THE ANCIENT RIGHT OF THE Commons of England ASSERTED; OR, A DISCOURSE Proving by Records and the best Historians, that the Commons of England were ever an Essential part of Parliament.  
By WILLIAM PETYT of the Inner-Temple. Esq.  
Non nulli taedio investigandae veritatis cullibet opini●● potius igna●i succambunt, quam explorandâ veritati pertinaci diligentiâ perseverare volunt.  Min. Foelix. 
Inter ●ericula veritatis & libertatis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
LONDON, Printed for F. Smith, T. Bassett, J. Wright, R. Chiswell, and S. Heyrick, 1680.   

To the Right Honourable Arthur Earl of ESSEX, Viscount MALDON, Baron Capell of HADHAM, Lord Lieutenant of the County of HERTFORD, one of his Majesty's most Honourable Privy-Council, and First Lord Commissioner of his Majesty's Treasury.  
MY LORD,  
THere have been Authors of modern times, who have in their Writings, concerning the Government of this Kingdom, published to the World, That the Commons of England (as now phrased) were no part of the ancient Commune Concilium, or Parliament of this Nation, before the forty ninth Year of H. 3. and then introduced by Rebellion.  
A Position when seriously weighed, equally wounds the Peerage of England, since the same Authors say, that there is no formal Summons of the Lords to Parliament, found upon Record before that time.  
After I had often considered so great a point, and having often read of the freedom of this Nation, that no Englishman could lose his right or property but by Law, the Life and Soul of this so famous and so excellently constituted Government, the best polity upon Earth (which when united in all its parts by prudent Councils, made always the people happy at home in Peace, and the Crown ever Victorious abroad in War) I did resolve to take pains to search, if matters thus represented to the highest disadvantage and prejudice of the people of England, were true or false; which I have industriously and impartially endeavoured, and hope with that clearness, that will evidence to all unbiased judgements, the unsoundness of those Opinions.  
When I had so done, being unwilling my labour should be to myself alone, and not to those who search after knowledge in these matters, to disabuse and prevent others from building upon such mistaken and dangerous Foundations, I thought it not unseasonable to publish this Discourse, wherein there is no Record cited, but (in my opinion) equally asserts the right of the Peers of this Kingdom, as well as of the Commons, and therefore have taken the boldness to send it into the World under your Lordship's Protection, whom I know to be a great Lover of Truth, To which all mankind ought to pay Allegiance. I should have had great satisfaction, if before it had been put to the Press, it might have received your Lordship's judicious corrections and approbation, whose knowledge and industry in venerable Antiquity, and all other useful Learning, is well known unto the World.  
But this happiness I could not reasonably expect, your Lordship's time being so much taken up in the service of the Crown, whereof your Lordship is so eminent, and so great a Pillar, as your Honourable Employments both at home and abroad, do sufficiently demonstrate. I most humbly beg your Lordships Pardon for my presumption in this Dedication, which fault I hope may be extenuated by the relation I have to your Lordship in my Profession, and being deprived of other means, publicly to show my humble gratitude for the many favours your Lordship has been pleased to confer upon,  
My Lord, Your Lordship's most humble, most faithful, and most obedient Servant, W. Petyt.   

THE PREFACE.  
MY principal design in this following Discourse, is impartially to vindicate the just honour of our English Parliament from the calumnies and reproaches of some late Authors who have asserted,  
1. That an essential part of that Great Council, viz. the Commons of England, represented by the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses in Parliament, were introduced and began An. 49 H. 3. by Rebellion.  
2. That before that time the Commons were never admitted to have any Votes, or share in the making of Laws for the Government of the Kingdom, nor to any Communication in affairs of State.  
To discover and refute the unsoundness of the second Position, and that the contrary may appear to be true, I shall before I come to answer the first, consider the second, and endeavour to prove, that during the British, Saxon, and Norman Governments, the Freemen or Commons of England, as now called and distinguished from the great Lords, were pars essentialis & constituens, an essential and constituent part of the Wittena Gemot, Commune Concilium, Baronagium Angliae, or Parliament, in those Ages.  

1. Under the British Government.  
THE Britons called their Commune Concilium, or Parliament, Kyfr-ythen 
Spelm. Concil. Tom. 1. p. 34.  then, because their Laws were therein ordained; and upon K. Lucius his Letter to Pope Elutherius, to send him the Roman Laws, the Pope who could not be ignorant of the constitution and frame of the British Polity, writes back to him, Habetis penes vos in Regno 
Erac Beltaunia viginti & octo Civitatibus quondam nobili●●imis insignita praeter Casteila innumera quae 〈◊〉 ipsa muris, turribus, portis ac seris eraut instructa ●●rm●●simis. 〈◊〉 Er●l. H●●t. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 C●● 〈◊〉.  utramque paginam, ex illis Dei gratia per Concilium Regni vestri sum legem, & per illam Dei potentia vestrum rege Britanniae Regnum But what their Laws and particular Government were, is very uncertain, by reason that Scripta Patriae (as Gildas says) Scriptorumve Monumenta (si quae fuerint) aut ignibus hostium exusta aut Civium exulum classe longius deportata non comparent. The Histories of our Country (if there were any) are not to be found, being either burnt by the Enemy, or carried beyond the Seas by the banished Britons. Yet this is certain, and not to be denied, that 〈◊〉 their elder time, the People or Freemen, had a great share in their public Council and Government. For Dion Cassius, 
Xiphilin. è Dione Cassio p. 601. impress. Basiliae.  or Xipniline out of him in the Life of Severus assures us, Apud hos i. e. Britannos populus magna ex parte principatum tenet.   

2. Under the Saxon Government.  
IT cannot be doubted but that the Saxons who made themselves Masters of the British Nation, brought with them their Country Laws, and Government; and that the Commons were an essential and constituent part of their Commune Concilium, Tacitus tells us, De minoribus rebus Principes consultant, de majoribus omnes, ita tamen ut ea quoque quorum penes plebem arbitrium est, apud Principes praetractentur.  
After the Saxon Government became united and fixed under a sole Christian Monarch, they still continued and kept their ancient Wittena Gemots, or Parliaments, as now phrased, wherein they made Laws and managed the great affairs of the King and Kingdom, according to the Platform of their Ancestors. Many Authorities might be given to evidence this, I will instance in three or four.  
1. then, We have that famous 
Sp●●m. Con 〈…〉. To●●. 1. p. 126.  Parliament summoned by King Ethelbert, An. 605. which my Author calls, Commune Concilium tam Cleri quam populi.  
2. About the Year 712. 
Idem Tom. 1. pag. 219.  King Ina assembled a great Council or Parliament, wherein he made Ecclesiastical Laws concerning Marriages, etc. and did other things, ad concordiam publicam promovendam per Commune Concilium & assensum omnium Episcoporum, & Principum, Procerum, Comitum & omnium sapientum seniorum & populorum totius Regni.  
3. And we read elsewhere, 
●ed. Eccles. Histor. lib. 1.  that the grand League and Union between the Britons, Saxons, and Picts, was concluded and confirmed, Per Commune Concilium & assensum omnium Episcoporum, Procerum, Comitum & omnium Sapientum seniorum & populorum & per praeceptum Regis Inae.  
4. Anno Dom. 905. Plegmundus 
Antiquit. Britanniae, p. 75.  Cantuar. Archiepiscopus unacum Rege magnifico cognominato Edwardo Seniore Concilium magnum Episcoporum, Abbatum, Fidelium, Procerum & Populorum in Provincia Gewisorum (in illa parte Angliae quae in plaga australi sita est Fluminis Thamesis) convocant, etc. unde salubriter constitutum est in hac Synodo ut 
Parliamentum Synodus magna nuncupatur. Somn●●i 〈◊〉.  pro duobus Episcopis quorum unus Wintoniae, alter Sireburniae sedem habuit, quinque crearentur antistites, ne grex Domini pastorum cura orbatus luporum lanienae & voracitati subjicerentur; and there were several other Laws then made.  
William of Malmsbury 
Malme●b. lib. 3 p. 56. l. 24.  expresseth the Saxon Wittena Gemott thus, Generalis Senatus & Populi Conventus & Edictum.  
Sir Henry Spelman: Convenere 
〈…〉 m. Gloss. 〈◊〉. Gemotum, ●ol. 261.  Regni Principes tam Episcopi quam Magistratus liberique homines, consulitur de communi salute, de pace & bello & de utilitate publica promovenda.  
Camden thus: Quod saxons 
Camd. Britan. in 8ᵒ. impress. 1586. fol. 63.  olim Wittena Gemot, nos Parliamentum, & Pananglicum recte dici possit, summamque & sacrosanctam authoritatem habet in Legibus ferendis, confirmandis, antiquandis, interpretandis & in omnibus quae ad Reipublicae salutem spectant. And so we find Edward the Confessor reforming and confirming the ancient Saxon Laws, and making new ones, and that done à Rege, Baronibus & 
Lambard de priseiss Anglor. Legibus Cap. 8. sol. 139.  Populo, as particularly in the Law de Apibus, how Tithes ought to be paid of them, and other things.  
Hence it is apparent and past all contradiction, that the Commons in those Ages were an essential part of the Legislative power, in making and ordaining Laws, by which themselves and their posterity were to be governed, and that 
Bracton 〈◊〉. 134. Coke 12. Rep. sol. 65. Plouden. Come. sol. 236, 237.  the Law was then the golden metwand and rule which measured out and allowed the Prerogative of the Prince and Liberty of the Subject, (and when obstructed or denied to either, made the Kingdom deformed and leprous.) That great Monarch Aethelstan, in his Prologue to his Laws, made per Commune Concilium Regni, thus declared and admitted; Ea mihi vos tantummodo 
〈◊〉 Con●ilia pag. 39 397. Chron. ●o●annis Br 〈…〉 pton, Col. 841.  comparatis velim quae juste ac legitime parare possitis. Neque enim mihi ad vitae usum quicquam injuste acquiri cupiverim, Etenim cum ea ego vobis lege vestra omnia benigne largitus sim, ut mea mihi vos itidem concedatis.  
I have passed over the Danish Government, because I do not find that there was any great mutation, either of the Council or Laws of the English Nation. It is true, King Knute obtained the Diadem or Dominion of England; but 'tis as true he did not govern more Victoris, as may evidently be proved, 1. From 
I 〈…〉 o Commu 〈…〉 de Term. S 〈…〉ae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 7 〈◊〉. 2. p 〈…〉 R 〈…〉 Domini Thesaur. in S●●●ca●io rema 〈…〉. Cha●●a Regis 〈◊〉.  the form of penning his Laws, they being ordained and confirmed, Cum consilio & Decreto Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum, Abbatum, Comitum, aliorumque omnium fidelium, words of a large comprehension. 2. From his general Law, or Declaration of Right to the English thus delivered to us by a faithful Historian, William of 
will. Malm●b. de Gestis Reg. Anglor. l. 2. pag. 4●. b. 〈◊〉. 16.  Malmesbury, who lived near those times. Obtestor & praecipio meis Consiliariis quibus Regni Consilia credidi, ne ullo modo aut propter meum timorem aut alicujus potentis personae favorem, aliquam injustitiam, amodò consentiant vel faciant pullulare in omni Regno meo. Praecipio etiam omnibus Vicecomitibus & Praepositis universis Regni mei sicut meam volunt habere amicitiam aut suam salutem, ut nulli homini nec diviti vel pauperi vim injustam inferant, sed omnibus tam Nobilibus quam ignobilibus sit fas justa lege potiundi, à qua nec propter favorem Regium nec propter alicujus potentis personam, nec propter mihi congerendam pecuniam ullo modo deviant; quia nulla mihi necessitas est, ut iniqua exactione pecunia mihi congeratur. After which the Historian says: Omnes 
●g. 42. l. 21.  enim leges ab antiquis Regibus & maxim ab Antecessore suo Ethelredo latas sub interminatione Regiae mulctae perpetuis temporibus observari praecepit, in quarum custodia etiam nunc tempore bonorum sub nomine Regis Edwardi juratur, non quod ille statuerit sed quod observaverit.   

3. Under the Normans.  

King William the First.  
THough William the Conqueror got the Imperial Crown of England, and introduced several Arbitrary Laws, as new tenors, etc. yet did he never make such an absolute Conquest, nor did the Kingdom receive so universal a change, as our English modern Authors (as it were by a general Confederacy, without examination of truth) have published to the World, who father upon this revolution all the alterations which their conceits or fancies can imagine and suppose. Thucydides 
Lib. 1.  saith, Men receive the report of things, though of their own Country, if done before their time, all alike, from one as from another, without any examination; In like manner have those our Historians been mistaken, by transcribing and patching out their Histories one from another, so that in conclusion, with their own additions or comments, truth in many things is utterly lost.  
1. The word Conquestor or Conqueror, did not in that Age import or signify what our late Authors by flattery have since made it; nor did it carry with it the enslaving of the Nation, after that William had obtained the Victory against Harold, there being no more in the Denomination of Conqueror, than that after William had made claim to the Crown from King Edward the Confessor, and Harold opposed him, he was forced to get his right by Battle against King Harold; and as to the word Conquestus or Conquest, Mat. Paris writes, 
Mat. 〈◊〉. pag. 〈◊〉.  Rex Angliae ex Conquestu dicitur tamen, quod beatus Edwardus, eo quod haerede caruit, Regnum legavit Willielmo Bastardo Duci Normannorum. Sir Henry Spelman 
〈…〉  in his Glossary says, Willielmus primus Conquestor dicitur quia Angliam conquisivit, i. e. acquisivit, purchased, non quod subegit. And Sir John Skene Clerk of the Register Council, and Rolls to King James in Scotland, in his Book, De verborum significatione, pag. 39 writes Conquestus signifies Land's quhilk any person acquiris, and possessis privato jure, vel singulari titulo vel donatione vel singulari aliquo contractu. And therefore the learned Knight, Sir Roger Twi●den, who well understood the force of the word Conquestus, in his Preface before that King's Laws, says, Non existimo 
A 〈…〉 Lamberdum.  Willielmum primum de omnium Anglorum terris ad voluntatem suam & pro libitu in modum absolutae dominationis disposuisse.  
All which is most plain and justified infallibly by Doomsday Book, made in that 
S 〈…〉 Review of his History of Tithes. Sir ●oh● Da 〈…〉 Reports, in his C 〈…〉 of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 4●.  King's Reign, and in other subsequent Records, where the title and claim of many common persons to their own and Ancestors possessions, both in his time and in the time of the Saxon Kings, are clearly allowed; but if King William had made an absolute and universal Conquest of the Realm in the modern sense, how could such Titles have held, or who would or durst have made such claim, even against the King himself? would he not have seized all into his own hands, and granted the Conquered Lands to others? and his grant could not have been avoided by any Englishman who had the inheritance and possession, and lived in peace before and at his coming in, and no title could be derived but from or under him, at lest none could have been maintained against his Grant. But that the contrary was true, will evidently appear if we consider, 1. That it is recorded in Doomsday Book, that King William had certain Lands in Demesne, viz. the Lands which were in the hands of King Edward, and entitled Terrae Edwardi Regis, and other Lands, which were forfeited to him by those who took part with Harold, entitled Terrae Regis. 2. William the first having given away Sharnborn 
Camd. Britan.  in Norfolk, to Warren a great Favourite, one of his Normans; Edwinus de Sharnborn, being an Englishman, and true owner of the estate, demands his right in open Court, before the King, upon this reason of Law, that he never was against the King, either before or after he came in; whereupon the King, vinculo juramenti astrictus, gave judgement of right against the Norman, and Sharnborn recovered the Lordship. Sir 
Spelmans Glossary verbo Drenches, pag. 184.  Henry Spelman out of an ancient Manuscript concerning the Family of the Sharnborns in Norfolk, hath it thus. Edwinus de Sharborne & quidam alii qui ejecti fuerunt è terris suis, abierunt ad Conquestorem & dixerunt ei quod nunquam ante Conquestum, nec in Conquestu nec post fuerunt contra ipsum Regem in consilio & auxilio, sed tenuerunt se in pace. Et hoc parati sunt probare quo modo ipse Rex vellet ordinare. Per quod idem Rex fecit inquiri per totam Angliam si ita fuit, quod quidem probatum fuit: propter quod idem Rex praecepit ut omnes qui sic se tenuerunt in pace in forma praedicta, quod ipsi rehaberent omnes terras & dominationes suas adeo integre & in pace ut unquam habuerunt vel tenuerunt ante Conquestum suum. This is cited almost as the only case or act of favour the Conqueror did; but that is a great mistake, for many other instances I could give of this nature, all acts of Justice and right, as appears in Doomsday Book; much more may be said upon this subject. I will only add the Judicious assertion of a great Lawyer and Judge in Edward the Thirds time, admitted and agreed as a rule of Law and truth, by the Judges, and transmitted to posterity. Le Conqueror (saith he) ne 
Sha●d. in Ca●. in etin. Temp. E. 3. fol. 143. b. Johannes Shardelowe unus Justi●. de Banco. Rot. Pat. 16 E. 3. Par● 1. m. 2.  vient pas pur ouster eux, qui avoient droiturell possession, mes de ouster eux que de lour tort avoient occupie ascun terre en desheritance del Roy & son Corone. It was spoken upon an objection made in a Quo Warranto against the Abbot of Peterborough, concerning a Charter granted by King Edgar to that Abbey, which the King's Council would have avoided upon this pretence for want of a better, because by the Conquest all Franchises were devolved and come to the Crown.  
2. King William claimed the English Diadem, Jure haereditario, from Edward the 
In ore gladii (saith he) Regnum adeptus sum, Anglorum devicto Haraldo Rege cum suis complicibus qui mihi regnum cum providentia Dei destinatum & beneficio concessionis Domini & cognati mei gloriosi Regis Edwardi concesa●● conati sunt a●s●rre, etc. Chart. 〈◊〉. in inspex. Part. 7. 1● E. 4. membr. 26  Confessor, which both his own Laws, Charters, and the Charters of his two Sons William and Henry, do fully prove: There are some indeed that mention that he obtained the Crown, ore gladii, but that must be understood quod jure belli contra Harolaum ipse acquisivit, as a Manuscript Historian says. 
MS. penes meipsum.   
3. He did not make an actual Conquest by his Arms (when he came in) of the fifth part of the Nation, for the Pope having sent him a consecrated Banner, and a Bull of Excommunication against the Bishops and Clergy, if they opposed him in adhering to King Harold, and he having got the Victory at Hastings, and the Clergy with several of the Nobility (whom he had purchased to his part, both by money and great assurances of preferment and other advantages) basely and treacherously deserting Edgar Etheling, a soft and weak Prince, yet right Heir to the Crown; at length upon William's declaring that he would confirm the Laws of Saint Edward, he was electus à Clero & Populo, and with all the Ceremonies and Solemnities then in use, was Crowned at Westminster, the whole Nation submitting to him. But hear what the Historians of those times say.  
Londoniam convenientibus 
〈…〉.  Francis & Anglis (ad Nativitatem Domini) illisque omnibus concedentibus Coronam totius Angliae & Dominationem suscepit. Die 
〈…〉.  ordinationi decreto locutus ad Anglos condecenti sermone Eborac. Archiepiscopus sapiens, bonus, eloquens, an consentirent eum sibi Dominum coronari inquisivit, Protestati sunt hilarem consensum universi minime haesitantes, ac si coelitus unâ ment datâ unâque voce Anglorum voluntati quam facillime Normanni consonuerunt sermocinato apud eos a● sententiam percunctato à Constantini Praesule, sic electum consecravit Archiepiscopus, imposuit ei Diadema ipsumque regio solio, etc.  
Ante Altar S. Petri Apostoli 
〈…〉.  coram Ciero & Populo jurejurando promittens se velle Sanctas Dei Ecclesias & Rectores illarum defendere necnon & cunctum Populum sibi subjectum just & regali providentia regere, rectam legem statuere & tenere, rapinas injustaque judicia penitus interdicere. Exacto 
Main●●●sh. de Gest. Pontif. pag. 154. b.  prius coram omni populo jurejurando quod se modeste erga subditos ageret & aequo jure Anglos & Francos tractaret.  
Pursuant to all which, and to fix himself more sure in that his new-got Chair of Sovereignty, he by his Magna Charta, or Great Charter, grants and confirms the Laws of Edward the Confessor. 
〈◊〉. Concil. Tom. 2. pag. 3●1, 342. 〈◊〉 Pi 〈…〉 is 〈◊〉 saith, Pag. ●●8. nulli Gallo datum quod Anglo cuiquam injustè sterit ablatum.  Willielmus etiam Rex cui Sanctus Edwardus Regnum contùlit, leges ipsius Sancti servandas esse concessit, saith Sir Henry Spelman. But now 
S●ldeni ad Eadm●rum Spiceleg. pag. 190.  we will set down a branch of the Charter, which runs thus. Volumus etiam ac firmiter praecipimus & concedimus ut omnes liberi homines totius Monarchiae Regni nostri praedicti habeant & teneant terras suas & possessiones suas bene & in pace, libere ab omni exactione injusta & ab omni Tallagio. Ita quod nihil ab eis exigatur vel capiatur nisi servitium suam liberum quod de jure nobis facere debent & facere tenentur & prout statutum est ets 
Net.  & illis à nobis datum & concessum jure haereditario imperpetuum 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Conquest.  per Commune Concilium t●tius Regni nostri pr●di●●i.  
From all which it must necessarily be granted, 1. That this Statute or Law, was made per Commune Concilium totius Regni. 2. The Magna Charta of W. 1. H. 1. King Stephen, H. 2. and King John (the last of which says, Nullum scutag●um 
〈◊〉 pag. ●●5, 257.  v●●●●●xilium ponam in Regno nostro 〈◊〉 per Commu●● Co●silium Regni ●●stri, the same in substa 〈…〉 with the Great Charter of William 〈◊〉.) was but 〈◊〉 resti●●●●on and declaration of the ancient Common Law and right of the 
〈…〉  Kingdom, and no Law introduced de novo, or forced upon King John at Running-mead, to the disinberison of the Crown, and which by their several sacred Coronation Oaths they had so solemnly sworn inviolably to observe and keep.  
'Tis true indeed King William the First gave away the Estates of several of those who were in Arms against him, to his Adventurers and followers, but the rest of the English (as well by his Coronation Oath, as by a solemn ratification of St. Edward's Laws in a Parliament in his 
S●●●●ns Titles of Honour, pag. 580.  fourth year) were to enjoy their Estates and the benefit of those Laws; but that being not done in the general, and the English (who declared à 
●em pag 523.  majoribus didicisse aut libertatem aut mortem) being oppressed by the King and Normans, begun to be very uneasy under his Government, so that things were brought, to that pass, that he vehemently feared, ne totum Regnum 
Mat. 〈◊〉 in ●●ta Sanct● 〈◊〉 Abbot 〈…〉, pag. 48.  turpiter amitteret etiam trucidatus; to obviate which mischiess in the seventh year of his Reign, (for so I take it,) by the policy of Lanfrank Archbishop of Canterbury, serena facie vocavit eos, i. e. the English, ad pacem sed subdolam, who meeting at Berkhamsted, post multos disceptationes, both parties came to a second-compact, and the King to give them satisfaction, reiterated his Coronation Oath, and swore upon the Holy Evangelists and Relics of St. Alban, bonas 
Mat. Pair in vita 〈◊〉 Abbat 〈…〉 〈◊〉 l. 3●.  & approbatas antiquas Regni leges quas sancti & pii Angliae Reges ejus Antecessores & maxim Rex Edwardus statuit, inviolabiliter observare, & sic pacificati ad propria laeti recesserunt. Rex autem caute propositum suum pallians, persuaded many of the principal of the Nobility and Gentry to attend him into Normandy, where Civitatem 
Hoviden pars prior pag. 260.  quae Cynomannis, & Provinciam ad illam pertinentem maximo Anglorum auxilio quos de Anglia secum adduxerat, sibi subjugavit, the rest that remained here, he suddenly set upon apàrt, which he durst not attempt when united, multos 
Mat. Paris in ●●●a S. A●bani Abbatum, pag. 48.  eorum trucidando, exhaeredando & quamplures proscribendo, leges violans memoratas, & spoliatis Anglis pro libitu ac sine judicio Curiali depauperatis suos Normannos in suorum hominum Anglorum 
* Naturalium.  natalium qui ipsum sponte sublimaverunt, provocationem, locupletavit. So that after this time, 'tis plain, he bore a heavy hand upon the English, and increased his severity to acts of high injustice and barbarous cruelty, and so gave occasion to Historians in future Ages, to say, that when he came in, he totally subdued and crushed the Nation, Nobility, and Gentry. Yet notwithstanding the great power he took, we meet with some general Councils or Parliaments in his Reign, whereby it appears, that the Freemen or Commons of England, were there, and had a share in making of Laws; for what could the promised restitution of the Laws of Edward the Confessor signify, if their Wittena Gemot, or Parliament, the Augustissimum Anglicarum libertatum Asylum & sacra Anchora, was destroyed and broken?  
For one of the fundamental and principal ends of Parliaments, was for the redress of Grievances, and easing the Oppressions of the People. The Mirror of Justices, an ancient 
Mirror of justices, Chap. 1. pag. 9  and learned Treatise of the Law, saith, that Parliaments were instituted, pur oyer & terminer les plaintes de tort de le Roy, de la Roigne & de lour Infans, & de eux specialment de queux Torts lun ne poet aver autrement common droit, To hear and determine the Complaints of the wrongful Acts of the King, the Queen, and their Children, and especially of those persons against whom the subject otherwise could not have common justice.  
And Knighton (one of 
De Eventibus Anglia Lib. 5. sol. 2681. Col. 1, 2.  our best Historians) writes, Quod ex antiquo Statuto & Consuetudine laudabili & approbata, etc. That by an ancient Statute and Custom, laudable and approved, which no man could deny; the King was once in the year to convene his Lords and Commons to his Court of Parliament, as to the highest Court of the whole Realm. In qua omnis Aequitas relucere deberet absque qualibet scrupulositate vel nota, tanquam sol in ascensu meridiei, ubi pauperes & divites pro Refrigerio tranquilliratis & pacis & Repulsione injuriarum refugium infallibile quaerere possent, ac etiam errata Regni reformare & de statu & gubernation Regis & Regni cum sapientiori Concilio tractare; ut Inimici Regis & Regni intrinseci & Hosts extrinseci destruantur & repellantur, qualiter quoque onera incumbentia Regi & Regno levius ad Ediam Communitatis supportari poterunt. In which Court all Equity ought to shine forth without the least Cloud or Shadow, like the Sun in its meridian glory; where poor and rich refreshed with peace and ease of their oppressions, may always find infallible and sure refuge and succour, the grievances of the Kingdom redressed, and the state of the King and Government of the Realm debated with wiser Councils, the Domestic and Foreign Enemies of the King and Kingdom destroyed and repelled, and to consider how the Charges and Burdens of both may be sustained with more ease to the people. But to return.  
An. D. 1070. which was in the third and fourth year of William the I. at a General Council, or Parliament, Lanfranc was chosen Archbishop 
●e●●a● Dorob. Act. Pont. Cantuar. p. 1653. 〈◊〉. 5.  of Canterbury, Eligentibus eum senioribus ejusdem Ecclesiae cum Episcopis ac Principibus Clero & Populo Angliae in Curia Regis in Assumptione Sanctae Mariae. Another Author relates it thus. Rex mittens propter 
Relat. 〈◊〉 primi ad 〈◊〉 tractat. de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 194.  illum in Normanniam fecit eum venire in Angliam, cui consensu & consilio omnium Baronum suorum omniumque Episcoporum & Abbatum totiusque Populi Angliae commisit ei Dorobernensem Ecclesiam.  
Anno 1072. The King 
〈◊〉 Ti●. of Honour, pag. 58●.  summoned a General Council, or Parliament, at Pinneden in Kent, to examine and determine the great cause between Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury, and Odo Bishop of Bayeux, Earl of Kent, because the first, libertatem Ecclesiae Cantuariensis invaserat, yet Judgement went for the Archbishop, which Mr. Selden says, was confirmed totius Regni assensu, or as Eadmerus, stipulatione totius Regni.  
In the fourteenth Year of 
Ex Car●●lario Coenobii 〈◊〉 in Bibliotheca C●tton. sub Effigy 〈◊〉, A. 3.  this King, at a General Council, or Parliament, held at Westminster, the King by his Charter confirmed the Liberties of that Church after he had subscribed his own name, with the sign of the Cross, adding many of the great Clergy and Temporal Nobility, instead of, Cum multis aliis, hath these words, multis praeterea illustrissimis virorum personis & Regum Principibus diversi Ordinis omissis qui similiter huic confirmationi piissimo affectu testes & fautores fuerunt. Hii autem illo tempore à Regia potestate diversis Provinciis 
Provincia, 〈◊〉. Co 〈…〉, 〈◊〉 Ti●. of Honour, pag. 2●●. 〈◊〉. Glo●●. Ti●. Provincia, pag. 4●●. Parlia●●ntum Synodus 〈◊〉 ●gn● 〈◊〉, S 〈…〉. 〈◊〉.  & Urbibus ad universalem Synodum pro causis cujustibet Christianae Ecclesiae audiendis & tractandis ad praescriptum celeberrimum Synodum quod Westmonasterium dicitur, convocati, etc. In the margin of the Book I find writ this note, Nota hic hos omnes convocari à Rege sua auctoritate ad causas Religionis tractandas tam Nobiles de Clero quam Principes Regni cum aliis inferioris gradus, Conventio quorum videtur esse Parliamentum. And in the Year-Book of E. 
〈◊〉. 3. fol. 60.  3. above 330. years since, in a Case touching the exemption of the Abbey of Bury from the Bishops of Norwich, we have mention of a Parliament held, en temps de W. Conqueror à son Parliament.   

King William the Second.  
KIng William the First 
Eadm●● 〈◊〉 vita 〈◊〉. 2. sol. 13. l. 5. An. Dom. 1187.  being dead, William his second Son, then living, succeeded him in the Kingdom; who designing to prevent his elder Brother Robert of the Crown, finding Lanfranc Archbishop of Canterbury not altogether consenting with him therein, to the completing his desire, and fearing lest the delay of his Consecration might prejudice his desired honour, he begun by giving large gifts and rewards to the people, and as well by himself as all others whom he could engage, fide sacramentoque Lanfranco promittere, by his Faith and Oath to promise unto Lanfranc, Si Rex foret, Justitiam, aequitatem & misericordiam se per totum Regnum in omni negotio servaturum, he would in all actions observe and keep Justice, Equity, and Mercy, through the whole Kingdom; that he would defend the Peace, Liberty, and safety of the Church, against all men, and also, that he would in and through all things obey the Precepts and Counsels of the Arch-Prelate; thereupon, in Regem 
〈…〉  eligitur & consecratur.  
But not long after Odo 
Hoveden pars prior pag. 264.  Bishop of Baiox, Earl of Kent, Geffrey Bishop of Constance, Robert Earl of Morton, Roger Earl of Shrewsbury, and the greatest part of all the Norman Prelates and Nobility in England, entered into a Conspiracy to make Robert King, and to deliver King William to his Brother alive or dead; and thereupon they took Arms: the King hearing these things, and foreseeing his inevitable ruin if the English power did not preserve him, caused the English to be assembled together, and showed them the Treason of the Normans, and entreats and begs them to help and defend him, upon this condition, that if they would be faithful to him in that his necessity and distress, he would grant them better Laws which they should choose, and would forbid or interdict all unjust Scots, Taxes, or Tallages, and grant to all persons their Woods and Hunting. Upon which assurance and promise the English did faithfully assist him, and by their power valiantly overthrew the Normans, and preserved and fixed the Crown upon William's head. But whatsoever he promised he kept but a short time, the words of the Author are. His auditis Rex fecit 
Lin. 40. b.  congregari Anglos & ostendit eye traditionem Normannorum & rogavit ut sibi auxilio essent, eo tenore ut si in hac necessitate sibi fideles existerent, meliorem legem quam vellent eligere eis concederet, & omnem injustum Scott●m interdixit, & concessit omnibus sylvas suas & venationem. Sed quicquid promisit, parvo tempore custodivit. Angli tunc fideliter eum juvabant 
* 〈…〉 ruined 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. .  
'Tis therefore evident from hence, that William the Second did not claim the Crown jure gladii, by the power of the Sword, nor did he affirm, that he had a despotical right to make or change Laws, ad libitum suum sine assensu Regni or Parliament. And 'tis a great observation to me, that from the pretended Conquest to this day, I never read of any King of England that declared and publicly owned any such prerogative or right, but only that miserable and unfortunate Prince Richard the Second, which the Parliament Roll thus expresseth. Item, Idem Rex nolens justas leges 
Rot. Parl. 1 〈◊〉. 4. Art. 1●.  & consuetudines Regni sui servare seu protegere, sed secundum suae arbitrium voluntatis facere quicquid desideriis ejus occurreret, quandoque & frequentius quando sibi expositae & declaratae fuerant leges regni sui per Justiciarios & alios de Concilio suo & secundum leges illas petentibus justitiam exhiberet, dixit expresse vultu austero & protervo quod leges suae erant in ore suo & aliquotiens in pectore suo, & quod ipse solus possit mutare & condere leges regni sui; & opinion illa seductus quampluribus de ligeis suis justitiam fieri non permisit, sed per minas & terrores quamplures à prosecutione communis justitiae cessare coegit.  
But far different were the sentiments and Judgement of his Grandfather Great Edward the third, who tells us: Because, that by divers Complaints 
Pultons' Stat. 20 E. 3. sol. 137.  made to us, we have perceived that the Law of the Land, which we by our Oath are bound to maintain, is the less well kept, and the Execution of the same disturbed many times by maintenance and procurement, as well in the Court as in the Country; We greatly moved of Conscience in this matter, and for this cause desiring as much for the pleasure of God, and ease and quietness of our Subjects, as to our Conscience, and for to save and keep our said Oath, We have ordained, etc.  
And wise King James 
King James' first Speech to his first Parlialiament in England. Pulton Stat. 1 Jacobi, cap. 2. sol. 1157.  saith, That not only the Royal Prerogative, but the People's security of Lands, Livings, and Privileges, were preserved and maintained by the ancient fundamental Laws, Privileges, and Customs of this Realm, and that by the abolishing or altering of them, it was impossible but that present confusion will fall upon the whole state and frame of this Kingdom.  
And his late Majesty of 
King Charies the First's Declaration to all his loving Subjects, published with the advice of his Privy Council. Exact Collectious of Declara●ons, pag. 28, 29.  ever blessed memory, was of the same mind and opinion, when he said, The Law is the Inheritance of every Subject, and the only security he can have for his Life, or Estate, and the which being neglected or dis-esteemed (under what specious show soever) a great measure of infelicity, if not an irreparable confusion, must without doubt fall upon them.   

Henry the First.  
AFter the Death of King 
Mat. Par. A. D. 11●0. pag. 55. l. 20. In 〈…〉 itio ne qui Magnates, viz. Comes, Baro, Miles, seu aliqua al● notabi●●s persona transeat ad partes transmarinas. Ro●. C●aus. 3 E. 2. m. 1●. dor●o. Sie igitur ist●. modo Willi●●●o ●ortuo 〈…〉 rtas frater 〈◊〉 in 〈◊〉 contra inimicos sibi infestos in guerra sua occupatus est, in codem tempore jot Ro 〈…〉 s semper contrarius & adeo innaturalis extiterat Baroni bus Reg●● Arglie quod plenario consensu & consilio totius Communi 〈…〉 s R●g●● imposuerunt ei illegitimitatem quod non fuerat procreatus de legitimo Th●r● willielmi Conquestoris, unde unanimi assensu suo ipsum recutarunt & pro Rege omnino recusaverunt & H●nricum fratren in Regem 〈◊〉. Henr. de Knighton, Coll. 2374. Cap. 8. l. 14.  William, the Magnates Angliae, not knowing what was become of Robert Duke of Normandy, Eldest Brother of the deceased King (the said Duke having been absent for five years in a Voyage to the Holy Land) were afraid to be long without a King, which Henricus fratrum ultimus & juvenis sapientissimus cum callide cognovisset, congregato Londoniis Clero Angliae & Populo universo promisit emendationem legum quibus oppressa fuit Anglia tempore patris sui & fratris nuper defuncti, ut animos omnium in sui promotionem accenderet & amorem, ut illum in Regem susciperent & patronum; to which it was generally answered, That if he with a willing mind would grant, and by his Charter confirm to them, illas libertates & consuetudines antiquas, which their Ancestors enjoyed in the time of Edward the Confessor, in ipsum consentirent & in Regem unanimiter consecrarent.  
Henry willingly granted this, and taking an Oath, that he would perform it, consecratus est in Regem, at Westm. upon Lady day, favente Clero & populo, and so forthwith he was Crowned by Maurice Bishop of London and Thomas Archbishop of York. After such his Coronation, he granted and confirmed to the Nation, for the advancement of Holy Church, and preservation of the peace of his people, a Charter of their ancient Liberties.  
The Charter the Reader may find in that industrious Revivor, and Restorer of decayed and forgotten Antiquities, 
LL. Guli●●●ni primi, Lamb. sol. 175, 176. Hac etiam Carta habeatur apud Mat. Pa●is. An. Dom. 1118, and 1213.  Mr. Lambard, as also in Matth. Paris. Where it appears, that the Archbishops, Bishops, Barons, Earls, Viscount's, or Sheriffs, & Optimates totius Regni Angliae, were Witnesses to the Charter.  
And that at the Coronation 
Carta modera●ioni. ●●odi magni si●●lli Anno 〈◊〉 ●ahannis. Ex vete●● Registro in Archivis. Cantuar. Archiepiscopi. Rot. Pat. 〈◊〉 H. 3. m. 12. Cake 2. Instir. sol. 79. Rastals Stat. 1 E. 3.  of the King, those Laws were made, de Communi Consilio & assensu Baronum Regni Angliae, by the common advice and assent of the Barons of England. It being usual in succeeding ages, at the Coronations of our English Kings, to confirm, make, and ordain Laws, De assensu Baronum Regni, per Commune Concilium Regni, or Parliament.  
I shall from hence observe two things.  
1. That these Laws were granted and confirmed, assensu Baronum Regni, or Baronagii Angliae, there being a clear difference between Barones Regis, and Barones Regni, as appears in the very bowels of 
LL. G 〈…〉 ni primi L●●●. sol. 175, 176.  those Laws and elsewhere; for the K. Saith, Si quis Baronum nostrorum, etc. but who were comprehended under those first phrases, Mr. Camden will 
Camd. Britanin 8. De ordin. Angli. e, sol. 61.  tell us, Nomine Baronagii Angliae omnes quodammodo Regni ordines continentur, and so the Commons as we now call them, were there and assented to those Laws.  
2. Clero & Populo universo Angliae congregatis. We read King Stephen assensu Cleri & Populi in Regem Angliae 
W●●●. Malmesb. Histor. Novel, lib. 1. pag. 101. l. 15. b. Hoveden pars posterior, pag. 282. l. 13. MS. vita Tho●e Archiepiscopi Cant. in Bibl. Cotton.  electus, & per Dominum Papam confirmatus, 10 H. 2. Congregato Clero & Populo Regni, or as Fitz-Stephens, Generali Concilio, the King made the Assize or Statute of Clarendon, which Council the learned Selden calls a full 
S●l●e●s Titles of Honour, fol. 585. Carta moderationis seodi magni sigilli.  Parliament. King John was Crowned mediante tam Cleri quam Populi unanimi consensu & favore. Anno 50 H. 3. Per providentiam Cardinalis, 
Mat. West●●. pag. 397. l. 57  meaning the Pope's Legate, apud Kenilworth Clerus & Populus convocantur, which the Patent Roll of that year thus confirms. The King a le request de honourable 
Rot. Pat. 50 H. 3. m. 3. dorso. Rastalls Stat. pag. 12.  pier Sire Ottobon Legat d'Engleterre son Parlement eust sommons à Kenilworth; where the Statute or Dictum de Kenilworth, was made between the King and his Communante, or Parliament. Rex primo, postmodum 
Mat. W●●●m. sol. 393. l. 1.  Clerus & Populus juraverunt quod Dictum inviolabiliter observarent. Thus have I at length, I hope, fully ascertained and explained the Historians phrase, Clerus & Populus, and proved it to be a Parliament from the Pat. Roll of H. 3.  
Yet I do not think that the Lords Temporal only were the Populus, nor the Lords Spiritual the Clerus; for I agree with Dr. Heylyn, that 
D● H●ylins stumbling Block, pag. 189.  there is no Record, either of History or Law (which I have observed) in which the word Clerus serves to signify the Archbishops, and Bishops, exclusive of the other Clergy, or any writing whatsoever, wherein it doth not either signify the whole Clergy generally, or the inferior Clergy only, exclusive of the Archbishops, Bishops, and other Prelates; and 'tis my opinion as far as I can find, that the word Populus following Clerus, was, Thema universale in significando, and comprehended as well the Commons as the Lords, and indeed the subject matter of the Historians speaks it. William the Second, Henry the First, King Stephen, and King John, were to be elected and created Kings of England, having no hereditary right, 'twas but reasonable then, and according to the Laws and precedents of other Countries in like Cases, Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbari debet, and so was the solemn Resolution of both Lords and Commons in the Parliament, 40 E. 3. 
Rot Parl. 40 E. 3. n. 78.  That neither King John, nor any other, could put the Realm or people of England into subjection, sanz assent de eux, without their assent, or as the Parliament 29 H. 3. declared, 
Mat. 〈◊〉. An. 1245. p. 191, 197.  sine assensu Regni, or as Malmesbury says, in vita 
Malmisb. lib. 〈◊〉. pag. 56.  Willielmi primi, absque generali Senatus & Populi conventu & Edicto.  
But now to close the Reign of Henry the first, I will out of that excellent Historian Matthew Paris transcribe the 
Oratio Regis Henrici ad Anglos.  Oration, or Speech of that King to the Common Council or Parliament, in the seventh year of his Reign, his elder Brother Robert Duke of Normandy, then claiming the Crown of England, and ready to invade this Nation with a great Force; the Speech of the King, the learned Monk thus delivers to us.  
MAgnatibus igitur Regni ob hoc 
Mat. Paris in vita H. 1. pag. 62, 63. Inhibitio nèqui Magnates, viz. Comes, Baro, Miles, sevaliqua alia Notabilis persona transeat ad partes transmarinas. Rot. Claus. 3 E. 2. m. 16. dorso.  Londoniam Edicto Regio convocatis Rex talibus alloquiis mel & favum oleumque mellitis & mollitis blandiens dixit: Amici & fideles mei indigenae ac naturales, nostis veraci sama referente, qualiter frater meus Robertus electus & per Deum vocatus ad regnum Hierosolymitanum foeliciter gubernandum, & quam frontosè illud infoeliciter refutaverit, merito propterea à Deo reprobandus. Nostis etiam in multis aliis superbiam & ferocitatem illius; quia vir bellicosus, pacis impatiens est, vosque scienter quasi contemptibiles & quos desides vocat & glutones conculcare desiderat. Ego vero Rex humilis & pacificus vos in pace in antiquis vestris libertatibus, prout crebrius jurejur ando promisi, gestio confovere, & vestris inclinando consiliis consultius ac mitius more mansueti principis sapienter gubernare, & super his (si provideritis) scripta subarata roborate & iteratis juramentis praedicta certissime confirmare, omnia videlicer quae sanctus Rex Edwardus Deo inspirante providè sancivit inviolabiliter jubeo observari, ut mecum fideliter stantes fratris mei immò & mei & totius Regni Angliae hostis cruentissimi injurias potenter, animose ac voluntarie propulsetis. Si enim fortitudine Anglorum roborer, inanes Normannorum minas nequaquam censeo formidandas. Talibus igitur promissis, quae tamen in fine impudenter violavit, omnium corda sibi inclinavit, ut pro ipso contra quemlibet usque ad capitis expositionem dimicarent.  
This Speech to me is another strong Confirmation and Argument against the Norman Conquest, for 'tis luce clarius, 1. That King Henry the First did not pretend to hold the Crown Jure Victoris. 2. That the English were not totally subdued and destroyed by his Father William the first. 3. That the Son (as well as the Father) had several times solemnly sworn to the inviolable observance of the Laws of St. Edward or of the Saxon Government. 4. King Henry does not depend on the Normans that came in with his Father, no, it was upon the English Common Council, or Parliament; nor did he call them Vassals and Slaves, but Amici & Fideles mei naturales, in them he fixed his only hope and assurance, both for their Fidelity and Courage, and believed that they would (as indeed they did) preserve and defend his Crown and Life against the great Power and Policy of his and the Kingdoms most bloody Enemies, who were ready to Invade both with a mighty Army; it being then Prudentially and Politicly resolved unanimously in Parliament, not to permit, or suffer the Duke to land here, but to fight him in his own Country, which the English then did (forty years after the coming in of William the first) and at one Battle not only totally conquered and overthrew the Normans, but took Robert their Duke Prisoner, and thereby put a period to the dangers and fears of King Henry the first, and in despite of the French Power, set the Ducal Crown of Normandy upon the head of King Henry an Englishman: and after Robert had remained for some time in Prison, at last to conclude the Catastrophe of his unhappy life, he had his eyes burnt out of his head, and so by a sad fate left all to the English King.  
From all which Authorities and Reasons, under correction, it is sufficiently evidenced, that in the British, Saxon, and Norman Governments, the Commons (as we now phrase them,) had Votes, and a Share in the making and enacting of Laws for the Government of the Kingdom, and that they were an essential part of the Commune Concilium Regni, Wittena Gemot, or Parliament, before and after the supposed Conquest by King William the First.  
Having thus concluded my Preface, I shall now diligently apply myself to discuss that grand point touching the introduction of the Commons into our great Council, or Parliament, as represented by the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, being indeed the principal work I intended, and was finished before this Preface; the difficulty of which cannot be well judged of but by those who have undertaken subjects of like intricacy; for I have at a great charge, and expense of time, and without any man's assistance or help, out of the dark and neglected paths of Antiquity, endeavoured to make truth public and general, and (with submission) I hope it will appear, that I have rescued from the force and power of a dangerous growing error, the just and ancient rights and privileges of our Ancestors, in a matter of the highest moment and concern, which is impartially debated in the ensuing Discourse; a subject, whereof (to the best of my knowledge) no Author hitherto hath so particularly treated.     

A DISCOURSE Wherein is proved, That the Commons of England were an essential part of the Parliament before the 49th of Hen. 3.  
SEveral great and learned Authors of our Age having in their works and writings frequently published, and asserted to the world this Position as an unquestionable truth,  
That the Commons in Parliament (as distinguished from the Lords) compounded of Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, had their first birth and beginning by Rebellion, An. 49 H. 3. and that too after the Battle of Lewes, when the Barons had the King and Prince in their power as Prisoners, and exercised Regal Authority in his name:  
The consideration and consequents thereof raised in my mind a great desire seriously and impartially to inquire into so important a point of Antiquity; and the better to satisfy both my own judgement, and the judgements of some of my Friends, I have run over many Records, and Historians, both Ancient and Modern, in Print and Manuscript, but cannot find any authority or reason to give a colour to so harsh an assertion.  
I shall therefore, under an humble submission to so eminent Antiquaries, endeavour to disprove this notion of 49 H. 3. by these following Arguments.  
1. From the Claim and Prescription of the Borough of St Alban in the Parliament of 8 E. 2. to send two Burgesses to all Parliaments, sicut caeteri Burgenses Regni totis retroactis temporibus, in the times of E. 1. and his Progenitors; if so, then in the time of King John Grandfather to E. 1. and so before H. 3.  
2. From Records Ano 15 o Johannis Regis, wherein the Citizens and Burgesses (not so numerous then as after, and now) together with the Earls, Barons, & Magnates Angliae, were to give Consilium & Auxilium ad honorem Regis & suum & statum Regni, who shortly after met at London, Convocatum Parliamentum de toto Clero, & tota secta laicali, and so within the express prescription of the Borough of St. Alban.  
3. From the solemn resolution and great judgement of both Lords and Commons in the Parliament of 40 E. 3. against the Pope, That if King John had Ano 14 o of his Reign (which was three years before the granting of his Magna Charta) made the Kingdom tributary to the Pope, he had done it sanz lour assent, which must be understood to be without the consent of the Lords and Commons, and therefore void.  
4. From several Records, inter alia, de Annis 28, 32, 37, 42, 48 H. 3. mentioning Parliaments then held, and their proceedings, in some of which the word Commons is expressly mentioned, as well as the Prelates, and Magnates, to be part of those Parliaments.  
5. From an act of Parliament 2 H. 5. that famous Prince, where it is declared and admitted, that the Commons of the Land were ever a part of the Parliament, and so consequently were part of the Parliaments Annis 16, 17 Johannis, 28, 32, 37, 42, 48 H. 3. all within the prescription of the Borough of St. Alban.  
6. From the form of penning of Acts of Parliament, and expressions in Records in 49, 51, 54 H. 3. when it is granted that the Commons were a part of the Legislative power, which agree with the phrases of Records of Acts of Parliament before that time.  
7. From the defect and loss of the Parliament Rolls of H. 3. and E. 1. and from the universal silence of all Records, and our ancient Historians contemporary and succeeding 49 H. 3. till our days.  
8. From the various opinions of learned men, in and since H. 8. time, who never dreamt of any such origine, nor was ever heard of, till of late.  
9 From comparing of the ancient Generale Concilium, or Parliament of Ireland, instanced Anᵒ 38 H. 3. with ours in England, wherein the Citizens and Burgesses were, which was eleven years before the pretended beginning of the Commons in England.  

The FIRST ARGUMENT.  
From the claim and prescription of the Borough of St. Alban, in the Parliament of E. 2. to send two Burgesses to all Parliaments, sicut caeteri Burgenses Regni totis reretroactis temporibus, in the times of E. 1. and his progenitors, if so, then in the time of King John Grandfather to E. 1. and so before H. 3.  
1. THE Burgesses of St. Alban 
Rot. Parl. 8 E. 2. n. 233. Pro Burgenses de San●●o A 〈…〉. Who sent Burgesles to Parliament 28 E. 1. 35 E. 1. 1 〈◊〉. 2. 2 E. 2. 5 E. 2. P 〈…〉 's 4. part of Parliamentary Wries, pag. 〈◊〉.  in their Petition to King E. 2. Ano 8 o say, that they, sicut ●●eteri Burgenses Regni ad Parliamentum Regis (when it should happen to be summoned) per duos Comburgenses suos venire debeant, prout totis retroactis temporibus venire consueverunt, tam tempore domini Ed. nuper regis Angliae patris regis, as well in the time of E. 1. the King's Father, & Progenitorum suorum, as in the time of E. 2. semper ante instans Parliamentum, and declared that the names of such Burgesses coming to Parliament were always enrolled in the 
Those Rolls lost, or destroyed. The Statute of Articuli Cleri made the next year after this Record cells us that there were divirsa Parliamenta temporibus Progenitorum suor●● Regum Ang●●●. Coke 2. Instit. 〈◊〉. 618.  Rolls of the Chancery; notwithstanding all which the Sheriff of Hartford at the procuration and favour of the Abbot of St. Alban and his Council, refused Burgenses praedictos praemunire, seu nomina eorum retornare prout ad ipsum pertinuit, etc. and therefore they pray remedy.  
Respons. Scrutentur Rotuli, etc. de 
Respons. est per Concilium.  Cancellaria, si temporibus Progenitorum Regis Burgenses praedicti solebant venire vel non? & tunc fiat eis super hoc justitia vocatis evocandis si necesse suerit.  
I do not think there needs much enforcing this Record, since the prescription of sending duos Comburgenses ad Parliamentum Regis, sicut caeteri Burgenses Regni did, is, that they and their Predecessors were always accustomed to send two Burgesses to Parliament in all former Ages, not only in the time of E. 1. but his Progenitors; therefore in King John's time, his Grandfather at least, and so before H. 3.  
And though the answer to the Petition, which in that Age was given in Parliament (per Concilium, or all the Judges of England, and others the King's Learned Council) say, Scrutentur Rotuli, si temporibus progenitorum Regis 
Nota, Rolls of Summons to Parliament, were extant this very Parliament, Rot. Claus. 8 E. 2. m. 25. Selden's Titles of Honour, fol. 604, 605. It appears by the Patent Roll of 26 E. 3. that there were Parliamenta, and Summons to Parliament, temporibus Progenitorum, & ante annum 49 H. 3. Rot. Pat. 26 E. 3. Pars 1. m. 23.  (which may go to the whole Reign of King John, as before) Burgenses praedicti solebant venire, vel non; yet that grave and wise Council do not in the least scruple, but clearly admit and confirm the general prescription, that there were Boroughs that sent Burgesses to Parliament, temporibus E. 1. & Progenitorum suorum, which goes higher than H. 3. his Father; and it cannot in common reason be supposed, much less believed, that the Burgesses of St Alban, or the Lawyer or Penman of the Petition, should dare to tell the King and Learned Council, in the face of a Parliament, a Novelty so great and ridiculous, and that Recorded to Posterity by the Council, that they and their Predecessors, in the time of E. 1. and his Progenitors, had sent two Burgesses to every Parliament, when all the World then knew (if the modern opinion be true) that there was never any Election of any Burgesses to Parliament before the 49 H. 3. which was but 50. Years before 8 E. 2. and at the time of the Petition fresh in their own memories.  
No, surely the Burgesses of St Alban did not ground their Petition of Right upon a general allegation, or an affirmation in nubibus; but the justice and certainty of their claim, as they themselves very well knew, so they prayed it might be examined and tried by uncontrollable Witnesses, Records, the Rolls of Chancery. The Chancellor and the rest of the Council, did no less know there were such Rolls, and therefore order the search; but if the Petition had been notoriously false and idle, instead of recording it to future Ages, they would with contempt and scorn have rejected it, nor would the great Abbot of St Alban, his Council, and the Sheriff of Hertford, against whom the Petition was exhibited, have been wanting in their own defence, to have showed and proved that this ancient prescription was a mere Chimaera, and fable; no, they all were well satisfied, that the Borough had sent two Burgesses to every Parliament, in the time of E. 1. and his Progenitors, and therefore it was in vain to oppose or contradict their just and ancient right, according to their prescription; all which appears clearly by this, that both before the time of the Petition, and ever since, they have sent two Burgesses to every Parliament.   

The SECOND ARGUMENT.  
From Records An. 15 Johannis Regis, wherein the Citizens and Burgesses, (not so numerous then as after, and now, together with the Earls, Barons, & Magnates Angliae,) were to give Consilium & Auxilium ad honorem Regis & suum & statum Regni, who shortly after met at London, Convocatum Parliamentum de toto Clero & tota secta laicali, and so within the express Prescription of the Borough of S. Alban.  
I Am not ignorant that some have dated the origine of the Commons being a part of the Parliament, from the Parliament of Runningmead, 17o Reg. Joh.  
It may therefore be worth our pains to observe this great Record following, and to consider whether from thence may not be proved this Conclusion:  
That 〈◊〉 great Cities and Boro 〈…〉 s of the kingdom (not so 〈…〉 merous then as after and now) in the 16o of King John, before the granting of his Magna Charta, or 〈◊〉 confirming the ancient Laws in his 17th year, at Runningmead, did send their Proxies and Representatives, to the Commune Concilium Regni, or Parliament; for it cannot be supposed in reason, that every individual Citizen and Burgess could come, no more than every Parson of a Parish to a Convocation, or to a meeting of the whole Clergy of England.  
The Record saith, That the 
Rot. Pat. 15 Joh. Pars 2. m. 2.  King being in partibus transmarinis, writes 

Majori & Baronibus London.  
Majori & probis hominibus  
Winton.  
Northampt.  
Lincoln.  
Ebor.  
Oxon.  
Glouc.  
Heref.  
Exon.  
Worcestr.  
Cantebr.  
Hunt.  
Bristol.  
Norwich.   And all the great Boroughs of the Demesnes of the King, giving 
In the ancient Subsidy Rolls we often meet with the Tenants in ancient Demesne in Parliament, and giving Subsidies, and it is the opinion of my Lord Hobart, sol. 48. that by continuance of time they were discontinued, and it may be one reason thereof was, that it was an ease granted them by the King in favour of their labour of the Earth. Vide Rot. de 20. & 15 Ed. 2. apud Northampton, An. Regni sui primo à Laicis concessis. Rot. de 15. Burgorum Regi E. 2. an. Regni sui nono apud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. à Laicis concessa. In Custodia Clerici Pipae in Sc●ccario remanen.  them account of his proceedings and successes in his War against the French, and that the Pope had by his Letters released the Interdict, under which the Kingdom than lay, which the King had then sent to Peter Bishop of Winton, Chief Justice of England; and therefore desired that they would believe what the Bishop should speak to them, that Consilium & Auxilium vestrum ad honorem nostrum & vestrum & statum Regni nostri in melius communicandum efficaciter super hoc apponatis, and that majori festinatione expediretur, Teste apud Rupellam 6o die Martii.  
In the same manner he writ to 
Rot. Pat. 15 Joh. Pars 2. m. 1. Inhibitio ne qui Magnates, viz. Comes, Baro, Miles, seu aliqua alia notabilis persona transeat ad partes transmarinas. Rot. Claus. 3 E. 2. m. 19 dorso.  William Earl Marshal, and to all the Earls, Barons, & Magnatibus Angliae, etc. Teste apud Rupellam 8o die Martii.  
In order therefore to our proof of a Parliament from these Records, let us make two observations.  

1. Negative.  
2. Affirmative.   
Though the Writ be general, 
1. Negative.  and mentions not any time or place for meeting or coming to Parliament, or the great Council (the King referring that I suppose to his Regent or Chief Justice here) yet it cannot be intended that Peter Bishop of Winchester, being then Chief Justice of England, should go from County to County, City to City, Borough to Borough, or as our Churchwardens do, from House to House, rogare Consilium & auxilium (the proper business of a Parliament) to desire and entreat for their Counsel and Aid, for the Honour of the King, their own, & statum Regni, and the safety of the whole Kingdom; surely that had been an employment fitter for the wand'ring Jew, or Johannes de Temporibus; and such counsel must needs have been of a very different and various nature, and both agreeing very ill with the words majori festinatione, and urgency of the contents of the Writs.  
Let us then inquire what were the effects and consequents of these Writs, and that brings me to the second observation.  
King John began his Reign 6o 
2. Affirmative.  Aprilis, the Writs bear date 6o & 8o Martii, which was the Close of An. 15ᵒ. It may be the Winds were very cross, or for some other reason the Letters might not so speedily be brought over, or published here, or after the summons there might be above forty days before they met. But sure it is, in the beginning of July, (after that March) being the sixteenth Year of his Reign, we find:  
Nicholaus Tusculanensis Episcopus 
Mat. Paris An. 1214. pag. 249. l. 27.  & Apostolicae sedis Legatus per nuntios memoratos Domini Papae Authenticum acceperat. Rex Anglorum erat in partibus transmarinis, sed quoniam idem Rex in recessu suo ab Anglia Legato jam dicto & Willielmo Marescallo vices suas in hoc negotio commiserat, idem Legatus in urbe Londinensi apud Sanctum Paulum grande congregavit Concilium, ubi congregatis Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, 
Pau●●is evolutio di●bus congregantur apud Londoniam Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates, multarumque Ecclesiarum Praelati cum Comitibus & Baronibus totius Regni ut negotia Regni & Ecclesiae pertractarent cum Theobaldo Cantuar. Archiepiscopo Apostolicae sedis Legato, eidem Concilio praesidente. Mat. Paris in vita Rob. Abb. S. Albani An. Dom. 1155. pag. 72. l. 26.  Comitibus, Baronibus, & aliis ad hoc negotium Interdicti (the very business of the Writs) spectantibus proposuit coram omnibus formam restitutionis.  
And the Great Selden the Honour 
Selden's Titles of Honour, Part 2. sol. 587.  of the Inner-Temple, or rather as the Learned Grotius, Honos Britanniae, to drive the nail home, saith, But we know by what is already showed, that divers former Parliaments were in this King's time (meaning before the granting of his Magna Charta, An. 17 Joh.) though the Laws made in them be lost. And in the year before the Charter also (which was An. 16 Joh.) the Author of Eulogium says, that Convocatum est Parliamentum Londoniis praesidente Archiepiscopo cum toto Clero & tota secta laicali, wherein per Domini Papae praeceptum illa obligatio quam Rex Domino Papae fecerat cum fidelitate & homagio relaxatur omnino, vii' die Julii.  
Having thus proved a Parliament in the 16th of King John, and that the Citizens and Burgesses had their Summons to it, which is remarkable by a Writ particular and distinct from that of the Lords, viz. the Earls, Barons, & Magnates Angliae, I will conclude this Argument with the Statute of 5 R. 2. Cap. 4. where it is enacted by the assent of the Prelates, Lords and Commons, That all and singular persons and Commonalties, (be he Archbishop, Abbot, Prior, Earl, Baron, etc.) which should have a Summons to Parliament, should come from thenceforth to the Parliaments in the manner as they were bounden to do, and had been accustomed within the Realm of England of old times; and if they did absent themselves, and came not, he and they should be amerced, or otherwise punished according as of old times had been accustomed to be done: from hence I shall observe,  
1. That there were Summons to Parliament of old times, as well to the Commonalties, that is, the Citizens and Burgesses; as to the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earls and Barons; and so the Statute may seem to affirm the prescription of St Alban, that saith, that they had sent Duos Comburgenses sicut caeteri Burgenses regni did to every Parliament totis retroactis temporibus before E. 1. and his Progenitors.  
2. That the phrase of old times is in point of prescription and antiquity applied equally, and without distinction or limitation, as well to the great Lords, as Commons; But if the first had of old times, as our modern Authors write, been the only constituent parts of the Parliament, it might in reason and prudence be thought, they would not have consented to have admitted that Summons to Parliament; for the Commons was Coeval with theirs; nor would they have ratified and confirmed by a solemn Act the protestation or declaration of Right of the Commons of England in the Parliament, 2 H. 5. n. 10. That the Commons had ever been a member of the Parliament, and that no Statute or Law could be made without their assent. 3. That if the Lords and Commons absented themselves, and came not to Parliament, they should be amerced, or otherwise punished as of old times had been accustomed to be done; this branch plainly agrees, 1. With the Modus tenendi Parliamentum, Written as Mr Selden saith tempore E. 3. That the first day the Burgesses and Citizens should be called, and if they did not come, they should be amerced; and so Mr Prynn mistakes in 
Mr. 〈◊〉 Animadversions on the Lord Coke Fourth Inst. pag. 3.  his Animadversions, when he saith, that no absent Lord was fined before 31 H. 6. 2. It appears, Ex vi terminorum, of old times it had been so accustomed to be done; that this prescription may well be applied to the Parliament of 16 Joh. and long before; for the Statute of Magna Charta, 17 of that King, saith, Civitas London habeat omnes libertates suas antiquas; by force and virtue of which word, antiquas, their old or ancient Liberties and Customs (not only confirmed by the Magna Charta of William the First, but used even in the Saxon times, and before) were in Parliament ratified and confirmed.   

The THIRD ARGUMENT.  
From the solemn and great Judgement of both Lords and Commons in the Parliament of 40 E. 3. against the Pope, That if King John had An. 14. of his Reign, which was three years before the granting of his Magna Charta, made the Kingdom tributary to the Pope, he had done it sanz lour assent, which must be understood to be without the consent of the Lords and Commons, and therefore void.  
KIng John An. 14. of his Reign 
Mr. Paris Anno 1213. pag. 236. An. Regni joh. 14.  made himself and Crown tributary to the Pope.  
But Anno 40 E. 3. The Prelates, 
〈◊〉. Parl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 3. n. 7, 8.  Dukes, Counts, Barons, and Commons; upon their full deliberation in Parliament, resolved with one accord, that neither the King, nor any other, could put the Realm nor people thereof into such subjection, sanz assent de eux, without their assent, viz. as well of the 
And with this agree the Scottish Laws. Et idem Rex Scotiae dicit sicut prius quod de aliquo Regnum s●●m contingente non est a 〈…〉 s nes potest hic respondere inconsultis probis hominibus regni nostri. Placita Parl. inter Johannem Regem Scotiae & Magdulphum. 21 E. 1. pag. 157. Item ad rolorandum consederationem quondam initam inter ipsum Fran●orum Regem ex una parte & dictum Johannem de Balliolo ac Praelatos & Nihil●s & Universitates & Communitates Civitatum & villarum dicti Regni Scotiae pro ipsis & eorum haeredibus & successoribus ex altera parte. Ex Rot. in Turri London. Prynn's 3. Tom. of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, 28 E. 1.  Commons, as of the Lords: and that it appeared by many Evidences, that if he had so done, it was done sanz lour assent, and contrary to the Coronation Oath.  
And if the Pope attempted any thing against either (having at the instance and solicitation of the 
Rot. Pat. 15 Johannis Pars 2. m. 8. Interdictum, quod vulgariter utlagatio nuncupatur.  French King, threatened to interdict or outlaw both) King and Kingdom; They would oppose and resist him, ove tout lour puissance.  
The observations I shall make from this great Judgement shall be two.  
1. That above 300. Years ago, there was not the least scruple or fancy, that the Commons of England, 
Nam cum sub Edwardo tertio in ordinum consessu quaestio habebatur de donatione illa decantatissima Johannis Regis sacta Innocentio Papae tertio & successoribus ejus, unde Urbanus Quintus tum annum inde natum mille marcarum Angliae & Hiberniae simul nomine censum sibi tunc solvi petehat, etc. Ordines universi idque tam generis ●ieratici (quod mirere) quam Proceres seu Senatus populusque in Comitiis illis solenni inita deliberatione responderunt unanimes irritam plane fuisse Johannis donationem illam utpote tam sine Ordinum assensu quam Juramento ejus inaugurali adversam. Johannis Seldeni ad Fletam Dissertatio. Cap. 10. fol. 552.  of which the Citizens and Burgesses were then undoubtedly a part, ought not, and were not to be present in the Commune Concilium Regni, or Parliament of King John's Reign, and to have assented to that King's resignation, An. 14. to make it legal and valid, as well as the Prelates, Earls, and Barons.  
2. If the Commons had never been a part of the Parliament before 49 H. 3. but that the King and great Lords only made Laws, and had an inherent power (as some of our Modern Writers say) to tax the whole Kingdom, de alto & basso ad libitum suum jure repraesentationis; surely they would not have left recorded to posterity so great a testimonial of the antiquity and right of the Commons of England (than so distinguished from the great Lords) as is expressed in the Roll: May it not then be admitted they spoke nothing but what was an undisputable truth, in diebus illis, unless we must believe, that the great and learned Authors of this Age, better understand the constituent parts of the Communia Concilia, or Parliaments of King John's time (and so upward) above 460. Years since, than the whole Parliament of 40 E. 3. the Parliaments of their Grandfather's time, as was the Reign of King John.  
And indeed this famous resolution was no other than a Declaration of the ancient Common Law of the Land before the Norman Duke gained the Imperial Crown of England, as appears by King Harold's Answer to his Ambassadors, requiring the performance of the King's Oath to take the Duke's Daughter to Wife, and to preserve the Crown for him.  
De Regno addebat praesumptuosum fuisse, quod absque generali Senatus & populi Conventu & Edicto alienam illi haereditatem juraverit  
Which is recorded by William of Malmsbury, Lib. 3. p. 56. l. 24. in vita Williemi I. an Author without all exception, who flourished in the time of H. 1. and therefore could not be ignorant where and in whom the Legislative Power of England did reside, there being but 33. Years from the coming in of the Norman Duke till the Reign of that King, and of this Historian the learned Balaeus gives this Eulogium, Vir erat suo seculo in omni genere bonarum literarum plene eruditissimus, & in eruendis antiquitatibus ingenio, diligentia & industria singularis Angliae nostrae nationis studosissimus illustrator.  
Upon the Death of Arthur Duke of Bretaign, the Annals of England tell us, that King John was Summoned by the French King, as Duke of Normandy to appear at his Court, and judicially to answer the pretended murder of Arthur his Nephew; whereupon the Bishop of Ely, and Hubert de Burgo, after Earl of Kent, and Chief Justice of England, nuntii solemnes & prudentes, were sent to the French King, to whom the Bishop thus spoke, Domine 
Mat. Paris. pag. 283, 284.  Rex non possit Dux Normanniae ad Curiam vestram venire, nisi veniret 
Nomine Baronagii Angliae omnes quodammodo Regni Ordines continerentur. Camd. Britan. in 4. De Ordin. Angliae. fol. 61.  Rex Angliae, cum una persona sint Dux & Rex. Quod non permitteret aliquo modo Baronagium Angliae, etsi ipse Rex hoc vellet. So careful was the Baronage or Parliament to preserve the ancient rights, safety, and honour of the King and Kingdom, An. 3 Joh. before any difference happened between him and his Subjects.  
Anno 29 E. 1. the King sent Ambassadors 
Ex Chronico Adam Merimouth in Bibliotheca Cottoniana sub Effigy Cleopatra. A. 16. p. 67, 68 An. Dom. 1300. 29 E. 1.  to the French King, ut quid de truga, de guerra, & de pace deliberasset, nunciaret, and was answered, se non posse sine duodecim paribus qui occupati fuerunt circa novam guerram tam ardua tractare, but that he expected their coming in fifteen days. Quo tempore transacto, ipsis consentientibus, they declare that they could not determine thereof, inconsultis secum Scotis. Whereupon those Ambassadors returned. Igitur convocato Parliamento Londoniis, recitatisque frustratoriis dilationibus & falsis machinationibus praedictorum, Ambassadors were again sent, and received this answer: Quod Rex Angliae adveniret 
Rot. Claus 3 E. 1. m. 9 in Schedula. Deliberationem habere cum Praelatis & Proceribus (i. e.) Parliamento sine quorum communicato consilio Sanctitati vestrae super praedictis non possumus respondere, & Jurejurando in Coronatione nostra praesiito sumus astricti quod jura Regni nostri servabimus illibata, nec aliquid quod Diadema tangat Regni ejusdem absque ipsorum requisito Consilio faciemus.  personaliter, & inter duos Reges de optima pace conveniretur: Whereupon the King of England, Aliud habuit Parliamentum, in quo talia recitata displicuerunt, & ex totius Regni Concilio (or Parliament) definitum est, Regem pro aliquo mandato vel suggestionibus ab Anglia egredi non debere.  
From what hath been said, the Reader may easily observe, 1. That the weighty and great affairs which concerned the King and Kingdom, both in the Saxons time, and after, were by a fundamental principle and law of the Nation to be consulted of, and resolved in the Communia Concilia, or Parliaments, and that no particular person or order of men did take upon them such power, sine consensu Regni: and this H. 3. and his Council well knew, when he told Otto the Pope's Nuntio, Quod solus non potuit definire, nec 
Mat. Paris. pag. 325. l. 45. 9 H. 3.  debuit negotium, quod omnes Cleri●os & Lai●os generaliter totius Regni tangebat, which E. 1. and his Council in the 23th Year of his Reign thus confirms, Quod omnes tangit, ab omnibus 
Rot. Claus. 23 E. 1. m. 3. dorso.  approbetur. 2. That the Generalis Senatus, & Populi Conventus, & Edictum, or Saxon Wittena Gemott, the Baronagium Angliae, in King John's time, and the Concilium Regni, or Parliamentum, in the Reign of E. 1. were verba synonyma, differing in phrase, but one and the same Assembly in substance.   

The FOURTH ARGUMENT.  
From several Records, inter alia de Annis 28, 32, 3●, 42, & 48 H. 3. mentioning Parliaments then held, and their proceedings, in some of w 〈…〉 the word Commons are expressly mentioned, as well as the Prelates & Magnates, to be part of those Parliaments.  
THE general Council at Runningmead, 
〈…〉 〈◊〉.  held 17 J●●. is 29. Years after, and 20. Years before 49 H. 3. called Parliamentum de Runemed.  
Memorandum quod in Parliamento a 
〈…〉  die Pasch. in tres septimanas Anno Regni Regis H. 3. 28. London celebrato negotium Crucis in Anglia una cum collectione decimae benefi●●●rum Ecclesias●●corum Domino Regi in Subsidium terrae Sanctae à sede Apostolica deputat. was treated of.  
An Utlary against William de 
Rot. Claus. Pat. 32 H. 3. m. 13. dorso.  Hastingcott, was reversed, and he restored to all he had lost thereby, and this done Coram Rege & toto Parliamento.  
Inter Communia Hilar. 17 E. 3. 
Rot. Claus. 32 H. 3. m. 12. dorso. Rex 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 Ep 〈…〉 po, etc. in 〈…〉 o Parliamento no 〈…〉 o quod suit 〈◊〉.  penes Rememoratorem Domini Regis in Scaccario, It appears in a Plea between the King and the Prior of Coventry, that 29 & 32 H. 3. quaedam subsidia per Magnates & Communitatem Regni spontanea & mera voluntate Regi concessa (or as Bracton phraseth 
Bracton Lib. 2. cap. 16. fol. 37.  it, Ex consensu Communi totius Regui, being one and the same with Magnates & Communitas,) towards the marrying of the King's Eldest Daughter, and also the King's Sister to Frederick the Emperor, which was done in Parliament; for the Close Roll of that Year tells us of a Parliament, Consideratum 
Rot. Claus. 〈◊〉 H. 3. m. 13, dorso.  fuit in Curia nostra & toto Parliamento nostro, etc.  
In a Parliament 37 H. 3. (for 
Rot. P●●. 3● H. 〈◊〉. m. 〈◊〉. dorso. At this Parliament was the dreadful Sentence or Curse published in the great 〈◊〉 it 〈◊〉. by the Clergy 'gainst the breakers of Mag●● 〈◊〉 by consent of Parliament. 〈…〉 tals St 〈…〉 15.  so Mat. Westm. calls it, pag. 352.) Rex, Magnates & Communitas populi protestantur publice, that they would never consent to any thing in the grand and terrible Excommunication then to be pronounced by the Clergy against the infringers of Magna Charta, contra consuetudines Regni antiquas & usitatas, In cujus rei testimonium & imposterum veritatis testimonium, as well the King as the Earls of Norff. Heref. Fssex ad Warwick, as Peter de Sabaudia, at the instance and desire aliorum Magnatum & populi praesentium scripto sigilla sua apposuerunt.  
Rex etc. Cum nuper in Parliamento 
Rot. Pat. ●2 H. 3. m. 3. n. 9 De inquisitionibus faciendis per singulos Comitatus Angliae. Rot. Pat. 42 H. 3. m. 4. Henr. etc. Saches que pur le profit de nostre Rea●me & a la requeste de noz ha●s 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●omes e du Comun de nostre Reaume.  nostro Oxon. communiter fuit ordinatum quod omnes excessus & injuriae factae in Regno nostro inquirentur per quatuor milites singulorum Comitatuum, ut cognita inde veritate facilius corrigantur, etc.  
I have an Abridgement or abstract of the Rolls of this Parliament, writ by the hand of Mr. Elsing, late Clerk of the Parliament, who saith, my Lord Coke had it; and some of the proceedings therein mentioned, I have found in the Exchequer enroled at that time.  
The Articles of Peace à Domino 
Rot. Pat. 48. H. 3. pars unica m. 6. dorso. Forma pacis inter Regem & Barones.  Rege & Domino Edwardo, Praelatis & Proceribus omnibus & Communitate tota Regni Angliae communiter & concorditer approbata, were sealed by the Bishop of Lincoln, the Bishop of Ely, Earl of Norff. Earl of Oxon, Humphrey Bohun, Will. de Monte Canisio & Major London in Parliamento London Mense Junii, Anno Domini 1264. de consensu, voluntate & praecepto Domini Regis, nec non Praelatorum, Baronum ac etiam Communitatis tunc ibidem praesentium.  
And not only so, but that Record tells us, Quod quaedam Ordinatio facta in Parliamento London habito circa festum Nativitatis Sancti Johannis Baptistae proxime praeteritum pro pace Regni conservanda.  
And we read in another Record,  
Rex etc. Cum super praeteritis guerrarum 
Rot. Pat. 4● H. 3. m. 4. dorso.  discriminibus in Regno Angliae subortis, Quaedam ordinatio seu forma pacis de nostro Praelatorum, Baronum & totius Communitatis Regni praedicti unanimi voluntate & assensu provida deliberatione inita fuerit, etc. ●n cujus rei testimonium huic Scripto nos Rex Angliae, Comes Leyc. & Glouc. Jo. filuis Johannis, Johannes de Burgo Sen. Will. de Monte Canisio, Henr. de Hastings, & Gilbertus de Gaunt, pro nobis & caeteris Baronibus & Communitate Regni Angliae Sigilla nostra apposuimus. Dat. apud Cantuar. die Jovis proximè post Festum Nativitatis beatae Virgins, Anno 1264.  
And therefore those that hold 
Rastals Stat. p. 987. Stat. 3 & 4 E. 6. Cap. 3. where in the Parliament holden at M●rton in the 20 H. 3.  that there were no Commons, or Citizens and Burgesses in Parliament before 49 Hen. 3. would do well to define and ascertain, who the Communitas were after the words Praelati, Barones & Magnates, in the before-expressed Records.   

The FIFTH ARGUMENT.  
From an Act of Parliament, An. 2 H. 5. that famous Prince, where it is declared and admitted, that the Commons of the Land were ever a part of the Parliament, and so consequently were part of the Parliament Annis 16, 17 Joh. 28, 32, 37, 42, 48 H. 3. all within the prescription of the Borough of S. Alban.  
THE Commons of England, upon their claim or protestastation, had, as their undoubted and unquestionable right, and inherent privilege, allowed and admitted in Parliament, that they had ever been a member of Parliament: then were they a member of that 16 Joh. beforementioned, of 17 Joh. 28, 32, 37, 42, & 48 H. 3. and that no Statute or Law could be made without their assent.  
The Record says, That so as 
Rot. Parl. 2 H. 5. p. 2. n. 10. Nota. This memorable Record amongst several others as remarkable, is entirely left out in the Exact Abridgement of the Parliamwnt Rolls, published under the name of Sir Robert Cotton, by Mr. Pryn.  hit hath ever be their liberte and freedom, that thar should no Statute, ne Law, be made of lass then they yaffe thereto their Assent, considering that the Commune of your Lond, the which that is and ever hath be a member of your Parliament, been as well Assentirs as Petitioners.  
Yet was the affirmation of the Commons no other than a renovation or memorial of the ancient Law of the Land, as is proved before, and more fully explained and confirmed by the Petition to the 
〈…〉  King and his Learned Council, and answer thereto in the Parliament of 8 E. 2. The Record is not unworthy of a serious perusal. Erchevesque Evesque Prelatz, Counts, Barons, & autre gentz de la Comunyalte Dengleterre que tiegnent lour Manoirs en chief de nostre Seigneur, as well within the Forest as without, to which Manors they had Gasz (Wast) appendent, dont les Seignourages avantditz arentunt, by the acre, half acre, & per road en approvaunt lour Manoirs. Whereupon the Ministers of the King made seizure thereof, Pur ceo qu' eux ne unt la licence le Roy d'entrer. Therefore they pray, that they may approver leur Manoirs & le power pueple eyser, etc. Responsum in dorso, Il ne put estre fait sanz novele ley la quele chose fere la Comunalte de la terre ne vult my uncore assentir, infra, Coram rege.  
From hence I make these Observations.  
1. It proves that the Law could not be altered without consent of the Commons of England, though in a case particular to the King, as this was, for the Petition was coram Rege; nor could the King and Commons, without the Lords. For 
Rot. Parl. 22 E. 3. n. 30.  E. 3. per avys des Prelatz & Grauntz de la terre fist respondre as les petitions des Communes touchantes lafoy leye de la terre, que les leys eves & useez en temps passez, ne le process dycelle useez cea en arere, ne se purrent changer sanz ent fair novel statute, which as then they could not attend, but shortly would.  
2. That they ought to agree to all new Laws, and that no Statute could be made without their assent. It is then remarkable, 1. That the Commons of England, as now we style them, gave their suffrage and vote in the enacting and making of all Statutes and Laws in the time of the Progenitors of H. 3. which taken extensiuè, is a very large prescription of right, for that King by the Statute of Assisa panis & cervisiae, 
Pulton Stat.  made after 49. when it is pretended the Commons began, viz. An. 51. tells us, That at his Parliament 
Rot. Pat. 1 H. 3. m. 13. Rex Archiepiscopis, etc. Militi●us & libere ten●ntib●s & omnibus fidelibus s 〈…〉 s per Hibernia●, etc. quod in sig●●m fidelitatis ●estr●, etc. libertation Regao no●tro Angliae a 〈◊〉 vostro & no●is concessis de gratia nostra & dono in Regno Hiberniae ga●deatis, etc.  held the first year of his Reign, he had granted that all good Statutes and Ordinances, made in the time of his Progenitors, and not revoked, should still be held. 2. But admitting the word Progenitors be restrained to two, which I conceive was never intended by the Lawmakers, yet it cannot be denied but that the Statute of Magna Charta, for so it is called 5 H. 3. Fitz-herb. Abrid. tit. 
Sed non si● Angliae Stat●ta oriri possunt dum nedum Principis voluntate sed & tot●●s R●gni ass 〈…〉 ipsa cond●●t●r. Fortescue, cap. 8. pag. 40.  Mordaunc. n. 53. and by Fleta, Lib. 1. Cap. 28. and all other Statutes made at least, temporibus Johannis & Ricardi I. Father and Uncle of Henry the Third, had the assent of the Commons in Parliament, to make them Laws.  
Now the word Progenitors in the Statute, must I conceive go higher than Ric. 1. for Bracton a Learned Judge, who flourished in the time of Henry the Third, and so by a reasonable computation of time, may be supposed to have lived in the latter end of the Reign of Ric. 1. or beginning of King John's, after he had declared to posterity that he had bend his mind, ad vetera judicia perscrutanda diligenter non sine vigiliis & labour, and whatsoever he found Notatu dignum, he reduced in unam summam perpetuae memoriae commendanda, concludes this 
Bracton. Lib. 1. cap. 1. fol. 1. Inhibitio nè qui Magnates, viz. Com●s, Bar●, Miles, sea aliqua alia notabills persona transeat ad partes transmarinas. Rot. Claus. 3 E. 2. m. 16. dorso.  point thus. Cum legis vigorem habeat quicquid de consilio & de consensu Magnatum & Reipublicae communi sponsione authoritate Regis sive Principis praecedente justè fuerit definitum & approbatum.  
And so just and excellent was the balance of the Constitution of our legal Government, in preventing any order or rank of the Subjects, to impose upon or bind the rest without their common consent, and in conserving as it were an universal liberty and property to every individual degree of men, from being taken from them without their assent, as the County Palatine of Chester, ab antiquo were not 
King's Vale Royal of England, fol. 9, 10, 11.  subject to such Laws to which they did not consent; for as well before the Conquest of England, as after, they had their Commune Concilium, or Court of Parliament, by authority of which the Barones, Milites & quamplures alii (Rot. 44 H. 3. m. 1. dorso) Barones liberi homines & omnes alii fideles (Rot. Pat. 3. E. 1. m. 6.) or as the Supplication to H. 6. saith, The Abbots, Priors, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Which Supplication, though it be not that I know of upon Record, yet I have seen very many Copies thereof, and particularly I have a Copy of it my 〈◊〉 which was written in the year MDLxxxxii. Ex li 〈…〉 〈◊〉 The 〈◊〉 〈…〉 aring Cestrensis Baronet●i ad me m 〈…〉, Anno Dom. 〈◊〉.  Clergy, Barons, Knights, Esquires, and Commonalty, did with the consent of the Earl make or admit Laws within the same, such as should be thought expedient and behoveful for the Weal of the Inheritors and inheritance of the said County, and no Inheritors or Possessors within the said County were chargeable or liable, or were bounden, charged, or hurt of their Bodies, Liberties, Franchises, Lands, Goods, or Possessions, unless the said County (or Parliament) had agreed unto it. And I dare under submission affirm, that neither this County Palatine, nor Durham, were ever subjugated to have their Estates given away, at the good will and pleasure of the Earl or Bishop, under any notion or fancy in those days of being their representatives in the Commune Concilium Regni, or that being dependant Tenants, their consents were included in their Lords assent: and if the Commune Concilium Cestrense, or Parliament, was deduced from Records, it would be of greater use to show us as in a Mirror the Government of England in ancient days, than what I have yet seen published by any Author.  
3. That the Answer of the King to the Petition penned and made by all the Judges of the Land, his Council in Parliament cannot be supposed to be grounded upon a modern usage of 59 years from the time of 49 H. 3. till then, if the Tenants in Capite jure repraesentationis, made the Parliament as some hold, but was a Declaration of the ancient Custom and right of the Nation.  
4. That it was not in the power of all the Tenants in Capite of England, or the greatest part, who were the Petitioners, though with the King's consent, to bind and oblige others, or to make or alter a Law, sine assensu Communitatis Regni, who had votum consultivum, and decisivum, an Act of Authority and Jurisdiction, as well in assenting to spiritual Laws as Temporal, as may appear for an instance, in their Declaration or Protestation to E. 3. in Parliament.  
Que nul estatut ne Ordenance soit fait 
Rot. Parl. 51 E. 3. art. 46. Le Convocation n'ad ascun power a fair ascun chose a liar le Temporalty. 20 H. 6. 13. Et issint le Rule 44 E. 3. 19 ●t ●ray q's n●l 〈◊〉 oblige le poe●●e 〈◊〉; c●● q' est fait par consent del people. Davis Rep. fol. 〈◊〉.  ne grante au Petition du Clergie si ne soit per assent de voz Communes, ne que vous dites Communes ne soient obligez per nulles constitutions q'ils font pur lour avantage sanz assent de voz dites Communes: Car eux ne veullent estre obligez nul de voz Estatuz ne Ordinances faitz sanz lour assent.  
Fortescue cap. 8. pag. 40. tells us, Sed non sic Angliae Statuta oriri possunt dum nedum Principis voluntate sed & totius Regni assensu ipsa conduntur. Et si Statuta licet tanta solennitate & prudentia edita, efficaciae tantae quantae conditorum cupiebat intentio, non esse contingant; Concito reformari ipsa possunt & non sine Communitatis & Procerum Regni illius assensu quali ipsa primitus emanarunt. And that this was the ancient Law and Right of the Kingdom, appears by the answer of E. 1. anᵒ 22. of his Reign to the Petition of the whole Clergy of England; for the Clergy having given the King medietatem omnium 
Henr. de Knighton de Eventibus Angliae lib. 3. pag. 2502. l. 24. An. Dom. 1294. 22 E. 1.  bonorum tam temporalium quam spiritualium, complaining that the Immunity of the Church laesa fuit & violata, petiit à Rege quosdam Articulos (Rege jubente) jussit enim Rex postquam votis ipsius paruerant (in giving the Subsidy) ut ipsi ab eo peterent remedia quae vellent. Et petierunt imprimis ut Statutum de manu mortua, quod in praejudicium Sanctae Matris Ecclesiae fuit editum, deleretur Cui quidem Articulo respondit Rex, quod idem Statutum de Consilio Magnatum suorum (so phrased by the Historian) fuerat editum & ordinatum, & absque eorum Consilio non erat revocandum: but a more certain authority tells us, that the Statute was made, per Commune 
V 〈…〉. Coke 2. Insi. fol. ●5.  Concilium Regni, or Parliament, as appears by Rot. Claus. 7 E. 1. m. 5. dorso. Rot. Pat. 10 E. 1. m. 13. and then the Commons were unquestionably an essential part, and joined in the making the Statute.   

The six ARGUMENT.  
From the form of penning of 〈◊〉 of Parliament, and expressions in Records in 49, 51, 54 H. 3. where it is pretended the Comm●ns first began to be a part of the Legislative Power, which agree with the phrases of Records of Acts of Parliament before that time.  
THE King writes to the Bishop 
〈…〉  of London, and to the rest of the Bishops of the Province of Canterbury, that his heart was wounded 〈…〉 to dolore, that the Earl of Gloucester, and other Rebels, had by crafty persuasions circumvented, pro 〈…〉 r! Prince Edward, & ad partem suam proditori● a●●axe●unt proprii contemptu Sacrament, contra formam de nostro & ejusdem silii nostri, Praelatorum, Magnatum & Communitatis Regni nostri unanimi assensu & voluntate nuper London. provisam.  
The King per le conseil & l'assentement 
Rot. Pat. 51 H. 3. m. 16. Pro ●●ce inter R●g●m & Com. Glouc. Nota, 〈◊〉 Earl of 〈…〉 wall, w●● Elected King of H●ngary, or Almain. Ibidem. Coke 2. Instit. sol. 599. Articuli C●●●i ex fragmenta. Rot. Parl. An. 51 H. 3.  le Rei de Alemain & de Countess, & de Baruns, & deal Commun de la terre, pardoned and released the Earl of Gloucester, and all his Company, etc.  
And the King per le Conseil & Passentement le Rei de Alemain, & les Cuntes, & de Barons, & le Commun de la terre, pardoned and released the Londoners, totes maneres de ire & de rancour & de male volente, etc.  
The King and Prince having 
Rot. Pat. 54 H. 3. m. 7. intus. D● signo 〈…〉.  undertaken the Crusado, for the Holy Land, quia tamen Praelatis, Magnatibus & Communitati Regni non videtur expediens neque tutum, that they should be both out of the Kingdom, istis temporibus, it was agreed the Prince should go, and a Subsidy was granted to the Prince by the Parliament.  
If one should show the Authors of the novel opinion, only these Records, and thereupon ask them who the Communitas, mentioned in these Records, after the words Praelati, Barones, & Magnates were, I doubt not but they would say, Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, because they are after the pretended inception of 49 H. 3. but then I desire to know what authority they can show, why the Communitas in 29, 32, 37, & 48 H. 3. should not be a part of the Parliament as much as of 49, 51, 54. of that King, since the words or phrases of both are alike in the Records.  
For I do not think it a true way of reasoning, That because the notion of 49 H. 3. is generally published by our now Historians, and so believed: Ergo, it unquestionably was so, and has always and in all ages been distinctly known and believed.   

The SEVENTH ARGUMENT.  
From the defect and loss of Parliament Rolls of H. 3. and E. 1. and from the universal silence of all Records, and our ancient Historians contemporary and succeeding 49 H. 3. till our days.  
IT is true indeed for any thing 
For all Pa●●●ament ●●●ls of the time of H. 3. are l 〈…〉 〈◊〉▪ 〈…〉 me 〈◊〉 in the Parliament ●t O 〈…〉, in 44. of the ●ame King, which I have heretofore used by the favour of an honourable p●rson that 〈…〉.  yet appears, the Parliament Rolls of H. 3. are all lost or destroyed, though references are made to them by several Clause and Patent Rolls of H. 1. and H. 2. yet no direct Writ of Summons ad Parliamentum, is extant of that time, either of the Lords or Commons (so Mr Pryn) till the Dorse of the Clause Roll 49 H. 3. in a Schedule affixed thereto, where there are Writs for Electing and sending to a Parliament at London, two Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, and Barons for the Cinque-Ports, and likewise Summons to the great Lords.  
But if that Roll of 49 H. 3. and Rot. Claus. 22 E. 1. had been destroyed as many others of that time were, than had there been no footsteps or testimony left us on Record, yet discovered, of any formal Summons to Parliament, of 
〈◊〉 first Part of 〈◊〉 Writs, ●ol. 16●. 〈…〉, sol. 33.  them or the Prelates and temporal great Lords, till 23 E. 1. though several Parliaments were in the interim, no less than twelve as the Printed Statute Books tell us. And 
P 〈…〉 's Stat. 〈◊〉. 1●, 18, 2●, ●●, 43, 44, 46, ●●, ●●, 71, 73.  the Commons expressly said to be present at some, and employed in all, if the Phrase of Commune Concilium Regni implies so much, which 〈◊〉 think is unquestionable when compared with the Statute of 
Vide the Writs upon the Statutes of 〈…〉 m. 1. 3 E. 1. Glo●●. 6 E. 1. de mercatorio●s, 13 E. 1. de Va●●o, 20 E. 1. declare they were made per Commune Concilium Regni. Coke 2. Instit. sol. 156.  Westm. 1. made 3 E. 1. which was not eleven years after 49 H. 3. wherein the constituent parts of the Commune Concilium Regni, are enumerated and expressed, the Statute being made Per l'assentements des Archievesques, Evesques, Abbes, Priors, Counts, Barons & tout le Commonalty de la terre illonques summones.  
Now because from that one Record of 49 H. 3. (being the only Roll as yet found out) it should be wonderfully observed, and from thence infallibly concluded and nicked, and by an ominous and influential Asterism of Rebellion and Treason marked, that the very 
All the ancientest Writs of Summons of our Temporal Lords to great Councils, being utterly lost through negligence, or perished through the rust or consumption of time, the very first Writ of Summons to them, and Calendar of their names, now remaining, is that of 49 H. 3. prynn's Register of Parliamentary Writs, Part 1. sol. 160. ●●t to point out who they were (viz. B 〈…〉 mai●res) that had their first rise by Writ of Summons until 22 E. 1. and afterwards, pasteth my skill, there being no public Record that doth make mention of them till then, excepting that of 49 H. 3. D 〈…〉 Pres▪ to his Basilius 〈…〉 Angliae, Tom. 1.  first Writs (whereby the great Lords are said to be also first Summoned) to send two Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses for each County, City, and Borough, 〈◊〉 Parliamentum, in Octabis San●ti Hillarii, were made in this very year, at that very Crisis of time, nay tested on such very days, when the rebellious Barons (after the Battle of Lewes) had the King and Prince in their power, and exercised Regal Authority in his name, under good favour seems not at all satisfactory and convincing to me, until they give more certain and greater testimonials and evidence, and answer these few Records.  
If the Epocha of the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, or Commons (as now called and distinguished from the great Lords) being first admitted a part of the Parliament and Legislative Power, had such a Creation and Origine, it is more than a wonder, though the Parliament Rolls be destroyed, that the Lieger Books, Charters, or Historians of that time, either National or Foreign, of which there are not a few, or our ancient Lawyers, Bracton, Britton, Fleta, and Hengham, had not amongst many Narratives of far less moment and weight, given posterity a remark, or some short hint or memorial of so sudden, so great, and so universal a change or Catastrophe of the whole constitution and ancient frame of the English Government, as that must unquestionably be admitted to be, or some subsequent Chronologer had not so much as dreamt of it till of late, or that branch in the ancient Coronation Oath of our Kings, demanded by the Archbishop, had not been omitted, or ne ver administered, which runs thus.  
Concedis justas leges & consuetudines 
Ex MS. 〈…〉 s Honorabile● Dominum Bar. de Hollis.  esse tenendas, & promittis per te esse protegendas, & ad honorem Dei corroborandas quas Vulgus elegerit secundum vires tuas. [Respondebit Rex, Concedo & promitto.]  
The word Elegerit, being admitted to be of the preterperfect tense, it certainly shows, that the people's Election had been the foundation and ground of ancient Laws and Customs; and the term of justas leges, seems to allow a liberty of debate, reason, and argument, so much as might be of efficacy and force, to demonstrate and convince, that the Laws so required by the Commons of the King, were just and reasonable; the debate and consideration of which certainly was never, nor ever could be intended to be done in the diffusive capacity of all the Commons of England, separatim, but in an entire, or in an aggregat body, that is, in their Communia Concilia, or Parliaments.  
And with this agrees the Statute of Provisors, An. 25 E. 3. which saith, Whereupon the 
Pulton's Stat. sol. 99 25 E. 3. It is considered and declared by the whole body of this Realm now represented by all the Estates of the same assembled in this present Parliament, that the King's Highness, before Almighty God, is bound as by the duty of a good Christian Prince, for the conservation and preservation of the good Estate and Commonwealth of this his Realm, to do all that in him is, to obviate, repress, and redress the said abusions and exactions of Annates, or First-fruits. Apad Capell. Rotulor. Rot. Parl. 23 H. 8. n. 33.  said Commons have prayed our Sovereign Lord the King, that upon the mischiefs and damages which happen to his Realm, he ought and is bound by his Oath, with the accord of his people in his Parliament, thereof to make remedy and law, and removing the mischiefs and damage which thereof ensue. (And this they say) sith the right of the Crown of England, and the Law of the Realm was such.  
Nor indeed can I apprehend any colourable pretence, much less a probable reason, that if the Barons had 49 H. 3. usurped the Sovereign power into their hands, they should 1. So easily and speedily divide and share it with the Commons, constitute a new Court of Parliament, and make them essential and coordinate with themselves in the Legislative Power: sure we know it is natural for all Courts, ampliare & non diminuere Jurisdictionem. 2. That at that Parliament the numerous Barons (as they style them) should but summon 23. of their own Order, when the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors and Deans, made 120, if we must be concluded by the Records. If there were then two Houses of Parliament, and that the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, did not sit with the Lords, the Prelates having so great advantage of the Temporal Lords in their Votes, were very unkind to the Crown they made not use of their overbalance for the delivery of the King and Prince, then said to be in Custody. 3. Nor have I yet met with any reasons given, why when the Government of the whole Kingdom was at this Parliament of 49 H. 3. to be settled after so long and bloody a War, the Barons being then so victorious and numerous, as our modern Authors say, they would by their absence hazard and endanger the loss of all by entrusting the Prelates and Commons with the overbalance. Many remarkable observations might be raised upon this Record, both as to the Lords and Commons, but I will now pass to my eight Argument, concluding this with Mr Pry●●s opinion, 
Mr Pry●n's Preface to S● Rob●rt Cotton's Abridgement of the Records i● the Tower.  how the Parliament Rolls before E. 3. came to be lost or destroyed. I will use his own words. That there are no Records at all in the Tower (except some few ancient Charters or Exemplifications of them) ancienter than the first year of King John, all the rest from William the first his Reign till then (except some few in the Exchequer not relating to Parliaments) being utterly lost, the first Parliament Rolls yet remaining are these, 5, 8, 9, and 19th of King E. 2. the Statute Roll of H. 3. E. 1. E. 2. containing some Statutes made in their Reigns, a Parchment Book of some Pleas in Parliament during the Reigns of King E. 1. and 2. and a few Bundles of Petitions in the Parliaments of 6 E. 1. and 1, 2, 3, and 4 E. 3. none of which are here abridged (viz. in the Abridgement by him published) only I find in the Clause Patent Charter and Fine Rolls of King John, H. 3. E. 1, and 2. some Writs of Summons, and some memorial of Acts, Ordinances made, and Aids, Subsidies, Dimes, Quindisms, Customs granted in Parliaments, held during their Reigns, the Rolls whereof are perished and quite lost, either through the negligence of the Record Keepers, or the Injury, Iniquity of the times during the Civil Wars between the King and Barons, in the Reigns of King John and H. 3. and betwixt the two Houses of Lancaster and York, 
Rot. Pari. 1 〈◊〉 4. n. 8. 〈◊〉 Richard 〈…〉 〈…〉 it Rot 〈…〉 Pa●●●am●nti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suo 〈◊〉 & d 〈…〉 i.  for the Title of the Crown, wherein (it is very probable) the prevailing King's parties, by their Instruments, embezzled, suppressed such Parliamentary Records and Proceedings, as made most against their Interests, Power, Prerogatives, Titles; or through the default of our Kings great Officers and Attorneys, who sending for the Parliament Rolls out of the Tower, upon special occasions, never returned them again for reasons best known to themselves, by means whereof, those Parliament Rolls being no where to be found, their defects must be supplied only out of such fragments and memorial of them, as are extant in our other Records and ancient Historians, especially in Matthew Paris, Matthew Westm. William of Malmesbury, Henry Archdeacon of Huntingdon, Roger de Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis, The Chronicle of Brompton, Radulphus de Diceto, Ranulphus Cestrensis, and Thomas of Walsingham, who give us some accounts of their proceedings and transactions, which else had been utterly buried in oblivion, as well as their Rolls wherein they were at large Recorded, as is evident by the Parliament Rolls yet extant.   

The EIGHTH ARGUMENT.  
From the various opinions of the learned men in and since H. 8. who never dreamt of any such origine, nor was it ever heard of till of late.  
IT would be tedious to set down the various and wand'ring opinions and reasons of our modern Authors in English, touching the beginning of our Parliaments, and constituent parts thereof, especially of the Commons, as now called and comprehended in the Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses in Parliament: I will but instance in a few eminent Authors, and leave the Crowd behind.  
The great Antiquary, Mr. Lamberd holds, that they were before 
Lamberd Archion. sol. 246.  the time of William the First, and there are other learned men who give their assent to that as a great truth.  
Mr. Prynn saith, By all the ancient 
prynn's Truth Triumphing over Falsehood, Antiquity over Novelty, sol. 69. Parliamentum Synodus magn● nun 〈…〉 r Somneri Gloss.  Precedents before the Conquest, it is most apparent, That all our Pristine Synods and Councils were nought else but Parliaments; that our Kings, Nobles, Senators, aldermans, Wisemen, Knights and Commons, were usually present, and voting in them as Members and Judges.  
Polydore Virgil, Hollinshead, Speed and Martin, are of opinion, that the Commons were first summoned at a Parliament at Salisbury, An. 16 H. 1.  
Sir Walter Raleigh in his Treatise of the Prerogative of Parliaments, thinks it was Anno 18 H. 1.  
My Lord Bacon in a Letter to 
Cabala sol. 65. A 〈…〉. 1621.  the Duke of Buckingham, asks, Where were the Commons before H. 1. gave them authority to meet in Parliament?  
Dr. Heylin finds another beginning, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of the 〈◊〉 World. 〈…〉.  and saith, that H. 2. who was Duke of Anjou, was the first Institutor of our High Court of Parliament, which (being an Anjovian) he learned in France.  
But I cannot find that any of those ever supposed the Commons were first introduced in Parliament 49 H. 3. by Rebellion.  
Nor was this opinion entertained by any Author I can meet with, Anno 1529. 21 H. 8. for in an answer of that great and excellent person Sir Thomas More, Lord 
Sir 〈◊〉 Mor● 's Works, sol. 296.  Chancellor of England, in his supplication of Souls against the supplication of Beggars, discoursing about King John's making (in the 14th year of his Reign, and three years before his granting Magna Charta) the Realm Tributary to the Pope, declares his Judgement without any doubt or hesitation, and therein as I take it the universal tradition and belief of all learned men of that and precedent times:  
That the Clergy and all the Lords and Commons of the Realm made the Parliament in the age of King John, and that never could any King of England give away the Realm to the Pope, or make the Land Tributary without their grant; whose Book, and so his opinion we find approved of and published by a grave and learned Judge of the Kingdom, Mr. Justice 
Willtelmus Rastall S●rviens ad lige● constitatus Jast●●. de 〈◊〉. Tesre Rege apud 〈◊〉. 2● Octobr. 〈◊〉. Par. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 61● & 〈◊〉  Rastall, and dedicated to Queen Mary herself, An. 1557. not much above a Century ago.   

The NINTH ARGUMENT.  
From the comparison of the ancient Generale Concilium, or Parliament of Ireland instanced An. 38 H. 3. with ours in England, wherein the Citizens and Burgesses were, which was eleven years before the pretended beginning of the Commons here.  
AS great a right and privilege surely was and ought to be allowed to the English Subjects as was to the Irish before 49 H. 3. and if that be admitted, and that their Commune Concilium, or Parliament, had its Platform from ours, as I think will not be denied by any that have considered the Histories and Records touching that Land, we shall find the two ensuing Records, An. 38 H. 3. clearly evince, that the Citizens and Burgesses were then a part of their great Council or Parliament.  
That King being in partibus 
Rot. Pat. 〈◊〉 H. 〈◊〉. 4. 〈◊〉.  transmarinis, and the Queen being left Regent she sends Writs in the King's name directed Archiepiscopis, 
〈…〉.  Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Militibus, liberis Cominibus, Civibus & Burgensibus terrae s 〈…〉 Hiberniae, telling them that mittimus fratrem Nicholaum de Sancto Neoto, fratrem Hospi●●i Sancti Johannis Jerusalem in Anglia ad parses Hiberniae ad exponendum vobis (together with I. Fitz Geoffrey the King's Justice) the State of his Land of Vascony endangered by the hostile invasion of the King of Castille, qui nullo jure sed potentia sua consisus terram nostram Vasconiae per ipsius fortitudinem à manibus nostris auferre & à Dominio Regni Angliae segregare 
Inquisitio facta ad Parliamentam de Tristel Dermond die Mercurii proxima post Festion Sanctae Trinitatis An. 48 H. 3. Coram Domino Ricardo de Rupella Capitali Justiciario Hiberniae & co●am Domino Hugone de Tachmone Epi 〈…〉 po Midensi ta'en T●●s●●rari●, etc. Ex Reg 〈…〉 Architpis 〈…〉 Dubliniensis. Parliament in Ireland, A●. 48 H. 3.  proponit. And therefore universitatem vestram quanta possumus affectione rogantes quatenus nos & jura nostra totaliter indefensa non deserentes nobis in tanto periculo quantumcunque poteritis de Gente & pecunia subveniatis, which would turn to their everlasting honour, concluding his nostris angustiis taliter compatientes quod nos & baeredes nostri vobis & haeredibus vestris sumus non immerito obligati. Teste Regina & R. Comite Cornubiae apud Windesor, 17o Die Februarii, per Reginam.  
The other Writ somewhat varies, 
Ibid. 〈◊〉.  being a Commission touching the Chief Justice Fitz Geoffrey, to be as an Assistant or Co-commissioner with Father Nicholas, to hold the Parliament, to declare to them the State of Gascony, & pericula nobis imminentia, & ad tractandum vobiscum super auxilio nobis faciendo, against the King of Castille, desiring they would give Faith to what the Chief Justice should say to them thereupon.  
Rot. Pat. 5 E. 1. m. 13. we 
Rot. Pat. 5 E. 1. m. 13.  read: Rex Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abbatibus, Prioribus, Comitibus, Baronibus, Militibus, & omnibus aliis Anglicis de terra Hiberniae, etc. vobis mandamus quod ad certos dies quos ad hoc provideritis, videlicet citra Festum Nativitatis beatae Mariae Virgins, in aliquibus locis opportunis conveniatis, & diligentem tractatum inter vos habeatis, utrum fuerit praejudicio vestri & libertatum & consuetudinum vestrarum, that the mere Irish should use and enjoy the same Laws and Customs in common as the English there, and to send their Judgement and Counsel, under the Seal of the Justice of Ireland. And in the twentieth Year of this King, Magnates & 
Rot. Pat. 28 E. 1. m. 15. De 15 1 Regi in Hibernia contessa taxand. Inhibition ne qui Mag●atis, videlicet Comes, 〈◊〉, Milis, s●ali ●ua alia notabilis person● transeat a● parts transmarinas. Rot Claus. 3 E. 2. m. 16. 19 dorso.  probi homines Terrae Hiberniae quint amdecimam partem de bonis & catallis suis concesserunt gratiose to the King, which certainly was done in the Generale Concilium, or Parliament, and that the general phrase (probi homines) did include and comprehend the Citizens and Burgesses to be part of that General Council, for Rot. Claus. 7 H. 3. m. 7. dorso, the Citizens of Dublin are called Probi homines nostri Dublyn.  
From hence may be observed, 1. That by the Patent Rolls of 38 H. 3. the Citizens and Burgesses were summoned to meet at the great Council or Parliament, as well as the Prelates, Earls, Barons, Knights, and Freeholders', and equally desired to give the King a Subsidy of men and money.  
2. That though in the Writ of E. 1. the Citizens and Burgesses are not mentioned eo nomine, the phrases of directions in Writs being in those Ages very various, sometimes more general, and sometimes more particular; yet the words omnibus aliis Anglicis after Baronibus & Militibus, must comprehend the Citizens and Burgesses, who were to meet and diligently to treat with the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, Earls, Barons, and Knights and Freeholders, whether it would be in prejudice of their Liberties and Customs, if the mere Irish should enjoy the same Laws and Customs as they of the English extraction did, and they were to join in giving their judgement and counsel with the rest of the Parliament. And reason itself speaks it, since the admission of the mere Irish into equal privileges and rights with themselves in their Cities and Towns, would be of so great a consequence to them; for upon the Kings granting by Charters to several Irish Families, the benefit of the English Laws, great disputes arose, so that Rot. Claus. 10 E. 2. m. 28. intus, upon a Petition to the King, he granted that semel in anno tene●tur Parliamentum to redress their grievances touching the Irish and English Laws, and so the word Parliamentum ascertains what those Councils were in the Patent Rolls of 38 H. 3. and 5 E. 1. beforementioned.  
And now I will close my Arguments, declaring under the good favour of so eminently learned Authors, that their resolves and opinions which they have published to the World, that the inception and original Election of Knights, Citizens, and Burgesses, or the admission of the Commons of England (as now phrased) into Parliament by Rebellion and Treason, Anno 49 H. 3. are not at all satisfactory and convincing in my judgement, unless they give more certain and greater testimonials than yet I have met with, and answer these few Records against their so severe Position. A Position, believe me, that like a tempestuous Whirlwind, not only rends off and dismembers an essential branch, but shakes the very Root of the right and honour of our English Parliament, and equally wounds both Lords and Commons, because these learned Authors themselves do agree, that there is not yet discovered any formal Summons of the great Lords (no more than of the Commons) to any Parliament before the said 49 H. 3.  
And here I must beg the favour of the Reader of adding a supplemental Argument, which at first I confess was not intended, and it is this.  
If in the General Councils, or, in our present Dialect, Parliaments, for instance, 1. Of France, 2. Spain, 3. Portugal, 4. Denmark, 5. Sweden, and 6. Scotland, the Cities and great Towns or Boroughs, have from time immemorable, both de jure and de facto, had their Delegates or Representatives:  
Upon what authority or reason can it be believed, that so universal a Northern Custom or Law, did not obtain and was never practised in England before 49 H. 3?  
1. FOR France we find their 
Paul●s Aemilius Hist. Franc. Lib. 9  Conventus ordinum, or L'assemblie des Estates, consisted the Sacerdotio, Nobilitate & plebe, of the Clergy, Nobility and Commons, this is evident by the Parliament Roll 
Rot. Parl. 9 H. 5. n. 14. Pars 1a. a. Approbatio pacis inter R●gna Angliae & Franciae nuper conclusae. Rot. Parl. 11 H. 7. n. 40. in consimiliforma.  9 H. 5. which takes notice of the peace made between England and France, that the same was confirmed in France, per tres Status regni, viz. Praelatorum & Cleri, necnon Procerum & Nobilium ac etiam Civium, 
The last of which, being the Citizens and Burgesses, appeared by their Representatives or Delegates.  Burgensium, Civitatum, Villarum & Communitatum dicti Regni Francorum, ipsi tres Status eandem pacem & omnia & singula contenta in eadem APPROBARUNT, LAUDARUNT, ACCEPTARUNT & AUCTORIZARUNT. It seems by this that the French Kings were not so despotical and absolute by the fundamental Laws of that Kingdom, as their Successors have by acts of power since made themselves.  
2. In Spain their Curia or Cortes deal Reyno, is compounded (as Dr. Heylin citys out of the learned Bodin) of the Clergy, the Nobility, and the Commissioners of the Provinces and ancient Cities.  
3. The Portugal Cortes or Parliament 
The Portugal History. Impress. An. 1677. pag. 279.  consists of the Bishops and Prelates, the Nobiles majores & minores, and two Procurators or Burgesses from every City, who have a deliberative voice, which they call definitive.  
4. In Denmark, Pontanus saith, 
P 〈…〉 in Hi 〈…〉  the Bishops, the Nobility, & Civitatum Delegati, the Deputies or Commissioners of Towns and Cities, made up their General Council.  
5. For Sweden, it does not much 
Th●anus Hist. Lib. 131. fol. 1108. Tom. 〈◊〉.  differ from the Government and form of Denmark, their Common Council consisting of the same Estates and degrees of people, that is to say, Proceres & Nobiles, the greater and the less Nobility, Episcopi & Ecclesiastici, Civitates & Universitates, the Cities, Boroughs and Villages.  
I might here if it were needful, show how great a share and interest the Hanze or free Towns in Germany have by their Deputies in all Ages had in the Diet or General Council of the Empire.  
6. But now at last we are come to Scotland, Sir John Skene in his Epistle 
Regiam Majestatem Scotiae.  Dedicatory to King James, before his Scottish Laws, writes thus. Intelligo tuas tuorumque Majorum Leges quae cum Legibus Regni tui Angliae magna ex parte consentiunt; and then in his Book shows, that Willielmus cognominatus Leo, who as is said, begun to Reign in 1105. and reigned 49. Years, so as he was King of Scotland 5 10 of our Henry the first, held his Assize or Parliament at 
Apud eundem Statuta Wilhelmi Regis, pag. 3. cap. 7.  Perth, where several Laws were ordained, to the observance whereof, Episcopi, Abbates, Comites, Barones, Thani & tota Communitas Regni tenere firmiter juraverunt.  
King Alexander began to Reign 
〈◊〉 Statute Alexandri 〈…〉, pag. 2●. 〈◊〉. 2.  Anno 1214. which was the sixteenth Year of our King John, and Reigned 35. Years, so as he died an. 38 H. 3. he made his Laws de Consilio & assensu venerabilium Patrum Episcoporum, Abbatum, Baronum ac proborum hominum suorum Scotiae. And 
R●●. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 2. 〈◊〉. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Exon. Wor 〈…〉 Hunt. 〈◊〉. etc.  what the Communitas Regni in King William's Statutes, and the prob● homines in King Alexander's, were, the League made between the French King and the Crown of Scotland, Anno 28 E. 1. clearly shows, being 
Ex 〈◊〉 in ●●●ri London. 28 E. 1.  ratified and confirmed in their Parliament, per Johannem de Balliolo, than King, ac Praelatos & Nobiles & Universitates & Communitates Civitatum & Villarum dicti Regni Scotiae; and the constant practice ever since hath been, that the Cities and Boroughs have sent their Proxies or Representatives to the Parliaments of that Kingdom.  
It may therefore seem very strange, that when the Cities and Boroughs in all the Kingdoms of Europe, de jure and de facto were ab antiquis temporibus, even in times coeval with the Government, an essential part of their Common Councils or Parliaments, that England should not be under the same constitution, being but descendants from Gaul, or the more Northern Countries; if so,  
1. Was it because in the Britton, Saxon and Norman times, there were no Cities or Boroughs, or if there were, were they so poor and inconsiderable, as they deserved no observation in the eye of the State? or,  
2. Was it because, by a strange and unheard of fate, peculiar and proper only to them, they were not fit or capable to give or hear reason, as well as the Delegates or Representatives of the Cities and Boroughs of France, Spain, Portugal, Denmark, Sweden and Scotland? or,  
3. Had they no property or right in their Estates? Certainly, in my opinion, none of these Objections can be admitted, allowed, or proved; for  
In the Britons time, venerable 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. lib. 1. cap. 1.  Bede tells us. Erat Britannia viginti & octo Civitatibus quondam Nobilissimis insignita praeter Castilia innumera, quae & ipsa muris, turribus, portis ac seris erant instructa firmissimis. Nor were they of less reputation in the Saxon or Norman times, when they were thought so necessary and proper for the safety of the Govern meant, preservation and defence of the Laws, that it was ordained by William the First, and the Common 
〈…〉.  Council of the Kingdom; That no Market or Fair should be permitted to be held, nisi in Civitatibus Regni nostri & in Burgis ubi consuetudines Regni & Jus Commune & dignitates Coronae nostrae deperiri non possunt nec defraudari nec violari, sed omnia recte & in aperto & per Judicium & Justitiam fieri debent, etc. ad tuitionem gentium & populorum regni & ad defensionem Regni. And if in the Britons times the Nation was so strong in Cities and Castles, surely it cannot be imagined but that in the Saxon and Norman times, when the Nation became to be more civilised and considerable in the World, the Estates or Degrees of the Inhabitants 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 spi●●●●. ●od. de 〈◊〉. Lib. 1. Cap. 3.  would easily part with these Liberties and Privileges, which their Ancestors, though less knowing and powerful, did claim and enjoy.  
Having thus concluded my Arguments against the Position of 49 H. 3. I have thought it not altogether impertinent, to add some brief Observations for the better understanding of ancient Records, and Historians in their various Lections and different expressions. I shall therefore consider,  

1. The different application of the words Commune, Communitas, or Plebs.  
2. The several Denominations by which our ancient General, or Common Council or Parliaments, were expressed.  
3. The various acceptation of the word Baro, and that under the Phrase of Baronagium Angliae, both Lords and Commons were comprehended.    

Observation I.  
The different application of the words Commune, Communitas, or Plebs.  
THere lies a main Objection 
Objection. Eum ●go Pl●b●i●m vo●●, qu●m leges nostrae ●ominem leg●●●m appellant, saith a learned man, a Lawyer and Privy Councillor to the famous Queen. T●●. S 〈…〉 de Rep●●. A 〈…〉. 1. cap. 23. fol. 43. Diego p 〈…〉 s. And the Archbishops Question to the King in the Coronation Oath runs, Si liges & cons 〈…〉 s ab antiquis justis & deo devotis Regibus P●●bi Anglorum 〈…〉 as. T 〈…〉 i Mag●a Charta, fol. 164.  against me, for some Authors say, that the words Commons, Communitas, or Plebs, is not to be met withal in any ancient Authors or Records; ab ingressu Willielmi Primi usque ad excessum H. 3. and therefore conclude, they were never a part of the Commune Concilium, or Parliament, before 49 H. 3. because not mentioned eo nomine.  
Admitting the Objection true 
Answer.  (which I conceive otherwise) yet it is no Conclusive Argument, for before the Statute An. 3 R. 2. cap. 3. 
R 〈…〉 s Stat. pag. 135 ●●p. 3.  I cannot find the appellation of Lords Temporal, nor before the 13th of that King cap. 2. the phrase Lords Spiritual and Temporal in our 
Ibid. pag. 156.  Printed Statute Books; Ergo, from thence it follows by a necessary consequence, according to their Argument, that they were not any part of the Generale Concilium, or Parliament, before those times, because not expressed by that name. I suppose this Conclusion will not be admitted true.  
But as I am well satisfied, that the Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots and Priors, who were often expressed by, and comprehended in the word Praelati, and who in after times constituted the Lords Spiritual, and the Earls and Barons, as now differenced, the Lords Temporal, were ab antiquo undoubtedly a part of the Commune Concilium Regni, or Parliament; so it may be proved if insisted upon, That the Milites and libere tenentes de Regno or Angliae, the Knights and Gentlemen, or Freeholders of England (licet nonnunquam diversis & variis appellationibus expressi & inclusi, in which those qui de Rege tenuerunt in capite, or Barones 
Reges Antiqui cum in Chartis mentionem saciant de Baronibus, saepe subjungunt, possessivum meis vel nostris, id est Regios Barones sic distinguant à Baronibus, Episcoporum, Comitum, Abbatum, etc. Spelm. Gloss. Tit. Baro fol. 69. Anno 3 H. 3. Fitz-Herbert Abridgement. Tit. Prescription 56. fol. 102. Rot. Claus. 24 H. 3. m. 10. Pro Hawisia quae fuit uxor Johannis filii Alani. Glanvile lib. 8. cap. 11. Et hoc debet Dominus Rex de jure Baronibus suis, scilicet quod ob talem causam possunt sui Barones Curias suas sic in Curiam suam ponere.  Regii, or Regis, to difference them from the Barones Regni, were comprehended) were à Crepusculo temporis, a constituent and essential part also, although by Historians and Records they are often mentioned by, and included in titles, which in late times import more honour, and are now of an higher acceptation, and had not the name of Commons fixed, or generally stamped upon them as in after Ages. Sed haec obiter.  
1. As to the word Communes (or 
1. Observation.  Communitas) I have in my inquiries observed it to be used in six senses.  
1. To comprehend the whole Commune Concilium Regni, or Parliament.  
A le commune Dangleterre: Here 
Coke 2. Instit. fol. 539. Articuli super Chartas, cap. 1.  Commune is taken for people, so as tout le Commune is here taken for all the people, and this is proved by the sense of the words, for Magna Charta was not granted to the Commons of the Realm, but generally to all the Subjects of the Realm, viz. to those of the Clergy, and to those of the Nobility; and to the Commons also. And that [Commune] in this place signifieth people, it is proved by the preamble, for there the great Charter and the Charter of the Forest, are rehearsed to be granted 
Note, before 9 H. 3. Magna Charta was granted and confirmed several times. Rot. Pat. 1 H. 3. n. 13. Rot. Claus. 2 H. 3. m. 11. dorso. Of which last there are several ancient transcripts. MS. penes praenobilem Will. Pierpont. MS. penes Sam. Baldwin Militem Servientem Domini Regis ad Legem. MS. penes Johannem Cook gen. de interiore Templo. MS. penes meipsum. 3 H. 3. Hist. Ecclesiae Angl. apud Foxum Vol. 1. pag. 335. Ex MS. Domini Scales. Rot. Pat. 3 H. 3. m. 6.  by King H. 3. to his people, and here they are said to be granted [A le Commune] and see before 25 E. 1. Confirm. Chart. cap. 1. & cap. 6. for this word Commune and Commonalty: so as [A le Commune] here signifieth not to the Commons of the Realm, but to the people of the whole Realm; and herewith agree our Books, for that a common nuisance which concerns le commune on le commonalty, le suit serra done au Roi, where [common] and [commonalty] include all the King's Subjects.  
2. To comprehend the Communitas 
Rot. Pat. 48 H. 3. Pars 1. m. 8. dorso n. 10.  Praelatorum & Baronum.  
3. To comprehend the generality of all that came to Parliament, after the particular enumeration of the Orders of the great Lords, viz. Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates, Priores, Comites, Barones.  
The Statute of Westm. 1. made 
Coke 2. Instit. fol. 156. rastal's Stat. 12 E. 2. sol. 59  3 E. 1. eleven years after 49 H. 3. saith, per l'assentements des Archievesques, Evesques, Abbes, Priors, Counts, Barons, & tout le Comminalty de la terre illonques summones.  
The Statute, de asportatis Religiosorum, 
Statutum de asportatis Religiosorum, 35 E. 1. Placita Parl. sol. 314. Coke 2. Instit. fol. 580.  35 E. 1. though made Anno 34o saith, That Dominus Rex post deliberationem plenariam, & tractatum cum Comitibus, Baronibus, & aliis Nobilibus & Communitatibus Regni sui habitum in praemissis de consensu eorum unanimi & concordi, ordained, That it should be observed: but upon the producing the Roll in the Parliament 17 E. 3. it is said, That the Petition for the Statute was per Countess, Barones & Communes du Royalme, and so under the word Communes, the alii Nobiles are included.  
4. The Communitas Comitatuum 
Rot. de XX 1 〈◊〉 XV 1 Regi Ed. se●●●do apud Westm. à ●●lcis concess. ann. Regni sui Octavo, apud Clericum Pipae. Ibidem consimile anno septimo. Consimile anno nono. Communitas Comitatuum. Placita Parl. pag. 416, 417.  Regni, or Universality of the Counties of the Kingdom represented by the Magnates, Chivalers, or Grandz of the Counties; of which appellations I shall give some few instances.  
Inter communia Brevia de Termino 
Rex etc. quia ex querela multorum intelleximus, quod nonnulli Magnates, cives & Burgenses & alii in libertatibus suis à Progenitoribus nostris Regibus Angliae & nobis eis concessis easdem libertates frequenter excedunt, & sub velami●● libertatum illarum pluribus dampna non modica de die in diem infer●nt. Rot. Claus. 2 E. 1. m. 3. De libertatibus in manu Regis re●inend.  Sanctae Trin. S. Mich. anᵒ 34 o E. 1. penes Rememoratorem Domini Thes. in Scaccario, The Milites Comitatuum and Barones Quinque Portuum, are called Magnates.  
Rot. Claus. 3 E. 2. m. 16. dorso. Inhibitio ne qui Magnates, viz. Comes, Baro, Miles, seu aliqua alia Notabilis persona transeat ad partes transmarinas.  
Ex libro Statutorum Impress. lingua Gallica penes meipsum, 15 E. 3. Cap. 4. Rastalls Stat. pag. 85. Item que les Prelates, Countz, Barons, Chivalers & autres Grandes de chescun paiis.  
Statutum de servientibus 25 E. 3. per assent de les ditz Prelatz, Countess, Barones, & autres Graundes de la dite Communalte illonques assemblez.  
MS. penes meipsum. Stat. 27 E. 3. Statutum Stapulae. Grantz des Counties.  
5. Applied to the Communities or Societies of the Cities and Boroughs.  
Rot. de Superioritate Regis Angliae in Regno Scotiae, Anno 19 E. 1. Omnes & singuli tam Episcopi & alii Ecclesiarum Praelati, quam Comites, Barones, Magnates, Proceres Civitatum & Burgorum Communitates.  
Rot. Parl. 17 E. 3. n. 8. Chivaliers des Countees & Communes.  
rastal's Stat. 27 E. 3. fol. 102. Statute Staple, whereas good deliberation had with the Prelates, Dukes, Earls, Barons, and Grandes des Countees 
Ex veteri libro Statutorum in lingua Gallica penes meipsum. Nota, The Ordinances of the Staple were made by a great Council, but confirmed and made a Statute in the Parliament, 28 E. 3. Cap. 13.  de chescun Countee un pur tout le Countee, and of the Commons of the Cities and Boroughs of our Realm of England.  
6. To the Commune or generality of the body of the Clergy in Parliament.  
Monster la Commune de la Clergy, & 
Ex Bundle. Pet. Parl. 8. R. 2. n. 1, 2. Rot. Parl. 25 E. 3. n. 69.  per la ou diverses Abbes, Priores, Esglises Cathedrales & Collegiates, & autres gentz de Seinte Esglise ount diverses rentzes.   

Observation II.  
2. The several Denominations by which our ancient General, or Common Council, or Parliaments, were expressed.  
IF any man will be at the expense of so great a charge and trouble, as to compare the various lections of Historians and Records together, and the manner and phrase of words and speeches, proper to particular ages and times, he may satisfy himself what those Councils were, and their constituent parts, whom the ancient Historians mean, when they say,  

Convocati, or Congregati fuerunt  
Nobiles Angliae.  
Omnes Regni Nobiles.  
Nobilitas totius Regni. 
Nobilitas 〈…〉 t d●●lex, superior & inferior. C 〈…〉 2. Instit. sol. 583. Nobiles minores sunt E 〈…〉 it's sive Milites, Armigeri & qui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & Gentlemen 〈◊〉. Camd. Brit. sol. 123. Mills de Nobilitate politica & civili, ●ol. 42, 43. Nobilitas causatur ex lo●o, quoniam ci●is ●x 〈◊〉 ●plendida ori●●●us nobilis est. Chassene●s C●ralogus Gloriae mundi, Pars 8. consid. 18. Causatur etiam ex Cl 〈…〉 ra, ●o quod quis est 〈◊〉 〈…〉 icitur Nobili●. Ib. Consid. 26. Pr 〈…〉 ●p●os Urbi●m, Vicorum & C●stillorum Magistratus P●i●a●●s ●●isse dictos. Camd. Brit. ●ol. 602.   
Tota Nobilitas Angliae.  
Totius Angliae Nobilitas.  
Magnates Angliae.  
Totius Regni Magnates.  
Proceres Regni.  
Proceres & fideles Regni.  
Universitas totius Angliae Nobilium.  
Universitas Regni.  
Barones Angliae Terrae or Regni.  
Universitas Baronagii, or Barnagii Angliae.  
Baronagium, or Barnagium Regni, or Angliae.  
Regni totalis universitas.  
Pontifices & Principes Anglicani.  
Primordes & Magnates Regni.  
Principes Regni, Praesules & Principes Regni.  
Optimates totius Regni, or Angliae.  
Primates Regni.  
Majores Regni, Majores Angliae.  
Assisa Regni.  
Discretio totius Regni.  
Generale Placitum.  
Clerus & Populus.  
Communitas Regni.  
Generale Concilium Regni. Concilium Regni.   
And such like expressions and phrases, varying in several Ages, till at last they fixed on the word Parliamentum.  
To demonstrate all which will require a longer discourse than I here intent; however, having before touched upon the Parliaments of 17 Johannis, and 37 H. 3. I will give instances how they have been named in Records and Histories.  

Anno 17o Regis Johannis. 
〈…〉   
1. Archiepiscopus C 〈…〉, Episcopi, Barones & Magnates.  
2. Generale Concitium. 
Rot. Pat. 17 Joh. m. 17. dor. Rot. Claus. 17 Joh. m. dorso.   
3. Barones & liberi homines totius Regni.  
4. Barones & liberi homines Dominii 
Rot. Claus. 17 Joh. m. 23. dorso.  nostri.  
5. Magnates. 
Mat. Paris. A. Dom. 1215. pag. 255. l. 39 Mat. Paris. pag. 255.   
6. Fuerunt autem quasi ex parte Regis Stephanus Cantuariensis & H. Dublinensis Archiepiscopi, etc. illos quoque qui ex parte Baronum affuerunt qui innumerabiles fuere, non est necesse numerare, cum tota Angliae Nobilitas in unum collecta quasi sub numero non cadebat.  
7. Barones. 
Mat. Westm. p. 273. l. 48. Claus. 28 H. 3. Pars u 〈…〉, m. 12. dorso. I●id●m. Mat. Paris. p. 920. l. 32. 40 H. 3. Rot. Parl. 15 E. 3. n. 50. dorso. Pulton's Stat. 15 E. 3. Cap. 1. pag. 81.   
8. Parliamentum.  
9 Barones Angliae.  
10. Baronagium Angliae.  
11. Enprimes est accord & assentu q' le franchise de seinte Esglise & la grand Chartre & la Chartre de la Forest & les autres Statutes faitz per nostre dit Seignour le Roy & says Progenitors Peers & la Commune de sa terre.   

Anno 37o H. 3.  
1. Tota Nobilitas Angliae. 
Mat. Paris. An. 1253. 37 H. 3. ●ol. 865. l. 43. Mat. Westm. fol. 302. 〈◊〉 58. Fleta lib. 2. cap. 42. D● 〈…〉 tia 〈◊〉 Statutum. fol. 93. Rot. Pat. 3● H. 3. m. 12. dorso.   
2. Parliamentum.  
3. Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates, Priores, Comites, Barones, Milites, & alii Magnates Regni Angliae.  
4. Magnates & Communitas Populi.  
5. Anno 1253. 37 H. 3. Hoc anno 
Ex Chro 〈…〉 MS. in Bibliotheca ●odleiana inter Co 〈…〉 s Willielmi A 〈…〉 iscopis Cantuar. 4. K. 84.  H. Rex Angliae ad instantiam Praelatorum, Comitum & Baronum Cartas duas eis concessit, unam de libertatibus quae Magna Charta dicitur, & alia quae dicitur de Foresta, pro qua concessione Communitas Angliae concessit Regi quintam decimam partem omnium bonorum suorum mobilium per totam Angliam.  
Baronagium. 
Mat. Paris. f●●. 970.    
In the Parliament at Oxford 42 
Mat. Paris. pag. 970. l. 45, 53. an. 42 H. 3.  H. 3. Parliamento autem incipiente solidabatur Magnum Propositum & Consilium immutabile exigendo constantissime ut Dominus Rex Cartam Libertatum Angliae quam Johannes Rex pater suis Anglis confecit & confectam concessit, quamque idem Johannes tenere 
Nota, King John swore to observe Magna Charta, and the Barons did him homage. Rot. Pat. 17 Joh. pars unica ●n. 23. n. 3.  juravit, fideliter teneat & conservet, quamque idem Rex Henricus multoties concesserat & tenere juraverat, ejusque infractores ab omnibus Angliae Episcopis in praesentia sua & totius Baronagii horribiliter fecit excommunicari & ipse unus fuerat excommunicantium. So as the Excommunication here meant, being that of 37 H. 3. then made in the presence of the King, Great men, and Communitatis Populi, is here said to be done in praesentia totius Baronagii Angliae. And for the Honour of Magna Charta, I will conclude this head with an Act of Parliament. That Valiant and great Prince, E. 4. after the overthrow 
Rot. Parl. 12 E. 4. n. R 〈…〉 s Stat. 12 E. 4. cap. 7.  of his Enemies, and peaceful possession of the Crown, assisted with the Judges of England, Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, his Dukes, Earls, Viscounts, and Barons, with the great men or Knights of the Counties, and Commons in full Parliament, hath left this recorded to Posterity. They call this great Charter the Laudable Statute of Magna Charta, which Statute was made for the great wealth of this Land, upon which Magna Charta, the great Sentence and Apostolic Curse, by a great number of Bishops, was pronounced against the breakers of the same; and the same Sentence is four times in the year openly declared, according to the Law of Holy Church; and in affirmance of the said Statute, of the said great Charter, divers Statutes have been made and ordained.  
And great reason certainly they had to put so high a value on that so famous Charter, since the substantial part of the Laws thereof were no less than the great results, decrees, and judgements, ordained by the prudence and justice of the British, Saxon, and Danish Dynasties, founded upon two grand and principal Bases or Pillars, Liberty and Property, which like those two brazen ones called Boaz and Jachin, supporting the Temple of Solomon, upheld the tottering Frame and Fabric of our ancient Government, though often by evil men designed to be overthrown.  
A Charter, empta & redempta, 
〈…〉.  purchased and redeemed with vast treasure of the Nation, and the effusion of a Sea of Christian blood. A Law published and established with fearful execrations, and terrible Curses, against the infringers and breakers thereof, and all done with that religious solemnity, and profound Ceremony, as it may seem inferior only to that of the Commandments of Almighty God given to the Jewish Nation.  
All great Ministers of State and 
Rot. Parl. 15 E. 3. n. 10. 37.  Justice were at their entrance into their Offices, solemnly to swear the observation thereof, and great reason there was for the making of this Law, both for the preservation of the King, and also the Kingdom; for that Parliament well knew the woeful confusions in the Reign of Edward the Second, who being seduced by his two Minions the Spencers, for want of observing the good old Laws and Customs of England, cut off the head of Thomas Earl of Lancaster his Uncle, that being the first act of shedding the sacred Royal blood by colour of Law I ever met withal in History; they usurped Royal Power, they sent the Queen and Prince (afterwards great Edward the Third) beyond Sea, and prevailed with E. 2. to declare the Queen and Prince Traitors. They Monopolised the King's Eyes, Ears, and his whole Understanding, so that the King nothing did, or would do, but what they did counsel him, 
Rast. Stat. 1 E. 3. pag. 64, 65.  were it never so great wrong; and if any had the courage to complain against them, or so much as fetch a loyal sigh, or lament the hard fate of the King then imposed upon by those Favourites; they were branded with arraigning the Government, striking at the foundation of State, and being guilty of Treason, and what not.  
The consequences of whose unhappy Counsels and Policies, are too well known in History to have been the ruin both of the King and themselves.  
The Priests and Confessors were 
Pupilla oc●li, fol. 50. cap. 22. De sen●entia lata super Magnam Chartam.  strictly commanded to frame and direct the Consciences of the people to the observation and obedience of the Great Charter, and they did so, not like the Sibthorps' and Manwaring of later times, who by their Flatteries of Prerogative for their own promotion seek to ruin the Subjects property.   

Observation III.  
The various acceptation of the word Baro, and that under the phrase of Baronagium Angliae both Lords and Commons were comprehended.  
AS to the word Baro, it was 
Observation 3.  not much more in use before 
Camd. Britan. sol. 121. Selden's Titles of Honour, in 4 ●●. Parte 2 ●●. fol. ●73.  William I. obtained the English Diadem, that I can find, than the word Communes, Baro Britanni pro suo non agnoscunt in Anglo-Saxonic is legibus nusquam comparet nec in Alfrici Glossario Saxonico inter dignitatum vocabula habetur. For the English Saxons called those in their own Language ●al●epmen which in Latin were named Comites, and the Danes Earls, but of so extensive an import in its signification, as we read of Aldermani Regis, Aldermani Comitatus, 
Spelm. Gloss. Tit. de Aldermanis, & multipl●ci Magistrata apud Anglo-Saxonis, sol. 24, 25.  Civitatis, Burgi, Castelli, Hundredi, sive Wapentachii & novem decimorum, so according to the strict word they had whole Regiments of Earls. The greatest title of which, 
N●●●●t Cantii Comites suo ordine percenseam (omissis Saxonibus Godwino & aliis) qul non haereditarii sed officiarii Comites erant. Camd. Britan. Cantium, fol. 248. Spelm. Gloss. Diatriba de Baronibus, fol. 64, 69, 70, 71.  seldom, if at all, descended hereditarily till the Confessors time, and after Will. I. became King, the word ●al●epman began to change and vary its signification, and in room of Aldermani Regis, we find Barones Regis; for Aldermani Comitatus, Barones Comitatus; for Aldermani Civitatis, Barones Civitatis; for Aldermani Burgorum, Barones Burgorum; for Aldermani Castellorum, Barones Castellorum; for Aldermani Hundredorum, Barones Hundredorum sive Wapentachiorum.  
Sir Henry Spelman saith, that simplices 
Spelm. Gloss. in 〈◊〉 Baron's, fol. 69, 70.  villarum Maneriorum Domini de quocunque tenentes qui sacham & socham habent, were anciently called Barones.  
And all Freeholders, hoc est tam 
Ibidem. Baroviae plurimae in Northumbria, tumque omnino Marti se quasi consecrarunt, non est inter eos quispiam melioris notae qui suam turriculam aut munimentum non habeat, & in quamplurimas Baronias divisa suit quarum Domini olim ante Edwardi primi tempora Barones vulgo dicti. Camd. Britan. in sol. 658.  in Soccagio quam per servitium militare, had the Title of Barones; and in his species of Barones Comitatus, saith, Proceres nempe & maneriorum Domini nec non libere quique tenentes, Anglice Freeholders, had that appellation. Notandum autem est libere hos tenentes nec tam exiles olim fuisse nec tam vulgares ut hodie deprehenduntur.  
The great Selden in his Notes 
Johannis Seldeni ad Eadmerum & notis & spi●●leg. fol. 168.  upon Eadmerus upon the word Barones, saith, Vocabulum nempe alia notione usurpari quam vulgo, neque eos duntaxat ut hodie significare quibus peculiaris ordinum Comitiis locus est.  
And the learned Camden writes, 
Camd. Britan. in 8. Diego ordin. Angliae, fol. 61.  Verum Baro ex illis nominibus videatur quae tempus paulatim meliora & mollior a reddidit; nam longo post tempore non Milites sed qui liberi erant Domini & 
T●●inorum enim d●o ●rant genera, majores quos Theinos Regis appellabant, nos Barones Regis & Theini simpliciter seu Theini minores, qui iidem ●rant qui Barones minores & non●unquam libere tenentes nuncupantm. Spelm. Gloss. p. 24●.  Thani Saxonibus dicebantur, Barones vocari coeperunt, necdum magni honoris erat, paulo autem postea (meaning after the Normans coming) eo honoris per venit ut nomine Baronagii Angliae omnes quodammodo Regni ordines continerentur.  
The authority of these most learned Antiquaries is such, That it would be a presumption in me to go about to add any thing, I shall only say, I have met with some Records that clearly prove their opinion, and for illustration shall subjoin one Record more, and so conclude this point.  
Anno 29 H. 3. great complaint was made in Parliament against the Church of Rome's exactions here in England, whereupon  
Anno 29 H. 3. Litterae missae Cardinalibus 
MS. vetus in Bibliothica Cotton. sub effigy Cleopatra Charactere contempora●●o.  Romanae Ecclesiae apud Lugdunum à Baronibus, Militibus, & universis Baronagii Regni Angliae per Rogerum Bigod, Comitem Norff. Willielmum de Cantelupo, Johannem filium Galfridi, Radulphum filium Nicholai, Philippum Basset, Barones Procuratores Baronagii Angliae, tunc temporis Innocentio Papa quarto celebrante Concilium ibi generale. Anno gratiae 1245.  
Venerabilibus in Christo fratribus 
Litterae ad Concilium.  universis & singulis dei gratia salutem. Barones, Milites, & universitas Baronagii Regni Angliae, etc.  
Electi sunt igitur (writes Mat. Paris.) 
Mat. Paris. Histor. An. Dom. 1245. pag. 659. l. 10.  ad hoc nomine totius Universitatis Regni Angliae ad Concilium Lugdunense missi Comes Rogerus Bigod, Johannes filius Galfridi, Willielmus de Cantelupo, Philippus Bassett, Radulphus filius Nicholai, Milites, saith Mat. Westm. p. 321. l. 30. Magister Willielmus Powic Clericus.  
Another Letter was sent per 
Mat. Paris. An. eodem, p. 666. l. 51. Ypodigma N●ustriae, p. 466.  Magnates & Universitatem Regni Angliae, super extortionibus Curiae Romanae, to the Pope himself, who negotium posuit in suspenso. The Ambassadors returning, and a second Parliament being called at Westm. the Record goes on.  
Articuli gravaminum & oppressionum 
Ex MS. praenotat●.  quibus Regnum Angliae oppressum fuit temporibus Henrici filii Regis Johannis per Curiam Romanam, quae scilicet ostensa fuerint Cardinalibus Romanae Ecclesiae, & ....... Innocentio Papae quarto ore tenus per Procuratores praedicti Regni in generali Concilio apud Lugdunum, & quod gravamina dictus Papa procuratoribus dederit in praemissis ad revocanda, quae scilicet gravamina non revocata postea Barones, Milites & Universitas Baronagii Angliae conquerentes ostenderunt praedicto Regi in Concilio habito apud Westm. in proxima Quadragesima sequenti post praedictum Concilium.  
Whereupon by common advice 
Litterae Uni 〈…〉 An 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Papam.  it was agreed, to send Ambassadors with second Letters of their grievances to the Pope at Rome, directed thus. Sanctissimo, etc. devoti 
Mat. Paris. p. 700. l. 51. an. 3● H. 3. Edwardus, etc. 〈◊〉. Ebor. etc. O 〈…〉 ns. 〈◊〉 c●m ad Parliaments i● quib●s tam n 〈…〉 i 〈◊〉 regni nostri negotia di●●nt 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉, Comites, Barones, & alios tam Clericos quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 negotia hujusmodi consilium salubr●●s poterit 〈◊〉. Brevia Regis de an. 9 E. 2. in turri London.  silii sui Comes Cornubiae Richardus, etc. & alii totius Regni Angliae Barones Proceres & Magnates ac nobiles Portuum maris habitatores, necnon & Clerus & populus universus, salutem.  
Matthew Paris calls this a Parlial●ament, 
Mat. Paris. ●98. l. 〈◊〉. An. D 〈…〉. 1246.  Convenientibus igitur ad Parliamentum totius Regni Magnatibus, and mention is made of the first message in the Close Roll, 29 H. 3.  
Rex Abbati de Sancto 
Rot. Claus. 29 H. 3. in. 8. dorso. Nota The various Appellations and Phrases of these two Parliaments. Barones, 〈…〉 lights, & U 〈…〉 sitas Baronagii Regni Angliae. Tota Universitas Regni. Magnates & Universitas Regni. Totius Regni Magnates. Universitas Baronagii Angliae. Barones, Proceres & Magnates 〈◊〉 Nobiles Portuum maris habitatores, nec non Clerus & populus universus. Par 〈…〉 t.  Edmundo salutem. Cum pro oppressionibus innumerabilibus factis in Regno nostro per Ecclesiam Romanam ob quam Magnates nostri ad sedem Apostolicam appellarunt, & quosdam pro ipsis & pro universitate Baronagii Angliae ad Concilium in brevi celebrandum ad appellationem suam prosequendam duxerunt destinandos.  
And indeed Records and Histories will furnish us with several Precedents, where succeeding Parliaments as well as these of H. 3. have sent Letters to the Pope when he attempted to invade the Rights of the Crown or Kingdom. I will give two instances in the Reigns of the two famous Princes, Edward the First, and Edward the Third.  
1. Edward the First, An. 29 of his Reign, claimed Scotland, as Rex & superior Dominus, the Pope as a Fiefe of the Roman Church; the Pope backed by the French King, Summons Edw. to appear before him in his Court at Rome, and sends his Letters or Bulls to the Archbishop of Canterbury to serve them; the Archbishop obeys, the King tells him, Verum quia consuetudo est Regni 
Mat. Westm. An. Dom. 1301. p. 439. l. 2. Re 〈…〉 Regis Archiepiscopo Cant. ad literas Apostolicas.  Angliae quod in negotiis contingentibus statum ejusdem Regni requiratur consilium omnium quos res tangit, and shortly after Summons his Parliament at Lincoln, in Octabis Sancti Hillarii, to advise with his Parliament, how to defend the rights of the Crown against the Papal Claim.  
The Parliament thereupon send their Letter to the Pope, subscribed and sealed by several of the principal men of the Parliament, as 
Mat. 〈◊〉. A. D. 1302. 29 E. 1. p. 4●3. l 4●.  the usage of that Age was, telling him, that sane convocato nuper per serenissimum Dominum nostrum Edwardum Dei gratia Regem Angliae Illustrem Parliamento apud Lincolniam Generali; the King had caused the Pope's Letter, in medio, or pleno Parliamento exhiberi ac seriose nobis fecit exponi, unde habito tractatu & deliberatione diligenti super contentis in litter is vestris memoratis, communis, concors & unanimus omnium nostrum & singulorum consensus fuit, est & erit inconcusse Deo propitio in futurum, quod praefatus Dominus noster Rex super Juribus Regni Scotiae aut aliis suis temporalibus nullatenus respondeat judicialiter coram vobis nec Judicium subeat quoquo modo aut jura sua praedicta in dubium quaestionis deducat, nec ad praesentiam vestram Procuratores aut nuncios ad hoc mittat, praecipue cum praemissa cederent manifeste in exhaereditationem juris Coronae Regni Angliae & Regiae Dignitatis ac subversionem status ejusdem Regni notoriam, necnon in praejudicium libertatis consuetudinum & legum paternarum ad quarum observationem & defensionem ex debito praestiti 
〈…〉  Juramenti astringimur, & quae in manu tenebimus toto posse totisque viribus cum Dei auxilio defendemus. Nec etiam permit 〈…〉 s nec aliqualit●● per 〈…〉 mus sicut non possumus nec debemus praemissa tam insolita, indebita, praejudicialia & alias inaudita praelibatum Dominum nostrum Regem etiam si vellet facere seu modo quolibet attemptare. Quocirca Sanctitati vestrae reverenter & humiliter supplicamus, quatenus eundem Dominum nostrum Regem qui inter alios Principes orbis terrae Catholicum se exhibet & Romanae Ecclesiae devotum, jura sua & libertates & consuetudines & leges praedictas absque diminutione & inquietudine pacifice possidere ac illibata persistere benignius permittatis. In cujus rei testimonium Sigilla tam pro nobis quam pro tota Communitate praedicti Regni Angliae praesentibus sunt appensa. Datis & acts Lincolniae, Anno Dom. 1301.  
2. The second is, the Letter to 
Walsmgham in vita E. 3. 〈…〉 ol. 16●. l. 22.  the Pope, made at the Parliament, 17 E. 3. touching Provisions. Quod Rex & tota Nobilitas Regni pati noluit, etc. thus translated, whereby the phrase Nobilitas Regni, in the Historian, will be explained.  
TO the most holy Father in 
A 〈…〉 Foyes 〈…〉 m 〈…〉 Vo●. 〈◊〉. p. 5 1. Rot. Parl. 〈◊〉 〈…〉.  God, Lord Clement, by the grace of God, of the holy Church of Rome, and of the Universal Church, Chief and high Bishop, His humble and devout Children, The Princes, Dukes, Earls, Barons, Knights, Citizens and Burgesses, and all the Commonalty of the Realm of England, assembled at a Parliament holden at Westm. the 15 th' day of 
〈…〉  May last past, etc. In Witness whereof we have hereunto set our Seals. Given in the full Parliament at Westm. on the eighteenth Day of May, Anno Dom. 1343.  
And indeed the Commons were 
〈…〉  so highly incensed, that the Parliament Roll of this Year tells us, that La dite Commune ne le poet ne le 〈…〉 t plus endurere those strange oppressions of the Pope and Provisors.  
So that the Parliament of 24 H. 8. after great debate and consideration, and a diligent search and inspection of the Ancient Records of the Kingdom, did ground their Statute amongst others, upon these great Authorities; the Statute saith,  
Whereas the King his most noble Progenitors, and the Nobility and Commons of the said Realm, at divers and sundry Parliaments, as well in the time of King Edw. 1. 〈◊〉. 3. R. 2. H. 4. and other noble 〈◊〉 of this Realm, made sund●● Or 〈…〉 s, Laws, Statutes, and p 〈…〉, for the entire and sure 〈…〉tion of the Prerogative, Lib 〈…〉, and preeminences of th' 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Imperial Crown of this Realm, and of the Jurisdiction Spiritual and Temporal of the same; to keep it from the annoyance; as well of the See of Rome, as from the authority of other Foreign Potentates, attempting the diminution and violation thereof, as often and from time to time, as any such annoyance or attempt might be known or espied. Pulton's Stat. 24 H. 8. c. 12.  
But to conclude the point of the Various Lections, Certainly the different and great variety of words and phrases, by which both the ancient Historians and Records have in their several Ages and Times, expressed and denoted the Communia Concilia Regni, or Parliaments, as now called, and their constituent parts, being not well observed and considered by most of our late English Authors (who understood them as if they had signified what afterwards they did, and now do) have imposed on our Historical Faiths, and propagated to posterity many palpable and gross errors, whereby great and unkind clashings and diversities of opinions, as well amongst learned men as others, have had their source and spring, nay, even between Prince and People.    

THE General Conclusion.  
MY only aim and endeavour in this Discourse hath been from public Records, private Manuscripts, and the best Historians, to search out and discover truth, and to assert the just honour of our worthy and famous Ancestors Commoners of England (as now phrased) great maintainers of the interest and dignity of the King and Kingdom; and with submission to better Judgement, I hope I have plainly proved,  
1. That the Freemen or Commons of England were an essential and constituent part of the Saxon Wittena Gemott, or Parliament.  
2. That they so continued in the times of W. 1. W. 2. and H. 1. which last being an Englishman, by way of Charter restored and confirmed the Laws of Edward the Confessor, as his Father William 1. as well by his Magna Charta, or Great Charter, as by his Oaths had before done, both when he was Crowned, and also at Berkhamstead, in the seventh Year of his Reign.  
3. And though the Rolls of Parliament, in the succeeding Kings Reigns till E. 2. be lost, or not found, so as we are at a loss as to the several Orders of Parliament, yet by what has been deduced from other Records before cited, it is evident I conceive, that the Citizens and Burgesses were a part of the Parliament, Anno 16. of King John, and so had not their beginning by rebellion, Anno 49 H. 3.  
And therefore I may with good reason and warranty conclude, That our Ancestors, the Commons of England, the Knights, Gentlemen, Freeholders, Citizens and Burgesses of a great and mighty Nation, were very far from being in former times such Vassals and Slaves, or so abject, poor and inconsiderable, as the absurd and malicious ignorance and falsities of late Writers have been pleased to make and represent them, especially the Author of the Grand Freeholders Inquest, and Mr. James Howel, as if they were only Beasts of carriage and burden, ordained to be taxed and t●lli●●ed, and have their Lives, Estates, and Liberties given away and disposed of without their own assents, under a novel opinion and conceit, that they were no part of the Commune Concilium Regni, or Parliament, before 49 H. 3. 
Perlege quae Regni clarissima Conciliorum  
Sunt Monumenta, aliter nil praeter somnia cernis.    

Appendix.  
AFter I had completed the foregoing Arguments, a material Objection was by some of my Friends offered me, which, if not cleared in this discourse, might, in their judgement, give a colour and pretence for a belief of an Opinion, which is this:  
That the Commons, or people of 
Objection.  England, were from the time of the Norman Conquest represented by such as held of th● K 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Capite, until 49 H. 3. and 〈◊〉 by two 〈◊〉 for each County, and certain Burgesses for several Burroughs, and Barons for the Cinque Ports.  
Having before laid down a clear 
Solution.  and plain distinction between Barones Regis and Barones Regni, I shall therefore now distinguish upon the phrase Milites & libere revenues.  
1. Milites & libere ten●ntes qui de 
Distinction.  Rege tenent in Capite.  
2. Milites & libere tenentes de Regno. 
Distinction.   
The first Distinction I thus prove, Rot. Pal. 2. Johannis m. 9 Rex dilec●is 
1. Distinction.  & fidelibus 〈…〉 s Baronibus Militibus & libere tenentibus qui de eo tenent in Hi〈…〉 rnia.  
Rot. Claus. 19 H. 3. m. 7. 8. dorso. Re● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Sciatis quod Are 〈…〉 〈◊〉 A●ba●es, Priores, C 〈…〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 om●●s alii de Regno, qui de nobi●●●nent in Capite spontanea 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, & 〈◊〉 consuetudine con 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 lium ad magna ne●●tia 〈◊〉 e●pedienda.  
Rot. Claus. 26 H 3. m. 7. dorso. Rex 〈…〉 omili Norhamptoniae praecipimus t●●i 〈◊〉 alias praecipimus qu●d 〈◊〉 facias Archiepi 〈…〉 pos, Episcopus, Comites, Barones, Abbates, Priores, Milites, & liberos homines qui de nobis ●●nent in Capite, etc.  
Eodem modo Seribi 〈…〉 omnibus vi●ecomitibus 
〈◊〉.  Comitatuum Angl 〈…〉.  
As to the second Distinction, The 
〈…〉  ancient Chronicles of the Kingdom say, That both before and after the Conq 〈…〉 (as we phrase it) the Kings of England held their Court three times in every year, at Easter, Whi●son●ide, and Christmas, and then the Crown was attended with most of those qui de Rege 〈◊〉 in Capite, this was called ●●ria Regis; if any difference of right did arise between the King and his Tenants, o● between Tenant and Tenant, here it was heard and determined, and many things were there acted and done in relation to the King's 〈◊〉 or Tenants, but under favour this was not the Commune Concilium, Regni or Parliam 〈…〉 as we now call it, for the King held this Court ex more of 〈◊〉, as Simon D●netmensis— and 〈◊〉 〈…〉 igorniensis write in vita 〈◊〉 Primi.  
But when they, and contemporary Historians, take no●ice of the meeting of the Commune Concilium, Regni or Parliament, than their expressions 〈◊〉 and say, That Rex as●ivit Orderieus vitalis, pag. 680. Exprecepto Regis convenerunt. Eadmerus Rex Sanctione sua adunavit, Flor. Wigorn. Continuat, and many such like expressions, which show it was not held ex more of custom, yet true it is, Kings did often convene or summon the Common Council of the Kingdom at one of the said Feasts, being a great conveniency to the Tenants in Capite.  
But they summoned the General Council also at other times, according to the Emergency of Affairs, examples of which are obvious in the ancient Historians.  
Now to show that the Milites tenentes qui de Rege tenuerunt in Capite, (together with the other great Lords that held of the King) were not the parts constitu●ntes, and alone did compose and make up the 〈◊〉, the whole body of the General●, or Commune Concilium, Regni or Parliament. I will begin with a Statute or Act of Parliament made tempore Richard the First, who Reigned before King John, Father to H. 3. and 74 years before 49 H. 3. the Assize or 
〈◊〉.  Statute being made per Assensum & Consilium Archiepiscoporum, & Episcoporum, & Abbatum Comitum, & Baronum, Militum & libere tenentium totius Regni.  
King John being divorced, the new 
Rot. Cart. 5. Johannis m. 〈◊〉. n. 33.  Queen was Crowned De communi assensu & concordi voluntate Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum, Comitum, Baronum, Cleri, & Populi totius Regni.  
The King Anno 6. Summons a Parliament 
Rot. Claus. 6. Johannis m. 3.  tractatur: Nobiscum de magnis & arguis negotiis nostris & communi Regni utilitate. Quia super his, qua a Rege Franciae per nuncios nostros & suus nobis mandata sunt; and that expedit habere 
〈◊〉 ne q●● Magnates, viz. C●mes 〈◊〉 Miles s●u aliqua alia notabilis pers●na transeat ad partes transmarinas, Rot. Claus. 3 E. 2. m. 16. 19 dorso.  consilium Magnatum terr● therein.  
The King per Commune Concilium 
Rot. Pat. 6. Johannis m. 7. dorso. Rot. Pat. 6. Johannis m. 〈◊〉. dorso.  Regni then made an Assize of Money.  
And at the same Parliament provisum fuit Communi assensu Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum, Comitum, Baronum, & omnium fidelium nostrorum Angliae, that nine Knights through all England should find a Tenth bene para●um cum Equis & Armis for the defence of the Kingdom, and that those nine Knights should find the tenth Knight every day two shillings ad liberationem suam. Certainly the words Fideles Angli● cannot be understood to be restrained to the Tenants in Capite only.  
The Archbishops, Bishops, Abbots, Priors, & M●gnates Regni gave an Auxilium 
Rot. Pa. 8 & 9 〈◊〉 n. 2.  ad desensionem Regni & re●uperationem ●●rrar●m nostrarum against the French King, and who the 〈◊〉 than were, the Patent Roll 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1. 
〈…〉  shows where i● is contained, 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Ba●on●s, Milit●s, & alii 〈◊〉 Regno retire 〈◊〉 ●●dium 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 alias 〈◊〉 & Prog●●itoribus ●ostris 〈◊〉 Anglis liber●●iter 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de omnibus ●●nis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Hence I ●hall observe●. That the Subsidy in 〈◊〉. 1. time was granted in Parliament, and so this of ●ing John's. 2. The words Pre●●ri●●ribus no●●ris R●gibus 〈◊〉 must unquestionably comprehend King J●hn, Grandfather to Edw●●d the 〈◊〉, and by a reasonable construction m●y ●e 〈…〉 nded higher.  
And at the 〈…〉 me Parliament, 8 & 
〈…〉.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 universitas Comi●um Baranum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 aliorum fidelium complain against the Clergy about Reme 〈…〉 whereupon the King granted his Pr 〈…〉 or Su●●rsed●● to the Clergy tha● th●y s●ould do nothing therein, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 univers 〈…〉 (before mentioned) super hoc Colloquium habemus.  
Anno 17 Johannis, The Agreement 
Rot. Pat. 17 Johannis m. 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉.  and Peace at Runningme●d was made between King John of the one part, and Robert Fitz Walter, Marshal of God and Holy Church, several 〈…〉 rls there named, & alios Comites, & Barones, & liberos homines totius Regni ex 〈◊〉 parte, or as the Patent Rolis 17 Johannis m. 17. dorso. Generale Concilium, and Rot. Claus. 28 H. 3. m. 12. dorso. Parliamentum de Runemed, I have seen it several ways spelled or writ, Runemeid, Rendmed, Redmede, which may seem to be a word of Sa●on extraction, for Mr. Somner tells us, that 〈◊〉 is C●nsulere, 
〈◊〉 Gloss. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Mat. Westm. Anno 1215. 17 Johannis.  and so justifies Mat. 〈◊〉. pag. 273. in his Etymology, when he sa●s, Rennemed quod interpretatum Pra●um Concilii eo quod antiquis temporibus 〈◊〉 de pace Regni saepius Con●ilia tra●●abantur.  
Anno 2 H. 3. Magna Charta was in Parliament granted and confirmed, an ancient Transcript of which, writ in the time of E. 1. I have, and conceive that those who then gave a Subsidy of a Fifteenth to the Crown were the parts that compounded and made the Communc Concilium, Regni or Parliament, and who they were let the Charter speak. Pro●ac autem donatione, & concessione 
M. S. penes Dominum Samuelem Baldwin ser●ientem Domini Regis ad Legem. M. S. p 〈…〉 s Johannes Cook gener●sum de Interiori Templo. M. S. Statutorum penes meip●m.  libertatum istarum & aliarum contentarum in Charta nostra de libertatibus Forestae, Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates, Priores, Comites, Barones, Milites libere tenentes, & omnes de Regno nostro dederunt nobis quintam decimam partem omnium bonorum suorum mobilium. Testibus praenominatis & multis aliis Dat. per manus venerabilis patris Domini Dun●●lmensis, Episcopi, Cancellarii nostri apud Sa 〈…〉 'em Paulum London sexto die Novembris, Anno Regni nostri secundo.  
Which is confirmed by the close Roll of this year thus:  
Rex Vic. Ebor, etc. Salutem Mittimus 
Rot. Claus. 2 H. 3. m. 11. derso.  libi Chartas de Libertatibus concessis omnibus de Regno nostro, tam de Foresta, quam aliis mandantes quatenus eas legi facias public● in pluro Comitatu tuo convocatis Baronibus Militibus, & am nibus libere tenentibus ejusdem Comitatus, qui ibidem jurent fidelitatem vestram, & in diligenter attendens singula puncta Chartarum ea per omnia facias jurar● observari, etc. Da●. 22. die Februarii.  
Anno Dom. 1225. 9 H. 3. That King 
Mat. Paris pag. 323. l. 9 Anno ●om. 1225. Parones' Angliae concesserunt Regi Henrico 15. partem omnium mobilium & Cattallorum totius Angliae pro libertatious s 〈…〉 s Rex ●channes pater eis concesserat & Charta confoma●erat apud Runemed, 〈◊〉 M. S. Radi Cog 〈…〉.  summoned a general or Common Council of the Kingdom at 〈◊〉 presentibus Clero & Populo cum Magnatibus Regionis solemnitate igitur ut 〈◊〉 completa Hubertus de Burgo Domini Regis Justiciarius exparte ejusdem Regis pr●pojuit coram Archiepiscopis, 〈◊〉 Comitibus 
Nota. Anno 1225. 9 H. 3. Rex Henricus dedit & co 〈…〉 it hominibus de Regno Angliae libertates & liber●s c●●s●et●dines sicut 〈◊〉 in ●●●bus antiquis & fecit ●is i●de Chartas duas 〈◊〉 de libertatibus & liberis consuetudi●ibus Regni aliam de libertatibus Forestae p●o ha● donatione & co 〈…〉 one dederunt Regi 〈…〉 decimum denarium per 〈◊〉 Angliam. ●x 〈◊〉 Chronico, 〈◊〉. S. 〈◊〉 Bibliotheca Dodleiana inter Codices Will. Archiep. Can●●ar. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 84.  Baronibus, & aliis Universis, 〈◊〉 & injurias, qu● Regi illata f●●rani in p●rtibus us trans 〈…〉 is. Whereby the King and many Earls and Barons were disinherited & cum multi sunt in causa multorum subventio erit necessaria petit ergo ab omnibus Consilium pariter & auxilium quibus Corona Angliae dignitates amissas, ac jura posset pristina revoca●e, Ad hoc quoque plene p●rficiendum Regi suff●cere credidit, si ea quinia decima pars omnium rerum mobilium totius Regni Angliae, tam a personis Ecclesiasticis, quam a Laicis donaretur. To which it was answered, Habita deliberatione quod Regis petitionibus gratanter adquiescereni; si illis diu petitas libertates concedere voluisset, which the King condescended unto. And Chartis protinus conscriptis Regis sigillo munitis & sic soluto Concilio.  
The Charters I shall pass over, only with this former Observation, that I conceive those that gave the Subsidy were the members of that Parliament, and who they were will appear by the Inspeximus of the Great Charter, and the Charter of the Forest enrolled in the Statute Roll, 25 E. 1. viz.  
Pro hac autem donatione, & concessione 
Rot. Statur. 25 E. 1. m. 38. Co●● 2. Instit. c. 38. fol. 76.  libertatum istarum & aliarum libertatum contentarum in Charta nostra de libertatibus Forestae, Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates, Priores, Comites, Barones, 
Rex H. 3. exigit ab Huberto de Burgo quod ei respondeat de co●lectione totius quintaedeci 〈…〉 q●● per Commune Concilium totius Regni 〈◊〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in d●pos●to. Mat. Par●s Addit. pag. 150. l. ●8. All the ancient Writs upon Magna Charta say, That it was made per Commune Conci 〈…〉 〈◊〉.  Milites, libere tenentes, & omnes de Regno dederunt nobis quintamdecimam partem omnium mobilium suorum Concessimus etiam eisdem pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, quod nec nos, nechaeredes nostri aliquid perquiremus (i. e. a Papa) per quod libertates in hac Charta consentae infringantur vel infirmentur. Et si ab aliquo centra hoc aliquid perquisitum suerit, nihil Esglise as Countess, & Barons, & a tout la Communante de la terre que mes nul besoigne tien manere des aides mises ne prizes de nostre Roiaume ne prendromus forsque per Commune assent de tout le Roiaume & a Commune profit de mesme le Roiaume. Teste 10 Octobris.  
To deny therefore that the Knights and Freeholders de Regno of England were a constituent part of the Commune Concilium, or Parliament, in 2 & 9 H. 3. but were represented by the Tenants in Capite. A man may with equal Reasons, and as strong Authorities argue and affirm, that though the Records plainly declare the Enumeratio partium of those great Counsels, and the Comites & Barones to be one part then present, and that they gave a Subsidy concurrent with the other parts, yet really, 1. They were not there nor joined in the Tax, but were represented by the Milites and libere tenentes de Regno. 2dly, Though the Comites, Barones, Milites, & libere Tenentes de Regno are expressly and particularly mentioned in these grand Charters, yet in truth they were not present at those great Councils, but their Votes and Power were included, and they represented in and by omnes Archiepiscopi, Episcopi, Abbates, & Priores de Regno, (though the greater number of the two latter held not of the King in Capite,) who made Laws, and gave Taxes exclusis or omissis Comitibus Baronibus Militibus, & libere tenentibus de Regno. Or 3dly, Notwithstanding the naming of the Prelates of the Church, yet their Power, Vote, and Authority was transferred and made over to the Earls, Barons, Knights and Freeholders of the Kingdom, and their appearance there was not Personal, but by Representation, which no man certainly can believe.  
I shall close up this Point with a 
Inter Communi● de Termino S. Hillary 17 E. 3. Recorda penes Rememoratorem Domini Regis in Scaccario. Warr. de Priere de Coventr. attach. pro transgressione.  memorable Record which I happily found in the Exchequer de Anno 17 E. 3. The Prior of Coventry was attached to answer to the King de servitio octo seodorum Militum per ipsum Priorem & Predecessores suos Regi, & Progenitoribus suis ab Anno 29. Domini Regis H. proavi ipsius Regis nune substracto & concelato. The Prior appears per Henricum de Stretford, whereupon the Barons Order a search of the Rolls and Memoranda of the Exchequer, and thereupon it was found in the Roll of 29 H. 3. sub Titulo de Auxilio ad primogenitam filiam Regis maritandam, That the Prior stood charged with Ten pounds for ten Knights sees, and in the great Roll 32. of the King Titulato Auxilium Episcoporum A●batum, Pr●orum con●essam ad sororem Regis maritandam Frederi●o Imperatori, the Prior stood charged de viginti marcis, etc. To this the Prior pleads, Quod ipse & Predecessores sui tenuerunt omnia terras & tenementa sua per servitium duorum seodorum Militum ●antum & quod Dominus Rex, seu Progen 〈…〉 〈◊〉 de aliquibus aliis ser●itiis per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu Predecessores suos nun 〈…〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu servici●● 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 factum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per Memoranda hujus Scaccarii, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 inde serutinium, etc. 〈◊〉 quoad ●oc quod compertum est ●ic in Rotulis etc. Quod tempore dicti R●●●s Henric● T●r●●● computatum fuit de 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 de auxiliis eidem Reg● Henrico ad ●ilium suum ●ilitem faciendum & sororem suam maritandam conc 〈…〉. Hoc ●i non pr 〈…〉 in 〈◊〉 part. Di●it enim quod Au●ilia illa non 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 p●ssunt ●sse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 subsidia per 〈◊〉, & Communitatem Regni spontanea, & mera voluntate Regi concessa, & tam de teventibus alio 〈…〉, quam de tenentibus de Domino Rege in Capite levanda quo prete●tu dictus Compotus de auxiliis praedictis fuit tam pro feodis tenentium, tune Prioris loci praedicti quam pro feodis ipsius Prioris propriis, quod idem Prior dicit posse liquere Curiae per Certificationem tune Prioris loci praedicti tune Baronibus de S●●●cario.  
From this Record I shall make these Observations:  
1. That the Crown could not the ju●● require any servi●ia from the Subject, but those that were de●ita, omnes qui de Rege tenent per servicium militare, (and none else,) Regi faciant anxilium ad primogenitam siliam maritandam, saith the King, Rot. Pat. 29 H. 3. m. 7. dorso, and so said the Law long before. Sunt 
Bracton, 〈◊〉 cap. 1●. sol. 〈◊〉.  e●iam quaedam Communes praestationes qu● servitia non dicuntur, nec de con 〈…〉 tudine veniunt, etc. sicut sunt Hidagia, Corragia, & Carvagia, & alia plura de necessitate & ex consensu Communi totius Regni introducta & quae ad Dominum ●●●di non pertinent.  
2. There is a difference appears between Servitia and Auxilia: The Law 
Rex Angliae neque per se aut Ministros suos subsidia, aut alia quaevis onera imponit Ligeis suis si●e assensu toti●s Regni sui in Parliamento suo expresso. Fortescue de La●dibus Legum Angliae, cap. 36. pa. 84.  allows therefore the Prior's plea, when he says, That those extraordinary Aides were not Servitia but Auxilia, granted to the Crown per Magnates & Communitatem Regni spontanea & mera voluntate, or as Bracton before cited, Consens● communi totius Regni.  
3. Those Aides were given tam de tenentibus aliorum quam de tenentibus de Domino Rege in Capite levanda, quo praetexta dictus Compotus de Auxiliis praedictis were as well for the Fees of the Tenants of the then Prior, as for the Fees of the Prior himself, which the Prior said would clearly appear to the Court by the Certificate of the Prior, his Prodec●ssor, in the time of H. 3. made to the Barons of the Exchequer, so that the Tenants of the Prior did grant an Aid as well as the Prior himself, and that in Parliament, for as I have observed before, Rot. Claus. 32 H. 3. m. 13. dor●o, there was a Parliament then held.  
4. That in the Reign of H. 3. and preceding times, when the Knights and Freeholders, who held not of the King, but other Lords, did in the Commune Concilium or Parliament, gra●● 〈◊〉 Au●●lium or Aid to the Crown, the great Lord or Baron of the Fee, of who 〈…〉 the Freeholders held, was 〈◊〉 in the Exchequer to answer for 〈…〉 thereof, under the title of his 〈◊〉, as the Bishop of every 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 till Queen Elizabeth's time, was by Law chargeable for the coll 〈…〉, of 〈◊〉 granted by the Clergy within his Diocese, yet certainly as the Bishop 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 any power to give for, or tax his 〈◊〉; no more could or did any great Lord of the F●●●ither jure t 〈…〉, or 〈◊〉 t●tionis, charge or give away the 〈◊〉 of his free T 〈…〉, who were independent in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 solummodo 〈◊〉; this P 〈…〉 not well observed and understood 〈◊〉 late Authors, has caused the 〈◊〉 about the T 〈…〉 〈◊〉, representing the 〈◊〉 in Parliament.  
5. 〈…〉 held of the King in Capite, yet very considerable in number, and all the Citizens and Burgesses should, till 49 H. 3. either be totally excluded from being any part of the Generale Concilium Regni or Parliament, or else by a Law, of which there is not the least footsteps in History or Law, were for so many Ages to be represented by the Tenants in Capite only in Parliament, the transcendent Power of which Council in Conjunction with the King as Head thereof Sir Thomas Smith, that great and learned man, who was Secretary and Privy-councillor to our famous Queen, an old Parliament-man, when he comes to write of the Parliament, and its largeness of Power, says thus, In Comitiis Parliamentariis posita est 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉. & A 〈…〉 inistratione Arglorum, Tho. Smith, 〈◊〉. 2. cap. 2. 〈◊〉. 50. 51.  omnis Augustae absolutae que potestatis vis, quip quemadmodum Robur & virtus Angliae dieuntur in Acie residere Parliamentaria Comitia veteres leges jubent esse irritas, novas indueunt, praesentibus juxta ac futuris modum constituunt, jura & posse●siones hominum privatorum commutant, spurios Natalibus restituunt, Cultum divinum sanctioribus corroborant, pondera & mensuras variant— incerti juris contrever●●as dirimunt, ubi nihil lege cautum fuit, censum agunt, Capitationes & vectigalia indicunt, delictorum gratiam faciunt, afflictas & Majorum sceleribus perditas familias erigunt, vitae n●●isque potestatem in eos obtinent quos ad hujusmodi disquisitiones Princeps advocaverat, atque ut concludam breviter, qui●quid in Centuriatis Comitiis, aut in Tribunitiis Populus Romanus efficere potuisset, 〈◊〉 omne in Comitiis Anglicanis tanquam in Coetu Principem populumque represent ante commode transigitur. Interest enim in illo conventu omnes intelligimur ●uju●cunque amplitudinis status aut dignitatis Princepsve aut Plebs fuerit, sive per se ipsum hoc fiat, five per procuratorem, nam omnibus peraeque, gratum esse oportet qu●●quid ex Senatusconsulto Parliamentario profectum est.  
6. It is observable, that the Prescription of Progenitores Regis, in the Record of the Prior of Coventry tempore E. 3. did expressly extend to the Reign of H. 3. his great Grandfather 
It 〈◊〉 were needful, I could give numbers of Records, that prove the 〈◊〉 tention of s●●h Prescription high 〈…〉.  and higher too, so that I had good authority and warrant to say before, that, when the Burgesses of St. Alban, in the Parliament 8 E. 2. affirmed, That they and their Predecessors sicu● caeteri Burgenses de Regno, as the rest of the Burgesses of the Kingdom had totis retroactis temporibus, in all times past, in the time of F. 1. & Pregenitorum suorum, and of His Progenitors, sent Two Burgesses to every Parliament, they had, as well as other Boroughs of England sent Burgesses to the Generale Corailium, or Parliament before mentioned, in the 17th year of King John, Grandfather to E. 1. at least, and so by clear evidence before 49 H. 3.  
From the aforesaid Authorities and Reasons, we may with good consequence conclude.  
1. That the People or Commons of England, from the time of the Norman Conquest, till 49 H. 3. were not represented in the Commune Concilium, Regni or Parliament, by such only as held of the King in Cap●●e.  
2. And that the Commons or People 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●●●in to be represented by Knights, Citizens, Burgesses, and Barons of the Cinque Ports in the said 40 H. 3.  
And now I shall subjoin some material Records relating to my former Discourse.  

Inter Communia de Term. 
P 〈…〉 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 T 〈…〉 in S 〈…〉 〈◊〉.  Trin. Anno 7 E. 2. Adhuc Recorda.  
PJn nomine Poliarc●t Jesu Christi salvato●is mundi totiusque 
Carta Regis 〈…〉 t.  Creature Creatoris cujus Divino Dominatui quique donatores debito servitio subnixe deserviunt, cujus etiam omnipotentatui universi potentatus obsecundari examussim preproperant, quia bonitas ejus bon 〈…〉 atis est incomprehensibilis, & miseratio inter minabilis, dapsilitas bomtatis ineffabilis longanimitas quoque super pravorum nequitias quantitatis prosixitate cujus●ibet longior qui co●idia●●s admonitionibus religiosam conversationem duccntes monet ut pie Se●tando justitiae culturam non eam deseren dolinquant; quin potius perseverabilt instantia in ejus cultura ut permaneant pat●rno affectu hortatux; qui nihilom●nus eadem affectione mandat peccato●ibus ut resipiscant a suis iniquitatibus convertentes, quia eorum execratut mortem ejus amoris stimulo & fide suffultus cujus largif●ua miseratione Ego Cnut Rex totius Albionis Insule aliarum nationum plurimarum in Cathedra Regali promotus cum Consilio & decreto Archiepiscoporum, Episcoporum, 
Nota, the parties of the Witena-gemot or Parl. Fide●es, i. e. oies qui in Principis alicujus ditione spnt vulgo sub●ecti, Spel. Gloss. 223.  Abbatum, Comitum aliorumque omnium fidelium eligi sanciend. Atque perpeti stabilimento ab omnibus confirmandum ut Monasterium quod Biadricesworth Nuncupatur, sit per omne evum Monachorum gregibus deputatum ad inhabitandum, & ab omni Dominatione omnium Episcoporum Comitatus illius funditus liberum, ut in eo Domino servientes Monachi, sine ulla inquietudine pro statu Regni Domini prevaleant precari. Placuit etiam mihi hanc optionis electionem roborare privilegio isto in quo indere prccepi libertatis donum, quod jam olim Edmundus Rex occidentalium Saxonn largitus est suo equivoco pro nanciscenda ejus gratia, & mercede aeterna scilicet Edmundo Regi & Martiri quod bone voluntatis voto augere cupimus, quatcnus ejus promereri partibus mercar portionem ●●us beatitudinis post hujus cursum vite. Tali libertate concedo fundo frui illi in quo idem status pansat ut quociens populus universus persolvit censum Danis vel ad Naves seu ad arma persolvant inhabitantes in ipso fundo eadem ad usus, quos elegerint fratres illius loci sitque nobis remedio hoc michi quippe eque Reginae meae Elfgife ac filiis nostris omnibusque qui pridem ei hoc contulerunt. Huic libertati concedo additamentum scilicet maritimos pisces, qui michi contingere debent Annualiter per Teolonei lucrum & piscationem quam Ulfkytel habuit in Wylla, & omnia jura quarumcumque causarum in villis quae Monasterio adjacent & quae adjiciendae sunt per gratiam Dei dedi quoque Reginae meae assensum concedens ei pro sua elemosina dare quatuor Milia Anguillarum cum muncribus quae pertinent ad illas pro Annuali censu in villa que cognominatur Lakynghythe, si quislibet quod absit istam libertatem quoquolibet conatu nititur servitutis jugo subigere vel prava intentione transmatare Ut rursus Clericos in eo collocet loco sit addict●s captivitati aeterne careat sempiterna libertate, & mancipatus setvitio Diaboli ejusque consortio sit in extricabilibus habenis constrictus nisi satisfactio ejus erratui subveniat quod prorsus optamus. ✚ Ego Cnut Rex gentis Anglorum aliarumque nihilominus hoc privilegium jussi componere & compositum cum signo Dominicae ctucis consirmando impressi.  

✚ Ego Alfgifa Regina omni alacritate mentis hoc confirmavi.  
✚ Ego Wulsta●●s ●rchicpiscopus conscnsi.  
✚ Ego Athelnothus Archicpiscopus confirmavi.  
✚ Ego Godwinus Episcopus corroboravi.  
✚ Ego Alfwinus Episcopus assensum dedi.  
✚ Ego Alffinus Episcopus Consignavi.  
✚ Ego Athericus Episcopus conclusi.  
✚ Ego Alfwynus Episcopus roboravi.  
✚ Ego Brithwaldus Episcopus.   

✚ Ego Iric Dur.  
✚ Ego Godwinus Dux.  
✚ Ego Ulf Dux.  
✚ Ego Eglaf Dux.  
✚ Ego Hacun Dux.  
✚ Ego Leofwynus Dux.  
✚ Ego Godricus Dux.   

✚ Ego Oslacus Miles. 
Nota, here we find that the Knights were in the Saxon and Dani●h Commune Comitum, or Parliament in King ●nuts Reign,   
✚ Ego Theoreth Miles.  
✚ Ego Thurkil Miles.  
✚ Ego Thrym Miles.  
✚ Ego Brothor Miles.  
✚ Ego Alfricus Miles.  
✚ Ego Alfwynus Miles.   

✚ Ego Leofricus Abbas.  
✚ Ego Alfwardus Abbas.  
✚ Ego Athelstanus Abbas.  
✚ Ego Alfsias Abbas.  
✚ Ego Leofwinus Abbas.  
✚ Ego Wulfredus Abbas.  
✚ Ego Oskytelus Abbas.   

✚ Ego Alfwius.  
✚ Ego Alfricus.  
✚ Ego Alfricus.  
✚ Ego Leoffius.  
✚ Ego Leofricus.   
Domino Sanctae Universalis Ecclesiae summo Pastori Paschali; Conventus 
Hen. primus Rex, Eadmeri Historiae Novorum, Lib. 5. pa. 111.  Ecclesiae Christi Cantuariensis fideles Orationes, & totius Sanctae Devotionis obsequium. Notum esse non dubitamius gloriosae Paternitati vestrae (pie domine) quod Ecclesia Cantuariensis Mater Nostra, Sanctae scilicet Romanae Ecclesiae Specialis filia jam ab obitu beatae Memoriae Patris nostri Auselmi Archiepiscopi per quinquennium cura Pastoralis officii peccatis nostris exigentibus sit destituta Nuper autem respectu Misericordiae Dei, adunato conventu totius Anglici Regni in praesentia gloriosi Regis 
〈◊〉.  nostri Henrici electus a nobis & Clero & populo est ad Regimen ipsius Ecclesiae Radulphus Roffensis Episcopus Nobis sufficientissime cognitus, & propter Uitae suae meritum & Sanctae conversationis effectum toti Regno valde acceptus. Huic Electioni affuerant Episcopi Abbates & Principes Regui, 
〈◊〉.  & ingens populi multitudo censentiente Domino nostro Rege & eandem electionem laudante, suaque auctoritate corroborante Quoniam igitur ita res se habet Mittimus ad vos, modis quibus possumus supplicantes ut quem ad sublevationem & consolationem Ecclesiae suae Deus (quantum nobis Datur intelligi) elegit vestra Sancta auctoritate in quo electus est confirmetis, & ei Pallium quod omnes Antecessores sui a Sacratissima sede beati Petri consecuti sunt transmittere dignemini ne Sanctitate vestra aures pietatis suae precibus Nostris (quod Deus avertat) non inclinante in pristinas miserias aliquo Eventu Ecclesia nostra (filia vestra) reiabatur. Ipsemet enim tanta corporis imbecilli tate gravatur, ut non sine Magno periculo sui, & detrimento omnium no strum valeat hoc tempore vestigiis vestris se presentare. Sanctum Apostolatum vestrum omnipotens Deus dignetur ad honorem suae Sanctae Ec clesiae per multa tempora incolu mem conservare Dignissime Pater. Amen.  
Henrico Regi Anglorum charo Domino suo ac Sumo honore Uenerando, 
Henricus Primus Rex. Eadmeri Hi●●. Novorum, ●●b. 5. pa. 131.  Frater Radulphus Sanctae Cantuariensis Ecclesiae indignus Sacerdos & totus Conventus ejusdem Ecclesiae salutem, & orationes & fidelia obsequia Notum facimus Sublimitati vestrae Alexandrum Regem Scotorum cum consensu Cleri & populi Regni sui Legatos 
Alexander the 〈◊〉. 〈◊〉 the various 〈◊〉 of the General Councll ●o Parliament of 〈…〉  suos ad nos misisse & consilium curae Pastoralis ad opus Ecclesiae Sancti Andreae a nostra Ecclesia ex pe 〈…〉 sse Considerantes ergo ●orum ju●●am Petitionem & tam Divini amoris Reverentiam, quam Sanctae Matris Ecclesiae Utilitatem attendentes laudandis desideriis pium praebuimus assensum Concessimus ergo ju●ta petitionem corum personam Ecclesiae nosirae ab eis Denominatam Dominum Edmerum quam a pueritia disciplinis Ecclesiasticis sublimiter justitusum & Sanctis Moribus Decenter Ornatum ad officium Sacerdotale omnino s●●mus 〈…〉 neum. Uestram igitur ve 〈…〉 sublimitatem submisso corde ●●poscimus ut vestrae c●●situdinis pia voluntate atque 〈…〉 ritate & illorum Deo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 & super tam Neces 〈…〉 io Ecclesiae Dei Negotio nostrae hum 〈…〉 atis con 〈…〉 o ro●oretur. Omni 〈…〉 s Deus sublimitatem vestram ad ho●orem suum & munimen Ecclesiae su● p●r longa tempora incolumen cu 〈…〉 & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Regnum digni●are 〈…〉 nnis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 digne●●●.  

Rescriptum Regis ad haec.  
Henricus Ret Anglorum Radulfo Archiepiscopo Cantuariae salutem volo & concedo ut Monachum illum unde Ret Scotiae te Requisivit, liberum ei concedas ad consuetudinem Terrae suae in Episcopatu Sancti Andreae Teste Everardo de Calna apud Rothomagum.  
Patri Uenerabili Paschali Summo 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Co●. 99 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 1103. 〈◊〉. Hen. 〈◊〉  Pontifici Henricus Dei ●ratia Ret Anglorum salurem Promotioni vestrae in sedem Sanctae Romanae Ecclesiae plurimum Congaudeo, pete●squod amicitia Quae patri meo cum Antecessoribus vestris fuit, inter nos quoque illibata permaneat, unde ut disectio & benignitas a me videatur sum●●e mitium. Beneficium quod antecessoribus meis beatus Petrus habuit vobis mitto, eosque honores, & eam obedientiam quam tempore patris mei Antecessores vestri in Regno Angliae habuerunt in tempore meo ut haveatis volo; eo videlicet ●enore, ut dignitates usus & consuetudines quas pater meus tempore antecessorum vestrorum in Regno Angliae habuit, Ego tempore vestro in eodem Regno meo integre obtineam Notumque habeat Sanctitas vestra quod me vivente Deo auxiliante dignitates & usus Regni Angliae non minuentur & si ego 
Rot. Par. 40 E. 3. n. 7. 8. Quod omnes tangit ab omnibus approbatur. Vide Argument the 8th, pa. 28. usque ad sinem.  quod absit in tanta me dejectione ponerem, optimates mei immo totius Angliae populus id nullo modo pateretur Habita igitur ●arissime Pater utiliori deliberatione ita se erga nos moderetur benignitas vestra ne quod invitus faciam a vestra me cogatis recedere obedientia.  
Rex Baronibus, Militibus, & omnibus 
Rot. Pat. 15. Johannis pars 2. m. 2.  fidelibus totius Angliae salutem sciatis, quod die Martis prox. ante— suscepimus literas Domini Papae in partibus Pictaviae de— Relaratione Jnterdicti Angliae, quas destinavimus venerabili P. Winton Episcopo Justic̄ nostro & vos rogamus attentius tanquam dilectos, & fideles nostros quorum dilectioni & fidelitati plene confidimus quatenus secundum quod idem Episcopus vobis diceret Consilium & auxilium vestrum ad honorem nostrum & vestrum, & statum Regni nostri melius commu nicandum efficaciter super hoc apponatis ut vobis modo ad uberiores teneamur gratiarum Actiones. Et ut dileoe. quam hactenus erga nos habuistis in hoc merito— nostrum si fieri literas nostras super hoc transmissemus, set ut negotium illud, quod & nobis & vobis ad commodum cedet & honorem & majori expediretur festinatione has literas, etc. T. meipso apud Rupellam sexto die Martii.  

Eodem modo scribitur.  
Majori & Baronibus London.  
Majori & probis hominibus Winton.  
Probis hominibus Northampton.   

Linc. Ebor.  
Oxon. Glouc.  
Heref. Exon.  
Wigorn. Cantebr.  
Hunt. Bristol.  
Norwich.   

Eodem modo scribitur.  
Omnibus Burgis &  
Dominicis Domini Regis Dat. eodem.   
Rex dilecto & fideli suo Willielmo Com. Maresc. salutem sciatis, 
Rot. Claus. 15. Johannis m. 1.  quod salvi Dei gratia & incolumes apud Rupellam applicuimus die Sabbati prox. post capt. Jennim & magnae partis gentis nostrae. Et statim ex quo advevimus tamen reddita nobis fuerunt cum relicta xxuj. Castra & fortalicia & praeter paucos dies processimus ad Castrum de Millesen. obsidendum, & tunc Castrum illud cepissemus venit ad voluntatem & misericordiam nostram Johannes de Portio Clericus & continuo post illum venit similiter ad voluntatem & misericordiam nostram Savericus de Malo Leone quem Consilio Domini Burdegensis Archiepiscopi & aliorum filedium nostrorum in pacem nostram admissi 〈…〉 s; die autem Martis pro●. ante mediam ●uad●agesimam dum adhu● moram fecissemus circa Casirum illud funditus prosternendum, ●e●it ad nos Acelina Romana frater Gulielmi de San●to Andoeno afferens nobis literas Demini Papae de forma Interdicti relaxndi in Anglia quas ●enera●●●i patri nostra Domino P. Winton Episcopo destina●●mus, unde vobis 〈…〉 us 〈…〉 tes 〈…〉 us ad negotium illud exequend ad honorem Dei, & nostrum & vestrum Consilium, & Auxilium efficax impendatis & faciatis super negotio ista id quod Dominus Winton̄ Episcopus Justiciarius noster vobis dicet ad fidem & commodum nostrum, ut honorem inde habeamus & Regni nostri status in melius commutetur unde merito ad perpetuas vobis teneamur gratiarum actiones. T. meipso apud Rupellam octavo die Martii.  
Eodem modo scribitur omnibus Comitibus, Baronibus, & Magnatibus Angliae Dat. eodem.  
Reverendo Domino suo & patri 
Rot. Pat. 17 J●hannis m. 16. Rex mittit Domino Papae pro Auxilio adversus Baronis Angliae.  Sanctissimo J. Dei gratia summo Pontifici Johannes eadem gratia Rex Angliae, etc. Salutem & debitam tanto Domino ac patri Reverentiam. Cum Comites & Barones Angliae nobis devoti essent antequam nos & nostram terram Dominio vestro subjicere curasfemus extune in nos specialiter ob hoc sicut publice dicunt violenter insurgunt. Nos vero post Deum vos specialem Dominum & Patronum habentes defensionem nostram & totius Regni quod vestrum est esse credimus vestrae paternitati commissam. Et nos quantum in nobis est Curam & sollicitudinem istam vestrae reservamus Dominationi devotius supplicantes quatenus in negotiis nostris quae vestra sunt consilium & auxilium efficax apponatis; prout melius videritis expedire Latores praesentium venerabiles Patres W. Burdega● & H. Dublin Archiepiscopos Magistrum R. Canc nostrum Abbatem Belli loci Magrumm P. Ebor' Ecclesiae Praecentorem & H. Archidiac̄ & Magrumm de Arenio Canon̄ Ebor', & nobiles viros J. Marescallum & G. Lutterell fideles nostros quos propter hoc ad pedes vestros transmittimus benignius exaudientes. Nos enim super omnibus quae ad Nos & Regnum nostrum pertinent vices nostras & authoritatem Sanctitati vestrae committimus Ratum habituri & firmum quicquid inde cum consilio Nunciorum nostrorum dureritis ordinandum. T. mcipso apud Doveram 13. die Septembris.  
Jtem Domino Papae, etc. Jn conspectu 
Pat. 17 Johannis m. 15. dorse. Rex scribit Pape ut su●●urrat 〈◊〉 q●oniam 〈◊〉 & singulare praesidium suum post Deum habuit in Papa.  Paternitatis vestrae humiliamus ad gracias multiplices prout melius scimus & possumus exhibendas pro Cura & sollicitudine quam ad defensionem nostram & Regni nostri Angliae Paterna vestra benevolentia indesinenter apponit licet duritia Praelatorum Angliae atque inobedientia malitiose impediant piae vestrae provisionis effectum. Nos tamen pro effectu sincero quem ad nos geritis clementiae vestrae devotius inclinamus qui etsi ad praesens a superbis & a malevolis ad insipientiam sibi censeatur inefficax nobis erit Domino concedente ad tuicoem & pacem & inimicis nostris confnsionem & terrorem inducit. Et licet Dominus Pandulphus fidelis subdiaconus vester Norwicensis Electus nobis pernecessarius esset in Anglia ut pote qui honorem Ecclesiae Romanae ac vestrum & totius Regni nostri fideliter & devote procurat quia tamen nullo modo de statu nostro & Regni Paternitas vestra certificari poterit melius quam ipsum ad pedes vestros eundem destinamus invitum devocius supplicantes quatenus ꝑ ipsum specialiter & alios fideles nostros illatae vobis in persona nostra injuriae veritate comperta ad Regimen Regni nostri & nostrae observandum dignitatis paternae manum solicitudinis apponatis, prout excellens vestra discretio viderit expedire quod per Dei gratiam laudabiliter facitis & secistis pro certo habentes quod post Deum personam vestram & auctoritatem Apostolicae sedis habemus unicum & singulare Praesidium & sub vestri considencia patrocinii respiramus. Teste etc.  
Noverint universi quod Dominus 
Rot. Pat. 37 H. 3. m. 12. dorso.  H. Rex Angliae illustris R. Comes Norff. & Marescallus Angliae H. Comes Hereford & Essex J. Comes de Warewico Petrus de Sabaudia caeterique 
Vide pa. 35. 101, 102.  Magnates Angliae concesserunt in sententiam excommunicationis generaliter latam apud Westm tertio decimo die Maii Anno Regni Regis praedict. 37. in hac forma scilicet Quod vineuso praefatae sententiae ligentur omnes venientes contra libertates contentas in Cartis comunium libertatum Angliae & de Forresta Et omnes qui libertates Ecclesiae Angliae tempotibus Domini Regis & Praedecessorum suorum Regum Angliae optentas & usitatas scienter & Maliciose violaverint, aut infringere praesumpserint, & omnes illi qui pacem Domini Regis & Regni perturbaverint, & simiilter omnes qui jura & libertates Regis & Regni Diminuere infringere seu mutare praesumpserint. Et quod omnes venientes contra premissa vel eorum aliqua ignorantur & legitime moniti infra quindenam post mentionem praemissam dictam transgression̄ non emendaverint Extunt praedictae sententiae exconicaconis subjacebunt Jta tamen quod Dominus Rex transgressionem illam per considerationem Curiae suae faciat emendari sciendum autem quod si in scriptis super eadem sententia a quibuscunque confectis, seu conficiendis aliud vel aliter appositum vel adjectum fuerit aut Articuli aliqui alii in eis contenti inveniantur Dominus Rex & praedicti Magnates omnes & communitas 
Se● p●. 〈◊〉. 101, 1 〈…〉.  populi protestautur publice in praesentia Uenerabilium Patrum B. Dei gratia Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi totius Angliae Primatis Necnon & Episcoporum omnium in eodem colloquio 
Collo 〈…〉 〈◊〉 Parliamento, Spell. Gloss. 137.  existent quod in ea nunquam consenserunt, nec consentiunt set de plano eis contradicunt Praeterea praefatus Dominus Rex in prolacione praefatae sententiae omnes libertates & consuetudines Regni nostri antiquas & usitatas & dignitates & jura Coronae suae ore proprio specialiter sibi & Regno suo salvavit & Excepit in cujus rei memoriam & in posterum veritatis testimonium tam Dominus Rex quam praedicti Comites ad instantiam aliorum Magnatum & populi praesentium scripto sigilla sua apposuerunt.  
Rex Reginae & R. Comiti Cornub. 
Rot. Pat. Vascon. 37 & 38 H. 3. m. 4. n. 21. De Magnae Carta tenenda.  salutem cum Nos, & omnes Magnates & Praelati Angliae juraverimus & promiserimus nuper apud Westm ', quod magnam Chartam nostram Angliae in omnibus articulis suis teneri firmiter faceremus nos adhuc in eodem proposito persiunentes volumus & mandamus quod Cartam illam super Sacramentum singulorum Uicecomitum in singulis Comitatibus publice clamari faciatis & teneri, dum tamen praefati Magnates & Praelati eam fac simili modo de cetero a suis subditis Teste, etc.  
Rex Uenerabilibus in Christo Patribus 
Rot. Pat. 38 H. 3. m. 4. Hiberniae. Vide the ninth Argument, pa. 72. 73.  omnibus Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, & Dilectis sibi in Christo Abbatibus, & Prioribus, & dilectis & fidelibus suis universis Com̄ Baron̄ Militibus & aliis fidelibus suis Hiberniae salutem Mittimus dilictum & fidelem nostrum filium J. Galfr̄ Justc nostrum Hiberniae ad partes Hiberniae ad Exponendum vobis Statum nostrum & terrae nostrae Vascon & Pericula Nobis imminentia & ad tractandum Vobiscum super Auxilium nobis faciend contra Regem Castell qui dictam terram nostram Uascon̄ in Manu forti in Quindenam Pasche primo futur' hostiliter est ingressurus vobis Mandantes quod eidem Justic̄ nostro in hiis quae nobis ex parte nostra super praedicto auxilio perquirendo intimabit fidem adhibeatis Jn cujus etc. T. A. Regina nostra & R. Com̄ Cornub apud Westm. ij. die Febr. per Regn.  
Rex Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, 
Ibidem. Hiberniae?  Abbatibus, Prioribus, Com̄ Baron̄, Militibus Liberis hominibus Civibus Burgensibus, & omnibus aliis fidelibus suis terrae suae Hiberniae salutem Mittimus fratrem Nicholaum de Sancto Neoto fratrem ●ospic̄ Sancti Johannis Jerusalem in Anglia ad partes Heberniae ad E●ponend vobis una cum J. Galf. Justic̄ nostro Hiberniae Statum nostrum & terrae nostrae Uascon & Pericula nobis imminentia de Hostili adventu Reg. Castell qui Nullo jure set Potentia sua confisus terram nostram Uascon̄ per ipsius fortitudinem a Manibus nostris auferre & a Domino Regni Angliae segregare proponit Universitatem vestram quantum possumus affectione Rogantes quatenus nos & jura nostra taliter indefensa non deserentes nobis in tanto periculo constitutis quantumcunque in Mundo poteritis de Gente & Pecunia ad predictae terrae nostrae defensionem quam praedictus Rex in Manuforti in estate prox. futur' hostiliter est ingressurus subveniatis quod in vestrum honorem Uertetur sempiternum cum ex contrario hujus Negotii eventu non tantum nobis set singulis Regni nostri & terrae nostrae Hiberniae— & rerum dampnum imineat periculosum Hiis nostris Augustiis taliter compatientes quod nos & haeredes nostri vobis & haeredibus vestris Sumus non immerito obligati Jn cujus etc. Teste a Regina & R. Com. Cornub. apud Windsor xvij die Februarii per Reginam.  
Rex omnibus etc. Cum pro Negotiis nostris arduis Regnum nostrum 
Rot. Pat. 42 H. 3. m. 10. Pro Rege & Barnagio Angliae. Nota, the different denominations of the Parliament or Common Council of this year. 1. Proc●res & fideles Regni. 2. Baronagium Angliae. 3. Parliamentum, Rot. Pat. 42 H. 3. m. 3. n. 9 4. Haus homes c prodes homes e Comune de Reaume. Rot. Pat. 42 H. 3. m. 4. vide pa. 35.  contingentibus proceres & fideles Regni nostri ad nos London in Quindena Pasche prox. praeterit facere 〈…〉 us convocari & cum de Negotiis supradictis maxime de prosecutione Negotii Siciliae diligenter cum eisde 〈…〉 tractaremus Ac ipsi nobis responderint quod si statum Regni nostri per Concilium fidelium nostrorum rectificand duxerimus Et Dominus Papa conditiones circa statum Siciliae appositos melioraverit per quod Negotium illud prosequi possemus cum effectu ipsi diligentiam fideliter apponent erga communitatem Regni nostri quod nobis Commune auxilium ad hoc praestetur Nos eis concessimus quod infra festum Natalis Domini proximum futurum per consilium proborum & fidelium hominum nostrorum Regni Angliae unacum consilio Legati Domini Papae si in Angliam medio tempore venerit statum Regni nostri ordinabimus & ordinationem illam firmiter observabimus & ad hoc fideliter observand supponimus Nos cohercioni Domini Papae ut nos ad hoc per Censuram Ecclesiasticani prout expedire viderit valeat arctare protestamur etiam quod Edwardus filius noster Primogenitus praeūito Sacramento corporali per Literas suas concessit quod omnia superius expressa quantum in ipso est fideliter & inviolabiliter observabit & imꝑpum observari procurabit Jn cujus etc. Hiis Testibus Edwardo filio nostro Primogenito Galfr̄ de Lazing, Willielmo de Valenc frimbus nostris P. de Sabaudia, Johanne de Pless. Com. Warr̄ Johanne Maunsell Thesaur Ebor' Henrico de Wingham decano Sancti Martini London, Petro de Rivall Guidone de Rocheford, Roberto Fitzwalter pnntibus & multis aliis Com̄ Baronibus Regni nostri Dat. apud Westm. 7. die Maii.  
Nostre Seignior le Roy per le conseil 
Rot. Pat. 51 H. 3. m. 16 De pace inter Regem & R. Comitem Glouc. Nota. In those ancient times Pardons by Parliament, wherein the Commons gave their Counsel and Assent, were thought safe and requisite.  & l'assentement de le Roy de Alemain & de Countes & de Barons & de● Comun de la terre pardone & relesse a ceans de la meenee le Counte & a touse ceux de sa Compaignie ou que il scient ou cient este etc. En tesmoin' de ceste chose nostre Seignior le Roy de Angleterre & le Roy de Alem ' cest escrit unt mis leur seans Doune a Estratford le quiuszime jour de Juyn le aun Cynquant premer.  
Henry per la grace dieu etc. per le 
Ibidem.  conseil & le assentement nostre cher frere le Roy de Alem e Cuntes e de Barunns e le Comun de nostre terre avoms pardone quite & relesse a tuz ceus de Londres totes maneres de Ire & de rancor & de male volente etc. E avoms graunte & otree a touse ceus avantnomes que mal ne damage ne lour ferroms ne sufferoms estre fet, E ke il 
Rot. Pat. 7 E. 2. pars 1. m. 9 Quod nullus imprisonetur etc. pro morte Petri de Gaveston. Purve● est & grante per Nos & per Ercevesques, Evesques, Abbes, Priors, Countes, Barons, & per tote la Comunalty de nostre Roialme a nostre Parlement etc. uniment assentuz est & accordez that all that had a hand in the death of Pierce Gaveston should be pardoned. Ro. Pat. 12 E. 2. m. 17. De Perdon. pro Com. Lanc'. The King in Parliament pardoned the Earl of Lancaster. Consentientibus Praelatis Proceribus & Communitate Regni ibidem Congregatis. Rot. Pat. 1 E. 3. m. 8. Andrew de Hethford, who was a principal Citizen of London, and a villainous Instrument of the two Spincers in E. 2. time, was de assensu Praelatorum Comitum & totius Communitatis Regni in Parliamento, pardoned all Homicides, Robberies, Burglaries, Fellonies, Appeals, etc. Rot. Pat. 1 E. 3. m. 23. De perdonatione pro Communitate Civitatis London. De assensu Praelat. Com. Bar. & totius Communitatis Regni pro homicidiis rebell. etc. ad sectam Regis, & de Appellis per quoscunque illatis.  ne Sient encheisonez ne enquerelez pur les choses avantditz En tesmoign de cestes Nos & le Roy de Alem ' a cest escrit avoms mis nos seans Donne a Estratford le Cessime jour de Juyn lan de nostre Regne Cynquante premier.    

Inter Communia Brevia de 
Penes Rememorator Domini Toes. in Sacco.  Termino Sanctae Trin. Anno Regni Regis E. 1. xxxiiij.  
Recorda.  
MEmorand quod cum nuper 
Anglia de Auxilio concesso ed Miliciam sil Regis. Anno 34 E. 1. Consil' Intracio de codem Termino penes Rememorator. Regis in sacc. Rot. 40. Vide pa. 94.  Dominus Rex ordinasset quod Edwardus filius suus Primogenitus in festo Pentecostes Anno Regni sui Tricesimo Quarto Cingulo Milicie decoraretur Et mandatum esset Archiepiscopis, Episcopis, Abb'ibus, Prioribus, Comitibus Baronibus, & aliis Magnatibus Regni quod essent coram ipso Domino Rege & Concilio suo apud Westmon in Crastino Sanctae Trinitat, proximo sequent ad tractand & ordinand de auxilio Regis faciendo ad Miliciam praedictam & ad Consenciend hiis quae ulterius Ordinarentur in hac parte vel quod procuratores aut attornatos suos sufficienter instructos ad premissa loco eorum facienda mitterent tunc ibidem.  
Ac etiam praeceptum fuisset singulis Uicecomitibus Angliae quod eorum quilibet venire faceret de Cam̄ suo ad praefatos diem & locum duos Milites & de qualibet Civitate Ballivae suae duos Cives, & de quolibet Burgo ejusdem Ballivae suae duos Burgenses, etc. ad tractand ordinand & consentind sicut praedictum est.  
Uenerunt personaliter coram Rege & Consilio suo apud Westm ad diem 
Not●.  illum Antonius Bek Patriarcha Jerosalomitanus Episcopus Dunolm W. de Langeton Coventr̄ & Lich. Radus de Baldok London Episcopi, H. de Lacie Comes Linc J. de Warrenna Comes Surrey R. de Monte Hermer. Comes Gloucestr & Hertf. H. de Boun Comes Hereford G. de Bello Campo Comes Warr Robertus filius Walteri Hugo le Despenser Johannes de hastings Hugo de Veer Willielms Martin, Henr le Tyeys, Johannes Lovel, Rogerus de Mortuomari, Johannes de Mohun, Alanus la Zouche, Will's de Leyburn, & 
Bar. quinque Port●●m.  Robertus de Burghersh, Custos Quinque Portuum cum quibusdam Baronibus Portuum eorundem.  
Ac etiam per Procuratores & Attornatos Robertus Cantuar & Will's Eborum Archiepiscopi Thom Exon Richardus Hereford, Johannes Wynton, Johannes Cicestr, Thom Roffen̄, Robertas Elyen, Johannes Norwycen, Johannes Lincoln, Simon Sarum, Will's Wygorn̄, Walterus Bathon, & Wellen, & Johannes Karliol Episcopi Abbates Westmon, Sancti Edmundi, Sancti Augustini Cantuar, Sancti Albani, Glastonie, Burg Sancti Petri Rammeseye, Thorneye, Seleby & Malmesbury, Sancti Petri Gloucestr, Rogerus Comes Norff. & Mars●. Angliae Thom Comes Lancastr̄, Edmundus Comes Arundel, & quam plures alii Praelati Magnates, & Proceres Regui ●ecnon de quolibet Comitatu Regni ejusdem duo Milites & de qualibet Civitate duo Cives & de quolibet Burgo duo Burgenses electi per Communitates Comitatuum Civitatuum & Burgorum eorundem ad praemissa loco Communitatum eorundem tractand ordinand & conscenciend similiter 
Nota.  venerunt.  
Quibus praedictis omnibus Congregatis coram consilio Regis praedicto 
Not the Concilium here meant, was all the great Officers of State, the Judges and others the King's learned Council in Parliament.  ipsisque ostenso per idem Consilium er parte Regis quod de jure Coronae Regiae auxilium Domino Regni fieri debuit in casu praedicto Ac etiam quod expense multiplices & alia quam plura onera eidem Domino Regi Incumbent ad rebellionem & maliciam Roberti de Brus proditoris ipsius Domini Regis & sibi in Partibus Scotiae adherentium qui adversus ipsum Regem jam in illis partibus guerram movere praesumpserunt reprimendas.  
Jidem Prelati Comites, Barones, & 
Nota, in the ensuing Record the Milites Commitatuum, and Barones Quinque Porcuum are comprehended under the words Magnates Regni.  alii Magnates, necnon Milites Comitatuum tractatum super hoc cum deliberatione habentes considerantésque aurilium deberi ut praedictum est & quam plura onera Regi incumbere propter guerram praedictam tandem unanimiter Domino Regi concesserunt pro se & tota Communitate Regni tricesimam partem omnium bonorum suorum temporalium mobilium quae ipsos habere continget in Festo Sancti Michaelis pror, futu● habendam pro auxilio eidem Domino Regi competente ad Miliciam filit sui praedicti ac etiam in Auxilium Misarum quas ipse est facturus circa guerram praedictam Jta tamen quod ista concessio ipsius vel eorum successoribus aut haeredibus futuris temporibus Nullatenus cedat in praejudicium, nec in casu hm̄oi trahatur in exemplum Et quod in tarando bona praedicta excipiantur omnia que in taxatione Qnintedecime a Communitate Regni Domino R. anno Regni sui xviiij concesse propter exilium Judeorum fuerunt excepta.  
Cives quidem & Burgenses Civitatum ac Burgorum prdictorum ac caeteri de Dominicis Reg. congregati & super premissis tractatum habentes considerantesque onera Domino R. incum●cntia ut praemittitur cidem Domino Regi unanimiter concesterunt ob causas supradictas vicesimam partem bono. rum suorum mobilium habend ut praedictum est.  
Memorandum quod ad Crastinum 
Inter Comm●●ia Brevia ae Termino S. Michaelis Anno 34 E. 1. penes Rememorator. Domini Thesaurarii in Scacca●io. Nota, in the former Record Praelati, Comites, Barones, & alii Magnates, neonon Milites. Commitat●um granted a joint aid to the King, and here it is said, that the Praelati & c●teri Magnates Regni gave it, so as the Knights of the Counties, and Barons of the Cinque Ports are comprehended under the name Mag●ate●.  Sanctae Trinitatis prox. praeteritum Praelati & caeteri Magnates Regni pro se & tota Communitate ejusdem Regni concesserunt Domino Regi Tricesimam bonorum suorum omnium temporalium extra Civitates Burgos & Dominica Domini Regis, & Cives, & Burgenses, & Tenentes Dominicorum praedi 〈…〉 orum vicesimam bonorum suorum tam ad militiam Edwardi filii Regis praedicti quam ad subsidium defensionis terrae Scotiae contra Robertum de Brus & ipsius Complites inimicos Regis, etc. Et forma conce●●ionis supradictae plenius annotatur in memorandis Anni praecedentis Termino Trin̄ Et subseripti venientes modo hic concesserunt satisfacere Regi pro Tricesima & Uicesima praedictis ipsos contingentibus ut patet subsequenter.   

Communia de Termino 
Penes Rememorator. Domini Regis in Scacc'.  Sancti Hillarii Anno xvii E. 3.  
Recorda.  
PRior de Coventr̄ attachiatus fuit 
Warr. de Priore de Coventr. attach. pro transgressione. Vide pa. 34.  ad rendend Domino Regi de servicio ●cto feodorum militum per ipsum Priorem & Praedecessores suos Regi & Progenitoribus suis ab Anno 29. Domini Regis H. Proavi ipsius Regis nunc substracto & concelato Et ipse Prior per Henricum de Stretford Attorn̄ suum venit. Et super hoc quia Barones plene volunt informari pro Rege per Rotulos & Memoranda Saccii de quibusdam negotium praedictum tangentibus antequam etc. Datus est dies eidem Priori hic ex assensu Willielmi de Thorpe servientis Regis a die Pasche in quindecim dies eo statu, etc. Ad quem diem Prior venit Et quia nondum plene scrutinium, etc. Datus est dies eidem Priori ex praefixione Cur' in Octabas Sanctae Trinitatis eo statu, etc. Et interim facto scrutinio Rotulorum etc. Compertum est in Rotulo 29. Regis Henrici Tertii sub titulo De Auxilio ad primogenitam filiam Regis maritandam videlicet de quolibet scuto xx s. contineri sic Prior de Coventr̄ reddit compotum de decem libris de decem feodis de quibus quidem decem libris Willielmus Trussell Uicecomes dicti Comitatus in Compota suo de Anno 32. ipsius Regis Henrici oneratus fuit inter alia debita quae debebat in fine ejusdem Compoti sicut continetur in magno Rotulo de eodem Anno 32. & in rotulo 31. ejusdem Regis Henrici compertum est etiam in quodam Rotulo Compotorum titulato Auxilium Episcoporum Abbatum Priorum concessum ad sororem Regis Henrici maritandam Fredirico Imperatori videlicet de quolibet scuto duas marcas contineri in hunc modum Prior de Coventr̄ reddit compotum de viginti marcis de eodem. In Thesaurario octo marcas Et debet duodecim marcas de quibus respondet in Warr̄ in Rotulo 34. Et in eodem rotulo 34. requirebantur de ipso Priore quindecim marcae de auxilio ad transfretationem Regis in Vasconiam & duodecim marcae de auxilio ad sororem Regis maritand. De quibus quidem duobus debitis Idem Prior postmodum Regi satisfecit sicut continetur in rotulis annalibus de annis 36. 39 & 40. dicti Regis Henrici Tertii. Item compettum est in rotulo de servicio Regis Edwardi filii Regis Henrici Summoni● apud Rothelan die dominica in crastino Sancti Petri ad vincula Anno Regni sui decimo contra Lewelinum filfum Griffini & David fratrem ejus & alios Walenses quod Prior de Coventr̄ recogn' servicium duorum feodorum Militum pro quo finem fecit Et in rotulo de finibus factis pro serviciis Scotiae Anno ejusdem Regis Edwardi tricesimo primo annotatur quod Prior & Conventus de Coventr̄ recognoverunt servicium duorum feodorum militum & finem fccerunt per quadraginta libras Et in Rotulo de finibus pro serviciis Scociae Anno 34. ejusdem Regis Edwardi filii Regis continetur quod Prior de Coventr̄ per fratrem Johannem Holeweye Commonachum & Attornatum suum recognovit servicium duorum feodorum Militum & finem fecit pro eodem per quadraginta marcas. Et inter fines factos in Scaccario coram tenente locum. Thesaurarii & Baronibus pro serviciis Regi debitis in exercitu Scociae Anno Regis Edwardi filii Regis Edwardi septimo videlicet pro servicio unius feodi viginti marcas continetur quod Willielmus Herle & Robertus de Leicestr̄ finem fecerunt cum Rege pro Priore de Coventr̄ pro servicio duorum feodorum militum per quadraginta marcas. Et praedictus Prior ad praedictas octabas Trinitatis venit ut prius per Attornatum suum praedictum Et Willelmus de Thorp, & Johannes de Stoford Servientes Regis veniunt pro Rege. Et super hoc expositis praesato Priori hiis quae per scrutinium Rotusorum inveniuntur ut supra & per ipsum Priorem auditis & intellectis isdem servientes Regis petunt quod idem Prior super hoc respondeat, etc.  
Et praedictus Prior dicit quod ipse & 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉  praedecessores sui tenuerunt ●mnia terras & tenementa sua tam videlicet ea quae habet in dominico quam in servicio per servicium duorum feodorum militum tantum. Et quod Dominus Rex seu Progenitores sin de aliquibus aliis serviciis per ipsum Priorem seu Praedecessores suos nunquam seisiti fuerunt per finem feu servicium per corpora hominum factum quod liquere poterit per Memoranda hujus Scaccarii si fiat inde scrutinium, etc. Et quoad hoc quod compertum est hic in rotulis, etc. Quod tempore dicti Regis Henrici tertii computatum fuit de certis pecuniae summis de auxiliis eidem Regi Henrico ad filium suum Militem faciendum & sororem suam maritandam concessis. Hoc ei non praejudicat in hac parte. Dicit enim quod Auxilia illa non fuerunt nec censeri possunt esse servicia immo quaedam subsidia per Magnates & Communitatem Regni spontanea & mera voluntate Regi concessa & tam de tenentibus aliorum quam de tenentibus de Domino Rege in Capite levanda quo praetextu dictus compotus de auxiliis praedictis fuit tam pro feodis tenentium tunc Prioris loci praedicti quam pro feodis ipsius Prioris propriis, quod idem Prior dicit posse liquere Curiae per Certificationem tunc Prioris loci praedicti tunc Baronibus de Scaccario de mandato Regis Henrici factam de feodis quae ipse tunc Prior tenuit de veteri feoffamento & de novo super quo certificatum fuit quod feoda quae dictus tunc Prior tenuit in Dominico & feoda quae tenentes sui de ipso tenuerunt fuerunt in toto decem feoda, etc. Et petit judicium desicut ipse tenet omnia terras & tenementa sua per servicium duorum feodor Militum tantum, nec sit compertum hic penes Scaccarium quod Dominus Rex seu Progenitores sui de aliquibus aliis seu plutibus serviciis per manus dicti Prioris seu Predecessorum suorum unquam seisiti fuerunt si ipse de aliquo feodo seu hujusmodi servicio concelato impetiri seu calumpnari debet in hac parte. Et super hoc quia dicti servientes Regis volunt super responso suo deliberare, etc. datus est dies eidem Priori hic in octabas Santi Hillarii ea statu, etc. Ad quem diem praedictus Prior venit & ob eandem causam qua prius datus est ei dies ulterior hic a die Pasche in quindecim dies eodem statu quo prius. Ad quem diem idem Prior venit & ob dictam causam adjornatur ulterius usque quindenam Sanctae Trinitatis eo statu, etc. ad quem diem ven' & datus est ei dies ulterius usque octabas Sancti Michaelis anno viz. decimo nono Regis hujus ea   
FINIS.