels to dart their Arrows, their Fowlers, Crossbows and other Instruments which were in use in those times prepared, and all of them mounted against the Castle Narbonnes; which made those to tremble that were within.  
The Earl Montfort being at Montolieu, took counsel how to carry himself in this tedious siege, and against enemies so animated. The Bishop of Thoulouze said unto him, to comfort him, that he was to take a good heart unto him, for Monsieur the Cardinal had sent letters and messengers throughout the world, to give him succours, and that shortly he should have so many people, that he should not want power to do what he would. The abovenamed Robert de Pequigni answered him, that he spoke his pleasure; and that if the Earl of Montfort had not believed him nor any such, he had not been in those troubles that now he was, but he had been at peace within Toulouze, and that he was the cause of that danger they now were in, and of the death of so many people as were continually slain by the wicked counsel that he had given.  
After many combats, the winter grew on, and stayed the course of the besiegers, who withdrawing themselves to covert where they could about Toulouze, expected with good denotation, and much impatiency, new succours of Pilgrims. The Earl Remond on the other side, enclosed the City with a Rampire, and fortified himself against the Castle Narbonnes, and prepared to receive the Pilgrims whensoever they should present themselves unto them. In this mean time he sent his son to seek for succours. In the end, about the Spring time, in the year one thousand two hundred and eighteen, there came to the Earl Simon, an hundred thousand Soldiers of the Cross, and to the Earl Remond, great succours from Gascongne, conducted by Narcis de Montesquiou. As also the young Remond of Toulouze, and Arnaud de Villemur brought unto him goodly troops. This great multitude of Pilgrims being come, the Legate and the Earl Simon thought good they should earn their pardon, knowing that at the end of forty days, this great cloud of Pilgrims would vanish. They therefore commanded them, instantly to give a general scalado, which was deferred to the next morning, by which time they had other work to do; for the very first night of their arrinall, putting their confidence in their great multitude, they kept no good guard. Which the Earl of Toulouze perceiving, made a sally out upon them, and that with so good success, that the next morning all the field was covered with dead bodies. The Toulouzains being weary with killing, returned to give thanks unto God for his assistance.  
The Earl Simon entered the Castle Narbonnez, to descry whether from thence there were any way to invade the City, but finding none, it much troubled him, whereupon two of his Lords of the Cross, gave him advice to come to some honourable agreement. The Cardinal Bertrand told them, there needed no speech of that, and that the Church could save them in despite of them, if they spoke any thing to the advantage of the Albingenses. One amongst them answered: And where find you (Monsieur Cardinal) that without cause and reason, you should take from the Earl Remond and his son, that which belongs unto them. If I had understood as much as I now know (saith he) I had never made this voyage.  
The whole Country was enemy to the Earl Simon, which was the cause of the famine in his Army; but on the contrary, there was within Toulouze all plenty and abundance. Tpon St. john the Baptists. Eve, betimes in the morning, the troops of the Earl Remond went forth of Toulouze, crying out Auignon, Beaucaire, Muret and Toulouze, killing as many as they encountered. A Soldier ran to the Earl Simon and told him that the enemy was come forth; to whom he answered, that he would first see his Redeemer, and then see his enemy. divers others came unto him, crying out, We are undone, if no man will come out and command the Army which did fly before the Toulouzains. He again answered, that he would not stir a foot from the Mass, though he were there to die, before he had seen his Maker; insomuch, that had not the Priest that sung the Mass clipped and curtolled it a little, for fear lest his ears should have been clipped, he had been taken or slain before the Altar. Hear what Noguiers saith: 
Noguiers in his Hestory of Toulouze. lib. 3. chap. 10.  At this so violent a shock, the Earl Simon being mounted his horse, his horse was wounded in the middle of his head with an Arrow, which the horse feeling, got presently the bit between his teeth, in such sort, that Montfort could never stay him, but he carried him here and there in despite of himself, which a Soldier of the City seeing, assuring himself of him, shot him with his Crossbow through the thigh, with which wound Montfort lost great store of blood, and finding himself much pained therewith, entreated the Earl Guy his brother, to lead him forth of the press, to stench his blood. In the time whilst he was talking with his brother, a stone out of a sling or engine, whereout stones or arrows were darted, which a woman (thinking nothing let fly) hit Montfort, yet talking with his brother, and parted his head from his shoulders, so that his body fell dead to the ground. It was (saith he) a wonderful thing, and thereby may his successors consider, that they maintained an unjust quarrel, not to punish those that were wandered from the faith, for that had been a thing very commendable and commodious; but to oppress his own vassals, heaping on them miseries upon miseries, to ravish women and their daughters, to the end they might utterly ruin and confound them all, especially doing the duty of vassals, and to retain the goods of another, who though he were an Heretic, as Montfort supposed, yet nevertheless in the twinkling of an eye, he might be better advised, and amend his life. But as I think (saith he) a covetous desire to reign blinded him, which we may easily indge, by the bad usage, oppressions and extortions which he executed against the innocent people of Toulouze, who honoured him, cherished, and wished him prosperity, as to their Lord. This skirmish and discomfiture was in june, the day after the feast of St. john the Baptist, in the year 1218.  
Thus you see how Noguiers, the Historiographer of those times hath spoken of this man, as of one that was carried with passion and unsatiable covetousness: But that which was worthy the observation, is, that he was not overthrown, but at that very inftant, when by three divers Counsels, he had been proclaimed the Monarch of his conquests, the Captain of the Armies of the Church, the son, the servant, the favourite thereof, the defender of the faith. Adored of the people, feared of the great, the terror of Kings. Thus you see, 
judges 9  that as that ambition's Parricide Abimelech was slain with a piece of a Millstone which a woman cast from a Tower, which broke his skull; so this destroyer of the people, ruiner of Cities, devourer of the states of other men, was slain with a stone from a sling, fling by a woman, 
Chassilib. 4 c. 11.  as some Historiographers have observed.  
On the the other side the Monk cries out in this manner: 
The Monk of the Valleys Sernay. Chap. 165.  who is he that can write or hear (saith he) that which followeth? that can recite it without grief? that can lend his ears without sighs and groan? who, I say, will not dissolve and consume away to nothing, seeing the life of the poor to be taken away? he, who being laid in the dust, all things are trampled under foot? and by the death of whom all is dead? Was he not the comfort of the sorrowful, the strength of the weak, a refreshing to the afflicted, a refuge to the miserable? He had some reason to speak thus; for he being dead, all his Army was dissolved and scattered abroad. The Legate Bonaventure had only leisure to tell Aimeri of Montfort, that he was named by him and the Bishops that were present, Successor of the conquests and charges of his father the Earl Simon, and instantly they betook them to their heels, flying with all the Bishops of the Cross to Carcassonne, not staying in any place, so great was their astonishment, fearing to be pursued. The Pilgrims disbanded themselves, saying they were no longer bound to any fight, their forty days being almost expired. In the time of this confusion, the Earl Remond sallied out of Toulouze, and gave so furious a charge upon the Enemy, that he made them to forsake their trenches, and slew a great number of Pilgrims, who were without conduct, and without courage, insomuch that they killed and cut in pieces all that were in the Camp of Montelieu, and did a great deal of hurt and hindrance to those that were encamped at St. Sobra: There remained the Castle Narbonnes, which as yet held for the Legat. Aimeri of Montfort as speedily as he could gather as many of his troops together as he was able, in this so great a rapture and confusion, and making haste to the Castle, got out the Garrison by a false door, and so fled after the Legate, carrying the body of his father with great speed to Carcassonne. And it was well for him, that the Earl Remond pursued him not, for the fear thereof was sufficient to kill the Pilgrims that accompanied him. But the Earl Remond retired himself with his troops, to provide for the preservation of the City and the Castle Narbonne, unto which the enemy had set fire when they left it. Moreover, he caused the Bell to be tolled, 
Chassilib. 4. c. 11. pag. 222.  to gather the people together, to give thanks unto God in their Temple, for the happy and miraculous victory which they had obtained, for that this audacious Cyclops was overthrown, that had exposed them many times to pillage, razed their walls, beaten down their rampiers, destroyed their Towers, violated their wives and daughters, killed their Citizens, cut down their trees, spoilt their land, and brought their whole Country to extreme desolation.   

CHAP. III.  
The Earl Remond recovereth all that the Earl Simon had taken from him in Agenois: The Earl of Foix takes Mirepoix from Roger de Leni: The Earl of Coming his lands, which one named joris, detained from him: An advantageous encounter for the Albingenses in Lauragues: Expeditions of small effect after the death of the Earl Simon. The Prince Lewis took Marmande, and returned into France, having summoned Toulouze to yield itself.  
THe Earl Remond followed the victory, making himself Master of the Castle of Narbonnes, and fortifying it against the Pilgrims, which he knew very well would come the year following, in the mean time he sent his son into Agenois, who brought unto the obedience of his father Condon, 
Holagaray in his history of Foix. 162.  Marmande, Aguillon, and other places adjoining. On the other side, the Earl of Foix besieged Mirepoix, summoned Roger de Leni to restore it unto him, telling him that he was not now to hope any longer in the Earl Simon, for he was dead: that it must content him that he had now long enough and unjustly kept that which was his. That if he changed his patience into fury, he would lose both his life and Mirepoix altogether. It troubled much the Marshal of the Faith (for that was the vain title which the Legates had given him) to yield up this place; but in the end he delivered it into the hands of the Earl of Foix.  
The Earl of Coming had also his right of one joris, to whom the Legates had given all that the Soldiers of the Cross had taken in his Countries; for he took them all from him, yea, life and all.  
At the spring of the year following, 1219. Almaric or Aimeri of Montfort, came into Agenois, with some troops of Soldiers of the Cross, to recover that which his father had there possessed, and for this cause he besieged Marmande. The young Earl Remond of Toulouze, went to secure the besieged, when the Earl of Foix writ unto him that he had gotten a great booty in Lauragues, both of people and beasts, but he feared he should not bring it to Toulouze, and not be fought withal by the way, by the Garrison of Carcassone, and therefore he entreated him to secure him. Young Remond took his journey towards him, and came in so good an hour to the Earl Foix, that being upon the point of losing his booty, being followed by the Viscount of Lautrec, and the Captains Faucant and Valas. Being come to the combat, 
Chass. lib. 4. chap. 13.  the said Foucant and Valas encouraged with a loud voice their Pilgrims, saying, that they fought for Heaven and for the Church: The young Earl Remond hearing it, cried unto his as loud as he: Courage my friends, for we fight for our Religion, and against thiefs and robbers, under the name of the Church: They have rob enough, let us make them vomit it up again, and pay the arrearages of their thefts, which they have heretofore freely committed. And hereupon they gave the Charge. The Viscount of Lautrec fled, Foucant was taken prisoner, and all their troops cut in pieces. Seguret a Captain and professed robber was taken and hanged in the field upon a tree. Thus victorious, and laden with booty, they came to Toulouze with their prisoners and cattles. The siege of Marmande continued, but unprofitably, and without any advantage. For Almaric having caused a general assault to be made, the inhabitants defended themselves with such valour and resolution, that the ditches were full of the dead bodies of the Pilgrims. This was at that time when the great expedition of Prince Lewis arrived, who brought with him thirty Earls. An expedition for the levying whereof, the Legate Bertrand writ in these terms to King Philip: Fail you not to be in the quarters of Toulouze for the whole month of May, in the year 1219. with all your forces and powers, to revenge the death of the Earl Montfort, and I will procure that the Pope shall publish and preach the Crusade, or expedition of Christians, throughout the world, for your better aid and succours. Thus you see how the Legate commands the King of France. His son arrived at Marmande, and summoned those within to yield. They compound with him, and he promiseth them their lives. Almaric complains thereof, saying, that they were not worthy of life, that took away his Fathers. He assembleth the Prelates, declareth unto them the discontent which he received by this composition, in that life was granted unto those, who were the murderers of his Father. The Prelates were all of opinion, that notwithstanding the word given, they should all die. Prince Lewis his will was, that the composition should hold. Almaric nevertheless, caused his troops to slip into the City, with charge to kill all, men, women and children. They do it, whereat the Prince being offended, departed from the Legate and Almaric, and passing along summoned those of Toulouze to yield. They defend themselves against him. He receiveth news of the death of his father, which caused him to retire. Thus you see all the effects of this great expedition, which should have buried all the Albingenses alive, and vanished without any assault given.   

CHAP. FOUR  
The war of the Albingenses changeth countenance, because of the death of Pope Innocent the third; of the change of the Legate; the death of the Earl Remond of Toulouze; of the disease of Remond Earl of Foix, and the Lady Philippe de Moncade, mother to the Earl of Foix, and of the Monk Dominick.  
THe Legate Bertrand Bonaventure, being weary of the long labours of this war, and perceiving that therein the danger was greater, than either the pleasure or the profit, took occasion under a pretence of his decrepit age, to retire himself to Rome; even at that time, when Pope Innocent the third being departed, Pope Honorius his successor, who had not managed this war by his authority, from the beginning thereof, knew neither the importance thereof, nor what direction to give, and therefore had need to be informed by his Legate, touching the means of the continuance thereof, and the commodity that might arise unto his Seat. Bonaventure entreated him to depute another Legate, and told him, that the necessity of this war was such, that it concerned not only the loss of all those Lands of the Albingenses, which were conquered, because they might be easily recovered by them, if no opposition were made, but also the ruin of the Church of Rome, because the Doctrine of the Waldenses and Albingenses, did directly shake the authority of the Popes, and overthrew the Statutes of the Church: That this war had been very chargeable, and cost them dear, for within the space of fifteen years and less, there had died above three hundred thousand soldiers of the Cross, that at divers times had come to end their lives in Languedoc, as if there were not enough elsewhere to bury them, or as if there were a necessity in those times, to be borne in France, and to die encountering the Albingenses. That all this would be lost, if they continued not to spend and weaken them, until they were utterly destroyed. The Pope delegated one named Contat, who went thither.  
Now albeit Almeric were very valiant, yet he had not gotten that authority which his Father had, who had made himself, at the charges of the Albingenses, a great Captain, loved of the Soldier, of an admirable valour, patiented in affliction, invincible in his travels, diligent in his enterprises, foreseeing and providing, for the necessities of an Army, affable; but of an unreconcilable enmity against his enemies, because he hated them only to have their goods, and that he could not have but after their death, which he procured and hastened as much as he could, and that under the mantel of a plausible pretence of religion. His son was a true inheritor of the hatred of his father; but slow and sluggish, loving his ease, and no way fit for an action of great importance. Besides, he was deprived of the Monk Dominique, of whom his Father had made very profitable use: for lodging him in the conquered Cities, he gave him in charge to finish that destruction by his inquisition, which he could not do by wars. He died in the year 1220. the sixth of August, so rich that notwithstanding he were the author of an order mendicant, that is to say, of jacobin Monks, or jacobins, yet he made it known before his death, that a scrip well ordered was better than a rent ill assigned; for he left many houses and much goods, showing thereby that he used his scrip but for a show and outward appearance of poverty; but in effect he thought it good, to have wherewithal to live elsewhere, witness the Protection which the Earl Simon gave him a little before his death, whereof this is the tenure.  
Simon by the Grace and providence of God, Duke of Narbonnes, Earl of Toulouze, Viscount of Licestre, Beziers, and Carcassonne, wisheth health and dilection. 
After the History of the Monk of the valley Sernay.  We will and command you to have a special care to keep and defend the houses and goods of our most dear brother Dominick, as our own. Given at the siege of Toulouze, Decemb. 13.  
The death of this Monk was a great comfort to the Albingenses, who had persecuted them with such violence, but yet they were more weakened by the death of the Earl Remond of Toulouze, the Earl Remond of Foix, and the Lady Philippe of Moncade, Wife to Remond Earl of Foix.  
The Earl Remond of Toulouze died of a sickness, much lamented of his Subjects, if ever man were. He was just, gentle, valiant and courageous, but yet too easy to give ear unto those that gave him counsel for his ruin. He was carried at the first by a true love and charity only towards those his Subjects, that made profession of the Religion of the Albingenses, but afterwards having been basely and dishonourably handled by the Legates of the Pope, he knew both the cruelty of the Priests, and the falsehood of their doctrine, by those conferences that had been in his presence with the Pastors of the Albingenses. His Epitaph was written in two Gascon verses.  
Non y a home sur terre, per grand Segnor que fous,  
Qu'em jets de ma terre, si Gleisa non fous.  
He that writes the History of Languedoc, saith, That he died a sudden death, and that he was carried into the house of the Friars of the Hospital S. john, and that he was not buried, because he died an excommunicate person. There was showed not long since at Toulouze a head, which some did believe was the head of the Earl Remond, which was said to be always without a sepulture; but there is no likelihood that he that died amongst his own, and being Ruler over them, should not have so much credit after his death, as to be put into a Sepulchre: 
Holaga. pag. 164  that he that by his valour had restored all his Subjects to their houses, and their City to it former greatness, he whose death they lamented as a Father, should be cast out like a Dog. It is neither true nor hath it any resemblance of truth, that they should deny him this last office of charity, which they have not refused to bestow upon their greatest enemies, for it was never heard of that the Albingenses have denied sepulture unto any.  
As touching the Earl of Foix, Remond, he was a Prince of whom the History gives this testimony, that he was a Patron of justice, clemency, prudence, valour, magnanimity, patience and continency; a good Warrior, a good Husband, a good Father, a good Housekeeper, a good justicer, worthy to have his name honoured, and his virtues remembered throughout all generations. When this good Prince saw that he was to change the earth for heaven, he defied death an assured constant carriage, and took comfort in forsaking the world, and the vanities thereof, and calling his son Roger unto him, he exhorted him to serve God, to live virtuously, to govern his people like a Father, under the obedience of his Laws, and so gave up the ghost. His Wife the Lady Philippe of Moncade, followed him shortly after, notwithout suspicion of poison, by some domestical enemy of the Albingenses, whose religion she professed with all devotion. A Princess of a great and admirable providence, faith, constancy, and loyalty. She uttered before her death many excellent sentences, full of edification, as well in the Castilian tongue, as the French, in contempt of death, which she received with a marvelous grace, fortifying her speeches with most Christian consolations, to the great comfort and edification of all that were present, and in this estate she changed her life.  
All these deaths made a great alteration in the wars of the Albingenses, both on the one side and the other.   

CHAP. V.  
Almaric of Montfort restored to King Lewis the eight, the conquered Countries of the Albingenses: the siege of Auignon: the King appointeth a Governor in Languedoc. The war continues against the Albingenses: Toulouze is besieged: a treaty of peace with the Earl Remond and the Toulouzains.  
ALmaric of Montfort had not the fortune of his Father in the wars of the Albingenses. For he had neither King Philip Auguste, who permitted the levy of the Pilgrims, nor Pope Innocent the third to appoint them. Moreover, there was neither Citi●nor Village in France, where there were not widows and fatherless children, by reason of the passed wars of the Albingenses. And besides all this, the Prelates were many times put into great fears, by those cruel combats that were ordinarily made, and many of them left behind them their Mitres, and some Abbots their Crosses. The speech of the expeditions of the Cross was not so common. This was the cause why Almaric did not long enjoy his conquered Countries, wherewith being much afflicted, he went into France, 
Inventory of Serres, in the life of Lewis the eight.  and delivered up unto Lewis the eight of that name, King of France, all the right that he had to the said Countries, which the Pope, the Counsels of Vaur, Montpelier, and Lotran had granted unto him: and in recompense thereof, King Lewis created him Constable of France, in the year 1224.  
To put himself into possession, King Lewis the eight came into Languedoc, and coming to the gates of Auignon, he was denied entrance, because professing the Religion of the Albingenses, they had been excommunicated, and given by the Pope to the first Conqueror: for then Auignon was no chief City of the Earldom of Venessin, as at this present, but belonged to the King of Naples and Sicily. The King being much moved with this denial, resolved to besiege it, which continued for the space of eight months, in the end whereof they yielded themselves about Whitsuntide, in the year 1225.  
During this siege, almost all the cities of Languedoc, acknowledged the king of France, by the mediation of Mr. Amelin, Archbishop of Narbonne. The King established for Governor in Languedoc, Imbert de Beavieu, and took his way to France: but he died by the way at Montpensier in September, in the year 1226.  
The young Remond, Earl of Toulouze, was bound by promise to the king, to go to receive his absolution of Pope Honorius, and afterwards he should give him peaceable possession of all his lands: but the death of the king in the mean time happening, he saw the Realm of France in the hands of king Lewis, a child and in his minority, and the regency in the power and government of his mother. He thought that having to deal with an infant king, and a woman regent, he might recover by force that which he had quit himself of by agreement. He therefore resolved to take arms, being encouraged thereunto, by the succours of the Albingenses his subjects, who were in great hope to maintain their part in strength and vigour, during the Nonage of the King of France, but they were deceived in their project. For though Lewis the ninth were in his minority, yet he was so happy as to have a wise and a prudent mother, if ever there were any. For King Lewis the eighth, before his death, had appointed her the Tutrix or Gardianesse of his son, and Regent of the Realm, knowing very well her great capacity and sufficiency. Besides Imbert de Beavieu maintained the authority of the king in Languedoc, took arms, and made opposition against the Earl Remond, and the Albingenses. 
The History of Languedoc, sol. 31.  The Queen sent him divers troops, by the help whereof he recovered the Castle de Bonteque, near to Toulouze, which was a great hindrance to Imbert and his portizans. All the Albingenses that were found within the Castle were put to death; and a certain Deacon, with others that would not abjure their Religion, by the commandment of the said Imbert, Amel the Pope's Legate, and the advice of Guyon Bishop of Carcassonne, they were burnt alive, in the year 1227. suffering death with admirable constancy.  
The more the persecution increased, the more the number of the Albingenses multiplied, which Imber of Beavieu perceiving, he went to the Court to let them understand, that without succours, he could no longer defend the country, and the places newly annexed to the Crown and patrimony of France, against the Albingenses and the Earl Remond. In the mean time whilst he was absent, the Earl Remond took the Castle Sarrazin, one of the strongest places that Imbert had in his keeping, and holding the field did much hurt to his enemies.  
Imbert came from France, at the spring of the year one thousand two hundred twenty eight, accompanied with a great Army of the Cross, in which there was the Archbishop of Bourges, the Archbishop of Aouch and of Bordeaux, every one with the Pilgrims of their jurisdiction.  
The Earl Remond retired himself into Toulouze where he was presently shut up, and all the country round about, even harvest and all spoiled and wasted. Being brought to this extremity, 
Hist. of Lang. fol. 33.  the Abbot of Grandselue, named Elias Garin, came from Amelin the Pope's Legate, to offer peace to the Earl Remond and the Toulouzains. He was received with great joy, offering peace and plenty to those that were almost famished, and wearied with war. Nevertheless the wisest amongst them, who better foresaw the event of things, knew well enough that so soon as they had gotten the Earl Remond into their hands, they would make use of him to persecute them, that they would establish the inquisition and kindle their fires again, and so utterly destroy them both bodies and souls: but the reasons of these men were overcome by the importunate cries of the common people almost famished, who could not see the time wherein they were fettered with the halter, that should strangle them. Besides the enemy wanted not people in Toulouze, that were willing to terrify the Earl Remond saying, that he was not now to deal with Americ of Montfort, but with a king of France, who had power sufficient to overthrew him: that continual fevers kill men, and long wars would at the last bury them all. The Earl Remond passed his word to the Abbot to be at a certain day at Vasieges, there to resolve upon that which was to be done, to bring the peace to a perfection. In the mean time a truce was agreed upon with the Toulouzains, for certain days. The Earl Remond came at the day to the place appointed, and so did the Abbot of Grandselue. After much discourse and communication touching a peace, the Abbot made him believe, that it would be for his greater advantage to be in France, than in that place; and that forasmuch as the business concerned the King, that it was necessary that the Queen-mother being Tutrix unto him, and Regent of France, should be present, and that more would be done in a few days, than in a whole year, the business requiring so many journeys and go and come, which peradventure would be long and unprofitable: and so pawned his faith that hereby he should receive all contentment. Being vanquished by these promises, he consented to come into France, whethersoever the Queen-mother should appoint. Meaux was the place she made choice of, and his time was appointed. He came thither, but he was no sooner arrived, but he repent, and acknowledged his great oversight, in that he had given credit to the words of a Priest, especially knowing that his deceased father, had always sped so ill by trusting to those that hold this for a maxim, that Faith is not to be kept with Heretics, or their favourers. That he being held for such a one, had no reason to look for better success.  
There was therefore now no more question of treaties or communications, but of submission to whatsoever should be enjoined him. He had now no longer freedom of speech, but he was carefully guarded, for fear lest he should fly to the Albingenses. The Historiographer of Languedoc, 
The Hist. of Lang. fol. 34.  though in other matters much animated against the Albingenses, yet he could not write of this without commiseration, so lamentable was the condition of this Lord. These are his words.  
It was a lamentable thing (saith he) to see so brave a man, that was able, for so long a time, to make resistance against so many people, to come in his shirt and his linen breeches, bare foot to the Altar, in the presence of two Cardinals of the Church of Rome, the one the Legate in France, the other the Legate in England. But this is not all the ignominious punishment that was inflicted, but he notes besides, that of so man y conditions of that peace, every one of them (saith he) had been sufficient for the price of his ransom, if the king had been in the field making war against him.   

CHAP. VI  
The Articles of the treaty of the Earl Remond of Toulouze, with the Pope's Legate, Amelin, and the Queen mother of Lewis the ninth, King of France.  
IT was an easy matter to finish this treaty, 
These articles are to be found in the Biblioth of Peres, Tom. 7.  because the Articles were proposed to the Earl Remond, with this condition, that they should be signed by himself without reply.  
Article 1. That after the Earl Remond, shall have asked pardon, according to the order appointed, that is to say, bareheaded, barefoot, in his shirt, with a torch in his hand, for all that he had done against the Church; he shall promise to defend the faith, and drive away all Heretics, out of his lands and territories.  
Article 2. That he should pay to the Church as long as he liveth, every year three Marks of Silver.  
3. That he should give once and incontinently the sum of six thousand Marks of Silver for the reparations of the Cities, Castles and houses, that had been either by himself or his father destroyed and ruinated during the wars past.  
4. That he should give for the reparation of Moustier, and the maintenance and nourishment of the Monks of Cisteaux, two thousand Marks of Silver.  
5. For the Monks of Cleruaux, five hundred Marks of Silver.  
6. For those of Grand Selue, and the reparation of their Moustier, a thousand Marks of Silver.  
7. For the Church of Belle Perche, three hundred Marks of Silver.  
8. For the reparation of the Castle Narbonnes, six thousand marks of Silver, and that the Legate should keep it for ten years in the name of the Church.  
9 For the maintenance of four Masters in divinity, two Doctors of the Canon Law, two Masters of Art, and two Master's Gramarians, who should read every one in his quality, every day, to such scholars as should come to Toulouze, the sum of four thousand marks of Silver, whereof every Master in Divinity should have twenty five Marks of Silver by the year, for the term of ten years, the Doctor of the Law should have fifteen M●●kes by the year, during the space of ten years: The Master of Arts, ten Marks.  
10. That he should take the Cross, at the hands of the Legate, to go beyond the seas, to make war against the Turks and Saracens, and should go to Rhodes, where he should stay for the space of five years, from whence he should bring a certificate from the great Master of Rhodes.  
11. That from thenceforward, he should enterprise nothing against the Church.  
12. That he should make war against the Earl of Foix and his allies, never making peace with them but by the leave of the Legat.  
13. That he should overthrew and demolish, all the walls, towers and fortresses of Toulouze, as the Legate shall ordain and appoint.  
14. That he should utterly subvert and pull down from the bottom to the top, thirty five cities or Castles, of which these that follow should be of the number, that is to say, Faviaux, Castelnau d'Arri, la Bastide, Auignonnet, Pech Laurence, Saint Paul, La Vaur, Robasteins', Guaillac, Montagut, Hautpec, Verdun, castle Sarrazin, Montauban, Again, Saverdun, Condon, Auterine, and others that shall be named unto him by the Legate, which hereafter he shall not re-edify without his leave.  
15. That if any of his, hold any fortress, he shall cause him to raze it, or otherwise make war against him at his own proper costs and charges.  
16. That he shall deliver into the hands of the Legate, Penne d' Agenes, and all the other places before mentioned, for the term of ten years, which if he cannot recover and enjoy, he shall win by war. And if within the space of two years he cannot make himself Master thereof, he shall make his voyage beyond the seas, as hath been said before, and yield his right of the said Pen to the Templars, procuring them to come over to conquer it; which if they will not undertake, it is the Legates pleasure, that the king of France do conquer it; And if he will not hold it, having taken it, that he cause it to be utterly razed and overthrown, in such sort, that it be impossible ever hereafter to re-edify it.  
17. That for the accomplishment of all this, he is to yield himself prisoner at the Lonure in Paris, into the hands of the king, from whence he shall not departed, until he have first caused a daughter of his, to be brought to Carcassonne, and committed to the custody of the king, in the hands of such as shall be deputed thereunto.  
18. That he shall likewise deliver to the said Legate, the Castle Narbonnes, and Pen d' Agenes, and the other places. That he shall cause the walls of the city, that are over against the Castle Narbonnes to be demolished and beaten down, and the ditches that were betwixt them to be filled up, to the end that a man may pass and repass freely without fear of any thing; and that all this should be done, before he went out of prison. All which being performed, the Legate gave him his absolution and delivered it in writing.  
Thus you see the conditions of the treaty of the Earl Remond, with the Popes Legat. The Reader may judge, what, and how great the troubles and afflictions of this Prince were: but this was but the beginning of miseries to the poor Albingenses, for from hence did the great persecution proceed, whereby they were utterly rooted out, as it will appear hereafter.   

CHAP. VII.  
Pecuniary penalties laid upon the Albingenses: The Earl Remond constrained to make statutes against the Albingenses: A Council at Toulouze against the Albingenses, wherein they were forbidden the reading of the Scriptures: Other constitutions against them: The Earl Remonds daughter brought to Paris.  
THe subjects of the Earl Remond, being advertised of this dishonourable and disaduantagious treaty of their Lord, were much displeased and grieved therewith, to see themselves upon the very brink of their total destruction; because that thereby their own Lord was bound to do his best endeavours for their extirpation; and they saw besides that a new heir, their sworn enemy.  
First, for the more easy payment of those sums, 
These statutes of the Earl Remond are to be found in the book of Ramerius, De modo examinandi Hereticos. fol. 130.  which he was bound to pay to the Conuents, and others, they cause him to ordain, that every one of his subjects, that make profession of the belief of the Albingenses, shall furnish him with a Mark of silver. Which was to persuade him, that he should not think this imposition to be strange, because the Albingenses only were to pay the said sums: As also by this means they made proof of all his subjects; for as soon as they found any that refused to pay the said Mark, it was a kind of inquisition, whereby to take notice of all those that afterwards were to be persecuted. And that they that persisted in their Religion, should be punished and condemned to death, their goods confiscated, their last wills and testaments to be of no force, so that their children nor any of the kindred should ever recover their inheritances.  
That their houses should be utterly razed and destroyed.  
Item, he ordaineth that all they that shall deny the Inquisitors their houses, granges and woods, or shall defend the Heretics, deliver them when they should apprehend them, and refuse to give aid and assistance to the Inquisitors, or to defend them when they shall require it, or shall not use their best endeavours to keep those that are taken by the said Inquisitors, shall be corporally punished, and their goods confiscate.  
Item, that they that are suspected of Heresy, shall swear to live in the Catholic faith, and abjure their Heresy, and if they shall refuse to do it, they are to endure the same punishment that the Heretics do. That if after the oath taken, it do appear, that they have received, favoured, or counselled any Heretic, they shall undergo the punishment that the Council hath ordained.  
Item, we ordain (saith he) that if it shall appear that any that hath offended, shall die an Heretic, and that it shall be lawfully proved before the Bishop; that all his goods be confiscated, and that the houses wherein they shall inhabit, after the treaty of peace made at Paris, or shall dwell in hereafter, shall be utterly razed.  
Thus you see what they caused the Earl Remond to ordain, and to seal unto, and at the same time they began to destroy and overthrew by piecemeal, those they could never make to staggar in gross, being united together.  
Moreover, to give the better authority to the Inquisition, they called a council at Toulouze in the year 1229. whereat the Archbishop of Narbonnes, Bourdeaux, Auch, and divers other Bishops and Prelates were present, wherein amongst other Articles that were concluded upon, this one shows by what Spirit, these Prelates were led.  
We forbidden (say they) the permission of the books of the old and new Testament to all Lay-people, 
The seventh Article of the Council of Toulouze.  except peradventure they will have the Psalter or some Breutarie for the Divine office, or the Prayer book of the blessed Virgin Marie for devotion. Forbidding expressly that they have not the said books turned into the vulgar tongue.  
Pope Gregory the ninth did also make constitutions, at the same time against the Albingenses; and especially because he would stop the mouths, of the Pastors of the Albingenses, who discredited their humane inventions. He ordained that all and every one of the Lay-people, of what quality or office soever should be interdicted from preaching.  
King Lewis the ninth, made also statutes, conformable to those of the Earl Remond, as also the Emperor Frederick which we produce not, that we may not weary the reader, and so much the rather because all of them proceeding from one source, he that hath seen the one, hath seen all: for they all tend to no other end, but to make the Kings, Princes, Emperors and Potentates of the world, to seal and set to their hands to whatsoever they found fitting, to persecute those that resisted the ordinances of the Popes, neither did they dare to refuse to do it, upon pain that the selfsame constitutions should be executed against them.  
Now after the treaty made with the Earl Remond, he remained a prisoner until the payment of the sums specified therein; and in the mean time, Master Peter de Colmieu Vice-Legat, took his journey to Toulouze, to bring the City under the obedience of the King, and caused the Walls to be razed, and the Towers to be beaten down, to the end they might have no more means to rebel against the King. He brought likewise to the Queen-mother joan the only daughter of the Earl Remond, being of the age of nine years, to the end she might be brought up with her, until she were of years sufficient to marry Alphonsus, brother to King Lewis. The removal of this young Princess did much afflict the subjects of the Earl Remond, for seeing that this change of domination would bring with it an alteration of their peace, as it came to pass.   

CHAP. VIII.  
The Earl Remond of Toulouze soliciteth the Earl of Foix, to range himself under the obedience of the Pope: What practices he useth to make him forsake the part of the Albingenses, and he suffereth himself to be handled by the Pope's Legat.  
THe Earl of Foix, of Comminges, and the Prince of Bearne, were yet to be conquered, or won by practices. The Legate Colmieu thought the Earl Remond a fit instrument to work the latter of the two, and therefore he commandeth him to write to the Earl of Foix, That he should follow his example, or resolve miserably to perish. He writ unto him in loving terms: That the union that had always been betwixt their houses, did bind him to procure their good as his own, that if he did not yield himself into the bosom of the Church of Rome, he saw such a tempest like to fall upon him, that it must needs overwhelm him: That having so great an enemy as a King of France, he could not possibly stand out: He therefore entrcated him to receive his counsel, and withal, the gift that he bestowed on him, for a farther proof of his love, that is, if he would conform himself to this submission, to the Pope and the Church of Rome, he would hold him from this day forward, quit of that homage which he anciently did unto him for the Earldom of Foix. He likewise entreated him to procure the like submission from the Earl of Coming, and the Prince of Bearne.  
The Answer of the Earl of Foix was, That he could not forsake his part nor his belief, in a time wherein he should give men occasion to think that he had more fear than reason, and that it was necessary for so fruitful a change, such as they expected of him that the truth should overcome, not the allurements of promises, nor the violence of arms: That he would see that world of Pilgrims come that was threatened, and he did trust in God, that he should make them to know the justice of his cause, and deplore the temereity of their vow.  
The Earl Remond was not satisfied with this answer, much less the Legate, who found another way to win him unto them. And that was, that there were within his lands and territories, and about the said Earldom, subjects of his, who being frighted with an apprehension of their ruin, should entreat him to have compassion both of himself and his poor subjects, who should doubtless be overthrown by this last violence. And at the very same time, he caused the Earl Remond of Toulouze, to write to the principal men of the Countries of the said Roger Earl of Foix; that there was an excellent opportunity offered their Lord, if he made not himself unworthy thereof by his obstinacy: that it was the only means to make them live in perfect peace: that they should persuade him, whilst the occasion and time served, before the expedition of the Cross were on foot.  
The subjects of the Earl of Foix, partly for their own interest, partly for fear, lest their Lord being strooken in years, without wife and children, should leave them to the mercy of the first Conqueror, if he should departed this life without a lawful heir; they joined together in humble supplication to their Lord, at the instant reasons and persuasions of the said Earl of Toulouze. They obtained by their requests and tears, that which the Earl of Toulouze could not by threats, prayers nor promises: for he promised them, that he would treat with the Legate for their peace, and would accept thereof for their good and contentment.  
The Pope was advertised of the intention of the Earl of Foix, and therefore he joined with the first Legate in the Earldom of Foix another, that is to say, the Cardinal of St. Ange, accompanied by the Archbishop of Narbonnes, de Folae, Guillaume de Torration, Bishop of Couserans, Bernard de la grace, Peter Abbot of Bolbonne, john Abbot of Comelonge, William Abbot of Foix, Peter de Thalames, the Legates Lieutenant, Lambert de la Tour, and divers others. Being arrived at St. john de Berges, in the Earldom of Foix, there appeared also the Earl of Foix, with the Nobility and principal men of the Land.  
The Legate related to the Earl of Foix, the great contentment that the Pope had, 
Holagaray in the life of Roger Earl of Foix.  to hear that after so many combats and bloody wars, there was hope to finish them in peace: that he was come to conclude that, and to bring it to effect, that was begun in behalf of the Pope: that there remained nothing but to know what his resolution was, and to receive from him the promises and oaths of fidelity to the Church, which are requisire in such a case.  
The Earl Roger replied to the Legate and the rest that were present, as followeth.  
Messieurs, I have long since bid Rhetoric a dieu, having made profession to plead my cause, and to make my entries with engines and spears, which must be my excuse, if like a Soldier I utter my intentions. My Cousin, the Earl of Toulouze, hath procured (for which I thank him) that my enemies will now be pleased with reason, to hear the causes of our levies, and why we have taken Arms, which to this present would never be granted; as also he desireth that we should give over the pursuit of those that desire to wrong us, upon an assurance (saith he) that the King of France shall maintain every one with justice and Equity. Truly, I confess, that I never desired any thing more than to maintain my liberty, being as yet (as it were) in the swaddling clouts of my freedom. Our Country owes only one simple homage to the Earl of Toulouze, for raising it to an Earldom, but it acknowledgeth no other Master but myself: and as for the Pope, I never offended him; for he hath never demanded any thing at my hands, as a Prince, in which I have not obeyed him. He is not to intermeddle with my Religion, since every man is to have it free. My Father hath always recommended unto me this liberty, to the end that being settled therein, though the heavens shake I might look upon them with a constant and assured countenance, and a persuasion that they could never hurt me. Nothing troubles me but this: For in consideration that the Earl of Toulouze holds me discharged of that homage, which he pretends to belong unto him, I am ready lovingly to embrace the King, and to do him service in the same condition, under the dependence of my other rights, which maintain me in Regal authority in that Country. It is not fear that makes me stagger or yield to your desires, and that constrains me to humble my will and desires to the earth, or dunghill-like to submit myself to your appetite, but being provoked by that benign and generous fear of the miseries of my Subjects, the ruin of my Country, the desire not to be accounted mutinous, brainsick, and the firebrand of France, I yield myself to this extremity; otherwise I would be as a wall without breach or escalado, against the bravest of mine enemies. I give you therefore a gage of my affection, for the good of the peace in general. Take my Castles of Foix, Mongaillard, Montreal, Vicdesos, Lordat, whilst that I yield him that homage that you demand.  
As for the Earl of Coming, and the Prince of Bearne, it was impossible they should continue firm in their resolutions, to make resistance, being destitute of these two props, the Earls of Foix and Toulouze: For they were but weak, both in money and men. Behold then the end, to the outward appearance of the Albingenses, when in the year 1234. there arose a certain bastard of the Earl of Beziers, who took arms for the Albingenses, or craved their assistance, to revenge the death of his deceased Father.   

CHAP. IX.  
The last war of the Albingenses by Trancavel, Bastard of the Earl of Beziers: The progression thereof: The last expedition, levied against the Albingenses: A treaty between the Legate Amelin, and the said Trancavel: The end of the war.  
MAtthew Paris an English Writer saith, 
Matthew Paris history of England, in the year 1234.  That in the year 1234 the wars began again against the Albingenses, and that there came a great Army of the Cross against them, yea, that they lost above a hundred thousand men all at once, with all their Bishops that were in that battle, and that none escaped.  
He was no doubt misinformed; For the Historiographer of Languedoc, who relateth all that passed in those times, hath made no mention thereof, neither is it likely that he would have forgotten so famous a victory over the Albingenses, whom he hated to the death. True it is, that at what time the Earl of Toulouze, of Foix, Coming, and the Prince of Bearne taken part with them, and were their Leaders; Trancavel the Bastard of the Earl of Beziers deceased, did not appear, but as a private man of small importance, but when the Albingenses were destitute of all support, there were that awakened this Soldier, and made him to know, that if he would have any feeling of the outrages done unto his Father, deprived of his lands unjustly, betrayed, imprisoned, and poisoned, that they would give him the best assistance they could. Whereupon he took the field, said, That he would revenge the death of his Father, and win that by the sword that had been taken from him by injustice. He was assisted by a number of valiant Captains; that is to say, Sieur Olivier de Fumes, Bertrand Hugon de Serrelongue, Bernard de Villeneufue, jordain de Satiat, all brave Leaders, who had a number of men at their command; and before the enemy took any notice of his design, he seized upon the Castles of Montreall, Saixac, Montolieu, Limous, and others.  
Peter Melin the Pope's Legate, and Bishop of Toulouze, being much astonished to see those that took part with the Albingenses, whom he thought to be utterly buried, to spring up again, he had presently recourse to the ordinary means of the Pope and his Agents, that is, presently to cause the pardon of sins to be preached, to whomsoever would fight under the banner of the Cross, a kind of pay of less value, but more common in those times. The Archbishop of Narbonnes animated also the people of his Diocese to go to make an end of that poor remainder of the Albingenses that were left.  
These Priests with their troops, presented themselves before the gates of Carcassonne. The City received them, but when they came to the Town the gates were shut against them. Amelin made a speech unto those that shown themselves upon the rampiers, telling them that he was come thither for their preservation. They thanked him, but they told him withal, that if he did not instantly retire himself, they would give him the chase. Upon this conference came Trancavel, who set so hotly and valiantly upon the troop of Pilgrims that accompanied the Legate, that he chased them, beating and killing them, till he came to the gates of the City of Carcassonne, and the Legate had enough to do to save himself: but that which offended him most, was, that the gates of the Town were opened to Trancavel, who lodged therein, and made it his principal retreat, from whence he every day hurt and hindered the Pilgrims of the City, in such sort, that they hardly durst come forth of the gates. And whensoever he heard of any troops of Pilgrims to come, he went to meet them, laying ambushes for them, and many times overthrew them before they could join themselves to the Legat.  
This man kept the field, until the year 1242. because when any Pilgrims were required to go against a Bastard of the diseased Earl of Beziers, every one did believe the forces that were levied within the Principality, might suffice for the destruction of so weak an enemy: but Amelin writ to the Pope, that if in good earnest he caused not the expedition of the Cross to be preached in many places of Europe, that the Church was like to receive a great loss by this last enemy, who had revived the part of the Albingenses, and was more cruel, and more subtle, than any other that had maintained them unto this time.  
Innocent the fourth caused the expedition of the Cross to be published in divers parts of Europe. Trancavel being advertised, that a very great Army of Pilgrims was prepared to come against him, finding himself not strong enough in the Town of Carcassonne, retired himself to Realmont, whither the Pilgrims followed him and besieged him. He courageously resisted them, and having many times discomfited the Pilgrims, in the end Amelin seeing there was nothing to be gotten of a man, whom when they thought him fast shut up, would be many day's journey from them, gathering new forces, he entreated the Earl of Foix to use his best endeavours, to bring him to some peaceable design, and to treaty with him; which he performed with such success, that he promised never to bear Arms, either against the Legate or the Church of Rome. Here you see the last attempt which we find the Albingenses have made, and the last expedition of Pilgrims levied against them. All the pursuit against them afterward, was made by the Monks the Inquisitors, who kindled their fires more than ever; And so taking this poor people disarmed, and singling them out by retail, it was impossible for them any longer to subsist. And if at any time they happened to set upon the Inquisitors, it was but to give them a more sensible apprehension of their extreme violences, whereof we have a notable example in the Chapter following.   

CHAP. X.  
Many Monks Inquisitors, and Officers of the Inquisition slain, and for what cause: Pope Innocent the fourth useth the Earl Remond disgracefully: The Earl Remond goes to Rome, and why: He takes his journey to Rhodes, dies at Milan.  
IN the year one thousand two hundred forty three, the Earl Remond having satisfied his pecuniary penalties, and being returned to his Subjects; certain of the Country complained of the unjust proceeding of the Monks Inquisitors, who without any difference entangled in such sort all sorts of people, that there were not almost any that they condemned not either for Heretics, or Fatiourers; or Kinssolke, or allies of Heretics; not being content to proceed against those that made public profession of the belief of the Albingenses, in such sort, that under the cloak of the Inquisition office, they committed strange theeveries This accusation against the Inquisitors was before the Earl Remond, in the presence of five Inquisitors, and four Officers of the Inquisition, that is to say, 
The History of Langued●●, Chap. 4 sol. 40.  before William Arnaldi, Monk Inquisitor, and two other jacobin Monks; Also one Remond de l'Escriuain Archdeacon of the Church of Toulonze, and the Prior of Auignonnet de Cluze, and Peter Arnaldi, Notary of the Inquisition, and three other of Auignonnet, in the Diocese of Toulouze.  
The Monks Inquisitors would reply, and make some use of that which had been informed, to frame their inditements against those that had thus accused them, to the impeachment of their honour, terrifying them with threats, which made those that had thus moved their patience, to enter into consideration with themselves, that since they must fall into the snare of the said Inquisitors, and so be utterly undone, it was better for them to deliver themselves this once, and that they should teach others to carry themselves more advisedly. So growing still more eager and violent in their discourse, they came to blows. But the Monks Inquisitors and their Officers were overmatched, for there were slain (as the Historiographer of Languedoc reports) nine, that is to say, The five Monks above specified, and the four Officers. True it is, that this Writer doth aggravate the Fact, and he would have men believe, that it was a premeditated treason, wherein he shows himself to be partial and passionate.  
The Earl Remond did very well make it appear, that he was no way consenting to this riot, for he made an exact search and inquiry after the Authors of this sedition, but yet do what he could, he could not free himself from suspicion. The same Historiographer saith, that the atrocity of the fact, constrained the Authors to take Arms, and to begin again a kind of war; but there is not any Writer that makes mention thereof; and therefore to be considered of before it be believed. Pope Innocent the fourth came to Lion about that time. He sends out his thunderbolts against the murderers, and he looked not upon the Earl Remond with a good countenance, who was uncivilly rejected in that request that he made unto him, touching a dispensation for the marriage of his Cousin Beatrix, daughter of the Earl Berenger, Earl of Provence.  
The same Historiographer saith, that in the year 1247. the Earl Remond took his journey to Rome, that he might be permitted to bury the bones of his father in holy ground, 
The hist. of Languedoc. fol. 41.  and that it was denied him, because he died an excommunicate person. He likewise saith, that in the year one thousand two hundred forty nine, when the Earl Remond purposed to take his voyage to Rhodes, he died at Milan of a continual fever.   

CHAP. XI.  
Alphonsus' brother to the king St. Lewis taketh possession of the goods of the last Earl Remond of Toulouze: The persecution continueth against the Albingenses, unto the time that the Gospel was received in France, and then the greatest part of those places where the Albingenses inhabited presently received the reformation.  
THe change of their Lord altered the condition of the Albingenses, for the Earl Remond being departed this life, Alphonsus' brother to the king St. Lewis, took possession of all the lands, goods and revenues of the said Earl, and consequently all the ill will that the Pope and other ecclesiastical persons bare to the house of the Earl of Toulouze did cease. And as touching the places which he was to yield up contained in the treaty, there needed no farther speech of that, because Alphonsus being free from all suspicion of falsehood to the Pope or the Church, he peaceably enjoyed whatsoever belonged unto him. But one hand washeth another; and therefore as by those wars that the Church undertook against the Earl of Toulouze, Alphonsus was become Master of the goods of the Earl Remond, so was he bound, to do his best endeavours, that the Pope might be honoured in his countries. For this cause he strengthened the Inquisition, witness the Monk Rainerius, who was Inquisitor in the year 1250. who hath left us in writing the whole form of their proceeding, whereof of we have the transcript in the second book of the history of the Waldenses. 
In this hist. of the Waldenses. ch. 2. lib. 2.  Pope Alexander the fourth authorised the said Inquisition by letters which we have in our hands.  
The continuance of this persecution, by the said Inquisition is proved in the year 1264. by the constitutions of Pope Clement the fourth. Also in the year 1276. under john the two and twentieth; they were persecuted with all manner of rigour, witness the letters of the said Pope against them. And by this record that followeth, it appeareth that in the year 1281. under Martin the fourth, there was a persecution moved in the quarters of Albi, and that there were at that time a great number that made profession of the Religion of the Albingenses.  

AN EXTRACT OF THE Privileges of the City of Realmont.  
To the honour of God the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost, creator of all things, visible and invisible, and of the glorious mother of God, who only hath destroyed all heresies.  
WE William de Gourdon, Captain, and Precedent of Carcassonne and Beziers, do make known unto all men, that we command in the name of our most excellent Lord Philip by the grace of God, king of France; near the Castle of Lombes in the Diocese of Albi, called Realmont, for the exaltation of the Catholic faith, and the extirpation of all wicked heresies, and the benefit of our Lord the King, and his subjects, that the dens and lurking corners of all that either join in belief with Heretics, or favour them to be quite rooted out by this Colony all and at once, and that by the command and authority of the King.  
And as for the innumerable numbers of children of Heretics and fugitives, because the perversity of Heretics is so damnable, that we are not only to punish themselves but their posterity; We ordain that the children of Heretics which of their own will and good motion shall not be reduced (forsaking their errors) to the purity of the Catholic faith, and the unity of the Church, shall not be admitted to the city of Realmont or the territory thereof in any sort whatsoever, to any place of honour or public office. Which shall likewise be observed against the fugitives for heresy, who before their departure shall not of their own accord willingly be reclaimed. Also they that shall give credit unto Heretics, concealing them or favouring them, after they are made known and declared to be such by the Church, shall be banished for ever from the city of Realmont, and all their goods confiscated, and their children wholly excluded from all honours and public dignities, except some one amongst them do make known such Heretics, and do join in the search and inquisition of them.   
Thus you see the very last instrument which hath come to our hands for the proof of the persecution against the Albingenses. Though it be very certain that they have been continually persecuted by the Inquisition, though their enemies could never prevail so fare against them, but that they still lay hid like sparkles under the ashes, desiring once again to see that which their posterity hath enjoyed, that is the liberty to call upon God in purity of conscience, without any constraint to yield to any superstition or Idolatry, and so secretly instructing their children in the service of God, the fruit of their piety, took life again, when it pleased the Lord that the light of his Gospel should appear amongst the palpable darkness of Antichrist, for then many of those places that had made profession to receive the faith of the Albingenses, have received with greediness the doctrine of the Gospel, and namely the city of Realmont, where the precedent thunderbolts were darted, and notwithstanding that great distance of time, during the which they appeared not, yet the eternal God hath not given over his work, and to make manifest that he can preserve his faithful, even in the midst of the confusion of Babylon as Diamonds in a dunghill, wheat amongst the straw, gold in the midst of the fire. And notwithstanding the instruction have not passed from the father to the son, until the time of the restauration, yet the goodness of God ceaseth not to be wonderful, in that many of those places where this first dew of God's grace hath fallen, have been abundantly enriched with his heavenly benedictions in these latter times; An excellent provocation doubly to oblige them to love the truth which hath been freely manifested unto them, and to bring forth fruits worthy thereof. As it should be an extreme grief to those places that have neglected and rejected is, that God hath abandoned them and left them to their own sense, even in that darkness which they loved, revenging the contempt of his word, by the ignorance thereof, and suffering those to perish in their error, that have preferred it before the truth.   

CHAP. XII.  
The conclusion of this History of the Albingenses.  
IT is an easy matter to gather by the contents of this History of the Albingenses, that the people inhabiting in the Country of Albi, Languedoc, and divers other places near adjoining, have made profession of the selfsame Religion, that they have that elsewhere were called Waldenses, and the rather because their adversaries themselves have affirmed, that they have persecuted them as Waldenses. As also that the greatest troubles that have lighted upon them, have been procured by the Priests, whose corruptions they have descried and discovered their abuses, maintaining against the Church of Rome, the Gospel of Christ jesus in it purity, refusing to yield to those Idolatries that bare sway in those times; but above all, detesting the Mass, and the invention of Transubstantiation, shaking the authority of the Pope's dominion, as being abusive and tyrannical, having no resemblance of the well-befitting humility of the true Pastors of the Church, or conformity to the doctrine and vocation of the Apostles, but rather an excess and riot, befitting those that love the world and perish with the world. By which liberty which they took unto themselves to reprehend those that believed the right of all redargution to belong only to themselves, they have been charged with divers faults, and condemned for rash inconsiderare people, profane secular persons, who had thrust themselves into the office of teaching, when with silence they should rather learn. And the Popes not being able to win them to the obedience of their commands, nor to convince them of error by the word of God, they have persecuted them by their Monks Inquisitors, who have delivered to the secular Magistrate, as many as the said Monks could apprehend, and forasmuch as this way was somewhat too slow to cut them off, and to see the end of them, the Popes have drawn their swords against them, have armed their Cardinals and Legates, and driven to these bloody wars the Kings and Princes of the earth, giving Paradise for a recompense to whomsoever would bear arms against them, and adventure his life for the extirpation of them for forty days together. Many great Lords have been desirous to know the cause of that unreconcilable enmity of the Pope, against their subjects, and having perceived that passion carried those that were offended for the truth, they have maintained their cause, being grounded upon this reason, That when they should be convinced of this error by the word of God, they would give the glory unto God. From hence have proceeded those cruel wars wherein a million of men have lost their lives. In the mean time, even then when it seemed that all truth was buried in the ground, and that the Dragon had overcome, God raised in divers of those places, where this grace had been known and received, many goodly Churches wherein his name is purely invocated, maugre the Devil and all his adherents. To God therefore, who hath begun to destroy the son of perdition by the blast of his Spirit: To the Sonne-of God who hath bought us with his precious blood, be all honour and glory, for ever and ever. So be it. * ⁎ *    
FINIS.   

THE THIRD PART OF THE HISTORY OF THE WALDENSES AND ALBINGENSES.  

THE FIRST BOOK. Containing the Doctrine and Discipline that hath been common amongst them.  
The Catechism or manner of instructing their Children, which the Waldenses and Albingenses have used, in manner of a Dialogue, where the Pastor asketh the question, and the Child answereth; set down jointly in their own proper Language, in the French Copy, for the more Authority.  

CHAPTER I.  
Lo. Barba. Si tu fosses demanda qui sies tu. Respond. L'Enfant. Creatura de diorational & mortal, etc. 
The learned Reader desirous to see the original, may have recourse to the French Book, where it is faithfully set forth in their own old Language.   The Pastor. 
Question. WHat art thou?  
Answer. A creature of God, reasonable, and mortal.  
Q. Why hath God created thee?  
A. To the end I should know and serve him, and that I might be saved by his grace.  
Q. In what doth thy salvation consist?  
A. In three essentiail virtues, which do necessarily belong to salvation.  
Q. Which be they?  
A. Faith, Hope, and Charity.  
Q. How dost thou prove it?  
A. The Apostle saith in the 1 Epistle to the Corinthians, Chap. 13.13. These three things remain, Faith, Hope, and Charity,  
Q. What is Faith?  
A. According to the Apostle, Heb. 11.1. It is the substance of things hoped for, the evidence of things not seen.  
Q. How many kinds of Faith are there?  
A. There are two sorts of Faith, that is, a lively, and a dead Faith.  
Q. What is a lively Faith?  
A. That which worketh by Charity.  
Q. What is a dead Faith?  
A. According to Saint james, That Faith which is without works, is dead. Again, Faith is nothing without works: Or, a dead faith, is to believe there is a God, and to believe those things concerning God, and not to believe in God.  
Q. What is thy Faith?  
A. The true Catholic and Apostolic Faith.  
Q. What is that?  
A. It is that which in the Apostles Symbol is divided into twelve Articles.  
Q. What is that Symbol?  
A. I believe in God the Father Almighty, etc.  
Q. By what means canst thou know that thou believest in God?  
A. By this. Because I know that I have given myself to the observation of the Commandments of God.  
Q. How many Commandments of God are there?  
A. Ten, as it appeareth in Exodus and Deuteronomy.  
Q. Which are they?  
A. Harken O Israel, I am the Lord thy God. Thou shalt have no other Gods but me. Thou shalt not make to thyself any graved Image, nor the likeness of any thing that is in Heaven, etc.  
Q. Upon what do all these Commandments depend?  
A. Upon the two great Commandments, that is to say; Thou shalt love God above all things, and thy Neighbour as thyself.  
Q. What is the foundation of these Commandments, by which every one ought to enter into life, without which foundation no man can worthily fulfil the Commandments?  
A. Our Lord jesus Christ, of whom the Apostle saith, in the first to the Corinthians, None can lay any other foundation but that which is laid, even jesus Christ.  
Q. By what means may a man attain to this foundation?  
A. By Faith: So saith Saint Peter, 1 Epist. 2.6. Behold, I lay in Zion a chief corner stone, elect, precious, and he that believeth in him, shall not be confounded. And our Saviour saith; He that believeth in me shall have eternal life.  
Q. How dost thou know that thou believest?  
A. Because I know him to be true God, and true man, who was borne, & suffered, etc. for my redemption, and justification; and that I love him, and desire to fulfil his Commandments.  
Q. By what means may a man attain to the Essential virtues, that is to say, Faith, Hope, and Charity?  
A. By the gifts of the holy Ghost.  
Q. Dost thou believe in the holy Ghost?  
A. I do believe: For the holy Ghost proceedeth from the Father and the Son, and is a person of the Trinity, and according to the Divinity, is equal with the Father and the Son.  
Q. Dost thou believe God the Father, God the Son, God the holy Ghost, to be three Persons: Then there are three Gods.  
A. No, there are not three.  
Q. But yet thou hast named three?  
A. That was by reason of the difference of the Persons, not of the Essence of the Divinity: For though there be three Persons, yet there is but one Essence.  
Q. After what manner dost thou adore, and serve that God, in whom thou believest?  
A. I adore him by an exterior and interior adoration: Exterior, by the bowing of the knees, the lifting up of the hands, the inclination of the body, with hymns and spiritual songs, fasting, invocation: but inwardly by a holy affection, a will ready to do what he pleaseth, and I serve him by Faith, Hope, Charity, in his Commandments.  
Q. Dost thou adore and serve any other thing as God?  
A. No.  
Q. Wherefore?  
A. Because of his Commandment, whereby he hath straightly commanded, saying; Thou shalt worship the Lord thy God, and him only shalt thou serve. As also, I will not give my glory to another. Again, I live saith the Lord: Every knee shall bow unto me. And Christ jesus saith: There shall be true worshippers, who shall worship the Father in spirit and truth: and the Angel would not be adored by Saint john, nor Saint Peter by Cornelius.  
Q. After what manner dost thou pray?  
A. I pray according to that Prayer that was taught us by the Son of God, Our Father which art in Heaven, etc.  
Q. Which is the other substantial virtue belonging of necessity to salvation?  
A. It is Charity.  
Q. What is Charity?  
A. It is a gist of the holy Ghost, whereby the soul is reform in will, illuminated by Faith, whereby I believe all that I ought to believe, and hope whatsoever I ought to hope.  
Q. Dost thou believe in the holy Church?  
A. No, for that is a creature: but I believe there is a Church.  
Q. What is that thou believest touching the holy Church?  
A. I say that the Church is considered after a twofold manner; the one in it substance, the other in it Ministry: Considered in it substance, by the Church we understand, the holy Catholic Church, which containeth all the Elect of God, from the beginning of the World to the end, in the grace of God, by the merit of Christ, assembled by the holy Ghost, ordained from the beginning to eternal life, the names and number of whom is known only to God, who hath elected them; And lastly, in this Church there remaineth no excommunicated person: But the Church considered according to the verity of the Ministry, are the Ministers of Christ, with the people subject unto them, or committed to their charge, using their Ministry by Faith, Hope, and Charity.  
Q. By what marks dost thou know the Church of Christ?  
A. By fit and convenient Ministers, and by the people who participate in the truth of that Ministry.  
Q. How dost thou know the Ministers?  
A. By the true apprehension of faith, by sound doctrine, by the life of good example, the preaching of the Gospel, and the due administration of the Sacraments.  
Q. By what marks dost thou know the false Ministers?  
A. By their fruits; by their blindness, by their wicked works, by their perverse doctrine, and by their unfit disorderly administration of the Sacraments.  
Q. How may we know their blindness?  
A. When they, not knowing that truth which belongeth of necessity to salvation, they observe humane inventions, as the Commandments of God, of whom that is verified that the Prophet Esay speaketh, and that hath been alleged by our Saviour Christ jesus, Mat. 15. This people honour me with their lips, but their heart is fare from me; but they serve me for nothing, teaching the doctrine and commandments of men.  
Q. By what means or marks are wicked works made known?  
A. By those manifest sins of which the Apostle speaketh, Rom. 1. saying, that they that do such things shall not inherit the kingdom of God.  
Q. By what marks is false doctrine known?  
A. When men teach against Faith and Hope, as divers kinds of Idolatries, worshipping the reasonable, sensible, visible, or invisible creature: for it is the Father only, with his Son and the holy Ghost, that must be served, and no other creature. But contrarily we attribute to man, and to the work of his hands, or to his words, or to his authority, in such manner, that men being blinded, think that God is a debtor unto them for their false religion, and covetous Simony of Priests.  
Q. By what marks is the disorderly administration of the Sacraments known?  
A. When the Priests know not the intention of Christ in the Sacraments, and teach that all grace and truth is included in them, by the only outward ceremonies, and lead men to the participation of the Sacraments, without the truth of Faith, Hope, and Charity. It is the will of the Lord, that all his should take heed of false prophets, saying, Beware of false prophets. And again, Beware of the Pharises, that is to say, of their leaven and false doctrine. And again, believe them not, follow not after them. David hateth all such persons, and therefore he saith, I hate the congregation of the wicked. And the Lord commandeth us to withdraw ourselves from among such people, Numbers 16.26. Depart from the tents of these wicked men, and touch nothing of theirs, lest you be consumed in all their sins. And the Apostle, 2. Cor. 6.14. Be ye not unequally yoked together with unbelievers, for what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness, and what communion hath light with darkness? what concord hath Christ with Belial, or what part hath he that believeth with an Infidel. And, What agreement hath the Temple of God with Idols? Wherefore come on't from among them, and be ye separated, saith the Lord, and touch not the unclean thing, and I will receive you. Again, in the 2. Thes. 3.12. We command and exhort you, by our Lord jesus Christ, that ye withdraw yourselves from every brother that walketh disorderly. And in the 18. of the Revel. 4. Come out of her my people, that ye be not partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues.  
Q. By what marks may we know those that are not in the truth of the Church?  
A. By their public sins and erroneous faith; for we are to fly such people, lest we be contaminated with their sins.  
Q. By what things oughtest thou to communicate with the holy Church?  
A. I muft communicate with the Church in regard of the substance, by Faith, by Hope, and by Charity, and by the observation of the Commandments, and by sinal perseverance in that which is good.  
Q. How many Ministerial things are there?  
A. Two, the Word, and the Sacraments.  
Q. How many Sacraments are there?  
A. Two, that is to say, Baptism, and the Supper of the Lord.  
Q. What is the third virtue necessary to salvation?  
A. Hope.  
Q. What is Hope?  
A. It is a certain expectation of the grace and glory to come.  
Q. By what means do we hope for grace?  
A. By the Mediator jesus Christ, of whom Saint john speaketh, Chap. 1.17. Grace came by jesus Christ. And again, We beheld his glory full of grace and truth, and we have all received of his fullness?  
Q. What is Grace?  
A. It is Redemption, Remission of sins, justification, Adoption, Sanctification.  
Q. By what means do we hope for this Grace in Christ?  
A. By a lively faith, and true repentance, jesus Christ saying, Repent, and believe the Gospel.  
Q. From whence doth Hope proceed?  
A. From the gift of God, and his promises: and therefore saith the Apostle, He is able to accomplish whatsoever he promiseth: for he hath promised himself, that at what time soever a sinner shall know him, and repent him of his sins, and hope that he will have mercy, pardon, and justify, etc.  
Q. What are the things that divert a man from this hope?  
A. A dead faith, the seducing of Antichrist to any other then Christ, that is to say, to Saints, and the power of that Antichrist in his authority, words, benedictions, Sacraments, relics of the dead. The teaching men to have hope, by those means that directly oppose themselves against the Truth, and against the Commandments of God, as Idolatry after divers manners, and Simoniacal wickednesses, etc. Abandoning the fountain of living water given by grace, to run after broken cesterns, adoring, and honouring, and serving the creature, by Prayers, and Fast, and Sacrifices, Donations, Offerings, Pilgrimages, Invocations, etc. Trusting thereby to attain grace, which none can give, but God alone in Christ jesus. So that in vain they travel, and lose their silver and their life, and doubtless not only this life present, but that which is to come; for which cause it is said, that the hope of felons shall perish.  
Q. And what say you of the blessed Virgin Mary? For she is full of grace, as the Angel testifieth, Hail Marry full of grace, etc.  
A. The blessed Virgin hath been, and is full of grace in herself, but not to communicate unto others: for her Son only is full of grace to bestow on others, as it is said of him; And we all receive of his fullness grace for grace.  
Q. Dost thou not believe the Communion of Saints?  
A. I believe there are two things in the which, the faithful do communicate, the one is substantial, the other Ministerial: They communicate in the substantial by the holy Ghost, in God by the merit of jesus Christ. But they communicate in the Ministerial or Ecclesiastical, by the Ministry duly exercised, that is to say, by the Word, by the Sacraments, and by Prayer. I believe the one and the other of these two Communions of Saints. The first only in God by the Spirit, the other in the Church by Christ.  
Q. In what doth life eternal consist?  
A. In a lively working faith, and perseverance therein. Our Saviour saith, john 17.3. This is life eternal, that they might know thee the only true God, and jesus Christ whom thou hast sent: And he that persevereth to the end shall be saved. Amen.   

A confession of sins, common both with the Waldenses and Albingenses.  
CHAP. II.  O Dio de li Rey, & Segnor de li Segnor, yo me confesso a tu, car yo soy aquel peccador que tay mot offendu, etc. 
O God of Kings, and Lord of Lords, 
This confession is taken out of the Book of the Waldensec, entitled New comfort.  I confess myself unto thee, for I am that sinner, that hath grievously offended thee, by mine ingratitude. I cannot excuse myself, because thou hast showed me what is good and what is evil. I have known what thy power is, and have understood thy wisdom; I have taken notice of thy justice, and seen thy goodness; and therefore all the evil that I have done proceedeth from my own corruption. O Lord forgive me, and give me repentance, for I have contemned thee by my pride and presumption, I have given no credit to thy wisdom, nor obeyed thy Commandments, but I have trausgressed them all; for which I am sorry, and much displeased with myself. I have not feared thy justice, nor thy judgements, but I have committed many wickednesses, even from my cradle unto this day, neither have I loved thy groat bounty and goodness as I should, and as thou hast commanded me; but I have given too great a trust unto the devil, by the frail corruption of my nature; I have followed pride and hated humility; and if thou pardon me not I am undone, so deeply is linne rooted in my heart. I am so carried away with the love of riches and vainglory, affecting the praise of men, that I bear but little love unto those, to whom by their good deeds I am most obliged. If therefore thou forgive me not, there remaineth nothing for my poor soul but everlasting perdition. Anger reigneth in my heart, because I have not endeavoured to allay it, envy fretteth me because I have no charity. O Lord forgive me for thy goodness sake. I am rash, lazy, and sluggish to do that which is good; hardy and bold to do evil, and more than diligent. O Lord vouchsafe me thy grace, that I may not be of the number of the wicked. I have not showed myself thankful for that good thou hast done unto me, and given unto me out of thy love, as I ought, and as thou hast commanded me; for I have been always, by the perverseness of my nature, disobedient unto thee in all things. O Lord forgive me, for I have not served thee, but contrarily I have greatly offended thee. I have been too careful to serve my body, and mine own will, in many vain thoughts and wicked desires, wherein I have taken pleasure. I have blinded my body, and exercised my thoughts and imaginations against thee in many wickednesses, and I have sought after many things against thy will. Have pity on me and give me humility. I have cast up mine eyes to behold the vain delights and pleasures of this world, and I have turned them away from thy countenance. I have given ear to the sound of vanity, and to wicked speeches, and it hath been a grievous thing unto me to understand thy Law and thy Discipline. I have committed many sins, especially in my understanding, for the stench of wickedness hath been more pleasing, than the divine sweetness of thy celestial honours; for adoring the evil, I have therein taken greater contentment, because I have committed many sins, and omitted much good that I should have done, and not acknowledging my faults, I have endeavoured to cast them upon another. I have not been temperate in my eating and drinking. I have many a time and oft returned wrong for wrong, and therein I have taken greatest pleasure. I have a wounded body and soul. I have stretched out my hands to touch vanity, and I have laboured to possess the goods of another man, and to mischief my neighbour. My heart hath delighted in that I have said, and much more in many other vain delights and pleasures. O Lord pardon me and give me chastity. I have ill employed the time that thou hast given me, and I have followed during my younger years, my vanities and pleasures. I have wandered from the right way, and have given an ill example by my lightness. I know but little good in myself, and I find much evil. I have displeased thee by my wickedness, and condemned mine own soul, and hated my neighbour. O Lord preserve me that I be not condemned. I love my neighbour for my temporal benefit. I have not carried myself faithfully, when there hath been any question of giving and receiving, but I have had respect unto the persons, according to mine affection. I have loved the one too much, and too much hated the other. I have taken too little joy and comfort in the good of the godly, and too great delight in the fin of the wicked. And besides all the evil that I have committed in times passed unto this present day, I have not had any repentance, or distaste of my fins, answerable to my manifold offences. I have many a time and oft returned to that wickedness I have committed, and now confessed, for which I am heartily sorry. O Lord God, thou knowest that I have confessed myself unto thee, and that there are yet in me many wickednesses, which I have not recounted unto thee, but thou knowest the wicked thoughts, the wicked words, the wicked works that I have committed unto this day, O Lord forgive me, & give me time in this life to repent me of my sins, and vouchsafe me the grace in time to come, so to hate those sins I have committed, as that I never offend in that kind any more, & that I may so love virtue and keep it in my heart, that I may love thee above all things, and fear thee in such sort, that when the hour of death shall come I may do that that shall be pleasing unto thee. And give me such affiance in thee at the day of judgement, that I neither fear the devil, nor any other thing may affright me, but receive me, and set me at thy right hand, without offence, free from all sin. Good Lord let all this come to pass according to thy good pleasure, for thy Son Christ jesus sake. Amen.   

An Exposition of the Waldenses and Albingenses upon the ten Commandments of the Law of GOD.  
CHAP. III.  

An Exposition of the first Commandment. Lo premier Commandment de la Ley de Dio es aquest.  
Non aures Dio straying devant mi. Exod. 20. etc.  
Thou shalt have no other Gods but me.  
ALl they that love the Creature more than the Creator, 
Taken out of the Book of the Waldenses, entitled, The Book of virtues, pag. 197.  observe not this Commandment: That which every man honoureth and serveth more than GOD, that unto him is God. And therefore saith Saint chrysostom upon Matthew: The evil to which a man is a servant, is to him a God. So that if any man shall say, I cannot know, whether I love more or less GOD, or the thing God forbids me to love; let him know, that what a man love's least, in a case of necessity, is that which he is most willing to lose; and that which he love's, is that which he keepeth and preserveth. As it is the manner of Merchants to do, is when they are in danger of drowning, they willingly cast their Merchandise into the Sea, to save their lives, they love their lives better than their Merchandise: So think thou with thyself, that if upon any occasion, thou hadst rather lose thy temporal things, or receive any loss or hindrance in them, as in thy Money, thy Houses, thy Cattles, thy Wife, thy Children, yea, thine own body, then commit any sin by which thou must lose God, then doubtless thou lovest God more than all things above mentioned. But contrarily, if thou hadst rather sinne, then lose these temporal things, then certainly thou dost adore and serve these things more than God, and thou art an Idolater. And this doth our Saviour affirm in the Gospel, 
The rest touching this Commandment, is before in the●. Book of the History of the Waldendes; Chap. 4.  saying; If any man come unto me, and hateth not his Father and his Mother, his Wife and Children, his Brothers and Sisters, yea, and his own soul, he cannot be my Disciple. All such offend against this Commandment, etc.   

An Exposition of the 2. Commandment.  
Tu ne te fer as image taillee, etc.  
Thou shalt not make to thyself any graved Image, etc.  
THou shalt make thee no Image, cut out of stone or wood, or any other thing, which may be cut into any figure, or picture, or in any other manner whatsoever, that is in Heaven above, as the Angels, the Sun, the Moon, the Stars; nor in the Earth beneath, as Men, and other Creatures, as the Egyptians do: nor in the waters, as the Fish: For the Philistines served Dagon, which was an Idol, which had a head like a Fish: Nor under the Earth, as the Devils; as they of Acheron, who worshipped Beelzebub. Thou shalt not worship them; by doing them outward reverence, nor serve them with inward reverence. Neither shalt thou do any work that may tend to the honour and reverence of them. So he manifestly forbiddeth to make any graved Image of any thing, to the end to serve and adore it. And therefore it is wonderful, that there are some that frame unto themselves Figures and Images, and attribute unto them by their ignorance, and against the Commandment of God, the honour and reverence which belongeth to one only God.  
Object. But there are some that say, that Images are laymen's Books, who not being able to read in Books, may see that upon a wall, which they cannot read.  
Answer. To whom we may answer, that the Lord saith to his Disciples, in the fift Chapter of Saint Matthew; Ye are the salt of the Earth, the light of the World. For the life and conversation of the Pastors ought to be the Book of their Flocks. And if a man should grant that they are Books, yet they are false, and ill written. For if Lay-people shall take example by those Images and figures of the lives of Saints, it is most certain that it is impossible. For the Virgin Mary was an example of humility, poverty, and chastity, and they adorn her Image, rather with vestments of pride, than humility. So that the Lay-people do not read in their habits humility, but pride and avarice, if they conform themselves to the said Books corrupted, and ill written. For the Priests and the people in these days, are covetous, proud, and luxurious, and therefore they cause their Images to be pictured like themselves. And therefore saith David, Thou thinkest foolishly that I am like unto thee.  
Object. But there are others that say; We worship the visible Images, in honour of the invisible God.  
Answer. This is false. For if we will truly honour the Image of GOD, by doing good unto men, we serve and honour the Image of GOD: For the Image of GOD is in every man, but the resemblance or likeness of God, is not in all, but only in those where the thought is pure, and the soul humble. But if we will truly honour God, we give place unto the truth; that is to say, we do good unto men that are made after the Image of God: we do honour unto God, when we give meat to those that hunger, drink to those that thirst, &  to those that are naked. And therefore what honour do we give unto God, when we serve him in a stock, or a stone; when we adore idle Figures without souls, as if there were some divinity in them, and contemn man, who is the true Image of God? Saint chrysostom upon Matthew saith; That the Image of God cannot be painted or pictured in gold, but figured in man. The Money of Caesar is gold, but the money of God is man. And therefore if the jews were commanded under the Law, that they should destroy all the figures and Images, and addict themselves to one only God; as it is written in the first Book of the Kings. But Samuel said to all the House of Israel: If you turn unto the Lord with all your heart, and remove from you all your strange Gods, and keep your heart unto the Lord, and serve him only, he will deliver you from the hands of the Philistines. Much less than ought Christians to depend upon such signs and Images which the jews did not; but they ought rather to lift up their affections unto Christ, who sitteth at the right hand of God.   

An Exposition of the 3. Commandment.  
Tu ne prendras point le nom du Seigneur ton Dieu en vain, etc.  
Thou shalt not take the name of the Lord thy God in vain, etc.  
IN this Commandment, we are forbidden to swear falsely, vainly, and by custom, as it is written, Levit. 19 The man that is accustomed to swear, shall be filled with iniquity, and the plague shall not departed from his house. An oath confesseth God to know the truth, and it is to confirm a thing doubtful; for an oath is an act of God's service: and therefore they that swear by the Elements do sin. This is the reason why Christ jesus forbiddeth us to swear by any thing, neither by the heaven, nor by the earth, or any thing else, but that our speech be, Yea, yea, and No, no, and whatsoever is otherwise is sin. And Saint james in the fift Chapter of his Epistle saith. Above all things, my brethren, swear not, neither by heaven, neither by the earth, neither by any other oath, lest ye fall into condemnation.   

An Exposition of the 4. Commandment.  
Sowienne toy du iour du repos, etc.  
Remember thou keep holy the Sabbath day, etc.  
THey that will keep and observe the Sabbath of Christians, that is to say, Sanctify the day of the Lord, must be careful of four things: The first is to cease from all earthly and worldly labours: The second, not to sin: The third, not to be idle in regard of good works: The fourth, to do those things that are for the good and benefit of the soul. Of the first it is said, In six days shalt thou labour and do all that thou hast to do, but the seventh is the Sabbath of the Lord thy God, in it thou shalt do no manner of work: and in Exodus it is said, Keep my Sabbath, for it is holy; he that polluteth it shall die the death: and in the Book of Numbers we read that one of the children of Israel being seen to gather sticks upon the Sabbath day, he was brought unto Moses, who not knowing what course to take therein, the Lord said unto Moses; This man shall die the death, all the people shall stone him with stones, and he shall die. God would that his Sabbath should be kept with such reverence, that the children of Israel durst not to gather Manna therein, when it was given them from heaven.  
The second thing which we are to observe, is, to preserve ourselves from sin, as it is said in Exodus, Remember to sanctify the day of rest, that is, to observe it, by keeping thyself carefully from sin. And therefore saith Saint Augustine, It is better to labour and to dig the earth upon the Lord's day, then to be drunk, or to commit any other sins; for sin is a servile work, by which a man serves the devil. Again, he saith that it is better to labour with profit, then to range and roam abroad idly: For the day of the Lord was not ordained to the end that a man should cease from worldly good works, and give himself unto sin; but to the end he should addict himself to spiritual labours, which are better than the worldly, and that he repent himself of those sins he hath committed, the whole Sabbath throughout: for idleness is the Schoolmaster of all evil. Seneca saith, It is a sepulchre of a living man.  
The fourth thing is to do that which may be good and profitable to the soul; as to think on God, devoutly to pray unto him, diligently to hear his Word and Commandments, to give thanks unto God for all his benefits, to instruct the ignorant, to correct the erroneous, and to preserve ourselves from all sin, to the end that saying of Esay might be accomplished; Repent you of your sins, and learn to do good: for rest is not good, if it be not accompanied with good works.   

An Exposition of the 5. Commandment.  
These Commandments tell us how we are to carry ourselves towards our neighbours.  
Non sentend tant solament de la reuerentia de fora, etc.  
Honour thy father and thy mother, etc.  
We are not to understand these words, as if the question were only touching outward reverence, but also concerning matter of compliment, and things necessary for them: and therefore we are to do that which is enjoined in this Commandment, for that honour which is due unto fathers and mothers: for we receive from them three excellent gifts, that is to say, our Being, our Nourishment, and our Instruction, which we are never able fully to recompense. The Wiseman saith, Honour thy father, and forget not the sorrows of thy mother: Remember that by them thou hast had thy being, render then a recompense answerable to the price they have given thee: and therefore having regard to that natural being which we have received from our father and mother, we are to serve them in all humility and reverence, after a threefold manner. First with all the power of our bodies, we are to support their bodies, and to yield them the service of our hands. As the wise man speaketh; He that fears God, will honour his Father and his Mother, and will serve them as his Lords that haue begotten Him. Again, we must serve our Fathers and Mothers with all our power, never debating or questioning with them with hard and bitter speeches; but we must answer them humbly, and hearken lovingly to their reprehensions. Proverbs 1.8. My son hear the instructian of thy Father, and forsake not the Law of thy Mother. He that sahll curse his Father and Mother, his Lamp shall be put out in the midst of darkness. We must likewise honour them, by administering unto them things necessary for this life. For Fathers and Mothers have nourished their Children with their own flesh, their proper substance; and Children nourish their Parents with that which is without their flesh, being impossible they should restore unto them those benefits they have received of them.  
And touching the instruction we have received of our Parents, we must obey them in whatsoever shall tend to our salvation, and to a good end. Ephes. 6. Children obey your Parents in the Lord, for this is right. Of which obedience, Christ hath given us an example, as it is in the second Chapter of Saint Luke: And he went down with them, and was obedient to his Father and Mother. And therefore honour first thy Father that hath created thee; then thy Father that hath begotten thee, and thy Mother that hath borne thee in her womb, and hath brought thee forth, to the end thy days may be prolonged upon the Earth, and that persevering in that which is good, thou mayest pass out of this world to an everlasting inheritance.   

An Exposition upon the 6. Commandment.  
En aquest Commandament es desfen du specialment l'homicidi, etc.  
Thou shalt not kill.  
MVrder is especially forbidden in this Commandment: but more generally, to hurt our Neighbour in any manner whatsoever, as with words, detractions, injuries, or deeds, as to strike our Neighbour. Of the first sort it is said, Matthew 5.22. Whosoever is angry with his brother without a cause, shall be in danger of judgement. And Saint james saith, Chapter 1.20. The wrath of man worketh not the righteousness of God. And Saint Paul, Ephes. 3. Let not the Sun go down upon your anger. He that is angry with his brother without cause, is worthy of judgement; but not he that is angry upon just occasion. For if a man should not be angry sometimes, the doctrine were not profitable, neither would the judgement be discerned, nor sin punished. And therefore just anger is the Mother of discipline, and they that in such a case are not angry, sin: for that patience that is without reason, is the seed of vices, it nourisheth negligence, it suffereth not only the bad to swerve, but the good too: For when the evil is corrected, it vanisheth. So that it is plain, that anger is sometimes good, when it is for the love of righteousness, or when a man is angry with his own sins, or the sins of another man. Thus was Christ angry with the Pharises. The other sort of anger is wicked, which proceedeth from a desire of revenge, which is forbidden. Vengeance belongs unto me (saith the Lord) and I will revenge.   

An Exposition upon the 7. Commandment.  
Loqual Commandament defend tota nonlicita cubititia, etc.  
Thou shalt not commit adultery.  
THis Commandment for bids all unlawful lust, and pollution of the flesh, as it is said in the fift by Saint Matthew: He that looketh upon a woman, and lusteth after her, hath already committed adultery with her in his heart. And in the fift of the Apostle to the Ephesians, it is said: This ye know, that no whoremonger, nor unclean person, nor covetous man, shall inherit the Kingdom of God. And in the I Corinthians 6.9. Be not deceived, neither fornicators, nor unclean persons, shall inherit the Kingdom of Heaven. And in the 5. Chapter: If any man that is called a brother, be a fornicator, or covetous, etc. Eat not with such a one. Now as there is a corporal whoredom, so there is a spiritual; that is to say, when a man separateth himself from God.   

An Exposition of the 8. Commandment.  
En aquest Commandament es deffendu totalment furt et fraud de cosas stragnas, etc.  
Thou shalt not steal.  
IN this Commandment we are forbid all manner of thest, and all unlawful means, to get unto ourselves the goods of another by fraud or avarice, or intury, or violence: For they are not only thiefs, that take the goods of another, but they that command them, that receive thiefs into their Houses, and that buy stolen goods, and make profit of them wittingly. All they that do such things, and they that consent thereunto, they shall suffer equal punishment: or if thou find any thing, and restorest it not, thou hast rob thy Neighbour; for thou art bound to make restitution of that thou hast found. They that deprive their subjects of their goods and commodities, as Lords use to do, imposing unjust charges and taxations, over-burthening the poor by their wicked inventions, and if they refuse to do it, they imprison them, and many times torment them even to the death, and so take from them their goods unjustly, they are thiefs. Of these the Prophet Esay speaketh, Chapter 1.23. Thy Princes are rebellious, and companions of Thiefs, and follow after rewards. They are also Thiefs that retain the wages of the labourer by fraud. Of such it is said in the 19 of Leviticus, The wages of him that is hired, shall not abide with thee all night until the morning. And as Saint james speaketh in his fift Chapter, Ye that have heaped treasure together for the last days, Behold the hire of the Labourers, which have reaped down your fields, which is of you kept bacl by fraud, cryeth, and the cries of them which have reaped, are entered into the ears of the Lord of Hastes. They play the thiefs that hurt the weal public, as Coiners, in the weight, number, value, and generally all such as falsify their weights and measures, and divers Merchandizes; these are called robbers of the common good, and such according to the Law are to be put to death in boiling oil. They are Thiefs that labour to get by fraud, that deceive men in their wares and merchandise, selling bad for good. Also Gamesters, who invite others to gaming, who play out of avarice, the root of all evil, rapine, lying, vain and idle speeches, oaths, blasphemies against God, ill example, the loss of time. Thus by playing, a man winds himself unjustly into the goods of another man.   

An Exposition on the 9 Commandment.  
En aquest Commandment non es solament deffendu la messogna, ma tot a offensa, etc.  
Thou shalt not bear false witness against thy Neighbour.  
IN this Commandment, we are not only forbidden to lie, but all offences that may be done unto our Neighbours, by false or feigned words or works. For all such as love lying, are the Children of the Devil, as also they that impeach the honour of their Neighbour by lying, or bear false witness for the wicked. He that bears false witness, saith Saint Augustine, wrongs these three. First God, whose presence is thereby contemned. Secondly the judge, who is deceived by him that lieth. And thirdly he wrongs the Innocent party, who is oppressed by his false witness. All detractors sin against this Commandment. A detractor or slanderer is compared to an open sepulchre, as David speaketh, Their mouth is an open sepulchre. There is no grave so loathsome unto God, as the mouth of a slanderer. And this was that that made S. Ambrose to say, that a thief is more to be boren-with than a detractor; for the one robbeth a man of his corporal substance only, the other of his good name. The slanderer deserveth to be hated of God and man. The stroke of the whip maketh marks in the flesh, but the stroke of the tongue breaketh the bones.   

An Exposition of the 10. Commandment.  
En aquest Commandment es defendua la Cubititia de tui liben, etc.  
Thou shalt not covet, etc.  
IN this Commandment is forbidden the covetous desire of all goods, that is, of wife, servants, fields, vineyards, houses, etc. As also the concupiscence of the eyes, and of the flesh. The lust of the flesh, is like a running water, but the lust of the eyes is like earth, by reason of our earthly affections. And as of water and earth, there is made a material dirt, so of concupiscence is made the spiritual dirt and dunghill of the soul, which maketh a man odious unto God, From hence ariseth the pride of life, which like a violent wind disquieteth the soul, and turneth this earthly lump into dust.   

The conclusion of the Exposition of the Commandments.  Aquesti son li dies Commandament de la Ley, etc. 
THese are the ten Commandments of the Law, whereof the first concern our duty to God, the latter toward; our neighbour. And whosoever will be saved, must keep these Commandments. Many excellent blessings are promised to those that keep these Commandments, and to those that transgress them, many grievous and horrible maledictions. As Deut. 28. If we truly acknowledge our sins, we know that we are fare from God: For salvation is fare from sinners, and the knowledge of sin bringeth us to repentance, for no man can repent that knoweth not his sin. The first degree to salvation is the knowledge of sin; and therefore acknowledging our fault, we approach with confidence to the throne of the grace of God, and confess our sins: for he is faithful and just to pardon our sins, and to cleanse us from all iniquity, and to bring us to the life of grace. Amen.    

A brief Exposition of the Waldenses and Albingenses of the Apostles Creed, con firming the Articles thereof by express passages of the Scripture.  
CHAP. FOUR  Nos deven creyre en Dio Pair tot Poissant, etc. 
We must believe in God the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth, which God is one Trinity, as it is written in the Law, Deut. 64. Hear O Israel, the Lord our God, is one Lord. And the Prophet Esay, I am Lord, and there is none other, neither is there any God but I: And Saint Paul, in the 4. to the Ephes. There is one Lord, one Faith, one Baptism, one God, and one Father of all. And Saint john, 1. Epist. 5.7. There are three that bear record in heaven, the Father, the Word, and the holy Ghost, and these three are one. And in the Gospel by Saint john it is said, Chap. 17.11. That the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost are one; when our Saviour saith, That they may be one, as we are one. Again, we must believe that this holy Trinity hath created all things visible, and that he is Lord of all things celestial, terrestrial, and infernal, as it is said in Saint john, Chap. 1.3. All things were made by him, and without him was not any thing made, that was made: And in the Revelation it is said, Chap 4.11. Thou art worthy, O Lord, to receive glory, for thou hast created all things, the heavens, the earth, and the sea, and the fountains of water. And the Prophet David saith, And thou, O Lord, hast founded the earth in the beginning, and the heavens are the works of thy hands. And again, The heavens are framed by the word of the Lord, and all the powers thereof by the breath of his mouth. All these, and divers other testimonies and reasons drawn from the Scriptures, do affirm that God created all things of nothing, whatsoever they be.  
Again, we must believe that God the Father hath sent his Son from heaven unto earth, and that for our sakes he hath taken upon him our flesh in the womb of the Virgin Mary for our salvation; as the Prophet Esay speaketh, Chap. 7.14 Behold a Virgin shall conceive and bear a Son, and his name shall be Emanuel; which is God with us. And the Lord saith in the Gospel, that this hath been accomplished, saying, I am come from my Father into the world; and again, I have left the world, and go to my Father. And again, Saint john saith, Chap. 1.14. The Word was made flesh, and dwells amongst us. And in the first Epistle of john 5.20, We know that the Son of God is come, and that he hath taken our flesh upon him for us, and is raised again from death for us, and hath given us understanding, that we may know him that is true, and we are in him that is true, even in his Son jesus Christ. This is the true God and eternal life. And in the fourth to the Galatians 4. When the fullness of time was come, God sent forth his Son made of a woman, made under the Law, to redeem them that were under the Law: who by the commandment of God the Father, and his own free will, was lifted up upon the altar of the cross, and crucified, and hath redeemed mankind with his own blood; which having accomplished, he arose from death the third day, having dispersed in the world a light everlasting, like a new sun, that is, the glory of the resurrection, and heavenly inheritance, which the same Son of God hath promised to give to all those that in faith serve him. For ascending up unto heaven the fortieth day after his resurrection, and the tenth after his ascension, he sent the holy Ghost from heaven to comfort his Apostles, and to replenish his Church with the same Spirit. We must believe that the same God hath chosen unto himself a glorious Church, without spot or wrinkle, or such like thing, as Saint Paul speaketh, to the end it should be holy and undefiled, according to the commandment of the Almighty; Be ye holy, for I am holy. And in the fift of Saint Matthew; Be ye perfect, as your beavenly Father is perfect: for nothing that doth commit abomination shall enter into the Kingdom of God, but only they that are written in the Book of life, as it is said in the Revelation.  
We must believe the general resurrection, of which our Saviour speaketh in the Gospel of Saint john; The hour shall come when all they that are in their graves shall bear the voice of the Son of God, and they that have done evil, to the resurrection of judgement. And Saint Paul saith in the first to the Corinthians, that all shall arise, and all shall be changed. And job saith, Chap. 19.25. I know that my Redeemer liveth, and that he shall stand at the latter day upon the earth; and though after my skin, worms destroy this body, yet in my flesh shall I see God; whom I shall see for myself, and mine eyes shall behold, and not another, though my reins be consumed within me.  
We must believe the general judgement upon all the children of Adam, as the Scriptures both of the Old and New Testament do affirm. As our Saviour promiseth in the 25. of Matth. 31. When the Son of man shall come in his glory, and all the holy Angels with him, then shall he sit upon the throne of his glory; and before him shall be gathered all nations, and he shall separate them one from another, as a shepherd divideth his sheep from the goats; and he shall set the sheep on his right hand and the goats on the left. And jude in his Epistle, Verse 15. Behold the Lord cometh with ten thousand of his Saints, to execute judgement upon all. And the Prophet Esay saith, The Lord cometh in judgement with the Ancients of his people, and with his young men also. These things are set down in the Old and New Testament, and especially the four Evangelists, and the Prophets witness it in many places.   

CHAP. V.  
An Exposition of the Waldenses and Albingenses upon the Lord's Prayer.  
SAint Augustine being requested by a spiritual Daughter of his, 
Taken out of a Book of the Waldenses, entitled, The treasure of faith.  to teach her to pray, hath thus said; and written: That multitudes of words, are not necessary in prayer. But to pray much, is to be fervent in prayer. And therefore to be long in prayer, is to present things necessary in superfluous words. To pray much, is to solicit that we pray for with a seemly decency and affection of heart, which is better done by tears, then by words; because God who seethe the secrets of our heart, is more moved with a deep groan or sigh, by plaints and tears that come from the heart, then by a thousand words. But many there are in these days that refemble the Pagans, to whom Christ would not have his Disciples to be like; for they think and believe that they shall be the rather heard for their many words in their prayers: whereby it comes to pass, that they lose much time under a pretence of prayer. job saith, & besides experience makes it good, that a man is never in the same estate in this life, but he is now disposed to do one thing, and presently to do another. And therefore there is no man that can keep his mind, his spirit, bend and attentive to prayer, a whole day or a whole night together, except God give the especial assistance of his grace. And if a man bathe not his heart settled upon that which he speaketh, he looseth his time, because he prays in vain, and his soul is troubled, and his mind wand'ring another way. And therefore God hath appointed to his servants other exercises, virtuous, spiritual, and corporal, wherein a man may ordinarily exercise himself, sometimes in one, sometimes in another, either for themselves, or their Neighbours, having their hearts lifted up unto God, with all their power, in such sort that they may not be idle. And therefore that man that life's well, according to the will of God, and the Doctrine of his Saints, prayeth always. For every good work is a good prayer unto God. And as for thou that readest, know that all the prayers of the old and new Testament, do agree with this; and that no prayer can be pleasing unto God, that hath not a reference some way or other unto this. And therefore every Christian ought to apply himself to understand and to learn this prayer, which Christ himself hath taught with his own mouth.  
Now it is necessary that he that is heard of God, be agreeable unto him, and know those benefits he hath received from him. For ingratitude is a wind that drieth up the Fountain of the mercy and compassion of our God. And therefore if thou wilt pray, or ask any thing at God's hand, think with thyself before thou ask, what and how great benefits thou hast received from him, and if thou canst not call them all to mind, yet at the least forget not to beg that grace, that thou mayest be bold to call him Father. And think and know in how divers a manner he is thy Father: for he is the Father of all Creatures generally by creation, for he hath created them all. He is a Father by distribution, for he hath ordained them, and disposed them all in his due place, as being very good. By preservation; for he hath preserved all Creatures, that they fail not in their kind, amongst which his Creatures thou art one. And besides, he is the Father of mankind by redemption, for he hath bought him with the precious blood of his Son, the Lamb without spot: By instruction, for he hath taught him by his Prophets, by his Son, and by his Apostles and Doctors, and that after a divers manner, the way to return into Paradise, from whence we were driven by the sin of our first Father Adam. By chastisement, for he chastiseth and correcteth us in this life divers ways, to the end we may return unto him, and not be condemned eternally in another life.  
Lo teo nom sia sanctifica.  
Hallowed be thy Name.  
THy Name, amiable to Christians, and fearful to the jews, to Paynims, and to the wicked. Of this name saith the Prophot, O Lord, thy Name is admirable, and wonderful. O our Father which art in Heaven, we humbly beseech thee, that thy Name which is holy, be sanctified in us, by purity of heart, by the contempt of the flesh and the world, and that by an assured perseverance of thy love, we may be holy as thy name is holy, which we bear, and by which we are called Christians. For which cause, let it be and dwell always in us, that we may addict ourselves to holiness and righteousness.  
Lo teo regne vegne.  
Thy Kingdom come.  
YOu must understand that God the Father hath two Kingdoms, the one of glory, life eternal; the other of grace, the life Christian. And these two Kingdoms are joined together, in such manner, that betwixt them there is no middle, but the point of death. But according to the order of divine justice, the Kingdom of grace is before the Kingdom of glory. And therefore they that live in the Kingdom of grace, by which we are to pass, if we will enter the Kingdom of glory, without doubt they shall reign in the Kingdom of glory; and no man can reign there by any other means. And therefore Christ our Lord saith unto his Disciples, Seek first the Kingdom of God, and the righteousness thereof, that is, the Kingdom of grace and virtue, as Faith, Hope, Charity, and the rest. But forasmuch as you cannot perform this of yourselves, without the heavenly grace, beg it at God's hands, saying; O our Father which art in Heaven, thy King doom come; that is to say, the love of virtue, and the hatred of the World.  
La toa volunta sia faita, enaimi es faita en cel sia faita en terra.  
Thy will be done in Earth as it is in Heaven.  
A Man cannot affect, desire, or do any better thing in this life, then to endeavour with all his wit and understanding, and with all his heart, to do the will of God, as the Angels do it in Heaven. Now to do the will of God, is to renounce himself; that is to say, his own proper will, and to dispose and employ that which is in his own soul and heart, or that is without him, in things temporal, according to the Law of God, and the Doctrine of the Gospel of Christ jesus. And to be well content with whatsoever it shall please God to do or permit, both in adversity and prosperity. Many there are who think they are to be excused, because they know not the will of God. But these men deceive themselves. For the will of God is written, and plainly manifested and proved by the word of God, which they will not read or understand. And therefore saith the Apostle, Conform not yourselves unto those that love the World, but be reform and renewed in the truth of your understanding, to the end you may know what is the will of God. And again, this is the will of God, even your sanctification. There is no work that is little, if it be done with a willing and fervent affection. And our Saviour teacheth his Disciples both by words and examples, that the will of God must be done, not theirs; saying, I am come into the world, not to do my will, but to do the will of my Father who hath sent me. Again, being near his passion, and seeing the torments of death which he was to endure, as he was man, he cried out, O my Father, if it be possible, let this Cup pass from me; but yet not my will, but thy will be done. To be brief, we must thus pray in all our affairs. O our Father which art in Heaven. Thy will be done in us, by us, and of us in Earth, as it is done by the Angels in Heaven, without idleness continually, without fault uprightly, without humane desire, doing that which is good, leading a virtuous and a pure life, obeying our superiors, and contemning this World.  
Dona nos lo nostre pan quotidian enchoi.  
Give us this day our daily bread.  
We may here understand two kinds of bread, Corporall and Spiritual. By Corporal bread we are to understand our meats and drinks, and clothing, and all things necessary for the body, without which we cannot live naturally. The Spiritual Bread is the Word of God, the Body of Christ, without which the Soul cannot live. And of this Bread Christ spoke unto his Disciples; Whosoever shall eat of this bread, shall live eternally. And therefore it is the duty of every man, in all humility to ask this Bread at God's hands, who can give it him, saying, O our Father, do us the grace and favour, that we may obtain by our just labour, the bread that is necessary for our bodies, and to use it with sobriety and measure, yielding thee always thanks and praises, and that we may charitably bestow some part of them upon the poor. Moreover we beseech thee that thou wilt be pleased, so to deal with us, that we may use this bread with sobriety to thy glory, and the good both of body and soul. For the Prophet Ezekiel saith, Chap. 16.49. That fullness of bread, and abundance of idleness, was the cause of the iniquities and abominations of Sodom, which were so great in the sight of God, that he sent down fire and brimstone to consume them. Whereupon a certain learned Father saith, that costly apparel, superfluity in diet, play, idleness and sleep, fatten the body, nourish luxury, weaken the spirit, and lead the soul unto death; but a spare diet, labour, short sleep, poor garments, purify the soul, tame the body, mortify the lusts of the flesh, and comfort the Spirit.  
The spiritual Bread is the Word of God. Of this Bread the Prophet speaketh; Thy bread quickeneth me. And Christ saith in the Gospel; Verily I say unto you, that the hour cometh, when the dead shall hear the voice of the Son of God, and they that hear him shall live. And this is found true by this experience: That is, that many being dead in their sins, hearing the Preaching of the Word of God, have departed, quickened, & raised, by the said Word of God, & betaken themselves to true repentance which giveth life. This bread of the Word illuminateth the soul, according to that of David, Psal. 119.130. The entrance of thy word giveth light, it giveth understanding to the simple; that is to say, to the humble, to the end they may know what to believe and to do, what to fear, to fly, to love, to hope. This bread delighteth the soul more than honey and the honeycomb. And therefore saith the Spouse, Canticles 2.11. Let me hear thy voice, for sweet is thy voice, and thy countenance is comely. There is another Spiritual Bread, and that is the Body and Blood of our Lord and Saviour jesus Christ. In the Sacrament, they that receive it worthily, receive not only grace, but Christ the Son of God spiritually, in whom are hid all the treasures of wisdom.  
Pardonna a nos li nostre debit o pecca, coma nos per donnen a li nostre debtor oh offendadors.  
Forgive us our trespasses, as we forgive them that trespass against us.  
IT should not seem, or be, grievous to any man to forgive his neighbour those offences he hath committed against him. For if all the offences which have been, or can be committed against all the men in the world were put into a balance, they would not weigh so much, being put altogether, as the least offence committed against God: but the pride of man will not suffer men to think hereof, neither to pardon their neighbours, nor to receive their pardon from God. But a good Christian suffereth and gently pardoneth, beseeching God, that he may not make requital according to the evil his debtors, or such as have offended him, have deserved, and that he will give them grace to know their fault, and withal true repentance, to the end they may not be damned; and the wrongs done unto him, he accounteth as dreams, in such manner, that he thinks not of repaying them according to their merits, nor desires to revenge himself, but to do them service, and to converse with them as before, yea, and with greater love than if they were brethren. And therefore he that out of the cruelty of his heart, will by no means forgive his enemy or debtor, cannot hope for pardon at God's hand, but rather eternal damnation. For the Spirit of God hath spoken it, and it is true: He shall have judgement without mercy that is not merciful to others. The affection and the will that thou hast towards thy debtor, is the same which God hath in his place and rank, and thou canst hope for no other.  
Non nos amenar en tentation, etc.  
And lead us not into temptation, etc.  
We are not to pray unto God, not to suffer us to be tempted: For the Apostle Saint Paul saith, None shall be crowned but he that sighteth against the world, the flesh, and the devil. And Saint james saith, that he is blessed that endureth temptation. For when he hath passed his trial, he shall receive a crown of life. For no man can resist the power of the devil without the grace of God. We must therefore pray, with all humility and devotion, and continual requests unto our heavenly Father that we fall not into temptations, but so as that combating with them, we may get the victory, and the Crown, by and through his grace, which he hath prepared to give unto us. We are not to believe that he doth sooner hear, or more willingly, the Devil than the Christian; and according to that which the Apostle Saint Paul saith, God is faithful, who suffereth us not to be tempted above our power.  
Mas desliora nos del mal, etc.  
But deliver us from evil, etc.  
THat is to say, Deliver us from a wicked will to sin: from the temporal and eternal pains of the devil: that we may be delivered from his infinite toils and trumperies. AMEN. This last word noteth unto us, the fervent desire of him, that prayeth that that thing may be granted unto him that he asketh. And this word Amen, is as much as if he should say, So be it, and it may be put after all our Petitions.   

What the Waldenses and Albingenses have believed and taught touching the Sacraments.  
CHAP. VI  Sacrament second lo dire de Sanct Augustin, etc. 
A Sacrament, according to the saying of Saint Augustine, in his Book of the City of God, is an invisible grace represented by a visible thing. Or a Sacrament is a sign of a holy thing. There is great difference betwixt the bare Sacrament, and the cause of the Sacrament, even as much as between sign and the thing signified. For the cause of the Sacrament is the Divine grace, and the merit of jesus Christ crucified, who is the raising of those that were fallen. This cause of the Sacrament, is Powerfully, Essentially, and by authority in God, and in jesus Christ Meritoriously. For by the cruel Passion and effusion of his Blood, he hath obtained grace and righteousness unto all the faithful. But the thing itself of the Sacrament, is in the soul of the faithful, by participation, as Saint Paul speaketh; We have been made partakers of Christ. It is in the Word of the Gospel, by annunciation, or manifestation. In the Sacraments, Sacramentally. For the Lord jesus hath lent, or given these helps of the outward Sacraments, to the end the Ministers, instructing in the faith, should so accommodate themselves to humane weakness, as that they might the better edify the people by the Word of the Gospel.  
There are two Sacraments: The one of water, the other of nourishment, that is to say, of Bread and Wine.  
The first is called Baptism, that is to say in our language, the washing with water, either of the river or the fountain, and it must be administered, In the name of the Father, of the Son, and of the holy Ghost; to the end that first, by the means of the grace of God the Father, beholding his Son, and by the participation of jesus Christ, who hath bought us, and by the renewing of the holy Ghost, which imprinteth a lively faith in our hearts, the sins of those that are Baptised, are pardoned, and they received into grace, and afterwards having persevered therein, are saved in jesus Christ.  
The Baptism wherewith we are Baptised, is the same wherewith it pleased our Saviour himself to be Baptised, to accomplish all righteousness, as it was his will to be Circumcised, and wherewith he commanded his Apostles to be Baptised.  
The things that are not necessary in Baptism, are the Exorcisms, the breathe, the signs of the Cross upon the Infant, either the breast or the forehead, the fault put into the mouth, the spittle into the ears and nostrils, the unction of the breast, the Monks Cowle, the anointing of the Chresme upon the head, and divers the like things, consecrated by the Bishop, as also the putting of the Taper in his hands, clothing it with a white vestment, the blessing of the water, the dipping of it thrice in the water: All these things used in the administration of the Sacrament, are not necessary, they neither being of the substance, nor requisite in the Sacrament of Baptism, from which things many take occasion of error and superstition, rather than edification to salvation.  
Now this Baptism is visible and material, which maketh the party neither good nor evil, as it appeareth in the Scripture, by Simon Magus, and Saint Paul. And whereas Baptism is administered in a full congregation of the faithful, it is to the end that he that is received into the Church, should be reputed and held of all for a Christian brother, and that all the Congregation might pray for him, that he may be a Christian in heart, as he is outwardly esteemed to be a Christian. And for this cause it is that we present our children in Baptism; which they ought to do, to whom the children are nearest, as their parents, and they to whom God hath given this Charity.  

Of the Supper of our Lord jesus Christ.  
AS Baptism which is taken visibly, is as an Enrolment into the number of faithful Christians, which carrieth in itself protestation and promise to follow Christ jesus, and to keep his holy Ordinances, and to live according to his holy Gospel; So the holy Supper and Communion of our blessed Saviour, the breaking of bread, and the giving of thanks, is a visible communion made with the members of jesus Christ. For they that take and break one and the same bread, are one and the same body, that is to say, the Body of jesus Christ, and they are members one of another, engrafted and planted in him, to whom they protest and promise to persevere in his service to their life's end, never departing from the faith of the Gospel, and the union which they have all promised by jesus Christ. And therefore as all the members are nourished with one and the same viands, and all the faithful take one and the same Spiritual Bread, of the word of Life, the Gospel of Salvation; So they all live by one and the same Spirit, and one and the same Faith.  
This Sacrament of the Communion of the Body and Blood of Christ, is called in Greek, Eucharistia, that is to say, Good Grace: of this doth S. Matth. testify in his 26. Chap. saying, jesus took bread and blessed it, and broke it, and gave it to his disciples, and said, Take, eat, this is my body. And S. Luke Chap. 22. This is my body which is given for you, this do in remembrance of me. Likewise he took the Cup, and blessed it saying, This cup is the new Testament in my blood, which is shed for you.  
This Sacrament was instituted by divine ordinance, perfectly to signify unto us, the spiritual nourishment of man in God, by means whereof the spiritual life is preserved, and without which it decayeth, the truth itself saying; If you eat not the flesh of the Son of man, and drink not his blood, there shall be no life in you. Concerning which Sacrament, we must hold that which followeth, by the testimony of the Scriptures. That is, that we must confess simply and in purity of heart, that the bread which Christ took in his last Supper, which he blessed, broke, and gave to eat to his Disciples, that in the taking thereof, by the ministry of his faithful Pastors, he hath left a remembrance of his Passion, which in it own nature is true bred, and that by this pronoun, This, is demonstrated this sacramental proposition. This is my Body, not understanding these words Identically, of a numeral Identity, but Sacramentally, really, and truly, but not measurably. The same body of Christ, sitting in heaven at the right hand of his Father, unto whom every faithful Receiver must cast up the eyes of his understanding, having his heart elevated on high, and so eat him spiritually, and sacramentally by an assured faith. The same we are to understand of the Sacrament of the Cup.  
Saint Augustine saith, that the eating and drinking of this Sacrament, must be understood spiritually. For Christ saith, The words that I speak, are spirit and life. And Saint Jerome saith, The flesh of Christ is to be understood after a twofold manner, either spiritually; of which Christ saith, john 6.55. My flesh is meat indeed, and my blood is drink indeed: Or it is to be understood of that flesh, which was crucified and buried. Of the spiritual eating Christ saith; He that shall eat my flesh, and drink my blood, is in me, and I in him. There is also a twofold manner of eating, the one sacramental, and so both good and bad do eat; the other spiritual, and so the good only do eat. And therefore saith Augustine, What is it to eat Christ? It is not only to receive his body in the Sacrament, for many do eat him unworthily, who will not dwell in him, nor have him to dwell in them; but he eats him spiritually that continueth in the truth of Christ. And therefore to eat the sacramental Bread, is to eat the Body of Christ in a figure. jesus Christ himself saying, Nevertheless, as oft as you do this, you shall do it in remembrance of me. For if this eating were not in figure, Christ should be always bound to such a thing, for it is necessary that the spiritual eating should be continual: As Saint Augustine speaketh; He that eateth Christ in truth, is he that believeth in him. For Christ saith, that to eat him, is to dwell in him: In the celebration of this Sacrament, Prayer is profitable, and the preaching of the Word in the vulgar tongue, such as may edify, and is agreeable to the Evangelicall Law, to the end, that peace and charity might increase amongst the people; but other things that are in use in these days in the Church of Rome, and those that are members thereof, belong not at all to the Sacrament.    

What the Waldenses and Albingenses have taught touching Marriage.  
CHAP. VII.  
Marriage is holy, 
In the Book entitled, The Spiritual Almanac, fol. 50.  being instituted of God in the beginning of the World. And therefore it is an honourable thing, when it is kept as it ought in all purity, and when the Husband, who is the head of Wife, love's her, and keeps her, and carrieth himself honestly towards her, being faithful and loyal towards her: and that the woman for her part, who is made to be a help unto man, be subject to her Husband, obeying him in whatsoever is good, and honouring him as God hath commanded her, taking care of his Household affairs, keeping herself not only from ill-doing, but all appearance of evil, continuing faithful and loyal unto him, and both of them persevering in that which is good, according to the will of God, taking pains together to get their living by honest and lawful means, wronging no man, and instructing those children which God hath given them, in the fear and doctrine of the Lord, and to live as our Lord hath commanded them.  
Prayer and fasting is profitable, when there is question of the celebration of Matrimony, and the reasons, and instructions, and advertisements touching the same. But the Imposition of hands, and the Ligatures made with the Priest's stool, and other things commonly observed therein, and by custom, without the express word, they are not of the substance, nor necessarily required in marriage.  
As touching the degrees prohibited, and other things that are to be observed in matter of Matrimony, we shall speak, when we come to the discipline.   


Taken out of the Book entitled, The Spiritual Almanac.  What the Waldenses and Albingenses have taught, touching the visitation of the Sick.  
CHAP. VIII.  
El besongna que aquel que porta la parola de Dio lo nostre Seignor en tota diligenza.  
IT is necessary that he that is the Messenger of the Word of God, should invite, and draw every one to our Lord and Saviour, with all labour and diligence, both by the good example of his life, and the truth of his Doctrine; and it is not sufficient that he teach in the Congregation, but also in their Houses, and in all other places, as Christ and his Apostles have done before him, comforting the afflicted, and especially those that are sick. He must admonish them touching the great bounty and mercy of God, showing that there can proceed nothing but what is good, from him that is the Fountain of all goodness, and that he that is Almighty, is our merciful Father, more careful of us, than ever Father or Mother hath been of their Children; telling them, that though a Mother may forget her Child, and the Nurse him to whom she hath given suck, and which she hath borens in her womb, yet notwithstanding our heavenly Father will not forget us, doing all things for our benefit, and sending all things for our greater good, and if it were more expedient for us to enjoy our health, we should have it. And therefore we are to submit our wills to his will, and our lives to his conduct and direction, and assuredly believe that he loveth us, and out of his love, he chastiseth us. Neither must we respect the grief or poverty we endure, nor think that God hateth us, and casteth us off; but rather we must think, that we are the more in his grace and favour, nothing regarding those that flourish in this World, and have here their consolation, but looking upon Christ jesus, more beloved of his Father then any other, who is the true Son of God, and yet hath been more afflicted than we all, and more tormented than any other. For not only that bitter passion that he suffered, was very hard and grievous unto him, but much more in regard that in the midst of his torments, every one cried out against him, like angry dogs, belching out against him many villainous speeches, doing against him the worst they could, in such sort, that he was constrained to cry out in his torments, My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me? And finding the hour of his passion to draw near, he grew heavy unto the death, and prayed unto his Father, that that Cup might pass from him, insomuch that he did sweat water and blood, because of that great beavinesse and anguish of heart which he should endure in this cruel death.  
And therefore the sick man must consider with himself, that he is not so ill handled, nor so grievously tormented, as his Saviour was, when he suffered for us, for which he is to yield thanks unto God, that it hath pleased him to deliver us, and to give this good Saviour unto the death for us, begging mercy and favour at his hands in the name of jesus. And it is necessary that we have with all this perfect confidence and assurance, that our Father will forgive us for his goodness sake. For he is full of mercy, slow to anger, and ready to forgive.  
And therefore the sick party must recommend, and commit himself wholly unto the mercy of his Lord, to do with him as shall seem good in his eyes, and to dispose both of his body and soul, according to his good will and pleasure. Also it shall be necessary to admonish the sick person, to do unto his Neighbour, as he would have his Neighbour do unto him, not wronging any man, and to take such order with all that are his, that he may leave them in peace, that there may not be any suits, or contentions amongst them after his death.  
He must also be exhorted to hope for salvation in jesus Christ, and not in any other, or by any other thing, acknowledging himself a miserable sinner, to the end he may ask pardon of God, finding himself to be in such a manner culpable, that he deserveth of himself eternal death. And if the sick party shall be stricken with a fear of the judgement of God, and his anger against sin and sinners; he must put him in mind of those comfortable promises, which our Saviour hath made unto all those that come unto him, and from the bottom of their heart call upon him, and how God the Father hath promised pardon, whensoever we shall ask it in the name of his Son, and our Saviour Christ jesus. These are the things wherein the true Preacher of the Word ought faithfully to employ himself, to conduct the party visited to his Saviour.  
And when he is departed this life, he must give heart and courage to the survivors, by godly exhortations, to the end they may be comforted to praise God, and to conform themselves to his holy will; and whereas in former times it hath been the manner to cause the poor and desolate widow to spend much silver, having lost her Husband, upon singers, and ringers, and eaters, and drinkers, whilst she sits weeping and fasting, wronging hereby her fatherless Children; to the end that loss be not added to loss, it is our duty, taking pity on them, to aid them with our council and with our goods, according to that ability that God hath bestowed on us, taking care that the Children be well instructed, to the end, that living like Christians, according to the will of God, they may labour to get their living, as God hath ordained and commanded.   

CHAP. IX.  
The Conclusion of this Book.  
BY that which is contained in this Book, and what hath been faithfully gathered out of the Books the Waldenses have left unto us, it appeareth that the Doctrine which they maintain in these days, that make profession of reformation, hath been maintained by them, many ages before they that are enemies thereunto, would take notice of it, there being nothing in all that is delivered, that doth either repugn the Word of God, or is not altogether conformeable to that which is taught in the reformed Churches. For the Waldenses and Albingenses have known the necessity of instructing their children, by making use of such familiar Catechisms as have been practised in the Primative-church. They have confessed their sins to one only God, with terms of true humility, proofs of great zeal, and a holy confidence in the mercy of God, by his Son and our Saviour Christ jesus. They have acknowledged the Law of God, for the only rule of their obedience, and confessing themselves to be fare distant from that perfection which ought to be in us, to appear unblameable before the face of God; from their impersection they have taken occasion to have recourse to the only righteousness of the Son of God, our Redeemer, the Law being as a Looking-glass, to make them know their stains and blemishes, and to send them to Christ jesus the true lavor or washing pool. They have called upon God in their necessities, by, and through, one only jesus Christ our Saviour. They have received the Sacraments, with faith and repentance, and without alteration. They have entered the state of Matrimony, as ordained by God, holy and honourable; and finally, they have not been ignorant, with what charity they were to comfort, and to visit, and to exhort their sick, and such as are in any adversity. And what hath there been in all these, that for these they should be condemned to death as Heretics; especially seeing that with the goodness and purity of their Doctrine, they have lived religiously, under a holy Discipline, which the Book following will make good unto us.  Luke 21.23. 
Heaven and earth shall pass away, but my words shall not pass away.    

THE SECOND BOOK OF THE THIRD PART OF THE HISTORY of the Waldenses and Albingenses; containing the Discipline under which they lived.  

CHAPTER I De la Disciplina.  
La Disciplina conten en si tota doctrina Moral segond l'enseignament de Christ, etc.  
Of Discipline.  
DIscipline containeth in it all Moral Doctrine, according to the Institution of Christ and his Apostles, showing after what manner every one ought to live in his vocation by faith, and to walk worthily in true holiness and righteousness.  
There are many instructions in the Book of God, touching this Discipline, showing not only, how every man ought to live in his own particular estate, of what age or condition soever he be; but also what must be that union, consent, and band of love, in the communication of the faithful. And therefore if any man desire the knowledge of these things, let him read what the Apostle hath said in his Epistles, and he shall find at large, and especially in what manner every one is bound to keep himself in unity, and to walk in such sort, that he be not a scandal and an occasion of falling to his neighbour, by wicked words or actions; and in what manner he is bound, not only to fly what is evil, but also the occasions of evil: and when soever any man hath failed therein, how he may be reform and come to amendment of life.  
By many such general instructions, the reclaimed people newly brought unto the Faith, must be taught, to the end they may walk worthily in the house of the Lord, & that they make not his house a den of thiefs, by their wicked conversation, and toleration of evil.   

CHAP. II. De li Pastor.  
Tuit aquilli liquol devon esser receopu Pastor dentre de nos, etc.  
Of Pastors.  
ALL they that are to be received as Pastors amongst us, whilst they are yet with their own people, they are to entreat ours, that they would be pleased to receive them to the Ministry, and to pray unto God, that they may be made worthy of so great an office: but yet know that these Petitioners make this request, to show their humility.  
We set them their task, causing them to learn by heart, all the Chapters of Saint Matthew, and Saint john, and all the Epistles that are Canonical; a good part of the writings of Solomon, David, and the Prophets.  
Afterwards having gotten some good testimony of their sufficiency, they are received with imposition of hands into the Office of Teachers.  
He that is admitted in the last place, shall not do any thing without the leave and allowance of him that was admitted before him: As also he that is first, shall do nothing without the leave of his companion, to the end, that all things with us might be done in order.  
Diet and apparel is given unto us freely, and by way of alms, and that with good sufficiency, by those good people whom we teach.  
Amongst other powers and abilities which God hath given to his servants, he hath given authority to choose Leaders to rule the people, and to ordain Elders in their charges, according to the diversity of the work, in the unity of Christ; which is proved by the saying of the Apostle, in the first Chapter of the Epistle to Titus; For this cause have I left thee in Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and ordain Elders in every City, as I have appointed thee. Whensoever any of our said Pastors committeth any foul sin, he is thrust out of our company, and forbidden to preach.   

CHAP. III. Del' Enseignament de li filli.  
Li silli liqual naisson a li pairons carnals devon esser rendu, etc.  
Of the Instruction of Children.  
CHildren borne of their carnal Parents, must be made spiritual unto God, by discipline and by instruction, as it is said in the 30 of Ecclesiast. 1. He that loveth his son, causeth him oft to feel the rod, that he may have toy of him in the end, and that he knock not at the door of his Neighbour. He that chastiseth his son, shall have joy in him, and shall rejoice of him among his acquaintance. He that teacheth his son, grieveth his enemy, and before his enemies he shall rejoice of him. Though his Father die, yet he is as if he were not dead, for he hath left one behind him that is like unto himself: whilst he lived, he saw, and rejoiced in him, and when he died, he was not sorrowful. For he left behind him an avenger against his enemies, and one that shall requite kindness to his friends. Despair not of thy child when he is unwilling to receive correction, or if he prove not speedily good; for the Labourer gathereth not the fruits of the Earth so soon as it is sown, but he attends a fitting time.  
A man must also have a careful eye over his Daughters. Hast thou Daughters? Keep them within, and see they wander not. For Dina the Daughter of jacob, was corrupted by being seen of strangers.   

CHAP. FOUR De li Preyre, de la Collectas, & de li Concili.  
Regidors' son estegi del poble et Preyre, etc.  
Of the Elders, of the distribution of Alms, and Ecclesiastical Synodall Assemblies.  
We choose amongst the people those that are to govern, and of the Elders, according to the diversity of their employment, in the unity of Christ. According to that of the Apostle, in the first of the Epistle to Titus, I have left thee in Crete, that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting, and ordain Elders in every City, as I have appointed thee. The silver that is given for the relief of the people, is by us carried to the aforesaid Council, and is there delivered for the common use in the presence of all, and afterwards taken by those that are in authority, and part of that silver is given to those that are to travel any long journeys, to employ as they shall think fittest, and part unto the poor.  
Our Pastors do call Assemblies once every year, to determine of all affairs in a general Council.   

CHAP. V. De la Correction Ecclesiastica.  
Semeillament devon esser faict, corrections per enduction de temors, etc.  
Of Ecclesiastical Correction.  
SO likewise corrections are to be used, to hold men in fear, to the end that they that are not faithful, may be punished, and separated, either for their wicked life, or erroneous belief, or their want of Charity, or any of these evils that are found together in any one. Now, that it is necessary to use such corrections, our Saviour telleth us, saying; If thy brother trespass against thee, rebuke him betwixt thee and himself, and if he repent, forgive him, Luke 17. The Apostle confirmeth the same, saying to the Galathians; If a man be taken in any sin, you that are spiritual, instruct him in the spirit of meekness.  
But forasmuch as all receive not these corrections in charity, our Lord teacheth our spiritual guides, what course they should take, saying; If he harken not unto thee, take with thee one or two, for in the mouth of two or three, shall every one be justified. Our Lord's meaning is, if the fault be not published and known by divers; but not so if the sin be manifest and made known to every man: In such a case, the chastisement must be made manifest too. The Apostle telleth us as much, in the first of Timothy, 5.20. Them that sin, rebuke before all, that others also may fear.   

CHAP. VI De l'Excommunication.  
Ma car tuit en aital reprennament non volon avec assai esmendament ni abandonnar lo mal, etc.  
Of Excommunication.  
But when such will not amend their lives by any of these admonitions, nor leave their wicked ways, Christ teacheth us what we are to do against such: If they will not hearken thereunto, tell the Church; that is to say, the Guides, whereby the Church is ruled and preserved, that he may be punished, especially for contumacy. This the Apostle confirmeth, 1 Cor. 5.3. I verily, as absent in body, but present in spirit, have judged already, as though I were present, in the name of our Lord jesus Christ, when ye are gathered together, and my Spirit, with the power of our Lord jesus Christ. As also in the 11. verse, If any man that is called a brother, be a fornicator, or covetous, or an Idolater, or a railer, or a drunkard, or an extortioner, I say, eat not with any that is such a one, but put away that wicked person from amongst you. And again, If there be any one that will not obey our word, signify that man by an Epistle, and have no company with him, that he may be ashamed; yet count him not as an enemy, but admonish him as a brother, and as our Saviour saith; let him be unto thee as a Pagan, or a Publican; that is to say, let him be deprived of all aid of the Church, and of the Ministry, and the company of the Church, and of union.   

CHAP. VII. Deal Marriage.  
Le Marriage se deo far second li gra liqual Dio a permes, etc.  
Of Marriage.  
Marriages are to be made according to the degrees permitted of God, but not according to those he hath forbidden: but we are to make no scruple of conscience of those of the Pope, though a man have paid him no silver for a dispensation. For that which God hath not forbidden, may be done without the Pope. The band of holy Matrimony must not be made without the consent of the Parents of both parties; for Children belong to their Parents.   

CHAP. VIII. De la Taverna.  
La Taverna es fontana de pecca, Eschola del Diavel, etc.  
Of the excess and disorders which are commonly committed in Taverns.  
Ataverne is the Fountain of sin, the School of the Devil; it works wonders, fitting the place. It is the custom of God to show his power in his Church, and to work miracles; that is to say, to give sight to the blind, to make the lame to go, the dumb to speak, the deaf to hear, but the devil doth quite contrary to all these in a Tavern. For when the Drunkard goeth to the Tavern, he goeth upright, but when he cometh forth he cannot go at all, and he hath lost his sight, his hearing, his speech. The Lectures that are read in this School of the devil, are Gluttonies', Oaths, Perjuries, Lying, Blasphemies, and divers other villainies. For in a Tavern are quarrels, slanders, contentions, murders, and Taverners that suffer them, are partakers of their sins, and that wickedness they commit. For he that would speak as much evil of their Parents, as they suffer men to speak of God, and the glorious Virgin, and the Saints in Paradise, and all for a little gain by the sail of their wine, they would never endure it so peaceably. And therefore it is said in Ecclefiasticus, that the Taverner shall not be freed from sin.   

CHAP. IX. Del Bal.  
Lo Bales lafoy procession del Diavol, & qui intra en la Bal, etc.  
Against Dancing.  
A Dance is the Diue●s procession, and he that entereth into a Dance, entereth into his possession. The devil is the guide, the middle, and the end of the Dance. As many paces as a man maketh in dancing, so many paces doth he make to go to hell. A man sinneth in dancing divers ways; as in his pace, for all his steps are numbered; in his touch, in his ornaments, in his hearing, sight, speech, and other vanities. And therefore we will prove, first by the Scripture, and afterwards by divers other reasons, how wicked a thing it is to dance. The first testimony that we will produce, is that which we read in the Gospel, Mark 6. It pleased Herod so well, that it cost john the Baptist his life. The second is in Exodus 32. When Moses coming near to the congregation, saw the Calf, he cast the Tables from him, and broke them at the foot of the mountain, and afterwards it cost three and twenty thousand their lives. Besides the ornaments which women wear in their dances, are as crowns for many victories which the devil hath gotten against the children of God. For the devil hath not only one sword in the dance, but as many as there are beautiful and well adorned persons in the dance. For the words of a woman are a glittering sword. And therefore that place is much to be feared, wherein the enemy hath so many swords, since that one only sword of his may be feared. Again, the devil in this place, strikes with a sharpened sword, for the women come not willingly to the dance, if they be not painted, and adorned, the which painting and ornament, is as a grindstone, upon which the devil sharpeneth his sword. They that deck and adorn their daughters, are like those that put dry wood to the fire, to the end it may burn the better: For such women kindle the fire of luxury in the hearts of men; as Sampsons' Foxes fired the Philistims corn, so these women, they have fire in their faces, and in their gestures and actions, their glances and wanton words by which they consume the goods of men. Again, the devil in the dance useth the strongest arm our that he hath, for his most powerful arms are women, which is made plain unto us, in that the devil made choice of the woman to deceive the first man; So did Balaam, that the children of Israel might be rejected. By a woman he made Samson, David, and Absalon to sin. The devil tempteth men by women, three manner of ways, that is to say, by the touch, by the eye, by the ear: By these three means he tempteth foolish men to dance, by touching their hands, beholding their beauty, hearing their songs and music. Again, they that dance, break that promise and agreement which they have made with God in Baptism, when their Godfathers promise for them, that they shall renounce the devil, and all his pomp; For dancing is the pomp of the devil, and he that danceth maintaineth his pomp, and singeth his Mass. For the woman that singeth in the dance, is the Prioress of the devil, and those that answer are the Clerks, and the beholders are the Parishioners, and the music are the Bells, and the Fiddlers the ministers of the Devil. For as when Hogs are strayed, if the Hogheard call one, all assemble themselves together; So the devil causeth one woman to sing in the dance, or to play on some Instrument, and presently all the dancers gather together. Again, in a dance a man breaks the ten Commandments of God. As first, Thou shalt have no other Gods but me, etc. For in dancing a man serves that person, whom he most desires to serve, and therefore saith Sant jerom, Every man's God is that he serves and love's best. He sins against the second Commandment, when he makes an Idol of that he love's. Against the third, in that oaths are frequent amongst dancers. Against the fourth, for by dancing the Sabbath day is profaned. Against the fift, for in the dance, the parents are many times dishonoured, when many bargains are made without their counsel. Against the sixth, A man kills in dancing, for every one that standeth to please another, he kills the soul as oft as he persuadeth unto lust. Against the seventh; For the party that danceth, be it male or female, committeth adultery, with the party they lust after. For he that looketh on a woman and lusteth after her, hath already committed adultery in his heart. Against the eighth Commandment a man sins in dancing, when he withdraweth the heart of another from God. Against the ninth, when in dancing he speaks falsely against the truth. Against the tenth, when women affect the ornaments of others, and men covet the wives, daughters, and servants of their neighbours.  
Again, a man may prove how great an evil dancing is, by the multitude of sins that accompany those that dance; for they dance without measure or number: And therefore saith Saint Augustine, The miserable dancer knows not, that as many paces as he makes in dancing, so many leaps he makes to hell. They sin in their ornaments after a fivefold manner. First, by being proud thereof. Secondly, by inflaming the hearts of those that behold them. Thirdly, when they make those ashamed that have not the like ornaments, giving them occasion to covet the like. Fourthly, by making women importunate, in demanding the like ornaments of their husbands. And fifthly, when they cannot obtain them of their husbands, they seek to get them elsewhere by sin. They sin by singing, and playing on Instruments; for their songs bewitch the hearts of those that hear them with temporal delight, forgetting God, uttering nothing in their songs, but lies and vanities. And the very motion of the body which is used in dancing, gives testimony enough of evil.  
Thus you see, that dancing is the devil's procession, and he that entereth into a dance, enters into the deu●ls possession. Of dancing, the devil is the guide, the middle, and the end; and he that entereth a good and a wise man into the dance, cometh forth a corrupt and a wicked man. Sarah that holy woman, was none of these.   

CHAP. X. En qual modo lo poble se deo aver a aquilli que son defora.  
Non amar lo mond.  
After what manner a man must converse with those that are without.  
NOt to love the world. To fly evil company. If it be possible to have peace with all. Not to contend in judgement. Not to revenge. To love our enemies. To be willing to suffer labours, slanders, threats, contempts, injuries, all manner of torments for the truth. To possess our weapons in peace. Not to be coupled in one yoke with Infidels. Not to communicate with the wicked in their evil ways, and especially with those that smell of Idolatry, referring all service thereunto, and so of other things.  

Encar en qual maniera li fidel debian regir li lor corpse.  
Non servingman a li desirier mortal, etc.  
Again, in what manner the faithful aught to rule their bodies.  
NOt to serve the mortal desires of the flesh. To keep their members that they be not arms of iniquity. To rule their outward senses. To subject the body to the soul. To mortify their members. To fly idleness. To observe a sobriety and measure in their eating and drinking, in their words and the cares of this life. To do the works of mercy. To live a moral life by faith. To fight against the desires. To mortify the works of the flesh. To give themselves in due times to the exercise of Religion. To confer together touching the will of God. To examine diligently the conscience. To purge and amend and pacify the spirit.    
FINIS.   

THE THIRD BOOK OF THE THIRD PART OF THE HISTORY of the Waldenses and Albingenses; Containing a refutation of sundry Doctrines of the Church of Rome.  

This Book of Antichrist is in an old manuscript, wherein there are many Sermons of the Pastors, dated the year 1●20, and therefore written before Waldo, and about the time of Peter Bruis, who taught in Languedo●, where he was burnt at Saint Giles, before Woldo departed from Lion. And this Treatise was afterward preserved by the Waldenses of the Alps, from whom we had it, with divers others.  As the smoke goes before the fire, the battle before the victory, so the temptation of Antichrist before glory.  

CHAPTER I. A Treatise of the Waldenses and Albingenses, of Antichrist.  
ANtichrist is the falsehood or untruth of eternal damnation, covered with an outward appearance of the truth, and the righteousness of Christ and his Spouse, opposite to the way of truth, righteousness, faith, hope, and charity, and to the moral life, and ministerial verity of the Church, administered by false Apostles, and obstinately defended, by both powers Ecclesiastical and secular: Or Antichrist is a delusion, which hides the truth of salvation from things substantial: or it is a fraudulent contradiction against Christ and his Spouse, and every faithful member. It is not any special person ordained, in any degree, or office, or ministry, but it is that falsehood itself, which opposeth itself against the truth, which covereth and adorneth itself with beauty and piety, out of the Church of Christ, as with names and offices, and Scriptures, and Sacraments, and divers other things. That iniquity that is after this manner, with all the Ministers thereof, great and small, with all those that follow them with a wicked heart, and hood-winked eyes; this congregation, I say, thus taken altogether, is called Antichrist, or Babylon, or the fourth Beast, or the Whore, or the man of sin, or the son of perdition.  
The Ministers are called, false prophets, lying teachers, the Ministers of darkness, the spirit of error, the Apocalipticall whore, the mother of Fornication, clouds without water, trees without leaves, dead and twice rooted up, waves of a troublesome sea, wand'ring stars, Balaamites, and Egyptians.  
It is called Antichrist, because being covered and adorned under the colour of Christ, and of his Church, and the faithful members thereof, it oppugneth the salvation purchased by Christ, and truly administered in the Church of Christ, whereof the faithful are partakers, by Faith, Hope, and Charity. Thus it contradicteth the truth, by the wisdom of the world, by false religion, by counterfeited holiness, by spiritual power, secular tyranny, riches, honours, dignities, and the delights and delicacies of the world.  
Forasmuch therefore as it is manifest to every one, that Antichrist cannot come in any form or fashion whatsoever, but so as that all these things, above mentioned must be joined together to make a perfect hypocrisy and falsehood, that is to say, with the wise of the world, the Religious, Pharises, Ministers, Doctors, with the secular power, with the people of the world joined all together, who then altogether make the man of sin and error fully complete. For notwithstanding Antichrist were long since conceived, in the Apostles times, yet it was then in the infancy, and it wanted members both inward and outward. And therefore it was the more easily known and destroyed, and keptunder, and being but rude and rustical, as yet was dumb. For it had not the wisdom, nor the reason to excuse itself, to define and pronounce sentence. It had not as yet Ministers without truth, it wanted humane Laws and Statutes, and outwardly it had no religious followers: And therefore though it were fallen into error and sin, yet it had nothing wherewith to cover its villainy, and the shame of error and sin, for having neither riches, nor doctations, it could not win Ministers for service, nor multiply and preserve, and defend its own; for it was destitute of secular power and help, and could not enforce or constrain any from the truth to falsehood. And forasmuch as many things were wanting, it could not pollute nor scandalise any with its trumperies, and therefore being as yet tender and feeble, could obtain no place in the Church. But afterwards growing in its members, that is to say, in its blind Ministers, and hypocrites, and the vassals of the World, it is grown to a perfect man, in the fullness of age, that is to say, when the spiritual and secular lovers of the World, blind in faith, were multiplied in the Church with all power. These being wicked and willing to be entreated and honoured touching things spiritual, they have covered their majesty, malice, and sins, by making use of the wise men of the World, and the Pharises, to this purpose, as it is said before. Now this is a great wickedness, to cover and to adorn that iniquity, worthy excommunication, and to establish it by such a means as cannot by man be given to man, but belongs only unto God, and to jesus Christ, as he is Mediator. Most deceitfully and by rapine to take these things from God, and to transfer them to itself and it works, seems to be a great robbery, as when it attributeth to itself the power to regenerate, to forgive sins, to distribute the graces of the holy Spirit, to make Christ, and other the like things. And in all these, to cover itself with the cloak of authority, and of the Word, deceiving by this means the rude people, who follow the World, separating themselves from God, and the true Faith, and the reformation of the holy Spirit, from true repentance, and the powerful operation of perseverance in good, forsaking charity, patience, humility, and that which is worst of all, departing from the true hope, and putting their trust in the vain confidence of the World, making themselves servants to ceremonies, which make for these things, fraudulently causing the people to fall down and to worship the Idols of the World, under the name of Saints and relics, in such sort, that men wand'ring wickedly from the way of truth, think they serve God, and do well, and so they are moved to hatred and malice against those that love the truth, commit divers murders of souls, as the Apostle speaks truly. This is that complete man of sin, which exalteth himself above all that is called God, and that oppugneth all truth, who sits in the Temple of God, that is, in the Church, showing himself as if he were God, who is come with all falsehood and lying for those that perish. And forasmuch as he is truly come, we need no longer expect him, for he is already old by the permission of God, yea, he is already in the wain, and his power and authority much diminished: for the Lord hath long since slain this man of sin, with the breath of his mouth, by sundry good and godly persons, giving them a power contrary to his, and those that love him, and hath brought unto naught his place, and his possessions, and divided this City of Babylon, in which all manner of wickedness is in his full strength and vigour.  

What the works of Antichrist are.  
THe first work of Antichrst, is to take away the truth, and to change it into falsehood and error and heresy. The second, to cover falsehood with the truth, and to confirm an untruth, by seeming faith, and by virtue, and to mingle falsehood with things spiritual, amongst those people that are subject unto him, whether it be by means of his Ministers or the Ministry. Now this twofold manner of proceeding containeth a perfect and most accomplished malice, which could not be in any tyrant or powerful Potentate from the beginning of the world until the time of Antichrist. Neither hath Christ had any enemy before this which could so change the way of truth into falsehood; or that had power to pervert those that make profession either of the one or the other; that is to say, of truth or falsehood. In such sort that our holy Mother the Church with her true children, is trodden underfoot, especially for the true service of God and the Ministry thereof, inso much that she and her members break out into those mournful complaints of the Prophet jeremy; How doth the City sit solitary that was full of people? How is she become a widow, that is, destitute of the truth of her Spause? She that was great among the nations, because of that power she had over sin and error; and the Princess among the Provinces, by that part she had in the world, and the things in the world. Mourn, and behold with a careful eye, and thou shalt find all these things accomplished even in these times. For the holy Church is reputed a Synagogue, and the Synagogue of the wicked, is acknowledged to be the mother of those that believe in God and obey his Laws. Falsehood is Preached for truth, wrong for right; Injustice is held for justice, error for faith, sin for virtue, vanity for verity.  
Object. But what other works proceed from these first?  
Answer. These that follow.  
The first work is, that he turneth that service and worship which is only proper and due unto God, to himself and his works, and to the poor creature, reasonable and unreasonable, sensible and insensible. Reasonable, as to men, hee-Saints and shee-Saints, that are departed out of this world: Unreasonable, and to Images, carrion or relics. His works are the Sacraments, especially the Sacrament of the Eucharist, which headoreth as God, and as jesus Christ, serving things blessed, and consecrated, and forbidding the worship of the only God.  
The second work of Antichrist is, that he robbeth Christ of his merit, with all the sufficiency of grace, righteousness, regeneration, remission of sins, sanctification, confirmation in grace and spiritual nourishment; and imputeth and attributeth it to his authority, and to the form of words, and to his works, and to Saints, and to their intercession, and to the fire of Purgatory, drawing the people from Christ and his conduct unto the things abovenamed, to the end men should not seek the things of Christ, nor by Christ, but trust only to be saved by the works of their hands, and not by a lively faith in God, and his Son Christ jesus, and his holy Spirit, but by the will and works of Antichrist, for so he teacheth that all salvation consisteth in his works.  
The third work of Antichrist consisteth in this, that he attributeth the renewing by the holy Ghostto an outward dead faith, and baptizeth children into that faith, and that by it we have the Baptism and the regeneration, and therein he giveth Orders and Sacraments, and in it he groundeth all Christianity, which is repugnant to the Spirit of God.  
The fourth work of Antichrist is, that he hath ordained and placed all Religion and Sanctity of the people in the Mass, and hath patched together many ceremonies, whereof some are judaical, some Heathenish, some Antichristian. To the hearing whereof, leading the congregation and the people, he deprives them of their spiritual and Sacramental food, and separateth them from the true Religion, and the Commandments of God, and withdraws them from the works of mercy by his Offertory, and by his Mass he setteth the people in a vain hope.  
The fift work of Antichrist is, that he doth all his works, to the end he may be seen of men, that he may solace himself in his unsatiable avarice, that he may make gain of all things, and do nothing without Simony.  
The sixth work of Antichrist is, that he giveth way to all open and apparent sins, without any Ecclesiastical sentence, neither doth he excommunicate the impenitent.  
The seventh work of Antichrist is, that he neither ruleth nor defendeth his unity by the Word and power of the Spirit of God, but by the secular power, and he addeth unto his aid things spiritual.  
The eight work of Antichrist is, that he hateth and persecuteth, and putteth to death the members of Christ. These are in a manner the principal works which he doth against the truth, for all of them can by no means be written or numbered. Let it suffice for this present that we have noted the more general, and shall likewise set down by what works this iniquity is covered.  
First and principally by an outward confession of Faith; whereof the Apostle saith, They confess they know God with their mouths, but they deny him in their hearts.  
Secondly, he covereth his iniquity by length of time, and in that he is maintained by certain Sages, and religious Monks, and Virgins, and Nuns, and Widows, and other women of austere life. As also by the people without number, of whom it is said in the Revelation: And power was given unto him over every Tribe, and Language, and Nation, and all the Inhabitants of the Earth fell down and worshipped him.  
Thirdly, he covereth his iniquity with the spiritual authority of the Apostles, against which the Apostle saith; We can do nothing against the truth, and power there is none given us to destruction.  
Fourthly, he covereth his iniquity with many miracles, of whom the Apostle saith, 2 Thes. 2.9. Whose coming is after the working of Satan, with all power and signs, and lying wonders, and with all deceivableness of unrighteousness.  
Fifely, by outward holiness, prayers, fastings, watch, and almesdeeds: against which the Apostle saith; Having the appearance of godliness, but denying the power thereof.  
Sixtly, he coveroth his iniquity with certain words of Christ, and the writings of ancient Fathers, and with Counsels, which they do so fare forth observe, as that they may no way hinder their wicked lives and pleasures.  
Seventhly, by the administration of the Sacraments, viz. of Penance, by which they disgorge and vomit up all their errors.  
Eightly, by corrections, and verbal preach against vice; for they say, and do not.  
Ninthly, they cover their iniquity, by the virtuous life of some, that live dissemblingly, others truly. For the Elect of God, who will and do that which is good, are detained as in Babylon, and are as gold wherewith Antichrist covereth his vanity, not permitting them to serve the only God, or to put their trust in Christ alone, or to embrace the true Religion. These things and divers others, are as the mantel or cloak of Antichrist, wherewith he covereth his lies and malice, to the end he may not be rejected as a Pagan, and under which he proceedeth dishonestly, and like a whore.  
We are now to show, both out of the Old and New Testament, that a Christian is bound by the Commandment of God, to separate himself from Antichrist. For the Lord saith in the 52. of Esay 11. Depart ye, depart ye, go ye out from thence, touch no unclean thing, go ye out of the midst of her; be ye clean, that bear the vessels of the Lord: For ye shall not go out with haste, nor go by flight, etc. And the Prophet jeremy, Chap. 50.8. Remove out of the midst of Babylon, and go forth out of the Land of the Chaldeans, and be as the he-goats before the flocks. For lo, I will raise, and cause to come up against Babylon an assembly of great Nations, from the North Country, and they shall set themselves in army against her, from thence she shall be taken. And Numbers 16.21. Separate yourselves from among this Congregation, that I may consume them in a moment: And again in the 26 verse. Depart from the Tents of these wicked men, and touch nothing of theirs, lest ye be consumed in all their sins. And again, Levit. 20.24. I am the Lord your God, and have separated you from other people: Ye shall therefore put difference between clean beasts, and unclean, and you shall not make your souls abominable, by beast, or by fowl, nor by any manner of living thing that creepeth on the ground, which I have separated from you as unclean. Again, in the 34. of Exodus: Take heed to thyself, lest thou make a Covenant with the inhabitants of the land, for fear lest when they go a whoring after their Gods, and do sacrifice unto their gods, and one call thee, and thou eat of his sacrifice: And thou take of their daughters unto thy sons, and their daughters go a whoring after their gods, and make thy sons go a whoring after their gods. This is likewise manifest in the New Testament, john 12. That the Lord came into the world, and suffered death, to the end he might join all the children of God in one. And for this truth of the unity, and separation of others, it is said, Matth. 10.34. Think not I am come to send peace on earth: I came not to send peace, but a sword. For I am come to set a man at variance against his father, and the daughter against her mother, and the daughter in law against the mother in law; And a man's foes shall be they of his own household. And this division he hath commanded, saying, If there be any that forsaketh not father and mother for my sake, etc. Again, Beware of false prophets which come to you in sheep's clothing. Again, Beware of the leaven of the Pharises. Again, Take heed lest any seduce you, for many shall come in my Name and shall seduce many. And therefore if any one shall say unto you, here is Christ, and there is Christ, believe him not. And Reuel. 8.4. he admonisheth with his own voice, and commandeth all that are his to go out of Babylon, saying, Come out of her my people, that you be not partakers of her sins, and that ye receive not of her plagues: For her sins have reached unto heaven, and God hath remembered her iniquities. The Apostle affirmeth the same, 2, Cor. 6.14. Be ye not unequally yoked together with unbelievers, for what fellowship hath righteousness with unrighteousness, and what communion hath light with darkness; And what concord hath Christ with Belial, and what part hath he that believeth with an Infidel? And what agreement hath the Temple of God with Idols? And therefore go out of her, and separate yourselves from her, saith the Lord, and touch no unclean thing, and I will be unto you in the place of a father, and you shall be unto me as sons and daughters, saith the Lord. Again, Ephes. 5.7. Be not ye therefore partakers with them; for ye were sometimes darkness, but now are ye light in the Lord. Again, 1. Cor. 10.20. I would not that ye should have fellowship with devils: ye cannot drink the cup of the Lord, and the cup of devils. And again, 2. Thes. 3.6. We command you, brethren, in the name of our Lord jesus Christ, that ye withdraw yourselves from every brother that walketh disorderly, and not after the tradition which he received of us. For yourselves know how ye ought to follow us: And in the 14. verse. And if any man obey not our word by this Epistle, note that man, and have no company with him, that he may be ashamed. And Ephes. 5.11. Have no fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness. And 2. Tim. 3.1. This also know, that in the last days, perilous times shall come: And Verse 5. Having a form of godliness, but denying the power thereof: from such turn away.  
By these places above repeated, the malice of Antichrist doth manifestly appear. So it is likewise commanded by the Lord, that we separate ourselves from him, and to join ourselves to the holy City, jerusalem. And therefore we that have knowledge of these things, the Lord having revealed them unto us by his servants, believing this revelation delivered in the Word, being admonished by the Commandments of the Lord to separate ourselves from him, inwardly and outwardly, because we believe him to be Antichrist, and have conversation and unity of will and sincere intention, purposing to please God, that we may be saved, by the aid and assistance of our Lord we join ourselves to the truth of Christ, and of his Spouse, how little soever it be in the eye of the world, so fare forth as our understanding shall direct us. And therefore we have determined with ourselves, to make known to the world, what are the causes of our departure, and what our congregation is, to the end that if the Lord shall give the knowledge of the selfsame truth, they that have received it should love it, together with ourselves: And that if peradventure they be not sufficiently illuminated, they may receive comfort and assistance by this means, and be watered by the dew of heaven. And if this grace be given more abundantly, and in a higher measure to any other, we desire in all humility to be better instructed by him, entreating our faults and defects may be amended. These things than that follow are the causes of our separation.  
Be it known to all in general, and every particular person, that the cause of our separation, is for the essential verity of Faith, and the ministerial. The Essential verity of Faith, is the inward knowledge of one true God, and the unity of Essence in three persons, which knowledge flesh and blood hath not given. As also for the decent and convenient service due to one only God; for the love thereof above all things; for sanctification and the honour thereof above all things, and above all names; for a lively hope by Christ in God; for regeneration and inward renovation by faith, hope, and charity; for the merit of jesus Christ, with all sufficiency of grace and righteousness; for the participation or communion with all the Elect; for remission of sins; for holy conversation; and for the faithful accomplishment of all the Commandments in the faith of Christ; for true repentance; for perseverance unto the end, and for life everlasting.  
The Ministerial verities are these: The outward Congregation of Ministers, with the people subject in place, time, and truth, by the ministry of the truth above mentioned, directing, establishing, and preserving the Church; the said Ministers by faith, and an integrity of life, showing themselves obedient, and giving themselves courageously to the practice and usual carriage of our Saviour over the flock.  
The things which the Ministers are bound to do, for the service of the people, are these: The Evangelicall Word; the Sacraments annexed to the Word, which certify what the intention and understanding hath been; confirm the hope in Christ, and in the faithful the ministerial communion of all things, by the Essential verity. And if there be any other ministerial things, they may all be referred to the abovenamed. But of these singular verities, some are essentially necessary to the salvation of man, others conditionally. They are contained in the twelve Articles of our Faith, and in divers writings of the Apostles. For Antichrist hath long since reigned in the Church by divine permission.  
The errors and impurities of Antichrist, are these; that is to say, divers and innumerable Idolatries against the Commandments of God and of Christ, by a service given to the creature, and not to the Creator, visible and invisible, corporal and spiritual, understanding or sensible, natural, or made and framed by some art, and under the name of Christ; or he saints, or shee-saints, or relics, which creature is served by faith, by hope, by gestures, by prayers, by pilgrimages, by almsdeeds, by offerings and sacrifices of great charge. The which creature they serve, adore, honour after a divers manner, with songs, orations, solemnities, and celebrations of Masses, vespers, complines, to the selfsame creatures, with prayer books for certain hours, vigils, feasts, purchasing of grace, which is essentially in one only God, and in jesus Christ meritoriously, and is obtained by faith only, and by the holy Ghost.  
For there is no other cause of Idolatry, than the false opinion of grace, of truth, of authority, invocation, intercession, which this Antichrist hath taken from God, and attributed it to his ceremonies, authorities, the works of his hands, and to Saints, and to Purgatory. And this iniquity of Antichrist, is directly against the first Article of our Faith, and the first Commandment of the Law.  
In like sort, the disorderly love of the World, which is in Antichrist, is that from whence do spring all the sins and wickedness that is in the Church, in those that are the Leaders, and Rulers, and Officers thereof, who sin without controlment against the truth of faith, and the knowledge of God the Father; witness Saint john, who saith; He that sinneth, knoweth not God: for if any man love the world, the charity of the Father is not in him. The second iniquity of Antichrist consists in the hope which he giveth of pardon, grace, righteousness, truth, and eternal life; as not being in Christ, or in God by Christ, but in men living and dead, in authorities, ecclesiastical ceremonies, in benedictions, sacrifices, prayers, and other things above mentioned; not by true faith, which brings forth repentance by charity, and a departure from evil, and cleaving to that which is good. Now Antichrist teacheth us not to place our hope and confidence in such things, that is to say, regeneration, spiritual confirmation, or communion, the remission of sins, sanctification, eternal life; but to hope in his Sacraments, and his wicked Simony, by which the people are abused in such sort, that they make sale of all things, and invent many ordinances old and new, to bring silver into their chests, promising that if any man do this or that, he shall obtain grace and life. And this double iniquity is called in Scriptures, adultery and fornication. And therefore such Ministers as lead the brutish people into these errors, are called the Apocalipticall Whore. And this iniquity is against the second Article, and the second and third Commandment.  
The third iniquity of Antichrist consisteth in this, that he hath invented (besides those abovenamed) other false religions and orders, and Monasteries, giving hope to obtain grace, by building oratory's for Saints; as also by devout and frequent hearing of the Mass, by the receiving the Sacrament, by Confession, (though seldom with a contrite heart) by satisfaction, by fastings, and emptying the purse, by professing himself a member of the Church of Rome, by making vows, and giving themselves to orders of Capouches and Cowles, which against all truth they affirm that men are bound unto. And this iniquity of Antichrist is directly against the eight Article of our Belief, I believe in the holy Ghost.  
The fourth iniquity of Antichrist consisteth in this, that notwithstanding he be the fourth Beast described by Daniel, and the Apocalipticall whore, he nevertheless adorneth himself, with authority, power, dignity, offices, Scriptures, and compareth himself, and maketh himself equal to the true and holy Mother the Church, in which there is salvation Ministerially, and not elsewhere, in which there is the truth of life and Doctrine, and of the Sacraments. For if he should not thus cover himself and his wicked Ministers, being known for manifest sinners, he would soon be forsaken and abandoned of every one. For Emperors, and Kings, and Princes, thinking him to be like to the true and holy mother the Church, they have loved and endowed him, contrary to the Commandment of God. And this iniquity of Ministers, and subjects, and such as are brought up in error and sin, is directly against the ninth Article: I believe in the holy Catholic Church. And thus much touching the first part.  
Secondly, as they that are partakers of the only outward ceremonies ordained by the invention of men, do believe and hope, truly to perform their Pastoral duties and cures, provided only that they be shaved, like sheep, and anointed like walls, and blessed by touching the Book, and the cup, with their hands, and so publish themselves to have taken the order of Priesthood as they should: So likewise (as it hath been said before) the people that are subject unto them do communicate by words, by signs, by outward exercises, and by their divers gestures and actions think they participate of the truth itself, drawn from thence. And this is against the other part of the ninth Article: I believe the Communion of Saints. It standeth us therefore upon to departed from the most wicked Communion of Monks, whereunto carnal men are drawn, causing them for covetousness to put their trust in things of naught, yea though they be luxurious and covetous, only to the end men should give them, and then they tell them that they participate of their poverty and of their chastity.  
The fift iniquity of Antichrist consists in this, that he sayneth and promiseth remission of sins, to such offenders, as have no true sorrow and contrition for their sins, and cease not to persevere in their wickedness: and that in the first place, he promiseth remission of their sins, because of their auricular confession, and humane absolution in their Pilgrimages, and all for money. And this iniquity is against the eleventh Article of our faith: I believe the forgiveness of sins. For that is in God by authority, in Christ by ministration, Faith, Hope, Charity, Repentance, Obedience to the Word; and in man by participation.  
The sixth iniquity is, that they hope even to their life's end, in the abovementioned iniquities, and especially in extreme Unction and devised Purgatory, in such sort that the ignorant and rude people persevere in their error, by giving them to understand, that they are absolved from their sins, though they never departed from them of their own free wills, but hope thereby to have forgiveness of their sins, and life everlasting. And this iniquity is directly against the eleventh and twelfth Article of our Faith.    

CHAP. II. Of invented Purgatory.  
THe Purgatory which divers Priests and Monks seek to advance and teach as an Article of our Faith, with many lies and fables, is this. They affirm that after this life, and after the Ascension of Christ into heaven, the souls especially of those that shall be saved, not having satisfied in this life for their sins, endure sensible pains, and are purged in Purgatory after this life, and that after they are purged, they come out of Purgatory, some sooner, and some later, and some not until the Day of judgement; which souls, all the faithful may and aught to help after they are departed this life by the band of charity, by Prayers, Fast, Almsdeeds, and Masses. Touching which Purgatory, to satiate their avarice, many have invented divers uncertain things, which they have taught and preached, saying, that such souls are tormented in the said Purgatory, some to the neck, some to the middle; and they say that sometimes, they sit and eat at table, and make banquets, especially at the Feast of all Souls, when the people are offering liberally upon their Sepulchers. And they say that sometimes they gather the crumbs under the rich men's tables. By this means, and divers other the like dreams, avarice and Simony is increased and multiplied, their Cloisters advanced, their sumptuous Temples are built and enlarged, their Altars multiplied beyond measure, and infinite numbers of Monks and Canons, have invented divers other things touching the deliverance, and unbinding the said souls, bringing thereby the Word of God into contempt. Thus the people are strangely mocked and deceived touching their souls, as also in their substance, inasmuch as they are made to put their trust in things uncertain, whilst in the mean time the faithful hid themselves, for when they refuse to preach and teach the said Purgatory, as an Article of their faith, they are cruelly condemned to death and Martyred.  
It is therefore fitting we should speak of this Purgatory, and plainly give the world to understand what we think thereof.  
First therefore we say, that the souls of those that are to be saved, must in the end be purged from all their pollution, according to the Ordinance of God, as it appeareth in the 21. of the Revelation: There shall in no wise enter into heaven any thing that defileth, neither whatsoever worketh abomination, or maketh a lie. Now we know that the Scriptures have set down many and divers means to purge those that are in this present life, of all their sins. But Saint Peter telleth us in the 15. of the Acts 9 that faith purifieth the heart, and that faith is sufficient to purge away the evil, without any outward help; as appeareth by the thief at the right hand of Christ, who believing and confessing his sins was made worthy of Paradise. The other manner of purging the Spouse of Christ by repentance, is touched in Esay, Chap. 1.16. Wash ye, and make you clean, put away the evil of your do from before mine eyes, cease to do evil. And presently after: Though your sins be as scarlet, they shall be as white as snow, though they be red like crimson, they shall be as wool. In which words the Lord offereth himself to all that do truly repent, according to the manner abovementioned, and they that have been sinful shall be made as white as snow. There is likewise mention made of another kind of purging of sin, in the third of Saint Matthew, where it is said, He hath his fan in his hand, and he will thoroughly purge his floor, and gather his wheat into the garner. The which words chrysostom expounds of the floor of the Church and the fire of tribulation. And not only doth the Lord purge by tribulations, but he likewise purifieth his Spouse here in this life by himself; as Saint Paul speaketh, Ephes. 5.25. Christ hath loved his Church and given himself for it; That he might sanctify and cleanse it, with the washing of water by the Word, that he might present it to himself a glorious Church, not having spot or wrinkle, or any such thing, but that it should be holy and without blemish. Where the Apostle showeth that Christ hath so loved his Church, that he would not cleanse it by any other washing, but his own Blood, and that not so as that it should not be sufficient but in such a manner, as that there should not remain therein any uncleanness, but that it should be a glorious Church, in such sort that there should be therein neither spot nor wrinkle, nor any such thing, but that it should be holy and undefiled. And this testimony of washing the Spouse of Christ in his Blood, is not only currant here upon earth, but in heaven too, by those that have obtained the actual washing, of whom it is said in the Revelation, Chap. 7. These are they which came out of great tribulation, and have washed their robes, and made them white in the Blood of the Lamb; Therefore are they before the Throne of God, and serve him day and night. Thus you see how many purge may be gathered out of the Scriptures, to prove that they that travel in this life, are here purged of their sins.  
In the third place, we think it a great deal the surer way, that every man do so live in this present world, that he may have no need afterwards of any purgation. For it is a great deal better to do good in this present life, than afterwards to hope for an uncertain help. And it is a surer course, that what good a man hopes shall be done unto him by others after his death, he do it himself whilst he liveth, being a more happy thing to departed a freeman, then to seek his liberty, after he is bound.  
Moreover besides that which hath been hitherto spoken, we say that there is no place in Scripture to be found, nor amongst the Doctors grounded upon the Scriptures, that doth make good unto us that the faithful are any way bound by any necessity to believe, or publicly to confess, as an Article of their faith, that there is any such place as Purgatory after this life, wherein after the ascension of Christ into Heaven, the souls, especially of those that shall be saved, not having satisfied in this life for their sins, endure sensible pains when they are departed of their bodies, and thereby are purged: of which souls some depart out of Purgatory sooner, some later than others, and some a little before others at the day of judgement. And first as touching the Scriptures, no man can prove it by them. For it is manifest, that if a man shall read the whole Law, he shall never find therein, any one place of Scripture that bindeth a Christian necessarily to believe as an Article of his faith, that there is after this life, any place called Purgatory, as some do affirm. And there is no place in the whole Volume of the Book of God which doth so much as name it, neither was there ever any soul found that hath entered the same Purgatory and came out again.  
There is no man bound therefore to believe it, or to hold it to be an Article of our faith. For confirmation hereof Saint Augustine in his Book, entitled, A thousand words, writes thus: We believe according to the Catholic faith, and divine authority, that the Kingdom of heaven is the first place wherein Baptism is received; The second is that wherein such as are excommunicates and strangers to the Faith of Christ, endure everlasting torments: As for a third place, we are altogether ignorant of any, neither do we find it in the Scriptures. The same Saint Augustine in the same place, upon these words, They shall not inherit the kingdom of God, writeth thus. O my brethren, let no man deceive himself, for there are only two places and a third is not to be found; For he that deserveth not to reign with Christ, shall without all doubt perish with the devil. And to this purpose, Saint chrysostom writing upon those words in the 12. by Saint Matthew; The Kingdom of heaven is like unto a man that is an householder, saith thus: The man that is the father of the family, is Christ, unto whom heaven and earth are as a house; but his families are celestial and terrestrial, for whom he buildeth a house with three Chambers, that is, hell, heaven, and earth. The Combatants are they that dwell upon the earth, the vanquished in hell, and the Conquerors in heaven. Let us, saith he, that are in the middle room, take heed, we descend not to those that are in hell, but rather mount upward to those that are in heaven.  
By these authorities you may plainly see, that there are only two certain places, after the ascension of Christ into heaven, into which the souls departed out of their bodies do go, and that there is no third place, neither can it be found in the Scriptures.  
And therefore, forasmuch as in the whole Law of God, there is no express mention of any such place as Purgatory is, and the Apostles have given us no instructions touching the same; and the Primative Church, governed by the Apostles, according to the Gospel, have left us no Ordinances or Commandments; but that Pope Pelagius, five hundred fifty eight years after Christ, did ordain (as we may read) that the dead should be remembered in the Mass, it followeth, that since there is no express proof thereof in the Law of God, there is no necessity to believe the said Purgatory, as an Article of our faith, or that there is any such place after this life.  
But here is matter of doubt, because men in these days, are strangely affected to the help and aid of the dead, notwithstanding that in all the Scripture there be nothing expressly taught, except in the Book of Macchabees, which is no part of the Old Testament, nor Canonical. And that neither Christ nor the Prophets, nor the Apostles, nor the Saints near their time, have ever taught to pray for the dead, but have rather carefully taught that the people that live unblamably shall be Saints. And therefore answering to the doubt abovementioned, we say that the principal cause of this doting affection, proceedeth from the deceit, and trumperies, and avarice of the Priests, who have not taught the people as the Prophets of Christ, nor as his Apostles, to live well, but to offer much, and to place their hope of deliverance, and happiness, in Purgatory.   

CHAP. III. Of the Invocation of Saints.  
We are now to speak of prayer unto Saints, which certain great Masters, with their followers preach unto the people, extolling and publishing it with great diligence, as an Article of their Faith; affirming that the Saints that are in their celestial Country, are to be prayed unto by us, in the self same manner, as the Priests were accustomed to do, and other of the people by their instruction, enjoining them many other things, as helps to their Invocation. By which Invocation, authorization, and magnification, the people carnally & erroneously believe it; Imagining that as it is the manner and practice before earthly Kings when they are angry, that such as are not in choler should intercede for them, and pacify their anger: so the people think it is so with God; that is, that the Saints do appease the wrath of God, when he is angry with sinners.  
But we are not to believe any such thing; for if it were so, there could be no true conformity between the will of the Saints, and the will of God: for it should seem that the Saints are not angry with those, against whom God is moved to anger. Secondly, by this magnification and invocation of Saints, the people fall into Idolatry, putting their trust more in Saints then in God, and serving them with greater affection than the only God; which they show by the effects, by the ornaments of their Altars, which are most precious, by their excellent Music, the multiplication of their Tapers, and by other solemnities. By which means the simple people are induced to think, that the Saints are more merciful than God, because they free him from damnation, by those prayers they make unto God, whom God had condemned. Beside this, to maintain these things, the simple people are taught, that the Saints desire that men should offer oblations unto them, and take pleasure in their praises, and that they mediate principally for those that offer incense unto them, and other honours; all which things we are to abhor, and carefully to fly.  
Of this Invocation therefore we are now to speak, and to make known what our opinion is touching this prayer unto Saints. And first let us see what Invocation is. Invocation is a desire of the whole understanding, and soul, sent unto God by the voice, and by prayer.  
Secondly, we know and believe that the man Christ jesus, is Mediator between God and man, and Advocate to God the Father, who hath paid for our sins, that come unto God by him, seeing he ever liveth to make intercession for them. Heb. 7.25. No man comes to the Father but by him. And whatsoever ye shall ask in my name, that will I do, saith he; john 14.13. Who giveth to all abundantly, and reproacheth no man; jam. 1. He is our Advocate to God the Father, and he forgiveth our sins. He offereth himself unto us by all means, before we offer ourselves unto him. He is at the door, and he knocks, that we may open unto him, he shutteth out all Idolatry, being at the right hand of his Father in Heaven, and his will is, that all the faithful have him in their minds, and look only unto him; for all the care of the faithful must tend unto Christ by thought and affection, and must imitate him that is above. According to that which is said; If you be risen again with Christ, seek the things that are above, where Christ is sitting at the right hand of God. He is the door, by which whosoever shall enter shall be saved. No man cometh to the Father, but by me, saith he.  
We believe in the third place, that the Saints are not proposed unto us to worship, but to imitate. Saint Paul faith; Be ye followers of me, as I am of Christ. Saint Peter would not suffer himself to be worshipped by Cornelius, nor the Angel by Saint john the Evangelist. And therefore saith Saint Augustine in his Book of true Religion. O ye Religious, saith he, give not yourselves to the service of the dead; for if they have lived holily, they are not such as seek for honours, or desire to be served by us, but by him, by whom they are illuminated, they rejoice that we are their companions. And therefore they must be honoured by imitation, and not adored by Religion. All these things duly considered, we say, that there is not any man borne of other body then Christ, which may be adored, or can be the true Advocate and Mediator betwixt God and Men, or Intercessor for sinners with God the Father, but he alone; neither is it necessary that they should be invocated by the prayers and intercessions of the living. It is he that by special privilege obtains whatsoever he demands for mankind, whom he hath reconciled by his death. He is the one and only Mediator betwixt God and man, the Advocate, and Intercessor to God the Father for sinners, and in such sort sufficient, that the Father denyeth not any man what he demandeth in his name, but for the love of him, he heareth those that pray unto him, or demand any thing at his hands by him. For being near unto God, living by himself, he prayeth always for us. For it was necessary that we should have such a sovereign Sacrificer, as was holy, innocent, without blemish, separated from sinners, and exalted above the Heavens, the first Son begotten of his Father, which only Son being above all men, hath power and authority to sanctify the other, to pray and to mediate for them. Saint Augustine writeth concerning Christ in his 64 Psalms, saying; Thou art the Sacrificer, thou art the Sacrifice, thou art he that offereth, and thou art the offering. jesus is not entered into places made with hands, which were figured correspondent to the true, but he is entered into Heaven itself, even now to appear for us before the face of God.  
Of him it is that Saint john saith; 
1 john 1.1.  We have an Advocate with the Father, even jesus Christ the righteous. And Saint Paul saith; 
Rom. 8.33.  That jesus Christ who died for us, is also risen again, and sitteth at the right hand of Go●, making intercession for us.  
And therefore he is but a fool that will desire any other Intercessor. For Christ is always living, and prayeth to God the Father for us, and is always ready to secure those he loveth. And therefore if we keep ourselves to that he hath said, we need not desire any other Saint to be our Mediator, because he is more gentle and more ready to help, than any other can be. Add hereunto that the mind of him that prayeth wandereth, and is confounded with the multitude of Saints to whom he prays, when the affection is removed from Christ, and therefore is much weakened, being divided amongst many. Howsoever, many there are that think that when the prayer is directed to one only, a man hath that only one for a Mediator, whereas more give more spiritual help. But the Church would increase a great deal more, if it knew not this multitude of intercessions now invented. And therefore it is a great folly to forsake the Fountain of living waters, and to go to troubled waters, and such as are afar of. This then doth plainly appear, that a man cannot obtain any thing of God, but by the Mediator Christ jesus. In the second place it shall be more expedient to worship Christ among those that are simply men; for he is a good and benign Mediator, even in the highest degree, both in the one and the other extremity. Thirdly, if we keep ourselves unto his Word, we need not address ourselves to other Saints for intermedlers, since that he is more ready to help us, than other Saints, being ordained of God for this purpose; that is, to the end that the intercession might be made by him, that is more merciful than all others; for he knows for whom there is reason he should pray: for he hath shed his blood for them, which he will never forget, having graved them in the palms of his hands. Fourthly, in the primitive Church, their prayers for spiritual aid, were made only to Christ as a Mediator. Fiftly, than did the Church profit and increase a great deal more than now it doth in these times, wherein men have found many intercessions, which are as so many clouds without water, darkening Christ the Son of Righteousness, who is the true In tercessor. For many expecting spiritual comforts, are forsaken in their vain hopes. For though so it be that God is just, and we unjust, and insufficient of ourselves, yet it is he that pardoneth our sins, both passed and present. For he gave himself for our redemption, that is to say, he hath been the Sacrifice by which our pardon hath been obtained: God hath sent his Son, to the end he might pardon our sins, he is the remedy against sin, to the end we should not fall into despair. We must have recourse to Christ our Advocate, who continually defendeth our cause, beseeching his Father for us, whom we have not only for an Advocate, but for a judge too. For the Father hath given all judgement to the Son, and consequently, all penitent sinners have great reason to hope that he that is our judge, is our Advocate. This faith is grounded upon Christ, as upon a strong Rock, upon which all the Saints of God have rested themselves, until the man of sin had power to bring in new intercessions of Saints; which faith all the Saints have professed living here, and unto this day do confess, that they are not saved by oblations, or the intercession of any other God, but by him they have obtained Heaven; of whom it is said in the Revelation, Chap. 5.9. Thou art worthy to take the Book, and to open the seals thereof; for thou wast slain, and hast redcemed us to God by thy blood, out of every kindred, and tongue, and people, and Nation; and hast made us unto our God Kings and Priests. You see how their humility and thankfulness doth still resound upon the Earth, when they acknowledge that they are entered into that place wherein they are, by his blood, and confess that they have received all their good by him, and whatsoever they enjoy so long as they remain in this life; that they receive no good thing, but by their good Mediator and Intercessor Christ jesus.   

CHAP. FOUR Of Baptism, and the other Sacraments of the Romish Church.  
THe things that are not necessary in the administration of Baptism, are the Exorcisms, breathe, the sign of the Cross upon the forehead and breast of the infant, the salt put into his mouth, spittle into his ears and nostrils, the anointing of the breast, the Monks Cowle, the unction of the Crysome upon the crown of his head, and all other things consecrated by the Bishop, as the putting the Wax candle into his hands, the clothing him with a white garment, the blessing of the water, and so forth. All those things used in the administration of this Sacrament, are not necessary, they neither being of the substance, nor required in the Sacrament of Baptism, from which things many take occasion of error and superstition, rather than edification to salvation, and according to the opinion of some Doctors, there is neither power nor profit in them.  

Of the Sacrament of the Supper of the Lord.  
THe eating of the Sacramental Bread, is the eating of the Body of Christ in a figure, Christ himself having said, As oft as ye shall do this, do it in remembrance of me: for if this were not to eat in a figure, Christ should be bound to be eaten continually; for this spiritual eating is almost always necessary; as Saint Augustine speaketh, He eateth Christ in truth, that believeth in him. And Christ saith, that the eating is to dwell in him. In the celebration of this Sacrament, these things are profitable; Prayer, Love, the Preaching of the Word in the vulgar tongue, and other things whatsoever they be, that are ordained to this purpose, according to the Evangelicall Law, to the end that love and charity may grow and increase amongst the people. But other things besides the consecration of the Eucharist, as those that the Priests use in the Mass, or that the Clerk sings to the Queer, from the beginning to the end, and the ornaments which the Priests use at this present in the Church of Rome, they belong of necessity to the Sacrament of the Supper of the Lord.   

Of Marriage and Orders.  
PRayer and fasting are profitable, when there is any question of the celebration of Matrimony, and the instructions and advertisements touching the same. But the imposition of hands, and those Ligatures made with the Stole, and other things that are commonly observed therein, by humane custom, without the express Word of God, are not of the substance, nor necessarily required in marriage.  
As for Orders, we are to understand by them, that power which is given of God unto man duly to administer to the Church the Word and Sacraments. But we have nothing in the Scriptures that makes good any such Orders, but only the custom of the Church. And the letters testimonial, the anointing of the hands, the donation of the seniture and viol into his hands, and other things commonly observed herein, without the express Word, are not of the substance thereof, nor necessarily required in the taking of Orders.   

Of the Crysome or Confirmation.  
We are now to speak of the Crysome, which at this present is called a Sacrament, having no ground for it in the Scriptures; First that it should be consecrated by a Bishop, and made with Oil of Olives, and Balsam, applied to the forehead of the man baptised in the figure of the Cross, and with these words: I sign thee with the sign of the Cross, and confirm thee by the sign of salvation, In the Name of the Father, the Son, and the holy Ghost; which is done with imposition of hands, and with white vestments bound to the head: This is that which they call the Sacrament of Confirmation, which was never ordained by Christ or his Apostles. For Christ the pattern and precedent of the whole Church, was not confirmed in his own person, neither did he require at his Baptism a Crysome, but the water only. And therefore this Sacrament cannot be necessary to salvation, whereby a man blasphemeth the Name of God, and is brought in by the motion of the devil, to the end the people might be deceived, and deprived of the faith of the Church, and that he might the rather put his trust and confidence in these solemnities.   

Of extreme Unction.  
THe seventh Sacrament of the Romish Church, is the extreme Unction of the sick, which they go about to prove by that saying of Saint james. But we find not that it hath been ordained by Christ or his Apostles. For if this corporal Unction were a Sacrament, as they would have men believe, Christ, or his Apostles would not have been silent in the manifestation of the execution thereof; which being well considered, we should not dare to hold and confess, as an Article of our faith, that this Sacrament was instituted by Christ and his Apostles.   

Of Fasts.  
THere is a twofold Fast, Spiritual and Corporal. The Spiritual is to abstain from sin; The Corporal from meats and drinks. But a Christian hath liberty to eat at all times, and to fast every day, provided that he fast not superstitiously, as a virtue of continency.  
Note also that there are certain Fasts, which are not to be observed, or commended by the faithful, but rather to be abhorred; as the Fasts of the Scribes and Pharises, which are ordained by Antichrift, and smell of Idolatry: The Fasts of Heretics, and superstitious persons, which are observed by Enchanters, Sorcerers, Negromancers, and the Fasts dedicated to creatures, not to the Creator, which are not grounded upon the Law of God: Disorderly Fafts, observed with delicate viands of highest price, as fish, figs, raisins, almonds, which the poor are deprived of, and the rich glut themselves with, whereby the alms is withdrawn from the poor, whereas if they did fast so, as afterwards to feed upon common diet of lower price, they might the better provide for their families and the poor.  
Moreover, Fasts consist not in the abstaining from corporal viands, as if they were unclean, for all things are clean to those that are clean, and we are to refuse nothing that is taken with thanksgiving, for that is sanctified by the Word of God and by Prayer. 
1. Tim. 4.4.  All these Fasts abovementioned, are rejected and detested by the faithful, and for the not-obseruation of these no man is to be blamed.     
FINIS.   

A COLLECTION OR NARATIVE Sent to his Highness the LORD PROTECTOR of the COMMONWEALTH of ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, & IRELAND, etc.  
CONCERNING The Bloody and Barbarous Massacres, Murders, and other Cruelties, committed on many thousands of Reformed, or Protestants dwelling in the Valleys of Piedmont, by the Duke of Savoy's Forces, joined therein with the French Army, and several Irish Regiments.  
Published by Command of his Highness.  
Printed for H. Robinson, at the three Pigeons in St. Paul's Churchyard, 1655.   

To his Highness the Lord Protector of ENGLAND, SCOTLAND, and IRELAND, and the Dominions thereto belonging.  
May it please your Highness,  
YOUR Highness having thought it convenient that I should put in print the writings I have received concerning the horrible massacre committed upon the poor Protestants of Piedmont, I humbly dedicate them to your Highness, as to whom they do of right belong, not only because they were sent me to present to your Highness, or that your Highness hath received them from other hands, but chief for that every one knowing the Piety of your Highness, and the fervent Charity you have testified to the poor Protestants, the straight Communion you hold with them, and the care you have of their preservation, it seems as if your Highness were particularly interested herein. And so much the more, because this cruel action was chiefly executed by the Irish, as in revenge to those who have driven them out of their own Country for the cruel Massacres they there committed. So that every one believes your Highness will express a deep resentment hereof, and will endeavour the consolation and reestablishment of many thousands of persons escaped from this Butchery, who have chosen rather to quit their Houses and Goods, than to make shipwreck of their Faith. This also is an occasion, which God by his providence hath set before your Highness, to show the incomparable zeal which you have for his service and Glory, and to give to the Protestants an evident prof of the affection your Highness bears them, and to confirm them in the confidence they have conceived of your Highness' Protection. This all the Israel of God expects from your Highness upon this occasion, looking upon your Highness as a Zerubbabel, whom God hath sent for the repairing of his Jerusalem. I beseech the Lord, who by the marvellous dispensations of his Providence, hath raised your Highness to this great dignity, that he would grant you to be the Protector of the people of God in all Nations, as he hath in this, and that he would long preserve your Highness, to the end you may employ the power he hath given your Highness for the accomplishment of his great Works, for the defence of his whole Church, the preservation of them which remain, and the reestablishment of the desolate and afflicted for the propagation of his Gospel, the advancement of the Kingdom of Jesus Christ, and the Glory of his great name. Which is the Prayer,  
My Lord, of Your Highness' most humble, faithful, and obedient, servant, J. B. Stouppe.   

TO THE CHRISTIAN READER.  
AMongst all the Churches of Christ, that do profess the pure & holy Religion which he hath taught in his Word, that of the Waldenses is the most considerable, as well for her Antiquity, as for the sharp and continual persecutions it hath suffered. Her Antiquity is such, that no man can truly find out her beginning: so that even her Adversaries say, that the Heresy of the Waldenses (thus they call their Doctrine) began in the Apostles days, and always hath been in the Valley of Angrogna. But of all the Certificates which many Papists have given of the antiquity of the Waldenses, and of their Doctrine, that of Reynerius, a Roman Inquisitor, whose Write have been procured to us by Gretserus the Jesuit; is most remarkable: for thus he speaks of them. Amongst all the Sects that are in the World, there is none that hath been, or is still more perncious than that of the Waldenses, or Leonistes, for three Reasons; First, because it hath lasted longer than all others, some saying it began in Sylvester his time, others deriving them from the Apostles. Secondly, because it is so Universal, that there is no Country where it is not. Thirdly, because the Professors of it live more uprightly before men, and hold all the Articles of the Apostles Creed, blaspheming only against the Church of Rome and hating it.  
But however this Reynerius, living about the end of the Eleventh age of the Church and the beginning of the twelfth, and so there being above 400. years since he did call the Waldenses an old Sect, he shows clearly they had then been a time in the Church. Besides it is certain. as we find in many credible Historians, that 1160. a great number of faithful souls, called then the poor of Lions, or Waldenses, because they had been taught by Peter Waldus, a man of great Erudition and singular piety, being persecuted at Lions; by the Roman Clergy, by reason of the Reformation, which he procured unto the Church, they retired into those Valleys, where finding the Natives to be of their own opinions, they composed together those reformed Churches of the Waldenses, which have ever since subsisted: Which proves, that the reformed Religion professed in those Valleys did not begin within an age or two of this, as some ignorant adversaries say; but that it hath been either from the very Apostles, or from the 
* Bishop Usher, de Successione, etc. Pag. 151. and 210.  first ages, and that the Waldenses found there the seed of the true Religion, having nothing to do on either side, but to encourage each other to do better and better, and to set up the banner of truth, in the view of the world. Since that time, those poor Churches have always been the mark for worldlings to shoot at, and spend against them all the arrows of their malice. Satan hath done all he could against them, and Antichrist hath spared nothing to destroy them, fires have been kindled, and flames blown up, to reduce them into ashes: they have had experiments of the barbarous cruelty of men. And as there is no war so bloody, as that which is undertaken in hatred of Religion; so to suffer proscriptions and exiles, confiscations of goods, and imprisoning, torturing and killing of bodies have been the ordinary exercises of the faithful in those Countries. Yet notwithstanding the great Massacres acted therein from age to age, God by his Providence hath always preserved a considerable number of them, which made up many fine and flourishing Churches, although they were always under the Cross.  
I will not enlarge my discourse, to make a description of the perjecutions they have suffered, since a large Volume would not suffice for that. I will only say something of those evils they have been exposed to these two lest years. There was great probability they should of late. in the time of their Prince's Coronation, en●oy some quietness and tranquillity, since they had obtained the confirmation of their Possessions and old Privileges; but they were soon frustrate of their hope; For the Court of Rome, and the Pope's servants and Agents did work so cunningly, that they were deprived of the benefit of those Privileges; Commerce was forbidden them, many men driven out of their Habitations, and finally after the publication of a Crusade, they were 1653. assaulted by a great Army, which had wholly extirpated them, if God had not assisted them by an extraordinary Rain, which did oppose the endeavours of their Adversaries, and made them vain. And because this bloody Design did not succeed them well, they endeavoured afterwards to ruin wholly those faithful persons by extraordinary Impositions and Burdens much above their own strength, and which were not set upon the Papists in those parts. Thus they did engage them unto great expenses to obtain again the Confirmation of their Privileges, and being obtained, their Enemies exacted from them prodigious sums of money to have it sealed. Yea, the matter was brought to that height of injustice, to make them bear the charges of those, who were come to fight and ruin them. Besides all that, there being a French Army in those parts, it was sent to take its winte quarters in the midst of those Churches, which thus were wholly deprived of what remained for their subsistence.  
But all that was but a beginning of greater sorrow: for if they had then cause to groan and sigh, they have had since occasions to shed whole streams of teanes; since they have tried, how far the cruelty of the persecutors of truth may go, and found that there is neither fidelity nor law in the behalf of those, who profess true Christianity in those Valleys. They thought, they had in some sort stilled the Sea, and that a blessed Calm had succeeded the furious Storm, when after a long Negotiation, in which they had consumed great sums, they had obtained of their Prince the confirmation of their ancient Privileges. But they were soon deceived of their hopes; for instead of keeping promises to them, Orders came, as from their Prince, against all those of the Reformed Religion dwelling in Luserne, Lusernette, Bubiane, Fenil, Bricherer, St. John, St. Second, La Tour, and Campiglion, which is the best and most fruitful ground in the Valley of Luserne, as being in the plain, with a strict Injunction to quit their habitations within three days, or go to Mass upon pain of Life and Confiscation of their Goods; Proceed directly contrary to the Concessions or Grants of their Prince, twice confirmed by the present Duke, with his express Declaration not to change any thing therein. The Minister designed and sent for the execution of that cruel Order hath been one Andrew Guastaldo, who hath the Title of the Keeper of the Catholic Faith against the Heretics of the Valleys; and who is likewise one of the Council de propaganda fide, lately erected at Turin. He caused these Orders to be published in the places already named, the 25th of January last past, and notwithstanding the extraordinary Snow and Rain, which then caused great Inundations or overflawing of water he (with the greatest Inhumanity that can be imagined) expelled all sorts of persons without distinction of quality, or sex, or age, and without commiseration of women with child, and lying in, nor of the sick and weak, nor of old persons and sucking Infants. Many thousands of all sorts were expelled and forced to retire into the Rocks, there to be frozen or famished. They did often address themselves unto their Prince, and sent many Deputies to beseech him to revoke that Order, producing their most just complaints, and showing their Reasons in all humility; But all without effect, because their Judges were their Adversaries, and that those, before whom their Cause was heard, were members of the said Council de propaganda fide, and Slaves unto the Pope.  
In the mean time, these poor Fugitives complaining but in vain, that their Goods were plundered, their Grounds laid waste, their Houses burnt and demolished, some of them went down to keep them, then presently they were declared Rebels, and all Ears were stopped to their cries, and no hand would receive their humble Petitions; Yet some, to deceive them, put them in hope to be reestablished, while by the means of the general confession of Papists to their Priests before Easter, all the men of Piedmont, able to bear Arms, were enjoined to be ready at a day appointed, that so they might set on those Protestants; all being sworn to keep that Plot secret. Every one was ready the 27th. of last April, and with many the Roman Clergy met at the Rendezvouz, where Printed bills of full pardon of sins were distributed to every man; besides the spoil of the pretended Heretics given to them, who should destroy them. To this Militia of Piedmont, the French army and some Irish Regiment, joined themselves, who together plundered, and wholly burnt all the houses of the Plain, interdicted to Protestants, by the Order already spoken of.  
After that first furious exploit and ignoble action, the Marquis of Pianess, who did command that army, would assault the passages and places of the mountains, where all those did retire, who had escaped the fury of their enemies: but seeing he could not do it openly by force, he resolved to use a damnable policy, and detestable treachery to ruin them. He sent therefore for the Deputies of Angrogne, Villar and Boby, of the Vale of Lusern, and promised them, yea, with an Oath, that if they would receive a Regiment of Horse in those places, and one of Foot in each, and lodge them for three days, no injury should be done them. Those poor souls, who believed him not capable of so black treachery, to testify their submission to his Highness' Orders, received those wicked Regiments, which were no sooner in, but the whole army did follow, and presently began their work, and put all to fire and sword, making an horrible slaughter of all they found, without distinction of quality, age or sex, young and old, men, women and children, rich and poor, were all indifferently killed, although by very different torments, and with such cruelties, as can hardly be imagined. Many were burnt alive, some hanged by the feet to a tree; Others torn in pieces, divers were strangely stashed and cut, than Salt and Pepper being laid on their wounds, and their Shirts put on again, they were burnt in that sort, and so made Martyrs in an unknown way to all preceding Tyrants and Monsters. Some being stripped naked, and tied head and legs together were tumbled down the mountains. Others were nailed unto the ground through the belly with stakes, and others were spit through the fundament, after the manner of the Turks, and others through the middle. Many women having first been ravished, and endured divers outrages and ignominies, had afterwards their heads chopped off. A great number of little children have been barbarously butchered, some being cast down headlong from high places, others pulled asunder by two Soldiers, who held them by the feet, and a third sort had their brains dashed out. Finally, such strange oruelties have been used against them, as were unknown to the very Heathen, far from being exercised by Christians.  
This butchery being ended there, they went to the Vale of peruse and St. Martin's, where upon pain of death they commanded all Protestants to go to Mass, or to quit the Country within 24. hours. They left their goods and possessions, and did all quietly departed, except some few who turned Papists. But notwithstanding their quiet retreat, all their houses were burnt, that so they might never return, even as it had been acted in the Valley of Lucerna. Thus the Reformed Religion hath been wholly rooted out of the Valleys of Piedmont by slaughters and banishments, and nothing hath been left there, but for the Roman Catholics.  
Yet though there be about 6000 of them barbarously murdered, or that died since by cold, famine or other accidents, there are above sixteen thousand of those, who saved their lives from the Massacre acted on their brethren in the Vale of Lucerne, and who have been expelled out of peruse and St. Martin, who all retired into the Vales of Cluson and Queeras, deprived of all goods, and all equally reduced unto an extreme want, subsisting even by the charitable helps of the Churches, who did receive them, or of few others, who have sent them their alms. In the mean time, as we ought not to doubt, but that God will revenge the blood of those, who have been so barbarously butchered: so is it the duty of all the faithful, to have a true compassion of the calamities of those who remain, and are banished for the cause of Christ; to implore God's assastance by supplications and prayers, for their preservation and deliverance; and finally to communicate their goods to them for their relief. Indeed, as we are all members of one and the same body, and obliged to be sensible of the evils of one another: we ought above all to be lively touched by the afflictions of those faithful witnesses of Jesus, who have suffared for his sake, to maintain his truth, and for the profession of his Gospel. It had been easy for them all, to preserve their goods, and to acquire new possessions, if they had been willing to make a shipwreck of their faith: If the Spirit of Christ dwell in us, that same Spirit, who quickens us all, and hath fortified those faithful sold in their sufferings of disgraces and losses for God, ought also to move us to secure them with all our power.  
What they humbly desire of us, is neither to enrich themselves, nor to make us beggars. They beg only a small part of our abundance; not to employ it in excess or riot, but in the preservation of their lives, which they are in danger to lose through want. If we have a true horror of the cruelty of their bloody enemies, how can we refuse them what Christ doth ask of us for their consolation? Who fails in so just a duty, instead of showing himself a friend to Christ, and to his Saints persecuted for him, declares himself half their enemy, and seems to embrace the party of their Persecutors in their detestable cruelty. For if those inhumave Papists have unjustly spoiled them of all their goods, we should approve what they have done in not affording them what's necessary for their subsistence. If (as 'tis very true) they have sinned against our Brethren, through malice and rage, let us beware to make ourselves guilty towards them, through our hardness and want of compassion. If they have stripped them, and almost starved them, shall we, who (by Good grace) are well clothed and fed, leave them both naked and hungry? If their Enemies have wounded them, may we not pass for their false Friends, if we give them no salve, but see and suffer them bleeding, without binding their wounds, and applying some remedies? If these cruel Murderers have taken away the lives of many, shall we refuse to preserve theirs, who remain after that great slaughter? Yea, in refusing to help the living, are we minded to make their condition worse than that of their dead friends? for it is certain, that it is a greater cruelty to make a man languish in misery, and to starve him, than to kill him outright.  
I hope that all faithful Christians and Saints of this Country, being lively touched by the sad and lamentable condition of those poor fugitives, who are persecuted for righteousness sake, will open them their bowels of mercy, and will give them liberally such portion of their goods, as may satisfy their hunger, and help them to subsist. So they shall have in their conscience the joy and comfort to have contributed to the restauration of those poor Churches, which God hath raised and preserved miraculously so many Ages together. Those Sanctuaries they shall revedifie, will without intermission offer their prayers to God for their Benefactors prosperity and salvation. Those members of Christ will bless them for their sense of their misery, God's Angels will rejoice for their effectual compassion, and God himself having (as it were) smelled the sweet odour or savour of the sacrifice of their Alms, will now recompense them with all his temporal and spiritual blessings, and hereafter will crown them in Heaven with glory and immortality.   


A Brief Apology in the behalf of the Reformed Churches in the Valleys of Piedmont; With a Narrative of what hath happened in the execution of the Arrest issued against them the 25 th'. of January, 1655.  
WHereas we are forewarned by the word of God in the Apocalypse, that the rage and cruelty of the infernal Dragon towards the latter end of the world, would be in no wise abated; but seeing his time of persecuting the Saints to be but short, be the more vehemently incensed against them, the Reformed Churches in several parts, especially those next unto us in Piedmont, have very often heretofore, as well as now, had sad experience of the truth of this particular. For, notwithstanding that the Duke of Savoy, who is Sovereign Prince of the Valleys of Piedmont, after a most tedious and chargeable Application made unto him, did by an edict expressly promise, that he would confirm unto them an enjoyment of the liberty of Religion, and of those Privileges granted to them by his predecessors Dukes of Savoy; yet through the powerful persuasion of the Congregation (as it is called) for propagation of the Faith, and extirpating of Heretics erected at Turin, or rather by virtue of that Authority which they usurp over Princes, he soon forgot his promise, and beyonnd all men's expectations one Gastald was sent with a Commission, who calls himself Conservator General of the Catholic Faith against the Reformed Professors, affirming that he hath received instructions from the Prince, whereby Command is given touching all of the Reformed Profession within the several Towns and Precincts of Lucerne, Lusernette, St. John La Tour, Campiglion, Fenil, Bobiane, Bricheras, and St. Second, both inhabitants and strangers, that in case they will not, within three days embrace the Popish Religion, they must for ever bid farewell to their Native Country, their Houses, their Lands, and Possessions: adding moreover, that it should be death without mercy, if after that space of time any of them were taken in those places.  
Hereupon, no sooner was the time limited overpast, but immediately the Missionary Monks and Popish Priests sent in upon them a world of Cutthroats and Villains, who not only gape after the prey like hounds, and hunt for the precious life of these miserable Exiles, but also discharge their rage and fury against their houses, and Lands by cutting down and rooting up the very Trees.  
In the mean time, these our poor brethren knew not where to complain of these injuries, and lay open their Cases, nor to whom, being deprived of all possibility of making any address to the Prince; and if any offer to present Petitions in their behalves, they are presently snapped, and sent away to the Congregation for propagating the Faith, and extirpation of Heretics; that is, to their Adversaries the Archbishop of Turin, the Prince's Confessor, the Abbot de la Monta, the Prior of Rorene, and some others, who are politic Pensioners to the Pope. Now, as touching this Persecution against the Protestants, whereby they are made to departed within three days upon pain of death, into such desolate places, as are hardly sufficient to receive and sustain the Native inhabitants, the iniquity and injustice of the proceeding appears even in this, that the poor Protestants, through the influence of their Adversaries and accusers upon the Magistrate, were without hearing, or the least Summons sentenced to banishment, upon pain of death, without giving them any respite, or admitting them to make any Protestation or Appeal, unless their Petitions were drawn in such form as might please the Commissioner, who is the great Protector of this persecution, and according to the mind of their Adversaries, in such terms as they should prescribe, whereby they must necessarily betray themselves and their Cause; and then, after execution of the foresaid penalty, they have been pleased to give some of the poor Exiles a hearing, and permitted them to plead their Cause, and that only by a Popish Advocate or Proctor, who had been so charmed and terrified by the Clergy, that before he entered upon the Cause, he was feign to crave pardon upon his knees for undertaking to plead it.  
And as for the pleading, it was not managed before competent and lawful Judges, but the Protestants chiefest adversaries sat in judgement, the Archbishop of Tur●n, the Duke's Confessor, the Abbot de la Monta, the Prior of Rorene, and some others, devoted to the Court of Rome; yea, and in the Arch Bishops own house. Moreover, whereas according to certain Grants made by the Prince, leave was given to the Protestants to dwell in their wont habitations, where they had a Toleration, and it remains on their part to be proved, that those were the accustomed places of their habitation, the matter was so handled by the Romish Clergy, that they endeavoured as much as in them lay, to hinder the Papists from giving any testimony on the behalf of their Neighbours of the Reformed Religion, concerning this their habitation, which at length our brethren made a hard shift to wrest out of them, to the exceeding regret and indignation of the Clergy, and so proved at last by those authentic testimonials under the hands of their Popish Neighbours, that all those places, out of which they were driven, have been places inhabited by Protestants time out of mind.  
But to the end that it may more fully and clearly appear, upon what account of right or wrong the Popish adversaries do incite their Sovereign, the Duke of Savoy, who is yet but young, to the driving of the poor Protestants out of their ancient patrimonies and places of abode, in the midst of a sharp and terrible winter, and this upon pain of death, unless within three days after publication of that decree of perpetual banishment, they immediately quit their native Country, or else abjure the true, and devote themselves and their families to the Romish Religion. It is to be observed (omitting the mention of their more ancient rights and privileges, and the long possession which they have held beyond the memory of man) that in the 
* They are to be seen in the History of the Martyrs, set forth in French to the year 1561.  Edicts set forth by the Dukes of Savoy, and the agreements, made for the Protestants enjoying a liberty of Religion, the limits appointed for the public preaching of the Reformed Religion, do not extend so far as the dwellings of those men that profess it, nor are the limits of their dwelling to be contracted into so narrow a compass as the places limited for preaching. But that the reformed professors have a right of habitation in those places out of which they are now expelled, is evident, not only by an ancient prescription of many ages, seeing their Fathers, Grandfathers, Great-Grandfathers, and other their Ancestors, have inhabited there before them, but also by those very Grants and Concessions confirmed by Duke Charles Emanuel, wherein it was acknowledged by public Edict, that this habitation was derived to them from their fathers. For when he, through the instigation of the Court of Rome, had by a surreptitious decree commanded them to departed thence towards the latter end of the year one thousand six hundred and two: afterward, being well informed of their right, he by an authentic Charter, gave them leave to dwell there again; for the confirmation of which Charter, they paid six thousand Ducatoons into the Duke's Exchequer, upon the 17th. day of August, Anno, 1620. and it was confirmed again by the Prince now reigning, upon the 29th of Decemberr, Anno, 1655. And yet now, contrary to faith given, upon the 25th. of January last, in the depth of winter, not sparing even women with child near delivery, nor those that had Infants hanging on their breasts, they were all without distinction, both men, women, and children, driven out to wander through frost and snow in a most bitter season, without the least warning or delay: And no sooner had these old inhabitants quitted their ancient inheritances for the saving of their lives, but those savage Thiefs that gaped after the prey, presently fell to plundering and spoiling their houses, driving away their Cattle, felling and cutting down trees, or else rooting them up. In a word, they destroy all, and by this means attempt to drive these poor wretches to the utmost point of desperation; and if any man endeavour to withstand or oppose them, they immediately cry out he is a Traitor. So I commend these miserable exiles to the mercy of God, and the compassion of their brethren of the reformed Churches.   

Andrea's Galstaldus, Doctor in Law, Conservator and ordinary Auditor, sitting in the Honourable Chamber of accounts of his Royal Highness, and General Conservator of the holy Faith, appointed to put in execution all orders which are published against the pretended Reformed Religion, in the Valleys of Lucerne, peruse, and St. Martin, and particularly appointed by his said Highness for this special business.  
ACcording to the power given us by his Highness, by his Letters dispatched to us in due form, signed Violetta, and sealed, bearing date of the thirteenth of this Month; and in performance of the instructions given us, as also at the instance made to us by Master Barth lomew Gastaldus, intervening in the behalf of the Royal Exchequer; we ordain and command the first Sergeant or Bailiff sworn to make command and injunction to all the heads of Families, and to each particular of the pretended Reformed Religion, of whatsoever estate, condition and degree, no inhabitant excepted, possessing any goods in the territories of Lucerne, Lucernette, Saint John, la Tour, Bobiane, Fenill, Campiglion, Bricheras, and St. Seeond, within three days next after the publication hereof, to relinquish and abandon with their Families the said places, and to transport themselves into those places and limits which by the good pleasure of his Royal Highness are prescribed unto them, viz. Bobiane, the valley of Angrogne, Rorata, and Country of Bonetti, under pain of life, and confiscation of their houses, possessous, and goods which are extant without the said limits, in case they cannot within twenty days make proof before us that they are Catholics, or that they have sold their estates unto some Catholics: His Royal Highness declaring, that it was never his design, nor of his Royal Predecessors, by any act done or to be done, nor his intention, much less his will, to enlarge their bounds; and that if any thing hath been done or published to the contrary, it was both against his own orders, or those of his Magistrates, but a mere usurpation against the disposition of those Acts, as it is manifest; and therefore the transgressors have undergone the penalties mentioned in his Declarations: Besides that, his Highness doth intent, that in all those places, and each of them, where they are lovingly tolerated, the sacrifice of the holy Mass be celebrated; Prohibiting all subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion, to give any molestation in deeds or words, to the Father's Missionaries, and those that officiate under them, much less to disturb or divertany of the pretended Reformed Religion from turning Catholics, under pain of death; Charging, and particularly commanding each particular Minister of the pretended Reformed Religion, to see the forementioned injunctions inviolably observed, as they will answer it at their utmost perils; Declaring his intention to be, that the execution hereof be done by posting or fixing Copies of these presents, which shall be at the like value, as if they had been made and intimated to each in particular.  
Given at Lucerne, the 25th. of January, 1655. Andrew Galstaldus Commissioner.   

A second Apology in the behalf of the Reformed inhabiting the Valleys of Piedmont.  
THe History of the Reformed Churches, whom God hath preserved in a corner of Italy, in the valleys of Piedmont, as miraculously as he did Moses his Bush in Horeb, not only since the year 1100, when the poor Vaudois and Albigeois retired themselves thither, well knowing that the traditions of the Romish Church, namely, the modern, had no access there, but also time out of mind, that is always, and from all time, as saith the Monk Belvedere in his book entitled a Relation to the Congregation de propagandâ fide, and as it is gathered out of Thuanus his History and many others, is at large described in several books written to that purpose by Mr. du Perrin, and lately by Master Giles Pastor in those quarters; and shall yet further be seen, God willing, by a second Edition which will come forth, with an exact addition of what hath happened since; and very suddenly by as ample a Manifest as the case doth require it, that will be more particularly made manifest, which now in these few lines is but slightly touched, concerning their number, their extent, their fights, their deliverances, the Edicts, Privileges and Concessions, by virtue whereof they have enjoyed the peaceable habitation, and the exercise of their Religion, the disturbances, which from time to time the Romish Clergy hath raised unto them, and the deliverances the Lord hath vouchsafed them, until these latter days, wherein he hath broken down their hedges, and the Boars of the wood have utterly wasted that Vineyard, and the Hawks have chased and torn to pieces that Dove even in the very clefts of the Rocks.  
In the years 1560. and 1561. Emanuel Philebert Duke of Savoy, and Prince of Piedmont, at the instigation of the Komish Clergy sent a mighty army to destroy the poor Reform of the Valleys of Lucerne, peruse and Saint Martin in the said Piedmont, hard by the Dauphinè, under the command of the Count de la Trinité. That War was long and bloody. After they grew weary of it, both parties came to an agreement, bearing, among several other heads, the permission unto all of the Reformed Religion to inhabit all places and lands of the aforesaid three Valleys, wherein were any afore the War begun. In consequence of which agreement and Concession they were restored into Lucerne, Lucernette, Saint John, la Tour, Fenil, Bobiane, and Saint Second, which places are lower towards the plain about Turin and Pinerol, as well as into the more remote places towards the neighbouring Mountains of Dauphiné, and they have been preserved there and protected by their Princes until the year 1602. Then Charles Emanuel Duke of Savoy and Prince of Piedmont of glorious memory, after the banishment of the reformed out of the Marquisate of Salluces, gave leave to his Delegates to pubblish several Orders against the inhabitants of the Valley of Lucerne, who dwelled towards the South of it, beyond the river called Pelice, viz. the Reformed of the Borroughs of Lucerne, Bobiane, and Fenil, which are but small dependences of the Church of Saint John, but would not suffer them to touch the rest. And indeed it shall not be found, that during the former persecutions, any Duke of Savoy hath ever pretended that all the other places, nor any of them, of those marked in the Order, be out of the limits of the habitation granted to the Reformed.  
It is very remarkable, that soon after, viz. in April 1603. he made a Decree, whereby he ordered to those of Lucerne, Bobiane and F●nil, who alone had been turned out, to inhabit again their houses, and enjoy their estates, recalling all orders to the contrary. He confirmed the same by a Decree of the 29th of September in the same year, in the first Article. And he kept them in the possession until the year 1620, at which time yet they offered to stir against those of the same Lands of Lucerne, Bobiane and Fenil; but the clemency and Justice of his said Royal Highness was yet such, that he no sooner had granted the order for their banishment, but presently he recalled it, and granted them again a fine Decree, whereby he declared That he was willing, and intended that all the pretended Reform (for such are his words) should peaceably enjoy their habitation, in all the places formerly granted and accustomed, such as the aforesaid were: Ordered that they should be no more molested therein, and even granted them the enjoyment of some Temples pretended to be lower towards the plain; then the limits of the preaching extended unto; and that he granted for a Sum of 6000 Ducatoons he exacted from them. All these have been confirmed by the Ducal Chamber and the Senate, and were observed during all the rest of the life of the same Charles Emanuel. After him, Victorio Amedeo his successor of glorious memory, left them also in the full enjoyment of whatsoever his Predecessors had granted unto them, and specially the free commerce in his Dominions, and the peaceable habitation in all the places which are questioned in the order which shall follow, having only deprived them, contrary to their ancient Concessions, of bearing any public Office, saying, that if his Father and Granfather had granted them that privilege, for his part he was not willing to continue it; or as now the Marquis of Pianess doth speak, that graces of Princes are not unalterable.  
Afterwards, Madam Royal during the time of her whole Regency, hath yet preserved them in the same state without disturbing them for their habitation, and even in 1638. issued out a fine Decree, bearing an express promise of a confirmation and observation of their ancient Edicts.  
Charles Emanuel now reigning, by the grace of God, being come to his Majority, the Reformed presently after demanded of him in all humility the confirmation of their ancient privileges. He granted them the same in 1649. with some small restriction; yet the Reformed not having hoped any thing better, were willing and desired to have the same confirmed by the Ducal Chamber. They had promise that so it should be done, having received the Decree, and agreed about the money, and kept the whole business in suspense, until his Royal Highness (because the valleys had refused him some houses to have the Mass said in them, in such Commonalties, where there were no Romish Catholics) should have seized on such as he pleased, ex Officio, as saith his order of 1650, as Master of the Lands. This being done, the said Chamber granted them in June and September, 1653 and in May, 1654. not only the confirmation of their ancient Concessions, to be as they were in use, as speak the Decrees aforesaid formerly passed, but as they had been in use under his Predecessors, & as they were found in their Decrees, without adding or diminishing. And there by he restored them to the ability of bearing public charges, and the right of habitation of the Commonalty of Campiglion, and of the Borough of Bobiane, from whence they had been expelled: But when the confirmation of these new Decrees hath likewise been granted, and the money disbursed, at the time appointed, when they should have received it, a Patrimonial Advocate was raised up, who alleged, that the Congregation de propagandâ side ought to be acquainted with it. The said Congregation then opposed the foresaid confirmation. The Reformed applied themselves again to his Royal Highness, who referred them to the said Congregation, but they refused the same, as being their adversary parties: They were referred to the Marquis de Piannesse, the head of the said Congregation; they appeared before him, as being chief Ministers of State to his Royal Highness; but he declared unto them, that they should never expect audience, unless they should first pass a procuration, promising to accept and yield to whatsoever should be ordained. They answered, that ever they had dealt with their Princes by humble requests and Petitions, and never by Procurations: He replied, that without such Procuration no Petition would be received; therefore they dressed such a procuration unto two Deputies, whereby they grant them full power to accept of, and to promise whatsoever should be ordained, saving only their Consciences and their Concessions. He refused to see the same, or to receive it with that restriction; and on the 13. of January of this present year 1655. he drew, or caused to be drawn an order by the Delegat Gastaldo, who published the same on the 25. of that Month, bearing that those of Lucerne, Bobiane, and Fenil (who formerly had been molested) and S. John, la Tour, and S. Second, should within three days forsake their houses, under pain of death, unless within twenty days they would go to the Mass.  
That rigorous order much surprised them; yet those of the plain to avoid the violence of their bad neighbours, presently obeyed the same, and altogether made their protestations before the Delegat, and demanded again, that they might apply themselves to his Royal Highness, and to have an act how they had appeared: It was denied them & all the proofs they offered of their just title of habitation in those places, rejected, without being examined. In the mean while their neighbours pillaged, plundered, and ruined their houses, plucked up the young Trees, and cut off the tallest; They complained of it, and had this answer returned unto them, that if these exiled persons would watch, and give notice of those that were guilty, they would be brought to punishment thereupon some of them went down to keep their houses. Presently they were declared Rebels, and therefore not a word more of addresses, petitions, or supplications must be heard of; they were left to sleep for a while. In the mean time, by means of the Auricular Confession afore Easter, all the Piedmont is disposed to fall on them upon a day appointed. The Father knows nothing of the Son, nor the Brother of his Brother, and yet the twelfth of April, without any gathering of Soldiers, or any foregoing preparation, all is found ready; All men able to bear Arms in Piedmont, with all the Clergy, came to the Rendezvous: Printed Bills were distributed among them, bearing a pleniary Indulgence all pardon, besides the booty to all those that would go and fight against the pretended Heretics. To the Army of Piedmont that of the French was presently joined, which before quartered in Dauphine, and was made to come over the Alps. All these Troops and Soldiers did wholly waste and burn the Plain, where the interdicted places, mentioned in the aforesaid order, were situated.  
That done, the marquis de Pianess quartered in the Monastery of the Franciscan Friars at la Tour, (who, as well as the rest of their Brothers in Piedmont, are all Spaniards.) There he called the Deputies of Angrogn, Villar, and Boby, of the Vale de Lucerne; he much flattered them, and told, that as to them, they were in the limits which his Royal Highness was resolved to tolerate; that no harm would be done unto them, if only they would receive a Regiment of Foot, and a Troop of Horse in each Commonalty, engaging his word, and with oath promising the word of his Royal Highness; But threatening them in case of refusal, that they should be declared Rebels. The Deputies not having leave to confer about it, and seeing the French Forces, with all the Piedmont ready to fall on them, and hoping that the word engaged to them would be performed, and that his Highness would not wholly destroy those places, they consented thereunto, came up with those Forces, and forbade the Reformed to shoot at them; But they were no sooner in those strong places, but the rest of the Army fell on on all sides, seized on the tops of the Mountains, put to the sword and fire whatsoever they met in their way, and did practise there the cruelties, whereof the Pattern may be seen in the here annexed papers.  
Thus was Vale Lucerne destroyed. From thence they came to Vale Berouse and St. Martin, an Order was sent them either to go to Mass, or to be gone out of the Country within twenty four hours, under pain of death, and forfeiture of their estates. They thereupon forsook their houses, and fled into the King of France's Country, and thereby all gave obedience, except a very little number of small people, who turned Papists; but notwithstanding their retreat, their houses were burned to ashes, and all the Country made waste, as the Vale Lucerne; having thereby wholly rooted out the Reformed Religion in the valley of Piedmont, not one Temple, nor one house, neither man nor beast having been left there, only for the Romish Catholics.   

A third Apology for the said Churches against the Calumnies falsely imputed to them.  
REceiving Information from a friend touching the Answer made at Turin, I perceive those enemies of the truth, the Vassals of the Court of Rome, who contrived it with no jesse Art then malice, do follow their old course, and after the example of him, who is both a murderer and a liar, yea the Father of lies, cover, and so increase their cruelty by false Calumniations. For, whereas they would not seem to be unjust in this banishment, forced upon the Reformed Waldenses, they endeavour to asperse them with fictious and Imaginary Crimes, and yet dare not charge them expressly with any one Particular in writing, for fear lest the Parties accused should disprove it, which they know might easily be done. For, when the Protestants had made Answer to such Accusations as were brought against them by Gastald before the Duke's Deputy, he ingenuously confessed those Crimes were objected against them without cause, to wit, those pious frauds or officious lies spread abroad by the Monks and Priests, to draw an Odium upon the Protestants. Si accusasse sufficiat, quis erit innocens? If it be sufficient to accuse, who then can be innocent? If an accuser only in general terms say a man is wicked, what Answer can be made in order to a Purgation?  
The Protestants for their parts, call God, Angels, and men to witness, that they are most injuriously charged with those things. Yea, they humbly pray, entreat, and beseech they may be brought to a Trial, that if any be found guilty he may be severely punished. But here the Romish Clergy interpose, endeavouring with their Scarecrow of Excommunication, and threats of everlasting damnation, so to terrify their seduced people, that no Papist dare give any Testimony, though in things most evidently known, to clear the innocency of Protestants, for fear lest he should be thought a favourer of Heretics; And hereupon, those Monks and Priests, the Contrivers of those Officious lies, presuming upon their own power, through the terror of Excommunication, and knowing very well, that no Papist will dare to give in any evidence for the refelling of their Impostures, do with a brow of brass most audaciously devise and object whatever they please against the Reformed Professors: But if the difference in Religion and consideration of parties were set aside, and the whole cause brought to a hearing before impartial Judges, without respect of persons, and if witnesses might have liberty to give in their Testimony according to truth, without fear of Excommunication, all the Calumnies of the Adversaries against the Protestants would soon come to nothing. They made no scruple to render them odious to the Prince, by accusing them of Rebellion, but the thing itself is clear enough to the contrary: For, those Protestants that were suddenly driven out of their ancient Inheritances, lived some of them quiet and secure in their Cottages; others wand'ring about in divers Countries, being scattered fare distant from each other, dwelled in many places but a few of them among great numbers of Papists, minding nothing else but their Plough and tillage of the ground. At that time they had no Meetings nor Commerce with one another. Every one of them with his poor family rested in peace under his own Vine and his own figtree, until they were driven out by Gastald the Duke's Commissioner, without allowing them the benefit of any legal Protestation and Appeal. What universal conspiracy than can be fastened upon all those men, who were dispersed up and down 〈◊〉. Towns, Villages, and Fields? That they lived in the seats of their Fathers, and their ancient Possessions, and that they had not attempted any alteration of affairs, nor in any wise exceeded the Bounds and limits see and prefixed to their habitation, they are able to prove by undoubted Arguments and infallible Witnesses from the very place itself. We understand indeed by Letters, only of two Crimes objected against certain Protestants; of which the one was a foolish childish exploit of certain Boys, both Protestant and Popish, at la Tour, who upon occasion of a marriage between two persons of unequal years, brought out an Ass belonging to the Bridegroom, to mock the Bride and make mockery of the Weddings; Whercupon the Monks took occasion to wrest the matter against the Protestants, as intended by them to the disgrace and reproach of their Mass; but upon a hearing of the business by the Prince's Commissioner, before whom the Protestants made their defence, he acquitted them as innocent in this Particular, and proinised that in time to come no further mention should be made of it; Nevertheless, the Monks are up with it ever and anon in other Places, where the falsehood of their Calumnies is not known. The parents of those wanton Boys ought not to suffer for their childish do, much less ought that whole Church, and the Protestants of other churches; and if they deserve Banishment for this, the same punishment ought also with as much reason to be inflicted upon those Papists, whose children were in the same transgression. The other crime objected is indeed more grievous, but very wrongfully put upon the Protestants, and that is the Murder of a certain Priest of Fenil, whereas it is generally known to the meanest persons there, that not a drop of that blood can be aspersed upon the Reformed Churches. And if the Magistrate had thought any of the Protestants of Fenil in the least wise guilty of that bloodshed, he would not, I suppose, have banished them with the rest, but rather have cast them into prison, that they might have been punished according to the heinousness of the fact● And therefore when all the Protestants of Fenil were promiscuously commanded by Gastald to departed, and let go without taking notice of any man for so horrible a Crime, he thereby gave sufficient testimony to the innocence of the Protestants in this matter. And truly, in the Decree of banishment he makes not the least mention of that herrid business; but by declaring, those persons should be exempted from banishment, that would abjure the Reformed Religion, he sufficiently showeth, that the turning them out of all in the midst of winter, at three day's warning, upon pain of death, was resolved and executed to this end and purpose, that the men being reduced to harship and misery, might by this means be compelled to a renouncing of their Religion. But put case that any man among the Protestants of Fenil had committed that wickedness, it cannot be concluded therefore that the rest of them in Fenill, much less that those of the same Religion in Lucerne, Lusernette, Bobiane, St. John, la Tour, Bricheras, and St. Second, aught in justice to be thrust out of their ancient possessions; For, the guilt of this murder, though it had been committed by a Protestant, it could by no means be imputed to these, or to any of the inhabitants of other Towns and Corporations that are fare distant from them. As by the Law of God and common Justice, so also by several Decrees of the Dukes of Savey made in favour of the Protestants, September 29. 1603. and June, 4. 1653. it is prohibited, that the innocent should not suffer for the guilty; so the Professors of the Reformed Religion do not desire to hinder, but make it their humble and earnest Request, that such as are guilty may be brought to punishment.  
From hence then, it is obvious enough to any man, upon what account it is that the enemies of the Reformed Churches have not only driven very many of them out of their native Country and ancient dwellings into banishment, but go on still to persecute them by a most cruel and bloody war; which they have cause to believe is not carried on against them by the proper inclination and direction of the Prince himself, but through the persuasion and instigation of the Congregation for propagating the Faith and extirpation of Heretics, who have usurped the cognizance of this Controversy; being the only persons that have hindered the Protestants from being heard by the Prince, when they have presented their Petitions, or made any Addresses to his Royal Highness: But yet they so ordered the matter, that they directed divers Courtiers (their creatures) to feed the poor Protestants with hope that the ears of the Prince being wearied out with continued Petitions, they might at length obtain the favour to have their business brought to a trial before competent Judges; while in the mean time they prepared Forces underhand, with which they make it their business to fall upon them unawares and oppress and destroy them. It is against this unjust violence that the Protestants endeavour to defend themselves. They struggle not against their Prince, but with the said Congregation for extirpating Heretics, who as in the hearing and judging of this Cause, so also in the bloody execution of their sentence by the sword, have for the covering of their injustice, made use of the name and Authority of the most illustrious Prince.  
Moreover, they with the like injury blame those Churches in the Valleys of Piedmont, about those Letters of intercession written on their behalf to the Duke of Savoy, by foreign Magistrates of the Reformed Religion, as if they applied themselves to States & Princes abroad for protection, whereas those Letters are no more but friendly offices, written without the privity of those Churches, much less upon their entreaty, and sent by those Magistrates of their own accord, induced thereto by a Pious and Zealous affection, and out of a brotherly commiseration of that most grievous calamity, which might have moved even stocks and stones, and whereof they had sufficient notice from other Parts, seeing the turning of so many men, women, children, Infants, and sick persons, out of doors to the wide world in the midst of winter, at three days warning upon pain of death, was become a most notorious business, which cried out aloud of itself, and by reason of the wand'ring of those miserable Exiles, who were forced to rove up and down like vagabonds to beg their bread. Nor could they be ignorant how unjustly those their Protastant brethren of the Valleys of Piedmont were oppressed by their Adversaries in the Congregation for propagating the Faith, who had openly arrogated to themselves the judging of the Cause of those our brethren, in the Archbishop of Turin's house, contrary to all the Rules of judicial proceeding, and abused the Authority of the Duke of Savoy to oppress and destroy them.  

An Appendix to the foregoing Apology.  
AS we are informed by several Letters, the ruin long intended by the enemies of the truth of the Churches of Piedmont, by the permission of God, being angry because of our sins, is now executed. Indeed they had put off the execution by feigned shows and hopes of reconciliation, that they might the while provide all necessaries to compass their ends; But against our expectation upon the 16. of April 1655. the Army, made up of the Forces of the Duke of Savoy, and of the King of France, amongst which were some Irish Regiments, fell upon the Churches of the Valley of Lucerna, and with them the Militia of Piedmont, and a crew of banished thiefs, felons, and other malefactors, let on purpose out of prison, and from all parts flocking together in hope of prey; whose incursions in an hostile manner the Reformed mistrusting at first, and fearing to be crushed ere they could be heard, when all means of approach by supplication to his Highness the Duke of Savoy was taken from them, they withdrew themselves into the mountains. But the Commander of that Army, the marquis of Pianesse, sewing the Fox skin to that of the Lions, feigned he had no other intention then to entreat the Reformed that they would approve to the Prince their faith and obedience, not by bare words, but by real facts, viz. by quartering only for three days three Regiments of the Army, viz. one at Angrogne, another at Villars, and a third at Boby; which if they did, he faithfully promised that no harm to them or theirs should be done; which when it was granted by the Reformed, and they had received the three Regiments, presently the whole Army rushed upon them, no difference made of men, women, children, or sucking babes, dashing them against stones, some laying hold on them by the legs, and either dismembering them, or hurling them headlong into precipices, with such fury, that the very rocks were wet & bloody with their brains, and that in sight of the mothers, who after the murder committed upon their children, were themselves likewise murdered, as it was done in the Borough of Villars and Boby, with such horrible butchery, that some appeared to be indeed partakers of the cross of Christ, by being nailed to trees and put to imgring deaths: am ongst whom one Paul Clement, a man of a very upright life, who being nailed the head downward did undergo with great constancy the butchery and continued in holy prayers to God to the very last; others, especially of the weaker age and sex, striving to fly from the fury of the soldiers, being driven through Precipices into the mountains full of snow, died of cold, and of other accidents; as the numerous family of the L. Scipion Bastia. In the Countries of St. John and la Tour, they fell with fire and Sword upon Churches and private houses; this holy fire being kindled by a Priest and a Franciscan Friar, thereby to prove himself a Seraphin with his St. Francis, to whom his Disciples give the seat of Lucifer. This disaster being made in the Churches of Lucerne, the Commander of the neighbour Valleys under the Duke of Savoy, namely in that of peruse, St. Martin and Rupelate, as glorying at the thing done, commanded the Inhabitants of those places, in case they did not turn Papists, to leave the Country: Whereupon those who perferred the richesses' of Christ and Heaven to the earthy Country, cheerfully went out, carrying his shame, and followed him in huge numbers. The names of the banished, who persevered in the faith, and how many they be, are not yet known to us; for those of Lucerne having been overwhelmed unawares, they made an escape and fled where they could. Of many thousands, a very few have carried any thing with them, whereby they might for some days preserve life. Those that remain do by the bowels of Christ beseech all godly men to open their hearts unto them, that they may receive of him a greater reward, and may reap so much the greater harvest, that the field of God to receive seed, is the greater.    

An Abstract of a Letter written from the Vale of peruse the 17 of April 1655. Describing the beginning of the murders and cruelties committed on the said Reform.  
OUr tears which are no longer of water but of blood, and do not only offuscate our sight, but do also suffocate our poor hearts, and cause us to hold our pens with a trembling hand, as they are led by brains, not only dulled by the blows, they just now received, but also extremely troubled by the new alarms and assaults made on us, do hinder us from framing such Letters as we could wish, and such as the strangeness of our desolations should require. But we do entreat you to excuse us and to gather from among our sobbings the sense of what we should be willing to express unto you. Notwithstanding the reports spread abroad that we would not stoop to make our addresses to his Royal Highness, about the molestations raised against us, whereof you have had notice, Yet we never ceased from writing, petitioning, and sending of Deputies; But all the while, as formerly, we have been referred, sometimes to the Counsel de propagandâ fide, sometimes to the Marquis de Pianness. The three last times they were flatly refused audience, under pretence they had not Letters of attorney sufficiently authorising them to promise and accept of whatsoever his Royal Highness should be pleased to offer. And especially at the instigation, and by means of the Romish Clergy an Army of five or six thousand men was secretly raised, who unexpectedly fell upon St. John and la Tour, being encouraged by the presence of the said Marquis the Piannesse, who having seized on the said places, was presently reinforced, not only by all such among our neighbours, as were able to bear arms, but by the whole Piedmont, where it having been spread abroad, that our goods were given to be plundered, they came all upon us with such an impetuous fury, and chief a crew of banished rogues, prisoners and guilty persons, upon hope of saving their own souls and filling their pockets. It was not all, that they might the better oppress us, five or six regiments of the French Army were sent against us, besides the Irish, to whom, they say our country is given to possess it, and other forces that are coming up daily towards us, under pretence of taking quarters and refreshing themselves in the Valleya. That innumerable number of men, together with the licentiousness of the Marquis de Piannesse, being stirred up by the Monks, and led and set on by our bad neighbours, hath so surprised us on all sides and with such violence, you and with such a dreadful treason, specially in Engrogne, Villar and Boby, to whom the said Marquis had engaged his word, that if they would but quarter for three days a regiment in each place or Commonalty, they would have no harm, that in a moment all hath been brought to confusion, and the Inhabitants having done somewhat towards the saving of their Temples a little lower from the fury of the Boutefence, were forced to fly for saving their Wives and children, not only those of the plain, who were retired into the Mountains, but also the Inhabitants of the said Mountains themselves, seeing they were betrayed and surprised at the back door. Yet they could not use such diligence, but that many of them were overtaken in several places, as among the rest at Villar and Boby, where they were kept in without any possibility of saving their lives, the enemies having possessed themselves of the Fort of Mirebouc to hinder them from saving of themselves, and an horrid massacre was done on them. In a certain place or corner they villainously tormented one hundred and fifthty women and small children, and having cut off their heads, they dashed others against the Rocks; and the prisoners they took, who were firthteen years of age and upwards, who would not yield to go to 〈◊〉 were ●●●●ed by them, or nailed to some 〈◊〉 the feet upwards, which torments they couliantly and resolutely endured. We hear that those of quality have been carried to Turin, as among the rest one of our poor Brethren Mr. Gros Minister and part of his family.  
In the vale of Luserne there is neither booty, nor  left: What hath been saved from the plunder is very little; the rest hath furnished several Towns of the enemies in Piedmont: As to the moveables they have all been lost also. There are some whole Commonalties, as those of St. John and la Tour, where not one house hath escaped the fire, nor their Temples neither; the firing of them all hath been managed by a Franciscan Friar and a Priest. Among those desolations the mother hath lost her child, the husband his wife, the richest are brought to beggary, and in great sorrow; and are so much the farther from being comforted, that some Churches being yet left untouched in the vale of peruse and St. Martin which was a refuge to those that were persecuted, this day they have received a command to be gone out of hand, under pain of death, namely those that are within the dominions of his Royal Highness, having no longer time but to be gone immediately.  
However, these our fine flourishing and ancient Churches are lost without ressource, except God be pleased to work wonders for them: Our time is come, our measure was full. But take pity of the ruins of Jerusalem and lament for the wound of the poor Joseph; but above all have a real compassion, opening your bowels to many thousands of persons brought to poverty and beggary, for having been desirous to follow the Lamb wheresoever he goes. Sirs and most dear Fathers and Brothers, you have ever been as a sacred anchor, to whom after God our poor Churches have had recourse in their afflictions; take pity on them for God's sake, at this time, when they have not felt the rod, but the Iron bar, in doing and procuring some good, both to the Pastors and to the sheep, who are scattered; working for them according to your wisdom, and that as speedily as you can or think fit. We expect that grace from your goodness, commending ourselves and our poor scattered flocks to your holy prayers, praying to God that he might be pleased to preserve you, and to prosper your holy Labours.  

Lion, the 8th of May 1655.  
THe persecutors at the first assault having lost most of their men by the courageous resistance of our men, they were out of hopes to compass their design by open force. Their Head dissembled his evil will, and made a show as if he had received order from the Prince to spare these poor people, and to promise them, from his part a pardon for what was passed; provided for the time to come they should prove wiser and better subjects, and on condition that they should presently quarter in the Valleys some Forces that were about Pinerol, both of the French Army, and of that of his Royal Highness. Whereupon the Valleys having consulted, they were advised to accept of that unlucky condition, which they did; and assoon as the said forces were come into the place assigned unto them for their quarters, they were commanded to seize on all the passages and avenues, and to make an end of our people, which they were ready to execute, because of the booty they hoped to have; so that they killed and plundered whatsoever they met with, without distinction of women or children. Four Elders and among them Mr. Paul de Rossane, as Ploughs and Religious a man as ever I knew, were hanged at la Tour; eighteen men, and among them Mr. Gros, a Minister, were carried prisoners to Turin; and those who could escape that desolation, are fled towards the Dauphine.   

A Continuation of the description of the murders, and cruelties committed on the Reformed, in the Valleys of Piedmout, on the 6. and 7. of April 1655.  
MY Lord Marquis of Pianess, having many times reiterated to the Deputies of the Churches of the Valleys with asseveration (as they do affirm) that upon the Paroll of his Royal Highness and his own (they giving testimony of their confidence and obedience by the Reception of such Regiments) they should not receive any injury, They did thereupon suffer them to enter without any resistance whatsoever, hoping the rather that it should have been so, seeing those places were reserved, even in the order lately published, and never questioned, as to their habitation, But those of St. John, who had all their goods and families in Angrogne, and for whom there was no Quarter, hasted thither to save their Wives and Children, which also did those of Angrogne, who soon perceived the Treachery, and how the Papists keep Faith to the pretended Heretics. The said Marquis also kept Prisoners the Deputies of St. John and Angrogne, who went thither to treat upon his Parole; and as the Troops agreed on, were going up by the way appointed, three or four thousand men got before them by a backway, near La Tour, climbing up with an incomparable swiftness, putting all to the Sword they met with, and firing the Houses of Angrogne, near the Meadow of La Tour, being one of the strongest places, and at the furthest distance; and that they executed even before the others were come into the middle of Angrogne which they had chosen for their Quarter. The other Troops did the like near St. John towards Bricheras, and in many other places near la Tour, so long as Day light permitted.  
Amongst so many furious assaults, so many violent attempts, and so black deceits and treasons, the air being all on fire by reason of the flames, or all duskish by the smoke of  Houses and Churches, did resound nothing else but the Cries, Lamentations and fearful scrieching, made yet more pitiful by the multitude of those Echoes, which are in those Mountains and Rocks.  
The Mother hath lost her sucking Child, the Husband his Wife, the Brother his Brother, some have been barbarously massacred, whilst they were busy in saving some of their goods, others having fled to escape to the tops of the Mountains, were forced to cast themselves into the hollows of Rocks and amongst the Snow, without fire, without nourishment, without covering, sick, old, wounded, Women with Child, of whom many miscarried, and lay dead near their Children, after they had sustained themselves with a little Snow, which was put and meited in their mouths instead of Sugar. Amongst many, who were forced to run away barefoot and bare legged, several persons of great quality had their legs and feet so long frozen by Snow and Ice, that they have altogether lost them.  
On the morrow after, being the 21, the Boutefeus' and murderers were not idle: A Monk of the Order of St. Francis and a Priest, who were desirous to have the honour to be the chief Incendiaries, with their fire works (which they easily could do) did not fail to set on fire the Church of St. John, and almost all the remaining houses, part in Angrogne, and part in La Tour. And where they found any Corner free from the first fires, the Priest did but discharge his Carbine to make an end of it; And the Soldiers being fleshed with blood, did run to the very tops of the Rocks and places which seemed to be inaccessible, to cut the throats of all such as they should find there. It was not a difficult thing to them so to do, since they were not in a posture to make any other resistance, but by their tears, which might have caused the most barbarous Tartarians and Cannibals, to let fall their Arms out of their hands. At Taillareta very small Village situated upon one of the highest hills of La Tour, they offered a thousand injuries to an hundred and fifty Women and little Children, and then cut off their heads; whereof they did boil many, and eat their Brains, but left off, saying, they were too unsavoury, and that it went against their Stomach; they cut many others in pieces and bits which they threw the one at the other. From a poor woman that escaped them, and is yet living although she was cruelly treated by them, they took her little Child in swaddling Bands, and threw him from a precipice with many others. And there have been many others, who have been torn and split in the middle by two Soldiers, who took those innocent Creatures, one by one leg, and the other by the other, and after they had torn each one his half, they beat one another with it. They stripped naked many people, without distinction either of age or sex, and cut their Bodies after such a manner, as would make one tremble 〈◊〉 hear it recited, and then threw upon them Salt and Gunpowder, and then putting on them their Shirts again, they set them on fire, making them burn upon these poor martyrized Body's. Others being naked were tied Neck and Heels together, and rolled down some Precipices. They were so barbarous as not to exempt one Peter Symond of Angrogne, being 100 years old, nor his wife, who was 95 years; They burned a great many in their houses, refusing to kill them before, though they requested it: To others they opened their Breasts; too others they pulled out their Guts, and cut off their privy parts; After they had abused several women, they thrust many stones in their privy parts, and walked them in this posture till they died. They hanged others upon trees by the feet, and left them in that estate till they died. They gaunched many both by the fundament after the Turkish manner, and a Cross. They staked others through the Belly to the ground, and drove the Stakes into the earth as far as they could. Of those whom they brought alive before the Marquis, and who would not abjure their Religion, they carried many to Turin, and amongst others Master Gross, and Mr. Ag●it, Ministers of Villars and Boby, and that after they had seen the admirable constancy of John Paillas, and Master B●ul Clement that a poor Peafant, this an Elder and Deacon of the Church of La Tour, the former having chosen the Gibbet rather than the Mass, the other was carried near him to appall him; but as he was on the top of the Ladder, and the Missionaries redoubling their exhortations, saying, it was yet time enough if he would turn Catholic, he spoke to the Executioner to do his duty, desiring him to dispatch, and prayed God to pardon those Murderers, although (said he) he saw, as present, the Vengeance that God would take for so much innocent blood spilt.  
My pen falls from my hand in describing these thing ●●ea, the very thoughts of them makes my whole Body to tremble, my Hair to stand up; A Heart of Adamant, a hand of steel, and a pen of Iron, could not express half the horrid Prodigies of cruelty and lamentable spectacles which were seen, unheard of amongst the most barbarous in former ages, fare from ever being exercised in Christendom. You might have seen here the leg of a Woman, there the head of a Child, sometimes the privy Members of a man, the Entrails of another, and sometimes the pieces of another, whom the Beasts had not yet made an end of eating. Tears obscure my sight, and the violence of my sobbings hinders me from proceeding further.  
Having paused here a little and taken breath, I shall say farther, that a poor old man, being ninety five years old, called Mr. Thomas Margher, having been taken among the rest, a French Officer, who was present at his Martyrdom, relates of him, that at the first time he refused to go to Mass, his Nose was cut off; then being asked again whether he would go to Mass, and having answered he would rather choose to die, one of his Ears was cut off, and then the other; and so every time he said he would not go to the Mass, one or other of his Limbs was cut off; at length they hanged him as they did the other two abovenamed; and then this good old man with a smiling countenance would say to his Executioners, Do ye tie and torment my Body as much as you please, yet you cannot touch my Soul, nor have ye any Prisons or Chains that can keep it from going to Heaven; but to the contrary according to the course of Nature, having so little time yet to live in this World, ye do but hasten my Deliverance and my Happiness. Then having given thanks to God for the honour he did him to sister for his name, he prayed the Hangman to perform his duty.  
Of the spoil of Provisions, of Wine spilt in abundance by those who pulled off the iron hoops from the vessels, of the Cattles, or of their plunder, say we any thing; The very Women came from the furthest part of Piedmont and carried away all to the very Brooms.  
A very few of them, who made shift to get away with some of their Cattles, upon the neighbouring Mountains of Val peruse; saved some of them there, all the rest were plundered. The French, Irish, Piemontois, banished persons and released criminals, divided the Spoil amongst themselves, and many of them killed one another in the division of it; That which they could not carry away they set on fire, and those poor people that escaped as Brands rescued from the fire, the one almost as rich as the other, being of Val peruse, Val Cluson and Queiras, some of them drawing lamentably after them their miserable families with Cries and Tears, others weeping and bewailing the loss of theirs.  
Val Luserne was destroyed, which did contain 7 Churches, each containing about three or four thousand persons, except Roche-platt and Roras, which had something less. Before the Troops assaulted the rest, the Deputies of the Valleys desired the protection & intercession of Monsieur de la Bertoniere. Lieutenant & Governor for his Majesty at Pineroll, and of Monsieur de Corselles, Captain in the Regiment of Navarr, who said he had found in their Royal Highnesses a great inclination to pity, desired them to intercede for them, which they did with a great deal of Diligence, and presented their Petition to his Royal Highness, and at the same time gave their Letters to the marquis of Pyanessa, to whom (as they were informed) however things went, all would be referred.  
The Contents of the Letter shows that of the Petition to wit.  
Most Excellent Lords.  
PResuming that near the infinite clemency of his Royal Highness, there may be yet some Grace and Mercy for us, his poor and disconsolate Subjects upon our due humility and submission to him, we have sent to him our Petition in the best form the present disturbances will permit us, referring ourselves wholly to his good pleasure, and promising to conform ourselves to what ever he shall prescribe, if he will only give us leave to enjoy the liberty of our Consciences, so that we may serve God according to his Word; in the mean time we supplicate his Highness that it would please him to cause these strange Hostilities to cease, which are committed against his intention, and also your Excellencies; Of which we thought it our duty, not only to give advice to your Excellency, but also as to one that hath full Power and Authority, and to whom we are informed all shall be referred: We make to you the same Supplications and Promises, imploring your Grace and Protection.  
Given at Val Cluson the third. of May 1655. Your Excellencies most humble, most obedient and devoted servants, the Deputies of the Valleys of Lusern, peruse, and St. Martin.  
It was signed by a great number.  
Let the Reader take notice that these poor people, for to endeavour to preserve yet this small part of Val peruse, which belongs to his Royal Highness, with the small and poor Valley of St. Martin (notwithstanding their entire and irreproveable fidelity and innocence) did humble themselves, but all to no purpose as yet, except God be pleased to touch the Hearts of the Superiors, or deliver them by other means  
Every one doth ask, But what may be the reason these poor folk have been so dealt with? Fare from hence reasons enough and causes of it are alleged; whereof they do not so much as speak of upon the place.  
First, Some say that the Reformed have killed a Priest at Fenill in the lower Vale of Luserne; But that Priest hath been killed but sixteen days after publication of the aforesaid Edict, and was murdered by the Secretary of the Perfect of that Province, who is a Romish Cathosike, and had already slain another Priest in the same place. A young man of the Reformed Religion, having been accused to have been partaker with him therein, hath been delivered by the said Reform into the hands of Justice and of the Delegate of his Royal Highness; who having deposed there, that the said Secretary called Pagot had persuaded him to go along with him in that horrid execution promised to give him three hundred Pistols, but that he had refused to do it, and took only two, to bind him not to say a word of it, hath been released and declared not guilty. After this, considering the scruples of some yet, the same man hath several times presented himself to Madam Royal and the chiefest of her Ministers, and the Reformed have still represented him upon all occasions to be examined and brought face to face before the parties, but they still refused it, holding him as sully justified, and the other convicted. Besides, though among the Reformed there should have been found a Thief, neither their Concessions nor their Laws do suffer the innocent to be punished for the guilty. Such Assassinations were never committed by order of the Reformed, and could have no advantage by the death of an inconsiderable Country Priest, who could never do them neither good or evil.  
Secondly, Some say that at La Tour an Ass hath been dressed like a Monk. It is a Diabolical invention. In a word it was thus. The Youth of the place, partly Papists, partly Reform, to jeer and mock at a very Heteroc●iticall Marriage, made a Charivary, as they call it, and took the ass or the Bridegroom, whom they did set on the top of the Oven in a public place, where it was seen of all, all the day long; and nothing therein touched the Monks, nor the Mass, nor the Host. The Roman Catholics in such occasions have often set up Asses upon the top of their Pinnacles in those places.  
Thirdly, Therefore the published Order alleges no such reasons, only the Marquess de Piannesa, as appears in the answer he got M G●beline (the Roman Catholic Attorney of the the Reformed at Turin) to make, said, that his Royal Highues was willing to abase their pride, for having craved the Protection of the Foreign Princes, because the Lords of Zurick and Berne, after the Order published against them (though not required, but out of their own inclinations) had sent to his Royal Highness some Letters in their behalf. Let the Reader judge of the validity of this Reason.  
This Fourth is most cried up in Piedmout. viz. That the Reformed have cruelly murdered the Catholics in Ireland, and have wholly expelled them; and that they ought to murder the Reformed in Piedmont, and clear the State of them, to lodge the Irish in their place. Let yet the Reader Judge of this reason. Besides it is false the Reformed have murdered the Catholics in Ireland, but to the contrary.  
Therefore it remains that there hath been no other true cause of this, but the hatred they bear to the Religion; it being known to all the world, that no Subjects have ever been true or more obedient to their Prince than they who never stirred, when all the rest of the State was up in Arms; who still paid their Taxes, though over burdened, have borne extraordinary Winter Quarters, afforded their men for the war, as often as demanded, and even some few days afore their desolation, sent their Militias for the service of his Royal Highness, upon the seceipt of his very first command.  
I have hastily given you a Copy, of this tract, of the horrible furies of the Adversaries, desiring you to see if his Highness, the Serenissinie Lord Protector, could take occasion to insert in the Treaty with France, the re-establishment of our Brethren, escaped from the Massacres, which they have caused the Irish to do as in revenge of their being banished out of their Country, for Massacring the Protestants there. Your Brother hath assured us, he will give us the Charity ordained by your Church. A general Collection in your Quarters will be necessary, there being so many thousands despolld of all, that are seeking for refuge. There are two Ministers viz. Master Gross and Master Aghit Prisoners at Turin, God strengthen and deliver them, and conserve you and your Colleagues, whom I salute, remaining  
May 8. 1655. Most honoured Brother, wholly yours.  
A Letter written to his Highness the Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland, etc. about the said Murders, Massacres and cruelties, sent together with the said descriptions.  
To his Highness My Lord Protector of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland and Ireland.  
ALthough his Highness the Lord Protector be well informed of whatsoever comes to pass in most places of the world, yet we have thought he would not be sorry to see as in a contracted picture, the horrid cruelty, pra●●sed by the Duke of Savoy's men, upon the Faithful in the Valleys of Piedmont; That it to say, upon such people, that, if any in the world, did live in the greatest purity, and the greatest innocency; whose only crime is, that neither they, nor their Fathers, nor their Ancestors, 500 years since, would ever pollnte themselves with the Roman Superstitions and Idolatries.  
The whole Christendom have their eyes fixed on his Highness, and all good men hope that he will avenge, or rather God will avenge, by his hand, such a hellish, barbarousness. If we should have a less knowledge of his Zeal, and of his Heroical courage, we would tell him what once Mordecai said to the Queen Esther. 
Esther c. 4. v. 14.  If thou holdest thy peace at this time, then shall their enlargement and deliverance arise from another place; But thou and thy Father's house shall be destroyed: And who knoweth whether thou art come to such a high dignity for such a time as this?  
But as his Highness possesses lights, altogether extraordinary, he will of himself consider that God hath given him a great power, to employ it to his glory; and that he hath put a victorious sword in his hand, 
Rom. c. 13. v. 4.  to be a revenger to execute wrath upon those that do evil. So that, as since the Creation of the World, nothing hath been seen so dreadful, so nothing shall be punished in such an exemplary mander.  
It is hoped that with him several Protestant Princes will embrace so just a cause. But if there be any that be not sensibly moved by so deep and so sharp a wound, and that having power, yet be not willing to prosecute and pursue those Murderers, and those Incendiaries, that saying will be applied unto them of the Prophetess Deborah, Curse ye Meroz, 
judge's c. 5 v. 23.  curse ye bitterly the Inhabitants thereof, because they came not to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord with the mighty.  
In the mean while, your Highness will spread through the whole earth the sweet savour of his name, and as it hath been said, The sword of the Lord and of Gideon, so hereafter they will say, the sword of the Lord and of OLIVER. His praises will be celebrated to the world's end, and they will say that the Protector of Great Britain, is become the Protector of all those that are persecuted for righteousness sake.  
All those that do sincerely love God, and that are sick because of the bruise of Joseph, will hearty pray unto God, that he might be pleased to prolong the days of his Highness, to settle his Government, and to pour upon his posterity his most holy and most precious blessings.  
Let his Highness be assured that this draught hath been made by a faithful hand, and let him have the goodness not to inquire who he is that sends it. It is not so much the voice of men, or the blood of the Martyrs, as the voice of God himself, who cries for vengeance for the injury done to his great name, and who commands him to work the deliverance of those that are Prisoners for the Lord Jesus, and to restore to their Native Country the poor banished men, who like the faithful of old, are mandring in the wildernesses, in the Dens, in the Mountains and in the clefts of the earth: That they might sing as those that returned from the Babylonian Captivity, 
Psal. 126. v. 1.2.  When the Lord turned again the Captivity of Zion, we were like them that dream: Then was our mouth filled with laughter, and our tongue with singing, etc.    
FINIS