THE Royal Martyr: OR, THE LIFE and DEATH OF KING Charles I.  ROMANS 8.— more than Conqueror. Bona agere, & mala pati Regium est. 
LONDON, Printed by J. M. for R. Royston, Bookseller to His most Sacred Majesty. MDCLXXVI.   


BEATAM ETE●NA●  
CLARIOR E TENEBRIS  
CAELI SPECTO  
ASPERAM AT LEVEM  
●●R●STI TRACTS  
In Verbo ●uo Spes mea  
MUNDI CALCO  
SELENDIDAM  
AT GRAVEM  〈◊〉 sculp Alij diutius Imperium tenuerunt, nemo tam fortiter reliquit. Tacit. Histor. Lib. 2. c. 47: p. 4.17.   

TO THE KING'S most Excellent MAJESTY CHARLES II. By the Grace of God KING of Great Britain, France and Ireland, etc.  
May it please Your MAJESTY,  
SO Clear and Indisputable is Your Majesty's Title to the following Papers, that to prefix any other name before them, were a boldness, next door to sacrilege. They had the honour, when first published, to attend the Works of Your Majesty's Royal Father of blessed Memory; the greatest part of which Impression (collected with great Cost and Care) having in the late Conflagration perished in the common flames; I was ambitious by reviving this Piece, to do some honour to the Memory of so Great a Prince, and that the world might see how far Truth and Justice and a better 'Cause is able to hold out, under the most prosperous Triumphs of violence and oppression, and that when Villains may be suffered so far to prevail, as to despoil Majesty of all advantages of Power and Greatness, it can at the same time be secure in the comforts of its own innocence and virtue. That Heaven would bless Your Majesty with a long Life and a prosperous Reign, with all the blessings of this, and a better world, is the hearty and incessant prayer of  
Your Majesty's most humbly devoted Subject and Servant, Richard Royston.   

CHARLES R.  
CHARLES the Second, by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, etc. To all Our loving Subjects of what Degree, Condition or Quality soever within Our Kingdoms of England, Scotland and Ireland, or any of Our Dominions, greeting.  
Whereas We have received sufficient Testimony of the Fidelity and Loyalty of Our Servant Richard Royston of Our City of London Bookseller, and of the great Losses and Troubles he hath sustained for his Faithfulness to Our Royal Father of blessed Memory, and Ourselves, in the Printing and Publishing of many Messages and Papers of Our said Blessed Father, especially those most Excellent Discourses and Soliloquies by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Know ye, That it is Our Royal Will and Pleasure, and We do by these presents Grant unto the said Richard Royston, his Executors, Administrators and Assigns, the sole Printing and Publishing of the said Messages, Papers and Discourses contained in the Book Entitled Reliquiae Sacrae Carolinae, and of all or any other the Works of Our said Royal Father, with other Papers and Declarations concerning Our said Royal Father, in any Volume or Volumes whatsoever. Of which Our Grant and Royal Pleasure We will and require all Our loving Subjects to take notice; And that none of them presume to print, or cause to be printed, vended, or put to sale the said Book Entitled Reliquiae Sacrae Carolinae, or any part of the said Papers or Works of Our said Royal Father, within these Our Realms and Dominions, or any of them, whether Printed within these Our Dominions, or Imported from Foreign Parts, contrary to Our express Pleasure herein declared, without the Licence and Consent of the said Richard Royston, his Executors, Administrators, or Assigns, under such Penalties as are by the Laws and Statutes of this Our Realm imposed upon such Persons as Imprint, Import, Vend, or Put to sale unlicensed and prohibited Books; Any Privilege, Custom or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding. In witness, etc.  
Given at Our Court at White-Hall the nine and twentieth day of November, in the twelfth year of Our Reign.   

TO THE READER.  
IN these Papers, READER, thou hast a short Account how this best of PRINCES Lived and Died; a Subject that was fit to be writ only with the point of a Sceptre: none but a Royal Breast can have Sentiments equal to His Virtues, nor any but a Crowned Head can frame Expressions to represent His Worth. He that had nothing Common or Ordinary in His Life and Fortune, is almost profaned by a Vulgar Pen. The attempt, I confess, admits no Apology but this, That it was fit that Posterity, when they read His Works (for they shall continue while these Islands are inhabited, to upbraid Time, and reproach Marble Monuments of weakness) should also be told that His Actions were as Heroic as His Writings, and His Life more Elegant than His Style. Which not being undertaken by some Noble hand, (that was happy in a near approach to Majesty, and so could have taken more exact measures of this Great Example for Mighty Kings, rendered it in more full proportions, and given it more lively Colours) I was by importunity prevailed upon to imitate those affectionate Slaves, who would gather up the scattered limbs of some great Person that had been their Lord, yet fell at the Pleasure of his Enemies, burn them on some Plebeian Pyle, and entertain their ashes in an homely Urn, till future times could cover them with a Pyramid, or enclose them in a Temple; by making a Collection from Writers and Persons worthy of Credit, of all the Remains and Memoires (I could get) of this Incomparable Monarch: Whose Excellent Virtues though they often tempted the Compiler to the Liberty of a Panegyric, yet they still persuaded him to as strict an observance of Truth as is due to an History: For he praises this King best who writes His Life most faithfully, which was the Care and Endeavour of  
Thine, Rich. Perrinchief.   

MAJESTY IN MISERY: OR, An Imploration to the KING of KINGS.   

MAJESTY in MISERY: OR, An Imploration to the KING of Kings.  
Written by his late Majesty King CHARLES the First, during His Captivity at Carisbrooke Castle, Anno Dom. 1648.  

GREAT Monarch of the World, from whose Power springs  
The Potency and Power of Kings,  
Record the Royal Woe, my Sufferings sings,   

And teach my tongue, that ever did confine  
Its faculties, in Truth's Seraphic Line  
To tract the treasons of thy foes and mine.   

Nature and Law, by thy Divine Decree  
(The only Root of Righteous Royalty)  
With this dim Diadem invested me,   

With it, the sacred Sceptre, Purple Robe,  
The Holy Unction, and the Royal Globe:  
Yet am I levelled with the life of Job.   

The fiercest Furies, that do daily tread  
Upon my Grief, my Grey Dis-crowned head,  
Are those, that own my Bounty for their Bread,   

They raise a War, and christian it, The Cause,  
Whilst sacrilegious hands have best applause,  
Plunder, and Murder, are the Kingdoms Laws;   

Tyranny bears the Title of Taxation,  
Revenge and Robbery are Reformation,  
Oppression gains the name of Sequestration.   

My Loyal Subjects who in this bad season  
Attend me (by the Law of God and Reason)  
They dare impeach, and punish for high Treason.   

Next at the Clergy, do their Furies frown,  
Pious Episcopacy must go down,  
They will destroy the Crosier, and the Crown.   

Churchmen are chained, and Schismatics are freed,  
Mechanics preach, and Holy Fathers bleed,  
The Crown is crucified with the Creed.   

The Church of England doth all Faction foster,  
The Pulpit is usurped by each Impostor,  
Ex tempore, excludes the Pater Noster.   

The Presbyter and Independent Seed  
Springs with broad-blades; to make Religion bleed,  
Herod, and Pontius Pilate are agreed.   

The Corner-stone's misplaced by every Pavier;  
With such a bloody method, and behaviour,  
Their Ancestors did crucify our Saviour.   

My Royal Consort, from whose fruitful Womb  
So many Princes legally have come,  
Is forced in Pilgrimage to seek a Tomb.   

Great Britain's Heir is forced into France,  
Whilst on his Father's head, his foes advance,  
Poor Child! He weeps out his Inheritance.   

With my own Power, my Majesty they wound,  
In the King's Name, the K. himself's uncrowned:  
So doth the dust, destroy the Diamond.   

With Propositions daily they enchant  
My People's ears, such, as do Reason daunt,  
And the Almighty will not let me Grant.   

They promise, to erect my Royal Stem,  
To make me Great, t' advance my Diadem,  
If I will first fall down, and worship them;   

But for refusal they devour my Thrones,  
Distress my Children, and destroy my bones,  
I fear they'll force me, to make bread of stones.   

My Life they prise at such a slender rate,  
That in my absence, they draw bills of hate,  
To prove the King, a Traitor to the State.   

Felons obtain more privilege than I,  
They are allowed to answer,  they die,  
'Tis death for Me, to ask the reason, Why.   

But Sacred Saviour, with thy words I woe  
Thee to forgive, and not be bitter to  
Such, as thou knowst do not know what they do.   

For since they from their Lord are so disjointed,  
As to contemn those Edicts he appointed,  
How can they prise the Power of his Anointed?   

Augment my Patience, nullify my hate,  
Preserve my Issue, and inspire my Mate,  
Yet, though We perish, bless this Church and State.    

THE LIFE OF Charles I.  
CHARLES I. King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, was the Son of James VI King of Scots, and Anne his Wife a Daughter of Denmark. By His Father descended to him all the Rights (together with their blood) of all our Ancient both Saxon and Norman Kings to this Empire. For the Lady Margaret, Sister and sole Heir of Edgar Atheling the last surviving Prince of the English Saxons, being married to Malcolme Conmor King of Scots, conveyed to his Line the Saxon, and Margaret Daughter of Henry VII. married to James iv did bring the Norman Titles and Blood. From this Imperial Extract He received not more Honour than He gave to it. For the blood that was derived to Him elaborated through so many Royal veins, He delivered to Posterity more maturated for Glory, and by a constant practice of Goodness more habituated for Virtue.  
He was born at Dunfermeling, one of the principal Towns of Fife in Scotland, on November 19 [Anno 1600.] in so much weakness, that His Baptism was hastened without the usual Ceremonies wherewith such Royal Infants are admitted into the Church. Providence seeming to consecrate Him to Sufferings from the Womb, and to accustom Him to the exchange of the strictures of Greatness for clouds of Tears.  
There was no observation nor augury made at His Birth concerning the sequel of His Life or course of Fortune (which are usually related of such whose lives have different occurrences from those in others of the same state.) Either the fear of His Death made those about Him less observant of any Circumstances which curious minds would have form into a Prediction, He appearing like a Star that rises so near the point of his setting, that it was thought there would be no time for calculation. Or He being at distance by His Birth from the Succession to the Crown (Prince Henry then having the first hopes) made men less solicitous to inquire of His future state, on whom, being born to a private Condition, the Fate of the Kingdom did not depend.  
But in the third year of His age, when King James was preparing himself to remove to the English Throne, a certain Laird of the Highlands, though of very great age, came to the Court to take his leave of him, whom he found accompanied with all his Children. After his address full of affectionate and sage Advice (to which his grey hairs gave authority) to the King; his next application was to Duke CHARLES [Anno 1602.] (for in the second year of His age He was created Duke of Albany, Marquess of Ormond, Earl of Ross, and Baron of Ardmanock) whose hands he kissed with so great an ardency of affection, that he seemed forgetful of a separation. The King, to correct his supposed mistake, advised him to a more present observance of Prince Henry, as the Heir of his Crown, of whom he had taken little notice. The old Laird answered that he knew well enough what he did, and that It was this Child (who was then in His Nurse's arms) who should convey his name and memory to the succeeding ages. This than was conceived dotage; but the event gave it the credit of a Prophecy, and confirmed that opinion, That some long-experienced souls in the world, before their dislodging, arrive to the height of prophetic Spirits.  
[Anno 1603.] When He was three years old He was committed to the Care and Governance of Sir Robert Cary's Lady, as a reward for being the first Messenger of Queen Elizabeth's death, whose long life had worn the expectation of the Scotish Nobility into a suspicion, that the Lords of England would never acknowledge her to be dead as long as there was any old Woman of that Nation that could wear good , and personate the Majesty of a Queen.  
[Anno 1604.] In the fourth year, after He had wrestled with a Fever, He was brought in October to the English Court at Windsor, where on January 6. following, having the day before been made Knight of the Bath, He was invested with the Title of Duke of York, and in the sixth year [Anno 1606.] was committed to the Pedagogy of Mr. Thomas Murray, a person well qualified to that Office, though a favourer of Presbytery.  
Under this Tutor, and consigned to a retiredness by the present weakness of His body, He was so diligent and studious, that He far advanced in all that kind of Learning which is necessary for a Prince, without which even their natural Endowments s●em rough and unpleasant in despite of the splendour of their Fortune. His proficiency in Letters was so eminent, that Prince Henry taking notice of it, to put a jest upon Him, one day put the Cap of the Archbishop Abbot, (who was then, with the Prince and the Duke and other of the Nobility, waiting in the Privy Chamber for the King's coming out) on his Brother's head; adding, that If He continued a good Boy, and followed His book, he would make Him one day Archbishop of Canterbury. Which the Child took in such disdain, that He threw the Cap on the ground, and trampled it under His feet with so much eagerness, that He could hardly be restrained. Which Passion was afterward taken by some overcurious as a presage of the ruin of Episcopacy by His Power. But the event shown it was not ominous to the Order, but to the Person of the Archbishop, whom in His Reign He suspended from the administration of His Office.  
[Anno 1611.] In His eleventh year He was made Knight of the Garter: and in the twelfth Prince Henry dying November 6. [1612.] He succeeded him in the Dukedom of Cornwall and the Regalities thereof; and attended his Funeral as chief Mouraer, on Decemb. 7.  
On the 14. of February following He performed the Office of Brideman to the Princess Elizabeth His Sister, who on that day was married to Frederick V Prince Elector Palatine; the gaieties of which day were afterwards attended with many fatal Cares and Expenses.  
His Childhood was blemished with a supposed Obstinacy: for the weakness of His body inclining Him to retirements, and the imperfection of His speech rendering discourse tedious and unpleasant, He was suspected to be somewhat perverse. But more age and strength fitting Him for manlike Exercises, and the Public hopes inviting Him from His Privacies, He delivered the world of such fears: for applying Himself to action, He grew so perfect in Vaulting, riding the great Horse, running at the Ring, shooting in Crossbows, Muskets, and sometimes in great Pieces of Ordnance, that if Principality had been to be the reward of Excellency in those Arts, He would have had a Title to the Crown this way also; being thought the best Marksman and most graceful Manager of the great Horse in the three Kingdoms. His tenacious humour He left with His retirements, none being more desirous of good counsel, nor any more obsequious when He found it; yea, too distrustful of His own Judgement, which the issue of things proved always best when it was followed.  
[Anno 1616.] When he was sixteen years old, on Novemb. 3. He was created Prince of Wales, Earl of Chester and Flint, the Revenues thereof being assigned to maintain His Court which was then form for Him. And being thus advanced in Years and State, it was expected that He should no longer retain the Modesty which the shades of His Privacy had accustomed Him unto, but now appear as the immediate Instrument of Empire, and that by Him the Favours and Honours of the Court should be derived to others. But though Providence had changed all about, yet it had changed nothing within Him; and He thought it glory enough to be great without the diminution of others; for He still permitted the Ministry of State to His Father's Favourites: which gave occasion of discourse to the Speculativi.  
Some thought He did it to avoid the Jealousies of the Old King, (which were conceived to have been somewhat raised by the popularity of Prince Henry, whose breast was full of forward Hopes) For Young Princes are deemed of an impatient Ambition, and Old ones to be too nice and tender of their Power; in which though they are contented with a Successor (as they must have) yet are afraid of a Partner. And it was supposed that therefore K. James had raised Car and Buckingham, like Comets to dim the lustre of these rising Stars. But these were mistaken in the nature of that King, who was inclined to contract a private friendship, 
The Duke of Lenox and the Earl of Arran in Scotland.  and was prodigal to the objects of it, before ever he had Sons to divert his Love, or raise his Fears.  
Some that at a distance looked upon the Prince's actons, ascribed them to a Narrowness of Mind, and an Incapacity of Greatness: while others, better acquainted with the frame of His Spirit, knew His prudent Modesty inclined Him to learn the Methods of Commanding by the practice of Obedience; and that being of a peaceful Soul, He affected not to embroil the Court (and from thence the Kingdom) in Factions, (the effects of impotent minds) which He knew were dangerous to a State, and destructive to that Prince who gives birth unto them; that therefore He chose to wait for a certain, though delayed, Grandeur, rather than by the Compendious way of Contrasts get a precocious Power, and leave too pregnant an Example of Ruin.  
Others conceived it the Prudence of the Father (with which the Son complied) who knew the true use of Favourites was to make them the objects of the People's impatience, the sinks to receive the curses and anger of the Vulgar, the hatred of the querulous, and the envy of unsatisfied ambition: which He would rather have fall upon Servants, that His Son might ascend the Throne free and unburthened with the discontents of any. This was the rather believed, because He could dispense Honours where and when He pleased; as He did to some of His own Household; as Sir Robert Cary was made Lord Cary of Lepington, Sir Thomas Howard Viscount Andover, and Sir John Vaughan Lord of Molingar in Ireland.  
[Anno 1618.] The evenness of His Spirit was discovered in the loss of His Mother, whose death (presaged, as some thought, by that notorious Comet which appeared Novemb. 18. before) happened on March 2. Anno 1618. which He bewailed with a just measure of Grief, without any affected Sorrows, though She was most affectionate to Him above all her other Children; and at her Funeral He would be chief Mourner.  
The Death of the Queen was not long after followed with a sharp Sickness of the King: wherein his Life seeming in danger, the consequences of his Death began to be lamented. Dr. Andrews, than Bishop of Ely, bewailed the sad condition of the Church, if God should at that time determine the days of the King. The Prince being then only conversant with Scotch- men, which made up the greatest part of His Family, and were illaffected to the Government and Worship of the Church of England. Of this the King became so sensible, that he made a Vow, If God should please to restore his health, he would so instruct the Prince in the Controversies of Religion, as should secure His affections to the present establishment. Which he did with so much success, as he assured the Chaplains who were to wait on the Prince in Spain, that He was able to moderate in any emergent disputations (which yet he charged them to decline, if possible.) At which they smiling, he earnestly added, that CHARLES should manage a point in Controversy with the best-studied Divine of them all.  
[Anno 1619.] In his 19 Year, on March 24. which was the Anniversary of King James' coming to the Crown of England, He performed a just at White-Hall, together with several of the Nobility, wherein He acquitted Himself with a Bravery equal to His Dignity. And on the Sunday following, attending His Father to the Sermon at St. Paul's Cross, and to the Service in the Choir, He shown as much humble Devotion there, as he had manifested Princely Gallantry in his Justs, admired and applauded by the People for His accomplishments in the Arts both of War and Peace: That He could behave Himself humbly towards His God, and bravely towards His Enemy; pleased with the hardiness of His Body, and ravished with His more generous Mind; that the pleasures of the Court had not softened one to Sloth, nor the supremest Fortune debauched the other to Impiety.  
[Anno 1622.] Confident in these, and other evidences of a wise conduct, the King (without acquainting his Council) sends the Prince into Spain, there to contract a Marriage with the Infanta, and as a part of the Portion, to recover the Palatinate, which His Sister's Husband had lost, and was by the Emperor canteld to the Duke of Bavaria and the King of Spain. And herein He was to combat all the Artists of State in that Court, the practices of that Church, and put an issue to that Treaty wherein the Lord Digby, though much conversant in the Intrigues of that Council, had been long cajoled.  
To that place He was to pass Incognito, accompanied only with the Marquis of Buckingham, Mr. Endymion Porter, and Mr. Francis Cottington, through France; where, to satisfy His Curiosity, and show Himself to Love, He attempted and enjoyed a view of the Court at Paris, and there received the first Impression of that Excellent Princess who was by Heaven destined to His chaste Embraces. Satisfied with that sight, no lesser enjoyments of any pleasure in that great Kingdom, nor Vanity of Youth, which is hardly kerbed when it is allied to power, could tempt His stay, or a discovery of His Greatness; but with a speed answerable to an active body and mind, He outstripped the French Posts which were sent to stop Him, although that King had intelligence of His being within his Dominions immediately after their departure from the Lovure.  
The certain news of His safe arrival at Madrid drew after Him from hence a Princely Train, and raised the Censures of the World upon the King; As being too forgetful of the Inhospitality of Princes to each other, who, when either Design, Tempests or Necessity have driven their Rivals in Majesty upon their Coasts without a Caution, they let them not part without some tribute to their Interest: and a fresh Example of this was in the King's own Mother, who seeking refuge in England with her Sister Queen Elizabeth from a Storm at home, did lose both her Liberty and Life.  
This none daring to mind the King of, his Jester Archee made him sensible, by telling him, He came to change Caps with him. Why, said the King? Because (replied Archee) Thou hast sent the Prince into Spain, from whence He is never like to return. But (said the King) what will't thou say when thou seest Him come back again? Marry, says the Jester, I will take off the Fool's Cap which I now put upon thy head for sending Him thither, and put it on the King of Spain 's for letting Him return.  
This so awakened the King's apprehension of the Prince's danger, that it drove him into an exceeding Melancholy, from which he was never free till he was assured of the Prince's return to his own Dominions, which was his Fleet in the Sea: and that was not long after. For notwithstanding the contrasts of his two prime Ministers there, Buckingham and Bristol, (which were sufficient to amaze an ordinary prudence, and disturb the counsels of so young a beginner in the Mysteries of Empire, and the Arts of experienced Conclaves;) the impetuous attempts of the Spanish Clergy, either for a Change of His Religion, or a Toleration of theirs; the Spleen of Olivares, whom Buckingham had exasperated; He so dexterously managed the Treaty of Marriage, that all the Articles and Circumstances were solemnly sworn to by both Kings. By a Civil Letter to the Pope (which His Enemy's Malice afterwards took as an occasion of Slander) He procured a civil return, with the grant of a Dispensation; baffled the hopes of their Clergy by His Constancy in his own Profession, and vindicated it from the odious aspersions of their Priests, by causing our Liturgy to be translated into the Spanish Tongue; and by His generous mien enthralled the Infanta, for whom He had exposed His Liberty.  
Yet having an insight into the practices of that Court, that they would not put the Restitution of the Palatinate into the consideration of the Portion, but reserve it as a Super-foetation of the Spanish Love, and as an opportunity for the Infanta to reconcile the English Spirits, who were heated by the late Wars into an hatred of the Spaniards; and that this was but to lengthen out the Treaty till they had wholly brought the Palatinate under their power; He conformed His mind to the resolves of His Father, who said," He would never marry his Son with a Portion of His only Sister's Tears, and therefore inclined to a rapture. But concealing His Purpose, and dissembling His Knowledge of their Designs, He consulted His own Safety and Return, which His Father's Letters commanded: which He so prudently acquired, that the King of Spain parted from Him with all those endearments with which departing Friends ceremoniate their Farewells; having satisfied Him by a Proxy left with the Earl of Bristol, to be delivered when the Dispensation was come. Which as soon as He was safe on Shipboard, by a private Express, He commanded him to keep in his hands till further Order.  
[An. 1623.] His Return to England, which was in October 1623., was entertained with so much Joy and Thanksgiving, as if He had been the happy Genius of the whole Nation; and His entrance into London was as a Triumph for His Wisdom, their Bonfires lengthened out the day, and their Bells by uncessant ringing forbade sleep to those eyes which were refreshed with His sight. Nor could the People by age or sickness be confined at home, but despising the prescriptions of their Physicians, went to meet Him as restored Health.  
When He had given the King an account of His Voyage, and the Spanish Counsels not to restore the Palatinate, a Parliament was Summoned, which was so zealous of the Honour of the Prince, that both Houses Voted an Address to His Majesty, that he would no longer Treat, but begin a War with Spain; and desiring the Prince's Mediation (who was always ready to gratify the Nation) therein to His Father, they assured Him they would stand by Him with their Lives and Fortunes: but yet when the War, with the Crown, descended unto Him, they shamefully deserted Him in the beginning of His Reign.  
When neither a Wife nor Peace was any longer to be expected from Spain, both were sought for from France, by a Marriage with Henrietta Maria, the youngest Daughter of Henry the iv The Love of whom the Prince had received by the Eye, and She of Him by the Ear. For having formerly received impressions from the Relations of His Gallantry; when She was told of His passing through Paris, She answered (as it is reported) That if He went to Spain for a Wife, He might have had one nearer hand, and saved Himself a great part of the labour.  
[Anno 1625.] In the midst of these Preparations for War and Love, King James died at Theobalds', Sunday March 27. Anno 1625. and Prince CHARLES was immediately proclaimed at the Ourt-gate King of Great Britain, France and Ireland, and so throughout all the Three Kingdoms, with infinite rejoicings. The people expecting all the benefits of the happiest Government under Him, whose private and vouthful part of Life had been so spent, that it had nothing in it to be ●●●used, and where the eager inquisitors for matter of Reproach met with no satisfaction. An Argument of a solid Virtue, that could hold out against all the Vices of Youth, that are rendered more impetuous by Flatteries and Plenty, which are continually resident in great Courts. For had any debauchery polluted His earlier days, it had been onblished by those who in scarcity of just Accusations did invent unimaginable Calumnies. Nor could it have been hid, for in a great Fortune nothing is concealed, but Curiosity opens the Close●●●nd Bed chambers, especially of Princes, and discovers their closest retirements, exposing all their Actions to Fame and Censure. Nor did the King deceive their hopes, they being the happiest people under the Sun while He was undistuibed in the administration of Justice.  
His first public Act was the Celebrating His Father's Funeral, whereat He Himself was Chief Mourner, (contrary to the Practice of His Royal Predecessors, and not conformable to the Ceremonies of State;) Either preferring Piety to an unnatural Grandeur; or urged by some secret Decree of Providence, that in all the ruins of His Family He should drink the greatest draught of Tears; or His Spirit presaging the Troubles of the Throne, He would hollow the Ascent to it by a pious act of Grief.  
When He had paid that debt to His deceased Father, He next provided for Posterity, and therefore hastened the coming over of His dearest Consort, Whom the Duke of Chevereux had in His Name espoused at the Church of Nostre-Dame in Paris; and He receiving Her at Dover the next day after Trinity-Sunday; at Canterbury began His Conjugal Embraces. A Lady of most excellent Endowments, who assumed to Herself nothing in His Good Fortune but the Joy; and in His Evil bore an equal share, for She reverenced Him, not his Greatness.  
Thus having dispatched the affairs of His Family, He applies Himself to those of His Kingdoms, which too much Felicity had made unmanageable by a moderate Government. And He seemed not so much to ascend a Throne, as enter upon a Theatre, to wrestle with all the difficulties of a corrupted State; whose long Peace had softened almost all the Nobless into Court-pleasures, and made the Commons insolent by a great Plenty. The Rites and Discipline of Religion had been blotted out by a long and uninterrupted Prosperity, and Factions crept from the Church into the Senate, which were made use of by those that endeavoured the alteration of Government; and the Resolves of that Council were the dictates of some heady Demagogues, who fed the Vulgar with hopes of Novelty under the name of Liberty, so that the King could not endure their Vices, nor they His Virtues: whence came all the Obstructions to His Designs for Glory and the Public good. The Treasury had been exhausted to satiate the unquiet and greedy Scots: and the people were taught not to supply it, unless they were bribed with the blood of some Minister of State, or some more advantages for Licentiousness. Each of these single would have ennobled the Care of an Ordinary Prudence to have weathered out: but when all these conspired with the traitorous Projects of men of unbounded and unlawful hopes, they took from Him His Peace, and that which the World calls Happiness; but yet they made Him Great, and affording Exercises for His most excellent Abilities rendered Him Glorious.  
The different states of these Difficulties, when like Clouds they were gathering together, and when they descended in showers of Blood, divide the King's Reign into two parts. The first could not be esteemed days of Peace, but an Immunity from Civil War. The other was when He was concluded by that Fatal Necessity, either to part with his Dignity, and expose His Subjects to the injuries of numerous Tyrants; or else to exceed the calmer temper of His peaceful Soul, and make use of those necessary Arms, whereby He might hope to divert, if possible, the Ruin of Church and State which He saw in projection.  
In the first Part He had no Wars at home but what was in the Houses of Parliament; which though their first Institution designed for the production of just Counsels, and assistances of Government, yet, through the just Indignation of Heaven, and the practices of some unquiet and seditious persons, became the wombs wherein were first conceived and form those monstrous Confusions which destroyed their own Liberty, caused our Miseries, and the King's Afflictions.  
His First Parliament began June 18. At the opening of which the King acquainted them with the necessity of Supplies for the War with Spain, which they importunately had through His Mediation engaged His Father in, and made it as hereditary to Him as the Crown. His Eloquence gave powerful Reasons for speedy and large sums of Money; did also audit to them the several disbursements relating both to the Army and Navy, that He might remove all Jealousies of mis-imployment, and give them notice how well He understood the Office He had newly entered upon, and how to be a faithful Steward of the Public Treasure. But the Projectors of the alteration of Government brought into debate two Petitions, one for Religion, the other for Grievances, form in King James' time, which delayed the Succours, and increased the Necessities, which at last they answered but with two Subsidies, too poor a stock to furnish an Army with; yet was kindly accepted, in expectation of more at the next Session. For the Infection seizing upon London, the Parliament was adjourned till August, when they were to meet at Oxford: and at that time He passed such Acts as were presented to Him.  
At the next Session He gave a complying and satisfactory answer to all their Petitions, and expected a Retribution in larger Subsidies towards the Spanish War. But in stead of these, there were high and furious debates of Grievances, consultations to form and publish Remonstrances, Accusations of the Duke of Buckingham: Which the King esteeming as reproaches of His Government, and assaults upon Monarchy, dissolves that Aslembly, hoping to find one of a less choleric complexion after His Coronation.  
This inauspicious Meeting drew aster it another Mischief, the Miscarriage of the Designs upon Spain. For the supplies of Money being scanty and slow, the Fleet could not go forth till October 8. an unseasonable time in the British Seas; and their first contest was with Winds and Tempests, which destroying some, scattered all the Ships. When they met, a more dangerous storm fell among the Soldiers and Seamen, where small Pay caused less Discipline, and a contempt of their General, the Lord Wimbleton, rendered the attempt upon Cades vain and fruitless. This was followed by a Contagion (to which some conceive discontented minds make the bodies of men more obnoxious) in the Navy, which forced it home, more empty of Men, and less of Reputation.  
The Infection decreasing at London, the King performed the Solemnities of His Coronation February 2. with some alterations from those of His Predecessors: for in the Civil He omitted the usual Parade of Riding from the Tower through the City to White-Hall, to save the Expenses that Pomp required, for more noble undertake. In the Spiritual there was restored a Clause in the Prayers which had been pretermitted since Henry VI and was this; Let Him obtain favour for this People, like Aaron in the Tabernacle, Elisha in the waters, Zacharias in the Temple; give Him Peter 's Key of Discipline, Paul 's Doctrine. Which though more agreeing to the Principles of Protestantism, which acknowledgeth the Power of Princes in their Churches, and was therefore omitted in the times of Popery; yet was quarrelled at by the Factious party, (who take advantages of Calumny and Sedition from good as well as bad circumstances) and condemned as a new invention of Bishop Laud, and made use of to defame both the King and him.  
After this He began a Second Parliament February 2. wherein the Commons voted Him Four Subsidies, but the Demagogues intended them as the price of the Duke of Buckingham's blood; whom Mr. Cook and Dr. Turner with so much bitterness inveighed against, as passing the modesty of their former dissimulation they taxed the King's Government. Sir Dudley Digges, Sir John eliot and others carried up Articles against him to the Lord's House, in which, to make the Faction more sport, the Duke and the Earl of Bristol did mutually impeach each other. By these contrasts the Parliament were so highly heated, that the Faction thought it fit time to put a Remonstrance in the forge, which according to their manner was to be a public Invective against the Government. But the King having notice of it, dissolves the Parliament June 18. [Anno 1626.] and the Bill for the Subsidies never passed.  
This misunderstanding at home produced another War abroad. For the King of France taking advantage of these our Domestic embroilments gins a War upon us, and seizeth upon the English Merchant Ships in the River of Bourdeaux. His pretence was, because the King had sent back all the French Servants of the Queen, whose insolences had been intolerable. But the world saw the vanity of this pretext in the Example of Lewis himself, who had in the like manner dimitted the Spanish attendants of his own Queen: and that truly the unhappy Counsels in Parliament had exposed this Just Prince to foreign injuries. Which He magnanimously endeavoured to revenge, and to recover the goods of His abused Subjects; and therefore sent the Fleet designed for Justice upon Spain to seek it first in France. But the want of Money made the Preparations slow; and therefore the Navy putting out late in the year was by Storms forced to desist the enterprise. So that what was the effect only of the malice of His Enemies, was imputed by some to a secret Decree of Heaven, which obstructed His just undertake for Glory.  
[Anno 1627.] The next year the King, quickened by the Petitions of the Rochellers, who now sued for His Protection, as well as by the Justice of His own Cause, more early prosecuted His Counsels, and sent the Duke of Buckingham to attach the Isle of Rhee; which though alarmed to a greater strength by the last year's vain attempt, yet had now submitted to the English Valour, had not the Duke managed that War more with the Gaieties of a Courtier than the Arts of a Soldier. And when it was wisdom to forsake those attempts which former neglects had made impossible, being too greedy of Honour, and to avoid the imputation on of fear in a safe retreat, he loaded his overthrow with a new Ignominy, and an heavier loss of men, (the common fate of those Who seek for glory in the parcels, lose it in the gross.) Which was contrary to the temper of his Master, who was so tender of humane blood, that therefore He raised no Wars, but found them; and thought it an opprobrious bargain to purchase the fruitless Laurels, or the empty name of Honour, with the lives of men, but where the Public Safety required the hazard and loss of some particulars.  
This Expedition being so unhappy, and the Miseries of Rochel making them importunate for the King's Assistance, His Compassionate Soul was desirous to remove their Dangers, but was restrained by that necessitous condition the Faction had concluded Him under. To free Himself from which, that He might deliver the oppressed, He doth pawn His own Lands for 120000 pounds to the City, and borrows 30000 pounds more of the East-India Company: but this was yet too narrow a Foundation to support the charges of the Fleet, and no way so natural to get adequate supplies as by a Parliament; which He therefore summons to meet March 17, intending to use all Methods of Complacency to unite the Subject's Affections, to Himself.  
Which in the beginning proved successful, for the modesty of the Subjects strove with the Piety of the King, and both Interests contended to oblige, that they might be obliged. The Parliament granted the King [Anno 1628.] five Subsidies, and He freely granted their Petition of Right, the greatest Condescension that ever any King made, wherein He seemed to submit the Royal Sceptre to the Popular Fasces, and to have given Satisfaction even to Supererogation.  
These auspicious beginnings, though full of Joy both to Prince and People, were matter of envy to the Faction; and therefore to form new Discontents and Jealousies, the Demagogues persuaded the Houses that the King's Grant of their Petition extended, (beyond their own Hopes and the Limits themselves had set, and what He had expressly mentioned and cautioned) even to the taking away His Right to Tonnage and Poundage. Besides this, they were again hammering a Remonstrance to reproach Him and His Ministers of maladministration. Which Ingratitude He being not able to endure, on June 26. adjourns the Parliament till Octob. 20. and afterward by Proclamation till Jan. 20. following.  
In the interim, the King hastens to send succours to Rochel: and though the General, the Duke of Buckingham, was at Portsmouth Assassinated by Felton, armed (as he professed) with the public hatred; yet the Preparations were not slackened, the King by His personal industry doing more to the necessary furnishing of the Fleet in ten or twelve days than the Duke had done in so many months before. But in the mean while Rochel was barricadoed to an impossibility of Relief. Therefore the Earl of Lindsey, who commanded the Forces, after some gallant, yet fruitless attempts returned to England, and the Rochellers to the Obedience of the French King.  
As Providence had removed the great Object of the Popular hate, and (as was pretended) the chief obstruction of the Subjects Love to their King, the Duke of Buckingham; so the King himself labours to remove all other occasions of quarrel before the next Session. He restores Archbishop Abbot, who for his remissness in the Discipline of the Church had been suspended from his Office, and was therefore the Darling of the Commons because in disgrace with the King, (so contrary are the affections of a corrupted State to those of their Governors) to the administration of it again. Dr. Potter, the great Calvinist, was made Bishop of Carlisle. Mr. Mountague's Book of Appello Caesarem was called in. Proclamations were issued out against Papists. Sir Thomas Wentworth, an active Leader of the Commons, was towards the beginning of this Session, as Sir John Savil had been at the end of the last, called up into the Lord's House, being made Viscount Wentworth, and Lord Precedent of the North.  
But the Honours of these Persons (whose parts the King, who well understood men, thought worthy of his Favour and Employment) seeming the rewards of Sedition, and the spoils of destructive Counsels, the Demagogues were more eager in the pursuit of that which these had attained unto, by the like Arts. And therefore despising all the King's obliging practices, in the next Sessions they assumed a power of reforming Church and State, called the Customers into question for Levying Tonnage and Poundage, made now their Invectives, as they formerly did against the Duke, against the Lord Treasurer Weston; so that it appeared that not the persons of men, but the King's trust of them, was the object of their Envy, and His Favour, though never so Virtuous, marked them out for Ruin. And upon these points they raised the heat to such a degree, that fearing they should be dissolved ere they had time to vent their passions, they began a Violence upon their own Body (an example which lasted longer than their Cause, and at last produced the overthrow of all their Privileges.) They locked the Doors of the House, kept the Key thereof in one of their own Pockets, held the Speaker by strong hand in the Chair, till they had thundered out their Votes, like dreadful Anathemaes, against those that should Levy, and, which was more ranting, against such as should willingly pay the Tonnage and Poundage. This Force the King went with His Guard of Pensioners to remove; which they hearing, adjourned the House; and the King in the House of Lords declaring the Injustice of those Vipers who destroyed their own Liberties, dissolved the Parliament.  
While the winds of Sedition raged thus furiously at home, more gentle gales came from abroad. The French King's designs upon other places required Peace from us, and therefore the Signiory of Venice by her Ambassadors was moved to procure an Accord betwixt Charles and Lewis; which the King accepted. And not long after [Anno 1629.] the Spaniard pressed with equal necessities desired Amity; which was also granted. The King being thus freed from His domestic Embroilments and foreign Enmities, soon made the World see His Skill in the Arts of Empire, and rendered Himself abroad more considerable than any of His Predecessors. And He was more glorious in the eyes of the good, and more satisfied in His own breast, by confirming Peace with Prudence, than if He had finished Wars with destroying Arms. So that His Sceptre was the Caduceus to arbitrate the differences of the Potentates of Europe. His Subjects likewise tasted the sweetness of a Reign which Heaven did indulge with all its favours, but only that of valuing their Happiness. While other Nations weltered in blood, His people enjoyed a profound Peace, and that Plenty which the freedom of Commerce brings along with it. The Dutch and Easterlings used London as the surest Bank to preserve and increase their Trading. The Spanish Bullion was here Coined, which advantaged the King's Mint, and increased the Wealth of the Merchants, who returned most of that Money in our native Commodities.  
While He dispensed these Blessings to the People, Heaven was liberal to Him in giving Him a Son to inherit His Dominions, May 29. [Anno 1630.] which was so great matter of rejoicing to the People of uncorrupted minds, that Heaven seemed also concerned in the Exultation, kindling another Fire more than Ordinary, making a Star to be seen the same day at noon. (From which most men presaged that that Prince should be of high Undertake, and of no common glory among Kings: which hath since been confirmed by the miraculous preservation of Him, and Heaven seemed to conduct Him to the Throne.) For this great blessing the King gave public Thanks to the Author of it, Almighty God, at St. Paul's Church; and God was pleased in a return to those thanks with a numerous Issue afterwards to increase this Happiness. For neither Armies nor Navies are such sure props of Empire as Children are. Time, Fortune, private Lusts, or Errors may take off, or change Friends: but those that Nature hath united must have the same Interest, especially in Royal Families, in whose Prosperities strangers may have a part, but their Adversities will be sure to crush their nearest Allies.  
Prospering thus in Peace at home, a small time assisted His frugality to get such a Treasure, and gave Him leisure to form such Counsels as might curb the Insolence of His Enemies abroad. He confederated with other Princes to give a check to the Austrian Greatness, assisting by His Treasure, Arms and Counsel, the King of Sweden, to deliver the oppressed Germane States from the Imperial Oppressions. And when Gustavus' fortune made him insolent, and he would impose unequal Conditions upon the Paltsgrave, the King's Brother in Law, He necessitated him notwithstanding his Victories to more easy Articles.  
The next year was notorious for two Trials: one of the Lord Audley Earl of Castlehaven, who being accused by all the abused parts of his Family of a prodigious wickedness and unnatural uncleanness, was by the King submitted to a trial by his Peers, and by them being found Guilty, was Condemned, and his Nobility could be no patronage for his Crimes; (but in the King's eyes they appeared more horrid, because they polluted that Order) and was afterwards executed.  
The other was of a trial of Combat at a Marshal's Court, betwixt Donnold Lord Rey, a Scotish High-lander, and David Ramsey, a Scotish Courtier. The first accused the last to have solicited him to a Confederacy with the Marquis Hamilton, who was then Commander of some Forces in assistance of the King of Sweden: in which Ramsey said all Scotland was engaged but three; and that their friends had gotten provision of Arms and Powder out of England; that the Court was extremely corrupted; and that the matters of Church and State were so out of frame as must tend to a Change.  
There were no Witnesses, and the Defendant denying what the Appellant affirmed, the Trial was thought must be by Duel. In order to which the King grants a Commission for a Court-Marshal: where though the presumptions of Ramsey's guilt were more heightened, yet the King hinders any further process by Combat, which is doubted whether it be lawful; either thinking none so foolish as to strive for Empire which He found so full of Trouble; or knowing that Magistracy being the sole Gift of Heaven, it was vain to commit a crime in hope of enjoying it, or in fear of losing it: (which was the Principle upon which Excellent Princes have neglected the diligent Inquisition of Conspiracies) and fatally continues Hamilton in that favour as did enable him afterwards more falsely to act that Treason of which he was then accused.  
[Anno 1632.] Some Tumults in Ireland shown a defect in that Government, which made the King send over as Deputy thither the Lord Wentworth, a most accomplished Person in affairs of Rule, of great Abilities equal to a Minister of State. The King's choice of him he soon justified, by reducing that tumultuary people to such a condition of Peace and security as it had never been since its first annexion to this Crown, and made it pay for the Charges of its own Government, which before was deducted out of the English Treasury: their Peace and Laws now opening accesses for Plenty.  
This enjoyment of Peace and Plenty through all the King's Dominions made Him mindful of employing some fruits of it to the Honour of that God that caused it; and not to let so great a Prosperity wholly corrupt the minds of men to a neglect of Religion, (which is usual) He shown His own Zeal for the Ornaments of it, and spent part of His Treasure towards the repair of St. Paul's Church, and by His Example, Admonitions and Commands drew many of His Subjects to a Contribution for it; and had restored it to its primitive lustre and firmness, adorned it to a magnificence equal with the Structure, which is supposed the goodliest in the Christian World, had not the Malice of His Enemies forced Him to Arms, mingled His Mortar with the blood of innocent people, and sacrilegiously diverted all the Treasure and Materials gathered for this pious design, to maintain an impious and unjust War: and afterwards to dishonour His Cares for Religion, they barbarously made it a Stable for their Horse, and Quarters for their unhallowed Foot.  
[Anno 1633.] Some Reasons of State drew the King from London, May 13. to receive the Imperial Crown of Scotland. Himself professed that He had no great Stomach to the Journey, nor delight in the Nation, being a Race of men, that under the Scheme of an honest animosity and specious plain-dealing were most perfidious. A full Character of their great Movers. Yet as He had been nobly treated all along His Journey by the English Nobility, so was He there magnificently received and crowned at Edinburgh, June 10. But the King soon found all those Caresses false. For the Nobility and Laic Patrons could not concoct His Revocation (though legal and innocent) of such things as had been stolen from the Crown during His Father's Minority, with a Commission for Surrendry of Superiorities and Tithes to be retaken from the King by the present Occupants (who could as then pretend no other Title than the unjust usurpation of their Ancestors) on such conditions as might bring some Profit to the Crown, (to which they justly belonged) some Augmentation to the Clergy, and far more ease and benefit to the Common People, whom by advantage of those illegal Tenors they oppressed with a most bitter Vassalage. This Act of His Majesty being so full of equity and public good, those whose greatness was builded upon Injustice did not bare-facedly oppose it, but endeavoured to hinder that and all the other designs of Peace and Order, by opposing in the Parliament next after the Coronation the Act of Ratification of all those Laws which King James had made in that Nation for the better regulating the affairs of that Church, both as to the Government and Worship of it.  
This was highly opposed by such as were sensible of their diminution by a legal restitution of their unrighteous Possessions. And although the King carried it by the major part of Voices; yet to prevent their own fires with the public Ruin, they did most assiduously slander it among the People as the abetting of Popery, and the betraying their Spiritual Liberty to the Romish yoke. These Calumnies received more credit by the King's Order for a more decent and Reverend Worship of God at His Royal Chapel at Edinburgh, conformably to the English Usage.  
Their noise grew louder by the Consent of their party of Malcontents in England, who also took advantage to diffuse their poison from the King's Book of Sports, which King JAMES had in his time published in Lancashire, and was now ratified by King CHARLES for a more universal Observance. The Occasion of which was the Apostasy of many to Popery, (whose Doctrines and Practices are more indulgent to the licentious) through the rigid opinion of some Preachers, who equalled all Recreations on the Sabbath (as they called it) to the most prodigious transgressions. On the contrary, some of the ignorant Teachers had perverted many to downright Judaisme, by the consequence of so strict an Observance of the Sabbath. And some overbusy Justices of Peace had suppressed all the Ancient Feasts of the Dedications of Churches. The King therefore intended by this edict to obstruct the success of the Enemies on both sides, and to free His People from the yoke of this Superstition. But (such is the weakness of Humane Prudence, that the Remedies it applies to one Inconvenience are pregnant of another; and whereas the Generality of men seldom do good but as necessitated by Law, when Liberty is indulged, all things are soon filled with Disorder and Confusion. And so) it happened in this, that the Vulgar abusing the King's Liberty, (which was no more than is granted in other Protestant Churches) and committing many undecencies, made many well-tempered Spirits too capable and credulous of those importunate Calumnies of the Faction, that His Majesty was not well-affected to Religion.  
[Anno 1634.] The boldness of the Pickeroons, Turks, and Dunkirk-Pirates infesting our Coasts, damaging our Traffic, the usurpation of the Holland Fishers on the King's Dominion in the Narrow Seas, and His Right disputed in a Tract by the Learned Grotius, call the King's next Cares for His own Honour, and the People's Safety. But the Remedy appeared exceeding difficult; the furnishing of a Navy for so honourable an undertaking being too heavy a burden for His Exchequer; which (although not emptied by any luxuriant Feasts, nor profusely wasted on some prodigal and unthrifty Favourite, nor lavished on ambitious designs, from all which destructions of Treasure no King was more free) was but just sufficient for ordinary and necessary Expenses of State and Majesty. And though it was most just for Him to expect the People's Contribution to their own Safety, who were never richer than now, nor had they ever more Security for their riches than they now had by His Concessions of Liberty: yet knowing how powerful the Faction always was to disturb the Counsels of Parliament, He feared that from their Proceed the Common Enemies would be encouraged (as formerly) to higher Insolences, and the envious Demagogues would contemn their own safety to ruin His Honour. He also accounted it a great unhappiness to be necessitated to maintain His State by extraordinary ways, and therefore refused to renew Privy Seals and Loans, the use of which He debarred Himself of in granting the Petition of Right. Therefore consults His Atturney-General Noy, whether the Prerogative had yet any thing left to save an unwilling people. Noy acquaints Him with Ancient Precedents of raising a Tax upon the Nation for setting forth a Navy in case of danger, and assures Him of the Legality of the way in proceeding by Writs to that effect. Which Counsel being embraced, there were Writs directed to the several Counties for such a Contribution, that in the whole might build, furnish and maintain 47 Ships for the safety of the Kingdom. And by these the King soon secured and calmed the Seas; but the Faction endeavoured to raise a Tempest at Land.  
[Anno 1635.] They complained of Invasions on their Spiritual Liberties, because the Bishops endeavoured in these years to reduce the Ceremonies of the Church to their primitive Observance, of which a long Prosperity had made men negligent: and time had done that to the Spiritual Body which it doth to the Natural, daily amassed those Corruptions which at length will stand in need of cure. Therefore when they took this proper Method of reforming a corrupted State in bringing things back to their Original Institution, both His Majesty and they were defamed with designs of Popery.  
This Tax of Ship-money was pretended a breach to their Civil Liberties, and contrary to Law, because not laid by a Parliament. Therefore those who sought the People's favour to alter the present Government, by seeming the singular Patrons of their Rights, refused to pay the Tax, [Anno 1636.] and stood it out to a Trial at Law. The Just Prince declined not the Trial, and permitted Monarchy and Liberty to plead at the same Bar. All the Judges of the Land did justify by their Subscriptions, that it was legal for the King to levy such a Tax; and their Subscriptions were enroled in all the Courts of Westminster-Hall. And when it came to be argued in the Exchequer-Chamber, ten of them absolutely declared for it; only two, Crook and Hutton, openly dissented from that opinion to which they had formerly subscribed, not without the ignominy of Levity unbeseeming their places. And as the King was thus victorious in the Law, so was He at Sea; and having kerbed the Pirates, He also reduced the Hollanders to a precarious use of His Seas.  
Amidst all these Difficulties and Calumnies the King hitherto had so governed, that sober men could not pray for, nor Heaven grant in Mercy to a People any greater Happiness than what His Reign did afford. The British Empire never more flourished with Magnificent Edifices; the Trade of the Nation had brought the wealth of the Indies home to our doors; Learning and all good Sciences were so cherished, that they grew to Admiration, and many Arts of the Ancients, buried and forgotten by time, were revived again. No Subjects under the Sun richer, and (which was the effect of that) none prouder. Security increased the Husbandman's stock, and Justice preserved his Life; none being condemned as to Life, but by the lawful Verdict of those of an equal Condition, the Jury of his Peers. The poor might Reverence, but needed not Fear the Great: and the Great though he might despise, yet could not injure his more obscure Neighbour. And all things were so administered, that they seemed to conspire to the Public good; except that they made our Happiness too much the cause of all Civil Commotions, and brought our Felicity to that height, that by the necessity of humane nature, which hath placed all things in motion, it must necessarily decline. And God provoked by our sins did no longer restrain and obstruct the arts and fury of some wicked men, who contemning their present certain enjoyments, hoped for more wicked acquisitions in public Troubles; to overwhelm every part of the King's Dominions with a deluge of Blood and Misery, and to commence that War, which as it was horrid with much slaughter, so it was memorable with the Experiences of His Majesty's Virtues; Confusions, like Winds, from every Coast at once assaulting and trying His Righteous Soul.  
The first Storm arose from the North, and the flame first broke out in Scotland, where those Lords who feared they should lose their spoils of Religion and Majesty, took all occasions to hasten the public Misery (which at last most heavily lay upon their Country, the hands they had strengthened and instructed to fight against their Prince, laying a more unsupportable slavery upon them than their most impious Slanders could form in the imaginations of the credulous that they might fear from the King) by calumniating the King's Government, raising fears of Tyranny and Idolatry, forming and spreading seditious Libels. The Author, or at least the Abettor, of one of which was found to be the Lord Balmerino, a Traitor by nature, being the Son of one who had before merited death for his Treasons to King James, yet found that mercy from him as the Son now did from King Charles, to have his Life and Estate continued after condemnation. Yet this perfidious man interpreted the King's Clemency for his own Virtue; and he that had dared such a Crime, could not be changed by the Pardon of it; and as if he had rather received an Injury than Life, he was the most active in the approaching Rebellion.  
[Anno 1637.] For the Rabble, that delights in Tumults, were fitted by this and other Boutefeus' for any occasion of contemning the King's Authority (though His designs, that were thus displeasing to the Nobless, were evidently for the benefit of the Populacy) and at last took fire from the Liturgy, something differing from ours, (lest a full consent might argue a dependency upon the Church of England) which some Scotish Bishops had composed and presented to the King for the use of their Church; which the King, who was desirous that those who were united under His Command might not be divided in Worship, confirmed, and appointed to be first read July 13. at Edinburgh, a City always pregnant with suspicions and false rumours. But it was entertained with all the instruments of Fury that were present to a debauched multitude: for they fling cudgels and sticks at the Dean of Edinburgh while he was performing his Office; and after that was done, reinforced their assault upon the Bishops, whom the Earls of Roxbrough and Traquaire pretended to protect, who endured some affronts, that their Patience might provoke a greater rage in the Multitude, which a vigorous punishment had easily extinguished. For they that are fierce in a crowd, being singled, through their particular fears become obedient. And that rabble that talks high against the determinations of their Prince, when danger from the Laws is within their ken, distrust their companions, and return to subjection.  
But it soon appeared that this was not the bare effort of a mutinous Multitude, but a long-formed Conspiracy; and to this Multitude, whose present terror was great, yet would have been contemptible in a short space, there appeared Parties to head them of several Orders. Who presently digested their Partisans into several Tables, and concocted this Mutiny into a formal Rebellion. To prosecute which they mutually obliged themselves and the whole Nation in a Covenant to extirpate Episcopacy, and whatsoever they pleased to brand with the odious names of Heresy and Superstition, and to defend each other against all Persons, not excepting the King.  
To reduce this people to more peaceful Practices, the King sends Marquis Hamilton (one who being caressed by His Majesty's Favour had risen to such a degree of wealth and greatness, that now he dreamt of nothing less than Empire to bring his power to perfection, at least to be Monarch of Scotland, to which he had some pretensions by his birth) as His Commissioner. Who with a species of Loyalty dissembled that pleasure which he took in the opposition of the Covenanters, whose first motions were secretly directed by his counsels, and those of his dependants, Traquaire and Roxbrough, for all his Allies were of that party (contrary to the custom of that Country, where all the Members of a Family espouse the part of their Head though in the utmost danger:) and his Mother rid armed with Pistols at her Saddlebow for defence of the Covenant. By his actings there new seeds of Discontents and War were daily sown, and his oppositions so faint, that he rather increased than allayed their fury: By several returns to His Majesty for new Instructions he gave time to the Rebels to consolidate their Conspiracy, to call home their Exiles of Poverty that were in foreign Armies, and provide Arms for open Force: By his false representations of the state of things, he induced the King to temporize with the too-potent Corruption of that Nation (an artifice King JAMES had sometimes practised) and by granting their desires, to make them sensible of the evils which would flow from their own counsels. Therefore the King gave Order for revoking the Liturgy, the High-Commission, the Book of Canons, and the Five Articles of Perth.  
But the Covenanters were more insolent by these Concessions, because they had gotten that by unlawful courses and unjust force which Modesty and Submission had never obtained; and imputing these Grants to the King's Weakness, not his Goodness, they proceeded to bolder Attempts: Indicted an Assembly without Him, in which they abolished Episcopacy; excommunicated the Bishops and all that adhered to them. Afterwards they seized upon the King's Revenue, surprised His Forts and Castles, and at last put themselves into Arms.  
Provoked with these Injuries the King amasses a gallant Army, in which was a very great appearance of Lords and Gentlemen, and with these marches, and encamps within two miles of Berwick, within sight of the Enemy. But their present Condition being such as could endure neither War nor Peace, they endeavoured to dissipate that Army, which they could not overthrow, by a pretence to a Pacification. For which they petitioned the King, who yielded unto it out of His innate tenderness of His Subjects Blood. So an Accord was made June 17. [Anno 1639.] and the King disbands His Army, expecting the Scots should do the like, according to the Articles of Agreement.  
But they being delivered from Fear, would not be restrained by Shame from breaking their Faith. For no sooner had the King disbanded, but they protested against the Pacification, printed many false Copies of it, that might represent it dishonourable to the King, retained their Officers in pay, changed the old Form of holding Parliaments, invaded the Prerogatives of the Crown, and solicited the French King for an aid of men and money.  
This perfidious abuse of His Majesty's Clemency made those that judge of Counsels by the Issue to censure the King's Facility. Some wondered how He could imagine there would be any Moderation in so corrupt a Generation of men, and that they who had broken the Peace out of a desire of War, should now lay aside their Arms out of a love to Quiet. That there would be always the same causes to the Scots of disturbing England, and opposing Government, their unquiet nature and Covetousness: therefore unless some strong impression made them either unable or unwilling to distract our quiet, the King was to look for a speedy return of their Injuries. Others attributed the Accord to the King's sense that some eminent Officers in His own Camp were polluted with Counsels not different from the Covenanters: and that Hamilton His Admiral had betrayed the seasons of fight by riding quietly in the Forth of Edinburgh; and had secret Conference with His Mother, the great Nurse of the Covenant, on Shipboard. But most referred it to the King's innate tenderness of His Subjects Blood, and to His Prudence not to defile His Glory with the overthrow (which seemed probable) of a contemptible Enemy, where the gains of the Victory could not balance the hazards of attempting it.  
[Anno 1640.] While men thus discourse of the Scots Perfidiousness, the King prepares for another Army, and in order thereto calls a Parliament in Ireland, and another in England, for assistances against the Rebels in Scotland. The Irish granted Money to raise and pay 8000 men in Arms, and furnish them with Ammunition. Yet this Example, with the King's account of the Injuries done to Him and this Nation by the Scots, and his promise of for ever acquitting them of Ship-money if now they would freely assist Him, prevailed nothing upon the English Parliament, whom the Faction drew aside to other Counsels. And when the King sent Sir Henry Vane to re-mind them of His desires, and to demand Twelve Subsidies, yet to accept of Six, he industriously (as was collected from His own and His Sons following practices) insisted upon the Twelve, without insinuation of the lesser quantity His Majesty would be contented with; which gave such an opportunity and matter for seditious Harangues, that the House was so exasperated, as that they were about to Remonstrate against the War with Scotland. To prevent this ominous effect of the falseness of His Servant, the King was forced to dissolve the Parliament May 5. yet continued the Convocation, which granted Him 4 s. in the pound for all their Ecclesiastical Promotions. But the Laiety that in the House had not time to declaim against His Majesty's Proceed, did it without doors; for being dispersed to their homes, they filled all places with suspicious Rumours and high Discontents: and in Southwark there was an open Mutiny began, which was not pacified without much danger, and the Execution of the principal Leaders.  
The King thus betrayed, defamed and deserted by those who should have considered that in His Honour their Safety was embarked, though He had no less cause to fear secret Conspiracies at Home, which were more dangerous because obscure, than the Scots public Hostility; yet vigorously prosecuted His undertaking, and raised a sufficient Army: but could not do it with equal speed to His Enemies, who had soon reunited their dispersed Forces; and encouraged by the Faction, with whom they held Intelligence, in England, contented not themselves to stand upon the defence, but invaded us, and advanced so far before all the King's Army could be gathered together, that they gave a defeat to a Party of it ere the Rear could be brought up by the Earl of Strafford, who was appointed General, or the King could come to encourage them with His Presence.  
He was no sooner arrived at His Army, but there followed Him from some English Lords a Petition, conformable to the Scotch Remonstrance, which they called the Intentions of the Army. So that His Majesty might justly fear some attempts in the South, while He was thus defending Himself from the Northern injuries. The King answered the Petitioners, That before their Petition came He had resolved to summon all the Peers to consult what would be most for the Safety of the Nation and His own Honour. Who accordingly met, Sept. 24. Where it was determined that a Parliament should be called to meet, Nou. 3. and in the mean time a Cessation should be made with the Scots, with whom some Commissioners from the Parliament should Treat.  
Novemb. 3. began that Fatal Parliament, which was so transported by the Arts of some unquiet persons, that they dishonoured the name and hopes of a Parliament, ingulfed the Nation in a Sea of Blood, ruined the King, and betrayed all their own Privileges and the People's Liberty into the power of a Fanatic and perfidious Army. And although His Majesty could not hope to find them moderate, yet He endeavoured to make them so; telling them at their meeting, that He was resolved to put Himself freely upon the Affections of His English Subjects; that He would satisfy all their just Grievances, and not leave to malice itself a shadow to doubt of His desire to make this a glorious and flourishing Kingdom. He commended to their care the chase out of the Rebels, the Provisions of His own Army, and the Relief of the oppressed Northern Counties.  
But the Malignity of some few, and the Iguorance of more, employed that Assembly in other matters: First, In purging their House of all such as they conceived would not comply with their destructive enterprises; and for such men they either found some fault with their Elections, or made them Criminals in some public Grievance; though others of a deeper guilt they kept among them, that their Offences might make them obnoxious to their power, and obsequious to their commands. Then with composed Harangues they declaimed upon the public Grievances, and reckoned up casual Misfortunes amongst designed Abuses of Government, every way raising up Contumelies against the present Power: and that which was fullest of Detraction and Envy was applauded as most pregnant with Liberty. Thus pretending several Injuries had been done to the People, they raised the Multitude to hopes of an unimaginable Liberty, and a discontent with the present Government. After this they set free all the Martyrs of Sedition, that for their malignant Libels had been imprisoned, and three of them were conducted through London with such a company of people adorned with Rosemary and Bays, as it seemed a Triumph over Justice and those Tribunals that sentenced them. Then they fell upon all the chief Ministers of State: they impeached the Earl of Strafford, Lord Lieutenant of Ireland; after him the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Lord Finch, Keeper of the Great Seal, the Judges that according to their Oath had determined Ship-money legal, and others; some of which fled, those that were found were clapped in Prison: so that the King was soon despoiled of those that were able or faithful to give Him Counsel, and others terrified in their Ministry to Him.  
While the Factious thus led the House, their Partisans without by their Instructions form Petitions against the Government in Church and State; to which they seduced the ignorant Rabble in the City and several Counties to subscribe, and in a tumultuous manner to present them to their Patriots. Who being animated by the success of their Arts, fell to draw up a Bill for Triennial Parliaments, wherein the Power of calling that great Council of the Nation was, upon refusal of the King, and the neglect of others, devolved upon Constables. Which profanation of Majesty though the King dissuaded them from, yet they persisted in; and He passed it.  
[Anno 1641.] After five months' time (for so long a space they took to rake up Matter and Witnesses to justify their accusation, and to give leisure to the Court for Overtures of gainful Offices to the great Sticklers against him; which not appearing) the Earl of Strafford is brought to his Trial in Westminster-Hall before the Lords as his Judges: (the King, Queen and Prince sitting behind a Curtain in an adjoining Gallery) and round about the Court stood the Commons. His Accusers and Witnesses were English, Scotch and Irish, (and indeed so brave a Person could not be ruined but by the pretended hatred of the whole Empire) The English were such as envied his Virtues, and greatness in the King's Favour. The Scotch, because they knew his Prudence able to counter-work their Frauds, discover their impudent Cheats, and his wise management to overthrow their Force. The Irish hatred arose from his just and necessary Severity in his Government, whereby he had reduced them from so great a Barbarousness that was impatient of Peace, to a Civility that was fertile of Plenty; and by Artifices, Husbandry and Commerce had rendered that tumultuary Nation so rich, that they were now able to repay to the English Treasury those great Debts which their former Troubles and Commotions had contracted. Although those of this Nation were Papists, and sworn Enemies both of the English name and State, and were even then practising and meditating their Rebellion, (which they hoped more easy when so wise a Governor was removed) and so prone enough of themselves to the Crime; yet were they much caressed by the Faction, that these in the name of the whole Kingdom should press the Earl with envy to the Grave.  
His Charge consisted of Twenty eight Articles (that their number might cover their want of Evidence.) To all which the Lieutenant (whose Patience was not overcome, nor his nature changed by the Reproaches of his Accusers) answers with so brave a Presence of Spirit, such firm Reasons, and so clear an Eloquence, that he whom the mercenary Tongues of their Lawyers had rendered as a Monster of men, could not be found guilty of Treason, either in the particulars or the whole. So that his Enemies were filled with madness that their Charge of Crimes appeared no other than a Libel of Slanders; and the disinteressed Hearers were (besides the pleasure they received to find so great Endowments polluted with no heinous Crimes) sensible of the unhappiness of those who are Ministers of State among a Factious people, where their prosperous Counsels are not rewarded, and unsuccessful, though prudent, are severely accused: when they err, every one condemns them, and their wise Advices few praise; for those that are benefited envy, and such as are disappointed hate those that gave them. And such seemed the Fate of this Excellent Counsellor, whom nothing else but his great Parts, his Master's Love and Trust had exposed to this Danger.  
The Faction being obstructed this way, by the Earl's Innocency and Abilities, from taking away his Life, move the House to proceed by a Bill of Attainder, to the making a Law after the Fact, whereby they Vote him guilty of High Treason: yet add a Caution, that it should not be drawn into a Precedent, seeking to secure themselves from a return of that Injustice upon themselves which they acted on him, intending to prosecute what they falsely charged him with, the Alteration of Government. Which yet passed not without a long debate and contention: for many that had none but honest hopes, disdained to administer to the Interest of the Faction in the blood of so much Innocent Gallantry; and those that were prudent saw how such an Example opened the avenues to ruin of the best Persons, when once exposed to public hatred. Therefore they earnestly dissuaded such a proceed. And fifty nine of the most eminent openly dissented when it came to the Vote; whose Names were afterwards posted, and marked for the fury of the Rabble, that for the future they might not oppose the designs of the Factious, unless they desired to be torn in pieces.  
In two days the Lower House past the Bill, so swift were the Demagogues to shed blood: but the Lord's House was a little more deliberative (the King having amongst them declared His sense of the Earl's Innocency:) of whose slow Resolves the Faction being impatient, there came a seditious rabble of about 5 or 6000 of the dregs of the people, armed with Staves and Cudgels, and other Instruments of Outrage, (instigated by the more unquiet Members both of the House of Commons and the City) to the Parliament doors, clamouring Justice, Justice: and the next day, to raise their Fury, there was a report spread among them of some endeavours to prepare an Escape for the Lieutenant of Ireland; therefore with more fierceness they raised their clamours, some objecting Treason to him, others their Decay of Trade, and each one either as he was instructed (for some of the House of Commons would be among them, to direct their Fury, and to give some order to their Tumult, that it might appear more terrible,) or the sense of his own necessities and lusts led him, urged his different motives for Justice: and at last, heated by their own motion and noise, they guard the doors of the House of Peers, offer insolences to the Lords, especially the Bishops, as they went in, and threaten them if their Votes disagree from their clamours. And when they had thus made an assault on the Liberty of the Parliament (which yet was pretended to be so Sacred) they afterward set upon the neighbouring Abby-Church, where forcing open the doors they broke down the Organs, spoiled all the Vestments and Ornaments of the Worship: from thence they fly to Court, and disturb the Peace of it with their undecent and barbarous clamours: and at last were raised to that impudence, as to upbraid the King, (who from a Scaffold persuaded them as they passed by to a modest care of their own private affairs) with an unfitness to reign.  
When some Justices of the Peace, according to the Law, endeavoured to suppress those Tumults by imprisoning the most forward and bold Leaders, they themselves were imprisoned by the Command of the Commons, upon pretext of an injury offered to the Liberties of the Subject; of which one was (as they then dictated) That every one might safely petition the Parliament: yet when the Kentish men came to Petition for something contrary to the Gust of the Faction, they caused the City Gates to be shut upon them; and when other Counties were meditating Addresses for Peace, by threaten they deterred them from such honest undertake. And when some prudent Persons minded the Demagogues how dishonourable it was for the Parliament not to suppress such Mutinies, they replied, that their friends ought rather to be thanked and caressed.  
By these and other Arts having wholly overthrown the freedom of that Council, and many withdrawing themselves from such Outrages, when scarce the third part of the Peers were present, the Faction of that House likewise passed the Bill, the Dissenters being out-voted only by seven Voices. Yet all this could not prevail upon the King, though the Tumults were still high without, and within He was daily solicited by the Lords of His Palace (who now looked upon the Earl as the Herd doth on an hurt Deer, and they hoped his Blood would be the Lustration of the Court) to leave the Earl as a Sacrifice to the Vulgar Rage. Nor did the King any ways yield, till the Judges (who were now obsequious to the pleasures of the Parliament) declared He might do it by Law, and the Earl by his own Letters devoted himself as a Victim for the public Peace and His Majesty's Safety: and then overcome with Importunities on all hands, and being abused by bad dealing of the Judges (as Himself complained to the Bishops whom He consulted in that Case, and the Bishop of London, who was one of them, answered, That if the King in Conscience found him not guilty, He ought not to pass the Bill; but for matter of Law, what was Treason, he referred Him to the Judges, who, according to their Oath, aught to carry themselves indifferently betwixt Him and His Subjects:) The other four Bishops that were then consulted, Durham, Lincoln, Carlisle, and the Archbishop of Armagh, were not so free as the Bishop of London was, and therefore the King observed a special blessing of God upon him. He at last with much reluctancy signed a Commission to some Lords to pass that Bill of Attainder, and another for Continuation of the Parliament during the pleasure of the Two Houses.  
The passing of these two Bills, as some thought, wounded the King's Greatness more than any thing He ever did. The first, because it cut off a most exquisite Instrument of Empire, and a most faithful Servant: and none did more make use of this to pollute His Honour, than those who had even forced Him to it; like those malignant and damned Spirits who upbraid unhappy Souls with those Crimes and ruins to which they themselves have tempted and betrayed them. But the heaviest Censor was Himself, for He never left bewailing His Compliance, or rather Connivance, with this Murder, till the issue of His Blood dried up those of His Tears.  
By the other Bill He had, as some censured, renounced His Crown, and granted it to those men who at present exercised so Arbitrary a Power, that they wanted nothing but length of time to be reputed Kings, and this they now had gotten. But the more Speculative concluded it an act of especial Prudence, for the King made that an evidence of His sincere intention to oblige His people, and overcome the Malice of His Enemies with Benefits: which the Faction would have usurped, and by the boldness of the attempt engaged the People to them as the only Patrons of their Liberty. And they were furnished with an Example for it by their Confederates in Scotland, who indicted an Assembly without the King's leave, and continued it against His pleasure; and (as all imitations of Crimes exceed their first pattern) it was conceived these men whose furies were more unjust, and so would be more fierce, intended to improve that Precedent to the extremest guilt.  
The Bill was no sooner signed, but they hastened the Execution; and so much the more eagerly, because the King desired, in a most passionate Letter delivered by the Prince to the Lords, that that Excellent Soul which found so much Injustice on Earth, might have the more time to fit itself for the Mercy of Heaven. But this favour which became Christians to grant, agreed not with the Religion of his Adversaries, and therefore the second day after he was brought to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill, (in his Passage thither he had a sight of the Archbishop of Canterbury, whose Prayers and Blessing he with a low Obeisance begged, and the most pious Prelate bestowed them with Tears,) where with a greater presence of mind than he had looked his Enemies in the face did he encounter Death, and submitted his neck to the stroke of the Executioner. He was a person of a generous Spirit, fitted for the noblest enterprises, and the most difficult parts of Empire. His Counsels were bold, yet just, and he had a Vigour proper for the Execution of them. Of an Eloquence, next to that of His Master's, masculine, and most excellent. He was no less affectionate to the Church than to the State, and not contented while living to defend the Government and Patrimony of it, he commended it also to his Son when he was about to die, and charged his abhorrency of Sacrilege. His Enemies called the Majesty of his Mien in his Lieutenancy, Pride, and the undaunted execution of his Office on the contumacious, the Insolency of his fortune. He was censured for committing that fatal Error of following the King to London and to the Parliament after the Pacification with the Scots at York; and it was thought, that if he had gone over to his charge in Ireland, he might have secured both himself and that Kingdom for His Majesty's Service. But some attributed this Counsel to a necessity of Fate, whose first stroke is at the brain of those whom it designs to ruin, and brought him to feel the effects of Popular Rage, which himself in former Parliaments had used against Government, and to find the Experience of his own advices against the Duke of Buckingham. Providence teaching us to abhor over-fine Counsels by the mischiefs they bring upon their Authors.  
The Fall of this Great Man so terrified the other Officers of State, that the Lord High Treasurer resigned his Staff to the Hands from whence he received it; the Lord Cottington forsook the Mastership of the Court of Wards; and the Guardian of the Prince returned Him to the King: These Lords parting with their Offices, like those that scatter their Treasure and Jewels in the way, that they might delude the violence of their greedy pursuers. But the King was left ●aked of their faithful Ministry, and exposed to the Infusions and Informations of those who were either Complices or Mercenaries to the Faction, to whom they discovered his most private Counsels.  
When the Earl of Strafford was dead, than did the Parliament begin to think of sending away the Scots, who hitherto had much impoverished the Northern Counties, and increased the charges of the Nation: but now they were Voted to receive 300000 pound, under the notion of a Brotherly Assistance, but in truth, designed by the Faction, as a reward for their Clamours for the Earls Blood; yet were they kept so long till the King had passed away more of His Prerogative, in signing the Bills to take away the High-Commission and the Star-Chamber. After which spoils of Majesty they disband the English and the Scotch Armies, August 6. and on the 10. of that Month the King follows them into Scotland, to settle, if it were possible, that Kingdom. But the King still found them as before: when He satisfied their greedy appetites, than would they offer Him their Lives and Fortunes; but when gain or advantage appeared from His Enemies, they appeared in their proper nature ungrateful, changeable and perfidious, whom no favours could oblige, nor any thing but Ruin was to be expected by building upon their Love.  
While the King was in Scotland labouring to settle that Nation by granting all that the Covetousness and Ambition of their Leaders pretended was for the Public good, and so aimed at no less than a Miracle, by His Benefits to reduce Faith (which, like Life, when it is once departed doth never naturally return) into those perfidious breasts; the Parliament adjourns, and leaves a standing Committee of such as were the Leaders or the Servants of the Faction. These prepared new Toils for His Majesty's Return, and by them was the Grand Remonstrance form: in it were reckoned for Grievances all the Complaints of men that were impatient of Laws and Government; the Offences of Courtiers, the unpleasing Resolves of Judges, the Neglects or Rigours of the Ministers of Justice, the undigested Sermons of some Preachers, yea, the Positions of some Divines in the Schools, were all exaggerated to defame the present Government both in Church and State, and to magnify the skill of these State-Physicians that offered Prescripts for all these Distempers. Besides, more easily to abuse the Vulgar, who reckon Misfortunes as Crimes, unpleasing accidents were represented as designs of Tyranny; and those things which had been reform, were yet mentioned as continued burdens. From which the people were assured there could be no deliverance but by the wisdom and magnanimity of the Remonstrants.  
To prepare the way for this, the most opprobrious parts of it were first whispered among the Populacy, that by this seeming suppression men impatient of Secrets might more eagerly divulge them, and the danger appear greater by an affected silence. Then prodigious Calumnies (which none but souls prone to any wickedness could believe of so Great a man) were form of the King, and such suspicions raised of Him and His Friends, as might force them to some Injuries which hitherto they forbore, and by securing themselves increase the Public fears. For Slanders do rather provoke most men than amend them; and the provoked think more of their safety, than to adjust their actions against their malicious Slanderers. And when the minds of men were made thus solicitous concerning Dangers from the King, to make them more pliable and ductile, there was represented to them an inevitable anger of Heaven against the present state of things both in Church and State, testified by many Prodigies that were related, and portentous Presages of Ruin. Certain Prophecies (for a credulity to which the English Vulgar are infamous) from unknown Oracles are divulged, which enigmatically describe the King as a Monster, and from such a Prince must proceed a change of Government. Some vain persons also, that gave themselves up to the Imposture of Astrology, were hired to terrify the people with the unsignificant Conjunctions of Stars, and from them to foretell ruins to the better part of the World, and an imminent destruction on men of the Long Robe, and Alterations of States.  
These were done to temper the minds of men by a superstition for a guidance of their Ministers, who being conceived to be the Ambassadors of Heaven, were supposed to have it in their Commission, to declare the Conditions of War and Peace: and these, either through the same weakness capable of the like terrors with the Vulgar, or (which is more to be abhorred) corrupted, as some were, by the Caresses and gainful hopes that the Faction baited them with, did justify their fears, and increase them by applying some obscure Prophecies in Scripture to the present Times and People; compared the pretended Corruptions of our Church with the Idolatries of Israel, and whatsoever was condemned in the Holy Records, was paralleled with the things they disliked here, and all the Curses that God poured upon His irreconcilable and obdurate enemies, were denounced against such as differed from them, or would not join with the Faction.  
To make these Harangues more efficacious, the Authors of them received the Reverence of the Demagogues, who (despising, questioning and exposing to Affronts such sober Divines as would have cured the madness of the People,) appropriated to such Teachers the Titles of Saints, Faithful Ministers, Precious men; and they on the other side made a return of Epithets to their Masters, of the Servants of the Most High, such as were to do the Work of the Lord; That by their Counsels men were to expect new Heavens and a new Earth; that they were men that should prepare the Kingdom for Jesus Christ, and lay the Foundations of the Empire of the Saints which was to last a Thousand years. To make the Cry yet louder, they permitted all Sects and Heresies a Licence of public profession, (which hitherto Discipline, the Care of the Common Peace and Religion had confined to secret corners) and permitted the Office of Teaching to every bold and ignorant undertaker; so that at last the dregs of the People usurped that Dignity, and Women, who had parted with the natural modesty of their Sex, would not only speak, but also rule in the Church. All these, in gratitude for their Licentiousness, still persuaded to their hearers the admiration of the Authors of it, and bitterly inveighed against those whom the Care both of the Souls and Fortunes of men would excite to repress them, in many of their Raptures denouncing Woe and Judgement to the lawful Governors in Church and State.  
While all these Methods of Ruin were preparing here, the same anger of God, the same madness of men raised up another Tempest in Ireland. For the Popish Lords and Priests of Ireland (who were the prime composers of the Tragedies there,) were encouraged by the Success of the Scots, who by a prosperous Rebellion (as the Historian of those Troubles writes) had procured for themselves such large Privileges, to an imitation, which the present Jealousies in England (where mutual Contrasts would employ all their force upon one another,) promised to be secure. And they had an happy opportunity by the Vacancy in Government through the slaughter of the Earl of Strafford, with whom the Irish Lords (while they prosecuted him in England) had removed all those other inferior Magistrates that were most skilful in the affairs of that Kingdom, by accusing to the Faction some of them of Treason, and others of an inclination to the Earl, and had got preferred to their charges such as were either altogether unacquainted with the Genius of that People, or favourers of the Conspiracy. A strength they had also ready; for those 8000 which had been listed for the Scotish Expedition were unseasonably disbanded, and the King in foresight they might cause some mischief in their own Country, had therefore promised 4000 of them to the King of Spain: yet would not the Parliament consent to their departure, because (as the Irish Lords suggested) it would displease the King of France; and when the King promised to send as many to the French Camp, that likewise was not relished. The Common Soldiers of that Army being thus made useless, and therefore like men of their employment most fierce when they were to be dismissed from the dangers of War, were easily drawn into the Rebellion, although very few of their Officers were polluted with the Crime.  
The Irish Lords and Priests being alured by these our Vices and these several opportunities, began their Rebellion Octob. 23. The Irish throughout that whole Kingdom on a sudden invading the unprovided English that were scattered among them, despoiling them of their Estates, Goods, and many thousands of their Lives, without any respect of Sex, Age, Kindred, or Friendship, and made them as so many Sacrifices to their bloody Superstition. They miss but a little to have surprised Dublin. But their Conspiracy being detected there and in some few other places, the English name and interest was preserved in that Kingdom, till they could receive Succours from hence.  
The King had the first intelligence of it, in its very beginnings, in Scotland, and thereupon sent Sir James Stuart to the Lords of the Privy Council in Ireland, to acquaint them with His Knowledge, and Instructions, and to carry all that Money that His present Stores could supply. Besides, He moves the Parliament of Scotland, as being nearest, to a speedy help; who decline their Aids, because Ireland was dependent upon the Crown of England. At the same time also He sends post to the Parliament of England; who less regard it, the Faction applauding their fortune, that new Troubles were arisen to molest the King, and that the Royal Power being thus assaulted in all three Nations, there must shortly arise so many new Commonwealths. Besides that it yielded fresh matter of reproach to His Majesty, to whose Counsels at first secretly they whispered, and at last publicly imputed that horrid Massacre. Which Slanders were coloured by the Arts of the Irish Rebels, who, to dishearten the English from any resistance, bragged that the Queen was with their Army; That the King would come amongst them with Auxiliary Forces; That they did but maintain His Cause against the Puritans; That they had the King's Commission for what they did, showing indeed a Patent that themselves had drawn, but thereto was affixed an Old broad Seal that had been taken from an obsolete Patent out of Farnham Abbey, by one Plunckett, in the presence of many of their Lords and Priests, as was afterwards attested by the Confession of many. That the Scots were in confederacy with them, to beget a faith of which, they abstained from the lives and fortunes of those of that Nation among them.  
On the other side, to encourage the Natives of their own party, they produce fictitious Letters, wherein they were informed from England that the Parliament had passed an Act, that all the Irish should be compelled to the Protestant Worship; that for the first offence they should forfeit all their Goods, for the second their Estates, and for the third their Lives. Besides, they present them with the hopes of Liberty: That the English Yoke should be shaken off; that they would have a King of their own Nation; and that the Goods and Estates of the English should be divided among the Natives. And with these hopes of Spoil and Liberty the Irish were driven to such a Fury, that they committed so many horrid and barbarous acts as scarce ever any Age or People were guilty of.  
In the mean while nothing was done for the relief of the poor English there, but only some Votes passed against the Rebels, till the King returned to London, which was about the end of November: where He with the Queen and the Prince were magnificently feasted by the Citizens, and the Chief of them afterwards by Him at Hampton-Court. For he never neglected any honest Arts to gain His People's love; to which they were naturally prone enough, had not His Enemy's methods and impulses depraved their Genius. But this much troubled the Faction, who envied that Reverence to Majesty in others which was not in themselves, and they endeavoured to make these loves short and unhappy; for they discountenanced the prime advancers of this Honour to the King, and were more eager to render Him odious. For having gotten a Guard about them, they likewise insinuated into the people dangerous apprehensions as the cause of that Guard, and every day grew more nice, and jealous of their Privileges, and Power. The King's advices to more tenderness of His Prerogative, or His Advertisements of the scandalous Speeches that were uttered in their House, they interpret as encroachments upon their Grandeur, and upbraided the King for them in their Petitions to Him.  
But their greatest effort upon Majesty was the Remonstrance; after which they took all occasions to magnify the apprehensions of those Fears which they had falsely pretended to in it. This the Faction had before form, and now brought into the House of Commons; where it found a strong opposition by those wise men that were tender of the public Peace and Common Good: though those who preferred their Private to the General Interest, and every one that was  and improvident for the future, were so fierce for it, that the Debates were continued all night till ten a clock the next morning, so that many of the more aged, and persons of best fortunes (not accustomed to such watch) were wearied out, and many others, not daring to provoke the Faction in this their grand Design, left the House; so that at last they carried it, yet but by eleven Votes. Which they presented with a Petition to take away the Votes of Bishops in the House of Lords, and the Ceremonies in the Church, and to remove those Persons from His Trust which they could not confide in; yet named none, but only accused all under the name of a Malignant Popish Party. Which they had no sooner delivered than they caused it to be published in Print.  
To which the King answers in another public Declaration, but so much to the discontent of the Demagogues, to find their Methods of Ruin so fully discovered as they were in His Majesty's Answer, that they had recourse to their former sovereign Remedy, which sober men accounted a crime, and an indignity to Government, the Tumults of the Rabble. Who in great numbers and much confusion came up to Westminster, some crying out against Bishops, others belching their fury against the Liturgy, and a third party roaring that the Power of the Militia should be taken out of the King's hands. To their Clamours they added rude Affronts to those Lords whom their Leaders had taught them to hate, and especially to the Bishops, at their going in or coming out of the House: and afterwards drawing up to White-Hall, they appeared so insolent, as it was evident they wanted only some to begin, for there were enough to prosecute an Assault upon the King in His own Palace.  
The Bishops thus rudely excluded from their Right and Liberty of coming to the Parliament, Twelve of them afterwards protest against the Proceed of it, during their so violent Exclusion. Which Protestation the Commons presently accused of High Treason, and caused their Commitment to the Tower; where they continued them till the Bill against their Votes in the Lord's House was past, that they might not produce their Reasons for their Rights, and against the Injustice offered unto them, and then afterwards released them.  
The King also saw it necessary to take a Guard of such Gentlemen as offered their Service for His Safety, and to prevent the profaning of Majesty by the rude fury of the People, who used to make their Addresses acceptable at Westminster, by offering in their passage some base Affronts at White-Hall. But when the terror of this Guard had reduced them to some less degree of Impudence, they then, instructed by their Heads, laboured to make it more unsafe to the King, by seeking to raise the Rage and Jealousy of the whole City against Him. For at midnight there were cries out in the Street, that all People should arise to their defence; for the King with His Papists were coming to fire the City, and cut their throats in their beds. Than which though nothing was more false, yet it found the effects of truth; and the People by such Alarms being terrified from sleep, the impressions of those nightly fears lay long upon their Spirits in the day, and filled them almost with Madness.  
The King therefore, not always to encourage these Violences with Patience, but at last by a course of Justice to take off those whom He had found to be the Authors of these destructive Counsels, the grand Movers of these Seditious practices, and, which was more, the Inviters of a Foreign Force, the Scotch Army, into this Nation; commands His Attorney General to accuse Five Members of the House of Commous, and one of the Lords, upon Articles of High Treason, to be tried according to the Laws of the Land: and He also sends some other Officers to seal up their Trunks and Cabinets in their several Lodgings, and to secure their Persons. This being related to the House of Commons (wherein the Faction was now grown more powerful, and with whom did join many men of Integrity in this Occurrence, being too careful of the Privileges of their House, which yet secure none of the Members against Justice for Murder, Felony, or Treason) they were so far from admitting the King's Charge against them, that they accused the King of breach of Privilege, and Vote all those guilty of Enmity to the Commonwealth that shall obey the King in any of His Commands concerning them.  
This Obstruction of Justice so far moved the King, together with the Advice of some of His Council that were also of the House of Commons, as also an hope of rooting up the Faction this way, that none through the hope of Concealment should be encouraged to conspire the public Ruin, that He Himself, with about an hundred Lords and Gentlemen and their followers, went to the House of Commons: Where commanding His Attendants to move no further than the Stairs, to offer no violence, nor return any uncivil language to any although provoked, Himself with the Paltzgrave only enters the House, and demands that the Incendiaries might be delivered into His hands, with whom He promises to deal no otherwise than according to the Law. But they whom he sought, being before informed (as it is reported) of the King's coming by the secret Intelligence of Marquis Hamilton, and a Court Lady (who having lost the Confluence of Servants with her Beauty, sought now to prevent a solitude by politic ministeries) had forsaken the place, and withdrawn themselves into the Sanctuary of the City. Wherefore the King having renewed His Charge, without injury to any immediately departs.  
But the Faction would not let Him so rest, but prosecuted this attempt of His with all the Clamours that they possibly could raise, spread the sparks of Dissension far and wide, make the common people mad with Fears and Distractions, stir up some in several Counties to bring Petitions for the impeached Members and their Violated Privileges; and at last prepare an armed Rabble disposed into Order to bring the accused Demagogues to the House from their Coverts in London. This coming to the knowledge of the King, although many Gallant and faithful Persons proffered their Service by mingling with the Rout, or by being as Spectators, to curb any Insolences that should be attempted on Him; yet was He resolved to withdraw Himself with the Queen and their Children to Windsor, that He might permit their Fury to languish when it had no opposition, and to give time for their jealousies and rumours to wax old and perish. For the first Indignation of a mutinous Multitude is most fierce, and a small delay breaks their consent: and Majesty would have a greater Reverence, if any, at a distance.  
The King's Wisdom was perceived by His Enemies, and therefore to counterwork it, and not to let the people sleep without fear, lest they should come to be sober, and return to the love of Obedience, strange reports were every day brought of dangers from the King: That troops of Papists were gathered about Kingston upon the Thames, where the County Magazine was lodged, under the Command of the Lord George Digby, who was then famed to be a Papist, (though at that time he was an elegant Assertor of the Protestant Faith,) and Col. Lunsford, who was characterised to be of so monstrous an appetite that he would eat Children. And parties were sent to take them both, which found no such dreadful Preparations. At other times, when the People on the Lord's days were at Divine Worship, they were distracted from it by Alarms, that the Papists (who and from whence none could tell) were up in Arms, and were just then about to fire their Houses, and mix their Blood with their Prayers: That there were Forces kept in Grotts and Caves under ground, that should in the night break out into the midst of the City, and cut all their throats: And what was more prodigious, and though ridiculous, yet had not a few believers in London, That there were designs by Gunpowder to blow up the Thames, and choke them with the water in their beds. Thus were the people taught to hate their Prince, and by bloody news from every Quarter they were instructed to that Cruelty which they vainly feared, and to adore those by whose Counsels they were delivered from so unexpected Dangers.  
By all this the Faction gained the repute of Modesty inferior to their supposed Trust, when they demanded nothing else but the Command of the Tower, and the Militia of all the Counties in England, together with the Forts and Castles of the same. For all which they moved the House of Commons of petition: who desiring the Conjuncture of the Lords in the same, were wholly refused by them. Therefore stemmed by the Faction they petition alone. Which unlimited Power the King absolutely refused to grant unto them, who He foresaw would use that, as they had all His other Concessions, to the ruin of the Author of their Power. Yet was pleased to consent, after He had demonstrated the prejudice they required to the English Nation, that they might send over an Army of 10000 Scots into Ireland, and deliver unto them the strong Town and Port of Carick fergus, one of the Chief Keys of that Kingdom: which was done to oblige the Scots to them in their future designs. And also He was pleased to wave the Prosecution of the Impeached Members, and was willing to grant a Free and General Pardon for all His Subjects, as the Parliament should think convenient.  
But all this could not content them who had immoderate desires, and they were more discontented that they could not usurp the King's Rights, than if they had lost their own Privileges: therefore to bring the Lords to a concurrence with them, the hitherto prosperous Art of Tumultuous Petitions was again practised, and great Numbers from several Counties were moved to come as Earthquakes, to shake the Fundamental Constitutions of their House, and to require that neither the Bishops nor the Popish Lords should continue in their Ancient Right to Vote among the Peers. By this means they should weaken the King in the Voices of that House, and whosoever they could not confide in, they could fright him from Voting against them, by exposing him as Popish to the Popular Fury. For this was the mothod of using the Petitions. The most common Answer was with Thanks, and that the House of Commons were just now in consideration thereof. The Petitioners were taught to reply, that They doubted not of the care of the Commons House, but all their distrust was in the House of Lords, where the Popish Lords and Bishops had the greatest Power, and there it stuck, whose names they desired to know: and in this they were so earnest, that they would not willingly withdraw whilst it was debated, and then they had leave to departed with this Answer, That the House of Commons had already endeavoured Relief from the Lords in their Requests, and shall so continue till Redress be obtained. Such Petitions as these were likewise from the several Classes of the inferior Tradesmen about London, as Porters, Watermens, and the like: and that nothing of testifying an universal Importunity might be left unattempted, Women were persuaded to present Petitions to the same effect. While the Faction thus boasted in the success of their Arts, Good men grieved to see these daily Infamies of the supreme Council of the Nation, all whose Secrets were published to the lowest and weakest part of the People: and they who clamoured it as a breach of their Privilege, that the King took notice of their Debates, now made them the Subjects of Discourse in every Shop, and all the corners of the Street; where the good and bad were equally censured, and the Honour and Life of every Senator exposed to the Verdict of the Rabble. No Magistrate did dare to do his Office, and all things tended to a manifest Confusion: So that many sober Persons did leave the Kingdom, as unsase, where Factions were more powerful than the Laws. And Just Persons chose rather to hear than to see the Miseries and Reproaches of their Country.  
On the other side, to make the King more pliable, they tempt Him by danger in His most beloved Part, the Queen, concerning whom they caused a Rumour, that they did intent to impeach Her of High Treason. This Rumour made the deeper Impression, because they had raised most prodigious Slanders (which are the first Marks for destruction of Princes) on Her; and when they had removed all other Counsellors from the King, She was famed to be the Rock upon which all hopes of Peace and Safety were split: That She commanded no less His Counsels than Affections, and that His Weakness was so great, as not to consent to or enterprise any thing which She did not first approve: That She had perverted Him to Her Religion, and form designs of overthrowing the Protestant Profession. These and many other of a portentous falsehood were scattered among the Vulgar, who are always most prone to believe the Worst of Great Persons: and the uncontrolled Licence of reporting such Calumnies is conceived the first Dawning of Liberty. But the Parliament taking notice of the Report, sent some of their House to purge themselves from it, as an unjust Scandal cast upon them. To which the Queen mildly answers, That there was a general Report thereof, but She never saw any Articles in writing, and having no certain Author for either, She gave little credit thereto; nor will She believe they would lay any Aspersion upon Her, who hath been very unapt to misconstrue the actions of any One person, and much more the Proceed of Parliament, and shall at all times wish an Happy Understanding between the King and His People.  
But the King knowing how usual it was for the Faction by Tumults and other Practices to transport the Parliament from their Just Intentions in other things, and that they might do so in this, resolved to send Her into Holland, under colour of accompanying their Eldest Daughter, newly married to the Prince of Orange; but in truth to secure Her, so that by the fears of Her danger (who was so dear unto Him) He might not be forced to any thing contrary to His Honour and Conscience, and that Her Affections and Relation to Him might not betray Her Life to the Malice of His Enemies. With Her He also sent all the Jewels of the Crown, that they might not be the spoils of the Faction, but the means of the support of Her Dignity in foreign parts, if His Necessities afterwards should not permit Him to provide for Her otherwise. Which yet She did not so employ, but reserved them for a supply of Ammunition and Arms, when His Adversaries had forced Him to a necessary Defence. It was said that the Faction knew of this conveyance, and might have prevented it, but that they thought it for their greater advantage that this Treasure should be so managed, that the King in confidence of that assistance might take up Arms, to which they were resolved at last to drive Him. For they thought their Cause would be better in War than Peace, because their present Deliberations were in the sense of the Law actual Rebellions; and a longer time would discover those Impostures by which they had deluded the People, who would soon leave them (as many now did begin to repent of their Madness) to the Vengeance which was due to their practices, unless they were more firmly united by a communion of guilt in an open assaulting their Lawful Prince.  
The King hastens the security of the Queen, and accompanies Her as far as Dover, there to take his farewell of Her; a business almost as irksome as death, to be separated from a Wife of so great Affections and eminent Endowments: and that which made it the more bitter was, that the same cause which forced Her Separation from Him set Her at a greater distance from His Religion, (the only thing wherein their Souls were not united) even the Barbarity of His Enemies who professed it, yet were so irreconcilable to Virtue, that they hated Her for Her Example of Love and Loyalty to Him. While He was committing Her to the mercy of the Winds and Waves, that She might escape the Cruelty of more unquiet and faithless men, they prosecute Him with their distasteful Addresses, and at Canterbury present Him with a Bill for taking away Bishop's Votes in Parliament. Which having been cast out of the House of Peers several times before, ought not by the Course and Order of Parliament to have been admitted again the same Session. But the Faction had now used their accustomed Engine, a Tumult, and it was then passed by the Lords, and brought hither together with some obscure Threats, that if it were not signed, the Queen should not be suffered to departed. (By such impious Violences did they make way for that which they called Reformation.) This His Majesty signs, (though after it made a part of His penitential Confessions to God) in hopes that that Bill being once consented to, the Fury of the Faction, which with so great Violence pursued an absolute Destruction of the Ecclesiastical Government, would be abated, as having advanced so far in their design to weaken the King's Power in that House by the loss of so many Voices, which would have been always on that side where Equity and Conscience did most appear. But He soon found the Demagogues had not so much Ingenuity as to be compounded with, and they made this but a step to the overthrow of that which He designed to preserve.  
When His Majesty was come back as far as Greenwich, He met with many informations how averse the Faction was to Peace, and that their Proceed were raised to a level with their Principles, which some of them published, That the Alteration they did intent, and which was necessary both in Church and State, must be made by Blood. Therefore they endeavoured by their Calumnies to create an Hatred of Him, and to despoil Him of all the hopeful Effects of His Condescensions. For when a Prince is once hated, his Benefits do him no less hurt than Injuries. In order to this, Mr. Pym had publicly charged Him with a Connivance at least, if not with the Contrivance of the Irish Rebellion: because many Papists had His Majesty's immediate Warrant for their transport thither. This the King requires satisfaction for, showing the Falsehood and Malice of the Defamer, by giving an Account of the date of the several Warrants. But the Faction so far prevailed as to make it a Public Sin, and the House was persuaded to believe and acknowledge it to be their common sense. Many others had uttered seditious Speeches in the House, especially Master Marten, a man of all Uncleannesses, a public contemner of Religion and Honesty, that had wasted a large Patrimony (which he had likewise unjustly mortgaged to several and different Creditors) in the most infamous Lusts, and sought a greater licence and fresh supplies for them by the ruin of the State; at which he was powerful, being of as impure and lascivious a Wit as he was of Life, wherewith he used to profane God and His Vicegerents: yet serving the ends of Confusion, had his name among the Catalogue of those that were to do the Work of the Lord. Besides the attempts upon His Honour, they endeavour another upon His Family, and to seize upon the Prince. Which the King hearing, sends for Him and the Duke of York, and immediately removes to Theobalds' in order to His journey towards the North, where He inintended to settle His abode, till He saw what Issue this Storm would have.  
This removal of the King was variously censured. Some thought it unadvisedly done, to withdraw so far from London, to leave His chief City wholly to the practices, and expose His Friends there to the Impostures and Injuries of His Enemies. Others, especially the Friends of the Faction, defamed it as a preparing Himself for that War which followed. But others concluded it as an act of Necessity, and where there was no choice for Prudence. For when He had passed more obliging Acts, and parted with so much of His Prerogative and so many undoubted Rights of His Crown, as could not be equalled by the Grants of all His Predecessors, yet He found that He had effected nothing more by giving, than to make the Faction more eagerly desire what they knew He must in Honour and Conscience deny; and that the People were so bewitched as not to see, it is safer to trust Him who was contented with a less degree of Power, than those whose ambition and avarice knew no bounds: Who being thus deluded as so far to administer to the Lusts of their Disturbers, would not fail their assistance to seize upon His Person, unless in time He did provide for His Liberty. Nor could it be imagined that He meditated a War, who to make His People happy (if they had not despised their own Mercies) had deprived Himself of a power to manage it. For besides those Acts formerly mentioned, He had signed many other as prejudicial to such an undertaking. For He had passed Acts against His own Power of Impressing Soldiers, His Right to Tonnage and Poundage, the Stannary Courts, Clerk of the Market, the Presidial Courts in the North, and Marches of Wales; whereby He had not only diminished His Greatness, and that Reverence which was due to the Crown, but also so straitened His Revenue as it was not able to maintain Discipline, without which no hopes of Victory, especially in a Civil War. Besides, His Enemies in every County had injured His Fame, which is of great moment in the deciding Controversies by the Sword; and the City of London, which is the grand Treasury of the Wealth and Strength of the whole Nation, was now enslaved by the Rabble to their commands. All which considerations as they could not escape so Wise a Prince, so would they not permit the Designs of War, especially in that Breast, to which it was equally miserable to suffer the spilling of His Subjects blood, as to expose Himself to Ruin. So that His departure from London was not of Design, but Necessity, nor was there in it more of Fear than Shame; for He could no longer endure those detestable Spectacula in which Tumults like Beasts were let lose to assault the Majesty of Government.  
While the King thus provides for His Liberty, the Faction proceed to usurp the Militia, which His Majesty had denied, and the Lords were ashamed to ask: therefore they privately encourage their Partisans in all the Cities and Boroughs where they were most powerful, to appoint Musters, to arm and train their Youth, and module them into Companies; which afterwards (though contrary to the Law) they move the Lower House to Vote Legal, and to make an Order in the Name of the Parliament for the Constituting of Deputies to the same purpose in every County: and at last, by the Tumults which they raised, the Threats they used to divulge the names of the dissenting Lords, and secret promises to some others (for Mr. Pym told the Earl of Dover, he must look for no Preferment unless he joined with them) they prevailed upon the House of Peers, when many of the most eminent were absent, to join in a Petition for the Militia, upon pretence of great Dangers at home, and more prodigious terrors from abroad, pretending that by Intelligence from Paris, Rome and Venice, they were assured of great designs to overthrow the Parliament, together with the Protestant Religion; (whose fate and Interest they would have it imagined, was so twisted with theirs, that like those Twins they could not laugh nor grieve but in Conjunction.) This Paper being presented to His Majesty, whose Soul was wholly devoted to Peace, when it did not betray Religion and the Trust Heaven had committed unto Him, He proposes to them Expedients whereby they might be associated with Him in the Power of the Militia, which Honour and Conscience forbade Him to divest Himself wholly of, and passionately adjures them to lay aside their vain and empty Terrors, whereby they distracted and divided the People, not suffering them to enjoy the Peace and Gracious Concessions wherein He had exceeded the Goodness of all His Predecessors.  
But they, who had projected to themselves the whole Power, would not be contented with a Partner in it, and therefore despising His Indulgence, and neglecting His Admonitions, the next day in furious Votes declared themselves sole Masters of the Militia: and to make the People believe there was truth in their false Fears, they command strict Watches to be kept in all suspected places, Beacons to be new set up, the Sea-marks to be watched, and the Navy to be new rigged and fitted for the Sea. New Plots were also discovered, and Strange and unheard-of Counsels to murder the most Eminent Patriots are brought to light. A Tailor in a ditch hears some desperate Cavaliers contriving the Death of Mr. Pym. A Plaster also taken from a Plaguesore was sent into the House to the same person, that the Infection first seizing on a Member of the quickest senses, might thence more impetuously diffuse itself upon all the most Grave Senators. Such like Plots as these, and whatsoever could be devised, were published to make the Vulgar think those demands of the Faction seem modest, (their dangers being so great) which were very unjust.  
And lest the King should at His coming into the North make use of that Magazine at Hull (which at His own Charges He had provided for the Scotch Expedition) for His own defence, the Faction, to secure that and the Town for their future purposes, send down Sir John Hotham, without any Order or Commission from either House of Parliament, to seize on them. This Man of a fury and impudence equal to their Commands, when the King, petitioned by the Gentlemen of Yorkshire to employ those Arms and that Ammunition for the Safety and Peace of that County, (where some of the Factious Members of Parliament had begun to form the like Seditions with those of London,) would have entered Hull, [Anno 1642.] April 23. insolently shut the Gates upon Him, and would not permit Him, though with but twenty Attendants, for He offered to leave the Guard of Noblemen and Gentlemen which followed Him without. The King thereupon Proclaims him Traitor, and by Letters complains of the Indignity, and requires Satisfaction. But the Faction rendered the Act so glorious, that the House of Commons by their Votes approved what he had done without their Command, and clamoured that the King had done them an injury, in proclaiming so innocent a Member, Traitor: Ordered the Earl of Warwick, to whom they had committed the Command of the Navy, to land some men out of the Ships at Hull, and to transport the Magazine there from thence to London. An Order of Assistance was also given to several of their Confidents, as a Committee of both Houses to reside at Hull, and the Counties of York and Lincoln were commanded to execute their commands. Besides, they sent a Commission to Hotham to prosecute the Insolences he had begun, and kindle that War which took fire on the whole Nation, and in a short space consumed him and his Son, who were executed by the Instructors of his Villainy: For he fell under that same Fate which attends all the Instruments of Great Crimes, to be Odious and suspected by those that made use of them. Therefore they gave such a power to the Lord Fairfax in Yorkshire as did conclude the diminution, and submission of Hotham to His Commands. This caused him to reflect with grief and madness upon his first ministry to the Faction, which appeared every day more monstrous to his Conscience, being now spoiled of that Grandeur that he hoped would have been its reward, and awakened by those Desolations in the whole Kingdom which followed it, and were but as the Copies of his Original Treason. Therefore he thought to expiate his former guilt by surrendering the Town to Him from whom he had detained it. But his practices were discovered to the Faction by One whom they had sent thither in pretence to preach the Gospel, but in truth secretly to search into the intrigues of his Counsels: so that he perished in his design, being neither stout nor wise enough in just enterprises, nor of a pertinacy sufficient for a prosperous Perfidiousness. And although in his Ruin the King observed how great a draught was offered to the highest thirst of Revenge, yet He did truly bewail him: and indeed he was so much the more to be pitied, because his cruel Masters deluded him to a silence of their black Secrets with a false hope of Life till the Axe was upon his Neck. So betraying his Soul to a surprise by his Spiritual enemies, as his pretended Spiritual Guides had done his Body to them.  
The Insolency of Hotham, who acted according to his Instructions and late Commission, beginning acts not usual in Peace, nor justifiable by Law, (for he issued out Warrants for the Trained Bands to march into Hull with their Arms, where he forced them to leave them, and nakedly return to their homes, that so they might be obnoxious to his Violence) and the practices of the Committee which were sent down into the North, to debauch the People in their Loyalty, made the King intent His own Security by a Guard; which the Gentry and Commonalty of Yorkshire, that were witnesses of the Injury offered to their Prince, did willingly and readily make up. No sooner had the King expressed His intention of such a Guard, but the Faction, who were watchful of all opportunities of beginning a War, and engaging those that either through Fear or Weakness had hitherto submitted to their Impostures, in a more obliging guilt, (for now the greatest part of the Peers, who were of the most Ancient Families and Noblest Fortunes, and a very great number of the House of Commons, Persons of just hopes and fair Estates, who perceiving the designs of the Disturbers, scorned any longer to be their Slaves, yet not thinking it safe to provoke the fury of the Vulgar Tumults by a present opposition, had withdrawn from the Parliament to follow the King and His Fortune, and every day some more were still falling off) took this occasion to commence our Miseries, and open those Sluices of Blood which polluted the whole Kingdom. For upon the first Intelligence of it they filled the House of Commons and the City with Clamours, That His Majesty had now taken Arms to the overthrow of them and the Protestant Religion; and that they were not any longer to think the Happiness of the Kingdom did depend upon the King, or any of the Regal Branches of that Stock; that it would argue no want either of Duty or Modesty, if they should depose Him. By these Harangues they so heated the Parliament, that was now more penurious than before in persons of Honour and Conscience, to such a degree of Fury, that unmindful how they themselves for eight months before upon impossible Fears and improbable Jealousies had taken a Guard, they Resolved upon the Question, that the King by taking to himself such a Guard did intent to levy War against the Parliament. With an equal fury they Issue out Commissions into all parts of the Kingdom, and appoint certain days for all the Trained Bands to be put into a posture of War, sending down some of their Members to see to the execution of these Commands, and to seize on the Magazines in the several Counties.  
To all these their violent and unjust attempts the King first opposes the Law, in several Declarations manifests the Power of Arms to be the Ancient and undoubted Right of the Crown, by many Proclamations, Charges all Men under the Crime and Penalties of Treason to forbear the Execution of those Ordinances which were published to Licence their Rebellion, and Answers with a wonderful Diligence and Eloquence all the fictitious Pretensions of the Parliament to that Power, in their several Remonstrances. But though the King had in the judgement of all understanding and uninteressed persons the Juster Cause, and the more powerful Pen, yet the Faction's Haste, which is most efficacious in Civil Discords, the Slanders they had raised of Him, and impressed in the minds of the People, the terrors of that Arbitrary Power which the House of Commons had a long while exercised in the vexatious prosecution of all such as did oppose their imperious Resolves, (for they would by their Messengers send for the Great Earls and Prime Barons of the Kingdom as Rogues and Felons, and weary them and others with a tedious and chargeable Attendance, oppress them with heavy and unproportionable Censures, and restrain them by Illegal Imprisonments) and the hopes of licence and spoil in the ruin of Church and State, had so preoccupated the Minds of the inferior Multitude, that neither Law nor Religion could have the least consideration in their practices; and those Persons whom His Majesty appointed as Commissioners of Array, in few places found that Obedience which was due to the just Commands of a Gracious Prince, who vainly expected that Reverence to Justice in others which Himself gave.  
After the experience of their Power in these their Successes at Land, and having gotten the whole Navy at Sea, being made Masters of the most and greatest Strengths of the Kingdom, they then thought it might be safe for them to publish the aims and ends of their most destructive designs; which if sooner manifested, when the King by His Message of 20. of January from Windsor Castle advised them to prescribe the limits of their Privileges, give full Boundaries to His own Power, and propose what was in their judgements proper to make the People happy; and most religiously promised an equal tenderness of theirs and the People's Rights as of His own, and what was for the Public Good should not be obstructed for His Particular emolument; they had justly drawn upon themselves all that popular hatred which they endeavoured to fling upon the King, and had been buried under those ruins which they projected for the Grave of Majesty. But then the Faction confided not so much in their own force, nor were the Vulgar then so blinded with fury as to choose their own Destruction: and therefore to that Message of Peace nothing was returned but Complaints, That by such Advisoes their Counsels were disturbed, that it was contrary to their unbounded Privileges to be minded of what was necessary. But now they were furnished with a Power equal to their Ambition, they thought it expedient to confirm their newly-gotten Empire with some pretensions to Peace; but with a great deal of Caution, that the affectation of it might not disappoint them of their hopes, which were all built upon War and Confusion. Therefore they form the Conditions such as the King could not in Honour or Conscience grant them, nor expect Peace by them. Or if He did, they should be instated in such a Grandeur, that they might reap for themselves all the reproachful Honours and unlawful gains of an Arbitrary Power, the thing they aimed at, and leave the King overwhelmed with shame and contempt for their miscarriages in Government. These Conditions were digested into Nineteen Propositions; which when presented to the King, He saw by an assent to them He should be concluded to have deposed Himself, and be but as an helpless and idle Spectator of the Miseries such Tyrants would bring upon the People whom God had committed to His Trust. Therefore He gave them that denial which they really desired and expected, and adjusts His refusal in a Declaration, wherein He sets forth the Injustice of each Proposition. His Answer He sent by the Marquis of Hertford and Earl of Southampton, Persons of great Integrity and Prudence, with Instructions to Treat in the House of Peers upon more equal Conditions.  
But it behoved the Faction not to let the Kingdom see any way to Peace, therefore denying any admittance to those Lords, before ever the King's Answer could publicly discover who were the obstructours of the People's quiet, they Ordered a Collection to be made of Money and Plate, to maintain Horse, Horsemen and Arms for the ensuing War. The specious Pretences for which were the Safety of the King's Person, and the taking Him out of the hands of Evil Counsellors, the Defence of the Privileges of Parliament, the Preservation of the Protestant Religion, and the maintenance of the Ancient Laws of the Land. Such inviting causes as these inflamed the Minds of the Multitude, and filled them with more airy hopes of Victory than the noise of Drums and Trumpets: But that which was most powerful were the Sermons of such who, being displeased with the present Ecclesiastical Covernment, were promised the richest Benefices, and a partage of the Revenues which belonged to Bishops, Deans and Chapiters'. These from their Pulpits proclaimed War in the Name of Christ the Prince of Peace, and whatsoever was contributed to the spilling of the blood of the Wicked, was to build up the Throne of the meekest Lamb; and besides the satisfaction they were to expect from the Public Faith, which the Parliament promised, there was a larger Interest to be doubled upon them in the Kingdom of Saints that was now approaching. Deluded by these Artifices and Impostures, People of all Conditions and all Sexes, some carried by a secret Instinct, others hurried by some furious Zeal, and a last sort led by Covetousness, cast into this Holy Treasury the Bank for Blood, all the Ornaments of their Family, all their Silver Vessels, even to their Spoons, with the Pledges of their first Love, their Marriage-rings; and the younger Females spared not their Thimbles and Bodkins, the obliging Gifts of their Inamorato's, from being a part of the Price of Blood. But while these Preparations were made at London, the King at York Declares against the Scandal, that He intended to Levy War against the Parliament, calling God to witness how far His desires and thoughts were from it; and also those many Lords who were witnesses of His Counsels and Actions, do publish to the World by a Writing subscribed with all their Names, to the number of Forty and odd, that they saw not any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget the belief of any such Design, and were fully persuaded that He had no such intention.  
But all was in vain, for the Faction chose that the People should be rather guilty of committing Rebellion, than only of favouring the Contrivers of it, and decreed to try whether by a prosperous Success they could change their Crimes to Virtue. Therefore they hastened all they could to raise Horse and Foot to form an Army equal to their Usurpation: which was not difficult for them to do, for they being Masters of London, whose Multitudes desirous of Novelty were easily amassed for any enterprise, especially when the entering into this Warfare might make the Servant freer than his Master, (for such was the Licence was indulged to those Youths that would serve the Cause) 20000 were sooner gathered than the King could get 500 The City also could afford them more Ordnance than the King could promise to Himself common Muskets: and to pay their Soldiers, besides the vast sums that were gathered for Ireland (which though they by their own Act had decreed should not be used for any other enterprise, yet now dispense with their Faith, and employ it to make England as miserable as that Island) and the Contributions of the deluded souls for this War; they seized also upon the Revenues of the King, Queen, Prince, and Bishops, and plunder the Houses of those Lords and Gentlemen whom they suspected to be Favourers of the King's Cause. And in contemplation of these advantages, they promised their credulous party an undoubted Victory, and to lead Majesty Captive in Triumph through London within a Month, by the Conduct of the Earl of Essex, whom they appointed General.  
Thus did they drive that Just and Gracious Prince to seek His Safety by necessary Arms, since nothing worse could befall Him after a stout, though unhappy, Resistance, than He was to hope for in a tame Submission to their Violence. Therefore though He perfectly abhorred those Sins which are the Consequences of War, yet He wanted not Courage to attempt at Victory, notwithstanding it seemed almost impossible against so well-appointed an Enemy. Therefore with an incredible diligence moving from place to place, from York to Nottingham, from thence to Shrewsbury, and the Confines of Wales, by discovering those Abilities with which His Soul was richly fraught unto His deluded Subjects, He appeared not only worthy of their Reverence, but of their Lives and Fortunes for His Defence; and in all places encouraging the Good with His Commendations, exciting the Fearful by His Example, dissembling the Imperfections of His Friends, but always praising their Virtues, He so prevailed upon those who were not men of many Times, nor by a former Gild debauched to Inhumanity, that He had quickly contracted an Army greater than His Enemies expected, and which was every day increased by those Lords and Gentlemen who refused to be polluted any longer with the practices of the Faction by sitting among them, and being Persons of large Fortunes had raised their Friends and Tenants to secure that Majesty that now laboured under an Eclipse. Most men being moved with Pity and Shame to see their Prince, whose former Reign had made them wanton in Plenty, to be driven from His own Palaces, and concluded under a want of Bread, to be necessitated to implore their aid, for the preservation of His and their Rights. So that notwithstanding all the Impostures of the Faction and the Corruptions of the Age, there were many great Examples of Loyalty and Virtue. Many Noble Persons did almost impoverish themselves to supply the King with Men and Money. Some Private men made their way through numerous dangers to join with, and fight under His Colours. Many great Ladies and Virtuous Matrons parted with the Ornaments of their Sex to relieve His wants, and some bravely defended their Houses in His Cause when their Lords were otherwhere seeking Honour in His Service. Both the Universities freely devoted their Plate to secure their Prince, the Supreme Patron and Incourager of all Learning; and the Queen pawned Her Jewels to provide necessaries for the Safety of Her Husband. Which Duty of Hers, though it deserved the Honour of all Ages, was branded by the Demagogues with the imputation of Treason.  
This sudden and unexpected growth of the Strength of the King after so many years of Slanders, and such industrious Plots to make Him odious and Contemptible, raised the admiration of all men, and the fears of that credulous Party who had given up their Faith to the Faction, when they represented the King guilty of so much Folly and Vice (and some corrupted Citizens had represented Him as a Prodigy of both in a Scene at Guild-Hall in London, an Art used by Jesuits to impress more deeply a Calumny,) that they could not imagine any person of Prudence or Conscience would appear in His Service, and they expected every day when, deserted by all as a Monster, He should in Chains deliver Himself up to the Commands of the Parliament. Some attributed this strange increase in power to the natural Affection of the English to their Lawful Sovereign, from whom though the Arts and Impulses of Seditious Demagogues may a while estrange and divorce their minds, yet their Genius will irresistibly at last force them to their first Love; and therefore they urged the saying of that Observing Statesman, that if the Crown of England were placed but on an Hedgestake, he would be on that side where the Crown was. Others referred it to the full evidence of the wickedness of His Adversaries, for their Counsels were now discovered, and their Ends manifest, not to maintain the Common Liberty, which was equally hateful to them as Tyranny when it was not in their hands, but to acquire a Grandeur and Power that might secure and administer to their Lusts: and it was now every where published what Mr. Hambden Answered to one who inquired What they did expect from the King; he replied, That He should commit Himself and all that is His to our Care. Others ascribed it to the fears of ruin to those numerous Families and Myriads of people which the change of Government designed by the Parliament must necessarily effect. But this, though it argued that Cause exceeding bad by which so great a part of a Community is utterly destroyed, without any absolute necessity for preserving the whole; yet made but an inconsiderable Addition to the King, whose greatest Power was built upon Persons of the Noblest Extract and the fairest Estates in England, of which they could not easily suspect to be devested without an absolute overthrow of all the Laws of Right and Wrong, which nevertheless was to be feared by their invasions on the King's most undoubted Rights. For when Majesty itself is assaulted, there can be no security for private Fortunes; and those that decline upon design from the paths of Equity, will never rest till they come to the Extremity of Injustice; as these afterwards did. Besides those that imputed the speedy amassing of these Forces to the Equity of the King's Cause, His most Powerful Eloquence, Indefatigable Industry, and most Obliging Converse; there were another sort that, suspending their Judgements till all the Scenes of War were passed, resolved all into the Providence of God: Who though He were pleased to single Him out of all the Kings of the Earth as the sittest Champion to wrestle with Adversity, and to make Him glorious by Sufferings, which being well born truly prove men Great; yet would He furnish Him (almost by a Miracle) likewise with such Advantages, in the conduct of which His Prudence and Magnanimity might evidence that He did deserve Prosperity, and by clearing up even this way His eminent Virtues, warn the following Ages from a Credulity to unquiet Persons, since the best of Princes was thus infamously slandered.  
From all these concurring Causes, each one in their Way and Order, did the King's strength so far increase, as that He won many Battles, and was not far from Conquest in the Whole War; had not God seen fit to afflict this sinful Nation with Numerous and most Impious Tyrants, and make us feel, that no Oppressions are so unsupportable as those which are imposed by such as have made the highest Pretensions to Liberty: of which we had bitter experience after the War was finished that was now begun. For there had been some slight Conflicts  this in the several Counties betwixt the Commissioners of Array and the Militia, with various Successes; which require just Volumes and complete Histories to relate, and cannot be comprehended in the short View of the King's Life, where it is only intended to speak of those Battles in which the King in Person gave sufficient evidence of His Wisdom and Valour. The first of which was at Edge-Hill on Octob. 23. For the King had no sooner gotten a considerable Force, though not equal to those of His Enemies, but He marched towards London, and in His way thither met with Essex's Army that were come from thence to take Him. The King having viewed their Army by a Prospective-glass from the top of that Hill, and being asked afterwards by His Officers what He meant to do, To give them battle (said He with a present Courage) it is the first time I ever saw the Rebels in a body: God, and good men's Prayers to Him, assist the Justice of My Cause: and immediately prepared for the Fight; which was acted with such a fury, that near 6000 (according to the common Account, but some say a far less number) were slain upon the place. Night concluded this Battle, which had comprehended the whole War, had not the King's prevailing Horse preferred the Spoils to Victory, and left the Enemy some advantage to dispute for her. But the King had all the fairest marks of her favour. For though He had lost His General, yet He kept the Field, possessed the dead Bodies, opened His way toward London, and in the sight of some part of the Army of Essex, (who accounted it a Victory that He was not totally routed and killed,) took Banbury, and entered Triumphantly into Oxford (which He had designed for His Winter-quarters) with 150 Colours taken in sight. And having assured that place, He advances towards London, whither Essex had gotten before Him, and disposed his bassled Regiments within ten miles of the City; yet the King fell upon two Regiments of them at Brainford, took 500 Prisoners, and sunk their Ordnance. From thence intending to draw nearer London, He had intelligence, that the City had poured forth all their Auxiliaries to reinforce Essex's Troops; to which being unwilling to oppose His Soldiers wearied with their March, nor thinking it safe to force an Enemy to fight upon Necessity, which inspires a more than Ordinary Fury, He retreats to Oxford, having taught His Enemies, that He was not easily to be Overcome.  
For in the management of this Battle, He did not only undeceive the abused world of those Slanders which His Enemies had polluted Him with, but He exceeded that Opinion His own Party had of His Abilities. And though He parted from London altogether unexperienced in Martial affairs, yet at Edge-Hill He appeared a most Excellent Commander. His Valour was also equal to His Prudence, and He could as well endure Labours as despise Dangers. And by a communication of toils, encouraged His Soldiers to keep the Field all the night, when they saw He refused the refreshments of a Bed; for He sought no other Shelter from the injuries of the Air than His own Coach. These Virtues and this Success made such an impression on the Parliament, that though they took all courses to hid the Infamy of their worsted Army, yet in more humble Expressions than formerly they Petitioned the King for a Treaty of Peace, which His Majesty very earnestly embraced. But the Faction, who were frighted with these Tendencies to an Accommodation, cause some of the City to Petition against it, and to make proffer of their Lives and Fortunes for the prosecution of the War. Encouraged by this they form their Propositions like the Commands of Conquerors, and so straighten the Power and Time of their Commissioners, that the Treaty at Oxford became fruitless, which there had taken up all the King's employment this Winter, though abroad His Forces were busy in several Parts of the Nation, not without honour.  
[Anno 1643.] At the Opening of the Spring the Queen comes back to England, bringing with Her some considerable Supplies of Men, Money and Ammunition, and Her coming was entertained with such a Series of Successes, that the King that Summer was Master of the North and West, except some few Garrisons. Which so dismayed the Parliament, that very many of them were preparing to quit the Kingdom: and had the King followed His own Counsels, to march immediately towards London, and not been fatally overborn at a Council of War, (which, it is said, His Enemies at London did assure their Party would so be) first to attempt Gloucester, He had, in the judgement of all discerning men, than finished the War with Glory. But here He lay so long till Essex had gotten a Recruit from London, and came time enough to relieve the Town; though in his return the King necessitated him to fight, worsted him near Newberry, and so bravely followed him the next day, that He forced the Parliaments Horse which were left in the Rear to seek their safety by making their way over a great part of their Foot; yet lost on His side much Noble Blood, as the Earls of Carnarvan and Sunderland, and Viscount Falkland. This last was lamented by all, being equally dexterous at the Pen and Sword, had won some Wreaths in those Controversies that were to be managed by Reason, and was eminent in all the Generous parts of Learning, above any of his Fortune and Dignity. After this Encounter the King returns to Oxford, to Consult with those Members of both Houses that had left the Impostures and Tumults at London, to join with Him for the common benefit, who being as to the Peers the far greater, and as to the Commons an equal Number with those at Westminster, they assumed the Name and Authority of Parliament, and deliberated of the ways of Peace, and means to prevent the Desolations which the Faction so furiously designed, who were now resolving to increase our Miseries by Calling in the Scots to their assistance.  
For though they pretended so highly to God's Cause, as if they had the certainty of some Divine Revelation, yet they would not trust Him for their Preservation, notwithstanding their pretences to his Cause had furnished them with so vast a Treasure and so mighty a Strength; but would invite others to the Violation of most sacred Oaths, to sin against all Laws and every Rule of Justice, that themselves might be secure in their Usurpations. And that Perfidious Party that then ruled in Scotland, hoping for as great advantages as their former Wickedness had yielded, contrary to all Obligations which the King's Goodness had laid on them, and their free and Voluntary Execrations, (as was that of Alexander Lesley, who lifting up his arms and hands to Heaven, wished they might rot to his body before he died, if ever he should heave them up hereafter, or draw his sword, against so good a King,) drew that People once more into Rebellion against their Prince; and to make them more eager, and think the Enterprise easy, they first raised a report that the King was deserted by most of His Nobility.  
The Parliament at Oxford having by a Letter moved the Earl of Essex to endeavour Peace, did also declare against this Invasion of the Scots by another Letter sent to them, in which also they acquaint them with the falseness of their officious Lie, and show how inconsiderable a Number of Lords were with those that invited them in. The King Himself writes also to put them in mind of their several Engagements to be Quiet. But with an Insolency fit for most perjured Souls, they Commanded the Letters to be burned by the hand of the Hangman. A more secret falsehood He also found in the Marquis Hamilton, whose Treasons now came to be more suspected. For His Majesty having written to him, to use all his Power and Interest to keep his Countrymen at home, (which had not been difficult for one of his Grandeur in that unquiet Nation) he by some secret Arts doth more inflame them; and to cover his Perfidiousness, flies from Scotland to Oxford, as seeking a shelter for his Loyalty; but indeed to be a Spy in the King's Counsels. But his Treasons had outstripped him and his Brother, the Earl of Lanerick, who came with him, therefore they were both forbidden the Court. Lanerick not willing to tarry till a further Discovery, gets out of Oxford, flies to those at London, and by them was employed in the Scotch Army; which made Hamilton's Treachery more evident, and he was sent Prisoner to Pendennis Castle. But the dishonour of that Nation was in a great measure repaired by the Gallantry and Faithfulness of the Marquis Montross, who being commissioned by the King, with an incredible Industry by small numbers of men won many Battles, and overthrew well-formed Armies: and had not the Fate of his Master, which was to be betrayed by those He trusted, been likewise common to him, he had forced that Nation to Justice and Quiet.  
But e'er Montross could get his Commission, the Scots were entered England: whose coming that it might be less odious to the People, who now grew cold in their zeal to the Cause, and saw themselves deluded into so continued dangers, the Faction make use of such frauds as should make the People either think them necessary assistances, or might divert their thoughts from apprehending the Miseries they brought with them to this Nation; therefore they invent new Slanders of the King and His Party. That His Majesty did intent to translate Monarchy into a Tyranny: that He would seize upon all their Estates who had any way opposed Him, and make their persons Slaves: that there was no hope of Pardon from Him, who was so merciless: that He would take away all their Liberties and Privileges as forfeited, destroy the Protestant Religion, and introduce Popery, which at Oxford He did practise Himself, and that all men must be forced to go to Mass. As for His Party they set them out to be such Monsters, that the lower sort of People doubted whether the Cavaliers had the shapes of men. For sad Relations were printed and published of their inhumanity and barbarous murders: that they did feast upon the Flesh of Men, and that they fed their Dogs and their Horses with the same Diet, to make them more fierce for the blood of the Godly Party: that no man's house was so poor and mean that a Cavalier would think beneath his rapine. Thus they wrought upon the melancholy spirits of some by fear. For those of a morose and choleric temper they had proper divertisements: they permitted to them a tumultuary Reformation, to pull down the Pictures and Images of Christ, the Virgin Mary, and the Saints; which with great Solemnity they committed to the flames, that they might suffer as it were another Martyrdom. All Crosses, though set up for Ornament and Use in the Streets of London, and other places, they pulled down: they invade the Churches, and there deface what their Humour or Rapine would call Superstition, pull down the Organs, tear the Surplices; and all this was suffered to please the Rabble, who delight in violences and such ostentations of their fury, and to make them in something or other guilty, that they might despair of Pardon.  
For others, who were to be wrought upon by Religion, they entertain them with Fasts, public Thanksgivings for slight Victories, and solemn Spiritual meetings (as they called them;) where whatsoever the Faction dictated was commended by the Speakers to their unwary hearers as the Oracles of Heaven: and being thus wrapped up in those true delights which accompany the Worship of God, they were securely swallowed by them, as Poison when it is offered in a Sacramental Chalice. To please their Ministers whom hitherto they had used as their Properties and Instruments of their Arts, Presbytery is set up, that they also might have an Imaginary Empire: but it was not intended they should exercise it. For the pretensions of that to a Divine Right did so terrify them who were resolved against all Government that was not subject unto or dependent on theirs, that they presently raised all the other Sects, Independents, Erastians', (who for the most part were Lawyers, that could not endure to hear of any Thunderbolts of Excommunication, but what was heated in their own forges) Anabaptists, Seekers, and Atheists (of which there were many sprung up, who seeing how Religion was abused to carnal and unjust Ends, began first to despise that, and afterwards to deny God) to write and declaim against this new Polity, as the most severe and absolute Tyranny under the Sun, and the tenth Persecution. But this seeming modesty of admitting a Church-Government served their ends for the present, till they could acquire a greater strength, in confidence of which they might slight the Terrors of the Law, and the anathemas of the Church. The Liturgy also was abolished, under pretence of a Spiritual Liberty, for it was accused of putting a restraint upon the Spirit, but in truth, because it had so frequent Offices for the King. To these were added the Covenant, the Fetters of the Scotish Slavery: this was to bind the whole Nation to the Interests of the Faction, and was used as the Water of Jealousy, to discover those whom they did suspect. Therefore all the Conspirators, of what Sect soever, whether Independents or Anabaptists, though they refused to take it themselves, (because it did oblige to the Preservation of the King's Person and Authority) yet were as eager Imposers of it as the Presbyterians (who in simplicity urged it as the Fundamental Constitution of their Empire) upon all who they thought would not prostitute their Souls to their designs, or had any thing fit to be made their Spoils. And by this only Engine many thousand Persons and Families were miserably ruined, especially of the Clergy.  
To oblige more fastly those that had no patience to expect nor hopes to receive any reward for their Service against their Prince in the other life, and so would not be satisfied with the shows of Religion, but sought more solid encouragements in the spoils of it, the Lands of the Bishops were exposed to sale, and that at such easy rates as might invite the hazards of the Purchase, satiate their boundless Covetousness, and engage them in a pertinacious faith to their Merchants. To cement all these distinct Humours in one common pleasure, the Archbishop of Canterbury was prepared for a Sacrifice, and about this time began his Trial, which continued a whole year, being when the Houses were at leisure called by several months and weeks to answer to his Charge, that by his frequent passages as a Prisoner he might give a pleasant Diversion to the Rabble, who are delighted with the ruins and misfortunes of great Persons, and by their injuries and reproaches he might be reduced to such a weakness of Spirit as was not competent with the defence of his Cause. But his Cause and his Conscience were impregnable, and he overthrew their Slanders, though he could not their Power.  
By these Arts and Ways was the Winter spent to prepare for the attempts of the following Summer, wherein, [Anno 1644.] though the Parliaments Forces increased by the Scotish Succours had the Success over several bodies of the Royalists, yet that small Number that followed the King's Person, and were guided by His own Counsels and Example, obtained two great Victories. For His Majesty having once more provided for the Safety of the Queen, (in sending Her to Excester, there to lay down the burden of Her Love, and from thence to seek for Shelter in France) taken (contrary to their hopes) His last farewell of Her, and left Oxford strengthened against the Siege which the Earl of Essex and Sir William Waller threatened that place with, He with a small party draws out, intending to form His Counsels according to the future Occurrences. This made the Enemy divide, and Essex was designed to reduce the West. But Waller, with whom usually went Sir Arthur Hesilrigge (a Person fit to raise Seditious Tumults than manage Armies) was to hunt the King upon the Mountains of Wales, towards which He seemed to direct His course. But hearing of the resolutions of these two jealous Generals, He wheels about to Oxford, and from thence drew the greatest strength of that Garrison, and with that falling upon Waller at Cropredybridge, obtained a great Victory; which would have been more prejudicial to the Enemy, had not the Tenderness of His Subjects Blood restrained Him from prosecuting His Success to a greater slaughter. But contenting Himself to have diverted Injuries from His own breast, He only used this Victory for an advantage to Peace, which in a Letter from Evesham, July 4. He moves the Parliament unto.  
But the unquiet Criminals rendered it vain and fruitless, and represented to the People their yet prevailing Forces in the North, and their Army in the West, which had now taken in some considerable places to their Obedience. Therefore to remove their Confidence in Essex's Power, the King follows him, and so closely pursues him, that He drove him up into Cornwall, and there did as it were besiege him. During which He sent a Letter to him, which was seconded by another from the Lords and Gentlemen in His Army, to solicit His endeavours for the Peace and Quiet of the bleeding and wasted Kingdom. But it met not its desired effect: Because that Earl either valued not that solid Glory of being the happy Author of a Nations Settlement; or feared that his past Actions had wholly despoiled him of hopes of Security in a return to Obedience, or knew that his Authority was not so great to put an Issue to those Crimes which he had led others to commit. (For every inconsiderable person may be powerful at Disturbances, but to form Peace requires much Wisdom and great Virtues.) Which last was generally believed, for he had found and complained that his Credit declined with the Faction, that they were distrustful lest their own Arts might teach him to have no faith to them, because he often solicited them to a composing of the Kingdoms Distractions. Therefore making no return to those Letters, he provided for his own safety in a Cockboat, and ignominiously deserted his Army; of which the Horse, taking the advantage of a dark night, made their escape, but the Commanders of the Foot did capitulate for their Lives, and left their Arms, Cannon, Baggage and Ammunition, to the Disposal of the King.  
The speedy and prudent acquisition of these two Victories shown the King had those Abilities that might have inserted Him in the Catalogue of the Bravest Commanders; and had not want of Success in His following Enterprises clouded the Glory of this Summer, He had been as eminent among the Masters of War as He was among the Sons of Peace, the Honour of which last He most eagerly thirsted, as rendering Him most like that Majesty He did represent. Therefore after this Victory, by a Letter from Tavestock, Sept. 8. He reinforces that from Evesham for an Accord with the Parliament, being not transported from His Lenity by the Violence with which Victory uses to hurry humane breasts to an insolence. But He knew that Peace, though it is profitable to the Conquered, yet it is glorious for the Conqueror. To busy His Army while He expected their Answer, and form an Association in the Western Counties, He sits down before Plymmouth; but finding this Message had an equal reception with the former, and that the Faction intended not to sacrifice their ill-acquired Power and Usurped Interests to the public Tranquillity, He rises from thence, and marches towards London, from whence were by this time in the way to meet Him Essex and Waller recruited, and joined with the Earl of Manchester's Forces that were now returned from their Northern Services. And at Newberry both sides join in an eager Fight, which being varied with different successes, in the several divisions, each party draw off by degrees, and neither found cause to boast of a Victory.  
The King being returned to Oxford, the Parliament wearied with the Complaints of the oppressed Nation, who now grew impatient under the Distractions, take into Consideration His Majesty's two Messages for Peace, and send Propositions for it in the name of the two Parliaments of England and Scotland, united by Solemn League and Covenant. Which though they seemed the desires of minds that intended nothing less than the common Tranquillity, yet the King neglects them not, but hoping that in a Treaty Commissioners might argue them into Reason, offers it, which with much difficulty the Houses are drawn to accept; but yet would have it at Uxbridge, a place but about fifteen miles distant from London, and above twice that distance from Oxford. And accordingly Commissioners from both Parties met on Jan. 30. While the King was providing for the Treaty, and forming Instructions for His Ministers, the Faction found the Parliament other work by new designs; and to habituate the People to an abhorrency of Peace, fed them with blood. The two Hotham's first were to be the Sport of the Multitude: and that the Father might have more than a single death, he was drawn back in his journey to the Scaffold, Decemb. 31. that his Son might be executed before him, as he was Jan. 1. when after he had expressed his fury to those Masters whom they had served to their ruins, his Head was chopped off. And on Jan. 2. the Father is brought to the place that was defiled with his Son's blood, and had his own added to it. These were not much lamented by any, for the memory that they first kindled the Flame of the Nation kept every eye dry.  
The People thus fed with courser blood, a cleaner Sacrifice was afterwards presented, William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury, and Primate of all England. He had endured Imprisonment four years, and passed through a Trial of many months, in which he had acquitted himself with such a confidence as became the Innocency and Constancy of a Christian Bishop and Confessor, but yet must fall to please the Scots, and those merciless men who imputed God's anger in the difficulties of Success against their Prince, to the continuance of this Prelate's Life: therefore he was Voted Guilty of High Treason by the House of Commons, and was condemned in the House of Peers (though they have no power over the life of the meanest Subject without the concurrence of the King) when there were but Seven Lords present, 
Some Writers (who since have been convinced of their misinformation) have named amongst those Seven Lords, the Lord Bruce Earl of Elgin; but his Lordship upon the first notice of this report, did to several Persons of Quality and Honour he conversed with, and since hath affirmed to me, that he was not then present, and that his heart could never consent to the shedding of the blood of that Excellent Prelate.  and all those not consenting to the Murder, to be drawn, hanged and quartered. And this was the first Example of murdering Men by Votes, of killing by an Order of Parliament, when there is no Law. It was moved (they say) by some that he might be shipped over to New-England, to die by the Contempt and Malice of those People. But this seemed too great an Honour, because it would make his end as his life was, much like that of the Primitive Bishops, who for their Piety were banished to Barbarous Coasts, or condemned to the Mines. Or else it would be like an Athenian Ostracism, and confess him too great and good to live among us. Therefore this motion was rejected; yet the Lords upon his Petition, to the distaste of some Commons, changed the manner of that vile Execution to that more generous of being beheaded. To the Scaffold he was brought Jan. 10. after he had endured some affronts in his Antichamber in the Tower by some Sons of Schism and Sedition, who unseasonably that morning he was preparing himself to appear before the great Bishop of our Souls, would have him give some satisfaction to the Godly (for so they called themselves) for his Persecutions, (which he called Discipline.) To whom he Answered, That he was now shortly to give account of all his Actions at an higher and more equal Tribunal, and desired he might not be disturbed in his Preparations for it. When he came to the Scene of his death, he appeared with that cheerfulness and serenity in his face, as a good Conscience doth beautify the owners with: and it was so conspicuous, that his Enemies, who were ashamed to see his Innocency portrayed in his Countenance, did report he had drunk some Spirits, to force his nature from a paleness. He preached his own Funeral Sermon on that Text, Hebr. 12.2. and concluding his life with Prayer, submitted himself to the stroke of the Ax.  
He was a Person of so great Abilities (which are the Designations of Nature to Dignity and Command,) that they raised him from low beginnings to the highest Office the Protestant Profession acknowledges in the Church. And he was equal to it. His Learning appeared eminent in his Book against Fisher, and his Piety illustrious in his Diary (although published by One that was thirsty of his blood, and polluted with many malicious Comments and false Surmises to make him odious.) He was of so Public a Spirit, that both the Church and State have lasting Monuments of the Virtuous use of his Prince's favour; at his Admittance into which he dedicated all the future Emoluments of it to the Glory of God and the Good of Men, by a Projection of many noble Works: most of which he accomplished, and had finished the rest had not the Fate of the Nation checked the current of his Designs, and cut off the Course of his Life. He was not contented by himself only to serve his Generation, (for so he might have appeared more greedy of Fame, than desirous of the Universal Benefit) but he endeavoured to render all others as heroic, if they aimed at a Capacity for his Friendship: for (I have heard it from his Enemies) no gait man was admitted to a confidence and respect with him, unless he made his Address by some Act that was for the Common Good, or for the Ornament and Glory of the Protestant Faith. Learned men had not a better Friend, nor Learning itself a greater Advancer; he searched all the Libraries of Asia, and from several parts of the World purchased all the Ornaments and Helps of Literature he could, that the English Church might have (if possible) by his Care as many Advantages for Knowledge as almost all Europe did contribute to the Grandeur of that of Rome. The outward Splendour of the Clergy was not more his Care than their Honour by a grave and pious Conversation; he would put them into a power of doing more good, but was severe against their Vices and Vanities. He scorned a private Treasure, and his Kindred were rather relieved than raised to any greatness by him. In his Election of Friends, he was determinated to the Good and Wise, and such as had both Parts and Desires to profit the Church had his closest Embraces; if otherwise it happened, their frauds, not his choice, deserved the blame. Both Papists and Sectaries were equally his Enemies; one party feared, and the other hated his Virtues. Some censured him of too much Heat, and a Zeal for Discipline above the Patience of the Times. But his geatest unhappiness, was, that he lived in a Factious Age, and Corrupt State, and under such a Prince, whose Virtues not admitting an immediate approach for Accusations, was to be wounded in those whom He did Caresse. But when Faction and Malice are worn out by time, Posterity shall engrave him in the Albe of the Most Excellent Prelates, the most indulgent Fathers of the Church, and the most injured Martyrs. His blood was accompanied with some tears that fell from those Eyes which expected a pleasure at his Death, and it had been followed with a more general mourning, had not the Public Miseries, and present fears of Ruin exacted all the Stock of Grief for other objects.  
About this time the Faction clove into two Sects, the Presbyterian and Independent, which hitherto had been united under one name of Patriots, or Godly, had jointly conspired War and disturbed the Peace, and by various Arts had acted all their lusts under the name and Authority of Parliament. For they would either early in the morning before the House was full, or late at night, when those whose cares were most for the Public were absent, being assured of the Speaker, propose and Vote what served for their Design. If any thing contrary to it was about to be resolved in a full Assembly, they by multitude of Scruples would so disturb the Debates, that the determination was deferred to a desired Opportunity. But if these failed, then would they surprise the House with another Vote that should weaken and hinder the Execution of the former. When the most conscientious were too numerous for them, than would they make necessities to send the less pliant to their wills into the Country. Thus the Lesser, but more industrious, Party did circumvent the Greater, that were not so wary nor diligent. While they thus jointly contrive the Public Ruin, they had gotten themselves into the most considerable and profitable Offices of the Kingdom. But the Presbyterians having the advantage in Number and Power, and the dissension in their Opinions growing still higher, by the Animosities of the inferior and obscurer parts of their Sects, there was neither Faith nor Love among them, but what Fear and Necessity did force them unto. The Independents, who comprehended all the several herds of Heretics, Anabaptists, Seekers, Millenaries, etc. though they were the Disciples of the other, yet excelled their Masters in Art and Industry, had their private Juntoes and meetings apart to mould their Projects, and assign to each of their Confidents their several Scenes and Methods; and, by proper Applications to men's several humours, had exceedingly increased their strength in the Multitude, only they wanted the Power of the Sword, and the most useful Offices to perfect their Empire.  
This they effected by those very practices they had learned from the Presbyterians: and by procuring the Ordinance of Self-denial, (as they called it) they turned out Essex (whom they had before secretly caused to be suspected, and who had neither glory in his War, nor security or quiet in his Peace) from his Generalship, and with him also the other Leaders that were favourers of the Presbytery, under pretence that it was not fit that any Members of Parliament should be encouraged to a continuance of the War, by enjoying the profitable and powerful Offices in the Army, to which they would now give a new Module. Having by this Artifice displaced those whose Power they feared, they brought in as many Candidates of their own Sect as they could to be Colonels, and Sir Thomas Fairfax was appointed General. This Man both Parties did the more easily consent in, because he was known to be of sufficient Personal Valour, and of no private Designs, obstinate by a natural Melancholy, rather than pertinacious in any Interest, and rather free from Baseness, than ambitious of Vainglory; by all these Qualities they supposed he would be obedient to the Resolves of his Masters. But the Independents, that were better informed of his ductile Spirit, and how easily he might be imposed upon by a Species of Religion, got the great Patron of all the wildest and most unreasonable Sectaries, Oliver Cromwell, at first to be admitted into his Counsels, and afterwards to be the Director of all his actions, under the title of Lieutenant General. For although he likewise by the Selfdenying Ordinance was made incapable of any Office in the Army, being a Member of the Parliament; yet those Troops of fanatics whom he had amassed, and formerly led under the Command of the Lord Grey of Wark, and the Earl of Manchester, (both which he had cast off) were instructed to refuse the Conduct of any one but him. He was therefore permitted by the Parliament, as the General desired, for a time to continue in the Army; but he never left it till he had changed that, ruined the Parliament, and turned out the General, that thus was the Author of his unlawful Power. For this Man, having a long time been poor and necessitous, the Patrimony that was left him being profusely spent, and nothing remaining but the Instruments of his Crimes, a bloody and fierce nature, a greedy soul full of bold and unjust hopes, yet able to conceal them with a profession of Modesty, a contempt of Religion and Friendship, yet highly pretending to both, till he had smote under the fifth rib those credulous hearts that trusted him; he was fitted for the most impious enterprises, for vexed by a pressing and tedious poverty, he resolved to endeavour the utmost distance from such a Condition, though by the greatest wickedness, therefore used the Power he had now gotten to overthrow the whole State, and establish himself in an absolute and unsupportable Tyranny, which is the common issue of assaulting a Just and Lawful Prince with Arms.  
With these Tragedies and Changes was the Winter spent at London, while the King at Oxford waits for the Issue of the Treaty at Uxbridge, which, as all other Consultations for Peace, was vain and fruitless. For the Faction would always obstruct those endeavours by their proper Methods. If the Condition of their affairs were prosperous, then would they make their Demands like Impositions on conquered Slaves, detesting to supplicate that the acquisitions of their Swords and Blood should be confirmed by a worsted Enemy. In a more humble fortune they would deprecate their drooping Party, not then to think of a Reconciliation which their unprosperous Arms must necessarily render harder than their hopes; and that it was not for the Honour of a Parliament to seem to yield to any thing by fear or compulsion. Besides these devices, many fictitious Letters were composed, false Rumours divulged, and witnesses suborned, to make men suspect that many dangerous Plots and portentous Designs were disguised in these Overtures of Accord. Therefore the Commissioners of Parliament were instructed to offer no Expedient for an Accommodation, nor hearken to such as were tendered to them in the Name of the King. His Majesty seeing and bewailing his Condition, that He must still have to do with those that were Enemies to Peace, prepares Himself for the War at the approaching Spring: and although this Winter was infamous with many losses, either through the neglects or perfidiousness of some Officers; yet before the season for taking the field was come, His Counsels and Diligence had repaired those damages.  
[Anno 1645.] In April He sends the Prince to perfect the Western Association, and raise such Forces as the necessities of the Crown, which was His Inheritance, did require: with Him is sent, as Moderator of His Youth, and prime Counsellor, Sir Edward Hid, now Lord High Chancellor of England, whose Faithfulness had endeared him to His Majesty, who also judged his Abilities equal to the Charge; in which He continued with the same Faith, through all the Difficulties and Persecutions of his Master, till it pleased God to bring the Prince back to the Throne of His Fathers, and him to the Chief Ministry of State. After their departure the King draws out His Army to relieve His Northern Counties and Garrisons. But being on His march, and having stormed and taken Leicester in His way, He was called back to secure Oxford, which the Parliament Army threatened with a Siege. But Fairfax having gotten a Letter of the Lord gore's (whom a Parliament Spy had cajoled to trust him with the delivery of it) to His Majesty, wherein he had desired Him to forbear engaging with the Enemy, till he could be joined with Him; he leaves Oxford, and made directly towards the King that was now come back as far as Daventrey, with a purpose to fight Him before that addition of strength, and at a place near Naseby in Northamptonshire both Armies met on Saturday, June 14. Cromwell having then also brought some fresh Horse to Fairfax; whose absence from the Army at that time the King was assured by some (who intended to betray Him) should be effected. Nevertheless, the King would not decline the Battle, and had the better at first, but His vanquishing Horse following the chase of their Enemies too far (a fatal error that had been twice before committed) left the Foot open to the other wing, who pressing hotly upon them, put them to an open rout, and so became Masters of His Canon, Camp, and Carriage, and among these, of His Majesty's Cabinet, in which they found many of His Letters, most of them written to the Queen: which, not contented with their Victory over His Forces, they Print, as a Trophy over His Fame, that by proposing His secret Thoughts, designed only for the breast of His Wife, to the debauched multitude, and they looking on them through the Prejudices which the Slanders of the Faction had already form in their minds, the Popular hatred might be increased. But the publication of them found a contrary effect, every one that was not barbarous abhorred that Inhumanity among Christians, which Generous Heathens scorned to be guilty of, and the Letters did discover, that the King was not as He was hitherto characterized; but that He had all the Abilities and Affections, as well as all the Rights, that were fit for Majesty: and (which is not usual) He grew greater in Honour by this Defeat, though He never after recovered any considerable power.  
For the Fate of this Battle had an inauspicious influence upon all His remaining Forces, and every day His losses were repeated. But though Fortune had left the King, yet had not His Valour; therefore gathering up the scattered remains of His broken Army, He marches up and down to encourage those whose Faith changed not with His Condition. At last attempting to relieve Chester, though He was beset behind and before, and His Horse wearied in such tedious and restless Marches, yet at first He beat Poyntz off that followed; but being charged by Fresh Soldiers from the Leaguer, and a greater Number, He was forced to retreat, and leave some of His gallant Followers dead upon the place. After this He draws towards the North-East, and commands the Lord Digby with the Horse that were lest to march for Scotland, and there to join with Montross, who with an inconsiderable company of men had got Victories there so prodigious that they looked like Miracles. But this Lord was surprised before he could get out of Yorkshire; for His Horse having taken 700 of the Enemy's Foot, were so wanton with their Success, that they were easily mastered by another Party, and he himself was compelled to fly into Ireland. These several Overthrows brought another mischief along with it; for the King's Commanders and Officers broke their own Peace and Agreement, which is the only Comfort and Relief of the Oppressed, and which makes them considerable, though they are despoiled of arms, by imputing (as it useth to be in unhappy counsels) the criminous part of their misfortunes to one another. But many gallant Persons, whom Loyalty and Religion had drawn to His Service, endured the utmost hazards before they delivered the Holds He had committed to their trust; and by that means employing the Enemy's Arms, gave the King time, who was at last returned to Oxford, to provide for His Safety.  
Hither every day sad Messages of Ruins from every part of the Nation came, which though they seemed like the falling pieces of the dissolved world, yet they found His Spirit erect and undaunted. For He was equal in all the Offices of His Life, tenacious of Truth and Equity, and not movable from them by Fears, a Contemner of worldly Glory, and desirous of Empire for no other reason, but because He saw these Kingdoms must be ruined, when He relinquished the care of them. But that which most troubled Him were the Importunities of His own disconsolate Party to seek for Conditions of Peace, which He saw was in vain to expect would be such as were fit to accept; for His former experience assured Him, that these men would follow the Counsels of their Fortune, and be more Insolent now than ever. And for Himself, He was resolved not to sacrifice His Conscience to Safety, nor His Honour to Life. This He often told those that thus pressed Him, and did profess in His Letter to Prince Rupert, (who likewise moved Him to the same,) that He would yield to no more now than what He had offered at Uxbridge, though He confessed it were as great a Miracle His Enemies should hearken to so much Reason, as that He should be restored within a Month to the same Condition He was in immediately before the Battle at Naseby.  
But yet to satisfy every One how tender He was of the Common Safety, He sent several Messages to the Parliament for a Treaty, and offers to come Himself to London, if He may have security for Himself and Attendants. All which were either not regarded, or answered with Reproaches. And because the people began to murmur at so great an earnestness of the Faction to continue the Wounds of the Nation open and bleeding, (since there were many Forts yet held out for the King by Gallant Persons, besides the Lord Hopton had an Army yet unbroken, and Ormond and Montross had considerable Interests in Ireland and Scotland; all which might be persuaded in a Treaty to part with those Arms which could not be taken from them without much blood;) and it was the common belief that these men sought for Victory, not Peace and Liberty, which was now tendered: therefore to raise suspicions in the Vulgar, it is suggested that the Cavaliers who came to Compound would take the advantage of the King's Presence, if He were permitted to be there, and kindle a new flame and War in the City. And that it might be thought they had real grounds for these fears, the Disarmed Compounders were commanded to departed above twenty miles from London; and to injealous the people more, all the transactions of the King in the Irish Pacification were published, and amplified with the malicious Slanders and Comments of the implacable and conscious Demagogues, that so the terrors of the Vulgar being augmented, they might be frighted into a longer patience.  
The King finding these men irreconcilable to Peace, and that they had declared against His Coming, though without a Caution, tries the Leaders of the English Army; but they proved no less pertinacious, and were now approaching to besiege Oxford. Providence not leaving any more Choice, but only showing Him a way for a present Escape, He goes in a Disguise (which when Necessity  Royal Persons with, seems like an Ominous Cloud before the Setting of the Sun,) to the Scotish Camp that was now before Newark, where the Ambassador of the King of France, who was then in the Leaguer, had before covenanted for His majesty's Safety and Protection; and the Scotish Officers had engaged to secure both Him and as many of His Party as should seek for Shelter with them, and to stand to Him with their Lives and Fortunes.  
[Anno 1646.] The King being come thither May 4. made a great alteration in affairs; Newark was surrendered by the King's Command, and Sir Thomas Glemham having gallantly defended Oxford till the besiegers offered honourable Conditions, delivered up that also. But the greatest Change of Counsels were at London, where when it was related, among whom the King had sought a Sanctuary, various and different Discourses were raised. Some wondered that His Majesty had sought a Refuge there where the Storm began, and how He could apprehend to find Relief from those that were not only the Authors of His Troubles, but now the great Advancers of His Overthrow: And they conceived no Promises or Oaths can be a sufficient Caution from those People that have been often . Others judged that in those necessities wherein the King was concluded, it was as dangerous not to trust as to be deceived; no Counsel could be better, than to try whether a Confidence in them would make them faithful, and whether they would then be honest, when they had the Critical Opportunity to testify to the world, that they intended not what they did, but what they said; That they fought not against Him, but for Him. But a last sort bewailed both the greatness of the King's Dangers, that should make Him seek for Safety in a tempestuous Sea and false bottom; as also the debaucheries of the English Genius, which was now so corrupted, that their Prince was driven to seek an Asylum from their injuries among a people that were infamous and polluted with the Blood of many Kings.  
While others discoursed thus of the King's journey, the Parliament heated by the Independents fiercely declared against the Scots, who were removing the King to Newcastle, and used several methods to make them odious and drive them home. For they kept back their Pay, that they might exact Freequarter from the Country; then they did extenuate their Services, derogate from their famed Valour, upbraid them as Mercenaries, threaten to force them out by the Sword. All which while the English Presbyterians, though they wished well to their Brethren, yet lest they should seem to indulge the Insolences of a strange Nation, did not dare to plead in their defence. But the Scots themselves for a time did justify their Reception and Preservation of His Majesty by the Laws of Nature, Nations, and Hospitality, which forbidden the delivery and betraying of those that have fled to any for Succour. The Democratick Faction urged that it was not lawful for the Scots, their Hirelings, and in their Dominion, to receive the King into their Camp without the leave of their Masters, and keep Him without their Consent. These Debates were used to raise the King's price. Which when the Scots were almost assured of, to make their ware more valuable, they solicit the King, in hopes of their Defence, to command Montross to departed from his noble Undertake in Scotland, where he had almost recovered the Overthrow Roxbrough and Traquaire had betrayed him unto, and was become formidable again; as also the Loyal Marquis of Ormond to desist from his gallant Oppositions both of the Irish Rebels, and English Forces. Which when the King had done, being not willing those Gallant Persons should longer Hazard their brave Lives, and after both these Excellent Leaders had more in anger than fear parted with their unhappy Arms: that they might have a colour of betraying Him, whom the General Assembly of Scotland (which useth to hatch all the Seditions to the heat and strength of a seeming Authority) had forbid to be brought into His Native and Ancient Kingdom (as He affectionately called it) they tender Him the Covenant; pretending without that Chain upon Him, they did not dare to lead Him into Scotland. This His Majesty refused not, if they would first lose those Scruples of Church-Government which lay upon His Conscience: Therefore to untie those Knots, Master Henderson, that was then the Oracle of the Kirk, and the great Apostle of the Solemn Covenant, was employed to converse with Him. But the Greatness of the King's Parts, and the Goodness of His Cause made all his attempts void (for the Papers being published, every one yielded the Victory to His Majesty) and unfortunate; for he returned home, and not long after died, as some reported, of a Grief contracted from the sense of his Injuries to a Prince whom he had found so Excellent.  
While these things were acting at Newcastle, the bargain was stroke at London, and for 200000 l. His Majesty, stripped of those Arms He had when He came among them, was delivered up, as it were, to be scourged and crucified to some Commissioners from the Parliament: But to Honest their Perfidiousness, they add this Caution, That there should be no attempt made upon the King's Person, but being entertained at one of His own Palaces, He should there be treated with upon Propositions from both Nations, which should speedily be sent to Him. But the Parliament never thought of sending any Propositions till He came under the Power of the Army, who had malicious Designs upon His Person. The Commissioners receiving Him, convey Him to His own House at Holmeby. This was a very curious and stately Building yet was not therefore chosen because it might be a Majestic Prison; but because it was within Ken of Naseby, which was infamous with His Overthrow, that so the Neighbourhood to it might more afflict His grieved Spirit. To this unpleasingness of the Place they added other discomforts, by making the restraint so strict that they suffered none to come near Him, that by owning His Cause were assured of their Welcome; yea, even His Chaplains (which most troubled Him) were debarred from their Ministry. But God supplied this Want by more plentiful Assistances of His Holy Spirit, and made Him, like the Ancient Patriarches, both a King and a Priest (at least for Himself:) and here He sacrificed Praises even to that God that hide himself, and composed those most Divine Meditations and Soliloquies that are in His Book, spending that time in Converse with Heaven, which He was not suffered to employ with Men in whom He delighted.  
While the King's Soul was thus winged above the walls of His Prison and the Fortune of His Enemies, they that had put an end to the War, yet could not find the way to Peace; for their Souls were unequal to the Victory, and could not temper their Success, the two Sects falling to dissension, and turning all their Arts and arms one against another. The Presbyterians had the richer and more splendid followers, but the Independents the most fierce, subtle, and most strongly principled to Confusion; the first was Powerful in the Parliament, but the latter in the Army. After they had a long time practised on one another the very same Methods they had acted against the King, and such as favoured Him in the Parliament (of which there were always some Number among them) the Independents still gained upon their Opposites, making the Presbyterians odious, by Libels composed to render their Government Ridiculous and Tyrannical, by putting them upon all the most envious Employments, as Reforming the Universities, and Sequestering Ministers that refused to take the Covenant. Not contented thus to deal with their elder Brethren, by spoiling them of their Honour, they proceeded to strip them of the relics of their armed Power, surprising them in Parliament with a Vote to disband all the Soldiers that were not in Fairfax's Army: then the General turns out those Commanders of Garrisons that were any way inclined to them. Besides this, they either corrupted with Gifts or frighted some of the most busy, yet obnoxious, Presbyterians either wholly to come over to them, or be their Instruments in disturbing and revealing the Counsels of that Party; which was done under the Scheme of Moderation, and reconciling the Godly one to another.  
[Anno 1647.] The Presbyterians at last awakened with the daily wounds of their Power, and the dishonour of their Party, began now to be more afraid of their Stipendiaries than they were of their Sovereign; for they found that they lost all that by the Victory which they sought by the War: therefore to break the confidence of the Independents, and make themselves free, they Vote in the Parliament, where they had most Voices, That to ease the Commonwealth of the Charges in maintaining the Army, 12000 of the Soldiers should be sent over to Ireland, and all the rest to be disbanded, except 6000 Horse, 2000 Dragoons, and 6000 Foot, who should be disposed in different and distant places in the Nation, to prevent any Rising. The Commanders and Independents soon discovered the Artifice, that it was not to ease the Nation, but weaken them; therefore they employ the Inferior Officers (being persons that by dissimulation and impudence having accustomed themselves to much speaking, did at last imagine their Vices were Gifts of the Holy Ghost, and so were fit to disquiet the minds of men,) to possess the common Soldiers with a fear of Disbanding without their Arrears, or else to be sent into that unquiet Island to perish with hunger and cold, and the surprises of a treacherous Enemy. This presently set the Army to Mutiny, which while it was in the Beginnings, the Commanders make semblance of Indignation at it, seem very busy to compose it; and Cromwell, to make the Parliament secure, calls God to witness, that he was assured the Army would at their first Command cast their Arms at their Feet; and again solemnly swears, that he had rather himself with his whole Family should be consumed than that the Army should break out into Sedition. Yet in the mean time he and his Creatures in the Army administer new fuel to the flames of it; and when they had raised their Fury to such heat that it was at last concocted to a perfect defection from all obedience to the Parliament, they lay aside their disguises, and post from London to the Head Quarters, where the Synagogue of Agitators was seated, and to whom was committed the management of this Conspiracy. This Conventicle was made up of two of the most unquiet and factious in every Regiment of Foot, and each Troop of Horse: their business was to consult the Interests of the whole Army, and when they had moulded their Pretences and Arts to their grand Design, to instruct the ruder part of it in their Clamours and Injuries, and to corrupt all the Garrisons by Emissaries to the same enterprises. At last they extended their Cares to the whole British Empire, and dictate what their pleasures are concerning England and Ireland. Which was in both Kingdoms to establish the Power and Liberty of the People; for they openly professed an intent for Democracie. And because about an hundred Officers in the Army would not be forward in the Sedition, they were by this Committee of Adjutators, and the secret intimations of the Commanders, cashiered.  
Thus the Counsels of both Parties being directed to overthrow their contrary, each thought the Person and Presence of the King would be no vain advantage to their Designs, for they would Honest their actions with a care of Him: therefore the Presbyterians had it in Consultation, to Order Col. Greves, who had the Command of the Guard about the King at Holmeby, to remove His Majesty to London; the Intelligence of which coming to the Army by the treachery of a certain Lord, they immediately send a Body of Horse to prevent them, and to force Him into their own Quarters. Thus was that Religious Prince made once more the mock of Fortune, and the sport of the Factions, and was drawn from His peaceful Contemplations, and Prospect of Heaven, to behold and converse with men set on Fire of Hell. These, to tempt Him to a Confidence in their integrity, (that they might the more easily to His disgrace ruin Him, and murder Him by His own Concessions, if He would be deluded by them) highly pretend to a Compassionate Sense of His Sufferings, and complain of the Parliaments Barbarous Imprisoning Him in His own Palaces, wondering they had no more Reverence for Majesty; and to beget a belief of this, they profess (which they would have to be conceived with them was more sacred than any Oaths) that they will never part with their Arms till they have made His way to His Throne, and rendered the Condition of His Party more tolerable. Besides these Promises and Compassions, they permit Him the Ministry of His Chaplains in the Worship of God, (which, it is said, He took with so great a Joy, that He almost believed Himself free and safe, it being His most heavy burden while He was the Parliaments Captive) the Commerce of Letters with the Queen, the Visits of His own Party, and the Service of His Courtiers; some of whom they also admitted to their Council of War, mould Propositions which they will urge in His behalf, and alter them to the King's Gust and at His Advice. In their public Remonstrances against the Covetousness, Ambition, Injustice, Cruelty and Self-mindedness of the Parliament, they do sometimes obliquely, sometimes plainly, profess, that the King, Queen, and the Royal Family must be restored to all their Rights, or else no hope of a solid Peace; but then they would intermix such Conditions as argued they sought Reserves for a perfidious escape. For Cromwell did among his Confidents boast of his fine Arts, and that by these Indulgences was intended nothing but His Destruction.  
By all these Impostures they prevailed nothing upon the Hopes or Fears of the King; nor did He commit any thing unworthy His former Fortune, and the Greatness of His Integrity and Wisdom, or which any of the Disagreeing Factions could use to His reproach. But they found another kind of Success upon the Parliament, for they sacrificed to the Commands of their Stipendiaries eleven Members of the House of Commons, and seven of the Peers, causing them to forbear sitting among them, because they had been accused by the Army in a very frivolous Charge. All men wondering at the inequality of those men's Spirits, who had so furiously rejected the Articles of their lawful Sovereign against five or six of their Body, and yet did now so tamely yield to the slight Cavils and dislike of their Mercenaries above thrice that Number. They therefore concluded, that neither Religion, Justice, or the Love of Liberty, which are always uniform, but unworthy Interests and corrupt Souls, which vary with fears and hopes, had been the Principles and first Movers of their attempts. Besides this, they were so prone to Slavery, that they had gone on to Vote all the lusts of the Army, had not a Tumult (their Arts being now turned upon their own heads,) from London stopped them in their violent speed, and kept the Speaker in his Chair till they had voted more generously, that it was neither for their Honour nor Interest to satisfy the demands of the Soldiers; and that the King should come to London to treat.  
These contrary desires of the divided Faction, which had jointly oppressed their Sovereign, showed, that Ill men will more easily conspire together in War, than consent in Peace; and that Combinations in Crimes will conclude in Jealousies, each Party thinking the advantages of the other too great; and that Power is never thought faithful which is accounted excessive. Therefore both prepare for War. With the 140 Members that sat in Parliament were joined the City, and the cashiered Soldiers and Officers that had served in their pay. With the Army were the Speakers of both Houses; who had fled to them with about fifty of their Members that projected the Change of Government, being either for an Oligarchy or Democracie, yet left some of the same judgement behind, to betray and disturb the Counsels at London. To these did adhere the Neighbouring Counties, who were cajoled by the splendid Promises of the Army, of Restoring the King, (which they much boasted) Dissolving the Parliament, and Establishing Peace and Government: and they more willingly credited these, because they had conceived an hatred of the Parliament and City both for beginning the War, and now obstructing Peace. The Army entitle their attempts for King and People: Their Adversaries, for bringing the King to His Parliament. The Commanders were greedy of that War which promised an easy Victory, and made the poor Soldiers hope for the Plunder of the City.  
For the advantage was clear on the Army's side, which consisted of veterane Soldiers, united among themselves by a long Converse, and known Commanders: but the force of the other was made up of a tumultuary Multitude, gathered under new Leaders, and so had no mutual confidence; their meetings were full of doubts and fears, none could determine in private, nor in public Consult, because they dared not trust one another; and it was observed that those who were most treacherous talked most boldly against the Enemy. Therefore in the very beginnings the Parliament and City desert their Enterprise, Treat with, and open their Gates to the Army, who march in Triumph through London, bringing the Speakers and their Fellow-Travellers to their Chairs, seize upon the Tower, dismantle the Fortifications, pull down all the Chains and Posts of the City, send the Lord Mayor and the Chief Citizens to the Tower, and reduce all the Power of the Nation in Obedience to the Commanders. For Fairfax is made General of all the Forces both in England and Ireland, and Rainsbrough, a Leveller, and a violent Head of the Democraticks, High Admiral. The impeached Presbyterians fled beyond Sea, others of that Sect drooping complied with the Fortune of the Conquerors; and that which grieved good Men most, was, a Public Thanksgiving (which is not to be observed but for the happy endeavours of a Nation in their virtuous and glorious undertake for Liberty and Safety, but now was profaned for our Slavery and Misery) to God was appointed for the Army, and they were entertained now at a Feast, whom before the City would have forced from their Walls.  
While these things were in Motion, the King consults Heaven for Direction, and his Party modestly abstain from either side, thought both to be abhorred, and knew that Party would be the worst which should overcome. The Army having now the greatest strengths of the Nation, the Parliament and City at their obedience, make no mention of their former promises to the King; only the Adjutators were fierce for breaking that Parliament, and calling another, as they called it, more equal Representative. But both their Synagogue and the Council of War, being now delivered from fear of the Presbyterians, began to contrive the destruction both of the King and Monarchy. As for the King, whom they had now brought to Hampton-Court, some that had before contrived His Death, and to murder Him while He was in the Scotch Camp, (so at once to satisfy their own Revenge, and Load their Enemies with the Infamy of the Murder,) yet could not then perform it, were now fiercefor a speedy and secret Assassination by Pistol or Poison. Others would have Him tried and condemned by their Council of War. But the Chiefs thought fit to proceed more artisicially in their Crime, and when they should get more Authority, destroy Him by a Parliamentary way of Justice. To bring this about, they must proceed to make Him more odious, that the People might be patiented while they kill Him, and undo them. To proceed therefore to their Impiety, Cromwell and his Creatures stickle fiercely in the House of Commons, and cause the Parliament to send, not Conditions of Peace to be treated on, but Propositions like Commands that admitted no dispute: which if the King had yielded unto, He had despoiled Himself of Majesty, and been thought guilty of so much want of Spirit as would conclude an unfitness for Empire; besides, such a voluntary Diminution would have been equally unsafe, as unglorious: And if He did not, than He was to be esteemed the only Obstacle of the Universal Peace. And lest the King should put them to more tedious Arts by signing them, they themselves to divert Him privately procure more soft Articles, and professed to be sorry the Presbyterian Sourness and Rigour did yet leaven the House, which made these Propositions so unpleasant.  
The King could not but perceive the practices of the Army, yet being resolved that no Dangers whatsoever should make Him satisfy those unreasonable Demands of the Parliament, which granted would have been the heaviest oppression on His Subjects, and the greatest injury to His Posterity He could possibly be guilty of; For to good Princes the Safety of their People, and their own Memory, which is built upon the Happiness of Posterity through their Counsels, are more precious than Life and Power; and although Providence, and the Malice of His Enemies had obstructed His way to Glory by Victories and Success, yet He would trace it in the unenvied and unquestionable paths of Constancy and Justice: Therefore to make His denial of them advantageous to Himself, by a seeming confidence in the Army's proffers, thereby to oblige, if it were possible, those that had no sense either of Faith or Honour, or at least, to injealous those two Rivals for His Power, and commit them, the King absolutely rejects the Parliaments Propositions, and requires the Demands of the Army as more equal, and fit for a Personal Treaty, and that the Army also should nominate Commissioners. Cromwell and His Complices seemed to be joyful for this Answer of His Majesty, which had preferred them before their Competitors to the Honour of Justice and Moderation in the Eyes of the People; but yet secretly did they exasperate the minds of the more  Commons against the King for this Affront. And to the King they profess a shame and trouble upon their Spirits (for so they loved to speak) that they could not now perform their Promises: sometimes they excused themselves by a Reverence to the Parliament, at other times by the fierceness of the Adjutators; and when by these excuses they had coloured their delays to some length, they began to interpret their say otherwise than the King apprehended them, to forget what they had assured Him of, and at last openly to refuse any performance. To all these Perfidies they add other Frauds, to beget a fear in Him of the Adjutators and the Levellers, who they informed Him meditated His Murder, professed they could not for the present moderate their bloody and impetuous Consultations, but when they should recover the lost Discipline of their Army, than they might easily and speedily satisfy their engagements to Him. To give credit to their words, the Fury of the Adjutators was blown to a more conspicuous Flame, their Papers were published for a change of Government, called The Case of the Army, and, The Agreement of the People; the animations of Peter's, and another of the same Diabolical spirit, saying, His Majesty was but a dead Dog, were divulged, and all were communicated to some Attendants about the King, with an Advice from the Chiefs of the Army to escape for His Life: for they were unwilling He should be killed while they helplessly looked on.  
The fury and threaten of men of such destructive and bloody Principles, who accounted all things lawful that they could do, that Providence administering Opportunity did invite and licence their impieties, and who imputed all their lusts, that had no colour from Justice, to the Persuasions of the Holy Spirit, were not to be despised; nor was the King to abandon His Life, if He could without sin preserve it to a longer waiting upon God. Therefore with three of His most trusted Attendants, in the dark, tempestuous and ominous night of Novem. 11. He leaves Hampton-Court, some say, uncertain where to seek safety; others, that He intended to take Ship, but being disappointed in His Expectation, He was at last fatally led into the Power, and, when He could not escape, committed Himself to the Loyalty and Honour of Col. Hammond, (a Confident of Cromwell's, who had been but a little before made Governor of the Isle of Wight for this very purpose,) and was by him conveyed to Carisbrook-Castle, the very Pit His Enemies had designed for Him. For it was discoursed in the Army above a fortnight before, that the King e'er long would be in the Isle of Wight: and the very night He departed from Hampton-Court, the Sentinels were withdrawn from their usual Posts, on purpose to facilitate His flight. The alwise God not permitting Him to fly from those greater Trials, and more Glorious Acts of Patience He had designed for Him. Being here in this false Harbour, He minds that business which lay most on His Heart, the Settlement of the Nation; He sends Concessions to the Parliament more benign and easy than they could desire or hope, together with His Reasons why He could not assent to their Demands; and earnestly solicits them to pity the Languishing Kingdom, and come to a Personal Treaty with Him, on His Concessions and the Army's Demands.  
But the Conspirators, to cut off all hopes of a Treaty, take this Occasion to send four Preliminary Articles, which if He would pass as Acts, they would treat of the rest. These were so unjust, that the Scotch Commissioners in the Name of their Kingdom declare against them in public Writings, and following the Messengers of Parliament to the Isle of Wight, do in the presence of His Majesty protest against them as contrary to the Religion, the Crown, and Accords of both Kingdoms. The King, according to His wont Wisdom and Greatness of Mind, presently returns them an Answer, to show the Injustice of having Him grant the chief things before the Treaty, which should be the Subject of it, and to give them such an Arbitrary Power, to the ruin of all the People. This Answer He delivered sealed to their Messengers, who desired that they might hear it read, and that they might be dealt with as Commissioners, not as bare Carriers (a greater trust than which their Masters had not committed unto them) and promise upon their Honour that it should not be any prejudice to Him. But His Majesty had no sooner read it, than they finding it not to the Gust of those that sent them, notwithstanding the Faith they had given, cause their Just Sovereign to be kept close Prisoner, force away His Chaplains, Dr. Sheldon, now Lord Bishop of London, and Dr. Hammond, both which He highly valued for their Integrity, Wisdom, Piety and Learning, and His other Servants, even those whom the Parliament had placed formerly about Him, and in whom His Goodness had wrought both an Affection and Admiration of Him, and permit none about Him but such as they hoped would be a Watch upon Him, and whose barbarous Souls might trample on His Fortune. Besides they set strict Guards at His Doors and Windows, lest any Letters might come to Him, or be sent from Him.  
The like reception His Letter found with the Parliament. For Cromwell and His Officers were resolved to go on with their Design, and having so long used the Adjutators, as served to frighten the King into the Toils they had set, they soon quiet them, (which was not difficult, being a Company of  fellows, that could only talk, not form a Counsel or a Party, to endure a Storm,) by executing some of their most pertinacious Leaders; and being free of that care, applied their practices wholly to the Destruction of His Majesty. To this purpose they mould the Four Votes for No Addresses to the King; but before they bring them into Public, they send into their several Counties about forty or fifty of the principal Members, who they thought would oppose them, to raise Money for the Soldiers. Nevertheless the first of those Votes was contested against so strongly, that the Debates lasted from ten of the Clock in the Morning till seven in the Evening; and though they thus wearied the more Honest Party, yet could it not pass till the Conspirators had engaged that no worse thing should be done to the King. The remaining Votes were dispatched in half an hours time, when those of the more sober Principles were gone forth to refresh themselves, and the Conspirators still kept their Seats. The House of Peers were not so hasty in them as the Commons had been, and their Debates vexed the Conspirators with Delays, till those who were sent by the Army to thank the Lower House for their Consent to these Desires of the Soldiers, did also threaten the Upper for their long Deliberations: some new Terrors were also added, for they quartered two of their Regiments at White-Hall, under colour of guarding the Parliament, but in truth to work upon the Lords; which had its effect, for many that had the most Honourable thoughts in this business, forsook the Parliament, and then three or four (which often was the fullest Number about those times in that Honse,) join with the Commons in their Votes for no Addresses.  
This prodigious Persidiousness in Parliament and Army, both which had so frequently declared and engaged themselves by Oaths and Promises to preserve the King in His Just Rights, filled all men with amazement and indignation, to see how little they valued their Faith, who pretended so high to Religion; therefore each of them were put to satisfy the Common Fame. Cromwell to some would have covered this Impiety with another, that as He was praying for a blessing from God on his undertake, to restore the King to his pristine Majesty, his tongue cleaved to the roof of his mouth, that he could not speak one word more; which he took as a return of Prayer, and that God had rejected Him from being King. To others he did impudently assert, That it was lawful to circumvent a wicked man with deceit and frauds. The Conspirators in the Parliament strove to honest their Proceed by a Declaration, and assign in it for Causes of their Perjuries, all the Calumnies that had been raised against the King by His most professed Enemies, or from those uncertain Rumours which themselves had invented, adding and repeating others which had even in the Parliament House been condemned as Forgeries, (yet now were used as necessary Veils for a more execrable Falsehood.) Which infamous Libel they cause to be sent to all the Parishes of the Kingdom, to be divulged, supposing that none did dare to refute their black and most malicious Slanders, or that none could publicly do it, because they set strict Watches upon all the Printing-Presses. They likewise Commanded the Curates to read it in their several Churches, and commend it to the People. And that these might the more readily observe their Orders, they at the same time strictly enjoin the payment of Tithes, and Vote that the Dean and Chapiter's Lands (which they had designed for profane Uses, and never intended they should be for the Emolument of Churchmen) should be set apart for Augmentations for their Preachers, pretending a fervent zeal for the propagation of the Gospel, when they did most dishonour it. By their Agents, and the Anabaptists, with other Heretics and Schismatics, they solicit the unacquainted Rabble to sign to Gratulatory Addresses to approve what they had already done, and petition for a speedy progress in the Ruin of His Majesty.  
But all these their cursed Projects failed, for several Answers to their Defamations were published, One writ by the King Himself, another by 
* A full Answer.  Sir Edward Hyde, and a third by 
* The Regal Apology.  Dr. Bates: all which proved the Monstrous Falsehoods of their Paper, and that the Faction were guilty of what they imputed to the King; and this with such evidence, that none of their most mercenary Writers, or the most foulmouthed Conspirators, did dare or hope with Success to reply unto. The Curates coldly, if at all, observed their Orders, and there came so few Petitions, and those signed by such contemptible and lewd Persons, as they rather loaded the Faction with more hatred, than gave them any credit. While generally in every place none of the People could contain their fury against these Impostors, but publicly cursed them and their Infamous Adherents.  
For their Miseries made them sensible of the want of that Prince whose gentle and just Rule had brought them to such an inebriating Prosperity, that they had forgot the Minister of their Happiness. But now they found Government when it was out of His hand, like Moses' Rod cast on the ground, transformed to a Serpent; and that those who pretended to free them from Tyranny had deluded them into the most insufferable Slavery: wherein they were either totally despoiled of all things that render our Being comfortable, or they were not secure in the use of them. Religion, the Ornament of the present, and the Pledge of a future Life, was so dishonoured by Schisms and Heresies (fomented to weaken the People by Divisions, to a tameness under their Oppressors) by Fasts for the most impious Designs, and Thanksgivings for prosperous Crimes; that some men concluded it to be nothing else but the Invention of Tyrants, and the Disguise of Villains, and therefore did forsake it, and turn Atheists. Others that did still find the Inward Consolations of it, yet feared openly to profess it, lest they should be taken for those that pretended a Love to God, that they might more securely destroy men. Liberty also was now but an empty name: for all the Common Prisons were too narrow to receive even those that did not dare to break the Laws; so that the Houses of Noblemen were converted to Gaols, for those that were unfortunate in honest enterprises; where they were to languish with want and sickness, and not be called to know their Offence or their Accusers, because they had not guilt enough for a public Condemnation. Some were put a Shipboard in the midst of Summer, there to contract Diseases: Others were sold Slaves to foreign Plantations. Many to escape such nasty Confinements, or an ignominious Torture, fled from their Native Soil either to the Neighbouring Countries, where they were the Evidences of the Infamy and Barbarousness of our Nation; or seeking for Shelter in the Isles and Deserts of America, polluted those Rocks and Seas with English Blood.  
Propriety was no longer hedged up by Law; but whom the Violence of the Soldier did not impoverish, the frauds of Committee men would, from whose Rapines none were secure that had not been as criminal as themselves, and few safe that did not seek their favour, and bow down to their Greatness: These men taking advantage of the common evils, to satisfy either their private revenge, or lusts: for their Proceed were not regulated by the known Laws; but the secret Instructions of their Masters in Parliament and Army, or their own Pleasures, were the Rules of administering Justice. An honest Fame likewise was a Mark for Ruin: for if any by just Arts had got the Esteem of the People and the Affections of His Neighbourhood, and did not comply with their Interest, first he was vexed with Slanders and Reproaches, and afterwards with Sequestration; especially if he were a Minister: and it was their common Principle, that an Honest Cavalier was the worst Enemy, and a Cavalier Saint did the most hurt; so that both their Vices and Virtues were equally hated. Common Converse was dangerous; for they had Informers in every place, and Spies almost in every Family of Note: Servants were corrupted to accuse their Masters, and the Differences in Religion did injealous and arm the nearest Relations one against another: Men out of a mutual distrust would hasten from Company, to consult in private their peculiar Safety, for they knew their Words were observed, and their Secrets sought after. Few Families but had by the Civil War some loss to bewail; some mourned over their disagreeing Members in different Camps, and had cause to fear which side soever prospered they must be miserable in some part.  
These and many more Miseries were more highly embittered by the uncertainty of a Remedy: For the Parliament, that had the name of Government, were guilty of all these Reproaches of a Community, being Slaves to those whose interest it was to keep us thus miserable; and if at any time they were free from the yoke of the Army, the two Sects kept them so divided, each Party labouring by Votes and Counsels to circumvent the other, that they could not mind the Universal Benefit. Besides the Power they exercised was too much to be well used, for they engrossed the Legislative Authority, and the Exercise of Jurisdiction. So that they would make Laws according to their Interest, and execute them according to their Lust; this day's Vote should contradict the former day's Order, and to morrow we must violate what to day we solemnly swore to observe: so that men knew not what to obey, nor where to rest. Thus all hopes of Liberty and Peace were lost in the Confinement of the King, who only was found able and willing to determine our Miseries. For His Principles were Uniform, and His Endeavours for a Settlement constant; besides His Adversities had illustrated, if not calcined, His Endowments. For now when He had no Friends, Counsellors, or Secretaries, His Discourses with Commissioners upon their several Addresses, and His Declarations of His own Injuries, the Nations Slavery, the Injustice of His and their Adversaries, were so excellently and prudently managed, that they undeceived the greatest part, and reconciled many of His bitter Enemies: therefore the whole Nation now panted for a Return to the Obedience of such an inestimable Prince.  
These Considerations caused several attempts for His Deliverance, some Private, and others more Public. The first was managed by those Servants whom the Parliament had placed about Him; for these won by His Goodness, of which they were daily witnesses, twice plotted His Escape, and ventured their Lives for His Liberty, but failed in both designs: and the last being discovered before it could be put into action, One Rolfe, a bloody Villain, (that had also endeavoured to poison Him, for which though he was publicly accused, yet was acquitted by that Judge whom the Conspirators had employed to hear that cause) waited to kill Him as He should descend from His Chamber.  
[Anno 1648.] The more public was that of the whole Nation: for enraged with their own Oppressions and the Miseries of their Prince, men in most Counties, even of those that had adhered to the Parliament, but now vexed that they had been so basely deluded, draw up Petitions for a Personal Treaty with the King; that the Armies Arrears being paid they should immediately be disbanded; that Relief should be sent into Ireland, and England quite eased of the Contribution, which they could no longer bear. To these Petitions there were such innumerable Subscriptions, that the Officers of the Army, and Parliament were mad to see their Threats of Sequestration, Imprisonment and Death, to make no Impression; and the Promises they likewise made were slighted, because discredited by their former Perjuries. The first Petitioners were the Essex men, who came in such Numbers as had not been seen before, as if they would force, not entreat for, what was necessary. After them those of Surrey, whom, by the command of the Officers and Parliament-men, the Soldier's assault at the Parliament-Doors, kill some, wound more, and plunder all: and for this brave Exploit upon unarmed Petitioners, they have the Thanks of the Commons, and a Largess for their Valour; that so the People might be affrighted from offering Petitions, which before the very same men had declared to be the Birthright of every Englishman. While men see and admire the Returns of the Divine Justice, and the reciprocal motions of the Popular heat, that the very same Parliament that first stirred up this way of tumultuary Petitions against the King, now complained that the Honour and Safety of Parliaments was endangered by Petitious.  
But all their Tyranny upon the complaining Nation prevailed nothing but to provoke them to a higher Indignation and more frequent Petitions. And when they perceived they dealt with men obstinate to their own Interests, which were not to be gained but by the Public ruin, they fly from Prayers to Arms, and entitle their just War, For the Liberty of King and People. And in several places, as in Kent, Essex, Suffolk, Norfolk, Cornwall, Yorkshire, Wales, and at last in Surrey, multitudes take Arms for this Righteous Cause. The Navy also fall off, and setting Rainsbrough their levelling Admiral on Shore, seventeen Ships deliver themselves up to the Prince of Wales. The Scots likewise by an Order of their own Parliament send into England (to recover the Liberty and Majesty of the King) an Army under Hamilton. But all was in vain, God had decreed other Triumphs for His Majesty, and to translate Him to another Kingdom. For the English being but tumultuarily raised, having no train of Artillery or Ammunition considerable, were soon suppressed by a veterane Army provided with all necessaries. The Scots, either through weakness or wickedness of their Commanders, who made so disorderly a march that their Van and Rear were forty miles asunder, were easily worsted by Cromwell, who surprised their main Body, and Hamilton was taken Prisoner. Cromwell follows the scattered Parties into Scotland, where they were likewise assaulted by Argyle, a domestic Enemy, and forced to submit those Arms the Parliament had put into their hands to the Faction of that false Earl; who calls another Parliament, from which all were excluded that in the former Voted for the King's Delivery, and all the Orders of that Convention made void. Cromwell had the Public Thanks, and the Private Faith of Argyle to endeavour, as opportunity permitted, the extirpation of Monarchy out of Scotland.  
The Navy also deserts the Prince, being corrupted by the Earl of Warwick, who was appointed for this Service; and when he had ingloriously bought off their Faith to their lawful Prince, himself was ignominiously cashiered by the Conspirators. These great disappointments and overthrows of just Enterprises men variously attributed to different Causes. Some to the Perfidiousness, others to the Weakness of those that managed them; as also to the Treachery of some Presbyterians, who in hatred to the Army first encouraged, and then in Jealousy of the Royalists basely deserted them. For the Rabbis of the Kirk cursed Hamilton in the beginning of his Enterprise. Another sort thought them unhappy, because the greatest part of the Undertakers were such that formerly had either fought against the King, or else had betrayed Him, and God would not now bless their unexpiated Arms. And some to the Fate of the Kingdom, which God had decreed to give over to numerous and impious Tyrants, because of their unthankfulness and impatience under so Incomparable a Prince.  
But while these things were managed by the Army that were now at a distance, and Cromwell's Terrors were greater in Scotland than here, the less guilty Parliament-men seriously considering how impatient the People (who in London and other places had gotten innumerable Subscriptions to a Petition for a Personal Treaty) now were of those Injuries that were done to their Sovereign, how hateful themselves grew, because they had betrayed and enslaved their own Privileges, together with the Liberties of the Subject to an insatiable and Fanatic Army, and how an evident Ruin attended even their Conquests of Him whom it was unlawful to assault, did at last (though too late) contrary to the clamours of their Factious and Democratick Members, Repeal those Votes which they had formerly made, of No more Addresses to the King. This being passed in both Houses, they afterwards with a strong Consent Vote a Treaty with the King, in Honour, Freedom and Safety. The Factious Party in the Parliament found themselves too few and weak to oppose this impetuous tendency of the Two Houses and the whole Kingdom to Peace. But yet they endeavoured to frustrate the labours of their more sincere Members, and to baffle the People's just desires of it, by imposing many unequal Conditions, and obstructive restrictions.  
For they procured that the Treaty should be in the Isle of Wight, and not at London; that it should be by Commissioners, and not immediately with the two Houses, as was Petitioned. The Propositions that were sent to be Treated were the same which had before been offered to the King at Hampton-Court, and were then rejected by Him, and also condemned by the Army itself as too unjust. The Commissioners were so straightened in Power, that it was not lawful for them to soften any one of the Conditions of Peace, not to alter the Preface, or change the Order of the Propositions, nor to debate a Subsequent till the Precedent were agreed on. They could conclude nothing; they were only to propose the Demands, urge Reasons for the Royal Assent, receive the King's Answer, and refer all in writing to the Parliament, whose slow Resolves, and the delays of sending were supposed would consume that narrow measure of time which was appointed to debate so many and so different things, for they were limited to forty days. The Commissioners they sent, were Five of the Lord's House and Twelve of the Commoners, and with them some of their Presbyterian Ministers, who were to press importunately for their Church-Government, to elude the King's Arguments for Episcopacy, and only to impose, not to dispute, their own.  
With all these, upon so many several and different Propositions, some relating to the Law of the Land, others to Reason of State, and some to the practice of the Apostolical Primitive Churches, the King was to deal without public assistance. For though He was permitted the Ministry of some Officers of State, Counselors and Divines, yet were they but of private advice, and to stand behind the Curtain; He only Himself was to speak in the Debate, and singly to manage matters of Policy with their most exercised Statists, and the points of Divinity with their best-studied Divines. The Vulgar, to whom the Arts of these men were not so obvious, were much pleased with the Name of a Treaty, and now hoped to exchange their Servitude under so many importunate Tyrants, for the moderate and easy Government of one Lawful King. Others that had a clearer insight, and observed with what difficulties it was burdened, hoped for no benefit from it. Because that if His Majesty should I not Consent, as they believed He would not, than He would be the object of the popular impatience: And if He should Consent, He that now was thought to be most injuriously dealt with, would then be conceived not to deserve the Pity even of His Friends; nor could He gain any other thing by His Concessions, than to be ruined with more Dishonour. So that considering both the inviolable Integrity of His Majesty, and the implacable Malice of His Enemies, they despaired of any happy ●●ue.  
But beyond the Faith of these men, and the Hopes of the other, the King's incredible Prudence had found Temperaments for their most harsh Propositions. And by a present Judgement and commanding Eloquence did so urge His own, and refel their Arguments, that He forced an Admiration of Himself, and, which was a Testimony of the Divine Assistance, drew many of the unwilling Commissioners to His own Opinion (though their Commission, and the danger of their Lives, necessitated them, contrary to the dictates of their own Consciences, to prolong the Debates;) with a wonderful Lenity proved their Demands unjust, yet granted what was not directly against His Honour and Conscience: Thus divesting Himself of His own Rights, He demonstrated that He had those Affections which might justly style Him the Father of His Country. For He endeavoured by His own Losses to repair the damages of His People. Yet the King saw by the Obstinacy of the most Powerful of those He Treated with, that they intended nothing less than Peace, nor any thing more than His Destruction; which that it might be adequate to their Malice, they would have it accompanied with the damnation of His Soul (as He Himself in bitterness complained to One of His Servants) pressing Him to do those things which they themselves acknowledged sinful, as the Alienation of Church-Lands. Although His Majesty was thus sensible of their insatiable thirst for His Blood, yet because He had passed His Royal Word not to stir out of that Island, He did not hearken to the same Servant, who persuaded Him to provide for His Safety by flight, which He assured Him was not difficult, and in administering to which He offered to hazard his own blood. But the King always thought His Life beveath the Honour of Faithfulness, and would not give His Enemies that advantage over His Fame, which their unjust Arms and Frauds had gotten upon His Person, choosing rather to endure whatsoever Providence had allotted for Him, than by any approach to Infamy seek to protract those days which He now began to be weary of: For that life is no longer desirable to Just Princes, which their People either cannot or will not preserve. And He thought it more Eligible to die by the Wickedness of Others, than to live by His own.  
While the Treaty thus proceeded, the Army under the Command of the Lord Fairfax and Ireton, (this last was Bold, Subtle, Perfidious and Active in all Designs; so that his Soul being congenial with that of Cromwell, had been the cause of an Alliance betwixt them, for he had Married one of Cromwell's Daughters, and therefore was left to hover about the General as an evil Genius, that he might do nothing contrary to their Impious Design,) drew towards London, and quartered within half a days march from the City; that if their Interest did require, they might the more suddenly oppress those who were less favourable to their Enterprises. The Officers did at first publicly profess a great Modesty, as that they would quietly submit to the Orders of the Parliament; that they did prefer the Common Peace to their own private Advantages, and should be glad to be dismissed from the toils of War: yet in private practised an universal Confusion, for mingling Counsels with their Factious Party in the Two Houses, they set up again the Meetings of their Adjutators, framed among themselves Petitions against the Treaty, and to require that all Delinquents without difference (wherein they included the Person of the King) might be brought to Trial; and by their Emissaries abroad drew some inconsiderable and ignominious persons, (by representing large spoils in the subversion of Monarchy, and imaginary advantages by the change of Government,) to subscribe to them.  
When they thought these practices had produced their desired effect, and they had infected most of the Soldiers in the several Garrisons, and that more Parties of their Army were gathered to their Quarters about London; Ireton, under pretext of a Contrast betwixt him and Fairfax, withdraws himself privately to Windsor Castle, where being met by some of his Complices in the Parliament, they jointly frame a Declaration in an imperious and affected Style. Wherein in the name of the Army he maliciously declaims against all Peace with the King, and His Restitution to the Government: afterwards he impiously demands that he may be dealt with as the Grand and Capital Delinquent: with these he mingles some things to terrify the Parliament, some to please the Soldiers, and others to raise hopes of Novelty in the Rabble.  
This being prepared, and the Treaty now drawing towards an End (which those of the Faction had prolonged and disturbed, that the Army might have more time to gather together) and the Commanders having a perfect Intelligence how all things in the Isle of Wight and in the Parliament did strongly tend to an Accommodation, they thought it now seasonable to begin their intended Crime. Therefore they speedily call a Council of War, at which met the Colonels, and other inferior Officers, all men of Mercenary Souls, Seditious, Covetous, and so accustomed to Dissimulation, that they seemed to be composed by nature to frame and colour Impostures. They began their Meeting with Prayers and Fasting, pretending to inquire and seek the Will of God concerning the Wickedness they had predetermined to act. This is the constant practice of such who would most securely abuse the Patience of the People, while they commit the most horrid Crimes. For not being able to honest their Iniquities by any colour of Reason, or any Command of the known Will of God, they pretend to a guidance by Revelation and Returns of Prayer. This Imposture they had hitherto successfully used; and the credulous Rabble of the common Soldiers were drawn to a persuasion, that God did counsel all the Designs of these armed Saints. Thus having prefaced their Villainy, Ireton produces his Remonstrance, which being read among them was received by the Soldiers (who, through a pleasure in blood, and hopes of Spoil, are used to praise every thing of their Chiefs, whether good or bad, that tends to disturbance, and continuance of War,) with as great an Applause as if it had been an Oracle from Heaven; and to make it the more terrible, they styled it the Remonstrance of the Army, and order it to be presented to the Parliament in the name of the Army and People of England.  
When this Remonstrance was published, the minds of men were variously affected. Some wondered that persons of so abject a Condition should dare to endeavour the alteration of an Ancient Government, an attempt so far above their fortune; and to design against the Person of their Sovereign, who by the Splendour of his former Majesty, and by a continued Descent from so many Royal Progenitors, had derived all that challenges the Reverence of the People. And they thought the act so full of a manifest Wickedness, that the Contrivers could not really intent the Execution, but only used it as a Mormo to frighten the King and Parliament to hearken to their Pretensions of a lesser guilt. Others considering their former Crimes and Injuries both to King and People, and their damnable blasphemies of the Almighty God, did truly judge that their preceding Iniquities had now habituated and tempered them for the extremest mischiefs; and that having proceeded thus far, they would think their Safety consisted in an accumulation of their Sins. Only they admired that these men would discredit their ancient Arts of pretending to God's Direction, (in which they could not so easily by every Vulgar judgement be deprehended) by boasting of the Concurrence of the People, which was too evident a Cheat, for not one in a thousand through the whole Nation but did abominate their practices. But others more Speculative knew it was the accustomed Method of the Subverters of a lawful Magistracy and Invaders of a Tyranny, first to seek the favour of the Rabble by high pretences of Liberty and Justice, and then to boast of it as though they had it, and were entrusted by the People to recover what they presented to their hopes and desires; and that these men following the same practices would be the greatest Oppressors of those whom they pretended to vindicate.  
The Parliament though hitherto they had been very obsequious to the Army, yet the Members now meeting in greater Numbers than usually, and preferring the utmost hazards to a Compliance with this Remonstrance, laid it aside, and fell to debate the King's Concessions which then lay before them. This free and stout Carriage of theirs was much resented by the Soldiers, who stormed at the contempt of those whose Grandeur depended upon their Arms. And lest they should miscarry in their Chief Design, and lose the Sacrifice to their Ambition, they immediately sent a Party of their Army into the Isle of Wight, to secure the King: these laying hold upon Him, with a most Insolent Rudeness, not permitting the delay of a Breakfast, forced Him from the Island into Hurst Castle, an unwholesome and sordid place. The other part of their Army they cause to march towards London, with all the imaginable signs of terror, as if they went to sack and plunder an Enemy's Town. When they had entered, they were quartered in those Houses of the King and Nobility which were nearest the Parliament-House, hoping by the greatness and nearness of the danger, so to affright those Members who were not so wicked as to comply with them, that they should voluntarily withdraw, and hiding themselves, leave the possession to their own scanty Party. For then the Violence would seem less, and give more Authority to their unjust Decrees.  
But the honest Members were more in love with Justice, and therefore not terrified with the Menaces and Clamours of the Soldiers, but as inspired with some unaccustomed Courage at this time, and thinking themselves guarded by the Privileges of Parliament, with a greater boldness than usually they did upon just designs, they appear in the House. Where the Commoners reassuming the consideration of the King's Concessions, continued that Debate till past Midnight; the Factious Party, and the Creatures of the Army still raising new Doubts and Scruples, multiplying Cavils, and by tedious harangues wasting the time, that the more Just Party, which consisted most of Gentlemen of Fortunes, not accustomed to such Watch and Fast, might be wearied out, and leave them to their own Resolves: and also that they might give time to the whole Army to march into the City that Night. Among the rest, Sir Henry Vane, (who was born to disquiet the world, and to be a firebrand of Communities, yet still carrying his designs of Confusion under a feigned meekness and simplicity of the Gospel) This Man in the Isle of Wight had persuaded the King not to be prodigal in His Concessions; that He had already yielded more than was fit for them to ask, or Him to grant, and undertook to make it evident to the whole world: yet now did most fiercely and perfidiously inveigh against the Concessions, as designed by the King under the species of Peace to ruin the Parliament and Commonwealth. Yet at last, notwithstanding those Terrors without, and Troubles within, the House came to this Resolve, that The King's Concessions were a sufficient ground for Peace. Which was carried by Two Hundred Voices, and there were searce Sixty Dissenters.  
The next day the same Resolve was passed by the Lords in the very same terms, not one dissenting. Who immediately adjourned for a week, to wait whether this fury of the Army would spend itself after so generous an opposition. And the House of Commons sent some of their own Members to acquaint the Lord Fairfax and his Officers of this their Vote. This free and public detestation of the Crime, that was designed, did extremely enrage the Projectors of it, and the Democratick Party in the House mingled Threaten with their Advices. For One of the Chiefs of the Faction could not forbear to assure them, that If they continued in this their Resolve, they should never after have Liberty of meeting there again. Which accordingly was executed: for the next day they were to meet there, the Colonels had placed a guard of two Regiments of Foot and one of Horse upon the House of Commons, who strictly keeping all the Avenues thereto, that none might enter without their Licence, laid hold upon Forty Members that were Persons of the most known Integrity and highest Resolution; they denied admission to One hundred and fifty more, and suffered none to enter of whose servile compliance they were not well assured. Some that had escaped their observation, and got into the House, by tickets, as from Friends or Servants, they invite forth; whom being once without doors they violently force away, while they in vain pleaded the Privileges of Parliament.  
The imprisoned Members they vex and torture with great Indignities, exposing them to the mockeries and insolences of the Common Soldiers: although there were among them many that had before Commanded Armies, Brigades and Regiments in the Parliament's cause against the King; and others that had been most importunate assertors of their first injustice to their Prince. Those that beheld these vicissitudes wondered, and acknowledged the just Judgement of God, that had thus visibly and properly punished the Injustice of these men against their Lawful Sovereign, by the ministry of their own more vile and mercenary Soldiers, and did thus upbraid them with the falseness of their Principles by which they acted against the King; the very same now serving to honest this violence that was committed on them: for both equally pretended to a Necessity of Reformation, and Self-preservation. Others were inquisitive for the faith of these men, who taking up Arms for the Sacred Privileges of Parliament, had now left nothing but the Walls of that House. For the Number that would serve them was not equal to the Name of a Parliament, being scarce the eighth part of that Convention, and not much above Forty in all, and those the reproach of that Assembly. For besides those that were violently excluded, others that did abhor the Conditions of sitting there withdrew themselves to their own homes. And many of those who formerly deluded by their pretensions to Religion, Justice and Liberty, had hitherto been of the Faction, yet now awakened by these clamorous Crimes, sorsook their bloody Confederacy.  
Yet did not this contemptible Number, of which in most Votes there were Twenty Dissenters, blush to assume the Authority of managing the weightiest Affairs of the English Empire, to alter and change the Government, to expose His Majesty to a violent Murder, and to overthrow the Ancient Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom. For being wholly devoted to the service of the Army, they communicated counsels with them; and whatsoever was resolved at the Council of War, pasled into a Law by the Votes of this Infamous Remnant of the House of Commons, who now served the Soldiers in hopes of part of the Spoil, and a precarious Greatness, which being acquired by so much Wickedness could not be lasting. In order therefore to the Army's design they revive those Votes of No Addresses to the King; (which had at first but surreptitiously, and by base practices passed, and had been afterwards Repealed by a full House.) Those Votes of a Treaty with the King, and of the Satisfactoriness of His Concessions, with scorn they razed out of the Journal-Book. And then proceeded to Vote,  

1. That the People under God are the Original of all Just Power.  
2. That the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament, being Chosen by, and Representing the People, have the Supreme Authority of this Nation.  
3. That whatsoever is enacted and declared for Law by the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament (by which they understood themselves) hath the source of a Law.  
4. That all the People of this Nation are concluded thereby, although the Consent and Concurrence of the King and House of Peers be not had thereunto.  
5. That to raise Arms against the People's Representative or Parliament, and to make War upon them, is High Treason.  
6. That the King Himself took Arms against the Parliament, and on that account is guilty of the blood shed throughout the Civil War, and that He ought to expiate the crime with His own blood.   
Those that were less affected with the common Fears and Miseries could not temper their mirth and scorn at such ridiculous Usurpers, that thought to adjust their Crimes by their own Votes; that in one breath would adorn the People with the Spoils of Monarchy, and in the next rob the People to invest themselves. And (it is said that) even Cromwell (who intended to ruin our Liberty,) was ashamed, and scorned their so ready Slavery, and afterwards did swear at the Table of an Independent Lord, that he knew them to be Rascals, and he would so serve them. Others of more melancholy Complexions, considering the baseness of these servile Tyrants, and the humours of their barbarous Masters the Soldiers, all whose inhumanities' they were to establish by a Law; and that Power gotten by Wickedness cannot be used with the Modesty that is fit for Just Magistrates; justly feared that as under the King they had enjoyed the height of Liberty, so under these men they were to be overwhelmed in the depth of Slavery: and that these Votes which overturned the very Foundation of our Laws, could not be designed but for some horrid Impiety, and our lasting Bondage, which came so to pass.  
For in their next Consultations, they Constitute a Tribunal to Sentence their Sovereign (which afterwards they used as a Shambles for the most Loyal and Gallantest of the Nobless and People) of the most abject Subjects; and to procure a Reverence to the Vilest of men, they give it the specious name of The High Court of Justice. For which they appoint One hundred and fifty Judges (that the Number might seem to represent the whole Multitude) of the most violent and heady of all the Faction: To whom they give a Power of Citing, Hearing, Judging and Punishing CHARLES STVART King of England. To make up this Number they had named six Peers of the Upper House, and the twelve Judges of the Land. But the greatest part were Officers of the Army (who having confederated against His Majesty, and publicly required His Blood, could not without a contempt to the light of Reason be appointed His Judges) and Members of the Lower House, who were most violent against Monarchy, and indeed all Government wherein themselves had no share. The rest were Persons picked out of the City of London and Suburbs thereof, who they imagined would be most obsequious to their Lusts.  
Those that surveyed the List, and knew the Men, deemed them most unfit for a Trust of Justice, and proper Instruments for any wicked undertaking; for of these Judges one or two were Cobblers, others Brewers, one a Goldsmith, and many of them Mechanics. Such among them as were descended of Ancient Families, were men of so mean worth, that they were only like the Statues of their Ancestors, had nothing but their Names to make them known unto the World. Some of them were Spendthrifts, Bankrupts, (such as could be neither safe nor free, unless the Kingdom were in Bondage) and most notorious Adulterers, whose every Member was infamous with its proper Vice; Vain and Atheistical in their Discourse, Cowardly and Base in Spirit, Bloody and Cruel in their Counsels, and those Parts that cannot honestly be named were most dishonest. One of them was accused of a Rape; Another had published a Book of Blasphemies against the Trinity of the Deity. Some of them could not hope to get impunity for their Oppressions of the Country and Expilations of the public Treasure, but by their Ministry to this Murder. Others could not promise themselves an advancement of their abject or declining Fortune but by this Iniquity. Yet all these by the Faction were enrolled in the Register of Saints, though fit to stand as Malefactors at the Bar, than to sit upon Seats of Judgement. And notwithstanding their diligent search for such a Number of men, who would not blush at nor fear any guilt, some of those whom they had named, in abhorrency of the Impiety, refused to fit; and some that did, yet met there in hopes of disturbing their Counsels.  
All this while the House of Peers were not Consulted, and it was commonly supposed that most of them terrified with those Preparations against the King (the only defence of the Nobless against the Popular Envy) would absent themselves from that House, except four or five that were the Darlings of the Faction; and they deemed the Names and Compliance of those sew were enough to give credit and Authority to their bloody Act. But in them they were disappointed also; for some of the Peers did constantly meet, and on that day wherein the Bill for Trial of the King was carried up to that House, there were Seventeen then present (a greater Number than usual,) who all Unanimously (even the Democratick Lords not dissenting) did reject the Bill as Dangerous and Illegal. This so highly provoked the Fury of the Faction, that they meditated a severe revenge, and for the present blotted out those Peers, whose Names they had before put into their Ordinance, to make their Court more splendid. After this they did also raze out the names of the Judges of the Land; for they being privately Consulted concerning these Proceed against the King, (although they had been all raised to that Dignity and Trust by the Faction, yet) answered, that It was contrary to the known Laws and Customs of England, that the King should be brought to Trial.  
To heal these two wounds which the Lords and Judges had branded their Cause with, they use two other Artifices to keep up the Spirits and Concurrence of their Party. First, they bring from Heart ford shire a Woman (some say a Witch) who said, that God by a Revelation to her did approve of the Army's Proceed. Which Message from Heaven was well accepted of with Thanks, as being very seasonable, and coming from an humble Spirit. A second was the Agreement of the People, which was a Module of a Democratical Polity, wherein those whose abject Condition had set them at a great distance from Government, had their hopes raised to a share of it, if they conspired to remove the great Obstruction, which was the Person and Life of the King. This was presented to the House of Commons by Sir Hardress Waller and sixteen other Officers, as a temporary remedy; for when they had perpetrated their Impiety, they discountenanced and fiercely prosecuted those that endeavoured it.  
In confidence of these their Arts and their present Power, notwithstanding all these Public Abhorrencies and detestations by all Persons of Honour and Knowledge, they Enacted their Bill. And for Precedent of this Court, they chose one of the Number, John Bradshaw; A person of an equal Infamy with his new employment. A Monster of Impudence, and a most fierce Prosecutor of evil purposes. Of no repute among those of his own Robe for any Knowledge in the Law: but of so virulent and petulant a Language, that he knew no measure of modesty in Speaking; and was therefore more often bribed to be silent, than feed to maintain a Client's Cause. His Vices had made him penurious, and those with his penury had seasoned him for any execrable undertaking. They also had a Solicitor of the same Metal, John Cook, A needy man, who by various Arts, and many Crimes had sought for a necessary Subsistence, yet still so poor, that he was forced to seek the shelter of obscure and sordid corners to avoid the Prison. So that vexed with a tedious Poverty, he was prevailed upon through the hopes of some splendid booties to venture on this employment, which at the first mention he did profess to abhor. These were their Chief Agents: other inferior Ministers they had equally qualified with these their prime Instruments, as Dorislaus a Germane Bandito, who was to draw up the Charge; Steel, another of their Counsel, under pretence of sickness covered his fear of the Event, though he did not abhor the wickedness of the Enterprise, having before used his Tongue in a cause very unjust, and relating to this, the Murder of Captain Burleigh. The Sergeants, Clerks and Crier were so obscure, that the world had never taken notice of them, but by their subserviency to this Impiety.  
These were the Public Preparations; In private they continually met to contrive the Form of their Proceed, and the Matter of their Accusation. Concerning the first, they were divided in Opinions. Some would have the King first formally degraded and devested of all His Royal habiliments and Ensigns of Majesty, and then as a private person exposed to Justice. But this seemed to require a longer space of time than would comport with their project, which, as all horrid acts, was to be done in a present fury, lest good Counsels might gather strength by their Delay. Others rejected this course as too evidently conforming with the Popish procedure against Sovereign Princes, and they feared to confirm that common Suspicion, that they followed Jesuitical Counsels (whose Society (it is reported) upon the King's offering to give all possible Security against the Corruptions of the Church of Rome, at a Council of theirs did decree to use their whole Interest and Power with the Faction to hasten the King's death.) Which sober Protestants had reason enough to believe, because all or most of the Arguments which were used by the Assertors of this Violence on His Majesty, were but glean from Popish Writers. These Considerations cast the Determination on their side who, designing a Tyrannical Oligarchy, whereby they themselves might have a share in the Government, would have the King proceeded against as King, that by so shedding His Blood they might extinguish Majesty, and with Him murder Monarchy. For several of them did confess, that indeed He was guilty of no Crime more than that He was their King, and because the Excellency of His Parts, and Eminent Virtues, together with the Rights of His Birth, would not suffer Him to be a private Person.  
In their second Debate about the Matter of Accusation, all willingly embraced the Advice of Harrison (who was emulous of the Power of Cromwell, and though now his Creature, yet afterwards became the Firebrand and Whirlwind of the following Times) to blacken Him as much as they could; yet found they not wherewith to pollute His Name. For their old Scandals which they had amassed in their Declaration for no more Addresses to the King, had been so publicly refuted, that they could afford no colour for His Murder. Therefore they form their Accusation from that War to which they had necessitated Him. And their Charge was, that He had levied War against the Parliament; that He had appeared in Arms in several places, and did there proclaim War, and executed it by killing several of the Good People; for which they impeached Him as a Tyrant, Traitor, Murderer, and an implacable Common Enemy. This Charge, in the Judgement of Considering men, argued a greater guilt in those that prosecuted it than in Him against whom it was form: for they seemed less sensible of the instability and infirmities of humane Nature, than those that had none but her light to make them generous, for such never reproached their conquered Enemies with their Victory; but these men would murder their own Prince, against whom they had nothing more to object than the unhappy issues of a War, which leaves the Conquered the only Criminal, while the names of Justice and Goodness are the spoils of the Conqueror. How false those Imputations of Tyranny, Treason and Murder were, was sufficiently understood by those who considered the peaceful part of the King's Reign; wherein it was judged, that if in any thing He had declined from the safest Arts of Empire, it was in the neglect of a just Severity on Seditious persons whom the Laws had condemned to die. And in the War it was known how often His Lenity had clipped the wings of Victory. But it appeared that these men, as they had broken all Rights of Peace, so they would also those of Conquest, and destroy that which their Arms pretended to save.  
How little credit their Accusation found appeared by the endeavours of all Parties to preserve the King's Person from Danger, and the Nation from the guilt of His Blood. For while they were thus engaged to perpetrate their intended Mischiefs, all Parties declare against it. The Presbyterian Ministers, almost all those of London, and very many out of the several Counties, and some, though few, also of the Independents, did in th●●● Sermons and Conferences, as also by Monitory Letters, Petitions, Protestations and Remonstrances, publicly divulged, adjure the Assassinates not to draw so great a guilt upon themselves and the whole Nation by that Murder. For it was contrary to those numerous and fearful Obligations of their many Oaths; to the Public and Private Faith, which was expressed in their Protestations and many Declarations; to the Laws of the Land, those of Nature, and Nations, and the Commands of Scripture. That is was to the dishonour of our Religion, and against the public good of the Kingdom. But all was fruitless, for they had lost their Ministerial Authority by serving the Faction so long, till they needed not their Assistance, and despised their admonitions: Besides, the very same Principles they preached to kindle the War were now beat back into their faces, and made use of against them to adjust the Murder. The People also contemned them for their short-sightedness, in that they would be the heady and indiscreet Instruments of such men, and in such practices as must of necessity at last ruin them and all Ministers, as well as the King and Bishops.  
The Scots also by their Commissioners declare and protest against it. The States of Holland by their Ambassadors (if they were faithful in their trust) did intercede, and deprecate it as most destructive to the Protestant Interest. Some of the most eminent of the Nobility, as the Earl of Southampton, the Duke of Richmond, the Marquis of Hertford, the Earl of Lindsey, and others, neglect no ways, either by Prayers or Ransom, to save the King. Yea, they offered themselves, as being the prime Ministers of the King's Commands, as Hostages for Him, and if the Conspirators must needs be fed with blood, to suffer in His stead for whatsoever He had done amiss. The Prince piously assays all ways and means to deliver His Father from the danger. For besides the State's Ambassadors (whom He had procured) both He and the Prince of Orange did daily send as Agents the Kindred, Relations, and Allies of Cromwell, Ireton, and the other Conspirators, with full power to propose any Conditions, make any Promises, and use all Threaten to divert them, if it were possible, from their intended Cruelty, or at least to gain some time before the Execution. But all was in vain, for no Conditions of Peace could please them who were possessed with unlawful and immoderate desires: their Ambition (that is more impetuous than all other affections) had swallowed the hopes of Empire; therefore they would remove the King to enthrone themselves. Some thought that their despair of Pardon had hardened them to a greater Inhumanity, for if after all these attempts they continued the King's Life, they must beg their own; which they knew Justice would not, and they resolved Mercy should not give; for this is reckoned among the benefits which we hate to receive, and Men are usually ashamed to confess they deserved death.  
Whatsoever it was that truly made them thus cruel, they publicly pretended no other Motive than the Calls and Ducts of Providence, and the Impulses of the Blessed Sp●●●● To carry on this Cheat, Hugh Peter (the Pulpit-Buffoon, of a luxuriant Speech, skilled ●o move the Rabble by mimical Gest●●●●) Impudent, and Prodigal of his own and others fame, Ignominious from his Youth, for then suffering the contumely of Discipline, being publicly whipped, at Cambridge, he was ever after an Enemy to Government, and therefore leagued himself with unquiet Sectaries) preaches before these fictitious Judges upon that Text, Psal. 149.8. To hind their Kings in chains, and their Nobles in fetters of iron. He assures them undoubtedly that this was prophesied of them, that they were the Saints related to in that Scripture, that they should judge the Kings of the Earth, often calling them in his profane Harangue the Saint-Judges. Then he professed, that he had for a certain found upon a strict Scrutiny, that there were in the Army 5000 Saints, no less holy than those that now in Heaven conversed with God. Afterwards kneeling in his Pulpit, weeping and lifting up his hands, he earnestly begs them in the name of the People of England, that they would execute Justice upon that Wretch CHARLES, and would not let Benhadad escape in Safety. Then he inveighs against Monarchy, and wrists the Parable of Jotham to his purpose, wherein when the Trees would choose a King, the Vine and the Olive refused the Dignity, but the Bramble received the Empire, and he compared Monarchy to the Bramble. And all the while of contriving and executing this Murder he preached to the Soldiers, and in some places about the City, bitterly and contemptuously railing against the King. Others also of the Congregational persuasion acted their parts in this Tragedy, but more closely, and not so much in the face of the Sun.  
The Conspirators taking heat from their infamous Preachers, whom they themselves had first kindled, and somewhat doubting that these several strong Applications from all Parties to save the King, and the Universal Discontents, might take some advantage from their delay, with more speed hasten the Assassination. In order to which they send a Sergeant of Arms with a guard of Horse (lest the People should stone him for his Employment) into Westminster-Hall, and other places in London, to summon all that could lay any crime to the King 's charge, to come, and give in their evidence against Him. Having proclaimed their wicked purposes, and dressed up a Tribunal at the upper end of Westminster-Hall, with all the shapes of terror, where the Precedent with his abject and bloody Assistants were placed, thither afterwards they bring this most Excellent Monarch, whom having despoiled of three Great Kingdoms, they now determined also to deprive of Life.  
Into which Scene the King entered with a generous Mien, showing no signs of discomposure, nor any thing beneath His former Majesty; but as if He were to combat for Glory the Monsters of Mankind, He undauntedly took the Seat which was set for Him, with scorn looking upon the fictitious Judges, and with pity upon the People, who crowding in (the great Gates of the Hall being fling open) did bewail in Him the frailty of our Humane condition, whose highest Greatness hath no Security: A sad Spectacle even to those that were not in danger.  
He being set, the Charge against Him was read, with all those reproachful terms of Tyrant, Traitor and Murderer; after which He was impleaded in the name of the People of England. This false Slander of the People of England was heard with Impatience and Detestation of all, and stoutly attested against by the Lady Fairfax, Wife of the Lord Fairfax, who by this act showed herself worthy of her Extract from the Noble Family of the Veres; for from an adjoining Scaffold where she stood, she cried out with a loud voice (but not without danger) that It was a Lie, not the Tenth part of the People were guilty of such a Crime, but all was done by the Machinations of that Traitor Cromwell.  
But the King after the Charge was read, with a countenance full of Majesty and Gravity, demands by what Authority they proceeded with Him thus contrary to the Public Faith, and what Law they had to try Him that was an absolute Sovereign. Bradshaw replying, that of the Parliament; His Majesty shown the detestable Falsehood in pretending to what they had not, and if they had it, yet it could not justify these Practices. To which reply when they could not answer, they force Him back to the place of His Captivity.  
The Magnanimity of the King in this days contest with these inhuman Butchers, did much satisfy the People, and they were glad (while they thought not of His Danger) that He wanted not either Speech or Courage against so powerful Enemies; that He had spoken nothing unworthy of Himself, and had preserved the Fame of His Virtues even in so great Adversities. For He seemed to triumph over their Fortune whose Arms He was now subject to. The Parricides sought to break His Spirit by making His appearances frequent before such contemptible Judges, and often exposing Him to the contempt of the armed Rabble; therefore four days they torture Him with the Impudence and Reproaches of their Infamous Solicitor and Precedent. But He still refused to own their Authority, which they could not prove lawful, and so excellently demonstrated their abominable Impiety, that He made Col. Downes, one of their Court, to boggle at, and disturb their Proceed. They therefore at last proceeded to take away that Life which was not to be separated from Conscience and Honour, and pronounced their Sentence of Death upon their Lawful and Just Sovereign, Jan. 27. not suffering Him to speak after the Decree of their Villainy, but hurrying Him back to the place of His Restraint.  
At His departure He was exposed to all the Insolences and Indignities that a fanatic and base Rabble, instigated by Peter's and other Instructors of Villainy, could invent and commit. And He suffered many things so conformable to Christ His King, as did alleviate the sense of them in Him, and also instruct Him to a correspondent Patience and Charity. When the barbarous Soldiers cried out at His departure, Justice, Justice, Execution, Execution, as those deceived Jews did once to their KING, Crucify Him, Crucify Him; this Prince, in imitation of that most Holy King, pitied their blind fury, and said, Poor Souls! for a piece of Money they would do as much for their Commanders. As He passed along, some in defiance spit upon His Garments, and one or two (as it was reported by an Officer of theirs, who was one of their Court, and praised it as an evidence of His Soldier's Gallantry, while others were stupefied with their prodigious baseness) polluted His Majestic Countenance with their unclean spittle: the Good King, reflecting on His great Exemplar and Master, wiped it off, saying, My Saviour suffered far more than this for me. Into his very face they blowed their stinking Tobacco, which they knew was very distasteful to Him; and in the way where He was to go, just at His feet, they fling down pieces of their nasty pipes. And as they had devested themselves of all humanity, so were they impatient and furious if any one shown Reverence or Pity to Him as He passed. (For no honest Spirit could be so forgetful of humane frailty, as not to be troubled at such a sight; to see a Great and Just King, the rightful Lord of three flourishing Kingdoms, now forced from His Throne, and led captive through the streets.) Such as pulled off their Hats, or bowed to Him, they beat with their Fists and Weapons, and knocked down one dead but for crying out, God be merciful unto Him.  
When they had brought Him to His Chamber, even there they suffered Him not to rest, but thrusting in and smoking their filthy Tobacco, they permitted Him no privacy to Prayer and Meditation. Thus through variety of Tortures did the King pass this day, and by His Patience wearied His Tormentors: nothing unworthy His former greatness of Fortune and Mind by all these Affronts was extorted from Him, though Indignities and Injuries are unusual to Princes, and these were such as might have forced passion from the best-tempered meekness, had it not been strengthened with assistance from Heaven. In the Evening the Conspirators were acquainted by a Member of the Army, of the King's desire, that seeing His death was nigh, it might be permitted Him to see His Children, and to receive the Sacrament, and that Doctor Juxon, than Lord Bishop of London, (now Archbishop of Canterbury) might be admitted to pray with Him in His private Chamber. The first they did not scruple at, the Children in their power being but two, the Lady Elizabeth and the Duke of Gloucester, and they very young. The second they did not readily grant. Some would have had Peter to undertake that employment for which the Bishop was sent for: But he declined it with some Scoffs, as knowing that the King hated the Offices of such an unhallowed Buffoon. So that at last they permitted the Bishop's access to the King, to whom his eminent Integrity had made him dear. For with so wonderful a prudence and uprightness he had managed the envious Office of the Treasury, that that accusing age, especially of Churchmen, found not matter for any impeachment, nor ground for the least reproach.  
The next day being Sunday, the King was removed to St. James', where the Bishop of London read Divine Service, and preached before Him in private on these words, In the day when God shall judge the secrets of all men by Jesus Christ according to my Gospel. While the King and the Bishop at this time, and also at other times, were performing the Divine Service, the rude Soldiers often rushed in, and disturbed their Offices with vulgar and base Scoffs, vain and frivolous Questions. The Commanders likewise, and other impertinent Anabaptists did interrupt His Meditations, who came to tempt and try Him, and provoke Him to some unnecessary disputations. But He maintained His own Cause with so irrefragable Arguments, that He put some to silence, the petulancy of others He neglected, and with a modest contempt dissembled their Scoffs and Reproaches. In the narrow space of this one day, and under so continued Affronts and Disturbances, the King (whose whole Soul was totally composed to Religion,) applied Himself, as much as was possible, to the Reading Holy Scriptures, to Prayer, Confession of Sins, Supplications for the forgiveness of His Enemies, the receiving the Eucharist, holy Conferences, and all the Offices of Piety: so under the utmost Malice and Hatred of men, He laboured for the Mercy of God, and to fit Himself for His last victory over Death.  
While the King thus spent this day, the Ministers in the several Churches in London, and in those parts of the Kingdom where His danger was known, were very earnest in their Prayers to God for His Deliverance and Spiritual Assistance. Some of them in their Sermons declared the horror of that sin that was about to be committed, detested the Impiety of the Parricides, and denounced the heavy Judgements which such a sinful Nation polluted with their Prince's blood were to expect. The Congregations were dissolved into Tears. Some bewailed the sad Condition of the King, as the effect of the Sins of the Nation. Others cursed their damnable Credulity of the Slanders of that Just Man, and the promises of Liberty by their Impostors. And another sort wept, because their Fears did prognosticate those Miseries which the Issue of His blood would let in upon them. And every one found matter of grief, fear, and indignation in the loss of so Excellent a Prince. All countenances were full of sadness and astonishment, there was no Tumults nor any Quiet, every one listening and harkening, either as impatient to know the greatness of their Misery, or greedy to receive some hopes of Comfort in their Sovereign's Safety; otherwise there was a stillness like that which too strong Passions effect, and might be thought a Stupidity rather than a Calmness.  
The next day, being Jan. 29. the King was permitted the sight of His Children. His conference and words with them was taken in writing and communicated to the World by the Lady Elizabeth His Daughter, a Lady of most eminent Endowments; who though born in the supremest Fortune, yet lived in continual Tears, the passages of her Life being spent in beholding the Ruins of her Family, and the Murder of her dear Father, whom she not long survived, but died in that Confinement to which they had cheated His Majesty, in Carisbrook Castle in the Isle of Wight.  
While these things were done in public, the Conspirators meet in private in a Committee, to appoint every one their part in this Tragedy, determine what Gestures they were to affect, what Words they were to use, as also for the manner, place and time of the Murder. In which Consultations, both now and before the Sentence, each one, according to the bloodiness of his temperament, or servilely to flatter Cromwell, by their Cruelty to Him that did obstruct his Ambition, did propose several ways either of contempt or hatred in killing their sentenced, yet anointed, Sovereign. Some would have His Head and Quarters fastened upon Poles (as it is usual with Traitors) that the marks of their Cruelty might outlast His Death. Others would have Him hanged, as they punished Thiefs and Murderers. Others gave their Vote that He should suffer in His Royal Habiliments with His Crown, and in His Robes, that it might be a Triumph of the People's power over Kings.  
At last they think it sufficient that He should lose His Head by the stroke of an Axe on a Scaffold near White-Hall Gates before the Banqueting-House, that so from thence where He used to sit on His Throne, and show the Splendour of Majesty, He might pass to His Grave; there parting with the Ensigns of Royalty, and laying them down as Spoils, where He had before used them as the Ornaments of Empire. Thus did they endeavour to make their Malice Ingenious, and provided Triumphs for their revenge. And because they suspected, or were informed, that as the King had not owned their Authority, so He would not submit to their Execution, nor willingly stoop to the Block, they caused to be fastened in it some Iron Staples and Rings, that by them with Cords they might draw Him down, if He would not comply. But His prudent Meekness prevented this Inhumanity; and He died disowning their Authority, though He could not escape their Power.  
In the midst of these Preparations, they cause some Soldiers to offer to His Majesty certain Articles and Conditions, to which if He would subscribe, they promise Life, and the continuance of a precarious Empire: either out of a Terror and Fear of the consequents of their Impieties; for the confidence of contriving great Crimes is often turned into a solicitude when they come to be acted: or out of Design to ruin His Conscience and Honour, together with His mortal Life, if He should consent. But when one or two of them had been read to Him, He refused to hear any more, saying, I will suffer a thousand deaths ere I will so prostitute my Honour, or betray the Liberties of my People. Thus mindful of Justice, He would not deface the Splendour of His former Virtues with a too impotent desire of Life.  
At last that Fatal Day, Jan. 30. approached: and that morning, a little before His Death, the Conspirators ordered some of their Ministers, viz. Marshal, Nye, Caryl, Salway and del, to pray with Him, as they said, in order to His passage out of this Life; but when these sent to let Him know the end of their coming, He returned answer that He was busy: they sent a second time, and He replied that He was at His Devotions: they importunately sent a third time, and my Lord of London then desiring to know what answer he should give to satisfy them; His Majesty then as unconcerned in their Ministry said, My Lord, you may give them what answer you please, but I am resolved, that they who have so often and so causelessly prayed against Me, shall not in this My Agony pray with Me, they may pray for Me if they please. Therefore the King arming Himself with His own Devotions in the Offices of the Church of England, in them found an unexpected Comfort; for the Gospel for that Day being the History of the Passion of our Saviour, did by that Example strengthen the King to follow Jesus, and to take up His Cross; and His Majesty was thankful for that Pattern. Being thus confirmed by the Blood (for He took the Sacrament that Morning) and sufferings of His LORD (whose Vicegerent He was) together with His own Innocency, against the Terrors of Death, He was brought from St. James' through the Park to White-Hall, walking very fast, and with as cheerful a Countenance as if He were going to Hunting, (a Recreation He was much pleased with,) often advising His slow Guards to move faster, adding, I now go before you to strive for an Heavenly Crown, with less solicitude than I formerly have led My Soldiers for an Earthly Diadem. And being come to the end of the Park, He with much Alacrity went up the Stairs leading to the long Gallery in White-Hall, and so into the Cabinet-Chamber, where He continued some time in Devotion, while they were fitting the Theatre of His Murder.  
While these things were acting, the Lord Fairfax, who had always forborn any public appearance in the practices of this Murder, had taken up (as is credibly reported) some Resolutions, (either in abhorrency of the Crime, or by the Solicitations of others) with his own Regiment, though none else should follow him, to hinder the Execution. This being suspected or known, Cromwell, Ireton and Harrison coming to him, after their usual way of deceiving, endeavoured to persuade him, that the LORD had rejected the King, and with such like Language as they knew had formerly prevailed upon him, concealing that they had that very morning signed the Warrant for the Assassination; they also desired him with them to seek the LORD by Prayer, that they might know his mind in the thing. Which he assenting to, Harrison was appointed for the Duty, and by compact to draw out his profane and blasphemous Discourse to God in such a length as might give time for the Execution, which they privately sent to their Instruments to hasten; of which when they had notice that it was past, they risen up, and persuaded the General that this was a full return of Prayer, and God having so manifested his pleasure they were to acquiesce in it. There was likewise another attempt made by Col. Downes, who had disturbed them in their Court, to obstruct them in their Execution; for it is said, that he endeavoured to make a Mutiny in the Army to hinder the Wickedness, but the hast of the Assassinates prevented him.  
While these men acted their Wickedness by Prayers, to the lasting reproach of Christianity, the King, after He had finished His Supplications, was through the Banqueting-House brought to the Scaffold, which was dressed to terror, for it was all hung with Black, where were attending two Executioners in Disguises, and the Axe and the Block prepared. But it prevailed not to affright Him whose Soul was already panting after another Life. And therefore He entered this ignominious and ghastly Theatre with the same mind as He used to carry to His Throne, showing no fear of death, but a Solicitude for those that should live after Him. Looking about He saw divers Companies of Horse and Foot so placed on each side of the Street and about the Scaffold, that the People could not come near Him, and those that saw could not be Hearers; therefore omitting that Speech which it was probable He would have spoken to the People, He spoke to the Officers, and those that were then about Him, that which is now printed among His Works.  
Having ended His Speech, He declared His Profession of Religion; and while He was preparing for the Block, He expressed what were His Hopes (for all the Righteous have such) in Death, saying, I have a good Cause and a Gracious God on my side; I go from a Corruptible to an Incorruptible Crown, where no disturbance can be, no disturbance in the world. After this composing Himself to an Address to God, having His Eyes and Hands like forerunners lifted up to Heaven, and expressing some short and private Ejaculations, He kneeled down before the Block as at a Desk of Prayer, and meekly submitted His Crowned Head to the pleasure of His God, to be profaned by the Axe of the disguised Executioner: which was suddenly severed from His Body by one strong stroke. So sell CHARLES the First, and with Him expired the Glory and Liberty of Three Nations.  
Thus the King finished His Martyrdom, but His Enemies not their Malice, who extended their Cruelty beyond His Life, and abused the Headless Trunk. Some washed their hands in the Royal Blood, others dipped their staves in it; and that they might indulge their insatiate Covetousness as well as their boundless Inhumanity, they sold the chips of the Block, and the sands that were discoloured with His Blood, and exposed His very Hairs to sale: which the Spectators purchased for different uses. Some did it to preserve the Relics of so Glorious a Prince, whom they so dearly loved. Others hoped that they would be as means of Cure for that disease which our English Kings (through the Indulgence of Heaven) by Their touch did usually heal: and it was reported that these Relics experienced failed not of the effect. And some out of a brutish malice would have them as spoils and trophies of their hatred to their Lawful Sovereign. Cromwell, that he might feed his eyes with Cruelty, and satisfy his solicitous Ambition, which aspired at Monarchy when the Lawful King was destroyed, curiously surveyed the murdered Carcase when it was brought in the Coffin into White-Hall, and to assure himself the King was quite dead, with his singers searched the wound, whether the Head were fully severed from the body or no.  
Afterwards they delivered the body to be unboweled to an infamous Empirick of the Faction, together with the rude Surgeons of the Army (not permitting the King's own Physicians to this Office) who were all most implacable enemies to His Majesty, and commanded them to search (which was as much as to bid them so report) whether they could not find in it Symptoms of the French disease, or some evidences of Frigidity, and natural impotency: that so they might have some colour to slander Him who was eminent for Chastity; or to make His Seed infamous. But this wicked design was prevented by a Physician of great Integrity and Skill, who intruding himself among them at the Dissection, by his Presence and Authority kept the obsequious Wretches from gratifying their Opprobrious Masters. And the same Physician also published that Nature had tempered the Royal Body to a longer life than commonly is granted to other men. And as His Soul was fitted by Heroic Virtues to Eternity, so His Body by a Temperament almost ad pondus made as near an approach to it as the present Condition of Mortality would permit.  
Failing in these Opportunities of Calumny, with more Impudence and Rancour they use other ways to make Him odious, and raze the Love of Him out of the People's hearts. They conclude from the outward unhappinesses of His Reign unto an hatred of God against Him; and with the same Confidence as they enrolled themselves in the List of the Saints, and entered their own names in the Book of Life, they blotted His out, and placed Him in some of the dark and comfortless Cells of the damned: and they commonly professed it among the Disciples of the Faction as an Article of their belief, that it was impossible for Him or any of His party to be saved.  
Not content with these Injuries to His Body and Soul, they endeavour likewise to murder His Memory. For they pulled down His Statue which was placed at the West end of St. Paul's Church, and that other in the Old Exchange, and leaving the Arch void, they writ over, Exit Tyrannus Regum ultimus. But the Providence of God hath showed them to be not only deceivers, but also deceived. For that Just Prince hath of His own Seed to sit upon His Throne. And Posterity shall wonder at the Vanity as well as the Falseness of those men, that they should think to destroy the Memory of that Prince whose true and lasting Glory consisted not in any thing wherein it was possible for Successors to show the Power of their Malice, but in a solid Virtue, which flourisheth by Age, and whose Fame gathers strength from multitude of Years, when Statues and Monuments are obnoxious to the flames of a Violent Envy, and the Ruins of Time.  
Besides this, they take care to suppress all those more Lively figures of Him and most lasting Statues, His Writings, and therefore force from My Lord of London, whom they kept prisoner, all those Papers His Majesty had delivered to him, and make a most narrow search of his  and Cabinets, lest any of those Monuments of Piety and Wisdom should escape to the Benefit of Mankind. Yet by the gracious Goodness of the Almighty God, to their eternal infamy, and for a perpetual Record of the King's great Virtues, there escaped their Search, and was published to the World, The Book of His Meditations and Soliloquies. In the Composition of which a Sober Reader cannot tell which to admire most, either His incredible Prudence, His ardent Piety, or His Majestic and truly Royal Style. Those parts of it which consisted of Addresses to God corresponded so nearly in the Occasions, and were so full of the Piety and Elegancy of David's Psalms, that they seemed to be dictated by the same Spirit.  
His very Assassinates confessed the goodness of the Book, though they were ashamed He whom they had murdered should be the Author. For Bradshaw in his Examination of Royston who Printed it, asked him, How he could think so bad a man (for such would that Monster have this Excellent Prince thought to be) could write so good a Book. Therefore they laboured by all ways and means to suppress it, as the greatest witness against them to Posterity, and which would make them odious in all Generations. For the Blood of the Holy, Wise and Eloquent, leaves eternal stains of Infamy upon those that spilled it; because no man reads their Works, but they curse those cruel hands which cut the veins and stopped the streams of so much Goodness; and we esteem them barbarous and inhuman Monsters who did not Reverence the Persons of those whose Writings we admire.  
But their fury became ridiculous, while they thought by their present power to corrupt His Memory, and take off the admiration of the following Ages; for the more they hindered the Publication, the more earnestly it was sought after: yet they endeavoured it another way, and therefore hired certain mercenary Souls to despoil the King of the Credit of being the Author of it. Especially one base Scribe, naturally fitted to compose Satyrs and invent Reproaches, who made himself notorious by some licentious and infamous Pamphlets, and so approved himself as fit for their service. This man they encouraged (by translating him from a needy Pedagogue to the Office of a Secretary) to write that Scandalous Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (an Invective against the King's Meditations) and to answer the learned Salmasius his Defence of Charles the First. But all was in vain, for those that were able to judge of Styles found it must be the same Pen which wrought these Meditations, and drew those Letters which the Faction had published for His. Others, that were not able to satisfy themselves by such a Censure, were assured of it by the Relations of Colonel Hammond that was His Keeper, who did attest to several Persous that he saw them in the King's hand, heard Him read them, and did see Him to correct them in his presence. The Archbishop of Armagh did also affirm to those he conversed with, that he was employed by a Command from the King to get some of them out of the hands of the Faction, for they were taken in His Cabinet at Naseby. And Royston that Printed them did testify to those that enquired of him, that the King had sent to him the Michaelmas before His death; to provide a Press for some Papers He should send to Him, which were these, together with a design for a Picture before the Book; which at first was Three Crowns indented on a Wreath of Thorns, but afterwards the King recalled that, and sent that other which is now before His Book. Thus these several Testimonies did secure the faith of the World against the Slanderers, and made their endeavours as contemptible as themselves were hateful.  
While the Parricides were seeking for fresh Occasions to express their Malice, the whole Kingdom was composed to Mourning and Lamentation; for never any King, not only of the English, but of whatsoever Throne, had His death lamented with greater Sorrows, nor left the World with a higher regret of the People. When the news of His Death was divulged, Women with Child for grief cast forth the untimely Fruit of their Womb, like Her that fell in Travel when the Glory was departed from Israel. Others, both Men and Women, fell into Convulsions and swooning Fits, and contracted so deep a Melancholy as attended them to the Grave. Some unmindful of themselves, as though they could not, or would not, live when their beloved Prince was slaughtered, (it is reported) suddenly fell down dead. The Pulpits were likewise bedewed with unsuborned Tears; and some of those to whom the living King was for Episcopacie's sake less acceptable, yet now bewailed the loss of Him when dead. Children (who usually seem unconcerned in public Calamities) were also affected with the news, and became so prodigal of their Tears, that for some time they refused comfort; even some of those who sat as Judges could not forbear to mingle some Tears with His Blood when it was split. Many composed Elegies and serious Poems to preserve the memory of His Virtues, to express their own Griefs, and to instruct the Mournings of others; and their Passions made them above their usual Strain more elegant. Many who writ the Acts of His time did vindicate His Honour, and divulged the base Arts of His Enemies, even while their Power was dreadful.  
Men of all Sorts, Degrees and Sects (there being none among which He had not some Admirers) then freely and without Envy recounted His several Virtues, which now appeared as great as Mortality refined by Industry was capable of. For though Prosperity makes the Severest trials of Virtues, yet Adversity renders them most Orient. As the night best acquaints us with the Splendour of the Stars.  
That which first challenged their Wonder, was the Composure and Inclination of His Soul to Religion, 
His Majesty's Religion.  which He used not as an Artifice of Empire, but as the Ornament and Comfort of a private breast; for He never affected a Magnific Piety nor a Pompous Virtue, but laboured to approve Himself in secret to that God who rewardeth openly. All His Offices in this were, like His Fortune, far above those of other men; His Devotion in Prayer was so raised, that His Soul seemed to be wholly swallowed up in the Contemplation of that Majesty He did adore, and as in an Ecstasy to have left His senses without its Adsistency. An instance of this was given at the Death of the Duke of Buckingham, the news of whose Murder being whispered to the King while He was at Prayers, He took no notice of it (although it was so weighty an Occurrence to have His prime Minister cut off in the busy Preparations for a great Design) till He had finished His Addresses to Heaven, and His Spirit was dismissed from the Throne of Grace to attend the Cares of that on Earth. This was so clear an Evidence of a most fixed Devotion, that those who built their Hopes upon His Reproaches, slanderously imputed it to a secret Pleasure in the fall of him whose Greatness was now terrible to the Family that raised it; which both His Majesty's care of the Duke's Children afterwards, as also the Consideration of His Condition, did evince to be false, and that the King neither hated him, nor needed to fear him whom He could have ruined with a Frown, and have obliged the People by permitting their fury to pass upon him.  
Besides, His Majesty's constant Diligence in those Duties did demonstrate, that nothing but a Principle of Holiness, which is always uniform, both moved and assisted Him in those sacred Performances, to which He was observed to go with an exceeding Alacrity as to a ravishing pleasure, from which no dat Pleasures nor Business were strong enough for a Diversion. In the morning before He went to Hunting (His beloved Sport) the Chaplains were before Day called to their Ministry: and when He was at Brainford among the Noise of Arms, and near the Assaults of His Enemies, He caused the Divine that then waited to perform his accustomed Service, before He provided for Safety, or attempted at Victory; and would first gain upon the Love of Heaven, and then afterwards repel the Malice of men. Those that were appointed by the Parliament to attend Him in His Restraints wondered at His constant Devotions in His Closet; and no Artifice of the Army was so likely to abuse Him to a Credulity of their good Intentions, as the Permission of the Ministry of His Chaplains in the Worship of God, a mercy He valued, to some of His Servants, above that of enjoying Wife and Children.  
At Sermons He carried Himself with such a Reverence and Attention (that His Enemies which hated, yet did even admire Him in it,) as if He were expecting new Instructions for Government from that God whose Deputy He was, or a new Charter for a larger Empire: and He was so careful not to neglect any of those Exercises, that if on Tuesday mornings, on which Days there used to be Sermons at Court, He were at any distance from thence, He would ride hard to be present at the beginnings of them.  
When the State of His Soul required, He was as ready to perform those more severe parts of Religion which seem most distasteful to Flesh and Blood. And he never refused to take to Himself the shame of those acts wherein He had transgressed, that He might give Glory to His God. For after the Army had forced Him from Holmeby, and in their several removes had brought Him to Latmas, an house of the Earl of Devonshire, on Aug. 1. being Sunday, in the morning before Sermon He led forth with Him into the Garden the Reverend Dr. Sheldon (who then attended on Him, and whom He was pleased to use as His Confessor) and drawing out of His pocket a Paper, commanded him to read it, transcribe it, and so to deliver it to Him again. This Paper contained several Vows, which He had obliged His Soul unto for the Glory of His Maker, the advance of true Piety, and the emolument of the Church. And among them this was one, that He would do Public Penance for the Injustice He had suffered to be done to the Earl of Strafford, His consent to those Injuries that were done to the Church of England (though at that time He had yielded to no more than the taking away of the High Commission, and the Bishop's power to Vote in Parliament) and to the Church of Scotland: and adjured the Doctor, that if ever he saw Him in a Condition to observe that or any of those Vows, he should solicitously mind Him of the Obligations, as he dreaded the guilt of the breach should lie upon his own Soul. This voluntary submission to the Laws of Christianity exceeded that so memorable humiliation of the good Emperor Theodosius, for he never bewailed the blood of those seven thousand men which in three hours' space he caused to be spilt at Thessalonica, till the resolution of St. Ambrose made him sensible of the Crime. But the Piety of King Charles anticipated the severity of a Confessor for those offences to which He had been precipitated by the Violence of others.  
This Zeal and Piety proceeded from the Dedication of His whole Soul to the Honour of His God, for Religion was as Imperial in the Intellectual as in the Affectionate Faculties of it. The Profession of the Church of England was His not so much by Education, as Choice, and He so well understood the Grounds of it, that He valued them above all other Pretensions to Truth, and was able to maintain it against all its Adversaries. His Discourse with Henderson shows how just a Reverence He had for the Authority of the Catholic Church, against the Pride and Ignorance of Schismatics; yet not to prostitute His Faith to the Adulterations of the Roman Infallibility and Traditions.  
Nevertheless the most violent Slanders the Faction laboured to pollute Him with, were those that rendered Him inclinable to Popery. From which He was so averse, that He could not forbear in His endearments to the Queen, (when He committed a secret to Her Breast which He would not trust to any other, and when He admired and applauded Her affectionate Cares for His Honour and Safety) in a Letter, which He thought no Eye but Hers should have perused, to let Her know that He still differed from Her in Religion; for He says, It is the only thing of Difference in Opinion betwixt Us. Malice made the Slanderers blind, and they published this Letter to the World, than which there could not be a greater Evidence imaginable of the King's most secret Thoughts, and Inward Sincerity, nor a more shameful Conviction of their Impudence and damnable Falsehood. Nor did He only tell the Queen so, but He made Her see it in His Actions. For as soon as His Children were born, it was His first Care to prevent the Satisfaction of their Mother in baptising them after the Rites of Her own Church. When He was to Die, a time most seasonable to speak Truth, especially by Him who all His Life knew not how to Dissemble, He declares His Profession in Religion to be the same with that which He found left by His Father King James.  
How little the Papists credited what the Faction would have the World believe, was too evident by the Conspiracies of their Fathers against His Life and Honour, which the Discovery of Habernefield (to whose relations the following practices against Him and the Church of England gained a belief) brought to light. They were mingled likewise among the Conspirators, and both heated and directed their Fury against Him. They were as importunate in their Calumnies of Him, even after His Death, as were the vilest of the Sectaries; which they had never done, could they have imagined Him to be theirs; for His Blood would in their Calendar have out-shined the Multitude of their fictitious Saints. For His sake they continued their hatred to His Family, abetted the Usurpations of the following Tyrant, by imposing upon the World new Rules of Obedience and Government, invented fresh Calumnies for the Son, and obstructed by various Methods His return to the Principality, because He was Heir as well of the Faith as of the Throne of His Father. Although this Honour is not to be denied to many Gallant Persons of that persuasion, that their Loyalty was not so corrupted by their Faith to Rome, but that they laboured to prevent the Father's Overthrow, and to hasten the Son's Restitution.  
He was not satisfied in being Religious as a particular Christian, but would be so as a King, and endeavoured that Piety might be as Universal as His Empire. This He assayed by giving Ornaments and Assistances to the External Exercise and Parts of it, (which is the proper Province of a Magistrate, whose Power reaches but to the Outward man) that so carnal minds if they were not brought to an Obedience, might yet to a Reverence, and if men would not honour, yet they should not despise Religion. This He did in taking Care for the Place of Worship, that Comeliness and Decency should be there conspicuous where the God of Order was to be adored. And it was a Royal Undertaking to restore St. Paul's Church to its primitive strength, and give it a beauty as magnificent as its Structure. He taught men not to contemn the Dispenser's of the Gospel, because He had so great an esteem for them, admitting some to His nearest Confidence and most Private Counsels, as the Archbishop of Canterbury; and the greatest Place of Trust, as the Bishop of London to the Treasury: consulting at once the Emolument of Religion, whose Dictates are more powerfully impressed when the Minister is honoured by the Magistrate; and the Benefit of the State, which wise Princes had before found none to seek more faithfully, if any did more prudently, than Churchmen.  
Though a Voluntary Poverty did much contribute to the lustre and increase of the Church in the Purer times, yet a necessitated would have destroyed it in a Corrupt age; therefore the King, to obstruct all access of Ruin that way, secured her Patrimony, and recovered as much as He could out of the Jaws of Sacrilege, which together with time had devoured a great part of it. His endeavours this way were so strong, that the Faction in Scotland found no Artifice able to divert them but by kindling the flame of a Civil War; the Criminals there seeking to adjust their Sacrilegious Acquisitions by Rebellious practices, and to destroy that Church by force which His Majesty would not suffer them to torture with Famine. In Ireland the Lord Lieutenant Wentworth, by His Command and Instructions, retrived very great Possessions, which the tumults of that Nation had advantaged many greedy Persons to seize upon, and would not suffer Sedition to be encouraged with the hopes of Impiety. In England He countenanced those just Pleas which Oppressed Incumbents entered against Rapacious Patrons; and this way many Curates were put into a Condition of giving Hospitality, who before were contemptible in their Ministry, because they were so in their Fortune. His Enemies knew how Inviolable was the Faith of His Majesty in this, and therefore pressed Him with nothing more to obstruct Peace than the Alienation of Church-Lands, rather than which He did abandon His Life, and parted sooner with His Blood than them. He used to say, Though I am sensible enough of the Dangers that attend My Care of the Church, yet I am resolved to defend it or make it My Tombstone, (alluding to a Story which He would tell of a Generous Captain, that said so of a Castle that was committed to His trust.) He had so perfect a Detestation of that Crime, that it is said He scarce ever mentioned Henry the 8. without an Abhorrency of His Sacrilege. He neglected the Advices of His own Party, if they were negligent of the Welfare of the Church.  
Those Concessions He had made in Scotland to the prejudice of the Church there, were the subject of His grief and penitential Confessions both before God (as appears in His Prayers) and men. For when the Reverend Dr. Morley, now Lord Bishop of Winchester, (whom He had sent for to the Treaty in the Isle of Wight, where he employed his diligence and prudence to search into the Intrigues and Reserves of the Commissioners) had acquainted Him how the Commissioners were the more pertinacious for the abolishing of Episcopacy here, because His Majesty had consented to it in Scotland, and withal told Him what answer he himself had made to them, That perchance the King was abused to those grants by a misinformation that that Act which was made in King James 's Minority against Bishops was yet unrepealed, and that His Concession would but leave them where the Law had; The King Answered, It is true, I was told so, but whenever you hear that urged again, give them this answer, and say, that you had it from the King Himself; That when I did that in Scotland, I sinned against My Conscience, and that I have often repent of it, and hope that God hath forgiven Me that great Sin, and by God's grace for no Consideration in the World will I ever do so again.  
He was careful of Uniformity, both because He knew the Power of Just and Lawful Princes consisted in the Union of their Subjects, who never are cemented stronger than by a Unity in Religion; but Tyrants, who measure their greatness by the weakness of their Vassals, work that most effectually by caressing Schisms, and giving a Licence to different Persuasions (as the Usurpers afterwards did:) Besides, He saw there was no greater Impediment to a sincere Piety, because that Time and those Parts which might improve Godliness to a Growth, were all Wasted and Corrupted in Malice and Slanders betwixt the Dissenters about forms. He was more tender in preserving the Truths of Christianity than the Rights of His Throne. For when the Commissioners of the Two Houses in the Isle of Wight importunately pressed Him for a Confirmation of the Lesser Catechism which the Assembly at Westminster had composed, and used this motive, because it was a small matter; He answered, Though it seem to you a small thing, it is not so to Me: I had rather give you one of the Flowers of My Crown, than permit your Children to be corrupted in the least point of their Religion. Thus though He could not infuse Spiritual Graces into the minds of His Subjects, yet He would manage their Reason by Pious Arts; and what the Example of a King (which through the Corruptions of men is more efficacious to Impiety than to Virtue) could not do, that His Law should, and He would restrain those Vices which He could not extirpate.  
Religion was never used by Him to veil Injustice; for this was peculiar to His Adversaries, 
His Justice.  who when they were plotting such acts as Hell would blush at, they would fawn and smile on Heaven; and they used it as those subtle Surprisers in War, who wear their Enemy's Colours till they be admitted to butcher them within their own Fortresses. But His Majesty consulted the Peace of His Conscience not only in Piety to God, but also in Justice to Men. He was, as a Magistrate should be, a speaking Law. It was His usual saying, Let Me stand or fall by My own Counsels. I will ever, with Job, rather choose Misery than Sin. He first submitted His Counsels to the Censure of the Lawyers before they were brought forth to Execution. Those Acts of which the Faction made most noise, were delivered by the Judges to be within the Sphere of the Prerogative. The causes of the Revenue were as freely debated as private Pleas, and sometimes decreed to be not good; which can never happen under a bad Prince. The Justice of His Times shown that of His Breast, wherein the Laws were feared and not Men. None were forced to purchase their Liberty with the diminution of their Estates, or the loss of their Credit. Every one had both security and safety for His Life, Fortune, and Dignity; and it was not then thought, as afterwards, to be a part of Wisdom to provide against Dangers by obscurity and Privacies. His Favours in bestowing Great Offices never secured the Receivers from the force of the Law, but Equity overcame His Indulgences. For He knew that  Princes become Odious to them that made them so. He submitted the Lord Keeper Coventrey to an Examination when a querulous person had accused him of Bribery. He sharply reproved one whom He had made Lord Treasurer, when he was petitioned against by an Hampshire Knight, on whose Estate, being held by Lease from the Crown, that Treasurer had a design; and He secured the Petitioner in his Right. The greatest Officer of His Court did not dare to do any the least of those injuries which the most Contemptible Member of the House of Commons would with a daily Insolency act upon His weaker Neighbour. In the Civil Discords He bewailed nothing more, than that the Sword of Justice could not correct the illegal Furies of that of War. Though by His Concessions and Grants He diminished His Power, yet He thought it a Compensation, to let the World see He was willing to make it impossible for Monarchy to have an unjust Instrument, and to secure Posterity from Evil Kings. Although He proved to a Leading Lord of the Faction, That a People being too cautious to bind their King by Laws from doing Ill, do likewise fetter Him from doing Good, and their fears of Mischief do destroy their hopes of Benefit. And that such is the weakness of Humanity, that he which is entrusted only to Good, may pervert that Power to the extremest Ills. And indeed there is no security for a Community to feel nothing in Government besides the Advantages of it, but in the Benignity of Providence, and the Justice of the Prince, both which we enjoyed while we enjoyed Him.  
Though He was thus in Love with Justice, yet He suffered not that to leven His Nature to Severity and Rigour, 
His Clemency.  but tempered it with Clemency, especially when His Goodness could possibly find out such an Interpretation for the Offence, that it struck more at His Peculiar than the Public Interest. He seemed almost stupid in the Opinion of Choleric Spirits as to a sense of His own Injuries, when there was no fear lest His Mercy should thereby increase the Miseries of His People. And He was so ambitious of the Glory of Moderation, that He would acquire it it in despite of the Malignity of the times. For the Exercise of this Virtue depends not only on the temper of the Prince, but the frame of the People must contribute to it; because when the Reverence of Majesty and fear of the Laws are proscribed, sharper Methods are required to form Obedience. Yet He was unwilling to cut off, till He had tried by Mercy to amend, even guilty Souls. Thus He strove to oblige the Lord Balmerino to peaceful practices, by continuing that Life which had been employed in Sedition, and forfeited to the Law.  
Soon after His coming into the Isle of Wight (by which time He had experienced the numerous Frauds and implacable Malice of His Enemies) being attended on by Dr. Sheldon and Dr. Hammond (for they were the earliest in their Duties at that time) a Discourse passed betwixt His Majesty and the Governor, wherein there was mention made of the fears of the Faction that the King could never forgive them. To which the King immediately replies, I tell thee, Governor, I can forgive them with as good an appetite as ever I eat My Dinner after an hunting, and that I assure you was not a small one; yet I will not make Myself a better Christian than I am, for I think if they were Kings I could not do it so easily. This shown how prone His Soul was to Mercy, and found not any obstruction but what arose from a sense of Royal Magnanimity.  
He sooner offered and gave life to His captive Enemies than their Spirits debauched by Rebellion would require it, and He was sparing of that blood of which their fury made them Prodigal. No man fell in battle whom He could save. He chose rather to enjoy any Victory by Peace (and therefore continually solicited for it when He seemed least to need it) than make one triumph a step to another; and though He was passionate to put all in Safety, yet He affected rather to end the War by Treaty than by Conquest. The Prisoners He took He used like deluded men, and oftener remembered that God had made them His Subjects, than that the Faction had transformed them to Rebels. He provided for them while in His Power, and not to let them languish in Prison, sent them by Passes to their own homes, only engaging them by Oath to no more injuries against that Sovereign whom they had felt to be Gracious: for so He used those that were taken at Brainford. But yet the Casuists of the Cause would soon dispense with their Faith, and send them forth to die in contracting a new guilt. Those whom the fury of War had left gasping in the Field; and fainting under their wounds, He commends in His Warrants, (as in that to the Major of Newbury) to the care of the Neighbourhood, either tenderly to recover, or decently bury: and His Commands were as well for those that sought to murder Him as those that were wounded in His Defence.  
This made the Impudence and Falsehood of Bradshaw more portentous, when in his Speech of the Assassination he belched out those Comparisons of Caligula and Nero: the first would kill numbers of Senators to make himself Sport, and the last thought it just enough that Paetus Thraseas should die, because he looked like a Schoolmaster. But this Prince's Anger was without Danger to any, His Admonitions were frequent, Corrections seldom, but Revenge never. He grieved when His Pity had not Power or Skill to save Offenders, and then He punished the bad, but yet gave them space to repent, and make their Execution as near as He could like a natural Death, to translate them from hence to a place where they could not Sin. He had nothing of the Beast in Him, which Machiavelli requires in such Princes as make Success the only end of their Counsels, and consult a prosperous Grandeur more than an unspotted Conscience. He scorned to abuse the Character of God upon Him by turning a Fox to dissemble, and abhorred to think that He whom Heaven had made above other men should degenerate to the Cruelty of a Lion. He sooner parted with Mortality than Mercy; for He ended His days with a Prayer for His Enemies, and laboured to make His Clemency immortal, by commanding the practice of it to His Son.  
None of His Virtues were in the Confines of Vice, and therefore this Admirable Clemency proceeded not from a defect of Spirit, as His Detractors imputed it, 
His Fortitude.  and the Vulgar, who mistake Cruelty for Valour, imagined; but like the Bowels of the Supremest Mercy which are encircled with an Infinite Power, so this Pity to guilty and frail men was attended with an Incomparable Fortitude. For this Virtue consisting in despising Dangers and Enemies in those Causes that render Death comely and glorious, the King gave several Evidences of a Contempt of all Power beneath that of Heaven. When the Lord Rey first acquainted Him with the Conspiracy of Ramsey and Hamilton, He was upon a Remove to Theobalds', where the Marquis was to wait upon Him as Gentleman of the Bedchamber; who having some notice given him of the Discovery, besought His Majesty to spare his attendance till he could clear his innocence, and return the Treason upon the Accuser. The King answered, that He would therefore make him wait, to let him see He did as little fear his strength as distrust his Loyalty; for He knew he durst not attempt His Life because He was resolved to sell it so dear. And to make good His Confidence, He made him ride alone with Him in His Coach to Theobalds', and lie in His Chamber that Night: while the solicitous Court admired, and even censured, His Magnanimity, for it went beyond His pattern, and did more than that Emperor who was styled the Delight of Mankind, who being informed of a Conspiracy against him, invited the two Chiefs of it to accompany him to the Spectacula, and caused them both to sit next on each side to him in the Theatre; and to give them more advantage for their design, put the swords of the Gladiators (under colour of enquiring their judgements concerning their sharpness) into their hands, to show how little dread he had of their fury. But the British Prince's Magnanimity exceeded that of the Excellent Roman's, as much as the privacies of a Bedchamber, and the darkness of Night make up a fit Scene for the Assassination of a beloved Sovereign than a public Theatre.  
As He never provoked War, so He never feared it; and when the miserable Necessity lay upon Him to take up Arms to preserve Himself from an unjust Violence, He shown as much if not more Valour than those can boast of that with equal force finished Wars with Conquest: in the success of these, Fortune, the Vanity of an Enemy, and the assistances of Friends may challenge a part of the Praise, but in that none but His own brave Soul had the Glory. For to attempt at Victory against an Enemy that had almost more Forts and Garrisons than He had Families to join with Him, that with Cannon out-vied the Number of His Muskets, that had gotten from Him a Navy which His Care had made the most formidable in the World, and not left Him the command of a Cockboat, that were prodigal with the Treasure of a Nation and His Revenues, when He begged for a subsistence; was such a Courage that would have made that Senate of Gallant Persons, who were the most competent Judges of Valour, and never censured Virtue by the Success, but thanked their Imprudent Consul for not despairing of the Commonwealth, when he gathered up those broken Legions which his Rashness had obtruded to an Overthrow, to have decreed a Triumph for CHARLES, had His life been an Honour to that Age, or could those Generations have reckoned Him among their great Examples. Most men indeed thought the King's side most glorious, yet they concluded the other more terrible: those that minded their Duty were in the Royal Camp, but such as cared for Safety took part with the Faction, or at least did not oppose them. As He first entered the War, so did He continue in it. His Moderation always moved Him to desire Peace, and His Fortitude made them sometimes sue for it. His Adversaries never prevailed upon His Fears, but upon the Treachery and Covetousness of some of His Party, who could not endure an Honourable Want: and on such their Gold was stronger than their Iron on Him, and He was rather Betrayed than Overcome.  
His Greatness of Mind forsook Him not with His Fortune, Arms and Liberty, it being Natural, and not built upon them; this made Him tenacious of Majesty when His Power was gone. For when Whaley, that had the Command of the Guards upon Him while He was in the Army, insolently intruded into His Presence to hear His Discourse with a Foreign Minister of State, and being bold in his Power and Office, refused to obey the Command for a greater Distance, the King caned him to an Observance. When the Parricides sent their party of Soldiers to force Him from the Isle of Wight to the Slaughter, Cobbet that commanded them thrust himself into the Coach with Him: but the King sensible that the nearness of such a Villain was like a Contagion to Majesty, with His Hand forced him away to herd among his bloody fellows. His Spirit always kept above the barbarous Malice of His Enemies, and of their rudest Injuries would seem unsensible. He told a faithful Servant of His, that the Conspirators had kept Him for two Months under a want of Linen and Shirts: But (said He) I scorned to give them that pleasure as to tell them I wanted. Thus all the strokes of Fortune upon His Magnanimous Soul were but like the breaking of Waves upon a Rock of Diamonds, which cannot shake, but only wash it to a greater Brightness.  
But though He knew not how to submit to the Power of Men, 
His Patience.  yet He would tremble under the Frowns of God. His great Spirit made Him not unquiet or furious under the Corrections of the Almighty: But with a wonderful Patience (a Virtue not usual with Kings, to whom the bounds of Equity seem a restraint, and therefore are more restless in Injuries) He did submit to the Will of His eternal Sovereign. He never murmured nor repined at that Providence which had given Him plenty of tears to drink: But His Meditations still breathe the Justice of God and the Holiness of all His ways with Him. He would take Occasions from displeasing Occurrences to thank God that had sitted Him for the Condition he had brought Him unto. For when He marched after His Carriage in pursuit of Essex into the West, one of them broke in a very narrow Lane, which made Him stop till an intolerable Shower of Rain came pouring upon Him; from which that He might seek for a Shelter in the Neighbouring Village, His Courtiers offered to hue Him out a way through the Hedge with their Swords, but He refused: and when they wondered at it, He lifting up His hat and Eyes to worship the Fountain of All Grace, said, As God hath given me Afflictions to exercise My Patience, so He hath given me Patience to bear My Afflictions. The Indignity He received from Hotham provoked no Curse from Him, nor could the Injuries from Scotch and English move Him to any thing more than Prayers for God's sanctifying them to Him. He wanted not Temptations to Passion from His own Party; for in a Letter to the Queen, He tells Her that She could not but Pity Him in His Condition as to them: yet He so managed their several Humours, and so cherished their Expectations with Patience and Meekness, that they quietly waited for a return of His Fortune.  
When He was in His Captivity at Carisbrook under the strictest Restraint, those that attended Him never almost observed Him but cheerful and pleasant in His Discourses, and sometimes breaking out into pleasing Repartees and Jests. When in the Treaty at Newport, (where He had occasions of Passion daily administered by the Perverseness to Peace of the Party He was to deal with) one of the Commissioners was importunate with Him for more Concessions, and minded Him of His saying, That if there were another Treaty, it should not lie in the power of the Devil's Malice to hinder Peace: the King answered, It would be so when there was a Treaty, but as for this it could not be thought a Treaty, but He was like the man in the Play, that cried out he had been in a Fray, and when they asked him what Fray, he replied there was a Fray and no Fray, for there were but three blows given, and he took them all: So this is a Treaty and not a Treaty, for there be many Concessions, but I have made them all. Another time, when He met one of the Presbyterian Ministers near His Chamber enquiring for Captain Titus, (who then waited on Him, and had been faithful to Him in that Service) the King told him, He wondered he would have any more to do either with Titus or Timothy, since he fared so ill in meddling with them in his Disputes about Episcopacy the day before. These shown how free His Soul was, and uncontrolled in the greatest and most displeasing perplexities.  
He would never take any indirect courses to avoid the Cross, nay, He scrupled at such expedients as some deemed most conducing to His great end. For at the Treaty in the Isle of Wight there being offered to Him an expedient, to secure His Conscience and satisfy the Commissioners in the Propositions about the Church, and it being urged by a great and faithful Counsellor, that He must grant what possibly He could to preserve His own Life for the good of the Church, for (it was said) her safety depended on His; with a present and pious indignation He replied, Tell not Me what I should do for saving of My Life, but what I may do with a safe Conscience: God forbidden that the Life or Safety of the Church should depend upon My Life, or upon the Life of any mortal man; and I thank God I have a Son whom I have reason to believe will love the Church as well as I do. Another time, a little after the Treaty was ended, Dr. Morley showing to Him a billet he had received by the Lady Wheeler the King's Laundress (who often conveyed much Intelligence) from an Officer of the Army, that the King's Death was resolved on; His Majesty answered, I have done what I can to save My Life without losing of my Soul. I can do, I will do no more: God's will be done.  
In the Pomp of His Murder, wherein He was made a Spectacle to the World, Angels and Men, no Trials were ever greater, nor ever were any better born: the Parricides found it was easy to take away His Life, but impossible His Honour and Patience; His Passions being then so low and quiet, that the natural Insirmity of His Speech did not in the least measure appear, which uses to be most evident in the smallest discomposure of the Spirit. After the Regicides had passed their Decree for His Assassination, and caused Him to be persecuted with all the Indignities of the fanatic Soldiers, there fell from Him nothing like Passion or Indignation, but that He gave the Authors of those Impieties the title that was due to them: for when my Lord of London came to Him, (which was not till eight a Clock on Saturday Night,) He told him, My Lord, that you came no sooner I believe was not your fault; but now you are come, because these Rogues pursue My Blood, you and I must consult how I may best part with it. Yet even this was spoken without any Fury or Violence; for though all about Him was tumultuous with Horror, Destruction and Contempt, His Soul seemed unconcerned, enjoyed a Calm Serenity, and was full of its own Majesty. This Virtue made Him forget He was a Prince born to Command, and only consider that He was a Christian whose Calling obliges to Suffer.  
He had found out a way to Glory by Humility. For the supreme Power, to which nothing can be added, 
His Humility.  hath no better way to increase, than when secured of its own Greatness it humbleth itself. And the Dignity of Princes is in nothing farther from Envy and Danger than in Humility. He despised the converse of none, though poor, if honest: He shown to Sir Philip Warwick (who had much of His Trust and Affections) in the Isle of Wight, a poor ragged Old Man, and told him he was a very honest fellow, and had been His best Company for two months together. He would have those about Him converse rather with Himself than with His Majesty, and with them would He mingle Discourses as One of the People: none made an end of speaking till His own Modesty, not Pride in the King, thought it was enough: and He never did contradict any man without this mollifying Preface, By your favour, Sir. His discourse as it was familiar, so it was directed to raise those that heard it to a nearer approach to Himself by perfection; for He did not proudly scoff at, but gently laboured to mend the defects of His Subjects. When Doctor Hammond had in some degree lost the Manage of His Voice, His Majesty shown him his Infirmity, and taught him to amend it; which that Excellent Person often mentioned as an instance of a Gracious Condescension of Majesty. When Noble Youths came to take their leaves of Him before they went to foreign travel, He would not let them go without His Instructions, of which this was one, My Lord, Keep always the best Company, and be sure never to be Idle. Thus He would confer the Virtues as well as the Titles of Nobility, He laboured to keep them as Majesty had made them, and that that blood might not be tainted in them which was honoured in their Ancestors. Nor did He desire that they should be otherwise than He directed, as Tyrants and weak Princes will commend those Virtues which they are afraid of, for they dread or envy their Subjects Parts and Abilities. Aristotle observes that a Tyrant cares not to hear his Vassals speak any thing that is either Grave or Generous; and it is reckoned among the Usurpations of such Monsters, that they would have the opinion to be the Only Wise and Gallant. Plato endangered his Life when he conversed with the Sicilian Tyrant, because he was thought to understand more than his Host. It was observed of Cromwell, (by one of his confident Teachers) that in the time of his Tyranny he loved no man that spoke Sense, and had several Artisices to disparage it among his Slaves that attended him; and he would highly extol those Pulpit-Speakers that had most Canting and least Reason. But the King thought it the Honour of Principality to rule over Excellent persons, and affected to be Great only by being Better; and to raise their Spirits would stoop with His own.  
Of these He always chose the most accomplished that He knew, to be His Ministers of State and closest Confidents: 
His Choice of Ministers of State.  for as the fortune of Princes stands in need of many Friends, which are the surest supports of Empire; so He would always seek the Best, and those He thought fittest for His Employments, which a bad or weak King would hate or fear. Therefore He had always the finest Pens and ablest Heads in His Cause, and Persons likewise of Integrity in His Service: for the Archbishop and Earl of Strafford, that were clamoured against as the greatest Criminals, were not guilty enough, even by those accusations which they were loaded with, and yet not proved, to receive the Censure of the Law, but were to be condemned in an unaccustomed way of spilling English blood. When some discovered their Abilities even by opposing His Counsels, He preferred the Public Benefit which might be by their Endowments to His private Injuries; He would either buy them off to His Service by some Place of Trust, or win them to His Friendship; unless He saw them to be such whose Natures were corrupted by their Designs, (for He had a most excellent Sagacity in discerning the Spirits of men) or they were such who polluted their parts by prostituting Religion to some base ends (the injuries of which He could never neglect:) and such He neither conceived Honourable in a Court, nor hoped they would ever be faithful and quiet in a Community. Among these Purchases were reckoned the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, the Lord Falkland, and others now living, whose Perfections honoured His Judgement, and justified His Choice.  
He had no Favourite, as a Minister of Pleasures, 
His Assection to His People.  to gratify whose Lusts and Vanities He might be solicited to do things contrary to the benefit of the Community; but all were Instruments of Government, and must be able to serve the Public, whom He took to serve Himself. For no Prince was ever more assectionate of His People than He was, nor did He think His Interest separate from theirs. Those nice distinctions, and cautious limits of Prerogative and Liberty which the Faction invented to enjealous the People with, were all indistinctly comprised by Him in an Uniform and Constant care of a just Government: none dared to advise Him to attempt at a power His Predecessors had parted with, or the Laws had concluded Him from. For He told the Lords, when He purged the Earl of Strafford from the Accusation of Sir Henry Vane, (that he had advised His Majesty to make use of some Irish to reduce this Kingdom; on which, though it had but a single and various testimony, the Faction built their Practices against His Life) I think no body durst ever be so impudent as to move Me to it, for if they had, I should have made them such an Example, and put such a mark upon them, that all Posterity should know My Intentions by it. For My Intention was ever to govern by the Law, and not otherwise. He thought He could not be happy unless His People were so; as we found ourselves miserable when He was not prosperous. Therefore He parted with so much of His Prerogative to buy our Peace, and purchase our Content. He sought their Love by affecting them, the only way of gaining it, because that Passion only is free and impatient of Command. Nor was He ever more pleased than in the enjoyment of it: When His Third Parliament granted five Subsidies, and it was told Him that there was not One Voice dissenting, it is said, He wept for joy; and it had been happy for the People, if the King had always had such cause of Tears, and His Eyes had been always wet with the same.  
Contests for Liberty could never have been more unseasonable than under this Prince, for He never denied His Subjects the removal of any just Grievance, yea, He parted sometimes, through their own importunity deluded by the Faction, with that which should have kept them Free: And when He made such Concessions which tended to the prejudice of those that desired it, He would say to some about Him, that He would never have granted these things, but that He hoped they would see the Inconvenience of that power which they begged from Him, yet themselves could not manage, and return it to its proper place, before it became their Ruin. He was far from the ambition of Ill Princes to seek an unlimited power; but He thought it the Office of the best Sovereign to set bounds to Liberty. He despised His Life if it were to be bought by the Misery of the Nation, and therefore rejected the Propositions of the Army as the Conditions of His Safety, when tendered to Him the day before His Murder, because they would enslave the People. Neither would He expose particular persons to an evident and inevitable danger, though it were to secure Himself: for when my Lord Newburgh and his Noble Lady, at whose house in Bagshot He did stay as He was removed from Carisbrook to Windsor, proposed to Him a way to escape from that bloody Guard that hurried Him to the Slaughter, He rejected it, saying, If I should get away, they would cut you in Pieces; and therefore would not try their design, though it seemed feasible.  
With these Arts He did seek to oblige the Community; but the Faction's Slanders hindered the Success: 
His Obliging Converse.  which they the more easily obstructed, because the King never affected Popularity, for that consists in an industrious pleasing of the People in minute and ordinary Circumstances; but He always endeavoured by a solid Virtue their real Happiness, and therefore in confidence of that neglected a specious Compliance with the less beneficial humours of the Vulgar: so that the Multitude, who are taken with things of the lightest consideration, could not sufficiently value Him, being not able to apprehend His worth: for a Statist observes, Moderate Princes are always admired, but Heroick are never understood. On particular Persons (if not the sworn Creatures of the Conspirators, and by Treason made inhuman) He seldom failed by conversing to take them. His Trophies in this kind, even when He was despoiled of means to bribe their hopes, were innumerable; and those that engaged against Him ere they knew Him, after their knowledge of Him did curse their Credulity and their prosperous Arms. A clear instance of this (to mention no more) was in Master Vines, one of the Presbyterian Ministe●● who are conceived to be too tenacious of a prejudice against those that dislike their Government) that were sent to dispute against Episcopacy: for he admiring the Abilities of the King which He manifested in asserting of it, professed to Master Burroughs, (one whose Attendance the King required, and found him faithful to the extremest dangers in those enterprises in which he several times engaged for His Safety,) how he had been deluded to unworthy thoughts of the King, but was now convinced to an exceeding Reverence of Him, and hoped so of others; and earnestly solicited those that attended on Him, to use all means to rescue Him from the intended Villainy of the Army; saying, Our Happiness was great in such a Prince; and our Misery in the Loss of Him would be unspeakable. Yet He never courted, although He won them, but His passage to their hearts was through their brain, and they first Admired and then Loved Him.  
As He was powerful to gain, so He was careful to keep Friends. 
His Fidelity.  Fidelity to the Public and Private was His chiefest Care; for He knew how necessary it is for Princes to be faithful, because it is so much their Interest that others should not be false. Though it is a Mystery of Empire with other Kings to proportion their Faith to their Advantage, yet He abhorred to promise any thing which He could not Religiously observe. Some over-sine Politici would have had Him grant all the Desires of the Faction, as the most immediate way to their Ruin; for it was supposed they could never agree in dividing the Spoil, and their dissensions would have opened a way for the recovery of His abandoned Rights. But He was so constant in all that was good, that He thought the purchase of Greatness too vile for the breach of His Faith, and He hated those acquisitions which would give Him cause to blush. This Heroic Expression often fell from Him, Leave me to My Conscience and Honour, and let what will befall Me. His Enemies knew this so natural, that if they could make their Propositions repugnant to His Conscience, they were sure no Peace should obstruct their Designs. Nay, He was faithful in those Stipulations wherein their first Breach would have justified a departure from His Promise; though He saw this Virtue would be rewarded with His Murder. For when some of His Attendants at Carisbrook daily importuned Him to provide for His Safety from the perfidious Violence of the Army, which every day they had informations of, He made this return; Trouble not yourselves, I have the Parliaments Faith and Honour engaged for My remaining here in Honour, Freedom, and Safety, and I will not dishonour Myself by Escaping.  
As He was to the Public so to His Private Obligations. No assaults could take the Duke of Buckingham from His Protection: for though His foreign Enterprises required supplies of Money, and the Faction would not let the Bills for Subsidies pass unless they might be gratified with the Duke's blood, or Degradation from His Trust, the King would not buy them with the Life or Dishonour of His Friend. And although he fell afterwards as a Sacrifice to the Common hate, (for so the Assassinate pretended, that he might give a Splendour to his Crime, It being more specious to revenge the Public than private Injuries,) yet was he not the Kings Offering. In the Case of the Earl of Strafford this Honour seemed to be clouded: But Posterity will see that that Noble Person was rather ravished from Him, (on design by his Enemies to rob him of the Glory of Fidelity,) than deserted by Him; for He never left him till the Earl did abandon himself. And a Penitence for a Submission (not Consent) to the Rape made a Satisfaction for the Offence, and repaired the damage of the Injury. For His Majesty's Tears over him will embalm and preserve his name and blood to the honour of Following Ages more than the remnant of his days would have administered to his Glory.  
It would be an Injury to His other Virtues to mention His Chastity and Temperance, 
His Chastity.  because it is an Infamy to be otherwise; unless to let Posterity know, that no injured Husband nor Dishonoured Family conspired to His Ruin, but such who were engaged to Him for preserving all their Rights in those Relations unattempted, and securing them by His own example. He witnessed His Conjugal Chastity the day before His Death, (a time not to be spent in falsities, which was too little for necessary Preparations to appear before the God of Truth;) when He commanded the Lady Elizabeth to tell her Mother, that His thoughts had never strayed from Her, and His Love should be the same to the Last. The purity of His Speech likewise testified the Cleanness of His Heart, for He did abhor all Obscene and wanton Discourse. And He was so far from defiling the Beds, that He would not pollute the Ears of His Subjects.  
This Chastity found no Assaults from Intemperance, for He never fed to Luxury but Health. 
His Temperance.  His strong Constitution required large Meals, but His Virtue took care they should not be gluttonous; for He delighted not in Sauces or Artifices to please the Palate and raise the Lust, but all was sincere and solid, and therefore He never was subject to a Surfeit. He always mingled Water with His Wine, which He never drank pure but when He eat Venison; and He was so nice in observing the bounds of Sobriety, that most times Himself would measure and mingle both together. He did usually at every Meal drink one Glass of Beer, another of Wine, and a third of Water, and seldom drank between His Meals. These though Ordinary Virtues, were yet eminent in Him, since they could not be corrupted by the Power not the Flatteries of Fortune. And they are therefore mentioned to gratify Posterity; for men are curious to know all, even the minute Passages of Great and Virtuous Persons.  
Being free from Incontinency and Intemperance, the gulfs of Treasure and maintainers of the Largest Exchequer, 
His Frugality.  He had no other Vice to exhaust the Public Stock, and so necessitate Him to fill it up by Oppressions, but He would by Frugality make His Revenue sufficient for the Majesty of the Crown, and the Necessities of the State. His own Nature indeed inclined Him to Magnificence, but the Vices of others did instruct Him to moderate Expenses. For He had found the Treasury low, and the Debts great, in His beginnings: He was assaulted with two expensive Wars from the two great Potentates of Furope, and the Faction had obstructed the usual way of Supplies by Parliaments. Therefore He was to find a Mine in Virtue; and by sparing from Vanities, make provisions for necessary and glorious Enterprises, which He did effect: for in that short time of Peace, which He enjoyed, He satisfied all the Public Debts, so furnished and increased His Navy, that it was the most considerable in the whole World, supported His Confederate the King of Sweden, and by Money enabled him for the Victories of Germany, and so filled His own Treasury, that it was able of itself to bear the weight of the first Scotch Expedition without the Aids of the Subject, who were never more able to contribute to their own safety, nor ever had more reason, the swell of that Nation breaking all the Banks and Fences of their Liberty and Happiness. But the King would let them see that as by His Government He had made them rich, He would also keep them so by His Frugality. But those whose first care was to make Him necessitous, and the next odious, did brand it with the name of Covetousness, which was as False as malicious; For He never spared when Just Designs called for Expenses, and was magnificent in Noble Undertake, as in the Repair of Paul's. He was always Grateful, although those men who measured their Services not by their Duties, or their Merits, but by their Expectations from His Fortune, thought Him not Liberal. He chose rather not to burden His People by Subsidies, than load particular Servants with unequal Bounties. For Good Princes choose to be loved rather for their Benefits to the Community than for those to private persons. And it may be Vanity and Ostentation, but not Liberality, when the gifts of the Prince are not proportioned to the Common Necessity. His sparings were like those of Indulgent Fathers, that His Subjects as Children might have the more. He never, like subtle and rapacious Kings, made or pretended a Necessity for Taxes, but was troubled when He found it. The Contributions of Parliament He esteemed not the increase of His peculiar Treasure, but the Provisions for the Common Safety, of which He would rather be accounted a Steward than a Lord. When Faction and Sedition so deluded the People that they could not see the preservation of the whole consisted in contributing some small part, He freely parted with His own Inhertance to preserve entire to them the price of their Sweat and Labour.  
As He had these Moral Virtues, which are both the signatures of Majesty, 
His Intellectual Abilities.  and the Ornaments of a Royal Spirit, so He was no less complete in the Intellectual. His Understanding was as Comprehensive as His Just Power, and He was Master of more sorts of Knowledge than He was of Nations. How much He knew of the Mysteries and Controversies of Divinity was evident in His Discourses and Papers with Henderson, and those at the Isle of Wight, where He singly Disputed for Episcopacy one whole day against Fifteen Commissioners and their Four Chaplains, (the most experienced and subtle members of all the Opposite Party) with so much Acuteness and Felicity, that even His Opposers admired Him. He so dexterously managed His Discourse with the Ministers, that He made it evident they persuaded Him to that which they themselves judged unlawful, and had condemned as Sacrilege, when they pretended to satisfy the Scruples of His Conscience, and to assure Him He might safely alienate the Church-Lands. And the Commissioners sensible how unequal their Ministers were to discourse with Him, for ever after silenced them, and permitted no Disputes but by Papers. At that time He exceeded the opinion of His friends about Him. One of them said in astonishment, that Certainly God had inspired Him. Another, that His Majestly was to a Wonder improved by His Privacies and Afflictions. But a third; that had had the Honour of a nearer Service, assured them that the King was never less, only He had now the opportunity of appearing in His full Magnitude.  
In the Law of the Land He was as knowing (as Himself said to the Parricides, yet was no boaster of His own Parts) as any Gentleman in England, who did not profess the Public Practice of it: especially those Parts of it which concerned the Commerce between King and People. In that Art which is peculiar to Princes, Reason of State, He knew as much as the most prosperous Contemporary Kings, or their most exercised Ministers, yet scorned to follow those Rules of it which lead from the Paths of Justice. The Reserves that other Princes used in their Leagues and Contracts, to colour the breaches of Faith, and those inglorious and dark Intrigues of subtle Politicians, He did perfectly abhor: but His Letters, Declarations, Speeches, Meditations, are full of that Political Wisdom which is consistent with Christianity. He had so quick an Insight into these Mysteries, and so early arrived to the Knowledge of it, that when He was young, and had just gotten out of the Court and Power of Spain, He censured the weakness of that Mysterious Council. For He was no sooner on Shipboard, but the first words He spoke were, I discovered two Errors in those great Masters of Policy; One that they would use Me so Ill, and another that after such Usage they permitted Me to Departed.  
As those former parts of Knowledge did enable Him to know Men, and how to manage their different humours, 
His Skill in all Arts.  and to temper them to a sitness for Society, and make them serviceable to the Glory of that God whose Minister He was: so His Soul was stored with a full Knowledge of the Nature of Things, and easily comprehended almost all kinds of Arts that either were for Delight or of a Public Use; for He was ignorant of nothing but of what He thought it became Him to be negligent, (for many parts of Learning that are for the Ornament of a Private person are beneath the Cares of a Crowned Head.) He was well skilled in things of Antiquity, could judge of Medals whether they had the number of years they pretended unto; His Libraries and Cabinets were full of those things on which length of Time put the Value of Rarities. In Painting He had so excellent a Fancy, that He would supply the defect of Art in the Workman, and suddenly draw those Lines, give those Airs and Lights, which Experience and Practice had not taught the Painter. He could judge of Fortifications, and censure whether the Cannon were mounted to Execution or no. He had an excellent Skill in Guns, knew all that belonged to their making. The exactest Arts of building Ships for the most necessary uses of strength or good sailing, together with all their furniture, were not unknown to Him. He understood and was pleased with the making of Clocks and Watches. He comprehended the Art of Printing. There was not any one Gentleman of all the three Kingdoms that could compare with Him in an Universality of Knowledge. He encouraged all the Parts of Learning, and He delighted to talk with all kind of Artists, and with so great a Facility did apprehend the Mysteries of their Professions, that He did sometime say, He thought He could get His Living, if Necessitated, by any Trade He knew of, but making of Hang: although of these He understood much, and was greatly delighted in them; for He brought some of the most curious Workmen from Foreign Parts to make them here in England.  
His Writings show what Notions He had gathered from the whole store of Learning, 
His Eloquence.  which He clothed with a Wonderful and most charming Eloquence. Which was unquestionably so great, that those who endeavoured to despoil Him of His Civil Dominions granted Him a deserved Empire among famous Writers. The Book of His Meditations is alone sufficient to make His Assassinates execrable to all that in any Age shall have a sense of Piety, or a love to Wisdom and Eloquence. For so great an affection in the Breasts of men do excellent Writings acquire for their Authors, that though they may be otherwise , yet their Works render their Memories precious; and the violent Deaths of such increase their Glory, while they load their Murderers with Ignominy. All men, especially among Posterity, deeming so great Wits could not be cut off but to the Public Injury, and by Persons brutishly mad, or by some horrid sins debauched to an Enmity with mankind. So that all suture times shall admire and applaud His Writings against them, and curse their Injustice to Him.  
His Wisdom was not only Speculative in His Writings, but also Practical in His Counsels. 
His Political Prudence.  None found out better means for accomplishing a Design, provided safer expedients for the Ressorts of Difficulties, or more clearly foresaw the Event at a Distance; nor were any Counsels so prosperous as His own, when they were vigorously prosecuted by those whom He entrusted with the Execution; and He seldom miscarried but when He inclined to follow the Advices of others; as He did in that inauspicious Attempt to take Gloucester, wherein He forsook His own Reasons, which He urged with all possible Evidence of Success, to march towards London. He saw into the Intrigues of His Enemies; and had not the Treacheries (which being secret are above the Caution of Humane Nature) of some that followed Him opened to them His Designs, He had (by the Ordinary Course of Providence) covered them with the shame both of Imprudence and Overthrow. Those Miseries that the Faction after they got into Power brought upon the Nation, and the Events of their destructive Enterprises, were discovered and foretold by Him in the very beginnings to the deluded World, who notwithstanding were Fatally blinded to choose their own Ruin.  
Whensoever His Secretaries had drawn up, by the Direction of the Council, Declarations or any other Papers, and offered them to His perusal, though both they and the Council had done their parts, yet He would always with His own hand correct them both as to Matter and Form; He commonly using these words when He took the Pen in His hand, Come, I am a good Cobbler: and the Corrections were acknowledged by them all to be both for the greater lustre and advantage of the Writings. His Instructions to His Ambassadors, Commissioners, Deputies, were so full of Wisdom, and such prudent provisions for all the Ressorts of those they were to treat with, that there was nothing to be supplied on their parts to make their Negotiations happy, but seasonable Applications, or a fortune to deal with reasonable men. It was the Observation of a Noble Person (who was dear to Him for his Wisdom and Faithluiness, and was of His Council in all His Troubles) that had the King been a Counsellor to any other Prince, He would have gained the Esleem of an Oracle, all His Proposals being grounded upon the greatest Reason, and proper to the Business consulted about. Those that have been forward to interpret His Actions by the Suceess, and from thence have proceeded to the Censure of His Prudence, considered not the numerous Difficulties in forming any Resolution, nor the fallacious representations of Affairs to Him, but only looked upon His unprosperous Resolves according to the Fate of unhappy Counsels, which is to have that condemned which was put in Execution, and that praised as best which was never tried.  
Thus was He made for Empire as well as born unto it; and had all those Excellencies, which, 
The Censure of His Fortune.  if we had been free to choose, must have determined our Election of a Sovereign to Him alone, there being nothing wanting in Him that the severest Censors of Princes do number among the Requisites of a complete Monarch. It was therefore the wonder of those who conceive every man to be the Artificer of His own Fortune, how it came to pass that He had not that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an uninterrupted current of Success (which some men reckon among the constitutives of Happiness) in all His Enterprises. To Others that impute all our affairs here below to an inviolable Method of the Decrees of Heaven, which yet they acknowledge just, though dark, it seemed one of the Riddles of Providence, that a King of so great Virtues should yet be calamitous: for let Posterity judge how great and how good this Prince was, that could not be ruined even after a War (which usually embitters the Spirits of those that are molested by it) and a total Overthrow (whose common Consequent is Contempt) but by so various and such wicked Arts; and was judged by all men, though He wanted, yet to deserve Prosperity (as to humane judgement,) which (as some think) is the truest Happiness.  
To these Doubts there appears no Resolution so obvious as that into the Pleasure of the Divine Majesty, who provoked by our sins, which had profaned his Mercies, and abused the Peace and Plenty he gave us, would chastise us by the scourge of Civil War, the corrective of too much felicity, and taking away the best of Kings leave us to the Pride and Violence of the basest of men. And that it was a wrath directed against us was apparent, because the misfortunes and fall of that Incomparable Prince opened upon us an avenue for all those miseries that a Community is obnoxious unto in the want of a lawful Government, while the Almighty secured the Glory of the King even in His Sufferings, provided for the Support and Honour of the Royal Family in its lowest Estate, and miraculously preserved the Chief of it from innumerable dangers, and made us to see afterwards in the Series of his Providences, that he had not withdrawn his lovingkindness from the House of King CHARLES, by restoring it to its primitive Grandeur.  
And this he was pleased to signify to the King by a Passage that appeared little less than a Miracle. For while He was at Oxford, and the Earl of Southampton, now Lord High-Treasurer of England, (a Person of unquestionable Honour and Veracity, of an eminent Integrity, 
A Presage of His Fall, and the future State of the Royal Family.  above the Flattery of Princes, who doth attest this Occurrence) as Gentleman of the Bedchamber lay one Night in the same Chamber with Him, the Wax Mortar, which according to Custom the King always had in His Chamber, was in the night, as they both conceived and took notice of it, fully extinguished. But my Lord rising in the Morning found it lighted, and said to the KING, Sir, this Mortar now burns very clearly: at which they both exceedingly wondered, as fully concluding it had been out in the Night, and they could not imagine how any of the Grooms, or any other could possibly light it, the Door being locked with a Spring within. This busying the wonder of both for the present, the King afterwards when He saw the Malice of His Enemies press hard upon His Life and Ruin, reflecting upon this Occurrence, drew it into this Presage, That though God would permit His Light to be extinguished for a time, yet He would at last light it again; which was verified in the Event: for though God suffered the Faction to spill His blood, yet after many years of Troubles, and when he had permitted those Monsters to bring us to the brinks of destruction, he restored His Son to the Crown in as much Splendour and Greatness as any of His Predecessors.  
As His Abliities for the Public Administration of Government were all apt to raise Admiration; 
His Recreations.  so His Recreations and Privacies gave a Delight to such as communicated in the sight of them, and there needed no more to beget an Honour of Him than to behold Him in His Diversions, which were all serious, and there was no part of His time which either wanted benefit, or deserved not Commendation. In His younger days, His pleasures were in Riding, and sometimes in breaking the great Horse; and He did it so gracefully, that He deserved that Statue of Brass which did represent Him on Horseback. Besides this, He delighted in Hunting, an active and stirring Exercise to accustom Him to toils, and harden that body whose mind abhorred the softness of Luxury and Ease, which Vicious Princes think a part of Power and the Rewards of Public Cares: but He used this as the way whereby the Ancient Heroes were habituated to Labours, and by contending with some beasts in Strength and others in Swiftness, first to rout, then to chase their flying Enemies. When the season of the year did not permit this sport, than Tennis, Gough, Bowls were the ways of His Diversions, and in all these He was wonderfully active and excellent.  
His softer pleasures were Books, and of His time spent in these there were many Monuments. In His Library at Saint James' there was kept a Collection of His, of the excellent Say of Authors, written with His own hand, and in his Youth, presented to His Father King JAMES: and there is yet extant in the hands of a Worthy Person, His Extracts written with His own hand, out of My Lord of Canterbury's Book against Fisher, of all the Arguments against the Papists, digested into so excellent a Method, that He gave Light and Strength to them even while He did epitomise them into a sheet or two of Paper. The same Care and Pains He had bestowed in reading the most Judicious Hooker, and the Learned Works of Bishop Andrews, out of all which He had gathered whatsoever was excellent in them, and fitted them for His ready use. When He was tired with Reading, than He applied Himself to Discourse, wherein He both benefited Himself and others; and He was good at the Relation of a Story, or telling of an Occurrence. When these were tedious by continuance, He would either play at Chess, or please Himself with His Pictures, of which He had many choice pieces of the best Masters, as Titian, Rafael, Tintoret and others, with which He had adorned His most frequented Palaces, as also with most antique pieces of Sculpture; so that to those that had traveled it seemed that Italy was Translated to His Court.  
As His Spirit was thus accomplished, so His Body had its Elegancies. His Stature was of a just height, 
The Features of His Body.  rather decent than tall; His Body erect, and not inclining to a Corpulency, nor meager, till His Afflictions wrought too strongly upon it to a Leanness; His Limbs exactly proportioned, His Face full of Majesty, and His Brow large and Fair: His Eyes so quick and piercing, that they went farther than the Superficies of men, and searched their more Inward parts; for at the first sight He would pass a judgement upon the frame of a Man's Spirit and Faculties, and He was not often mistaken, having a strange happiness in Physiognomy, and by reason of this He would remember any one He had seen but once many years after. His Complexion was inclining to a Paleness, His Hair a brown, which He wore of a moderate length, ending in gentle and easy curls: upon His left side He indulged one Lock to a greater length in the youthful part of His Life. His Beard He wore picqued, but after the Faction had passed those Votes of No Addresses, He permitted it to grow neglectedly and to cover more of His face. His Gestures had nothing of affectation, but full of Majestic Gravity. His motions were speedy, and His gate fast: which shown the Alacrity and Vigour of His Mind, for His Affections were temperate. He was of a most healthful Constitution, and after the infirmities of His Childhood was never sick. Once He had the small Pox, but the Malignity of it was so small, that it altered not His Stomach, nor put Him to the abstinence of one Meal, neither did it detain Him above a fortnight under the Care of His Physicians.  
He was the Father of Four Sons and Five Daughters. 
His Children.   
1. Charles James, born at Greenwich on Wednesday, May 13. 1628. but died almost as soon as born, having been first Christened.  
2. Charles Duke of Cornwall and Prince of Wales, born at Saint James', May 29. 1630. whom, after a fellowship in the Sufferings of His Father, some brave, but unsuccessful, attempts to recover the Rights of His Inheritance, and twelve years various fortune abroad, God was pleased by a wonderful Providence, without blood or ruin, to conduct to His Native Throne, and make Him the Restorer of Peace to a People wearied and wasted, almost to a Desolation, by several changes of Government and Variety of reproachful Usurpers, that they became the Scorn of Neighbour's 〈◊〉 Nations, and the miserable Example of 〈…〉 quiet Community, so torn in pieces by Factions in the State, and Schisms in the Church; each party mutually armed to suppress its contrary, and destroy the public, that it was impossible for them to reunite or consent in common to seek the benefits of Society, until they had submitted to Him as to the common Soul, to be governed by Him in the paths of Justice. He is now (and long may He be so) our Dread Sovereign CHARLES II.  
3. James, born in the same place Octob. 13. Anno 1633. entitled Duke of York by His Majesty's Command at His Birth, and afterwards so Created. He was a Companion of His Brother in Exile, spending His time abroad both in the French and Spanish Camps with Glory, and returned with Him into England.  
4. Henry Duke of Gloucester, born in the same place July 8. 1639. who after the Death of His Father was by the Parricides permitted to go beyond Sea to His Mother, with the promise of an Annual Pension, which they never intended to pay: A very hopeful Prince, who resisted the strong practices of some in the Queen's Court to seduce Him to the Church of Rome, which His Brother hearing sent for Him into Flanders; and He also attended Him to His Throne, but not long after died of the Small Pox, Sept. 13. Anno 1660.  
5. Marry, born on Novemb. 4. Anno 1631. married to Count William of Nassau, Eldest Son to Henry Prince of Orange, by whom she was left a Widow, and a short time after the Mother of the now Prince of Orange; and coming over to visit her Brothers and the place of her Nativity, she died also of the Small Pox, Decemb. 24. Anno 1660.  
6. Elizabeth, born Jan. 28. Anno 1635. who survived her Father, but lived not to see the Restoring the Royal Family, dying at Carisbrook the place of her Father's Captivity, being removed thither by the Murderers, that the place might raise a grief to end her Days.  
7. Anne, born March 17. Anno 1637. died before her Father.  
8. Katherine, who died almost as soon as born.  
9 Henrietta, born at Exeter June 16. Anno 1644. in the midst of the Wars, conveyed not long after by the Lady Dalkeith into France to her Mother, and is now married to the Duke of Anjou, only Brother to the King of France.  
Having left this Issue He died in the forty ninth year of His Age, and 23. of His Reign, having lived Much rather than Long, and left so many great and difficult Examples as will busy Good Princes to imitate, and Bad ones to Wonder at: A man in Office and mind like to that Spiritual Being, which the more men understand the more they Admire and Love; and that may be said of Him which was said of that Excellent Roman who sought Glory by Virtue,  Homo Virtuti simillimus, & per omnia Ingenio Diis quàm Hominibus propior: Qui nunquam rectè fecit, ut rectè facere videretur; sed quia aliter facere non poterat: Cuíque id solum visum est Rationem habere quod haberet Justitiam. Omnibus humanis vitiis Immunis semper in Potestate sua Fortunam habuit. Vell. Paterc. lib. 2.  

AN APPENDIX.  
THat the Piety and Charity of this Excellent and Incomparable PRINCE may yet farther appear, it will not, I presume, be unacceptable to the Reader, to Annex some few of His Majesty's Select Meditations and Declarations, such especially as were Penned a little before His Martyrdom; when His Soul seemed to have been inspired with a bigger Sense of His approaching Fate, and at once by a Generous Scorn, to trample upon the Glories of the World, and to Triumph over the most Insolent Villainies of His Enemies. Nor will the Reader repent the taking them in His own Words, nothing being able to express the Sense of His Mind, like the Native Elegancy of His own Pen.  

Upon their denying His MAJESTY the Attendance of the Bishop of LONDON, Bishop of SALISBURY; And HIS Chaplains, 

Doctor Sheldon, Doctor Sanderson,  
Doctor Hammond, Doctor Turner,  
Doctor Holdsworth, Doctor Heywood.    
WHen Providence was pleased to deprive Me of all other civil Comforts and secular Attendants, I thought the absence of them all might best be supplied by the attendance of some of my Chaplains; whom for their Function I reverence, and for their Fidelity I have cause to love. By their Learning, Piety and Prayers, I hoped to be either better enabled to sustain the want of all other enjoyments, or better fitted for the recovery and use of them in God's good time: so reaping by their Pious help a spiritual harvest of Grace, amidst the thorns, and after the plowings of temporal Crosses.  
The truth is, I never needed or desired more the service and assistance of men judiciously Pious and soberly Devout.  
The Solitude they have confined Me unto adds the Wilderness to my Temptations: For the company they obtrude upon Me is more sad than any Solitude can be.  
If I had asked my Revenues, my Power of the Militia, or any one of my Kingdoms, it had been no wonder to have been denied in those things, where the evil Policy of Men forbids all just restitution, lest they should confess an injurious Usurpation: But to deny Me the Ghostly comfort of my Chaplains, seems a greater Rigour and Barbarity than is ever used by Christians to the meanest Prisoners and greatest Malefactors; whom though the Justice of the Law deprives of worldly comforts, yet the Mercy of Religion allows them the benefit of their Clergy, as not aiming at once to destroy their Bodies, and to damn their Souls.  
But My Agony must not be relieved with the presence of any one good Angel; for such I account a Learned, Godly, and discreet Divine: and such I would have all mine to be.  
They that envy my being a King, are loath I should be a Christian; while they seek to deprive Me of all things else, they are afraid I should save my Soul.  
Other sense Charity itself can hardly pick out of those many harsh Repulses I received, as to that Request so often made for the attendance of some of my Chaplains.  
I have sometime thought, the Unchristianness of those denials might arise from a displeasure some men had to see Me prefer My own Divines before their Ministers: whom though I respect for that worth and piety which may be in them; yet I cannot think them so proper for My present Comforters or Physicians, who have (some of them at least) had so great an influence in occasioning these Calamities, and inflicting these Wounds upon Me.  
Nor are the soberest of them so apt for that Devotional compliance and juncture of hearts, which I desire to bear in those holy Offices to be performed with Me and for Me; since their Judgements standing at a distance from Me, or in jealousy of Me, or in opposition against Me, their Spirits cannot so harmoniously accord with Mine, or Mine with theirs, either in Prayer or other holy Duties, as is meet and most comfortable; whose golden Rule and bond of Perfection consists in that of mutual Love and Charity.  
Some Remedies are worse than the Disease, and some Comforters more miserable than Misery itself: when, like Job's Friends, they seek not to fortify one's mind with Patience, but persuade a man, by betraying his own Innocency, to despair of God's Mercy; and by justifying their Injuries, to strengthen the hands and harden the hearts of Insolent Enemies.  
I am so much a friend to all Churchmen that have any thing in them beseeming that Sacred Function, that I have hazarded My own Interest chief upon Conscience and Constancy to maintain their Rights: whom the more I looked upon as Orphans, and under the Sacrilegious eyes of many cruel and rapacious Reformers; the more I thought it my duty to appear as a Father and a Patron for them and the Church. Although I am very unhandsomely requited by some of them, who may live to repent no less for My Sufferings than their own ungrateful Errors, and that injurious Contempt and Meanness which they have brought upon their Calling and Persons.  
I pity all of them, I despise none: only I thought I might have leave to make choice of some for my special Attendants, who were best approved in My Judgement, and most suitable to My Affection. For I held it better to seem undevout, and to hear no men's Prayers, than to be forced, or seem to comply with those Petitions to which the Heart cannot consent, nor the Tongue say Amen, without contradicting a man's own Understanding, or belying his own Soul.  
In Devotions I love neither Profane Boldness, nor Pious Nonsense; but such an humble and judicious Gravity, as shows the Speaker to be at once considerate of God's Majesty, the Church's Honour, and his own Vileness; both knowing what things God allows him to ask, and in what manner it becomes a Sinner to supplicate the Divine Mercy for himself and others.  
I am equally scandalised with all Prayers that sound either imperiously, or rudely, or passionately; as either wanting Humility to God, or Charity to Men, or Respect to the Duty.  
I confess I am better pleased, as with studied and premeditated Sermons, so with such public Forms of Prayer as are fitted to the Churches, and every Christians daily and common necessities: because I am by them better assured what I may join my Heart unto, than I can be of any man's Extemporary sufficiency; which as I do not wholly exclude from public occasions, so I allow its just liberty and use in private and devout retirements, where neither the solemnity of the Duty, nor the modest regard to others, do require so great exactness as to the outward manner of performance. Though the light of Understanding, and the fervency of Affection, I hold the main and most necessary requisites both in constant and occasional, solitary and social Devotions.  
So that I must needs seem to all equal minds, with as much Reason to prefer the service of My own Chaplains before that of their Ministers, as I do the Liturgy before the Directory.  
In the one I have been always educated and exercised; in the other I am not yet Catechised nor acquainted: And if I were, yet should I not by that, as by any certain Rule and Canon of Devotion, be able to follow or find out the indirect extravagancies of most of those men who highly cry up that as a piece of rare composure and use, which is already as much despised and disused by many of them, as the Common-Prayer sometimes was by those men, a great part of whose piety hung upon that popular pin of railing against and contemning the Government and Liturgy of this Church. But I had rather be condemned to the woe of Vae soli, than to that of Vae vobis, Hypocritae, by seeming to pray what I do not approve.  
It may be, I am esteemed by my Deniers sufficient of Myself to discharge my Duty to God as a Priest, though not to Men as a Prince.  
Indeed I think both Offices, Regal and Sacerdotal, might well become the same Person; as anciently they were under one name, and the united rights of primogeniture: Nor could I follow better precedents, if I were able, than those two eminent Kings, David and Solomon; not more famous for their Sceptres and Crowns, than one was for devout Psalms and Prayers, the other for his divine Parables and Preaching: whence the one merited and assumed the name of a Prophet, the other of a Preacher. Titles indeed of greater honour, where rightly placed, than any of those the Roman Emperors affected from the Nations they subdued; it being infinitely more glorious to convert Souls to God's Church by the Word, than to conquer men to a subjection by the Sword.  
Yet since the order of God's Wisdom and Providence hath, for the most part, always distinguished the Gifts and Offices of Kings and Priests, of Princes and Preachers, both in the Jewish and Christian Churches; I am sorry to find Myself reduced to the necessity of being both, or enjoying neither.  
For such as seek to deprive Me of my Kingly Power and Sovereignty, would no less enforce Me to live many months without all Prayers, Sacraments and Sermons, unless I become My own Chaplain.  
As I own the Clergy the protection of a Christian KING, so I desire to enjoy from them the benefit of their Gifts and Prayers; which I look upon as more prevalent than My own or other men's, by how much they flow from Minds more enlightened and Affections less distracted than those which are encumbered with Secular affairs: besides, I think a greater Blessing and acceptableness attends those Duties, which are rightly performed, as proper to and within the limits of that Calling to which God and the Church have specially designed and consecrated some men. And however, as to that Spiritual Government by which the Devout Soul is subject to Christ, and through his Merits daily offers itself and its services to God, every private Believer is a King and a Priest, invested with the honour of a Royal Priesthood; yet as to Ecclesiastical Order, and the outward Polity of the Church, I think confusion in Religion will as certainly follow every man's turning Priest or Preacher, as it will in the State where every one affects to rule as King.  
I was always bred to more modest, and, I think, more Pious Principles: The consciousness to my Spiritual defects makes Me more prize and desire those Pious assistances which holy and good Ministers, either Bishops or Presbyters, may afford Me; especially in these Extremities to which God hath been pleased to suffer some of my Subjects to reduce Me, so as to leave them nothing more but my Life to take from Me; and to leave Me nothing to desire, which I thought might less provoke their Jealousy and offence to deny Me than this, of having some means afforded Me for my Soul's comfort and support.  
To which end I made choice of men, as no way (that I know) scandalous, so every way eminent for their Learning and Piety, no less than for their Loyalty: nor can I imagine any exceptions to be made against them but only this, That they may seem too able, and too well-affected toward Me and my Service.  
But this is not the first service (as I count it the best) in which they have forced Me to serve Myself: though I must confess, I bear with more grief and impatience the want of my Chaplains than of any other my Servants, and next (if not beyond in some things) to the being sequestered from my Wife and Children; since from these indeed more of humane and temporary Affections, but from those more of Heavenly and Eternal Improvements may be expected.  
My comfort is, that in the enforced (not neglected) want of ordinary means, God is wont to afford extraordinary supplies of his Gifts and Graces.  
If his Spirit will teach Me, and help my infirmities in Prayer, Reading and Meditation, (as I hope he will) I shall need no other either Orator or Instructor.  
To thee therefore, O My God, do I direct my now solitary Prayers: What I want of others help, supply with the more immediate assistances of thy Spirit, which alone can both enlighten my darkness, and quicken my dulness.  
O thou Sun of Righteousness, thou Sacred Fountain of Heavenly Light and Heat, at once clear and warm my Heart, both by instructing of Me, and interceding for Me. In Thee is all Fullness, from Thee is all Sufficiency, by Thee is all Acceptance. Thou art company enough, and comfort enough: Thou art my King, be also my Prophet and my Priest. Rule Me, teach Me, pray in Me, for Me, and be Thou ever with Me.  
The single wrestle of Jacob prevailed with Thee in that Sacred Duel, when he had none to second him but Thyself, who didst assist him with power to overcome Thee, and by a welcome violence to wrest a Blessing from Thee.  
O look on Me thy Servant in infinite Mercy, whom Thou didst once bless with the joint and sociated Devotions of others, whose fervency might inflame the coldness of my Affections towards Thee; when we went to or met in thy House with the Voice of joy and gladness, worshipping Thee in the unity of Spirits, and with the bond of Peace.  
O forgive the neglect and not improving of those happy Opportunities.  
It is now thy pleasure that I should be as a Pelican in the wilderness, as a Sparrow on the house top, and as a Coal scattered from all those pious glowings and devout reflections which might best kindle, preserve and increase the holy fire of thy Graces on the Altar of my Heart, whence the sacrifice of Prayers and incense of Praises might be duly offered up to Thee.  
Yet, O Thou that breakest not the bruised Reed, nor quenchest the smoking Flax, do not despise the weakness of my Prayers, nor the smotherings of my Soul in this uncomfortable loneness, to which I am constrained by some men's uncharitable denials of those helps which I much want, and no less desire.  
O let the hardness of Their Heart's occasion the softning of Mine to Thee and for them. Let their Hatred kindle My Love, let their unreasonable denials of my Religious desires the more excite my Prayers to Thee. Let their inexorable deafness incline thine ear to Me, who art a God easy to be entreated: thine Ear is not heavy, that it cannot, nor thy Heart hard, that it will not hear; nor thy Hand shortened, that it cannot help Me thy desolate Suppliant.  
Thou permittest men to deprive Me of those outward means which Thou hast appointed in thy Church; but they cannot debar Me from the communion of that inward Grace which Thou alone breathest into humble hearts.  
O make Me such, and Thou wilt teach Me, Thou wilt hear Me, Thou wilt help Me: the broken and contrite heart, I know, Thou wilt not despise.  
Thou, O Lord, canst at once make Me thy Temple, thy Priest, thy Sacrifice, and thine Altar; while from an humble Heart I (alone) daily offer up in holy Meditations, fervent Prayers, and unfeigned Tears, Myself to Thee, who preparest Me for Thee, dwellest in Me, and acceptest of Me.  
Thou, O Lord, didst cause by secret supplies, and miraculous infusions, that the handful of Meal in the vessel should not spend, nor the little Oil in the cruse fail the Widow, during the time of drought and dearth.  
O look on my Soul, which, as a Widow, is now desolate and forsaken: let not those saving Truths I have formerly learned now fail my memory; nor the sweet effusions of thy Spirit, which I have sometime felt, now be wanting to my Heart in this Famine of ordinary and wholesome food, for the refreshing of my Soul.  
Which yet I had rather choose, than to feed from those hands who mingle my bread with ashes, and my wine with gall, rather tormenting than teaching Me; whose mouths are proner to bitter Reproaches of Me, than to hearty Prayers for Me.  
Thou knowest, O Lord of Truth, how oft they wrist thy Holy Scriptures to my destruction, (which are clear for their Subjection, and My Preservation:) O let it not be to their Damnation.  
Thou knowest how some men (under colour of long Prayers) have sought to devour the houses of their Brethren, their King, and their God.  
O let not those men's Balms break my head, nor their Cordials oppress my heart: I will evermore pray against their Wickedness.  
From the poison under their tongues, from the sndres of their lips, from the fire and the swords of their words, ever deliver Me, O Lord, and all those Loyal and Religious hearts who desire and delight in the prosperity of my Soul, and who seek by their Prayers to relieve this Sadness and Solitude of thy Servant, O my King, and my God.   

Penitential Meditations and Vows In The KING'S Solitude at Holdenby.  
GIVe ear to my words, O Lord, consider my Meditation, and hearken to the voice of my cry, my King and my God; for unto Thee will I pray.  
I said in mine haste, I am cast out of the sight of thine eyes; nevertheless Thou hearest the voice of my supplication, when I cry unto Thee.  
If Thou, Lord, shouldst be extreme to mark what is done amiss, who can abide it? But there is Mercy with Thee, that thou mayest be feared; therefore shall sinners fly unto Thee.  
I acknowledge my Sins before Thee, which have the aggravation of my Condition; the eminency of my Place adding weight to my Offences.  
Forgive, I beseech Thee, my personal and my people's Sins, which are so far Mine, as I have not improved The Power thou gavest Me to thy Glory and my Subjects good. Thou hast now brought Me from the glory and freedom of a King, to be a Prisoner to my own Subjects: Justly, O Lord, as to thy overruling hand, because in many things I have rebelled against Thee.  
Though Thou hast restrained my Person, yet enlarge my Heart to Thee, and thy Grace towards Me.  
I come far short of David 's Piety; yet since I may equal David 's Afflictions, give Me also the Comforts and the sure Mercies of David.  
Let the penitent sense I have of my Sins be an evidence to Me that Thou hast pardoned them.  
Let not the Evils which I and my Kingdoms have suffered seem little unto Thee, though Thou hast not punished us according to our Sins.  
Turn Thee (O Lord) unto Me; have mercy upon Me, for I am desolate and afflicted.  
The sorrows of my Heart are enlarged; O bring Thou Me out of my Troubles.  
Hast Thou forgotten to be gracious, and shut up thy loving kindness in displeasure?  
O remember thy Compassions of old, and thy loving kindnesses which have been for many Generations.  
I had utterly fainted, if I had not believed to see thy Goodness in the Land of the Living.  
Let not the sins of our Prosperity deprive us of the benefit of thy Afflictions.  
Let this fiery trial consume the dross which in long Peace and Plenty we had contracted.  
Though Thou continuest Miseries, yet withdraw not thy Grace; what is wanting of Prosperity, make up in Patience and Repentance.  
And if thy Anger be not yet to be turned away, but thy hand of Justice must be stretched out still; let it, I beseech Thee, be against Me and my Father's house: as for these Sheep what have they done?  
Let my Sufferings satiate the malice of Mine and thy Church's Enemies.  
But let their Cruelty never exceed the measure of My Charity.  
Banish from Me all thoughts of Revenge, that I may not lose the reward, nor Thou the glory of my Patience.  
As Thou givest Me a heart to forgive them, so I beseech Thee do Thou forgive what they have done against Thee and Me.  
And now, O Lord, as Thou hast given Me an heart to pray unto Thee, so hear and accept this Vow which I make before Thee.  
If Thou wilt in mercy remember Me and my Kingdoms, in continuing the light of thy Gospel, and settling thy True Religion among us;  
In restoring to us the benefit of the Laws, and the due execution of Justice;  
In suppressing the many Schisms in Church, and Factions in State:  
If Thou wilt restore Me and Mine to the ancient Rights and Glory of my Predecessors:  
If Thou wilt turn the hearts of my People to Thyself in Piety, to Me in Loyalty, and to one another in Charity:  
If Thou wilt quench the flames and withdraw the fuel of these Civil Wars:  
If Thou wilt bless us with the freedom of public Counsels, and deliver the Honour of Parliaments from the insolency of the Vulgar:  
If Thou wilt keep Me from the great offence of enacting any thing against my Conscience; and especially from consenting to Sacrilegious Rapines and spoilings of thy Church:  
If Thou wilt restore Me to a capacity to glorify Thee, in doing good both to the Church and State;  
Then shall my Soul praise Thee, and magnify thy Name before my People:  
Then shall thy Glory be dearer to Me than my Crowns, and the advancement of true Religion both in purity and power be my chiefest care:  
Then will I rule my people with Justice, and my Kingdoms with Equity.  
To thy more immediate hand shall I ever own, as the rightful Succession, so the merciful Restauration of my Kingdoms, and the glory of them.  
If Thou wilt bring Me again with Peace, Safety and Honour, to my chiefest City and my Parliament:  
If Thou wilt again put the Sword of Justice into my hand, to punish and protect:  
Then will I make all the world to see, and my very Enemies to enjoy, the benefit of this Vow and Resolution of Christian Charity which I now make unto Thee, O Lord.  
As I do freely pardon, for Christ's sake, those that have offended Me in any kind; so my hand shall never be against any man, to revenge what is past, in regard of any particular injury done to Me.  
We have been mutually punished in our unnatural Divisions; for thy sake, O Lord, and for the love of my Redeemer, have I purposed this in my heart, That I will use all means in the ways of amnesty and Indemnity, which may most fully remove all Fears, and bury all Jealousies in forgetfulness.  
Let Thy Mercies be toward Me and Mine, as my resolutions of Truth and Peace are toward my People.  
Hear my Prayer, O Lord, which goeth not out of feigned lips.  
Blessed be God, who hath not turned away my Prayer, nor taken his Mercy from Me.  
O my Soul, commit thy way to the Lord; trust in him, and he shall bring it to pass.  
But if Thou wilt not restore Me and Mine, what am I that I should charge Thee foolishly?  
Thou, O Lord, hast given, and thou hast taken; Blessed be thy Name.  
May my People and thy Church be happy, if not by Me, yet without Me.   

His MAJESTY'S Declaration After the Votes of no further Address. Carisbrook, Jan. 18. M DC XLVII.  
To all My People, of whatsoever Nation, Quality or Condition.  
AM I thus laid aside? and must I not speak for Myself? No: I will speak, and that to all My People, (which I would have rather done by the way of My two Houses of Parliament, but that there is a public Order, neither to make Addresses to, or receive Messages from me.) And who but you can be judge of the differences betwixt Me and My two Houses? I know none else: for I am sure you it is who will enjoy the Happiness, or feel the Misery of good or ill Government; and we all pretend who should run fastest to serve you, without having a regard (at least in the first place) to particular Interests. And therefore I desire you to consider the state I am and have been in this long time, and whether My Actions have more tended to the Public or My own particular good. For whosoever will look upon Me barely as I am a Man, without that liberty (which the meanest of My Subjects enjoys) of going whither, and conversing with whom I will; as a Husband and Father, without the comfort of My Wife and Children; or lastly as a King, without the least show of Authority or Power to protect My distressed Subjects; must conclude Me not only void of all Natural Affection, but also to want common understanding, if I should not most cheerfully embrace the readiest way to the settlement of these distracted Kingdoms. As also on the other side, do but consider the form and draught of the Bills lately presented unto Me, and as they are the Conditions of a Treaty, ye will conclude, that the same Spirit which hath still been able to frustrate all My sincere and constant endeavours for Peace, hath had a powerful influence on this Message. For though I was ready to grant the substance, and comply with what they seem to desire; yet as they had framed it, I could not agree thereunto, without deeply wounding My Conscience and Honour, and betraying the Trust reposed in Me, by abandoning My People to the Arbitrary and Unlimited Power of the two Houses for ever, for the levying and maintaining of Land or Sea Forces, without distinction of quality or limitation for Money taxes. And if I could have passed them in terms, how unheard-of a Condition were it for a Treaty to grant beforehand the most considerable part of the subject matter? How ineffectual were that debate like to prove, wherein the most potent Party had nothing of moment left to ask, and the other nothing more to give? so, consequently, how hopeless of mutual compliance? without which a settlement is impossible. Besides, if after My Concessions the two Houses should insist on those things from which I cannot departed, how desperate would the condition of these Kingdoms be, when the most proper and approved remedy should become ineffectual? Being therefore fully resolved that I could neither in Conscience, Honour or Prudence, pass those Four Bills; I only endeavoured to make the Reasons and Justice of my Denial appear to all the World, as they do to me, intending to give as little dis-satisfaction to the two Houses of Parliament (without betraying My own Cause) as the matter would bear: I was desirous to give My Answer of the 28. of December last to the Commissioners sealed, (as I had done others heretofore, and sometimes at the desire of the Commissioners) chief, because when My Messages or Answers were publicly known before they were read in the Houses, prejudicial interpretations were forced on them, much differing, and sometimes contrary to My meaning. For example, My Answer from Hampton-Court was accused of dividing the two Nations, because I promised to give satisfaction to the Scots in all things concerning that Kingdom: And this last suffers in a contrary sense, by making Me intent to interest Scotland in the Laws of this Kingdom, (than which nothing was, nor is, further from My thoughts) because I took notice of the Scots Commissioners protesting against the Bills and Propositions, as contrary to the Interests and Engagements of the two Kingdoms. Indeed, if I had not mentioned their dissent, an Objection, not without some probability, might have been made against Me, both in respect the Scots are much concerned in the Bill for the Militia, and in several other Propositions; and My silence might, with some Justice, have seemed to approve of it: But the Commissioners refusing to receive My Answer sealed, I (upon the engagement of their and the Governors' Honour, that no other use should be made or notice taken of it than as if it had not been seen) read and delivered it open unto them; whereupon what hath since passed, either by the Governor, in discharging most of My Servants, redoubling the Guards, and restraining Me of My former Liberty, (and all this, as himself confessed, merely out of his own dislike of My Answer, notwithstanding his beforesaid Engagement) or afterwards by the two Houses, (as the Governor affirms) in confining Me within the circuit of this Castle, I appeal to God and the World, whether My said Answer deserved the reply of such proceed; besides the unlawfulness for Subjects to imprison their King, That by the permission of Almighty God I am reduced to this sad condition, as I no way repine; so I am not without hope, but that the same God will in due time convert these Afflictions into My advantage. In the mean time, I am confident to bear these crosses with Patience, and a great Equality of Mind. But by what means or occasion I am come to this Relapse in My Affairs, I am utterly to seek; especially when I consider, that I have sacrificed to My two Houses of Parliament, for the Peace of the Kingdom, all but what is much more dear to Me than My Life, My Conscience and Honour; desiring nothing more than to perform it in the most proper and natural way, a Personal Treaty. But that which makes Me most at a loss is, the remembering My signal compliance with the Army and their Interests: and of what importance My compliance was to them, and their often-repeated Professions and Engagements for my just Rights in general, at Newmarket and S. Alban, and their particular explanation of those generals by their voted and revoted Proposals, which I had reason to understand should be the utmost extremity would be expected from Me, and that in some things therein I should be eased; (herein appealing to the Consciences of some of the chiefest Officers in the Army, if what I have said be not punctually true) and how I have failed of their expectations, or My professions to them, I challenge them and the whole World to produce the least colour of Reason. And now I would know what it is that is desired. Is it Peace? I have showed the way, (being both willing and desirous to perform my part in it) which is, a just compliance with all chief Interests. Is it Plenty and Happiness? They are the inseparable effects of Peace. Is it Security? I, who wish that all men would forgive and forget like Me, have offered the Militia for My time. Is it Liberty of Conscience? He who wants it is most ready to give it. Is it the right administration of Justice? Officers of trust are committed to the choice of My two Houses of Parliament. Is it frequent Parliaments? I have legally, fully concurred therewith. Is it the Arrears of the Army? Upon a settlement they will certainly be paid with much ease, but before there will be found much difficulty, if not impossibility, in it.  
Thus all the World cannot but see My real and unwearied endeavours for Peace, the which (by the grace of God) I shall neither repent Me of nor ever be slackened in, notwithstanding My past, present, or future sufferings: But if I may not be heard, let every one judge who it is that obstructs the good I would or might do. What is it that men are afraid to hear from Me? It cannot be Reason, (at least, none will declare themselves so unreasonable as to confess it:) and it can less be impertinent or unreasonable Discourses; for thereby, peradventure, I might more justify this My Restraint than the causers themselves can do: so that of all wonders yet this is the greatest to Me. But it may be easily gathered how those men intent to govern who have used Me thus. And if it be My hard Fate to fall together with the Liberty of this Kingdom, I shall not blush for Myself, but much lament the future Miseries of My People, the which I shall still pray to God to avert, whatever becomes of Me.  
CHARLES R.   

Meditations upon DEATH, after the Votes of Non-Addresses, and His MAJESTY'S closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook Castle.  
AS I have leisure enough, so I have cause more than enough to meditate upon, and prepare for my Death; for I know there are but few steps between the Prisons and Graves of Princes.  
It is God's indulgence which gives Me the space, but Man's Cruelty that gives Me the sad occasions for these thoughts.  
For, besides the common burden of Mortality, which lies upon Me as a Man, I now bear the heavy load of other men's Ambitions, Fears, Jealousies, and cruel Passions, whose Envy or Enmity against Me makes their own lives seem deadly to them, while I enjoy any part of Mine.  
I thank God, my Prosperity made Me not wholly a stranger to the contemplations of Mortality: Those are never unseasonabble, since this is always uncertain: Death being an Eclipse which oft happeneth as well in clear as cloudy days.  
But my now long and sharp Adversity hath so reconciled in Me those natural Antipathies between Life and Death which are in all men, that, I thank God, the common terrors of it are dispelled, and the special horror of it as to My particular much allayed: for although my Death at present may justly be represented to Me with all those terrible aggravations which the policy of Cruel and Implacable enemies can put upon it (affairs being drawn to the very dregs of Malice;) yet, I bless God, I can look upon all those stings as unpoisonous, though sharp, since my Redeemer hath either pulled them out, or given Me the Antidote of his Death against them; which as to the Immaturity, Unjustice, Shame, Scorn and Cruelty of it, exceeded whatever I can fear.  
Indeed, I never did find so much the Life of Religion, the Feast of a good Conscience, and the brazen wall of a judicious Integrity and Constancy, as since I came to these closer conflicts with the thoughts of Death.  
I am not so old as to be weary of Life; nor (I hope) so bad as to be either afraid to die, or ashamed to live: true, I am so afflicted, as might make Me sometime even desire to die; if I did not consider, that it is the greatest glory of a Christians life to die daily, in conquering, by a lively Faith and patiented Hopes of a better life, those partial and quotidian deaths which kill us (as it were) by piece-meals, and make us overlive our own fates; while we are deprived of Health, Honour, Liberty, Power, Credit, Safety or Estate, and those other Comforts of dearest Relations, which are as the Life of our lives.  
Though, as a KING, I think Myself to live in nothing temporal so much as in the Love and good will of my People; for which as I have suffered many deaths, so I hope I am not in that point as yet wholly dead: notwithstanding my Enemies have used all the poison of Falsity and violence of Hostility to destroy, first the Love and Loyalty which is in my Subjects, and then all that content of Life in Me which from these I chief enjoyed.  
Indeed, they have left Me but little of Life, and only the husk and shell (as it were) which their further Malice and Cruelty can take from Me; having bereft Me of all those worldly Comforts for which Life itself seems desirable to men.  
But, O my Soul, think not that Life too long or tedious wherein God gives Thee any opportunities, if not to do, yet to suffer with such Christian Patience and Magnanimity in a good Cause, as are the greatest Honour of our Lives, and the best improvement of our Deaths.  
I know that in point of true Christian Valour it argues Pusillanimity to desire to die out of weariness of life, and a want of that heroic greatness of spirit which becomes a Christian, in the patiented and generous sustaining those Afflictions which as shadows necessarily attend us while we are in this Body, and which are lessened or enlarged as the Sun of our Prosperity moves higher or lower; whose total absence is best recompensed with the dew of Heaven.  
The assaults of Affliction may be terrible, like Sampson's Lion, but they yield much sweetness to those that dare to encounter and overcome them; who know how to overlive the witherings of their Gourds without discontent or peevishness, while they may yet converse with God.  
That I must die as a Man is certain: that I may die a King by the hands of my own Subjects, a violent, sudden and barbarous death, in the strength of my years, in the midst of my Kingdoms, my Friends and loving Subjects being helpless Spectators, my Enemies insolent Revilers and Triumphers over Me, living, dying, and dead, is so probable in humane reason, that God hath taught Me not to hope otherwise as to man's Cruelty; however I despair not of God's infinite Mercy.  
I know my Life is the object of the Devils and Wicked men's Malice; but yet under God's sole custody and disposal: whom I do not think to flatter for longer Life, by seeming prepared to die; but I humbly desire to depend upon him, and to submit to his will both in life and death, in what order soever he is pleased to lay them out to Me.  
I confess it is not easy for Me to contend with those many horrors of Death wherewith God suffers Me to be tempted; which are equally horrid either in the suddenness of a barbarous Assassination, or in those greater formalities whereby my Enemies (being more solemnly cruel) will, it may be, seek to add (as those did who crucified Christ) the Mockery of Justice to the Cruelty of Malice. That I may be destroyed, as with greater Pomp and Artifice, so with less Pity, it will be but a necessary policy, to make my Death appear as an act of Justice done by Subjects upon their Sovereign; who know that no Law of God or Man invests them with any power of Judicature without Me, much less against Me; and who, being sworn and bound by all that is Sacred before God and Man to endeavour my Preservation, must pretend Justice to cover their Perjury.  
It is, indeed, a sad fate for any man to have his Enemies to be his Accusers, Parties and Judges; but most desperate, when this is acted by the insolence of Subjects against their Sovereign; wherein those who have had the chiefest hand, and are most guilty of contriving the public Troubles, must by shedding My Blood seem to wash their own hands of that innocent blood whereof they are now most evidently guilty before God and Man, and, I believe, in their own Consciences too; while they carried on unreasonable demands, first by Tumults, after by Armies. Nothing makes mean spirits more cowardly-cruel in managing their usurped Power against their lawful Superious than this, the Gild of their unjust Usurpation; notwithstanding those specious and popular pretensions of Justice against Delinquents, applied only to disguise at first the monstrousness of their designs, who despaired, indeed, of possessing the power and profits of the Vineyard, till the Heir, whose right it is, be cast out and slain.  
With them my greatest Fault must be, that I would not either destroy Myself, with the Church and State, by my Word, or not suffer them to do it unresisted by the Sword; whose covetous Ambition no Concessions of Mine could ever yet either satisfy or abate.  
Nor is it likely they will ever think that Kingdom of Brambles, which some men seek to erect (at once, weak, sharp, and fruitless either to God or Man) is like to thrive, till watered with the Royal Blood of those whose right the Kingdom is.  
Well, God's will be done; I doubt not bu● my Innocency will find him both my Protector and my Advocate, who is my only Judge, whom I own as King of Kings; not only for the eminency of His Power and Majesty above them, but also for that singular Care and Protection which he hath over them; who knows them to be exposed to as many Dangers (being the greatest Patrons of Law, Justice, Order, and Religion on Earth) as there be either Men or Devils which love Confusion.  
Nor will he suffer those men long to prosper in their Babel, who build it with the Bones, and cement it with the Blood of their KINGS.  
I am confident they will find Avengers of my Death among themselves: the Injuries I have sustained from them, shall be first punished by them, who agreed in nothing so much as in opposing Me.  
Their impatience to bear the loud cry of my Blood, shall make them think no way better to expiate 〈◊〉 than by shedding theirs who with them most thirsted after Mine.  
The sad Confusions following my Destruction are already presaged and confirmed to Me by those I have lived to see since my Troubles, in which God alone (who only could) hath many ways pleaded my Cause; not sustering them to go unpunished whose Confederacy in Sin was their only Security; who have cause to fear that God will both further divide, and by murual Vengeance afterward destroy them.  
My greatest conquest of Death is from the Power and Love of Christ, who hath swallowed up Death in the Victory of his Resurrection and the glory of his Ascension.  
My next Comfort is, that he gives Me not only the honour to imitate his Example in suffering for Righteousness sake, (though obscured by the foulest charges of Tyranny and Injustice) but also that Charity, which is the noblest Revenge upon and Victory over my Destroyer's; by which, I thank God, I can both forgive them, and pray for them, that God would not impute my Blood to them, further than to convince them what need they have of Christ's Blood to wash their Souls from the guilt of shedding Mine.  
At present, the Will of my Enemies seems to be their only rule, their Power the measure, and their Success the exactor of what they please to call Justice; while they flatter themselves with the fancy of their own Safety by My Danger, and the security of their Lives and Designs by My Death: forgetting, that as the greatest temptations to Sin are wrapped up in seeming Prosperities, so the severest Vengeances of God are then most accomplished when men are suffered to complete their wicked purposer.  
I bless God, I pray not so much that this bitter cup of a Violent Death may pass from Me, as that of his Wrath may pass from all those whose hands by deserting me are sprinkled, or by acting and consenting to my Death are embrued with my Blood.  
The Will of God hath confined and concluded Mine; I shall have the pleasure of dying, without any pleasure of desired Vengeance.  
This I think becomes a Christian toward his Enemies, and a King toward his Subjects.  
They cannot deprive Me of more than I am content to lose, when God sees fit by their hands to take it from Me; whose Mercy, I believe, will more than infinitely recompense whatever by Man's Injustice he is pleased to deprive me of.  
The Glory attending my Death will far surpass all I could enjoy or conceive in Life.  
I shall not want the heavy and envied Crowns of this world, when my God hath mercifully crowned and consummated his Graces with Glory, and exchanged the shadows of my Earthly Kingdoms among men, for the substance of that Heavenly Kingdom with Himself.  
For the censures of the world, I know the sharp and necessary Tyranny of my Destroyer's will sufficiently confute the Calumnies of Tyranny against Me: I am persuaded I am happy in the judicious Love of the ablest and best of my Subjects, who do not only pity and pray for Me, but would be content even to die with Me or for Me.  
These know how to excuse my Failings as a Man, and yet to retain and pay their Duty to Me as their KING; there being no Religious necessity binding any Subjects, by pretending to punish, infinitely to exceed the faults and errors of their Princes, especially there where more than sufficient Satisfaction hath been made to the public; the enjoyment of which private Ambitions have hitherto frustrated.  
Others, I believe, of softer tempers, and less advantaged by my Ruin, do already feel sharp Convictions, and some remorse in their Consciences; where they cannot but see the proportions of their evil deal against Me in the measure of God's retaliations upon them, who cannot hope long to enjoy their own thumbs and toes, having under pretence of paring others nails been so cruel as to cut off their chiefest strength.  
The punishment of the more insolent and obstinate may be like that of Korah and his Complices (at once mutining against both Prince and Priest) in such a method of Divine Justice as is not ordinary; the Earth of the lowest and meanest People opening upon them, and swallowing them up in a just disdain of their illgotten and worse-used Authority, upon whose support and strength they chief depended for their building and establishing their Designs against Me, the Church, and State.  
My chiefest comfort in Death consists in my Peace which, I trust, is made with God; before whose exact Tribunal I shall not fear to appear as to the Cause so long disputed by the Sword between Me and my causeless Enemies: where I doubt not but his Righteous Judgement will confute their Fallacy, who from worldly Success (rather like Sophisters than sound Christians) draw those popular Conclusions for God's Approbation of their actions; whose wise Providence (we know) oft permits many events which his revealed Word (the only clear, safe and fixed Rule of good Actions and good Consciences) in no sort approves.  
I am confident, the Justice of my Cause and Clearness of my Conscience before God and toward my People will carry Me as much above them in God's decision, as their Successes have lifted them above Me in the Vulgar Opinion: who consider not that many times those undertake of men are lifted up to Heaven in the prosperity and applause of the world, whose rise is from Hell as to the Injuriousness and Oppression of the Design. The prosperous winds which oft fill the sails of Pirates, do not justify their Piracy and Rapine.  
I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of Soul, to have been worsted in my enforced Contestation for and Vindication of the Laws of the Land, the Freedom and Honour of Parliaments, the Rights of my Crown, the just Liberty of my Subjects, and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrine, Government and due Encouragements, than if I had with the greatest advantages of Success overborn them all; as some men have now evidently done,  Designs they at first pretended.  
The Prayers and Patience of my Friends and loving Subjects will contribute much to the sweetening of this bitter Cup, which I doubt not but I shall more cheerfully take, and drink as from God's hand, (if it must be so) than they can give it to Me whose hands are unjustly and barbarously lifted up against Me.  
And as to the last event, I may seem to owe more to my Enemies than my Friends; while those will put a period to the Sins and Sorrows attending this miserable Life, wherewith these desire I might still contend.  
I shall be more than Conqueror through Christ enabling Me, for whom I have hitherto suffered, as he is the Author of Truth, Order and Peace; for all which I have been forced to contend against Error, Faction and Confusion.  
If I must suffer a Violent Death, with my Saviour, it is but Mortality crowned with Martyrdom: where the debt of Death which I own for Sin to Nature, shall be raised as a gift of Faith and Patience offered to God.  
Which I humbly beseech him mercifully to accept: and although Death be the wages of My own Sin as from God, and the effect of others Sins as men, both against God and Me; yet as I hope My own Sins are so remitted that they shall be no ingredients to embitter the cup of my Death, so I desire God to pardon their Sins who are most guilty of my Destruction.  
The Trophies of my Charity will be more glorious and durable over them, than their ill-managed Victories over Me.  
Though their Sin be prosperous, yet they had need to be penitent, that they may be pardoned. Both which I pray God they may obtain; that my Temporal Death unjustly inflicted by them may not be revenged by God's just inflicting Eternal Death upon them: for I look upon the Temporal Destruction of the greatest King as far less deprecable than the Eternal Damnation of the meanest Subject.  
Nor do I wish other than the safe bringing of the Ship to shore, when they have cast Me overboard: though it be very strange, that Mariners can sinned no other means to appease the Storm themselves have raised, but by drowning their Pilot.  
I thank God, my Enemy's Cruelty cannot prevent my Preparation; whose Malice in this I shall defeat, that they shall not have the satisfaction to have destroyed my Soul with my Body: of whose Salvation while some of them have themselves seemed and taught others to despair, they have only discovered this, that they do not much desire it.  
Whose uncharitable and cruel Restraints, denying Me even the assistance of any of my Chaplains, hath rather enlarged than any way obstructed my access to the Throne of Heaven.  
Where Thou dwellest, O King of Kings, who fillest Heaven and Earth, who art the fountain of Eternal Life, in whom is no shadow of Death.  
Thou, O God, art both the just Inflicter of Death upon us, and the merciful Saviour of us in it and from it.  
Yea it is better for us to be dead to ourselves, and live in Thee, than by living in ourselves to be deprived of Thee.  
O make the many bitter aggravations of my Death, as a Man and a King, the opportunities and advantages of thy special Graces and Comforts in my Soul, as a Christian.  
If Thou, Lord, wilt be with Me, I shall neither fear nor feel any evil, though I walk through the valley of the shadow of Death.  
To contend with Death, is the work of a weak and mortal man; to overcome it, is the Grace of Thee alone, who art the Almighty and Immortal God.  
O my Saviour, who knowest what it is to die with Me as a man, make Me to know what it is to pass through Death to Life with Thee my God.  
Though I die, yet I know that Thou my Redeemer livest for ever: though Thou slayest Me, yet Thou hast encouraged Me to trust in Thee for Eternal Life.  
O withdraw not thy Favour from Me, which is better than Life.  
O be not far from Me, for I know not how near a violent and Cruel Death is to Me.  
As thy Omniscience, O God, discovers, so thy Omnipotence can defeat the Designs of those who have, or shall conspire my Destruction.  
O show Me the goodness of thy Will, through the wickedness of theirs.  
Thou givest Me leave, as a man, to pray that this Cup may pass from Me; but Thou hast taught Me, as a Christian, by the example of Christ, to add, Not My will, but Thine be done.  
Yea, Lord, let our wills be one, by wholly resolving Mine into Thine: let not the desire of Life in Me be so great, as that of doing or suffering thy Will in either Life or Death.  
As I believe Thou hast forgiven all the Errors of my Life, so I hope Thou wilt save Me from the Terrors of my Death.  
Make Me content to leave the Worlds Nothing, that I may come really to enjoy All in Thee, who hast made Christ unto Me in Life Gain, and in Death Advantage.  
Though my Destroyer's forget their Duty to Thee and Me; yet do not Thou, O Lord, forget to be merciful to them.  
For what profit is there in my Blood, or in their gaining my Kingdoms, if they lose their own Souls?  
Such as have not only resisted my just Power, but wholly usurped and turned it against Myself, though they may deserve, yet let them not receive to themselves Damnation.  
Thou madest thy Son a Saviour to many that crucified Him, while at once He suffered violently by them, and yet willingly for them.  
O let the voice of his Blood be heard for My Murderers, louder than the Cry of Mine against them.  
Prepare them for thy Mercy by due Convictions of their Sin, and let them not at once deceive and damn their own Souls, by fallacious pretensions of Justice in destroying Me; while the conscience of their unjust Usurpation of power against Me chief tempts them to use all extremities against Me.  
O Lord, Thou knowest I have found their Mercies to Me, as very false, so very cruel; who pretending to preserve Me, have meditated nothing but my Ruin.  
O deal not with them as bloodthirsty and deceitful men; but overcome their Cruelty with Thy Compassion and My Charity.  
And when Thou makest inquisition for my Blood, O sprinkle their polluted, yet penitent, Souls with the Blood of thy Son, that thy destroying Angel may pass over them.  
Though they think my Kingdoms on Earth too little to entertain at once both them and Me; yet let the capacious Kingdom of thy infinite Mercy at last receive both Me and my Enemies.  
When being reconciled to Thee in the Blood of the same Redeemer, we shall live far above these Ambitious desires, which beget such mortal Enmities.  
When their hands shall be heaviest and cruelest upon Me, O let Me fall into the arms of thy tender and eternal Mercies.  
That what is cut off of my Life in this miserable moment, may be repaid in thy ever-blessed Eternity.  
Lord, let thy Servant departed in Peace, for my eyes have seen thy Salvation.  
Vota dabunt quae bella negârunt.   

M. S.  
Sanctissimi Regis & Martyris, CAROLI Primi.  
Siste, Viator;  
Luge, Obmutesce, Mirare:  
Memento CAROLI ILLIUS  
Nominis pariter & insignissimae Pietatis PRIMI,  
MAGNAE BRIT ANNIAE ILLIUS,  
Qui Rebellium Perfidiâ primò deceptus,  
Dein Perfidorum Rabie percussus,  
Inconcussus tamen LEGUM & FIDEI DEFENSOR,  
Schismaticorum Tyrannidi succubuit,  
Anno  
Salutis Humanae MDCXLVIII,  
Servitutis Britannicae, Primo,  
Felicitatis Suae, Primo,  
Coronâ Terrestri spoliatus, Coelesti donatus.  
Sed, Sileant periturae Tabellae:  
Perlege RELIQUIAS verè Sacras CAROLINAS,  
In Queis,  
Ipsa Sui Iconem, Aere perenniorem,  
vivaciùs exprimit  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉   

CAROLI Primi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epitaphium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  

SIstas sacrilegum Pedem, Viator,  
Nè forsan temeres sacros sepulchri  
Augusti Cineres. Repôstus hîc est  
In Terrae Gremio Decor Stupórque  
Humani Generis; Senex, & Infans;  
Prudens scilicet Innocén sque Princeps:  
Regni praesidium, Ruina Regni;  
Vitâ Praesidium, Ruina Morte.  
Quem Regem potiùs, Patrém ve dicam?  
O Patrem priùs, & deinde Regem!  
Regem quippe Suî, Patrémque Regni.  
Hic Donúmque Dei, Deíque Cura,  
(Quem Vitáque refert, refértque Morte,)  
Ringente Satanâ, Canente Coelo,  
Diro in Pegmate [Gloriae Theatro]  
Et Christi Cruce, Victor, & Securi  
Baptistae emicuit. Ruina Felix!  
Quâ Divum Carolus secutus Agnum,  
Et postliminio domum vocatus  
Primaevae Patriae fit Inquilinus.  
Sic Lucis priùs Hesperus Cadentis  
Resplendet modò Phosphorus Reversae.  
Hic Vindex Fidei sacer Vetustae,  
Cui par est nihil, & nihil secundum,  
Naturae Typus absolutioris,  
Fortunae Domitor ferendo suae;  
Qui quantum Calicis bibit tremendi,  
Tantundem sibi Gloriae reportat;  
Regum Maximus, unicúsque Regum,  
In quo Res minima est, fuisse Regem.  
Solus, qui superâ locatus Arce  
Vel Vitâ poterit frui priore.  
Quum sint Relliquiae, Cadaver, Umbra  
Tam sacri Capitis vel ipsa sacra,  
Ipsis Eulogiis coinquinata,  
Quaeque ipsum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prophanat;  
Sistas sacrilegum Pedem, Viator.   Tho. Pierce D. D. Coll. Magd. apud Oxon. Praeses.  

An EPITAPH upon KING CHARLES.  

SO falls that stately Cedar; while it stood  
That was the only glory of the Wood;  
Great CHARLES, thou earthly God, celestial Man,  
Whose life, like others, though it were a span;  
Yet in that span was comprehended more  
Than Earth hath waters, or the Ocean shore:  
Thy heavenly virtues Angels should rehearse,  
It is a the am too high for humane Verse:  
He that would know thee right, then let him look  
Upon thy rare incomparable Book,  
And read it o'er and o'er: which if he do,  
he'll find thee King, and Priest, and Prophet too;  
And sadly see our loss, and, though in vain,  
With fruitless wishes call thee back again:  
Nor shall oblivion sit upon thy Hearse,  
Though there were neither Monument, nor Verse.  
Thy Sufferings and thy Death let no man name,  
It was thy Glory, but the Kingdom's Shame.   J. H.  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.    

THE CONTENTS.  

Anno MDC. KIng CHARLES His Lineage and Birth. Page 1.  
MDCII. A presage of His Succession to the Crown. p. 3.  
MDCIU He is Created Duke of York. His proficiency in his Studies. p. 4.  
MDCXII. His Succession in the Dukedom of Cornwall. His Juvenile Exercises. p. 5.  
MDCXVI. He is Created Prince of Wales. p. 6.  
MDCXVIII. The Death of Queen Anne. His great improvement in Theological Controversies. p. 9  
MDCXXII. His Journey into Spain, and the success of it. p. 10.  
MDCXXIII. His Return. The Proposal of a Match with France. p. 14.  
MDCXXV. King James his death. His Succession in the Kingdom. The State of it at his first coming to it. His Coronation. p. 15.  
MDCXXVII. The Expedition to the Isle of Rhee. Assistance afforded to Rochel. p. 23.  
MDCXXX. The Birth of Prince CHARLES. p. 29.  
MDCXXXII. Tumults in Ireland. Lord Strafford sent Deputy thither. p. 32.  
MDCXXXIII. His Journey into Scotland, and Coronation there. p. 33.  
MDCXXXIV. The business of Ship-money. p. 36.  
MDCXXXVII. Troubles began in Scotland, and upon what pretence. p. 40.  
MDCXXXIX. An agreement made with the Scots. p. 44.  
MDCXL. An Army raised against the Scots. A Parliament called. p. 45.  
MDCXLI. 

The Arraignment and Execution of the Earl of Strafford. The Factious Designs of the Zealots in the Parliament. p. 50.  
The Rebellion in Ireland. p. 64.  
The Queen's departure out of England. p. 80.  
The King's withdrawment from London. p. 83.  
His repulse at Hull by Hotham. p. 88  
Armiesraised on both sides. p. 97.  
The Battle at Edge-hill. p. 102.    
MDCXLIII. The Queen's return into England. The King's Successes. p. 105.  
MDCXLIV. 

The King's Victories over the Rebels. p. 113.  
The Trial and Execution of the Archbishop of Canterbury. p. 118.  
His Character. p. 120.    
MDCXLV. The Battle at Naseby, and its ill influence upon the King's Party. p. 128.  
MDCXLVI. The King's withdrawment to the Scottish Army. p. 133.  
MDCXLVII. The King removed from Holmby to Hampton-Court. His flight into the Isle of Wight. p. 139.  
MDCXLVIII. 

The Treaty in the Isle of Wight. p. 164.  
A Court Erected for the Trial of the King. p. 179.  
His Trial, and Carriage there. p. 192.  
His Martyrdom, and Burial. p. 201.  
His Incomparable Book. p. 208.  
His Character. His Religion. p. 212.  
His Justice. p. 223.  
His Clemency. p. 225.  
His Fortitude. p. 229.  
His Patience. p. 232.  
His Humility. p. 237.  
His choice of Ministers of State. p. 239.  
His Affection to his People. p. 240.  
His obliging Converse. p. 243.  
His Fidelity. p. 244.  
His Chastity. p. 246.  
His Temperance. p. 247.  
His Frugality. p. 248.  
His Intellectual abilities. p. 250.  
His skill in all Arts. p. 252.  
His Eloquence. p. 254.  
His Political Prudence. p. 255.  
The censure of his Fortune. p. 257.  
A presage of His Fall, and the future State of the Royal Family. p. 259.  
His Recreations. p. 260.  
The features of His Body. p. 262.  
His Children. p. 263.  
An Appendix. p. 267.  
His Select Meditations upon the denial of the Attendance of His Chaplains. p. 268.  
Penitential Meditations and Vows in His Solitude at Holmby. p. 281.  
His Declaration after the Votes of no further Address. p. 287.  
Meditations upon Death, after the Votes of Non-Address, and His Majesties closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook Castle. p. 293.  
His Epitaph. 312.  
His Epitaph by Doctor Pierce. p. 313.  
Another Epitaph by J.H. p. 315.     
THE END.   

Lately Printed for Richard Royston, at the Angel in Amen-Corner,  
THE Estate of the EMPIRE: or, an Abridgement of the Laws and Government of GERMANY; farther showing what Condition the EMPIRE was in, when the Peace was Concluded at Munster: Also the several Fights, Battles, and Desolation of Cities during the War in that EMPIRE: And also of the GOLDEN BULL. In 8ᵒ  
The Sicilian Tyrant: Or, The Life and Death of AGATHOCLES: With some Reflections on our Modern Usurpers. 8ᵒ  
The ROYAL MARTYR, and the Dutiful Subject, in two SERMONS. By Guilbert Burnet. 4ᵒ