THE LIFE OF JOHN WILLIAMS, Ld KEEPER of the GREAT SEAL, Bp. of LINCOLN, and ABp. of YORK.  
In the Reigns of King JAMES, and King CHARLES the First.  
WHEREIN Are related several Remarkable Occurences of those Times both in Church and State.  
With an APPENDIX, Giving a just ACCOUNT of his Benefactions to St. John's College in Cambridge.  
By AMBR. PHILIPS, Fellow of the same College.  
CAMBRIDGE, Printed at the University Press, for A. Bosvile, at the Sign of the Dial over against St. Dunstan's Church in Fleetstreet. 1700.   

THE PREFACE.  
TO save my READER the needless trouble of Criticism, I here advertise him once for all, that he shall be mistaken if he takes me for an Author in this Book: I am at best but a Collector, and a Transcriber; and therefore I will not be answerable for any Matter of Fact related in the following Papers, since I have referred him all along to the Authors themselves, which I have quoted sometimes for my Dates of Time, sometimes for a farther Illustration of some Passages, which for Brevity's sake I have but just touched at, sometimes for parallel Places, to confirm what Bishop Hacket has affirmed, and sometimes for what contradicts his Account of Things, that so the Reader may hear both sides, and than determine as he pleases. And I would not have it thought that I have soiled the Margin of my Book (Slovenliness being accounted by some as the Badge of Learning) to show my Reading; for I did it merely because we live in an Age that will take nothing upon Trust, and wherein nothing lesle than Seeing is Believing. And since it is the common Cheat of Writers to declare themselves unprejudiced, on purpose to betray their Readers into security, I had no other way left me to show my Integrity. For I doubt not, if any will be at the same trouble that I have been at, of comparing the several Historians, Letters and Pamphlets of those Times together, but that their Judgement of Bishop Williams will in the main agreed with the Account I have given of him. And they will found Reason enough to believe, that neither he nor Bishop Laud are the Monsters, that Partiality and Prejudice, and sometimes Ignorance have made them: and that whatever Blemishes are interwoven with their Glorious Actions (as spots in the Sun) they have sufficient Beauties to compensate for them, and to give them both the lasting Repute of Great and Good Men. Both whose Worth I take to be so Self-sufficient, that there is no need of pulling down one to set up the other. And I am apt to believe (adding this Hint to what I have said upon this Point in the Book itself) that if the truth were known, Buckingham might be accountable in a great measure for the Differences betwixt Laud and Williams; who in all probability when he was disgusted with the Lord Keeper, might engage Laud against him for the speedier and more effectual Accomplishment of his own Revenge in the Ruin of Williams.  
Bishop Hacket is the great Store-House whence I have taken my Materials for the following LIFE; and because there may be a great many who may not have Leisure upon their Hands to read him, I have inserted all the Secret History that is remarkable in him into my Work, or at lest I have given short Hints of it every where, and directed those that have a mind for any further Information to the respective places in him, where they may found it. His Lordship's commendable Gratitude to his Great Patron Williams, has made him so very studious of Embellishments for his Life, that I can liken the Lord Keeper, as represented by him, to nothing so properly as to the Statue of some Ancient Hero, so beset with Trophies and Ornaments, that the Comeliness and just Proportion of the Image underneath is scarce discernible at first sight. And Bishop Hacket in his Book has set out the Lord Keeper, just for all the World, as he was when Living, that is, surrounded with a multitude of Learning, and all the costly variety of Science.  
My First Part, and a great deal of my Second, has nothing in it that is (properly speaking) Historical, but falls rather wholly under the Notion of Biography. For which reason, having but little Matter to work upon, I was forced to make the best shift I could to keep my Reader adoing with occasional Reflections of such sort as the Actions themselves did seem to suggest. And I desire my Reader would pardon me, if I have presented him with a Miscellany of Style, and now and than to humour myself, have been guilty of some little Sallies and Excursions, to divert the Fatigue of Collection.   

NOTE,  
THE Figures in the Margin of the Book included in Parentheses thus (5,) refer to the Pages in the First Part of Bishop Hacket's Book; and those in Crotchets thus [5,] to the Pages in the Second Part.   

ERRATA.  
PAge 69 Line 21. read arbitratu. Page 74 Line 11, read bear. Pag, 182 Line 19, read resign.   

From his Birth, till such Time as he was settled in Chancellor Egerton's Family.  
PART I  
IN this LIFE, which I have undertaken, 
The Method observed in this Life.  I shall use the same Method with a good Projector, when he would give a full View of an Exquisite Piece of Architecture, and lay before you a Prospect of it on all sides. One entire Draught, though never so well contrived, would be but imperfect; because in representing one Part complete, he must of necessity conceal another: The Front and the Backparts will never show themselves at once. And should I take this Great Man in but one Posture, tho' never so graceful, yet I should rob him of a considerable part of his due Glory, and my Reader of no lesle a share of Profit; since He was One, that might be a Pattern to any in Four several Respects; as a Private-Man, a Churchman, a Statesman, and a Declining-Favourite; the most difficult Character of all to sustain, so as to quit the Stage without a general Hiss. Therefore I shall divide my Work according to these Four Circumstances of his Life, beginning from his Birth, with that short Course he ran in Privacy. And 'tis our Misfortune, that active Bodies very rarely continued long in one Posture, scarce long enough in-indeed for our Imitation; so that we must take them at a Blush, or not at all: So transient, in Truth, is any of those few real Advantages, We have offered us; as if Providence designed we should be always upon our Guard, and ready to catch at Opportunities.  
But, to begin: Edmond William's Esq 
His Parentage and Birth.  of Aber-Conway in Caernarvonshire, was the Son of Wm Williams Esq of 
(5.)  Coghwillanne, near adjoining, and of Dorothy Daughter to Sir Wm Griffith Kt, of Penrhyn. Now this Edmond took to Wife Mary the Daughter of Owen Wyn Esq and by her had Five Sons and Two Daughters. Of the Male Children, John (whose Life we are writing) was the Youngest, born about or upon the 25th of March 1582, at Aber-Conway, a Sea-Town in Caernarvanshire.  
Williams of Coghwillanne (his 
The Arms of his Family.  Grandfather) branched out his Pedigree from the Princes of North-Wales, 
(6.)  in King Stephen's Days, and so continued his Coat of Three Saxons Heads (Tree Pen Saix in Welsh) constantly without any the lest alteration from Ednevet Vychan, Lord Steward of Wales, in the 25th Year of Hen. III.  
His Descent, his Parentage, and all the Trappingss of Birth I am the more particular in, not as tho' he stood in need of such foreign Embellishments to recommend him; but because Sir A. W. and some others, pitifully, as well 
Co. & Ch. p. 141.  as falsely, strove to insinuate his mean Extraction, when they could invent no other likely Scandal to make him odious at Court: A Practice very general (as may be easily observed) when any of the Clergy rise to Places of Dignity and Honour; as tho' a Cassock were no more honourable than a Livery. But, to proceed:  
His Grandmother, the Lady Griffith, 
Is sent to School.  as well as his Parents, took due and timely Care of his Education. And that it might be such as should fit him to promote God's Glory, and to be by that means a Credit to them, they determined to make him a Scholar. For which End he was sent to the Public School at Reuthen, for his First Rudiments, in Latin and Greek. Here it was that he first gave some 
(7.)  small Essays of the future Activity of his Mind: always very busy, and in earnest pursuit of two contrary Courses. For one while nothing would go down with him but Play, and bodily Exercise; another while never without a Book in his Hand. The Master a little surprised, at first knew not well what to make of so strange a Composition. But, like a prudent Man, upon second Thoughts, seeing the eagerness of his Temper, he thought it might not be safe to kerb him: so he left him to the swing of his Humour, and the Lad came on apace, and soon outstripped all his Fellows. When he had been here for some time close at his Book, and began now to show himself a little more at large (like a blowing Flower in a forward Spring) It happened that Dr. Vaughan (afterwards Bishop of London) coming into Wales, took Reuthen in his way: where he found his little Kinsman John Williams, the Captain of all the School. The Dr. glad to found him come on so 
Is removed to Cambridge.  well, and willing to further his growth, bethought himself of removing him speedily to Cambridge. And he admitted him there, entering the 16th Year of his Age, in Saint John's College, under the Tuition of One Mr. Owen Gwin, a Welsh Gentleman, and Fellow of that House, 1598. And by the College Register, I found that in the same Year he was admitted into the Number of the Scholars of the House on the 5th of November.  
At Cambridge his Countrymen received 
Is carressed by his Countrymen, and admired for his Beauty.  him with a hearty welcome; and that must always be said for their Honour, That they are sincere and cordial in their Affections to one another, beyond most People. As they carress'd Young Williams, so likewise did they never cease praising him, and speaking much in his Commendation up and down the University; insomuch that he was soon distinguished, and had a great many Eyes upon him from the very first; and the more, because his Beauty, and the comeliness of his Form were very remarkable. And however some Philosophers may speak slightingly of the Endowments of the Body; yet certainly there is in Physiognomy somewhat more than a great many dream of; and an outward harmony in the Countenance inclines us to a good liking of the Person at first Sight.  
There are few of our Welsh Youth 
Laughed at for his Welsh Tone.  but at their first coming abroad, would move almost any Man to Laughter with the Native Tone of their Voice, and by pronouncing all their English, as if they spoke it in a Passion. And thus it was with our Youngster, which would often put him to the Blush. Those that knew him at his first Admission, would often tell him, That he came up better stocked with Latin and Greek, than with good English. And well for him that he did; for this made him the more retired Student, because he was resolved to shut himself up from all Company as close as possible, till he had smoothed his Tongue, and could manage it like others his Companions. So soon was he inspired with the generous Spirit of Emulation, and was ashamed to be outdone, even in what he was never bred to. And this he practised the more earnestly, by reason of the strong Ambition he had to be an Orator: so that in a short time he overcame this National Defect of his so far, that when ever he had occasion to speak publicly, his Gesture and Pronunciation were as elegant as his Invention., and his Manner gave a Lustre and Brillant to his Matter.  
His Natural Parts were far above 
(8.)  the common Level; but that which 
His Parts, and Application to his Studies.  overtopped them all, was his Memory, which was quick and retentive to a Miracle. But yet (in this only like a Miser) he was not satisfied (as too many are) with the plentiful Patrimony with which Nature had furnished him; but he was for enlarging his Store, and grasping all he could. So that, altho' his Abilities were such, you'd think they did not need Improvement, yet he applied himself to his Study, with that Diligence, as if he had nothing else to depend upon; and was (if I may say so) incontinent in his Appetite after Learning. While 
(7.)  he was yet but Under-Graduate, he had read over many Authors in several Sciences, together with the most considerable Historians and Poets, Greek and Latin. A great deal (you'll say) to be done in so short a Time! But it seems Nature was partial to him, 
Sleeps but 3 hours in 24.  and laid but a small Tax upon his Time; for he was of so happy a Constitution, that from his Youth upward he never required more than three Hours Sleep in Twenty-four, to keep him in perfect Health.  
This was the large Fund he had to 
(8.)  traffic with, and to become a considerable 
His Religion and Virtues.  Man in Time. Now let us see what hopes there were of him as a Christian; since a Defect in this Point is therefore the more inexcusable, because it lies levelly with all Capacities, and our ignorance is wholly wilful. As for his Religion, he did not make a bustle, a noise and a show with it, as some Folk do, whom our Saviour assures to their Cost, That they have their Reward. But yet he was very well furnished with excellent Morals, and such Virtues as are requisite and commendable in greener Years; for there is a Decorum even in these Matters, and all Virtue's suit not so well with all Ages. As in Practice, so likewise in Opinion, he was careful from the Beginning to avoid all Error; knowing no doubt, that our Thoughts are the Springs of all our Actions, and that in the sight of God they themselves are Actions. He was constant to the Public Prayers of the College, and conscientious and regular in his own private Devotions. Modesty is a Virgin-Grace, and therefore more becoming Youth: of this we may conclude he had a large share, in that he was all Submission and Obedience to his Superiors, a neverfailing sign of an ingenuous Temper. He was Just to his Word, True to his Friend, and Reconcilable to his Enemy; three Qualifications, that distinguish a great Soul from a poor Spirit, and such as a Monarch may be proud of. From his close Studying you may gather he was no loiterer, no idle Companion; and from the very little Sleep he required, that he was no haunter of Taverns, nor in the lest intemperate either in Meat or Drink. His short College-Commons satisfied him: hence it is that he was Continent and Chaste. Thou about seven Years old he had a Mischance (if I may call it so) that seemed to conspire with his Virtue, and to oblige him to actual Chastity. Being than in his Coats, and 
His Mischance when 7 Years old.  taking a Leap from the Walls of Conway Town to the Seashore, he thought that the Wind (which was than very strong) by swelling out his Coats like a Sail, would bear him up, as it did some of his Playfellows; but contrary to his Expectation, he fell with some force with his Belly upon a big ragged Stone, which caused an Infirmity (to use Bishop Hacket's Phrase) better understood than farther described. And here I must beg leave to correct an Error about this matter in Wilson's 
P. 197.  History of Great Britain; for he says, That he was assured, that the Bishop was born an Eunuch; so that Dr. Hacket's Story beforementioned deserves more credit, who as being Domestic Chaplain to Bishop Williams, might have a truer Information: Besides I found an Account of it, agreeable to this, in a Pamphlet called The Observator Observed, wrote by H. Lestrange, in vindication of his History of Charles the First. But take it either way, and it is sufficient to clear him and the Countess of Buckingham from the aspersions of some Historians, and to manifest the malice of Sir A. W. the 
P. 140.  Pamphleteer, who would feign persuade Posterity of the Bishop's great Incontinency.  
But his Sobriety, Temperance and 
His Profuseness.  Chastity, are the more commendable; because he was not, as some of narrow Fortunes are, placed quite below the reach of Temptation; had he been so minded, he had wherewithal to humour any Vice: For all his Friends, 
(9)  as well as his Father, allowed him very plentifully. But in truth, tho' their Liberality was great, yet his own was greater; the Stream was larger than the Fountain that supplied it; so that his Pockets were generally empty, for out it went faster than it came in. It was his humour from his Cradle, and followed him to his Grave, to be profuse. He spent all he could get, besides some for which he ran attic. Not that I propose him for a Pattern to those of his Age, but therefore I register this small Failing of his; because it may bespeak the Reader's Candour, when he shall hereafter be accused of Bribery.  
One Instance I have to produce, 
An Instance of his Generosity.  which discovers in him a charitable, frank and generous Temper; and that so much the more, because what we do when we are Young, and have not learned to mask our Inclinations, shows us as we are in ourselves. Mr. Edward Lively (Hebrew Professor, and a Worthy Man) was by hard hap reduced to Circumstances so very narrow, that to support himself and his Family, he was put to the sad shift of selling a part of his Library. When Young Williams heard of this, he scraped hard to get him three pounds together, and when he had compassed it, he went to Mr. Lively, and made him a courteous Offer of it. His necessities pleaded so hard, that he accepted of it; and as the only return of Gratitude he could make, he was not ashamed to tell it abroad, to bring his pretty Benefactor into Repute: and much was it talked of to his credit, that so little a Hand should open itself, when large ones were shut; when yet if rightly considered, it is but natural: for the longer we live, the stiffer are our Joints, our Muscles stronger, our Sinews harder, and we every way fit for Griping. But to reflect upon our Story; it would be a nice point to determine, whether of the two parties was the most obliged; so free and unexpected was the Bounty of the One, so condescending and so grateful were the acknowledgements of the other. But if we compute our Obligations from the Pleasure and Satisfaction we receive from others, I doubt not but Williams was the party indebted.  
That so candid a Temper should 
Gains Enemies.  have Enemies will be no News to any One, that has experienced how easily People are disgusted, and how hardly pleased; as tho' we made it our Business, who should hoard up in his Life-time the largest share of Discontent. He was hasty and passionate indeed, and his Heat had chafed a great many; a National Failure it was (and what Nation without some) and very predominant in the Welsh. The ill will of others he got by beginning so soon to stickle for the Discipline and Ceremonies of the Church of England: and others took a distaste to him, because he was want to frequent the Reverend Mr. Perkins' Congregation: What Reason they had for it, I know not, the Character of Mr. Perkins being 
Fuller's Holy St.  delivered down to us for a Learned, pious, and laborious Preacher, who died Minister of St. Andrews Parish in Cambridge.  
At the close of Queen Elizabeth's 
Chosen Fellow of St. John's.  Reign, our Student commenced Bachelor of Arts, and within a few Days after on the 14th of April 1603. he was elected into a Foundation Fellowship, for the Diocese of Bangor, as appears from the College Register. Yet for all his Merits, he obtained not 
(10.)  this without the Opposition of some of the Seniors, in whose Votes, together with the Master's, the Power of Election by Statute lies. But it seems a Letter from K. James did his Business for him; for Bishop Hacket refers to One, wrote by him 22 Years after to his Majesty, acknowledging That his Gracious Letters conferred the first Preferment upon him. So that this King, as it happened, laid the very Foundation of his future Greatness, and after built him up to the very Height of it. So true is it, that one Benefit, as well as one Injury, draws on another. 
Sits close to his Studies.  And now our Young Graduate being set in a convenient posture for Studying, his next care was how he should make the most of the Three Years that lay betwixt him and his Degree of Master: Diligence he concluded was the best Husbandry of Time: and so earnest was he at his Business, that he had constantly some Work going forward. Greek and Hebrew he plied closely, as the best Introduction to Divinity; and in these he had the Assistance of the most Eminent Men at that Time in Cambridge. To master French, he found it a Task of no great difficulty: He dipped into the Elements of Geometry; and found amidst his Business some leisure hours to soften his severer Studies with Music; in which, both Vocal and Instrumental, he had attained to a competent Skill. To all this add, That he performed his public Exercises to that Admiration, that all without the Spirit of Prophecy, concluded he was too active for a Fellowship to hold him long: like a generous and High-metled Steed, that disdains to be bounded by a narrow Enclosure, tho' his Pasture be never so rich and flowery. So obvious is it to bespeak the future Success of that Youth, that hath a Constitution proof against Laziness, the very Consumption of a Great Genius, by which it dwindles away into nothing in a short time. For it is with the Soul of Man as with his Body; give it Nourishment, or it will pray upon itself.  
In the Year 1605. He went out 
(11.)  Master of Arts, and feasted his Friends 
Takes the Degree of A. M.  at the Commencement, after his extravagant rate, (for so I will make bold to call it) being better flushed with Money, by large Presents from many bountiful Hands, than is usual with our young Graduates. But so it was, his Merits got him Friends, and those Friends furnished him with Money. So that his Revenues (and those considerable) lay not in dirty Land, but flowed in to him like the Tribute of a Monarch, from the goodwill of others. And he got not Friends by his Richeses (as most do) but got Richeses by his Friends; which very few can.  
Our Student continues still hot in 
(12.)  pursuit of his Business; like a Body 
His Method in Studying.  set in Motion upon a Descent, which is so far from having the lest Inclination to rest, that it gathers fresh Vigour at every Turn. And now he began to enter into the deep and spacious Study of Divinity; a Field of extent enough for any Genius, tho' never so unconfined. He began (as he has sometime in his riper Years told Dr. Hacket) to read all the Scriptures with the best Commentators. And in his Common-Places and Problems, he manifested his great Industry, so as to wrist Praise from his Seniors, and to merit Thanks from the Juniors, whose benefit it is that such Exercises be carefully performed. Now he summons all his Vigour, and puts his whole Faculties upon the stretch: For he sets upon Reading the Schoolmen, Church History, and the Fathers all together. But how is it possible to methodise such a variety of Studies? Why, every Man has, or aught to have such a Method, as best suits his Capacity; and it seems he had his. My Manner was (says he) to allot one Month to each of these Employments; and Variety was almost as much refreshing as cessation from Labour. This Method I was constant to for 13 Years, until I was called of by my Secular Employments; and when I was discharged from them, I cell again to run round in my former Circle. Over and above, he was an Exact Philosopher, especially in Metaphysics, the Advantage and Use of which he defended publicly in the Schools when he was Proctor for the University. His Application 
(13.)  to History presupposes his Knowledge in Chronology and Geography: And I will (says Bishop Hacket, a competent Judge) deliver it confidently, that I took him to be the best proficient in Ecclesiastical History of his Age.  
Ignorance is not so distasteful as 
His communicative Temper.  a selfish Knowledge, joined with the fear of making others as wise as ourselves: and an honest Beggar's Character (we know) stands fairer in the Eye of the World, than that of a tenacious Miser. To possess and yet not to communicate is not the part of a Man, but of the Brute Beast, that has not reason to see the great Advantages of a mutual Benevolence. Our 
(15.)  Student, that was in a manner a perfect Storehouse of Learning, was open to all: His Temper communicative, and Discourse free. Which 
(16.)  was so much the more acceptable, because he was remarkable for his Candour and Moderation, and far from showing any dislike of a Scholar, that differed from him in a Theological Debate. Yet this Moderation of his 
(17.)  was called by some Sluggishness, Craftiness, Neutrality, or any thing that might give it a bad Colour. As if the Spirit of Christianity were not consistent with a Disputant, and Rudeness were better at Syllogizing, than sound Sense, which is an enemy to Passion: or as tho' (to speak with Bishop Hacket) in Points unfundamental and unresolved, every Man must be a Guelph or a Gibelline.  
I have given you a short Scheme of 
Is employed in Business for his College.  his Studies, by the Prosecution of which he fitted himself for the high Employments in which we shall found him hereafter. And by his close Application this way too, he began to grow into considerable Repute and Esteem in the College. For, by that time he was 25 Years old, or thereabout, he had the Honour to be employed by his Society in some concerns of theirs; by which means upon such occasions, he had admittance 
A Bp. Bancroft takes Notice of him:  sometimes to speak before Archbishop Bancroft. And upon this Reverend Prelate, what with his engaging Wit, and what with his decent Behaviour, he gained so far, that two Years before he was Bachelor of Divinity, he sent for him, and of his own free Will, gave him the Advouzon of an Arch-Deaconry in Wales; Cardigan, to the best of Bishop Hacket's Remembrance.  
Another time the Master and Fellows, 
Is sent to Court by the Fellows.  deputed him for their Agent to Court, to petition the King for a Mort-Main, thereby to bring an Increase to their Maintenance. In which Suit he sped; as indeed he did in most Undertake, being of a ready Wit, 
(18.)  and almost unwearied Diligence. Here 
The King takes Notice of him.  it is worth Observation, the Notice the King took of him than, for there was I know not what in him, which his Majesty liked so well, that he told him of it long after, when he came to be his Principal Officer. These Employments were so many lucky Hits, as we may call them, and gave (no doubt) the first occasion to his future Advancement. For we may reason backward thus, and see the disposing Hand in all past Occurrences of Life; but when we come to look forward, the very first Object terminates our sight, and we know not What will follow What; so many different Conclusions can Providence draw from any one Principle, and yet all just and equal.  
Thus far have we brought our 
His Friend Dr. Playfere dies, and he makes his Funeral Speech.  Charge safe through this troublesome World, and fenced of all Misfortunes. But to secure him wholly had been impossible, even for his Guardian-Angel. And the Reader will found he had his share of Troubles. One single One, like a random-shot in Battle, befell him at this Time, which wounded him to the very Soul: It was the Death of his Reverend Friend Dr. Playfere, in the Year 1608. This was a heavy Blow indeed for the first, and troubled Mr. Williams so much, that when he was requested to grace his Friend's Obsequies with a Speech, he urged his excessive Sorrow in Excuse. But by much importunity, he was at last prevailed upon, to give that Sorrow a Vent; which he did in such an Eloquent and Moving Manner (as perhaps no Passion has the persuasive Force of Sorrow) that when he ended, and the Assembly broke up, every body said, that Playfere's Eloquence survived in his Friend. And he, tho' naturally covetous of a Good Name, yet, I dare say, thought his Reputation now too dearly bought.  
Happy and wise too is the Man, that 
He takes Orders:  knows how to make the right use of Misfortunes. We must call in the Assistance of Religion as well as Philosophy, ere we can convert them into Blessings. Thus Mr. Williams, after this, grew strangely indifferent to the World in all respects, except it were to be doing good in it. And the better to enable him to this (after humbly imploring the Divine Assistance) he gave himself over entirely to the Service of God, entering into Orders first as Deacon, than as Priest, in the 27 
(19)  Year of his Life. After this, that he 
And the Charge of a small Living.  might not lie fallow, and be like the barren Ground, he took the Charge of a small Living, which lay beyond St. Edmund's-Bury, in the confines of Norfolk; Fakenham perhaps, or very near to it. A poor Business tho' it was, that would hardly defray the cost of his Journeys, yet it took not of his Edge, for it answered the great Ends for which he entered upon it; to teach the Simple, to attain to a readiness in Preaching, and to be acquainted with Compassion (as he used to say) towards the hard Condition which his poor Brethrens did undergo, that had scarce enough to feed and keep them warm, for all their Labour. It seems he had a Liking for the People; for in his highest Honour, I heard him (says Bishop Hacket) treating with Sir Lionel Talmach, to employ an hundred pound for him, to buy Land for the Relief of the Poor of that Village for ever.  
In a poor Country Vicarage he 
Preaches at St. Mary's in Cambr.  was to condescend to the Capacity of his People, lest he might be to them as a sounding Brass, or a tinkling Cymbal. But at St. Mary's in Cambridge, where he had a Learned Auditory, our Preacher showed his great Skill Anno 1610, in a Discourse upon Luc. 16, 22. And 
And before the King at Royston.  about eight Months after, being listed into the Combination of the choicest Preachers, he was called upon Duty, before King James and Prince Henry at Royston; where he acquitted himself so well, that his Majesty was pleased to speak much in his Commendation; and the Prince not content to let him go of with hungry Praise, looking upon him as an Honour to Wales, assured him, that he would not be unmindful of his great Merits. But he dying untimely (if there be such a thing as an untimely Death) the Father bestowed that Preferment on him, which the Son intended.  
The Fame of our accomplished 
Lord Egerton takes him into his Service.  Preacher came at last to the Ears of the Lord Chancellor Eg●●●●. And he wanted not Friends in in that Family to recommend him; to whose Requests the Chancellor only replied, Sand for him, and let me have him. This was at Midsummer, in the Year 1611. But when he came to London to wait upon his Lordship, after great and humble Acknowledgements of the Honour done him, he entreated, that he might have his Lordship's Consent, to continued one whole Year, or the greatest part of it, at Cambridge; because he was at Michaelmas following to be Proctor for the University, a Place of great Trust and Credit, and some Profit. At this the Chancellor asks him, if his place might not be supplied by a Deputy? My Lord (replies the Chaplain) 
(20.)  I must take an Oath upon my Admission into that Office, to oversee the Government entrusted to me, not in general Terms only of Faith and Diligence, but for the due Provision of many particular Branches of the Statutes; and I dare not trust my Oath with another Man's Conscience. And he must be a hardy fellow, that dares, since every Man at long Run, is like to answer for himself. Who could refuse so fair a Plea? So he returns to Cambridge, where I must show him in his Honour of Proctorship, before I proceed any farther with him.  
His Reply to the Chancellor shows 
Is Proctor in Cambr.  what strict Notions he had of the Greatness of his Charge; and he was too Honest to act short of his Conscience. To instance only in the Principal Duties of his Office; What care did he take to have the Public Exercises duly performed? Insomuch that at the Afternoon Disputations of the Undergraduates, he would moderate himself; by which means he had an opportunity to encourage the Hopeful and Deserving, inflaming some with his Praises, and inciting others with Rewards: for he was always free of his Money, but especially upon such like Occasions. The Night-Walks indeed he committed sometimes to others; but he perceived there never went more Authority with the Staff, than when he bore it himself. Thou he reclaimed several from their lose Courses, yet was he remarkable in this, that he never stigmatised any one with a hard Censure. He knew very well that Affableness, Sweetness and soft Persuasions were more irresistible than Threats; as dealing with Scholars, and not Peasants. And it is but want of Discretion, to think when we are in Office, we may talk big by Authority, and lord it over Gentlemen of a Liberal Education, who have no Notion of Slavery, except it be to contemn it.  
Next to a conscientious discharge 
The Duke of Wittenberg comes to Cambr.  of one's Office, nothing so much credits an Officer, as when some remarkable occurrences hap during his Office. And two very signal one's gave our Proctor a very fair opportutunity of showing himself. Soon after Christmas, his Majesty sent his Commands to the Heads of the University, to give Entertainment, such as might be made ready out of hand, to the Duke of Wittenberg, and his Train. The Duke himself was a Learned Prince: And it was therefore thought most suitable to entertain him with Philosophic Disputations; and so it was determined. Mr. Proctor, he sat as Moderator, and managed the Business with all the Skill and good Address imaginable. For, to compliment the 
(21.)  Prince, he backed all his Reasons with Quotations from Julius Pacius, Goclenius, 
Is very much taken with Mr. Williams.  Keckerman and others, that had been Professors within the Germane Principalities. Which was so highly acceptable to the Duke of Wittenberg and his Retinue, that they would not part with Mr. Williams from their Company, so long as they continued in Cambridge; and when they went away for Newmarket, they took him along with them. So much is the manner of acting in all we do, and the right suiting of Things and Circumstances: which to perform free and unconstrained, is the Talon only of a ready Wit, and a sound Judgement; two important Qualifications, and rarely to be found in one and the same Person.  
The next Passage is of another stamp, 
The King displeased at the University.  having more of the Statesman, than the Scholar in it. The Earl of Salisbury, Lord Treasurer, and Chancellor of Cambridge dying, May 24 An. 1612. In the Regent House, the Masters of Arts it seems could not agreed in the Choice of one to succeed him. The Majority gave their Voices for Henry Earl of Northampton, Lord Privy-Seal: Tother Party, that did not like him, they put up against him the King's Second Son, Charles' Duke of York, tho' than but 12 Years old. At this the King was highly displeased, that they durst nominate his Son to any Place, before they had humbly craved his Royal Assent. And the Lord Privy-Seal, the Chancellor Elect (perceiving himself slighted) shrunk up his shoulders, and made Answer, That he was not worthy the Honour they designed him; as who should say in plain English, I scorn your Proffer. Upon this, the Heads 
Mr. Williams sent to appease the King.  (considering that the Wrath of a Prince is not like that of a Private Man, to be quenched by Delay) dispatch away Proctor Williams (who tho' he was but the Junior Proctor, yet was employed) to present himself with their Letters before the King, now in the Height of his Displeasure. So he came to the Court at Greenwich, and falling upon his Knees before his Majesty, the King, with no pleased Countenance, demanded what his Business was. Sir (says he) Myself and They who sent me, crave Justice of your Majesty, in behalf of your University of Cambridge, which suffers under your Displeasure, in that sort as I believe never any of your Subjects did before; that Nineteen Parts of a Great Incorporation should be condemned for the Frowardness (and that unpreventable by all the Power we had) of the Twentieth part, and they the meanest of us all. We beseech you, Gracious Sovereign, to name a Chancellor to preside over us, or suffer us to come to your Majesty upon all Occasions, as unto our Chancellor; not made so by the Suffrage of poor Scholars (you are far above that) but in the Sublime Title of your Kingly Office, by which you are obliged to protect all your People that are unprotected. The Speech 
Obtains his Suit.  ended, the King gave the Petitioner his Hand to kiss; saying, He would pardon all that was passed. So merciful was the King, and so persuasive was the humble Address of the Proctor. Moreover, he added, That they themselves 
(22.)  should have Power to choose their own Chancellor; for he would not rob them of their Right of Free-Election: that his farther Pleasure should be signified in his Letters, which came to Cambridge the same Day the Proctor did; and being opened, the Orders were, That they should forthwith call a Congregation, and resume an Election for a new Chancellor, and that his Majesty would constrain him to hold it, whoever it were, that the Congregation agreed upon. Still the Heads continued in a Doubt what to do, because the King was not more particular: And here it fared with Mr. Williams as it usually does with all that are employed upon any Business; for they blamed him for not sounding the matter to the Bottom. But he, whose 
Explains the King's Letters to the Heads of the University.  Wit was always true to him at a pinch, warded of their unreasonable Displeasure; by gathering much from a small Hint, which is the very Perfection of Policy. Certainly (says he) there is one Clause in the Royal Letters, that plainly determines our Votes; for no One hath declared a flat Refusal of this Place, but the Earl of Northampton: Therefore no One else can be meant in this Passage, That whomsoever we choose, the King will constrain him to hold it. This Intricacy so happily unfolded, the Lord Privy-Seal was chosen. And the King confessed they had nicked his secret Meaning: yet not They, but Mr. Proctor; which deservedly gained him a deal of Credit.  
There is one thing more which happened 
Dr. Gwin made Master of St. John's College by the Interest of Mr. Williams.  during his Office; but whether to his Praise or Dispraise, I cannot readily tell. A mixed Action it was, and discovers a great Beauty, shaded with a Blemish, like the Sun in an Eclipse. Dr. Clayton the Master of St. John's College dying, Dr. Morton (than Dean of Windsor, and afterwards Bishop of Durham) and Mr. Gwin (one of the Signior Fellows) put in for the Mastership. Now Dr. Morton was a Man incomparable every way, and not only beyond Mr. Gwin, but almost all of his Time, for Piety and Learning. But for all this, his Interest amongst the Fellows (who all when they are Masters of Arts by Statute have a Vote in the Election of a Master) was but small in comparison to Mr. Gwin's; and so much the lesle considerably, because Mr. Williams appeared against him. And as he was courting his Friends for Mr. Gwin, amongst others, he made suit to one Mr. Senhouse (afterwards Bishop of Carlisle) who gave him this civil Denial: Sir, if you desire my Voice to confer the Mastership upon yourself, I will not deny you. I know you, tho' a young Man, right worthy of it; but your Tutor shall never have my Suffrage, while I can say No. But yet Mr. Williams 
(23.)  prevailed so far with his Interest, that Mr. Gwin, who had formerly been his Tutor, was made Master. To excuse this is more than I can do; and there is but one way by which I can accounted for his Error, how a Man of his clear Judgement should fall into it. He was High-spirited almost to a Fault; and such Tempers (we know) are at best but very uneasy, when any One is beforehand with them in Obligations. And, no doubt, as a Pupil he thought in all Reason he aught not to be unmindful of his Tutor at such a Time. I need say not more, jest I prevent my Reader's Reflection: But this let me add, When Gratitude and Justice take contrary sides, doubtless in a generous Breast, the Conflict must needs be very sharp. After he had given 
He reputes it after.  a Helping-hand to set Mr. Gwin over this Great Society, his Fortunes carried him from College; but he heard so much, that he was soon out of conceit with his own Work. For, there was at that time a meddling Fellow (Mr. Gwin loving his Ease) who monopolised the whole Rule of the College, and embroiled matters at such a strange rate, that all Mr. Williams could do when he knew of this, was to repent hearty for what he had done. And he that will set himself out of the Power of his own Actions, and prevent all After-reckoning, had need be very cautious how he makes a Compliment of his Conscience.  
Now the Commencement drew on. 
A Splendid Commencement at Cambr.  And the Signior Proctor either never having any polite Learning, or having outgrown what he had; the Junior was pitched upon to be the Father of the Act, as we call it. This Commencement (says Bishop Hacket) was as gay and full of Pomp, by the great Concourse of Nobles and Gentlemen, as ever I saw; most part of which the Acquaintance and Fame of the Proctor drew thither. All these he had the Honour (as is usual for the Proctor) 
The Proctor's Liberality.  to treat; which he did, not liberally, but profusely. For it was his Temper to be always at perfect enmity with Parsimony. It would have made you smile, to hear the Prevaricator in his jocular way, give him his Title and Character to his Face; Titus Largius primus Dictator Romanorum. I do not commend him for this Quality of his. It was excess of Generosity in him, to think Frugality was but a clownish Virtue at the best: tho' if ever Prodigality appears with a good Grace, it is certainly upon such public Occasions.  
So now the Year, and the Business 
(24.)  of it is over; and he returns to Chancellor Egerton. Yet before I settle him there for good and all, I must fetch him back once again. The King's only Daughter, the Princess Elizabeth 
The Palsgrave comes to Cambr.  being married to Frederick Prince Palatine, and Chief Elector of the Empire, upon Valentine's Day, being the Fourteenth of February 1612. after 
Stow Chron.  the Celebration of the Nuptials was over at Court, the King had a mind, that his Son-in-law the Elector should be received with an Academical Entertainment at Cambridge. Notice being given to Dr. Carew the Vicechancellor, he with the Sages of the Consistory concluded, there should be a kind of Commencement Extraordinary. At this Time Mr. Williams had not been above 7 Months absent, so that being still fresh in the memory, and high in the good Opinion of the Doctors, he was pitched upon for one to oppose upon the Theological Questions. 
Mr. Williams sent for to assist in his Entertainment. Commences T. B.  Down they sand for him out of hand: and that he might be duly qualified for an Opponent, they make him in all haste commence Bachelor in Divinity. The Questions, which he gave in to defend for his Degree were, 1. Peccata semel remissa nunquam redeunt: 2. Qui sacros Ordines susceperunt, famulari possunt Magnatibus ut fructus Ecclesiasticos percipiant. In responding to which (in a manner extempore) he showed at once the Soundness of his Judgement, and the vast Compass of his Learning. But in the Opponent's Place, upon the Day appointed, on Mar. 13. 1612. he acquitted himself manfully, to the great Satisfaction of the Noble Assembly, and the very great Honour of the University. This done, he retired to his Home; for so 
Returns to Lord Egerton.  I must now call the Lord Chancellor's Family. And thus I have brought him safe to the end of the first Stage of his Life: which was in a manner publicly lead, tho' in a private Capacity: For to conceal himself absolutely was more than he could do.  
The End of the First Part.   

From the Time he settled in Chancellor Egerton's Family, till the End of King James' Reign.  
PART II.  
THE former Part has showed you 
The Design of this Part.  Mr. Williams from his Childhood to his Manhood: how hopeful he was in his Youth; and how afterwards those Hopes exceeded what they seemed to promise': how able he became in Learning; and how creditable and useful a Member he was of his College in particular, and of the whole University in general. I come in the next place to consider him as a rising Man in the World; how he made his Fortunes (as we ungratefully express ourselves, when all the while it is the Lord's Doing) and how he behaved himself in them after. And that we may not confounded Characters, I shall first give you an Account of him as a Statesman, and as concerned in Civil Affairs during his Prosperity, omitting for the present all that might belong to him as a Clergy Man.  
Now or never was his time to look 
The means by which he gained Lord Egerton's Favour.  about him. For he had a very fair Opportunity given him, by entering into the Service of so considerable a Man as the Chancellor was, with the Assistance of Providence to raise himself; at leastwise to make some Efforts towards it. Therefore as a prudent 
(27)  Man, the first thing he cast in his Mind, was how he might ingratiate himself in the Family; but especially in his Lord's Favour, who he knew was able to reward him. There were at that time in the Family a great many Ladies, and those of Quality, to whom his Address and Behaviour, as well as his Garb, was more courtly than is usual with Scholars. He received all Strangers with great Courtesy and Civility. And if any Disorders happened amongst the Servants, he interposed with the Gravity of a Divine. Thus he had gained the Outworks; and thus far an indifferent Artist might have gone. But to make One's self acceptable to a Man of the Chancellor's Gravity and Judgement, shows something of the like Worth in One's self: So apt are we to be taken with our own Resemblance. The Chaplain therefore approved himself to his Lord, not only by his good Preaching, but likewise by the sharp and solid Answers he made to such Questions as were cast in by the By at Table, to fathom his Learning and Judgement. For to take a Man unprepared and of his Guard, even in little matters, tries his Strength more, than a formal Dispute does, where Warning is given: As, we know, Bills upon sight are never drawn (at lest to any purpose) but upon the ablest Men. But what recommended him more than all this was, that he understood the References and Petitions, that were sent to his Lord from Oxford, better than all his Servants, being newly come from Cambridge: And his Opinion was so constantly taken in all those Complaints, that Dr. King (the Bishop of London) would sometimes pleasantly call him the Chancellor of Oxford. To this, he war's stored with Friends in the Courts of the King and Prince, from whom he gathered Intelligence worth his Master's hearing; no blind Rumours, but Clouds, that at first rising were scarce so big as an Hand, yet portending mighty Tempests as they fell. Lastly, to make him every way acceptable to his Lord, he had picked up some Glean (in his own modest words) in the Knowledge of the Common-Laws of the Realm. In this the Chancellor 
(28.)  gave him Encouragement to proceed; and was so taken with him, that at his leisure hours, both to divert himself and instruct his Chaplain he would impart to him the Narration of some important Causes, that had been debated in Chancery or Star-Chamber. So fortunate was Mr. Williams to fall under such a Tutor as instructed him in that Business, to which it pleased God after to call him. But neither did he for all this neglect his Studies as a Divine: and Resolution and Diligence carried him through 
(29.)  all. 
He encourages Merit, and defends the injured Clergy.   
And now he was so far in his Lord's Favour, that he was able by his Interest to procure several Live that fallen into the Chancellor's Presentation, for such as he knew to be able and deserving Scholars; so early did he patronise Merit. And he gave farther Evidences yet of his public Spirit, when swarms of Scholars came about him, such as were harassed with tedious and chargeable Law-Suits. If their Cause were good, or if it had a Flaw in it, he would point it out; would show them where lay the Strength, and where the Weakness; would commend them to faithful Attorneys and able Counsel, work the Officers to an Abatement of Fees, and supply them with Money that wanted it. Especially if the Cause concerned the Title of their Living, or the payment of their Tithes, he would sweated and bestir himself for his poor Brethrens to the utmost of his Vigour. So that under his Lord and Master, he was a zealous and successful Abettor of the Rights of the Clergy in general.  
To study the Interest of others so earnestly as wholly to neglect our own, may rather be called Simplicity than 
Makes his own Iterest, so that the Lord Egerton prefers him.  Honesty; and might sound prettily in a Romance, where Honour is Meat, Drink and Clothing. But certainly, as the World goes, to trust to the Generosity of others when we may befriend ourselves, is more than is required at our Hands, and much more than Prudence will accounted for. Therefore Mr. Williams, tho' very mindful of others, was not at the same time unmindful of himself; but grounded himself so deep in his Lordship's Affections, that in about five Years Time (which he lived with him) he raised himself a plentiful Fortune by the Assistance of that Bounty, which was so far from denying him any thing, that it commonly prevented his Requests; the Politic way of enhancing a Benefit without cost: for a modest and generous Person thinks he pays dear for what he is forced to ask for. But, to be particular, his Patron gave him the Parsonage of Walgrave in Northamptonshire, and by his Interest got him the Rectory of Grafton Under-wood, in the same County. He was a Prebendary of the Church of Lincoln, and Residentiary, with the Chantorship of the same; he had a 
(30.)  Prebend too in the Minster of Peterborough, and in the Churches of Hereford and St. David's: and to these, the Chancellor gave him a Sine-Cure in Wales, equal in profits to any of his other Preferments. By this time I expect my Reader should cry out, Bless me! what a Glut of Preferment is here for one Man! So jealous are we of our own Interest. But when Plenty falls into the possession of a free Heart, 'tis a great Mistake to think we are injured, and that too much flows to One. Do we grudge the Sea all those almost infinite Waters, that are perpetually emptying themselves into it? And the reason is, because we know they lie safe there, as in a common Storehouse, ready to supply all places that may want. And what Richeses fall into a public Hand, are not his alone, but Every-body's; and all that is proper to him is the great Satisfaction only of Distribution.  
In the Year 1616. in October, the 
Lord Egerton falls sick.  Lord Chancellor, worn out, what with the multitude of Business, and what with Age, began to decline. And in January his Weakness prevailed more, insomuch that from that time he admitted scarce any Company, but his Chaplain's. What Business he had with his Majesty, was committed to his Trust and Management: a very considerable Opportunity, which doubtless Mr. Williams improved to his own Advantage. The King could not but take Notice of him as often as he brought any Messages to him from his Master: and to be entrusted by so discreet a Man with Secrets of State, was no small Credit to him. And his Majesty thought, that living so long with so great a Statesman, he could not choose but gain considerable Experience himself in such Affairs. These things put together, and added to some advantageous Hints, tending this way before, show like so many Incidents well prepared, to tender his following Advancement more probable: from which the Reader will be able to see, by what Degrees his good Fortune ushered him into the Court, and at last raised him to the greatest Dignities.  
On the Fifteenth of March, his 
Dies.  Great and Good Patron died in a 
Wilson. Hist. Gr. Brit. p. 97.  Good Old Age, and full of Virtuous Fame. His Chaplain mourned for him long after, and attended his Body to Cheshire, where he buried him in a Chapel with his Ancestors.  
A little before the Day of his Death, the Chancellor called Mr. Williams, and told him, That if he wanted Money, he would leave him such a Legacy in his Will, as should furnish him to begin the World like a Gentleman. Sir (says the Chaplain) I kiss your Hands; you have filled my Cup full; I am far from want, unless it be of your Lordship's Directions how to live in the World, if I survive you. Well (says the Chancellor) I know you are an expert Workman; take these Tools to work with, they are the best I have. So he gave him some Books and Papers written all with his own Hand. Dr. Hacket says, he saw the Notes; and 
(31.)  that they were that old Sage's Collections 
He gave him four Books (says Da. Lloyd, in his Life of the ABp) which he presented after to the King.  for the well Ordering the High Court of Parliament, the Court of Chancery, the Star-Chamber, and the Council-Board. So that he had a good Stock to set up with; insomuch that Dr. Hacket does not doubt but that the Marrow of Mr. William's his Politics, was drawn from the Lord Egerton's Papers.  
The Lord Chancellor Egerton, when 
Cabal. pag. 236. Wilson Hist. Gr. Brit. p. 97.  he grew weak, had desired Leave of his Majesty, to retire, and to have time to see how Accounts stood between 
Sir Fr. Bacon made L. Keeper.  God and himself. Which being granted him, the Great Seal of England was next delivered to Sir Francis Bacon, on the Seventh of March (according to Stow) An. 1616. He hearing that Mr. Williams, after the Death of his Master, was preparing to go to his Cure at Walgrave, he made him a very civil Offer to continued with him in that Place, wherein he had served the Lord Egerton before. He declined it tho', but in such 
Mr. Williams refuses to be his Chaplain.  an artful and obliging manner, that Bacon did not at all resent it; for they parted very good Friends; and Sir Francis willing to set a Mark of his Favour upon him, made him Justice of the Peace and of the Quorum in Northamptonshire. What should be the reason, why Mr. Williams, a Man that loved to be in the Eye of the Public, should refuse this Offer, I can't imagine. Whether he were tired of the City, or whether he saw so far into Bacon, as that he was not like to continued long undisgraced; or lastly, whether his better Genius prompted him: For, 'tis very likely, had he been his Chaplain, he would hardly have succeeded him in his Office, tho' he might; at lest so creditably he could not: Because the World, that ever searches deep into the worst side of things, would have been apt to cry out, that the Servant had undermined his Lord.  
At this time by the Interest of his 
Is made Chaplain in Ordinary to the King.  very good Friend Dr. James Montagu (after Bishop of Winton) he was made Chaplain in Ordinary to his Majesty, attending Yearly at Court in February. And he had his Majesty's Orders to wait upon him in his Great Northern Progress, which was to begin in April following: And the King told him pleasantly, That he might expect the Labourers Penny as soon as they that had served him longer. But the Bishop of Winchester obtained of his Majesty, that Mr. Williams might stay behind, to take his Doctor's Degree, and to give fit entertainment to Marcus Antonius de Dominis Archbishop of Spalleto, who was newly come over into England, and did design to be at Cambridge Commencement, in the next July. Here again we may see how Fortune seemed to Compliment Mr. Williams with an Opportunity of showing himself: And he never was to appear any way publicly at Cambridge, but still he brought something about luckily to add to the Splendour of his Performance. So at this Commencement in 
(32.)  the Year 1617. he was created Doctor. 
Takes his Doctor's Degree.  The Questions which he maintained for his Degree were, 1. Supremus Magistratus non est excommunicabilis. 2. Subductio Calicis est mutilatio Sacramenti & Sacerdotii. You will, I make no doubt, prevent me here, and guests that his Treat (as is the Custom of the University upon such occasions) was very costly and sumptuous: but one 
(32.)  piece of Address I must not forget; how that the Doctor was at no little cost and pains in sending to the Italian Ordinaries at London, and ransacking the Merchant's Stores, for such Delicacies as he thought would relish best with the Archbishop of Spalleto: which Dainties it was observed that he never took any Notice of, but preferred our English Dishes to them.  
And now Dr. Williams having acquitted 
Retires to Walgrave.  himself honourably both as to his Act, and to the Entertainment he gave to the Archbishop; he retired cheerfully to his Rectory of Walgrave. How he lived, and what he did there, I shall forbear to mention, till I come to speak of him as a Clergyman. So that at present I will not break the Thread of my Narration, but go on with him directly in his growing Fortunes, till the End of King James' Reign.  
In the Year 1619. he preached before 
(35.)  the King at Theobalds'; his Text taken 
Preaches before the King at Theobalds'  out of Matth. 11. 8. His Majesty approving of the Sermon, commanded it to be printed. So that by several Offices and frequent Opportunities, he had now gained his Majesty's good Liking. During the time he was at 
(36.)  Walgrave, the Deanery of Salisbury fell by the Death of Dr. Gordon, while the King was in his Summer's Progress in the West. A great many stirred for it; and for one of the Competitors, and a deserving Scholar too, the Marquis of Buckingham used his Interest; but the King putting them all by, sent 
Is made Dean of Salisbury.  for Dr. Williams, who could not be heard of in a fortnight, keeping than his Residence at Lincoln, remote from Court. This was the first piece of Preferment for which he was not beholding to any, saving the King's own Pleasure; for he had not at that time so much as a Friend to intercede for him; Death having robbed him of Dr. Montagu, the only Man about his Majesty that he depended upon.  
Thus we have passed over the Beginning or Dawning (as we may call it) of his good Fortune; and he is (you see) in a very likely way of Doing well, as we say when a Man thrives in the World; as tho' Prosperity and Probity were one and the same. Thou 
(38.)  Dr. Williams was now in great Favour 
Buckingham the King's Favourite.  with his Majesty, and he loved him better than even the Lord Egerton had done; yet if he had any Designs of advancing himself, it must be effected by that Grand Favourite the Marquis of Buckingham, or not at all. No Man can be so ignorant of the History of those Times, as not to know that he overruled all the King's Affections, and disposed of all things for him, even to his very Smiles and his Frowns.  
It fell out one time, that the Dr. 
(41.)  was at Royston, attending upon his Majesty, in the Absence of the Marquis. The King abruptly (without any relation to the Discourse than in hand) asked him, when he was with Buckingham? Sir (says the Dr.) I have had no Business to resort to his Lordship: But (replies the King) wheresoever he is, you must presently go to him on my Message. Which he did accordingly; and the Marquis receiving him courteously, invited him with all Affability to come freely to him upon his own Addresses. He gathering from the Hint 
Williams applies himself to him.  his Majesty gave him, that he intended he should seek the Marquis, and do all he could to gain him by all Observance, from thenceforth resolved it.  
But why must the Dr. be prompted by the King to seek his own Interest? Were not his Eyes open at that time 
His Reasons why he did it not before.  of Day, and could he not see plainly, without having it pointed out to him, that Buckingham was the King's Darling? Or did he know all this, but yet wanted Ambition to climb? Not; Dr. Williams was a Man, tho' bold and aspiring, yet cautious withal: and you shall hear what dissuaded him from courting the Marquis. One time (says 
(39)  Bishop Hacket) making a Repetition of his former Life to me, when he was under a great Sickness at Bugden, he gave me two Reasons, why he moved so slow to the Protection of that great Lord. First, he mightily suspected his continuance; the Title of a Favourite being so inauspicious in almost all Examples. And to whom a Man is obliged for his Rising, it is expected he should follow his Fortunes, be they good or bad: at lest every grateful and generous Spirit will think himself obliged to do so. Secondly; he saw 
(40.)  his Lordship was very apt to cast a Cloud suddenly upon his Creatures; and raised them, as it were, on purpose to have the Pleasure of casting them down after. And from these two weighty Considerations he concluded to give way to others, to seek the Marquis, that might be rash enough to venture. And happy sure had it been for him, had the King's Encouragement never diverted him from his own prudent Resolutions; for it led him through much Prosperity to a great deal of Adversity, and Misery in the End. So true is it, That in any thing we undertake, we cannot so much as guests what will be the final Issue of it: and the safest way the most prudent Man can take, to establish his Happiness (like the wise Man's House upon the Rock) is, after his own honest Endeavours, to be very well content to leave the Determining cast to the Alwise Disposal of Providence: so much of the Stoic aught every Christian to have.  
But to proceed: It happened well 
(41.)  
Buckingham courts Kat. Manners.  for him at this time to show his Services, that the Marquis courted the Lady Katherine Manners, Daughter and only Child surviving to Francis Earl of Rutland. Wilson gives us this 
History of Gr. Brit. p. 149.  Account of the Matter: Buckingham (who was a general Lover) tempts the Earl's only Daughter, carries her to his Lodgings in Whitehall, keeps her there for some time, and than returns her again to her Father: At this the stout old Earl resolves upon Revenge, except he would marry his Daughter, to save her injured Honour. Buckingham (that perhaps made it his Design to get the Father's Consent this way, she being the greatest Match in the Kingdom) marries her; after which she was converted to our Church by Dr. White: Thus he. Which in the former part of the Story seems to have something of Truth; if compared with Bishop Hacket's Relation. Which is, That the motion being set on foot in the beginning of the Year 1620. was retarded, by reason of an Affronted the Earl took, in thinking that the lusty Wooer made his Advances too fast. But however it was, the Earl (it seems) 
Dr. Williams forwards the Match.  was angry, and the Duke, he had a mind to the Lady. Therefore Dr. Williams took the Opportunity to go between the great Men, to set matters strait on both sides. Now the Earl had a good Opinion of the Dr. for some former Services, and was therefore willing to admit him to discourse the Point fairly. To cut it short, the Dr. brought the Earl about so dextrously with his Art and pleasant Wit, that his Lordship put it into his Hands to draw up all Contract and Conditions for Portion and Jointure. And now 
(42.)  the Earl being open-hearted with the Joy and Transport of a good Understanding between him and the Marquis; the Dr. nicks the Opportunity, and prevails upon him to settle more upon the Marriage, than the Marquis and his Mother had demanded. Now the Parties were agreed, his Majesty put in his Objection, which must be answered, before he would give his Consent. The Lady Katherine had been bred a Papist; and he thought he could not be too cautious, as times went, how his great Favourite wedded with one of that Persuasion, jest it should raise Jealousies amongst his People. Therefore the King lays his 
Converts the Lady: and writes a little Treatise to confirm her.  Commands upon Dr. Williams to convert her, or no Wedding should be by his Consent. The Dr. undertakes and performs the Task: so that on the 16th of May 1620. the Nuptials were celebrated. And the Negotiation of this Match (says Bishop Hacket) the Negotiator told me, was the last Key-Stone, that made the Arch in his Preferment. But jest this new Convert 
(43.)  should slide back into her former Errors, the King orders Dr. Williams to draw up the Elements of Orthodox Religion in a little Manual for her use; which accordingly he did, and just Twenty Copies were printed with no Name, only By an old Prebend of Windsor. The following Letter (since one of the Copies is not easy to be had) sent to the Marquis with the Book, will be sufficient to inform the Curious of his Method and Design in that little Piece.  
My most Noble Lord,  
MY most humble Duty and all 
His Letter to the Marquis sent with the Treatise.  due Respects remembered; I have at last, according to his Majesty's Intimation and your Lordship's, made up for my Lady's private use a little Stock, as it were, in Divinity, and divided the same into Three small Treatises. The First, to furnish her how to speak unto GOD by Invocation: the Second, how to speak unto herself by Meditation: and the Third, how to speak unto those Romanists, that shall oppose her, by way of Answer, and Satisfaction. Prayers are the most necessary for the obtaining, Principles for the augmenting, and Resolutions (in these Days) for the defending of her Faith and Profession. I held these Three in some sort (and more I held not) to have been necessary. The Prayers I have translated from Ancient Writers, that her Ladyship may see, we have not coined a new Worship or Service of GOD. Of the rest, I received my best Grounds from his Majesty, and such as, I protest faithfully, I never could read the like in any Author for my own Satisfaction. If I be out in my Descant upon them, I hope your Lordship will the rather pardon it, because the Book is but private, whereof 20 Copies only are printed, and as many of them to be suppressed as your Honour shall not command and use. I make bold to sand these Books to your Lordship, because I hope they will be more welcome and acceptable to both the great Ladies, coming immediately from your Honour. I humbly thank your Honour for affording me this Occasion, to do your Lordship any little Service, who am in all affectionate Prayers and best Devotion  
Your Honour's true Creature and Beadsman, JOHN WILLIAMS. From your College at Westminster the 28. of Novemb. 1620.  
By the Date of this Letter, you may 
Is made Dean of Westminster.  understand (which I had forgot to tell you before) he was by this time made Dean of Westminster. It was on the 
(44.)  12th of July 1620. that he was Installed; the Marquis bestowing it upon him, who at that time was Patron of it, whom the Doctor solicited for it, by the following Letter, dated Mar 12. 1619.  
My most Noble Lord,  
I Am an humble Suitor; first, to be 
His Letter to petition for the Deanery.  acknowledged your Servant; and than, that I may be nearer and better able to perform my Desires, to be by your happy Hand transplanted from Salisbury to Westminster, if that Deanery shall prove vacant. I trouble not your Honour for Profit, but only for Conveniency; for being unmarried, and inclining so to continued, I do found that Westminster is fit by much for that Disposition: and mine own, nothing inferior in Value, will be at his Majesty's Collation. If your Honour be not bend upon an ancienter Servant, I beseech you think upon me. I am true, and so reputed by my former, and by the Grace of GOD will prove no otherwise, to my Second Master. GOD in Heaven bless you as he hath begun: he prays it, who is  
Your Honour's poor Beadsman already ever bound, J. W.  
His Removal into this Deanery was 
This Preferment lucky to him.  the truest Step he had taken as yet: For within a Year after, the Lodgings of the Dean became the House of the 
(47.)  Lord Keeper of the Great Seal, and the Palace of the Bishop of Lincoln. Now the Scene fills, and the Plot thickens apace, (to speak with our Play-wrights, since I am representing a Life) Incidents begin to turn thick upon one another, and we shall soon launch him into such an Ocean of Business, that it will be difficult for us to carry on our Story, without being lost in Confusion. But yet, why may not we relate as methodically and clearly as he acted, notwithstanding the multiplicity of Affairs with which he was surrounded, but not encumbered? The Occasion of his sudden Rising afforded ample Matter for Wonder, because known but to few. And for an Introduction, to clear the way to my Reader, I must touch at some Passages in those Times, which are sufficiently known to every one.  
The Parliament held in the Year 
(48.)  1613. and the King could by no means hit it. They clamoured against his Majesty, and buzzed it about in the Ears of the People, That his Majesty winked at the Increase of Popery: upon this, the K. in a disgust dissolves them, and desired no more of their Company for 7 Years after. At last, what with the want 
K. calls a Parliament An. 1620.  of Money and other Reasons of State pressing, he resolves to try them once more; and so on the 30th of Jan. 1620. he with the Lords and Commons met in the High Court of Parliament. Their Demeanour to his Majesty was 
(49.)  (as beseemed Subjects) dutiful and full of Respect. But they were resolved 
They redress Grievances.  to fall foul upon some Persons, who, they thought, had more regard in their Practices to their own private Interest, than to the common Good of the People. It seems the Lord Marques and the Chancellor were both at this time in Fault; the one by interceding for, and the other by granting Commissions for Monopolies, and other Grievances. The Appeals of the Subject for Justice were very loud in Parliament, but especially against Sir Gyles Mompesson, Sir Francis Michael, and Sir Edward Villers (Half-Brother to the Marquis) who, tho' innocent in himself, was yet unwittingly tricked by some crafty Merchants, into a piece of Knavery. They that were accused, 
Some that were in danger, try to get it dissolved.  with a great many others that expected every hour to be in the same pickle, could invent no other way to escape, but by poisoning the King with an ill Opinion of the Parliament, and so to get them dissolved. To this Intent, they terrify the Marquis, who (as was said) had a Hand in these Things, that were so much resented: they insinuate, That it was high time for him to look about him; considering that the King had (as was noted) at the Opening of the Session given Encouragement to the Parliament to redress Grievances, and had said openly before all the Members, Spare none, where you 
Frankl. Annals, p. 52.  found just Cause to punish. And if the Two Houses should sit a whole Year, the greatest Advantage that could be hoped for from them, would be but Two or Three Subsidies at the most; and that it were better for the King to gather such a Sum or greater by his Prerogative, tho' it be a little out of the way, than to wait for the Exhibition of a little Money, which will cost dishonour in the End, and the ruin of his most Loyal and Faithful Subjects.  
These Jealousies disturb the King, 
The Marquis at a loss what to do, till the Dean advised him.  and haunt my Lord Buckingham with all the Terrors and dismal Apprehensions imaginable, till the Dean of Westminster with his seasonable Advice dispelled the Glooms, and brought Things to a clear Light; Who addressed himself thus to the Marquis, (as Bishop Hacket found it in a Breviate of his own Handwriting) That there was no reason to quarrel with the Parliament for tracing Delinquents; that they deserved Praise for their Justice, as well as for their Civil Behaviour towards the King. But your Lordship (continues he) is jealous, that if the Parliament holds long in Favour, you may be brought into Question. Fellow this Parliament in their Undertake, and you may prevent all: Swim with the Tide, and there's no 
(50.)  danger of drowning. They will be glad of your Favour to assist them. And trust me, and your other Servants, that have some credit with the most active Members, to keep you clear from the Strife of Tongues. But if you assist to break up this Parliament, now in pursuit of Justice, only to save Villains; you will pluck up a Sluice, which will overwhelm yourself. The King will found it a great Disservice before one Year expire. This is Negative Counsel: I will now spread Affirmative Proposals before your Honour, which I have studied and considered. Delay not one Day, before you give your Brother Sir Edward a Commission for an Embassage to some of the Princes of Germany, or the North-Lands, and dispatch him over the Seas, before he be missed. Those empty Fellows, 
Frankl. Annals, p. 52.  Sir G. Mompesson and Sir Fr. Michael, let them be made Victims to the public Wrath. Nay, my Sentence is, destroy all Monopolies, and Patents of griping Projections. I have searched the Signet-Office, and have collected almost Forty, which I have hung in one Bracelet, and are fit for Revocation. Damn all these in one Proclamation, and your Lordship will partake of the Applause together with his Majesty. This will convince the People that you do not approve of what you acted under a Misrepresentation of things, when you were but new-blossomed in Court, and could not discover the Deformiy that lay hid. And God forbidden, the King should be incited to Collections of Aid, without the Concurrence of his Parliament. An Englishman's Tribute comes not from the King's Exaction, but by the People's free Oblation out of the Mouth of their Representatives.  
These were the Dean's Instructions; 
The Marq. thanks him for his Advice; and the King approving of it, makes him Privy-Counsellor.  for which the Marquis returning him Thanks, said, That hereafter, he would use no other Counsellor to ease him at a pinch: and well had it been for the Dean had he continued as good as his Word. Upon this they go both together, 
(51.)  and present these Proposals to the King; who approving highly of them, Things were transacted accordingly. And doubtless this piece of State-Wisdom, by which the Dean gave so masterly a stroke of his Skill, recommended him to the Honour soon after conferred upon him. For the King finding him to be a Man of sound Wisdom, and of a staunch Judgement, he made him one of his Privy Counsellors; into which Office he was sworn 
Stow's Chron.  on the 18th of June 1621.  
This Parliament, wearied with long 
The Parliament is prorogued.  sitting, was prorogued from the 27th of March, to the 18th of April. The Marquis had a Design in it; thinking that this Interval would give them time to cool, and that it might mitigate the Displeasure of Both Houses, which at that time was very strong against the Lord Chancellor Bacon. But he was out in his Politics, it seems; for Accusations, like Malice, grow more inveterate by delay, and Time discovers new Circumstances, instead of wearing out the old. So 
Bacon is deposed.  the Leisure of three Weeks multiplied a pile of fresh Suggestions against him, and nothing was presaged more certain than his Ruin: and accordingly being accused of Bribery, the Great Seal was taken from him on the third of May. Thus fell this Great Man: a Thing (considering the rest of his Character) almost incredible, were it not vouched by the universal Consent of the Histories of those Times.  
The Courtiers, you may be sure, a 
The Keeper's Place much sought for.  great many of them were scrambling for the Place. And the most likely to get it was one Sir Lionel Cranfield, than Master of the Court of Wards. But the King, before he would dispose of it, had set Buckingham to inquire what the profits of it might amount to in Justice, and whether certain perquisites were natural to it, which some had a great mind to cut of. Sir Lionel entreats the Lord Marquis to be quick, and to advice concerning the Matter with the Dean of Westminster, a sound and a ready Man, who was not want to clap the Shackles of Delay upon a Business. So, he being spoke to, to draw up in Writing what he thought of the Matter, he returned a 
(52.)  speedy Answer on the 10th of May, in these Words.  
My most Noble Lord  
ALtho' the more I examine myself, 
The Dean's Account of the Revenues of that Office.  the more unable I am made, to my own Judgement, to wade through any part of that great Employment, which your Honour vouchsafed to confer with me about; yet because I was bred under the Place, and that I am credibly imformed, my true and Noble Friend the Master of the Wards, is willing to accept it (and if it be so, I hope your Lordship will incline that way) I do crave Leave to acquaint your Honour, by way of prevention, with secret Undermine, which will utterly overthrew all that Office, and make it beggarly and contemptible. The lawful Revenue of that Office stands thus, or not much above, at any time. In Fines certain 1300 l. per An. or thereabout. In Fines Casual 1250 l. or thereabout. In greater Writs 140. l. For Impost of Wine 100 l. In all 2790. And these are all the true Means of that Great Office.  
Away runs the Lord Marquis with 
The Marquis shows it to the King, who pitches on the Dean for that Office..  this Paper, and some other Informations of the Dean's, and presents them to his Majesty, when the Ink was scarce dry: upon which the King, having perused the Paper, bolted out these unexpected Words, You name divers to me to be my Chancellor. The Marquis pleased and surprised at once, replies ex tempore, Sir, I am a Suitor for none, but for him that is so capable in your great Judgement. Be you satisfied than (says the King) I think I shall seek not farther. At this Buckingham impotent to contain his Joy, sends a blind Message to the Dean immediately, That the King had a Preferment in the Deck for him. He, ignorant of what had passed, mistook the Message, guessing it might relate to the Bishopric of London, now voided by the Death 
Cabal. p. 409.  of Dr. King, in prospect of which he had been a Suitor before. Thus in speaking for another, he sped for himself. This is the very Manner faithfully related, how this Preeminency dropped upon him, that never dreamt of it. And this Account, which I have taken from Bishop Hacket, of Dr. William's his Advancement, first to the Deanery of Westminster, secondly to be Privy-Counsellor, and lastly to be Lord Keeper; as it discovers nothing in it of dishonourable Proceed, so is it in itself very probable, and has, besides that, the Authority and Word of a worthy Prelate to strengthen and confirm it, and consequently to discredit the uncharitable Surmises made 
P. 138, 139.  by Sir A. W. concerning the causes of his Rising; which I shall not trouble myself to transcribe here, but rather choose to refer my Reader to the Pamphlet itself, if he thinks it worth his while.  
But I go on. On the 10th of July 1621. he was sworn Keeper of the 
The Dean is sworn L. Keeper.  Great Seal of England. And when the Seal was on that Day actually delivered 
(61.)  
Rushw. Hist. Coll. part 1. p. 36.  to him at Whitehall, he made a Speech to the King, in the Audience of all the Lords of the Council; which because it is but short, I will transcribe.  
Most Dread and Mighty Sovereign,  
IF I should think myself any way 
Makes a Speech.  worthy or sufficient for this Great Place, wherein your Majesty is pleased to make Probation of me, I were the most unworthy and insufficient wretch in all the World. But in good Faith I do not: But as conscious of my own Unworthiness, I am quite astonished at your Favour and Goodness. I do not therefore trouble my Head to found out the Reasons of this Advancement, because I take it for no Ordinary Effect, but an Extraordinary Miracle. Deus, & qui Deo proximus tacitò munera dispertit arbitrariò, & beneficiorum suorum indignatus per homines stare judicium, mavult de subditis dedisse Miraculum. I must only lift up mine Eyes unto Heaven, and beseech that GOD, who some Ten Years since brought me like Elisha to be Servant only unto that Elias, who under GOD and your Majesty was the Chariot and Horsemen of our Israel, that now he would be pleased to double the Spirit of Elias upon his Servant Elisha, whom your Majesty hath invested with his Robe and Mantle. And for my especial Direction, I will take up that Counsel which Pliny gave his Friend Maximus, newly elected Praetor for Achaia, Meminisse oportet Officii Titulum; I will never forget my Office and Title: I am designed to be a Probationer in this Place, and as a Probationer by GOD's Grace I will demean myself; I will take up together with this Seal that Industry, Integrity and Modesty, Non ut me Consulem, sed ut Consulatus candidatum putem. That is, I will not esteem myself a Keeper, but a Suitor only for the Great Seal. And if I feel the burden too heavy, (which I mightily fear and suspect) I will choose rather Desinere quàm Deficere, to slip it of willingly to some stronger Shoulder, than to be crushed in pieces with the poise of the same. And I humbly beseech your Majesty also to remember, I am no more than a mere Probationer. If I prove raw at first, I must have time to learn. The best of them all have craved not lesle, and I will desire not more. For if after the full weighing of my Strength, I shall found myself unable for this Service, I will say unto your Majesty, as Jacob said unto Pharaoh, Pastor ovium est servus tuus; whatsoever you are pleased, Sir, to make me, I am but a Keeper of Sheep; in that Calling your Majesty found me, and to that Calling I shall be ready to appropriate myself again. In the mean time, I beseech your Majesty to protect this Court of Justice, wherein you have placed me, that the Strength and Power of that Body be nothing impaired through the Weakness of the Head. Nemo Adolescentiam contemnat. Let not my Fellows of another Profession cry out with him in the Psalm, There, there, so would we have it; neither let them say, We have devoured him. And so I end with my Prayer unto GOD, That your Majesty may live long, and myself not longer, than I may be serviceable to your Majesty.  
His Majesty heard him very graciously, 
(62.)  and said, That he was well 
The K. approves of him.  pleased in his Choice, and that he was confident he would not deceive his Jugment. 
(59)  When it had taken Air, that 
People surprised at his Advancement.  this great Preferment was like to be conferred upon the Doctor, People began to talk, every one as his Interest or Affections prompted him. Some would not believe it, and cried it was impossible, so strange a thing should be; others said it was no Novelty, but an old Custom renewed, and, God give him Joy of his Office: And the Lawyers, they fretted to have such a Flower pulled out of their Garland. But why 
Court and Ch. p. 140. The Seal formerly in the Hands of the Clergy. Sanderson Hist. of K. James, l. 2. p. 504.  out of Theirs? Did they not know that the Father of the late Chancellor received the Seal from a Bishop, as well as it came from the Son to a Bishop again? Were they ignorant how former Ages held it more consonant to Reason, to trust the Conscience of the Clergy with the Case of Laymen, they being best able to judge of a Case of Conscience; and anciently the Civil Laws were adjudged by the Ministers of the Church; and the Chancery and other Courts of Equity, than in the Charge of a Divine Minister. And had K. James 
P. 505.  lived to have effected his Desires, the Clergy had fixed firm footing in Courts of Judicature, out of the road of the Common-Law: and this was the Reason of Dr. William's his first Initiation to this Office.  
But to wrangle not longer with the 
The Dean's Caution to avoid Envy.  Lawyers: Since the Dean was to be the Man, and since Promotion to any Dignity will draw Envy more or lesle upon any Man, but especially upon one, whose sudden Advancement surprises People; let us see what Methods the Dean took to soften the harshness of Censure, and to qualify Envy as much as possible; which certainly is the Duty of every Wise Man in all his Actions. Therefore, after he had got the Grant 
(60.)  of the Place, he obtained of the King, that the Seal should not be taken from the Commissioners, and put into his Custody, before Ten Weeks were over. Thus he thought Popular Discourse would have leisure to spend itself, and he himself have time to study and weigh the Trust of his Office; and the better to enable himself to discharge it, he kept Sir Harry Finch, a most profound Lawyer, in his Lodgings, from May to October following, to advice with him upon all occasions. By this means too, he had time to seek out for honest and able Servants to fill the Chief Places of Trust under him. Add to this, that in the Interim several Things were discoursed of, to his Honour: for when the first Heat of a Rumour is over, than People are apt upon second Thoughts, to reason the Matter candidly and fairly; whereas in the beginning the impetuous bent and current of the Stream is apt to appear even the weightest Judgements along with it. Now it began to break out, that this Preferment was not of his own seeking, neither could it than or thereafter be made out, that he had bought his Greatness. Next to this, he sheltered himself under his Modesty; which, because it is soft and yielding, breaks the force of Envy, the most of any thing; and therefore his 
(61.)  humble Request to his Majesty was, That he would take of from the Grandeur of his Place, by such Terms and Conditions in his Person, as might comprise it in a lesle size, than it was ever before received in by any. To this intent, he desired no Chancellor for the future might continued above three Years; that he should be in the nature of a Probationer for one Year and half; that in the Court of Chancery he might have a Master of the Rolls, of exact Knowledge, to sit with him; and lastly, the constant Assistance of two Judges. What could show greater Modesty and Caution, the two main Supporters of Men in high Places? But all these Proposals were rejected, and made ineffectual, 'tis likely underhand by some curious Persons, who might have a mind to try, if the new Lord Keeper could walk alone without falling, in so slip'ry a Place. 'Tis 
(55.)  to no purpose to answer the Objections 
Objections against a Clergy-man's being Lord Keeper, answered.  which some Persons than made (and may make now) against his Entering upon that Office, being a Clergyman, and set apart, as it were, for GOD's Service: As if taking Orders did incapacitate a Man of Abilities from serving his King and Country; or as if a Priest were no Subject, and his King had no Right in him. 'Tis true indeed at first, when the Harvest was great, and the Labourers but few, the Labourers could not well be spared out of the Field, any more than a Soldier can in the Day of Battle. But now that the whole Nation is gained over to the Gospel, and thanks be to GOD, we have able Pastors and Teachers; the Church of Christ may be served and patronised by other means, beside Preaching. And the Clergy have but too great need of some of their own Order in Places of Power and Dignity, to preserve their Maintenance from Sacrilege, and their Persons and Function from Contempt. But what had been a real Objection 
(56.)  could it have been made but true, was, that some should cry out, He was illiterate in the Laws: this scandal vanished soon tho', when the Court had Trial of his Abilities. And to the Doctor's great Credit be it spoken, that tho' bred a Divine, yet no Man either before or after, acquitted himself beyond him, and perhaps, not equal to him, in Chancery.  
I have been so taken up with the 
(62.)  
He is made Bishop of Lincoln, and holds his other Preferments too.  Encumbrances of settling his Lordship in his new Office, that I have not had time before to tell my Reader, That, in the same Month he was made Lord Keeper, he was likewise made Bishop of Lincoln. And because the Revenues of that Bishopric were but small, he urging, that the Port and Grandeur of the Keeper's Place must be maintained in some convenient manner, and if it might possibly be, without being a charge to his Majesty; his Lordship got a Grant to hold the Deanery of Westminster, which was sought after by several that stood upon the catch at that time, expecting that it would be voided by the Lord Keeper. It was well for him tho', that he had secured himself in the Deanery as fast as Law could make him, when about five Years after his Enemies strove to out him. By the Indulgence of his Commendam too, he held his Rectory of Walgrave; saying; That the Instability of Human Affairs, should make every Man look for a Dissolution of his Fortunes, as that of his Body. Upon 
Cypr. Ang. p. 86.  his holding all his Preferments, Dr. Heylyn, I remember, makes this pleasant Remark; That he was a perfect Diocese within himself, as being Bishop, Dean, Prebend, Residentiary and Parson all at once: To which let me add, That never was there, I believe, a Diocese more complete, or better filled, in all the several Degrees of Dignity and Office.  
The Keeper now being high in his 
(63.)  Majesty's Favour, as the King had raised him for his, so now he through the King raised others for their Merits. He got the Royal Grant for the Advancement of four at one time; Dr. Davenant to the Bishopric of Salisbury, Dr. Carew to that of Exeter, 
Laudmade Bishop of St. David's by Williams' Interest.  and Dr. Donne to succeed Carew in the Deanery of St. Paul's; at this time too St. David's Bishopric was voided, and the principal among those that put for it was Dr. Laud, a Man of great Learning. But, it seems, both the King and the Archbishop of Canterbury were much bend against him, judging him to be a Man of too bold and hot a Spirit for those Times. So that there had been but small hopes for him, had not Buckingham set the Keeper on to move in his behalf; who by his great Importunity with 
(64.)  the King, at last prevailed for him, with much ado: For, says the King to him in a passion, as he went away, Than take him to you, but on my Soul you will repent it: And 'twas ominous, it seems. After this, the Lord Keeper retained Laud in his Prebend of Westminster, and about a Year after gave him a Living of about 120 l. per An. in the Diocese of St. David's, to help his Revenue; which being brought to him at Durham-House, beyond his Expectation, by Mr. William Winn, his Expression was, Mr. Winn, my Life will be too short to requited your Lord's Goodness. But how two Men so Great and so good should break out after into open Enmity is a Mystery to me at present. If I can hit upon any probable account, by that time I come to speak of their Differences, the Reader shall have it: Else I shall not, I think, put my Invention upon the stretch, out of Prejudice to either Party: I being wholly unconcerned as to either of them, any farther than that I am willing, as far as shall lie in my Power, to rescue the Memories of great and worthy Men from such Calumnies, as it is but too often their hard Fortune to be sullied withal: so ungrateful and sacrilegious are we to the Dead, to curry Favour with the Living; who, when their Turn comes (as who knows how nigh his own may be) to quit the World, are like to far not better; if there be any thing to be gained by throwing Infamy, Reproaches, and such heavy Lumber upon their Graves, instead of raising Monuments for them. I would beg my Reader's Pardon for this Digression, but that would but enlarge it.  
I proceed now to show the Lord 
The Keeper's Diligence in his Office.  Keeper in his New Employment; for I have already kept him longer idle than he would be content to be, were he now living. He was a Man (as we have seen before) of incomparable Natural Parts; but alas! under a load of Business they sink soon; and nothing but Application and incessant Industry can rub through all Encumbrances, and make clean Work. It is almost incredible what a perfect Drudge the Keeper was, especially when he first entered upon his Office: for long use and familiarity makes all Business easy. It 
(53.)  was in the end of Michaelmas Term that he first appeared in Chancery, and in November the Parliament sat again, in which he was Speaker in the Lord's House: and he had in the Court of Chancery, besides the ordinary Business, several Causes, which were referred in the preceding Session of Parliament to the succeeding Lord Keeper, to view the Orders of his Predecessor displaced. And his Business at this time was so great, that he was forced to sit by Candle-light in the Court two hours before Day, and to remain there till between Eight and Nine; than to repair to his Office in the 
(54.)  House of Lords till Twelve or One every Day. After a short Repast at Home, he returned to hear the Causes in Chancery, which he could not dispatch in the Morning: Or if he attended at Council in Whitehall, he came back towards Evening, and followed his Employment in Chancery till Eight at Night, and later. After this, when he came Home, he perused what Papers his Secretaries brought to him, and when that was done, tho' late in the Night, he prepared himself for the Lord's House next Morning. And 
(7.)  all that lived in his Family, knew that it was ordinary with him, to begin his Studies at Six at Night, and to continued them till Three in the Morning, and be ready again by Seven to attend his Employment. When I read or hear of such great Examples as This, it makes me think with Regret, what a great many precious Hours we squander away; how we forget the great Errand we are sent upon, and let the Business of the World, and the Welfare of Mankind run all to havoc, while we are either lazily stretching ourselves in our Beds, or impertinently cutting out our Time into formal Visits, or idle Assignations.  
Upon the First Day of the Term, 
(71.)  
His Entrance upon his Office.  when he was to take his Place in Court, he declined all the Pomp of an Inauguration; and setting out betimes in the Morning, attended by the Judges, and some few more, he passed through the Cloisters into the Abbey, and went with them into Henry the Seventh's Chapel, where he prayed devoutly on his Knees almost a quarter of an Hour: Than rising up cheerfully, he was conducted by his small Train to a mighty confluence, that expected him in the Hall. These he addressed himself to from the Bench of the Court of Chancery: I omit the Speech itself; but the Substance of what he spoke was, To desire, that those Reasons 
(72.)  
His Speech.  of State, which had thought it convenient, to change the Governor of this Court from a Professor of our Municipal Laws, to some one of the Nobility, Gentry or Clergy of this Kingdom, might not created him any Envy. And tho' I dare not take upon me (says he) to accounted for these Reasons; yet peradventure this Court of Equity may be as soon perverted by too much, as too little Law: And the principal Qualifications for the well managing of it, seem to be, great Natural Abilities, and a large compass of Learning, with a sincere Integrity of Mind, rather than an exact Knowledge in the Quirks of the Law. Than he proceeds modestly to confess his own Insufficiency for so great a Place; but since it had pleased GOD 
(73.)  and his Majesty to put him upon an Office, which was not of his own seeking, tho' at present he was unfit, yet he would endeavour all he could, to make himself fit; and the better to enable him, he would put his whole Trust and Confidence in GOD. To this he added some few Resolutions, by which he designed to guide his Actions: as First, never to make any Decree that should cross the Grounds of the Common or Statute Laws. Secondly, never to encourage any Motion made at the Bar, which did not tend apparently to further and hasten the Hearing of the Cause. Thirdly, that without special Motives, he would not overthrew the Decrees of his Predecessors. Fourthly, to be as 
(74.)  cautious as possible in referring Causes, because it deferred the hearing of them. Fifthly, he resolved that this Court should be no Sanctuary for undiscreet and desperate Sureties. Lastly, that he would follow the Rules of this Court as near as possibly he could.  
To make good Resolutions is doubtless the Mark of an ingenuous Temper, 
His well ordering of the Court of Chancery.  but to keep them and practice according to them, shows a Man staunch and of steady Principles. And whatever the Keeper resolved, he had Courage and Industry enough to go through with it. When he had been some time in his Place to stock himself with Experience, never was the Court of Chancery better ordered, than in his Time. For 
(76.)  he made it his Business to prevent all immethodical Plead, to cheek Excursions, and hold the Council close to the Point. Immediately upon the opening of a Bill, he would direct the Pleaders, and suffer them to speak only the very weight of the Cause. And so skilful did he grow in his Business, that when he had been in Office for two Terms, the Council at the Bar (who were Men of Worth and Judgement) approved of him very much. After he had spent three Years in Chancery, 
(200.)  he was not a whit inferior to the best Judge for Sufficiency, to manage his Place. So that it is a Slander, that 
His Decrees never cancelled.  his Successor the Lord Coventry, reversed many of his Decrees, and corrected his Errors. Let me (says Bishop 
(201.)  Hacket) quote a couple of Witnesses, what they asserted of him; and they are (continues he) rightly produced, as GOD shall judge. The Duke of Buckingham, in the beginning of Michaelmas Term 1624. desired the Lord Chief-Justice Hobart, to certify the King, that Williams, by reason of his Inabilities and Ignorance, was not fit for the Keeper's Place; and upon that, he would engage to throw him out, and that he should succeed him. My Lord (replies Hobart) somewhat might have been said at the first, but he should do the Lord Keeper great wrong that should say so now. The next is Mr. G. Evelin, one of the six Clerks, and in his Time the best Head-piece of the Office, who took pleasure in saying (as many yet know) that the Lord Keeper Williams had the most towering, sublime Wit, that he ever heard speak; and that his Decrees in all Causes were just: that the Lord Coventry did seldom altar any thing he had settled before him, but upon new Presumptions, and that he spoke of him always in Court very honourably. By that time too that he had 
Masters his Passion.  spent three Years in the Court of Chancery he had obtained a very great command over his Passion, (which was at first objected to him) and he carried all things with a mild and gentle Hand, would chide little, and bear much. How excellent he was for dispatching 
His great Dispatch in Business.  Business, take this Account, which he gives of his first Year, in a Letter 
(74.)  to the Lord Marquis: July 10. 1622. In this Place I have now served his Majesty one whole Year, diligently and honestly; but to my Heart's grief, by reason of my Ráwness and Inexperience, very unprofitably. Yet if his Majesty will examine the Registers, there will be found more Causes finally ended this Year; than in all the seven Years preceding: How well ended, I confess ingenuously, I know not. His Majesty and your Lordship (who, no doubt, have received some Complaints, tho' in your Love you conceal them from me) are in that the most competent Judges. His 
(75.)  Dispatch (it seems) which was his great Excellency, was cried out against by some, and that Causes were cut of too soon. But it was not with him as with a corrupt Judge, that will put of a Hearing to a more convenient Season, as they call it.  
Before I leave this Court to follow him to the Star-Chamber, I shall desire my Reader to laugh a little with me, at a diverting Passage which happened about his first Entrance upon Chancery. And here I shall borrow Bishop Hacket's own Phrase, for the better Expressing of the Story. It happened once, that one at the Bar (thinking the Lord Keeper as a Novice, might be ignorant of the Terms of the Common-Law) trouled out a Motion, crammed like a Granado with obsolete Words, thinking with these misty 
(76.)  Phrases, to baffle the new Judge: But he, with a serious Face, answered him in a cluster of crabbed Notions picked out of Metaphysics and Logic; as Categorematical, and Syncategorematical, and a deal of such drumming stuff, that the Motioner being foiled at his own weapon, and well laughed at in the Court, went Home with this new Lesson, That he that tempts a Wise Man in jest, shall make himself a Fool in earnest.  
And now to view him in the Star-Chamber. 
His Proceed in the Star-Chamber.  Here he kept up the Dignity of the Court, by driving away all those Contentious Squabbles, which might 
(82.)  be better compounded at Home, by Country Justices; and admitting here only grave and weighty Causes, as notorious Examples of Defamations, Perjuries, Riots, Extortions, and the like. Upon which Topics his Speeches were admirable, and taken in shorthand by several. They were neither tedious nor virulent; for he did not love to heighten the Calamities of the Afflicted. And so pitiful was he in his Censures, that if there be an extreme in showing Mercy, it was his Fault. He would excuse himself from 
(83.)  inflicting any severe Bodily Punishment upon an Offender, by saying, That Councils had forbade Bishops from meddling with Blood in a Judicial Form. So glad was he to have some pretence to be over Merciful. But once he did violence to his Nature, and the Occasion was this: One Flood had said, as was proved against him, That our Bishops were no Bishops, but only Laymen, and usurpers of that Title. Flood (says the Lord Keeper) since I am no Bishop in your Opinion, I will be no Bishop to you. I concur with my Lords (the like I never did before) in your Corporal Punishment. In Pecuniary Fines too, his Hand was so light, that the Lord Treasurer Cranfield complained against him to the King, for lessening his Majesty's Fees. And he was as generous too in remitting his own; for when Sir Francis Inglefield blurted out before Witnesses, That he could prove this Holy Bishop-Judge had been bribed by some that fared well in their Causes; the Bishop to 
(84.)  clear himself, calls Sir Francis to make good his Words; which he being not able to do, a Fine of some thousands of Pounds was laid upon him, to be paid to the King and the Injured Party. Soon after, the Lord Keeper sends for the poor dejected Gentleman, and told him, he would give him Demonstration, that he was above a Bribe; and for my part (says he) I forgive you every Penny of my Fine, and will beg of his Majesty to do the same. This piece of Generosity so vanquished Sir Francis, that he acknowledged his Fault, and was afterwards received into some degree of Friendship and Acquaintance with him. And now my Hand is in, I will give you another little Story, that shows much of his Averseness to Bribery. His Lordship 
(201.)  being retired one Summer to Nonsuch-House, it chanced, as he was taking the Air in the great Park, that he cast his Eye on the little Village of Malden, from one of the Hills; and seeing there a New-built Church, he asked at whose Expense it was. Mr. George Minors, that attended him than, told his Lordship, who was the greatest Benefactor. And has he not a Suit depending now in Chancery? saith the Keeper; the very same, replied the other. And the same (returns the Keeper) shall not far the worse for Building of Churches. When Mr. Minors had told his Neighbour this, the next Morning he sent a Taste of the Fruits of his Orchard, and the Poultry in his Yard, to Nonsuch-House: Nay carry them back George (says the Keeper) and tell your Friend, he shall not far the better for sending of Presents.  
But you'll say, this is but a trifle; and he that forfeits his Honour at so cheap a rate, must be both Fool and Knave. And it is impossible a Man should live at the rate he did, and expend such vast Sums, but he must have some By-way to enrich himself. To this I answer, 
Cabal. p. 409. He numbers up Nine Preferments, which he had when he was Dean of Westminster.  That he was liberal indeed, but than his Income was large by his Preferments, and he knew well how to manage it to the best Advantage. Add to this, that he never feasted the King, and very rarely put himself to the charge of any Entertainments for the Courtiers. But what he did disburse was principally upon poor Scholars, and decayed Gentlemen, whom he would thank any one to inform him of: And the Prisoners at the Gatehouse were the better for his Charity every week. And thus with GOD's Blessing upon his Plenty, he was able to go a great way with his Purse.  
Aye, but (says A. W.) William's exceeded 
Co. & Ch. p. 139.  Bacon in the way of Bribery; answering by Petitions, in which his Servants had one part, himself another, and so was calculated to be worth to him and his Servants 3000 l. per An. a new way, never found out before. And 
(105.)  true it is, that it was objected to him, That he dispatched a great many Causes by hearing Petitions in his Chamber; and this he did for the Relief of the Poor, from whom he could make no Advantage, either to himself or to his Secretaries. But he is not the first that has been accused for his Good Works. Some at the Bar, 'tis likely, were dissatisfied, because they had not a Glut of Motions. Therefore the Keeper, to secure himself from Misrepresentations (the Bane of honest Statesmen) directs two Remonstrances, 
(106.)  the first to the Lord Marquis, Sept. 8. the other to his Majesty, Octob. 9 1622. In that to the Marquis, he protests, that he is feign to allow twenty pounds a Year to a Youth in his Chamber, to take care of the poor Man's Petitions, the Secretaries did so neglect them. In that to his Ma'esty, he declares, that he had observed in all Orders upon Petition, the Cautions which he had received from him. Than, says he, I humbly crave your Majesty's Opinion, whether I may go on this way; for what reason have I to over-toil myself, in easing the Purse of the Subjects, if it be objected as a Crime against me, and be not a Service acceptable to your Majesty and the Realms? So the King approved of his proceed. 
(107.)  This Slander, as it troubled him very much, so he was diligent to clear himself from it; as appears not only from the Remonstrances, but likewise from a Letter of his at the same time 
Cabal. p. 292.  to the Duke.  
It is not sufficient to tender an Officer unblameable, that he be proof against Bribery. He must likewise have Courage enough not to dread the Malice and Ill-will of any, so long as he does his Duty; and so much rigid Honesty as to stand out in a just Cause, against the Interest even of his dearest Friends, and greatest Benefactors: for there is one to whom we are all infinitely obliged more than to all the World beside, and that is GOD; whose Cause therefore can never be forsaken, without the blackest Ingratitude. This, I confess, is the greatest trial of Virtue; it being, doubtless, a harder Injunction to Humanity, to forsake our Friends for GOD's sake, than to love our Enemies. How secure the Lord Keeper was from the Woe, so justly denounced against them that fear Men more than GOD, the Reader may see from several Instances, extant in Bishop Hacket: And I shall make it evident 
(70, 71.)  enough, if, omitting those Passages, I only mention his Courage, in withstanding Buckingham, when he saw just reason for it; for to be sure if he would not yield to him, that was not only the most powerful Courtier in his time, but likewise his very great Patron, no one will surmise that he stood in Aw of others. And so remarkable was 
(207.)  his Resolution in sometimes crossing of this Great Favourite's Designs, when he saw weighty Reasons for it; that the King when in a pleasant mood would say, That he was a stout Man, that durst do more than himself: For the Duke, it seems, was so great with the Prince, that the King himself was forced in Policy to hid his Resentments from him. And his Majesty 
(208.)  thanked GOD in the presence of many, that he had put the Keeper into that place: For (says he) he that will not wrist Justice for Buckingham's sake, whom he loves, will never be corrupted with Money, which he never loved. And because the Keeper had lived fairly for the space of three Years upon the bore Revenues of his Office, and was not the richer by the sale of one Cursitor's place in all that Time; his Majesty gave him a Bountiful New-Years Gift, thinking it but reasonable to encourage him by his Liberality, that never sought after Wealth, by the sordid means of Extortion or Bribery.  
I have given you a full View of the 
His Conduct in Parliament.  Lord Keeper in Chancery, and in the Star-Chamber. In the next place I shall bring him into the Parliament-House, and see with what Prudence he behaved himself there; a Station, perhaps, much more ticklish than either of the former. In the first Term that he 
(76.)  came into Office, the Parliament sat 
Rush. Collect. p. 39 An. 1621.  in its second Session Nou. 20. at which time by command from the King, he spoke to both Houses: of which Speech thus my Lord Buckingham speaks in a Letter to him, dated November 24. I know not how the Upper-House of Parliament approve of your Lordship's Speech, but I am sure he that called them together, and, as I think, can best judge of it, is so taken with it, that he saith, It is the best that ever he heard in Parliament, and the nearest to his Majesty's Meaning; which, beside the Contentment it hath given his Majesty, hath much comforted me in the Choice of your Lordship; who in all things do so well answer his Expectation.  
Two remarkable occurences happened 
The Keeper gives his Reasons why the Nobility should not swear by their Honour.  this Session that more immediately relate to the Keeper. For when the Privilege of the Nobility was debated, and almost carried by a Majority, that the Vouching of their Honour should pass with them for an Oath; he prevented it, by the Force 
(77.)  of the following Reasons. That the Word of GOD allows of no swearing in deciding of Controversies, and searching after Truth, but by his Name: That the last Appeal is ever to the highest; And that Vengeance belongs to none but GOD. To this he adds, That Singularities are ever to be suspected, and chanllenges any Man to show that any other Oath, but in the Name of GOD, was used in solemn Trials at that Day, in any Part of Christendom. He advises them to consider too, how loath the Gentry and Commonalty would be to intrust their Freehold to the protestation of Honour. And these Considerations prevailed with most. But the Debate continuing very long that Morning; an aged Bishop, very infirm in Health, desired to be excused if he could not stay it out. With all our Hearts (said 
The Bishops affronted by some Lords Temporal.  some Lords, that did not much reverence the Order) you may all of you troop Home as fast as you please; and the Earl of Essex, pressing it more passionately than any, desired to know if their Lordships were not content to throw the Doors wide open, and let all the Bishops out, if they would. Upon this, up stands the Keeper, and with a prudent Animosity, replied, That if he were commanded, he would 
The Keeper speaks for them.  put it to the Question, but to the King, and not to the House of Peers. For their Lordships, as well Spiritual as Temporal were called by the King's Writ, to sit and abide there, till the same Power dissolved them. And for my Lords Temporal, they had no Power to licence themselves; much lesle to authorise others to departed from the Parliament: and so all was hushed, And this very Passage, were there no more of the Lord Keeper remaining, is sufficient to show him to be as Great a Man, as ever spoke in Parliament.  
At this time again the House of 
(81.)  Commons and the King could by no 
The King and Commons disagree. Rush. Collect. p. 40, 41, etc. Cabal. p. 288.  means agreed; for they displeased him very much with their Petitions and Remonstrances, insomuch that his Majesty in a Letter rebuked them severely: The harshness of which Answer, the Keeper advised might be mitigated and softened; for he could never bear, that there should be a Misunderstanding between the King and his People, if it were possible to prevent it. Nevertheless, the Ferment by degrees worked itself to such a height, that the King departed from them in his Wrath, and 
Rush. Collect. p. 54.  dissolved them utterly by Proclamation, on the 6th of January. This troubled the Keeper very much, who saw plainly of what dangerous Consequence this might be, and how much his Majesty trespassed against the true Principles of English Policy, by quarrelling with his Parliament. And therefore he did all he could to persuade the King to make it his earnest Endeavour to unite with them, when they were assembled next.  
Upon Michaelmas Eve, Viscount 
An. 1621. Stow Chr.  Mandevile, Lord Treasurer of England, surrendered his Office up to the King, 
Lord Cranfield made L. Treasurer.  and upon the next Day after but one, the Lord Cranfield was set in his place. The Keeper giving him his Oath, 
(104.)  complimented him too with a short Speech at his Admission. So that as yet there was nothing in appearance but Friendship between Cranfield and Williams; tho' the Treasurer had crossed him in one or two Suits, which he regarded the lesle, because he knew him to be a little rough and surly by Nature to all People. But after the Dissolution of the preceding Parliament, some of the Lords of the Council thought it advisable, to take of from the harshness of it, by a Pardon of Grace, for the Benefit of those that were questioned for old Debts and Duties to the Crown. And when the Lord Keeper had just brought it to a Head, in steps the Treasurer, and moves, That such as took out this Pardon, should pay the accustomed Fees, to such Officers as he should appoint, that so he might at once enrich the King and himself: which Proposal was laughed at, and rejected. Yet still he persisted to burden this Pardon with such Encumbrances, which must needs tender it unacceptable; insomuch that it was laid aside, and debated not more. This as it got the Treasurer a great deal of Ill-will, so it redounded to the Keeper's Credit, who was one of the main Sticklers for the Pardon. This galled Cranfield 
Cranfield endeavours to ruin the Keeper.  sorely, and set him upon endeavouring, first to make a Faction at Court against Williams: but having not sufficient Interest with the Great Ones, he tries another Trick. So he falls 
Cabal. p. 292.  to Pen, Ink and Paper, and Draws up some pitiful Failings, interwoven with Fiction and Ignorance, against him; from which the Keeper found it a much easier Task to clear himself, than his Adversary did at first to invent them. But 
P. 292. The Keeper clears himself from his Accusations.  yet he complains, in a Letter to the Marquis, as very sensible of the Injury done him; whose Answer to him was, that his Adversary was not believed, and desired him to consider, that he had to do with one whose Ill-manners would give him no satisfaction: to which the Keeper replies, in another Letter, His Majesty's Justice, 
P. 295.  and your Lordship's Love, are Anchors strong enough for a Mind more tossed than mine is, to ride at. Yet pardon me, my Noble Lord, upon this Consideration, if I exceed a little in Passion, the Natural Effect of Honesty and Innocency. A Churchman and a Woman, have no greater Idol under Heaven, than their Good Name: And they cannot fight, nor with credit scold, and lest of all recriminate, to protect and defend the same. The only Revenge left them is to grieve and to complain. Than he concludes; Whom I will either challenge before his Majesty to make good his Suggestions, or else (which I hold the greater Valour, and which I wanted, I confess, before this Check of your Lordship's) go on in my Course, and scorn all these unworthy Scandals, as your Lordship shall direct me. But for all this in a Month's space, they wrangled themselves into very good Friends again; and the Keeper was Godfather to the Treasurer's next Child.  
In the Year 1623. in Febr. The Parliament 
(175.)  met again, his Majesty thinking 
A Call of Sergeants.  it high time to enter into a Correspondence with his People once more. The Lord Keeper, foreseeing 
(110.)  this, gets his Majesty to sign a Writ, for a Call of Sergeants; which accordingly was performed on May the 6th. Thirteen of the best Repute being 
Fifteen, according to Stow.  chosen, who on that Day made their Appearance before the Lord Keeper, sitting in the High Court of Chancery; from whence he saluted them with a Learned and Eloquent Oration, according to the Relish of those Times, that loved to have their Speeches embroidered with Greek and Latin: As tho' the Confusion of Tongues at Babel had been absolutely necessary to complete the Art of Oratory: But yet a Great Man must condescend to the Follies of the Times he lives in; and perhaps it were no impertinent Caution, to speak generally with the Vulgar, tho' we may think with the Wise. But, to go on with the Parliament: When they were met, and the King had 
(175.)  ended his Speech to them, he was seconded by the Lord Keeper; and so ended the first Day. On Saturday following, the 21. of the Month, the Keeper again declared his Majesty's Mind to the People: And so well was he 
(179.)  approved of for a Speaker, that within three Days after, he had work enough, 
The Keeper desired to repeat the Duke's Account of the Spanish Treaty to the Parliament.  and too much of that Nature on his Hands. The Duke of Buckingham (it seems) had entertained the Lords and Commons in the Banqueting-house at Whitehall, with the whole Story of the Negotiation in Spain, and how well both the Prince and he had managed their Conduct all along in that Affair; when at the same time (if we credit some Historians) the Duke's Behaviour in that Court was all imprudent. But however (Nature making every Man Orator in his own Cause) he put a good Gloss upon it, and so tickled their Ears with his Harangue, that they must have it over again the next Day, and the Keeper must be the Speaker. So he rubs up his Memory, draws up his Notes in haste upon three Sheets of Paper, and lays his whole Scheme according to the Duke's Model presented the Day before; for to err from that, he knew, would be no lesle than Treason. So, when the time was come, he began 
The Duke is pleased with the Narration of it.  his Speech, and held it on for four Hours together, without the lest Hesitation or Repetition; and every 
(185.)  thing was so methodical, so judicious and so graceful withal, that he never got more Applause in his Life for any thing of that kind: And so acceptable was it to the Duke himself (tho' than but a cold Friend) that he said, He knew not how to thank him enough for it.  
I should be too particular should I 
(186.)  
The Keeper's care to preserve Agreement between King and People.  make it my Business to recount how very active the Keeper was in this Blessed Parliament (eminently so called) for the public good; how he studied to preserve a mutual Agreement between the King and his People, by keeping up the Prerogative of the one, and maintaining the lawful Liberties of the other; how he would compose Discontents, and mollify the Refractory, and oblige the leading Voices with Benefits, and what other Favours he thought might win upon them. I shall instance only in two Passages, how very tender he was of admitting the lest occasion that might tend towards a Disgust any way between his Majesty and his Subjects. The Lord Treasurer Cranfield 
Cyprianus Angl. p. 123.  (you are to understand) had disobliged the Prince, when he was in Spain, by dissuading the King from those 
The occasion of Treasurer Cranfield's Disgrace.  large Supplies, which were required for the Maintaining of his Port in a Foreign Court. And he had lost himself with the Duke, by joining (as was thought) in some secret Practices, to lessen him in his Majesty's Favour. Now both the Prince and the Duke had sided with the Commons in drawing the King by their continual Importunities to dissolve the Treaty; and the Commons must now take their Parts in prosecuting Cranfield. 
(186.)  This Accident troubled the King mightily, who was than at Greenwich. He had put great Confidence in his Treasurer, and therefore tried all he could to defend him: he sends for the Prince his Son, and charges him, That he should not be of any Party in either House; but all to no purpose; for the Duke had pushed him on so far, that there was no retreating. So his Majesty sent for the Lord Keeper, and told him plainly, That he would not make his Treasurer a public Sacrifice. Sir (says the Keeper) I have 
The Keeper's Advice to the King about the Treasurer.  attempted amongst my surest Friends, to bring him of fairly: All shrink and refuse me; only the stout and prudent Lord Hollis adventured upon the Frowns of the Prince and Duke, and gave his Reasons, why Middlesex appeared to him an Innocent. I were mad, if, for my part, I should not wish him to escape this Tempest, and be safe under the Harbour of your Majesty's Clemency. When I deliberate upon him, I think of myself; 'tis his Fortune to Day, 'tis mine to Morrow. The Arrow that hits him is within an handful of me. Yet, Sir, I must deal faithfully; your Son the Prince is the main Champion, that encounters the Treasurer; whom if you save, you foil your Son. For tho' matters are carried by the whole Vote of Parliament, and are driven on by the Duke; yet they that walk in Westminster-Hall, call this The Prince's Undertaking; whom you will blast in his Bud to the Opinion of all your Subjects, if you suffer not your Old, and perhaps Innocent Servant to be plucked from the Sanctuary of your Mercy. Necessity must excuse you from Inconstancy or Cruelty. So with these Reasons the King was 
The Treasurer is fined and imprisoned.  persuaded to yield to the Headstrong Importunities of his Parliament; and the Treasurer was deposed, fined 
Stow's Chron.  a thousand Pounds, and committed to the Tower, on the 20th of May 1624. But discharged thence again on the first of June next following. For, let but a People (like froward Children) have their Will, when they are bend upon it, and after the Heat is over with them, you may bring them to any thing, nay even to undo what they so passionately acted before. And it must be an inveterate Malice, indeed, that does not relent and grow mild, when the Revenge is over. Great-Seal: But the Lord Keeper looking it over, after he had considered upon it, sends it back without the Seal, with his Advice in a Letter, That 
The Letter is in Bishop Hacket.  his Majesty would be pleased (if he had no private Reasons to the contrary to make it, according to the Methods proposed by him, a little more palatable and agreeing to the People, before it was published. And when 
(110.)  the King had read the Letter, and saw how very reasonable the Advice was, he altered every thing according to the Keeper's Directions. To this I 
His Advice concerning the General Pardon for the Papists.  might add, what occurs to me at this present, his great Care to prevent Jealousies amongst the People, when his Majesty (the Treaty than going on with Spain) sent, to have the Great-Seal 
Cabal. p. 297.  put first to a General Pardon of all Offences past, with a Dispensation for those to come, to all the Roman Catholics: And than, upon that, to issue forth two General Commands under the Great-Seal; the First, to all the Judges and Justices of the Peace; and the Second, to all Bishops, Chancellors and Commissaries, not to execute any Statute made against them. The General Pardon (says the Keeper) we have passed in as full and ample a Manner as they could desire or pen it. The other General and Vast Prohibition I prevailed with the rest of the Lords to stop, for these Reasons. First, because the Publishing of this General Indulgence at one push, might beget a general Discontent, if not a Mutiny, but the Instilling thereof into the People's Knowledge by little and little, would not shock them so much. Secondly, because to forbidden the Judges and Justices of Peace against their Oaths, who are sworn to execute the Law of the Land, is a thing unpresidented in this Kingdom, and would be a harsh and a bitter Pill to digest, without some Preparative. Thirdly, his Majesty useth to speak to his Bishops, Judges and Justices of the Peace, by his Chancellor or Keeper, and by the Great-Seal; and I can signify his Majesty's Pleasure to them with lesle Noise and Danger, especially by declaring unto them the necessity of these Proceed at this Juncture of Time. All these Instances laid together, sufficiently manifest his Opinion, That where a King and People disagree, they are like a House divided against itself; for it is impossible, in such a posture, that either of them should stand long.  
Now we have passed through the 
An Account of the Keeper as a Privy Counsellor  Business of Chancery, Star-Chamber, and Parliaments, let us at last retire with him to the Council-Board: A Retirement indeed, such as becomes a Wiseman, and a Philosopher; not Retirement from Business, but from the Eyes of the Vulgar. This, tho' I mention it last of all, was yet the Office that he was first honoured with in the State, being made Privy Counsellor, before he was made L. Keeper. And here (as Bishop Hacket very well 
(84.)  observes) a great part of the Work is done in secret and behind the Curtain, and by consequence escapes our Sight, and very often our Knowledge. So that from what we know, we cannot but imagine, that much greater Matters were transacted, that are to us as tho' they had never been. He, that undertakes the Province of a Counsellor, had need of a Head well stored with Politics, a Heart steelled with Honesty, and a Spirit truly Public, and jealous of his country's Good and Honour: For, as Ignorance is blind, and therefore but a bad Pilot in a troubled State, so Craft is unbiased ever, and never looks beyond itself; and a Cunning-man may ensnare his Prince, but never can advice. What a great Opinion his Majesty had of the Keeper's Wisdom, as it appears from several other passages, so more particularly from this, that Ludowick Duke of Richmond should tell him, that the King listened to him before any Minister of State: And that he did the oftener, because if his Majesty were moody, or any way out of Humour, the Keeper would bring him to his Lure with some facetious and pleasant Dash of Wit or other. He was likewise judged a great Abetter of his Nation's Honour and Interest; which was the Reason, that he was employed by his Majesty more than all the rest, to Negotiate with Ambassadors; in which Affairs it is an easy Matter to disgrace one's Country, if there be wanting either Conduct or Courage.  
Thus you see how well he was qualified 
The Rules he followed in Council.  for the great Trust of a Counsellor. And I found (says Hacket) by his own Confession remaining in some Papers, that he was beholding to the Lord Egerton's Directions, which were these: First, in all Advice to speak from the bottom of the Heart, without any reserve: Secondly, when any thing was proposed, to examine first of all if it were just; for he that will make bold with GOD for Reasons of State, is not to be trusted by Man: in the next place, if it were for the Honour of the King; and lastly, if it were for the Advantage of Posterity, as well as for the present Good. To which he added this weighty Aphorism, To ripen great Matters by Deliberation. 
(85.)  And his humble Request to his Majesty was, that Counsels should not be whispered by one or two in private, but be delivered openly at the Board, by sworn Counsellors. His Advice in General to him was, to follow former Precedents in all things, as much as possible: To let private Causes and Actions of Meum and Tuum be confined to the Common-Law, and not be admitted to the Council-Board, which his Majesty observed at his Request; to call Parliaments often, and to keep in with them; never by his Prerogative to abridge the Subjects Liberty, and the Rights of the Laws; and lastly to moderate his profuse Expenses, and so to give, that there might be something left for the Prince his Son to give after him: But that (it seems) was a Lesson he could never teach him; tho' he did all he could to make his Admonitions sink into him, by nicking the Seasons for speaking, as particularly before a Sacrament, and at such times, as he thought his Majesty might be best disposed to receive good Impressions.  
I come now to give you a particular 
The King advises with the Keeper about the Match with Spain.  Instance or two, wherein he served his Gracious Master by his great stock of Wisdom, and marvellous Skill in Politics. And here will naturally fall in what he acted while the Prince was in Spain. The King never advised 
(115.)  with the Keeper, nor any of his Courtiers before his Son went over; (tho' some than suspected that Williams was privy to it) but when he came from Newmarket to Whitehall, which was on the 30th of March, when first he 
An. 1623.  saw the Keeper, smiling he asked him, Whether he thought this Knight-Errant Pilgrimage would be lucky to win the Spanish Lady, and to convey her shortly into England? Sir, (says William's) If my Lord Marquis will give Honour to Conde Duke Olivares, and remember he is the Favourite of Spain, or if Olivares will show honourable Civility to my Lord Marquis, remembering he is a Favourite of England, the Wooing may be prosperous. But if my Lord Marquis should forget where he is, and not stoop to Olivares; or if Olivares, forgetting what Guest he hath received with the Prince, bear himself haughtily, and like a Castilian Grandee to my Lord Marquis; the Provocation may be dangerous to cross your Majesty's good Intentions. And I pray GOD that either one, or both of them do not run into that Error. This shows that he understood the Court of Spain at that time, as well as if he had been a Minister there. And the 
The Keeper furthers it, and befriends Buckingham.  King, sensible of this, desired his Assistance in this Business to the utmost of his power; and told him moreover, that if he would serve him faithfully in this one thing, He would never part with him. So the Keeper bethought 
(117.)  himself Night and Day, how to manage this Affair, and what Advice to give; and he sent Letters upon Letters 
The Letters are in Hacket, p. 16, 17, etc.  to the Duke and Prince. Now Williams was glad that he had an Opportunity given him of Serving his great Benefactor, and expressing his Gratitude, which glowed within his Breast. He sent Letters to Count Gondamar, to make Buckingham the 
(119.)  more acceptable in that Court; wherein he desired of the Count, That he would do that Justice to the Marquis, as to make his Character known, for a Person of a wondrous deal of Generosity and Good-nature, with abundance more to his Commendation. And upon such Occasions it is that a Man stands most in need of a Friend; for I may speak for another, tho' I cannot with any Modesty for myself. Moreover, 
(117.)  he did all he could to preserve his Repute fair, both with the King and People, when in his Absence several Things were laid to his charge; and he would sand him a particular Account of all the Occurrences at Court; that so he might not be trepan'd, before he was ware: And happy sure are Men in great Places, that are blessed with such Friends, as perhaps, while they are sleeping securely, like their Guardian-Angels, are ever wakeful, and tender of their Charge, and ready upon all Occasions to disappoint the Treacherous and Malicious Designs, that are ever forming against the Great. Yet, for all this, after the Prince and Duke came over again, the Keeper declined apace in the Duke's Favour; the Occasion of which will be fit to be discovered (if so be a true Discovery may be made at all, since the Springs of most Man's Actions are so dark) when we shall come to speak of his Fall, and the Causes thereof.  
A little after this, when he had been 
(208.)  
The Keeper's Advice to the King about a Provision for the Palsgrave's Children.  now in Office about three Years and an half, he gave another proof of his great Abilities in Counsel. The Treaties in Spain being laid aside, and new ones set on foot in France, there was but small hopes of recovering the Palatinate; which was the Occasion of a great deal of Concern to his Majesty, because he could no way foresee how his grandchildren (which were than but young) would be able to subsist, when they grew to be Men, without being very chargeable to England. Sir, says the Lord Keeper, will you be pleased to listen to me, taking in the Prince's Consent, of which I make no doubt, and I will show, how you shall furnish the Second and Third Brothers, with Preferments sufficient to maintain them, that shall cost you nothing. (Breed them up for Scholars in Academical Discipline; keep them strictly to their Books, with such Tutors as will teach them not to abuse themselves with vain Hopes upon the Greatness of their Birth. If they fall to their Studies, design them for the Bishoprics of Durham and Winchester, when they become voided. If that hap in their Nonage (which is probable) appoint Commendatories to discharge the Duty for them for a laudable Allowance, but gathering the Fruits for the Support of your grandchildren, till they come to Virility to be consecrated. George Duke of Anhault, having Ministerial Gifts, was Ordained into that Holy Calling at Madgeburgh, and yet put to no Shifts; as Melancthon is my Author, and many more. The Priestly Office was esteemed from the beginning fittest for the best Gentlemen, for the Firstborn, among them that served the True GOD. And the Romans, who served them that were no Gods, 
(209.)  learned it at Athens from Theseus, that Citizens of the Noblest Blood, should be trained up in the Knowledge of Sacred Things, and be made the Administrators of Divine Mysteries. And I aim at another Benefit, wherein I praise GOD, that I am assured your Majesty will concur with me, That the Office of a Bishop, imprudently by many maligned (I might charge them with a worse crime) will be the more Inviolable, when the Branches of your Royal Stock have so great an Interest in it. And such provision is needful against Schismatical Attempts, both for Religion's sake, and the Public Weal. For if such great Superstructions should fall, all would come to ruin that is round about them. I will yet go further: If your Majesty think a Bishopric, tho' of the best kind, too little for either of them, you may be pleased to annex to each of them one of your Principal Offices of State, as you found them trusty and discreet. When he had ended, As I live (says the King) I will follow this Direction; I thank you hearty for it; and I accounted, that it will save me more than the worth of a Subsidy. But the Counsel as good as it was, it seems, was never put into execution; which was no fault of the Lord Keeper's.  
I proceed now to a very Remarkable 
Inoiosa's Plot against the Prince and Duke.  Instance of his Policy, that will show how very vigilant he was to procure Intelligence of all secret Proceed at Court, and how fit a Person he was to be consulted in a Difficulty, and to unravel Plots. You must 
(195.)  understand, when the Prince and Duke returned from Spain, they commented so upon the Proceed of that Court in the Treaty, that the Parliament was full of Invectives and Resentments against it. Inoiosa, the Spanish Ambassador at our Court, hearing of this, he sets his Head on work, to make a Breach between the King and his Parliament; and likewise to set him against the Prince and the Duke, who, he knew well enough, were the main Persons concerned. So with much ado at last, he gets an Opportunity (for he was never permitted to be in private with the King, by reason of the jealousy the Prince and the Duke had of him) to convey a Paper privately into 
There is a a Copy of it in Hacket.  his Majesty's Hand, in which were Articles drawn against the Prince and Duke, and ill Surmises against the Parliament. The Prince and Duke's fomenting the Parliament at this time against Treasurer Cranfield, whom the King (as we said before) was very desirous to save, might, with some other suspicious Occurrences at this Juncture, confirm his Majesty's Jealousies. And so far did this Contrivance prevail 
(196.)  
The King jealous of the Prince and Duke.  upon the King, that he grew sullen and thoughtful, and would entertain the Prince and Duke with no Discourse, but Riddles and broken Sentences, that like flashes of Lightning from a black Cloud, showed a Storm gathering within. Immediately they conclude all was not right; and upon Inquiry, they found, that the Spanish Secretary, and Maestro the Jesuit had been with the King, and that some of the Ambassador's House had made their Brags, That they had nettled the Duke, and that a Train would take Fire speedily, to blow up the Parliament. The King amidst his great Anxieties prepares to go to Windsor, thinking perhaps to leave his Cares behind him. So in the End of April, being Saturday in the Afternoon, he takes Coach, and his Son along with him, but makes some slight Pretence to leave Buckingham behind, as he was putting his Foot into the Coach. At that Tears burst from him, and he humbly requested his Majesty to tell him his Offence, that he might confess it, or clear himself: To which the King replied only (with a Sigh) That he was the greatest 
(197.)  Wretch living, to be forsaken of those that were dearest to him: which Expressions drew Tears on both sides; but the King drove away for Windsor, and left the disconsolate Duke behind. 
The Keeper's Advice to the Duke.   
Now the Lord Keeper was a Man that spared no cost for the best Intelligence he could purchase of Court-Occurrences; and he would often say, That without a deal of Money, it was impossible to be a Statesman. And of this Accident, his Scout had brought the best Account he could from what he saw, for he heard little. So away he goes to the Duke, than all in Sorrow at Wallingford-House; and with much ado, gains admittance to him After solemn Protestations of the great Concern he had for him, and his earnest Desires to serve him, he begs of his Grace, that he would make haste for Windsor, and show himself to his Majesty, before Supper was over; to carry himself withal the winning Address imaginable, and to keep Night and Day close to his Person. For the Danger was, jest any one should get the King's Ear, and persuade him to dissolve the Parliament, and upon the Dissolution of it, get his Grace thrown into the Tower, and than GOD knows what might follow. Loose no time, I beseech your Grace (says he) and lock up this Advice in your Breast. The Duke, returning him hearty Thanks, posts away to Windsor, and comes there unexpected. To be sure he acquainted the Prince with the Occasion of his coming: So that his Highness 
The Prince consults the Keeper, who detects the whole Plot.  was early next Monday Morning at the Lord's House (before they sat) to speak with the Keeper. And taking him aside into a Lobby, he thanks him for the Counsel he gave Buckingham: And (says he) you that have gone thus far, may receive greater Thanks of us both, if you will spread open this black Contrivance, which hath lost him the good Opinion ofmy Father, and I myself am in little better Condition. Sir (says the Keeper) let my Soul suffer for Falsehood, if I know any more, than that some in the Spanish Ambassador's House have been preparing Mischief, and have infused it abour four Days since into his Majesty. But the Curtain of Privacy is drawn before the Picture, that I cannot guests at the Colours. Well, my Lord (says the Prince) if that be the Picturedrawer's Shop, no Counsellor in this Kingdom is better acquainted than yourself with the Works and the Workmen. I might have been (says the Keeper) and I am panged like a Woman in Travail, till I know what Misshapen Creature they are drawing. But your Highness and my Lord Duke, have made it a Crime to sand unto that House, and they are afraid to do it who are commanded from his Majesty. It is a Month since I have forbidden the Servants of that House to come at me. But, says the Prince, I will make that Passage open to you again without Offence, and enterprise any way to bring us out of this Wood, wherein we are lost. Only before we part, keep not from me, how you came to know or imagine, that the Spanish Agents have charged Buckingham to my Father with high Misdemeanours, or perhaps Disloyalty. I would hear you to that Point, that I may compare it with other Parcels of my Intelligence. Sir (says the Keeper) I will go on directly with you. Another perhaps would blush, when I tell you with what Heifer I blow; but knowing mine Innocency, the worst that can hap, is to expose myself to be laughed at. Your Highness has often seen the Ambassador's Secretary, Don Francisco Carondelet: I have discovered him to be a Wanton, and a Servant to some of our English Beauties, but above all to one of that 
(198.)  gentle Craft in Mark-Lané. A Wit she is, and one that must be courted with News and Occurrences at Home and Abroad, as well as with Gifts. I have a Friend that bribed her in my Name, to sand me a faithful Conveyance of such Tidings, as her Paramour Carondelet brings to her. All I instructed the Duke in, came out of her Chamber. And she hath well earned a piece of Plate or two from me, and shall not be unrecompensed for this Service, about which your Highness doth use me, if the Drab can help me in it. Truly, Sir, this is my Dark Lantern, and I am not ashamed to inquire of a Dalilah to resolve a Riddle; for in my Studies of Divinity, I have gleaned up this Maxim, Licet uti alieno Peccato; tho' the Devil make her a Sinner, I may make good use of her Sin. Yea, (says the Prince merrily) do you deal in such Ware? In good faith, Sir (says the Keeper) I never saw her Face. And so this Conference ended.  
Since the Keeper had gone thus far 
A signal Instance of the Keeper's Policy.  in this Intrigue, he was resolved to go through with it, and to sift the Matter to the Bottom; which he knew he should never be able to do, except he had an Opportunity of pumping the Secretary Francisco, who had (by the Duke's Orders) been forbidden the Keeper's House above a Month since. If he should merely sand for him, without any pretence, it would look (he thought) a little suspicious, and than the Secretary would be much upon the Reserve, and not open himself so freely. As the Keeper was musing upon this Difficulty, he chopped upon this lucky Thought: He order his Pursuivant Captain Toothbie, to seize upon an English Priest lodging in Drury-Lane, whom Francisco (as the Keeper knew) loved entirely. The poor Secretary, as soon as he heard of his Friend's Misfortune, was in a woeful Taking, knowing the Law, and how severe the Parliament than sitting would be, if he should be brought to his Trial. He had been banished the Keeper's House long since, and he knew no body else, that was able to assist him in his Friend's behalf. Pressed with these Difficulties, he saw it was no time, in a Matter of so great concern, to be over-modest, and to stand upon Punctilios: so he sent an humble Request to the Lord Keeper, to be admitted to him that Day, tho' he should never see his Face again. With a seeming Unwillingness, it was granted him; but than he must be very private, and not venture before eleven at Night, and than to come by the Backdoor of the Garden, where a Servant should receive him. So at his Hour he came, and at first sight of his Lordship breaks out abruptly, That nothing but a Matter as dear unto him as his Life, should have forced him to break Rule, to offend his Lordship with his presence. And than in a very passionate manner he begs that he would obtain his Friend's Enlargement for him, who was newly taken up. And would you have me (says the Keeper) run such a Hazard, to set a Priest at Liberty, a Dead Man by our Statutes, when the Eye of the Parliament is so vigilant upon the Breach of Justice, especially in this kind, to the sadding of our Godly Men, who detest them that creep here out of Seminaries, above all Malefactors, because they come with an Intent to pervert them, who have lived in the Bosom of our Church. My Lord (says Francisco) let not the Dread of this Parliament trouble you; for I can tell you, if you have not heard it, that it is upon Expiration. By this means the Keeper was got into the Out-Works of the Project, and played so artificially with the Secretary, that he soon took the Main Fortress. He kept him with him till Two in the Morning; by which time he had picked out of him the Heads of all the Articles in the Paper conveyed before into the King's Hand. And after this, to gratify him, he calls for the Pursuivant (who was at hand) and orders him immediately to free the Priest, but upon this Condition, that he should cross the Seas that Day, or the next, that so he might secure himself from danger in what he had done: And than the Lord Keeper and Don Francisco parted with much show of Love on both sides, each having compassed his Designs. By this time (I make account) my Reader cannot but smile, to see how dextrously the whole Business was managed; and how prettily and innocently too a Person of neat Wit may carry on his own Interest, when you would think he was earnest about another Man's Business; so consistent are two contrary Motions at the same time in Policy, as well as in the Workings of Nature.  
But to make an End of our Story: 
The Keeper having discovered Inoiosa's Plot, acquaints the Prince with it. Cabal. p. 300.  Soon as Francisco was gone, the Keeper fell to Recollecting the whole Conference that had passed between them. As fast as it occurred, he laid it down in Writing, and slept never a wink that Night, nor stirred out of the Room till Seven in the Morning; by which time he had drawn up a fair Copy of the whole Matter; which he presented to the Prince immediately in St. James', and told him. He had the Viper and her Brood in a Box. Upon this the Prince was for posting away for Windsor: Nay, Sir (says the Keeper) let your Highness be pleased to take my Petition along with you: Where is it? says the Prince. In my Mouth, replies he: for I humbly beg, that you will conceal me in all that I have done in this Matter; and as you tender my Life, to keep the Knowledge of this from your Father. I have committed two great Crimes in a Sworn Counsellor; First, to search into the King's Counsels, which he would should not be opened; Secondly, when I have found them out, to discover them, tho' to your Highness. So the Prince parting with him, gave him assurance of Secrecy; and coming to Windsor, he shows Buckingham the Papers. After 
The King is reconciled to the Prince and Duke.  which, they both desire immediate Admittance to his Majesty, which being granted, they present the Writing to him. He read it all deliberately, and often stopping, would say, 'Tis well, very well; and an enlivening Spirit danced in his Eyes. Than he embraced his Son and Buckingham, protesting, he was very sorry, that a parcel of Traitors should ever make him jealous of them; but now that all was right again. And that you may know (says his Majesty) how little you shall pay me for Reconciliation, I ask not more, but to tell me who is your Engineer, that struck these Sparks out of the Flint, and lighted the Candle, to found the Groat that was lost. The Prince was silent, and the Duke vowed he knew not the Author. Well (says the King) I have a good Nostril, and will answer mine own Question; My Keeper had the main Finger in it; I dare swear it was he that bolted the Flower, and made it up into this Payest. Sir (says the Prince) I was precluded by my Promise not to reveal him, but I never promised to tell a lie for him: Your Majesty hath hit the Man. And GOD do him good for it (says the King) I need not tell you both what you owe him for his Service; and he hath done himself this Right with me, that I discern his Sufficiency more and more So by this Discovery the Keeper did not only do a signal Service to the Prince and Duke, but likewise to his Majesty; who 'tis ten to one had quarrelled outright with his Parliament, had he not been thus convinced of his groundless Fears.  
You may gather from these and some other Passages, in this Part of the Life, how prudent and how serviceable a Counsellor he was to his Majesty, and to his great Patron and first Raiser, the Duke of Buckingham. And now I am upon this Part of his Character, I will give you an Instance or two more of his Services to the Duke: by which put altogether, you may see how little he deserved the usage he afterwards received from his Hands.  
In the Year 1622. the Jesuits had 
The Countess of Buckingham turns a Papist. Cypr. Ang. p. 100  made (what they very much coveted) a Proselyte of the Countess of Buckingham; and upon this the People were jealous that there was danger of the Duke's being influenced by his Mother, 
(171.)  and so that from the Duke, the Contagion would seize his Majesty, and at last from the King, spread itself among the People. The Lord Keeper saw plainly how these Conclusions affected the People, and multiplied their Discontents; which, for aught any one knew, might gather such a Head, as to prove fatal in the ensuing Parliament. Therefore to secure his Majesty, and the Duke especially from being suspected, he advises him thus. It is time 
(172.)  
The Keeper's Advice to the Duke about his Mother.  to let your Lordship know, That by the Countess your Mother's Departing from our Church, the Mouth of Clamour is opened; That now the Recusants have a potent Advocate to pled for their Immunity, which will increase their Number. When this is bandied in the High and popular Court by Tribunitial Orators, what a Dust will it raise? Therefore to satisfy the People, your Mother must be invited or provoked to hear Debates between Learned Men, speaking to those Points of Controversy that have staggered her. Let her Ladyship bring her Champions with her. Entertain her with many of these Conferences: let them be solemn as can be devised, the King himself being ever present at the Disputes; and the conflux of Great Persons, as thick as the Place will permit. Let your Lordship's Industry and Earnestness be conspicuous, to catch at every Twig of Advantage, much more to give Applause to every solid Reason, which may bring your Mother Home to a Sound Mind again. If her Ladyship recovers of her Unstableness by these Applications, you have won a Soul very precious to you, and will raise yourself up into the Fame of a sincere Protestant. But if the Light within her be Darkness, and that she frustrate all Hopes of her Reparation, the Notice of your Lordship's pious Endeavours will fill the Kingdom with a good Report. The 
Laud, Williams and White dispute against Fisher the Jesuit.  Duke follows the Advice; the Conferences are set on foot, and his Majesty was Superintendent at them. Fisher the Jesuit being the Lady's Champion; he was opposed strongly by Dr. White, than Dean of Carlisle, but especially by Dr. Laud (as may be seen by the Controversy published after) Bishop of St. David's; and the 
Cypr. Ang. p. 101.  Lord Keeper (says his cold Friend Dr. Heylyn) put in a Word or two sometimes: But if we credit Bishop Hacket, in the Second Conference, the Lord Keeper managed a Formal Dispute with Fisher, as White did in the First, and Laud did in the Third. And why we have nothing of his extant concerning this Controversy (as we have from both the other) Bishop Hacket gives us no Reason; except we will be satisfied with what he says of the Keeper in another place, and upon another Occasion; That he never wrote 
(35.)  any thing with Intention to let the World see it, unless necessity constrained him. But for all the great Abilities and Learning 
(173.)  of the Disputants on our side, the Lady remained still unconverted; nevertheless the Duke gained his Point, and the Event was as the Keeper foretold it.  
What I am going to mention next, if remembered by my Reader when he comes to the next Part, will give some small Insight into the Reasons of his declining in the Duke's Favour: For tho' it was on the Keeper's side a sincere piece of Friendship, yet 'tis a Question whether the Duke took it as such. Buckingham, you know very well, had a Grudge against Spain; to fatisfy which he must needs make War upon it. All that he wanted was Money, 
(202.)  to maintain the War; and he saw 
The Keeper dissuades the Duke from selling the Crown-Lands.  no speedy way of raising such vast sums as he needed, but by compassing the sale of some of the Crown-Lands; which he was resolved to endeavour. The Keeper was at this time newly recovered from a desperate Fever and Flux, and durst not venture Abroad; therefore so soon as he heard what dangerous Courses the Duke was falling into, he sends him the following Letter, dated Octob. 21. 1623.  
May it please your Grace,  
I Hear a Whispering, rather than a Report, out of Westminster-Hall, that some great Alteration is presently to be made of the small Remainder of his Majesty's or rather the Crown-Land. Although I know not certainly, being unemployed and unprofitable, whether I aught to take notice hereof at all, or what to advice; yet presuming upon that Favour I have ever found, and of late, as much as ever with your Grace, I have sent you this Ticket to read and burn. If there be any Resolution taken for the general Alteration of the Crown-Lands, yet this is not a convenient time to go about it.  
First, Because there is not yet a Lord Treasurer, that it may be Christened to be his Act.  
Secondly, Because it hath not been debated at the Council-Table; for want of whose Advice, it will be appropriated to be your Grace's Act.  
Thirdly, It cannot be ripe for Execution, till the next Session of Parliament is dissolved; for otherwise it will undoubtedly serve as an Excuse for not granting Subsidies.  
But setting those considerations of Delay aside, I humbly desire your Grace, that no Universal Alteration may be made of the Tenure of the Crown-Lands.  
And First, Because the Money got thereby will be much, and will instantly be gone.  
Secondly, The Infamy in Chronicles will be eternal upon our most Gracious Master.  
Thirdly, The Prince cannot cordially assent thereunto; or if he do, it is impossible (his Wisdom considered) but that hereafter he should repent him, and much abhor the Authors and Actors of this Counsel.  
Lastly, If the Prince should be of the same Mind with his Father, yet their Successors will have good pretences to prosecute everlastingly the Names and Posterities of all such Advisers.  
Nor did the Freedom of the Keeper's 
(203, 204, etc.)  Advice rest here; for when the 
The Keeper dissuades the Duke from selling Church Lands.  Duke was much about the same time (in prosecution of his Designs to raise Money) set on to procure a sale of some Church-Lands, he than came out of his Chamber, to dissuade his Lordship from it by all means. But altho' the Keeper prevailed for the present with his Arguments, yet one may reasonably conclude, he got but little goodwill at the bottom from the Duke for all his Pains: for Great Men generally take wholesome Counsels, as one would a bitter Draught: We cannot help making sour Faces at it, tho' we know it is for our Good. And thus I have done with the Keeper, considered in every Respect as a Statesman. And I shall only add a few Things more, that happened towards the latter end of King James' Reign, which to avoid Confusion I am forced to insert here by themselves.  
The peaceful Reign of King James 
(209.)  
A Treaty of Marriage with France.  drew toward a Conclusion; when the Treaty about the Marriage with France was first set on foot. The Business had 
An. 1624.  gone on for some time, before the L. Keeper's Advice was sought for. Nevertheless, as he studied the Spanish Language during that Negotiation, so now he took a Frenchman to be his Servant, and to assist him in attaining the French. And as in the former 
The Keeper gets our Liturgy translated into French.  Treaty he had ordered a Translation of our Liturgy into Spanish by Taxeda, and printed it at his own cost; so now he got it turned into French by Mons. Delaun, Minister than of the French Church in Norwich. The Ambassadors 
(210.)  to our Court from France were the Marquis Fiatte, the Great Finnancer, and Monsieur Villoclare, one of the Principal Secretaries. They had Audience from the King at Cambridge; who (after their Return to London) sent a Message to the L. Keeper to entertain them and their Train, upon the Wednesday following; which (according to their Computation by the New Style) was Christmas Day with them. So the Keeper sent to invite them to Sup 
The Keeper entertains the French Ambassadors.  with him: And the Entertainment was prepared in the Jerusalem-Chamber at Westminster College. But before Supper, he gave them first an Episcopal Collation; for the Ambassadors with all their Attendance were brought in at the North-Gate of the Abbey, which was stuck with Torches every where within and without. At the Door of the Choir, the Keeper desired their Lordships to go in, and seat themselves for a while, assuring them that nothing should be done that might be in the lest offensive to them. So the Ambassadors with their Train filled the Stalls, where they continued about half an Hour, while Choiristers in their richest Habits, sung three Anthems; during which time they all stood uncovered, excepting Monsieur Villoclare. While a Verse was playing, the Keeper 
Presents them with our Liturgy.  presented the Ambassadors, and those of the best Quality that were with them, with our Liturgy in their own Language; saying at the Delivery of the Books, That their Lordships at their Leisure might read in that Book, in what Form of Holiness our Prince worshipped GOD; wherein he durst say, nothing savoured of any Corruption of Doctrine, much lesle of Heresy, which he hoped would be so reported to the Lady Princess Henrietta. After this, when they went out, they took all their Books along with them, except Villoclare, and his was brought after him, as if he had forgot it.  
There was at this Time present a 
An Abbot has the Curiosity to be present at our Divine Service.  Gentleman that held an Abbacy in a Lay-Capacity; who, after he had read over our Prayer-Book, had a great Mind to be present in Westminster Abbey, upon Christmas Day in the Morning, that he might see and hear how we solemnised that great Feast, for which we were so much blamed Abroad. Whereas our Common-Prayer 
(211.)  Book, tho' it was not embroidered so thick with Ceremonies, yet he thought it wanted not such as might give a Decency to our Service. But lest he might give Offence to any of his own Party, he desired he might be placed where no Body could see him, and that he might have an Interpreter of the Liturgy to assist him. The Lord Keeper was forward to meet him in his Request; and a place was contrived aloft for him, with a Lattice and Curtains to conceal him. His Lordship performed all the Service of the Day himself, that it might be done with greater Decency. And after, 
And he approves of our Worship.  when they came to discourse about it, the Abbot said, he perceived that we had been basely traduced, and that all he had heard of us was false. And tho' I deplore your Schism (says he) from the Catholic Church, yet I should bare false Witness, if I did not confess, that your Decency, which I observed at that holy Duty, was very allowable in the Consecrator and Receivers. So, after some further Conferences 
(212.)  upon these Matters, they parted with mutual Smiles and Embraces. I have dwelled the longer upon this Narration, to show not only the Credit that was done to our Church and Liturgy by the Keeper, but likewise to let my Reader see, what little Reason there is to suspect him for one that stood not well affected to our Church Discipline.  
As the Court of Spain, during the 
Villoclare petitions for Immunities for the Papists.  Treaty with them, took the Opportunity of Mediating in behalf of the Papists in England; so likewise now Mr. Villoclare (a great Zealot) was set on by them, to make large and unreasonable Demands in Favour of them, and to press the granting of his Requests home, as one of the main Conditions to complete the Match. The Courtiers 
(213.)  perceiving the Eagerness of Villoclare to obtain his Ends, and being not willing to expose themselves to his Displeasure, shifted him of from themselves, and told him, That they could give no positive Answer to his Demand, till he had spoken with the L. Keeper, whose Duty it was to examine such things upon his peril, which were fit, or not fit for the King's Conscience, Honour and Safety, before the Great Seal were put to any Thing. And this gave occasion 
The Conference is all in Bishop Hacket, p. 213, to 222.  to the Famous long Debate between the Keeper and the French Ambassador, wherein the Keeper gave him such solid Reasons against the Dispensing with our Penal Laws against Romish Priests. A Copy of which Conference the King ordered the Keeper to draw up for him; which he did accordingly, it being the last Present he 
(222.)  made him in that kind. Which Papers, when his Majesty had perused them, gave him (as he used to say) more Satisfaction than he could have expected.  
The King now perceiving some Indisposition 
The King falls sick.  in his Health, retires to Theobalds' for fresh Air, and to divert himself from Business. On Tuesday, being the 22. of March, the L. Keeper received Notice in a Letter from the Court, that it was feared his Majesty's Sickness was Mortal. Upon this he comes to Theobalds', and presenting 
The Keeper attends him.  himself before the King, he endeavoured to divert him, and bring him to cheerful Discourse, but all in vain. So he continued by his Bedside till Midnight, but found no comfort. And next Morning, after the Consultation of the Physicians, he saw no hopes at all left; so that immediately (like a faithful Chaplain) he desired of the Prince, that he might acquaint his Father with his weak Condition, and put him in Mind both of his Mortality and Immortality. And having the Prince's Consent, he went into his 
Advertises him of his Death.  Majesty's Chamber; and kneeling down, told his Majesty, That he knew he should neither displease him, nor discourage him, if he brought Isaiah's Message to Hezekiah, to set his House in order; for he thought his Days to come would be but few in this World. I am satisfied (replies the King) and I pray you assist me to make me ready to go away hence to CHRIST, whose Mercies I call for, and I hope to found them. From this time the Keeper watched with his Majesty continually, and never so much as put of his clothes, to go to Bed, till after his Royal Master's Death; which was visible enough in his Looks, on Sunday Night, when he returned to Westminster. His whole Business was Night 
(223.)  and Day (except when the Physicians composed his Majesty to Rest) to pray, and read, and to discourse about Repentance, Faith, Remission of Sins, Resurrection, and Eternal Life. This was the Preparation on Wednesday, for the Blessed Sacrament on Thursday. Upon Friday his Majesty grew sensibly weaker; so that now the Keeper stirred very little out of the Chamber, and that not only to comfort the departing King, but likewise to keep of some of the Romish Church, that crept much about the Chamber-door; whom as a Privy-Counsellor he commanded to keep at greater Distance. Being rid of these, he was now continually in Prayer, while the King lingered on; and at last his Soul departing, the 
The King dies.  Keeper closed his Eyes with his own Hands. Thus died King James at 
Cypr. Ang. p. 130.  Theobalds', on the 27th of March, being Sunday. From thence his Body was 
An. 1625.  brought to Somerset-House, and carried thence in great State, on Saturday the 7th of May to St. Peter's Church in Westminster, where it was solemnly interred: And the Funeral Sermon 
The Text was out of the TWO of Chron. c. 9 v. 29. 30. & part of 31.  preached by the Lord Keeper Williams, and printed not long after, by the Name of Great-Britain's Solomon.  
Thus I have at last brought the L. Keeper Williams through great Honours, and much Fatigue and Business to the Period at once of King James' Reign, and his own Prosperity. And (if the Living Man may with any reason complain) well had it been for him too, had he never lived to see those Days, which the following Scene will represent to my Reader.  
The End of the Second Part.   

An Account of his Fall, and his Troubles.  
PART III.  
IF so be that outward Things and 
The severity of the L. Keeper's Fortune.  Circumstances (which, because they are not in our Power, should therefore be looked upon as not belonging to us) are of any real Force to tender a Wise and a Great Man, either Happy or Miserable; I should count him of all Men, the most wretched, that is cast down from the height of Prosperity into an adverse Fortune, there to entertain himself with the ungrateful Reflection of what (to his Sorrow now) he had once been: And I should think him to be envied for his Happiness, who after much Toil and Trouble in the Beginning, and all unusual Discouragements, did at the last by the mere Force and Strength of his own undaunted Resolution and Courage break (like the Sun from a Cloud) through all Oppositions, and surmount all Difficulties. For the Remembrance of a Danger past, and overcome, must be as grateful to us, as the Apprehension of one to come, is terrible. So that if the Lord Keeper Williams had been a Man capable of being dejected, he lay under all the Disadvantages in the World. For, at his first setting out, from the Time he came to Cambridge, quite to the End of King James' Reign, Fortune seemed to Court him all along, and to gratify him in every Thing; whereas now (tired, one would think, with her overfondness of him before) she treats him with all the hard Usage, as if she had marked him out, to give all Men in him a notorious proof of her great Inconstancy. But before we give an Account of his Troubles, it will be but convenient to look back a little into the former Reign, and try if we can search into the Springs of Buckingham's Hatred to him, which was the first 
The Reasons of Buckingham's Breach with Williams.  and principal Cause of his overthrow.  
We have had occasion before to hint how fickle Buckingham was, and how apt to fall out with his greatest Favourites: 
(107.)  The Reason of which in all probability was his great Desire to oblige every Body; upon which Account he would often be making such Requests for others, to those he had raised to any Office, as they could not grant either in Honour or Justice. And thus he was often want to trouble the Lord Keeper, who never resisted any of his Commands, when he could safely and honestly obey them; as appears from what he writ to him about the Cause of Sir John Michael, Aug. 8. 1622. GOD is my Witness, I 
Cabal. p. 291.  have never denied either Justice or Favour (which was to be justified) to this Man, or any other, that had the lest Relation to your good and most Noble Mother; and I hope your Lordship is persuaded thereof. And the Countess, 
(108.)  his Mother, hath been heard to say, That the Lord Keeper had sufficient Reason sometimes not to comply with her Son: and that she never knew him disagree, but that his Counsels were wise, and well grounded; ever tending to the Marquess' Honour, Safety and Prosperity. But than, that he often offended her Son with Reprehensions, that were too bold and vehement. And, indeed, it was his Humour to be very angry with his best Friends, when they would not be persuaded to their own Good. So 
Wilson. Hist. of Gr. Brit. p. 196.  that it was neither height of Spirit, nor yet Pride, that made him odious to those that raised him; but rather his Honesty in not permitting them to attain to those Ends by him, which they unjustly required of him. And this was the Occasion of Buckingham's Quarrel against him; who before the End of Michaelmas Term in the Year 
(107.)  1622. (when Williams had not been above a Twelvemonth in Office) let fall some Expressions of his Disliking to the Lord Keeper, and was in his Looks very much altered towards him. All which the Keeper took no notice of, but prudently affected to seem ignorant of the whole Matter; for the only way to exasperated an Adversary is to let him know, that you look upon him as such; whereas if you treat him as a Friend, 'tis possible he may 
The Occasion of the Falling out betwixt Laud and Williams. Cypr. Ang. p. 113.  be gained upon.  
As the Lord-Keeper declined in the good Opinion of the Duke, so Bishop Laud, he grew more and more every day in Favour; insomuch that when Buckingham went over into Spain with the Prince, he left the Bishop to be his Agent at Court. These 
See Wharton's Preface, and Bishop Laud's Diary at Octob 3. 1623.  Accidents, together with Misunderstandings, and Misrepresentations on both sides from Tale-bearers and Busybodies, seem to have given the first occasion to those Jealousies and Heats, that afterwards arose betwixt these Two great and unfortunate Prelates. And since we are at best left but to our Guesses in this matter (it being so diversely represented, as Passion or Interest sways) it were but Modesty as well as Justice (due to such sacred Memories) in us, at this distance of time, to search not farther, but to be charitable in our surmises, so long as we are certain, from the main History of both their Actions, that they were Men good and serviceable in their Generation. And to what purpose should we keep their Names at Enmity here upon Earth, who we may be sure, are long since joined in mutual Peace and Love in Heaven; where seeing one another's Thoughts by Intuition (which prevents all Mistakes) they conclude that nothing but this Gross Veil of Flesh could have so disguised their Sentiments, as to make them seem at Variance, when at the same time they drove both with all their Might to the same great End, Namely the Glory of God and the Established Happiness of our Church and Nation.  
But to proceed in our Discovery of the Duke's Resentments towards the Keeper. When his Grace was 
A further Account of the Duke's Hatred to Williams (147. 150) Cabal. p. 97.  in Spain, it is not to be doubted but the Lord-Keeper's Letters of Instruction, tho' Well Designed, were not so well taken: and his often Desiring and Advising him to be Reconciled to the Earl of Bristol, (one that he ever hated) and to proceed according to his Counsels, as being a Most able Statesman, but above all others Experienced in the Court of Spain; this went much against the Grain with the Duke, and the Keeper might as well have told him, that Bristol was a Wiser Man than his Grace. At this very time too it was told the 
Cypr. Angl. p. 113.  Duke (but upon what Grounds I found not where) that Williams, his Creature, made it his Business now in his Absence to Undermine him with his Majesty. Whereas the quite contrary 
(108)  is Evident, in that the Keeper endeavoured all he could to excuse his Miscarriages in Spain, and to preserve him Entire in the King's Favour. But indeed he did drive on 
[18] (148)  a Design quite contrary to Buckingham's towards the latter end of the Treaty: For the Duke strove all he could to Dissolve it, and the Keeper, according to his Maiesty's Commands, Studied Night and Day how to farther it and bring it to Perfection. And in truth the first Accusation that Buckingham laid to his Charge about this Matter was, that his Lordship had told the King, who those Gentlemen were, that importuned his Grace by their Expresses sent into Spain, to break or hinder the Treaty to the utmost of his Power; of which Suspicion the Keeper protested upon his Salvation that he was not Guilty. And when the Earl of Rutland (the Duke's Father in Law) undertook to clear the Keeper from this Objection, the Answer that his Grace returned was this, Whensoever I disagree with him, he will prove himself to be in the Right; and tho' I could never Detect him hitherto to be Dishonest, I am afraid of his Wit. At which 
See The Lord-Keeper's Letters in the Cabala.  Answer I admire, when I consider, that all the Keeper's Letters to the Duke about this time and before, are full of the most sincere and hearty expressions of Love and Service. Let 
Cabal. p. 286.  God (says he) suffer me not longer to be, than I shall be True, Plain, Faithful and Affectionately Respectful of your Lordship. And in a Letter Dated Feb. 
Cabal. p. 298.  2. 1623. he says, I never harboured in this Breast one Thought of Opposition to hurt your Grace, from the first Hour I saw your Face: But how Honest and True soever the Keeper might be, yet the Duke was highly Jealous of him; and this the Keeper knew very well, who was assured that my Lord 
Cabal. p. 299.  Mandevil had a Letter from Spain, signifying, that the first Action his Grace would Embark himself in, when he came over, should be to Displace the Keeper. Add to this, that after 
[18]  the Prince and Duke came over into 
(167, 168, 169.)  England, Williams lost yet more of the Duke's Favour, by declaring his Opinion in some Consultations quite contrary to his Grace. And he Vowed at the same time, as he should have God to be his Protector, that he would suffer all the Obloquy of the World, before he would be drawn to the lest Ingratitude against his Lordship; but when the King asked his Judgement he must be True and Faithful. For which 
(168.)  Loyalty and rigid Honesty the Duke defied the Keeper to his Face, and Threatened his Ruin in the Presence of Many. And if he promised an ill 
Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 125.  Turn to any one he would be sure to make his Words good, if he could. But the King was so Conscious of the Lord Keeper's Worth and great Abilities, that during his Reign the Duke's Displeasure could avail nothing to his Ruin, tho' he had several times attempted it; And his Majesty's 
[5]  Orders were, that they should both Agreed and Unite jointly in their Services for him.  
There remains unmentioned yet a little accident or two, that perhaps might sharpen the Duke's Resentments something more. It was I believe 
Some other probable causes of the Duke's hatred against the Keeper.  the harshest Expression that his Majesty ever used concerning Buckingham, (whom it touched to the Quick) what he spoke to the Earl of Carlisle in a Melancholy Mood, That 
(168)  if he had sent Williams into Spain with his Son, he had kept Heart's-Ease and Honour, both which he wanted at that time. And it was taken as no small indignity by his Grace, that, the first time the Lord Keeper came into the King's Presence, after his Highness' Return into England (which was a little before Christmas) his Majesty looking Intently upon him, said thus to the Prince, Charles' there's the Man that makes us keep a merry Christmas. His Highness looking as if he understood not his Father; Why. 'tis he (says the King) that Laboured more Dextrously than all my Servants beside to bring you safe hither, to keep Christmas with me, and I hope you are sensible of it. And after this, in Christmas Time his Majesty of his own accord, without any Solicitation caused an Act of Council to be Entered, That the Archbishopric of York should be Conferred upon him at the next Vacancy. For which the Lord Keeper most humbly thanked his Majesty, That he was Pleased to think of him, when his Majesty knew best, that he thought not of himself. This to be sure was not taken well by the Duke, who thinking that Williams began now to rise without his help, was resolved, if possible, to pull him down: which we may reasonably conclude, from what this Great Favourite told Sir Fr. Bacon, when he advanced him: That 
Da. Lloyd's Life of Ar. Williams.  if he did not owe his Preferment always to his Favour, he should owe his Fall to his Frown.  
These are the Principal Reasons, 
The Keeper's Enemies not able to hurt him in K. J. Reign.  that I can meet with, of Buckingham's Breach with Williams, which made him endeavour his Ruin, and set others to effect the same in the Time of King James; but all to no purpose, for 
(190, 191, 192, 194.)  than the Keeper's Interest was so strong at Court, and his Worth so well known, that all Attempts against him were but like High Winds to a sturdy Oak, by the malicious Assistance of which it takes deeper Root. But what Buckingham could not compass with the Father, he soon obtained under the Son; and that is remarkable in Buckingham 
Rush. Coll. p. 167.  (a thing very rare) that the great Favour he had with the former King, should now be doubled upon him by his Successor. Having thus cleared my way before me, I go on to what concerns the Lord Keeper in this new Reign.  
Our Constitution allowing of no 
K. Charles proclaimed King.  Cessation in the Government, and for that Reason looking upon the King as Immortal; Immediately upon the Death of King James, Charles' the 
March 27. An. 1625. Frankl.  First was proclaimed King; who in the Evening on the same Day came 
An. p. 107.  from Theobalds' to St. James'. And the Day following he sent for the L. Keeper, to him; who found his Majesty 
[4.]  and the Duke of Buckingham involved in a multiplicity of Affairs; with whom, together with Bishop Laud 
Frankl. p. 108.  the King consulted much in all the great Concerns both of Church and State. At this Time the Keeper was appointed to preach the Funeral Sermon of the Deceased King, and ordered too to provide a Sermon for the Coronation; but (it seems) before that Time his Majesty's Mind was altered in that Point. But the Chief Object of this 
The Keeper's Advice to the King about the Parliament.  present Consultation was the Parliament: and the King (desiring to have it sit speedily) was for issuing out no Writs to call a New one, but for continuing that, which met last in his Father's Time, and was prorogued till Spring. Upon this the Lord Keeper informed his Majesty, that the Old Parliament was dissolved of course by his Death, who first assembled them. Since therefore there must of Necessity be a New Choice, the King commanded the Keeper to sand out Writs immediately, and not to loose a Day. To this the Keeper objected, That if such a hasty Summons were made, before his Majesty's best Friends and Servants had time to make their Interest in their respective Counties, Cities and Burroughs, they might be in danger of not being elected. But the King answered, It was high time to 
The Keeper's Advice taken ill.  have Subsidies granted, for maintaining of a War with the King of Spain, and the Fleet must go forth for that purpose in the Summer. His Lordship durst not venture to contradict any further, because he knew not how it might be taken: But his Approbation of the King's Proposal was uttered after so cold a Manner, that his Majesty turned away, and gave him leave to be gone. Nor did the King consult the Keeper 
[5.]  at all about the Match now in Hand with France; and the Duke began to draw of from holding any Conference with him. So that from all these Prognostics the Keeper could not choose but foresee, there was a Storm a gathering.  
But he did not imagine, that his 
The Keeper apprehensive of his Eall.  Plaindealing would turn so soon to his Prejudice; for within two Days after news was brought him, that my Lord Duke had threatened in the presence of several to turn him out of his Office: And the French Ambassadors were some of the first that gave him notice of it. These things plainly intimated, that his Down-fall was not far of. And so apprehensive was he of it, that he gave warning to those that had any Dependence upon him, to make their Interest elsewhere, for his Service would soon stand them in no stead.  
But as yet he kept his Place. And 
[6.]  
He is ordered to pass two Warrants.  one of the first things he was employed about was, to sand forth his Majesty's Warrant for a suspension of Laws against the Papists, upon the Account 
May 1. I. Car.  of the Marriage with France. The 
[7.]  Keeper saw, that it was not his time either to give his Advice, or to scruple his Majesty's Orders. But yet he made 
But he stops one.  bold to interpose with his Advice soon after this, when he had a Warrant 
May 23.  from his Majesty, to pass a Grant under the Great-Seal, for two Thousand Pounds, out of the Court of Wards, to my Lord Conway, for 21 Years to come. The which I durst not (says he) for fear of infringing my Duty to your Majesty, and drawing some Danger upon myself, pass under the Great-Seal, before I had made to your most Excellent Majesty my most humble Representation of the Thing. So the Reasons he gave 
[8.]  with much ado prevailed; but he made the Lord Conway his Enemy by this piece of Service.  
Now the Parliament meets at Westminster, 
Rush. Coll. p. 171. June 18. The Parl. meets.  and the King makes a Speech to them, About the War for the Recovery of the Palatinate, wherein the last Parliament had engaged his Father; and for the Carrying on of which he wanted their Assistance. After 
[9]  this, the Lord Keeper Williams made a very pertinent Speech to the same purpose; and not the Lord Keeper Coventry, 
Frankl. & Rushw.  as two of our great Collectors have mistaken: for Williams was not displaced till some time after.  
The Plague at this time raging in 
[13.]  London and Westminster, his Majesty was for having the Parliament adjourned to Oxford; and Buckingham was for forwarding this Motion, but Williams appeared against it; saying, 
[14.]  
The Keeper's Reasons for not Adjourning the Parliament to Oxford.  That it was not another Place but another Time, that must do his Majesty's Business for him. And the Pestilence had overspread the whole Land, so that no Man that travelled known where to lodge in safety; for which reason the Lords and Gentlemen would not take it kindly to be forced abroad in such a mortal Time; and. 'tis likely when they come together, that they will Vote out of Discontent and Displeasure. That his Majesty was ill advised to give Offences, tho' small ones, in the beginning of his Reign. In the next place, it is to be considered, that the Parliament hath given two Subsidies at Westminster; and tho' they remove to Oxford, yet it is the same Session: and if they allege that it is not usual for the House to give twice in a Session, (tho' I wish hearty they would) yet how shall we persuade them, out of their Custom, if they insist upon it? And it is not prudent in the King to run a probable hazard of a Denial. To all this the Duke replied, That public Necessity might sway more than one 
He acquaints the King of the Duke's Enemies.  Man's Jealousy. Hereupon the Keeper requested, that he might speak a few Words with the King in private; which being granted, he told his Majesty, That the Lord Duke had Enemies in the House of Commons, who had contrived Complaints, and made them ready to be preferred, and would spend the time at Oxford about them. And what Folly it were to continued a Session, that had no other Aim, but to bring the Duke upon the Stage? But if your Majesty think, that this is like a Hectic, quickly known, but hardly cured; my humble Motion is, that this Malady, or Malice (call it which you will) may sleep till after Christmas. For I hope to give such Account by that time, by undertaking with the chief Sticklers, that they shall supersede from their Bitterness against your great Servant; and that Passage to your weighty Counsels shall be made smooth and peaceable. And why do you conceal this from Buckingham? Says the King. Good Lord Sir (says the Keeper) feign I would begin at that End, but he will not hear me with Moderation. This 
Which exasperates the Duke against him.  discovery, which the Keeper made, 'tis thought, completed the Duke's hatred against him, and hastened his Ruin; for his Grace now grown very jealous, (as is natural for one in Danger) in Defiance bid the Keeper and his Confederates do their worst; and desired that the Parliament might be continued, that he might clear himself. So dangerous is it to show a great Man his Ruin, tho' he stands just upon the Brink of it; because he looks upon the first Discoverer, very often, as the Author of it.  
But the Duke carried his Point, and 
The Parl. adjourned at Oxford.  the Parliament met at Oxford, on the first of August. On the very first Morning there was a Complaint made by a Western Knight, that he had seen a Pardon for six Priests, dated July the 12th: whereas on the 11th, the L. Keeper had promised in the King's Name before them all, that the Laws should be put in Execution against them. And for him, that was a Bishop, to set the Seal to such a Warrant; against his own professed Religion, was thought a burning shame. This Thing indeed was at first designed to ensnare the Keeper, but it caught another. For the Warrant was brought 
[15.]  twice to him, and he refused to pass it: At which the Duke of Buckingham moved the King, to command it to be sealed in his sight at Hampton-Court: which when it came to be known, the Odium was taken of from the 
The Parl. set against the Duke.  Keeper, and thrown upon the Duke. And now the Duke's great places and Eminent Titles glared too much; and the People could not longer bear, that one Man should be so overcharged with Honours. While the 
The Keeper's Advice to him.  Parliament bore thus hard upon the Duke, the Keeper, out of his great Fidelity to his Grace, intruded upon him, with the following Advice. My 
[16.]  Lord, I come to you unsent for; and I fear to displease you: yet because your Grace made me, I must and will serve you, tho' you are one that will destroy that which you made. Let me perish; yet I deserved to perish ten times, if I were not as earnest as any Friend your Grace hath, to save you from perishing. You have brought the Two Houses hither, my Lord, against my Counsel. My Suspicion is confirmed, that your Grace would suffer for it. What's now to be done, but to wind up a Session quickly? The Occasion is for you; because two Colleges in the University, and eight Houses in the City are visited with the Plague. Let the Members be promised fairly and friendly, that they shall meet again after Christmas. Requited the Injury done to you with Benefits, and not Revenge: For no Man, that is wise, will show himself angry with the People of England. Confer one or two of your great Places upon your safest Friends; so shall you go lesle in Envy, and not lesle in Power. At the Close of this Session declare yourself to be the forwardest to serve the King and Commonwealth, and to give the Parliament Satisfaction. Fear them not, when they meet again in the same Body; whose ill Affections I expect to mitigate: But if they proceed, trust me with your Cause, when it is transmitted to the House of Lords, and I will lay my Life upon it, to preserve you from Sentence, or the lest dishonour. To this all the Duke replied 
The Duke resents it.  was, I will look whom I trust to, and so fling out of the Chamber with Threats in his Countenance. Immediately upon this, the Commons of this Parliament were censured at Woodstock, 
The Keeper begs the K. not to dissolve the Parliament.  for Spiteful and Seditious: and therefore not fit to continued, but to be dissolved. The Keeper hearing this, did all he could with Arguments, Tears and Supplications, to put a stop to such Proceed; desiring his Majesty to remember, That in his hearing, his Blessed Father had charged him to call Parliaments often, and continued them, tho' they might sometimes offend him. But chief, Sir (says he) let it never be said, that you have not kept good Correspondence with your first Parliament. And the Keeper had almost all the Lords of the Council of the same Opinion with him in this Point; but Buckingham was against it, and so 
Rush. Coll. p. 191.  the King to preserve his Favourite, dissolved the Parliament on the 12th of August.  
The Duke was jealous that the L. 
[17.]  
The Duke jealous of the Keeper.  Keeper was all along at the Bottom of the Procedings against him in Parliament, and therefore now he charged him with it; and this Suspicion of Baseness and Ingratitude was so far credited by some, that they have not failed to deliver it for a truth in 
Heylyn in his Obseru. on the Hist. of K. Char. p. 36. H. Lestrange Reign of K. Cham p. 20. 21.  Writing, to the great Detriment of his Good Name; did not the contrary evidently appear from a Paper, which he gave his Majesty on the 14th of August, an Abstract of which I shall give you here.  
Reasons to satisfy your most Excellent 
The Keeper clears himself.  Majesty concerning my Carriage all this last Parliament.  
FIRST, Negatively, That I did nothing disserviceably to your Majesty, or the Duke. Secondly, I did cross the Popular way, more than any of the Council; which I durst not have done, if I had intended to run along with them. Affirmatively, I offered my poor Service to your Majesty, to execute any Directions should be given me in private, and waited several times at several places upon your Majesty for that purpose; but my Answer still was, You had Nothing to say to me. I did the like to my Lord Duke at Oxford, desiring his Lordship to sand me his Commands by any trusty Friend, and I would serve him to the utmost of my Power: his Grace said, He would sand, but he never did. So that if I had any Power in either House, what use could I make of it, without Directions? For it was not safe for me to stickle, without Countenance from your Excellent Majesty; Because I know very well, I have a great many Enemies in the House, and those chief of the Duke's creating. But nevertheless (I told the 
[18.]  Duke) If I might hear your Majesty say, you would protect me in your Service, I would venture than my Credit, and my Life, to manage what should be entrusted to me, to the uttermost. After which he never brought me to your Majesty, nor any Message from you. Discountenanced therefore in these and several other Points, and standing upon such doubtful Terms, I durst not at this time with any safety busy myself in the House of Commons, with any other than that measure of Zeal, which was expressed by the rest of the Lords of the Privy-Council. Gracious and Dread Sovereign, if this be not enough to clear me, let me perish.  
These Reasons satisfied his Majesty, 
His Ruin deferred.  and deferred his Destiny for Two months longer; tho' strong Interest was made to have it completed now. Nor do I admire that the Duke should be so very hot in the Pursuit of this Man's Ruin, if what Rushworth 
P. 198.  Relates be true, that the Keeper at Oxford should tell Buckingham to his Face, That he was Resolved to Stand upon his own Legs: If that be your Resolution (said the Duke) Look you Stand fast. But since my Author quotes no Authority for this, and since all the Keeper's Behaviour otherwise, and his Letters to the Duke are full of the Humblest Submission that can be expressed, and show not the lest Resentments, I leave my Reader to give what Credit he thinks fit to this Narration. But within a Fortnight after, about the End of August, Buckingham at Holdbery in New-Forest cast Williams quite out of his Majesty's Favour; and at Plymouth in the Midst of September got an Irrevocable sentence to deprive him of his Office. If the Queen could have befriended him, he had stood still, for he was in Favour with her Majesty, by reason 
It could not be in May; as Bishop Hacket Mistakes, for she did not Land here till the 16th of June, says Stow, and others.  of the Speech, which he made to her in French at her coming to Whitehall. But it was impossible now for any thing to surmount the Importunity of the Duke, who was busy to invent some Charge to lay to the Keeper, that so he might at lest have some Colour for all his Displeasure. And in September, when the King with his 
[20.]  Court came to Salisbury, the Keeper was than at Foxly in Berkshire, Five Miles from Windsor; where he had 
The Keeper accused of Treachery against the Duke.  notice given him, that after strict Examination of all his Actions since he first came into Office, the Old Matter was Renewed, about his Endeavouring to set the Parliament against the Duke; which tho' only a 
Cypr, Angl. p. 139.  jealous surmise, was yet affirmed with all the Assurance of a substantial Truth. And to Strengthen it the 
And of giving ill Counsel to the King.  more, they Added to it, that he had given evil Counsel to his Majesty, by Advising him to condescend too much from his Sovereignty, to a Compliance with his People. Upon this 
He clears himself.  the Keeper, being hardly recovered of an Ague at that time, sends a Letter to his Majesty on the 21 saint of September, to clear himself from these Imputations; which Letter if consulted, 
The Letter is in Bishop Hacket; but too long to be transcribed.  will satisfy an Impartial Person of the Keeper's great Integrity in the preceding Parliament both to the King and to the Duke. And 
[21.]  when the Duke had seen the Letter, he perceived his Accusations were much Invaliated. Therefore to Reinforce 
The Duke attempts another Accusation against the Keeper.  them, he and his Party thought the most likely way to succeed would be, to acquaint his Majesty, that they could charge the Keeper with his own Words, and what was more, with his Letters: but than before Proofs were made, he must first be Displaced, for so long as he continued in Office, People would be afraid to Accuse him. But 
But it takes no effect.  the Keeper coming himself to Salisbury about the first week in October, and hearing this, desired, the King and the Duke might know, that he would Answer to any Accusation in a Legal way; and that the World would soon see how Preposterous a way of proceeding it is first, to Punish and afterwards to Condemn: That the wrong done to him would soon startle others. For who that had any thing to loose would think himself secure upon such Precedents? And these Considerations made his Adversaries lay their imperfect Designs aside, and bethink themselves how to Plot better, if they meant to Succeed. After this the best way 
His Enemies not able to charge him with any Thing. Non perpetuus olim fuit honour Cancellarii, sed Triennalis, vel quadriennalis. Spelman. Gloss. See p. 74.  they could think of was, not to pretend to any Accusations, but to let his Majesty barely recall the Great Seal from his Custody; because it was given to him at first upon a Triennial Trust, and no longer; which was no unusual Thing. And he had himself made such a Request (if you remember) to King James, when he first entered upon his Office, that no Lord Keeper might be continued above 3 Years. So that his Enemies could lay no Accusations to his Charge, and all his Crime was their Hatred and Malice. And this Account of the Matter is confirmed even by that great Dealer in Scandal, whom I 
Court and Ch. p. 176.  have had occasion to mention so often; who says, that Williams' Ruin was determined not upon any known Crime, but upon Circumstances and Examinations to pick out Faults committed in his whole Life time. Which, considering the Person it comes from, is more to the Lord Keeper's commendation, than if an unprejudiced Pen had declared him wholly Innocent; as indeed he was in his Behaviour both to his Majesty and to the Duke, which was the only Crime pretended against him.  
On the 15th of October, The Lord 
[22.]  
The Lord Conway acquaints the Keeper, that it was the King's Order he should give up the Seal.  Conway came to the Lord Keeper's Lodgings in Salisbury with this Message: That his Majesty understanding that his Father had taken a Resolution, that the Keeper of the Great Seal of England should continued but from Three Years to Three Years, and approving very well thereof, and being resolved to observe the Order during his own Reign, he expects that you should Surrender up the Seal by Allhallowtide next, alleging no other 'Cause thereof. And that having so done, you should retire yourself to your Bishopric of Lincoln. To which the Keeper answered; 
The Keeper's Answer.  I am his Majesty's Most humble Servant and Vassal, to be Commanded by him in all Things whatsoever. The Great Seal is his Majesty's; and I will be ready to deliver up the same to any Man, that his Majesty shall sand with his Warrant to require it: And do hearty thank God and his Majesty, that his calling for the Seal is upon no other Ground. Only this last Clause seemeth strange to me, that I should be restrained to my Bishopric, or any Place else. And I humbly appeal to 
A further conference betwixt the Lord Conway and the Keeper.  his Majesty's Grace and Favour therein: Because it is no Fault in me, that his Majesty or his Father hath made such a Resolution. Nor do I dispute against it; although the King, that dead is, continued me in the Place after the Three Years ended; and the King, that now is, delivered me the Seal without any Condition or Limitation of Time. And therefore deserving no Restraint, I humbly desire to be left to my Discretion, which I will so use as shall be no way Offensive to his Majesty. To which the Lord Conway replied; I conceive it not to be a restraint, but only to signify, that his Majesty intends not to employ you at the Table, but leaves you free to go to your Bishopric. My Lord (says the Keeper) I desire your favourable Intercession for an Explanation of that Point. And I beseech your Lordship to move his Majesty, that I may attend upon him, to present unto his Majesty Two humble Petitions, the one concerning my Reputation, and the other my Maintenance; which I am the more confident his Majesty will admit of, because I vow before God, I am not Guilty of the lest Offence against his Majesty, and am ready to make it good upon my Life. And I make the like Protestation for any Unworthiness done against the Duke; whose Hand peradventure may be in this Business. At parting my Lord Conway spoke about the time of Resignation; and I said it was all one to me, sooner or later. Than I asked his Lordship if I was restrained from the Board before the delivering of the Seal? his Lordship answered, He knew of no such Intent. And so we parted.  
The next day after, waiting on 
[23.]  his Majesty to Church by my Duty and Place; after Sermon was over, at the upper end of the Choir, the Lord Conway told me, I have acquainted his Majesty how Obedient you were to his Commands, and how willing to resign the Seal without any farther Dispute; and I have presented all your Requests to his Majesty; who answered to every particular as follows; concerning your Retiring he meant no Restraint of Place; but for some Questions that might be renewed, and for some Considerations known to himself, he intended not to use your service at the Council-Table for a while. And for your Estate; you had no Wife and Children: And he intended not to Debar you from any of your Church Preferments, until he should provide you better, And he was content to admit you to speak with him when you pleased, provided you endeavoured not to unsettle his former Resolutions.  
Upon the 18th of October, I desired 
The Keeper desires admittance to the King.  Admittance to the King; and Mr. Tho. Cary sent me Word, His Majesty would speak with me the next Morning. But after Sermon, the King told my Lord Conway, that I had sent to him; and he was in a long and serious Discourse with him. Than my Lord Conway (the King being gone to dinner) followed me into the Cloister, and told me, That he conceived his Majesty was afraid, that I would press him to give his Reasons, why he took the Seal from me, and caused me to abstain from the Board. But I answered, I should falsify my Word to his Lordship, if I should speak unto his Majesty upon any other Points, than those of my Reputation, and my Means. After this, the Keeper gave the Lord Conway a Letter (having first 
[24.]  showed it to him) to present unto his Majesty, if he thought fit; wherein was a full Declaration of his Innocency, both with respect to his Majesty and the Duke, which he concludes thus; If all these Informations against a poor Bishop, that so served your Father in his Life, and at his Death, be grounded only upon Suspicion, Malice, or Misapprehension, and be cried down (as they needs must be) by all the Members of the one and the other House; pity me, Dread Sovereign; and let me retire with the comfortable Assurance of your Majesty's Favour, that I may spend my Days quietly in the Service of my GOD; in serving whom, as I resolve to do, I shall never fail to serve your Majesty; whom GOD Almighty prospero with all Success in this World, and with all Happiness and Eternal Glory in that to come.  
After his Majesty had read the Letter, 
[25.]  
The King sends for him to come to him.  he sent for the Keeper, to make his Petitions, and to speak what he had to say to him. So his Lordship presenting himself before the King, his requests, together with his Majesty's Answers, were as they follow. First, he asked his Majesty's Grace 
The Keeper's Petitions to the King.  and Favour in General. He granting it, gave him his Hand twice to kiss. 2 lie Says the Keeper, I humbly thank your Majesty for your gracious Promise, to take away none of my Church Preferments, till you have given me better; and I beseech your Majesty to keep the same benevolent Mind towards me. The King replied, It is my Intention. 3 lie I beseech your Majesty to remember your Father's Promise, made before all the Lords, that whensoever he took away the Seal, he would place me in as good a Bishopric or Archbishopric as he could: A Promise' not only seconded, but drawn from your Father first by your Majesty. There is no such Place yet voided (says the King) when any falls, than it will be time to make this Request to me. 4 lie I desire that I may not be commanded away from the Council-Table, but that my Absence may be left wholly to my own Discretion. I ever intended it so, and never said a word to the contrary; says the King) but than, I expect you would not offend by a voluntary Intrusion. 5 lie I beseech your Majesty to declare unto the Lords, that I have willingly and readily yielded to your Majesty's Pleasure, and that I part in your Favour and good Opinion, and am still your Servant. I will (replies his Majesty) but I look that no Petitions be made for you by any Man at that time, but only for my Favour in General. 6 lie I humbly beg, that your Majesty, when you think fit, would make my Atonement with my Lord Duke, either upon, or without Examination of those Informations, which his Grace hath received against me. It becomes not me, a King, to take up the Quarrels between my Subjects: and the Duke has never before me expressed any such Enmity against you. So he thanked his Majesty for the last part of his Answer, which revived him not a little. 7 lie Whereas by your Father's Direction, I bought a Pension of 2000 Marks per Annum, for 3000 l. I desire your Majesty would be pleased either to buy it of me for the same sum again, and extinguish it; or assign it to be paid me out of the Tenths and Subsidies of the Bishopric, as before I had Appointment to receive it out of the Hamper. The King said, Assignments are naught; but I will take order with my Treasurer, either to pay it, or buy it, as shall be found most convenient. 8 lie I desire your Majesty would bestow the next vacant Prebend in Westminster, upon my Library-keeper, as your Father had promised me, or let me resume my Books. It is very reasonable, replies the King. 9 lie I petition your Majesty that you would be pleased to ratify a Grant made by your Father of four Advousons' to St. John's College in Cambridge; too whereof I bought with my Money, and two his Majesty gave me for the use of that Society. Says the King, I will ratify the Grant, and give way to amend any Errors in the Form, or in the Passing. 10 lie, I beg Leave to retire to a little Lodge, lent me by my Lord Sandys, where my Lord Conway may receive the Seal, when your Majesty commands it. Which was granted. Lastly, I beseech 
[26.]  your Majesty not to be offended at me, if upon my Discharge, Reports are raised of my being discontented, which I protest I am not, going of so comfortably in your Majesty's Favour. I will do you that Justice (says the King) and shall little value Reports. So with a pleasing Countenance he gave him his Hand to kiss, and dismissed him graciously.  
And the Keeper thought he had obtained 
The Keeper's Petitions all frustrated.  much of his Majesty; but after he went away, so powerful were his Enemies, that they frustrated all the kind Concessions made him by the King; for he reaped no Advantage from any one of them, excepting the four Advousons' confirmed to St. John's College. After he left Salisbury (which 
Cabal. p. 114.  was the next Day) he could never receive any thing from his Pension, nor to his dying Day could he ever bring it to a Hearing. It was his Expectation too, that after some time he might be called again to the Council-Board. But his hopes (it seems) were vain; for he was never so much as thought of, and he was resolved not to intrude without being called. But before five 
He gives over all hopes of Court Favour.  Days were expired, he had Intelligence how vehemently the Duke talked against him. Which made him give over all hopes of any Court Favour for the future; and so, knowing the worst, he was the better able to set his Heart at rest; for the greatest Torture to a well-poised Mind is, to fluctuate betwixt Hope and Dispair.  
Upon the 25th of October, Sir John 
The Seal taken from him.  Sucklin, Controller of his Majesty's Household, brought a Warrant from 
[27.]  
Fuller in his Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 125. is out by some Months in his Compuputation about the Keeper. Cypr. Ang. p. 139. Sanderson's Reign of King Ch. p. 24.  the King to the Lord Keeper, (who was now at Foxly, near Windsor) to receive the Great-Seal; which accordingly he delivered, but with no signs of Unwillingness, as one intimates. For the Keeper was glad to hear that so worthy a Person as Sir Thomas Coventry, his Majesty's Attorney General, was to succeed him: And instantly, giving up the Seal, he put it in the presence of Sir John Sucklin, into a rich Cabinet, enclosing the Key into a Letter 
The Letter is in Bishop Hacket.  to his Majesty, sealed with the Episcopal Arms of Lincoln. Thus did the Duke of Buckingham at last compass his Designs upon his own Creature; in the furthering of which 
Cyprianus Angl. p. 139.  'tis more than probable that he was assisted by the Lawyers, out of a Desire they might have to get this Dignity once again into their own possession. And now we have done with the Lord Keeper; so that the sequel of this Part will be taken up in giving an Account of the Bishop's Troubles, with Reference to the State, omitting all his Concerns in the Church, till I come to my last Part. Notwithstanding that, according to the order of Time, they were in reality mixed and interwoven with the State-occurrences of his Life; yet I choose to separate them, because, as I told you before, I would not confounded Characters; that so my Reader might the better see upon a clear View how to form a Judgement of him. Which I am the more desirous he should, because it has been the great Misfortune of this Prelate (as well as it was Laud's) to be represented to Posterity by contrary Parties, under quite different Shapes.  
And now the Bishop being discharged 
The Bishop retires to Bugden.  from his Civil Affairs, he betakes himself wholly to his Episcopal Charge. And without touching at London, he removed from Foxly to Bugden in Huntington-shire, the Bishop of Lincoln's Seat; making the greater haste to be gone, jest now the Malice of his Enemies being fresh he might suffer more from them. For they that could procure the Seal to be taken from him, without accusing him of any Mismanagment, might as well if exasparated have deprived him of his Bishopric: for when once People's Wills come to give Rules to their Actions, God alone knows to what they may proceed. But tho' 
Spies are set over him.  his Lordship thought, that now he was retired from the sight and out of the Reach of his Enemies, yet in 
[33.]  
Sanderson's Reign of K. Ch. p. 24.  truth he was not so. For he had spies set over him to watch his Actions, and to ensnare him in his Words. And that the rather, because the Bishop was of a free, open Temper, and inclined to take that innocent and undesigning Liberty of Speech, which a Man would not be so apt to do, did he think People stood at his Elbow, to make the worst of every Thing, that was said. But neither was his pleasant humour sometimes without a mixture of Policy; for by seeming to open himself, he would often tempt others from being too much upon the Reserve. And he was too wise after the severe warning given him, to speak any thing that with a favourable Interpretation could turn to his Disadvantage.  
The Duke of Buckingham continued 
[64.]  still the Bishop's implacable Adversary, and vowed, that of all he had given him, he would leave him nothing. And the better to furnish 
[67.]  
A Commission of Thirteen sit upon the Bishop's Actions.  himself with Accusations to compass his Designs, he had given Order to a Commission of Thirteen to examine every particular Action of the Bishop's, and to make a Collection of what would bear a Censure in the King's Bench, the Star-Chamber, or the High-Court of Parliament. And this was managed with that secrecy for some time, that his Lordship with all his vigilance was not ware of it. And the whole result of their Inquiry was, that their Malice showed his Innocency still the more. And when they could charge him with nothing else, at last they urged, that he Entertained such at his Table as boar a Grudge to the Duke; who perhaps upon Old Acquaintance might make him some Visits, but never upon any Factious Design, that could be proved. Besides all 
[66.]  this, the Bishop had notice that he was perpetually Slandered to his Majesty in Private, and he had Reason to suspect that things were worse than they were represented to him.  
Now the Occasion of the Duke's 
[65.]  
The Reason of the continuance of the Duke's hatred to the Bishop.  Resentments growing still more and more vehement, was not the Bishop's Stoutness or Obstinacy, (to which he was but too prove) for he had almost Cringed to his Grace in Submission, and stooped as low as was possible on this side a Dejected Baseness: But it was the Freedom of his Advice, that galled the Duke. And one would think, the Bishop had had too much Experience of the ungratefulness of that Office, ever to venture upon it again. But there is nothing so careless and so wilful as downright Honesty, which consults not what is most expedient for itself, so much as what may be for the Good of others. And thus when the Countess of Buckingham (his Grace's Mother) and several other of his best Friends advised with the Bishop about him, he was so plain as to say, that he approved not of his Grace's manner of Magnifying his Services for the King, and that he did not seem to apprehended what a deal of Envy he gained by his Vaunting sometimes, That he would make his Majesty the greatest Monarch in Europe. And the Bishop too would say that he did not like the Duke's Preparations against Cadis, which he thought would in the End turn to his Dishonour: to dissuade him from which, he would often say, That a King must make himself sure in the Love of his own People at home, before he bids War abroad to such a Rich and mighty Nation. Such an Insight had this great Man into all Affairs, that his Counsels were ever for the best; and so faithful and free was he, that he could not endure to disguise his Sentiments. And wise Men have that in Common very often with Fools, that they must be showing themselves, tho' it be for the most part to their own Prejudice.  
But the Bishop could never be 
The Bishop suspects not the King to be against him.  persuaded that his Majesty had any hand in those Contrivances, that were Designed for his utter Ruin; and that, 
[64.]  all proceeded in a manner involuntarily from him, by mere Impulse of such as having too much of his Majesty's Ear, might transport him beyond his own Merciful Temper. And so confident was he of his own Innocency, and of his Majesty's Justice and Favour to him for his former Services, that in his greatest Troubles, he desired no more in his own behalf but to be brought before his Majesty to speak for himself, and to represent those things aright, which others had set in no favourable Light. But yet certain it is, that had not the King been disgusted with him, he would never have winked so long at his Sufferings. However the Bishop thought nothing of all this; excepting once that he was startled at an expression, that escaped from the King, within a few Weeks after his Father's Death. One that came from the French Court told his Majesty, That the Spanish Ambassador spoke openly there, (when the Marriage with the Princess Mary was to be finished) that he could not have Two Wives, for their Infanta was surely his. To which the King replied, there are some English as well as Spaniards, that are of that Opinion. Which when it was told the Bishop, he said with a low Voice, I know of none such; but if he means Me, it will be the worse for me while I live.  
The Time for the King's Coronation 
The Bishop desires to assist at the Coronation.  being now just at hand, the Bishop of Lincoln comes to London and writes thus to the Duke of Buckingham; Being come hither, according to 
Cabal. p. 310. Jan. 7. 1625.  the Duty of my Place, to do my best Service for the Preparation to the Coronation, and to wait upon his Majesty for his Royal Pleasure and Direction therein; I do most humbly beseech your Grace to crown so many of your Grace's former Favours, and to receive a Creature of your own (struck dead only with your Displeasure) by bringing me to kiss his. Majesty's hand, with whom I took leave in no Disfavour favour at all. But his Petition (it 
[68]  
Cypr. Angl. p. 144. Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 121.  seems) stood him but in small stead, if in any at all. For, although the Deans of Westminster have had for above these Three hundred Years last passed a particular Place at that great Solemnity, and although Bishop Andrews (who was Dean) did attend at the Coronation of King James as a special Officer; yet when the appointed Day was come, the Bishop 
Febr. 2. Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 123. I believe he is mistaken there about Williams, to be sure he was not Lord Keeper at this time. And perhaps was not so much in Favour as to read the King's general Pardon. Laud's Diar. An. 1625. Jan. 16. & Jan. 17.  of Lincoln had orders to absent himself, and to depute one of the Prebendaries in his Place. Now he was resolved not to name Bishop Laud, because he took him for his Rival and his Adversary; and to Substitute one of a degree inferior to a Bishop, he thought would be taken ill by the Court. Therefore to avoid being laughed at on the one hand, or censured on the other, he very prudently sends his Majesty a List of all the Prebendaries and their several Dignities, and leaves it to him to choose whom he pleases; and immediately he pitched upon Laud, who accordingly attended in the Room of Williams; who insisted not upon his Right, but yielded to the Sequestration, as he called it in his Letter to the King.  
Immediately after the Coronation 
The Second Parliam. called, Feb. 6.  was over, a second Parliament met. And the Duke, fearing the Bishop of Lincoln, makes Interest with the King to have him kept out of the House. 
Cabal. p. 114.  His Lordship being ready to obey his Majesty in all his Commands, was willing to absent himself, since it was his Majesty's pleasure to spare him. But 
The Bishop not summoned to it.  yet he would not forfeit his Right as a Peer, jest he might infringe that of others; and therefore he complains thus to his Majesty; I have not yet received my Writ of Summons unto the Parliament (denied to no Prisoners, or condemned Peers in the Reign of your Blessed Father) that I might accordingly make my Proxy; the which I cannot do, the Writ being not received. So at last he obtained a Writ, and 
Sits in it by Proxy.  made B. Andrews his Proxy. And the Bishop in this Letter to his Majesty, in which he petitions for this Writ, adds these following Supplications. First, 
Cabal. p. 115.  I beg for GOD's sake, that your Majesty would be pleased to mitigate the causeless 
His Petitions at this time to the King.  Displeasure of my Lord Duke against me. Secondly, I beseech your Majesty for CHRIST JESUS his sake, not to believe News, or Accusations against me, while I stand thus enjoined from your Royal Presence, before you shall have heard my Answer to the Particulars. Lastly, I supplicate, That in my Absence this Parliament, no use may be made of your Sacred Name to wound the Reputation of a poor Bishop, who besides his Religion and Duty to that Divine Character you now bear, hath ever affectionately honoured your very Person, above all the Objects in this World, as he desires the Salvation of the World to come. But I crave no Protection against any other Accuser or Accusation whatsoever. There are in his Letters several other Protestations of this Nature, which are too many to be inserted into this Life; but the few I have transcribed here, and elsewhere, I thought necessary to clear him from the Aspersions of several Authors that agreed in charging him with unfair Deal in the preceding Parliament to the King and Duke. And in another 
[69.]  long Letter to the King, much about this Time, he shows his Majesty how grossly he has been abused to him by the Duke; and that he will venture his Life upon the Proof of any thing his Grace can urge against him.  
Yet for all this, the Bishop was 
The Bishop advises the Duke not to appear in Parliament.  ready at all times to serve the Duke with his Advice: and being demanded, when this Second Parliament was summoned, by Buckingham's Friends 
[65.]  to tell them what he thought would be most adviseable for the Duke's safety, with reference to this Parliament, he answered; His best way will be, not to come near it; for it will be impossible for him to close with this Parliament, who (contrary to my Advice) offended the former, and broke it up. Let him remove himself by some great Embassage, till the first Session be ended; into Germany, if he will, as far as Vienna, if he dare trust the King of Spain's greatest Friend and nearest Ally. But this Advice did not please those of the Duke's Interest; for rather than sand him so far from the King, they would venture him at Home, thinking their Party strong enough to secure him. Nor could the Bishop bring them of from their Assurance: But all that he foretold came to pass, which enraged the Duke so much the more. The Parliament grew violent against him, and 
[70.]  
See the whole Proceed in Rushw. part. 1.  spent the best part of eighteen Weeks in drawing up a Charge, and prosecuting it against his Grace. So that it was fortunate for the Bishop that he was not in the House at this time, because he could not have appeared against the Duke, and to stand for him had been to no purpose, and would have exposed him to popular Hatred. But the King perceiving that they 
Cypr. Ang. p. 151. The King dissolves the Parl. An. 1626. The Third Parl. called.  wounded him through the Duke's sides, and not being able to divert them from what they were set upon, he dissolved the Parliament on the 15th of June.  
After this, his Majesty designing 
[72.]  to call another Parliament, the Lord Keeper Coventry had orders to writ 
Feb. 17.  to the Bishop of Lincoln to dissuade him from appearing at it. But the Bishop (with all submission to the 
The Bishop sits himself in the House.  King) perceiving himself to be trampled upon, resolved to stand upon his Privilege as a Lord, and to let it be not longer infringed. Therefore in his Answer to the Lord Coventry's 
Feb. 25.  Letter, he says; I must crave some time to resolve by the best Counsels GOD shall give me, whether I shall obey your Lordship's Letter (though mentioning his Majesty's Pleasure) before my own Right, which by the Law of GOD and Man I may in all Humility maintain. And so resolutely did he persist, that when 
March 17. An. 1627.  the Parliament met, he sat in the House himself, and not by Proxy, as before; and continued in it to the last. And he was the more earnest to be present at this time, out of the great Desire he had, if possible, to do his Majesty some Service.  
But his Enemies were resolved to 
The Bishop is censured for his Popularity.  be upon him, and to catch at all Opportunities to accuse him. So now he is censured for growing too Popular 
[73.]  in this Parliament. And indeed it was high time for him to make some Friends, since he was not only discountenanced by the King, but strongly opposed by Buckingham and Laud, that had determined his Ruin, if possible. But yet for all his Favour with the Parliament, he departed not from the King's Interest. But did his Endeavour now (as formerly) to balance things equally between his Majesty and his Subjects.  
At this time, the People desiring to 
The Petition of Right. H. Lestr. K. Ch. p. 76, 77, etc.  be assured that their just Liberties should no ways be infringed; Sir Ed. Coke advises that a Petition of Right be presented to his Majesty: which accordingly 
[77.]  was done. The Duke of Buckingham was very much against this Petition, for which the Commons were resolved to be even with him before they parted. But the Bishop of 
The Bishop is for it.  Lincoln was for promoting the Address of the Commons, only he was for having a Clause added to it, That as they desired to preserve their own Liberties, so they had regard to leave entire that Power wherewith his Majesty was entrusted for the Protection of his People. Which the Commons would not admit of, but ordered it to be canceled; and had some Suspicions, as if the Bishop had been sprinkled with some Court Holywater. Whereas all he designed by it was, only to keep up the Dignity of Majesty. And when the King 
[78.]  made his Objections against this Petition, the Bishop answered them all, and shown his Majesty how agreeable it was to our Laws and Constitution, and no lesle honourable for himself; for it made him a King of Freemen, and not of Slaves: All which his Lordship 
[79.]  did so plainly demonstrate, that the King gave his full Assent to the Petition: upon which the Houses testified 
H. Lestr. p. 81.  their Joy by a mighty shout. And it was said that the House of 
The Bishop admitted to kiss the K. Hand.  Lords requested the King upon this Agreement, to receive again into Favour the Bishop of Lincoln, with some other Lords. And the King perceiving 
[80.]  how ready the Bishop was in this Parliament to serve him, he gave him his Hand to kiss, and he was admitted to talk in private both with his Majesty and the Duke. But so unfortunate 
The first rise of the B. Troubles in Star-Chamber.  was the Bishop, that even this Conference which he had at this time with the King, gave the first occasion to all his Troubles afterwards in the the Star-Chamber. For, the King conjuring him to tell him freely, how he might best ingratiate himself with the People, his Lordship replied, That the Puritans were many, and strong sticklers; and if his Majesty would give but private Orders to his Ministers to connive a little at their Party, show them some Indulgence, it might perhaps mollify them a little, and make them more pliant: Thou he did not promise' that they would be trusty long to any Government. And the King answered, he had thought upon this before, and that he would do so. About two Months after this, the Bishop at his Court at Leicester, acted according to this Counsel resolved upon by his Majesty; and withal told Sir 
Cypr. Ang. p. 172.  J. Lamb, and Dr. Sibthorp his Reason for it; That it was not only his own, but the Royal Pleasure. Now Lamb 
(37.)  was one that had formerly been infinitely obliged to the Bishop; but however, a Breach happening betwixt them, he and Sibthorp carried the Bishop's Words to Laud, and he to the King, who was than at Bisham. Hereupon it was resolved, That upon the Deposition of these Two, a Bill should be drawn up against the Bishop, for revealing the King's Secrets, being a Sworn Counsellor. But, that he trespassed 
H. Lestr. p. 152. Sanderson's K. Ch. p. 220. Rush. Coll. p. 421.  against Loyalty with his Tongue, is a very great Mistake in certain Historians. This Information, together with some others, being transmitted to the Council-Table, was ordered for the present to be sealed up, and committed to the Custody of Mr. Trumbal, one of the Clerks of the Council. Nevertheless; the Bishop made shifted to procure a Copy of them. And so the Business rested for some Years.  
But to return to the King's receiving 
The Bishop received into Favour by the Duke.  the Bishop into Favour again. To set all things strait, and to quit all old scores, his Lordship was kindly received 
[80.]  by the Duke, and no mention was made of former Unkindnesses, but Williams tendered his faithful Service, and Buckingham accepted of it; and allowed him to hold up a seeming Enmity, and his Interest with the People, that so he might be the better able to serve him the next Session of Parliament. So they parted in perfect Charity, which was a great Happiness to them both, since they never met again; the Duke dying soon after by the Hand 
Buckingham killed. Stow's Ch. Aug. 23. An. 1628.  of that Notorious Villain John Felton. And indeed the Duke promised at a private Meeting, two Months before he died, to restore the Bishop into Favour, 
[65.]  and did design a time for the open Profession of it. Which (considering the violent Hatred he bore to him before) to me seems none of the smallest, amongst those several strange Prognostics, which his Grace had of his untimely End. And now to show 
[81.]  the Bishop of Lincoln's great Genenerosity; immediately upon the first sad Tidings of the Duke's Death, he dispatched away a kind Consolating Letter to his Mother, whose Answer to his Lordship's, gins thus; My Lord, It is true Nobleness that makes you remember so distressed a Creature as I am, and to continued a true Friend in harder Fortunes. You give me many Reasons of Comfort, for which I kindly thank you, for I have need of them all. And he continued to show Respect, and to do what Service he could to his desolate Relations, which the Countess of Denbigh his Sister did often confess to Bishop Hacket, and speak of to Williams' great Commendation and Honour.  
This Parliament (which we have 
Stow's Ch. An. 1628. The Parliament is dissolved.  been speaking of) continued till the 26th of June, and than was prorogued to the 20th of October; and than upon the 20th of January began again, and so continued unto the beginning of March following, when upon the 4th 
The 10 according to some.  of that Month, the King dissolved it utterly. For tho' 'twas thought by 
[82.]  some, that the Death of the Duke might occasion more Quiet, yet the People still continued as unruly, and rather more than ever. Insomuch that the K. dismissed them in a Passion, and so much in his Displeasure, that he called no Parliaments after this for the space of twelve Years.  
The Bishop of Lincoln (who had 
The Bish. Advice to the King about the Parl.  foresight enough to see which way Things were going) with sorrow presaged the Ruin of the State, and did his utmost Endeavour to prevent it. And for this End he importuned the 
[84.]  Lord Weston to carry this Message from him to his Majesty. That the Parliament might meet again for all this, and that there might be a conference between them and the Lords, to debate upon Differences. And that he hoped their House would check, if not censure those Commons, that were so very rude; and that they would, being ashamed for what they had done, make Amendss by their Submission. But if they were impenitently obstinate, he did not desire to intercede for them. What the Event of this Counsel might have been, GOD alone knows; but the King would 
[83.]  
A Saying of the Bishop's about Parliaments.  not harken to it. And here it is worth our while, to mention a very common Saying of the Bishop's about Parliaments: That Queen Elizabeth's Parliaments were most tractable, which sat but a short time, ended before they were acquainted with one another's Interests, and had not learned to combine.  
It happened ill for our Bishop 
The want of Parl. a great cause of the Bishop's Misfortunes.  that Parliaments were now discontinued; for he fell into all his future Troubles, chief because he was quite out of Favour at Court, and at the 
[85.]  same time wanted the shelter of a Parliament to screen him from the Storms that were still a gathering; tho' if there had been any Fair Wether in the Sky, one would think by this time that he had had a sufficient share of the Foul. And now the Duke being laid in his Grave, some perhaps will expect, that all should go well with him. But that's not to be expected so long as Bishop Laud lives; who 
Rush. Coll. p. 637.  after Buckingham's Death grew more and more in Favour with the King, and was about this time made Bishop of London. And as the first Differences between these two great Prelates began by Misunderstanding on both sides, so did they continued in their Mistakes (Time rather increasing them) to the very last, and never had the happiness to frame right their Notions of one another. For B. Laud ever looked upon B. Williams as a Man that gave Encouragement to the Puritans, and that hung lose as to our Church Discipline; and on the other hand, B. Williams took B. Laud to be a great Favourer of the Papists. Which we may reasonably conclude from what a Person of Honour tells us in his 
E. of Anglesey's Mem. p. 336.  Memoirs. And as the Opinions of these two Bishops concerning one another were different, so likewise were 
[86.]  
The Character of Laud and Williams.  their Natural Tempers quite opposite, for which reason there appeared the lesle hopes of a Reconciliation. For Laud was a stiff and rigid Asserter of our Church Discipline, and would not yield in the lest Punctilios by any means; for his Maxim was, There is 
D. Lloyds Ch. of B. Laud.  no end of Yielding. William's was a Man too that loved the Beauty and Decency of our Church, as much as any Man, but than his Temper was more complying; and his Policy was, to let Necessity govern in Matters of lesle weight, and to bend his private Inclinations in such things, to the Prevalency of the Times. Laud was for Compulsion and the Authority of the Magistrate against the Puritans: And Williams thought Insinuations and Compliances would work the best Effects upon them, and that the surest way would be to catch them by craft. In short, Laud was a Man fit for Primitive Times, but Williams to comply with the Weakness of his own; The One being fit to govern Saints, the Other to deal with Men, the difficulter Task by far.  
Thus they being Men, both very active in their way, and their Notions of things quite different, it is natural they should be at Variance. And Laud 
Laud's Diary, Anno 1626. Jan. 17.  in one main Point was grossly mistaken about Williams, who did always assert 
[87.]  and maintain the Divine Right of Episcopacy, tho' Laud affirms he was of a contrary Opinion. But to search not farther into the Reasons of Things, let us now proceed to Matters of Fact, and to give an Account of such cross Accidents as befell the Bishop of Lincoln, during the Time of Bishop Laud's Favour at Court; which was so great, that in Affairs of State, as well as of the Church he governed almost 
Orders to regulate the Preachers.  without Control. And now one of the first things that he obtained of his Majesty was an Order to silence all Preaching, or Reading in the Universities, upon the Questions decided at Dort. This Direction of his Majesty's the Bishop of Lincoln obeyed, but foresaw that this Restraint would be so far from tending to the Peace of the Church, that it would make the Zealots of each Party the more earnest to establish their Opinion, and that in the End, it would in all probability turn to a general Combustion. And tho' he for his own part did strictly observe the King's Orders, yet because he was not so stirring in them as was expected, he was marked out for an Opposer of the King's Commands, and a main stickler for the Adherents to the Synod of Dort.  
Now was Prince Charles born; and 
The Birth of Prince Charles. An. 1630. May 29.  to the great Solemnity of his Christening on the 27th of June, all the Lords Spiritual and Temporal about London 
[96.]  were invited, excepting the Bishop of Lincoln, who was omitted on purpose; which troubled him mightily, that in a Day of public Rejoicing, when his Majesty's Brow was clear to every body, it should frown upon him alone. Thou for some time before this, he was quite thrown out of the Privy-Council, and not so much as allowed the Honour of the Title, more than which he had not enjoyed these four Years. The Bishop not knowing 
The main Reason of Williams' Disfavour.  what Reason the King had for all his Displeasure against him, made bold to ask the Earl of Holland, whence he thought it might proceed? To which the Earl replied freely, That he must expect worse than this, because he was such a Champion for the Petition of Right; and that there was no room at the Table for those that liked it. And had not Williams been absolutely 
A Commission for regulating Fees.  clear from all manner of Bribery and Extortion, not only during the time he was Lord Keeper, but likewise now in his Ecclesiastical Courts, his 
[94, 95.]  Adversaries had brought him into a Star-Chamber Trial, by Virtue of the Commission for regulating of Fees (set on foot this Year) which sifted him narrowly, but could prove nothing against him.  
And now the Bishop declining still 
The Bishop's Troubles increase.  more and more in Favour, a multitude of lesser Troubles surround him, and several must needs be pecking at him, tho' it were but to ingratiate themselves at Court. Abundance of frivolous Accusations and little vexatious Law suits were brought against him daily; and it was the height of his Adversaries Policy to empty his Purse and clip his Wings by all the means they could invent, that so at last he might lie wholly at their mercy, and not be able to shifted for himself. Notwithstanding all which, what 
[89.]  with his Innocency and what with his Courage springing from it, he bore up against them all, and never was the Man that showed a Grudge or Malice to any of them. But his 
He desires to know how he may appease the King.  Lordship perceiving himself to be thus perpetually harassed he asked the Lord Cottington, if he could tell him, what he should do to procure his Peace, and such other ordinary Favours as other Bishops had from his Majesty. To which the Lord Cottington replied, That the splendour in which he lived, and the great resort of Company that came to him, was offensive, and that the King must needs take it ill, that one under the height of his Displeasure should live at so Magnificient a Rate. In the next Place his Majesty would be better satisfied if he resigned the Deanery of Westminster, because he did not care that he should be so near a Neighbour to Whitehall. As for the First of these Reasons his natural Temper (tho' to be sure he was imprudent in it) would not suffer him to comply with it, and to moderate his Expenses in House-keeping. And he was not so unbiased 
The Bishop refuses to quit his Deanery.  as to part with his Deanery upon such precarious Terms. For, (says he) What Health can come from such a Remedy? Am I like to be beholden to them for a settled Tranquillity, that practice upon the Ruin of my Estate. and the Thrall of my Honour? If I forfeit one Preferment for Fear, will it not encourage them to tear me Piece-meal hereafter? It is not my case alone, but every 
[90]  Man's: and if the Law cannot maintain my Right, it can maintain no Man's. So in spite of all their Contrivances to out him, he kept the Deanery till the King received it from him at Oxford, in the Year 1644. But they 
Contrivances to make him uneasy in it  did all they could, since he was resolved to hold it, to make him as uneasy as possible in it. He was not admitted to Preach before the King in Lent (Good Friday being his usual Course) for Four Years; and for Three Years together, when he came to the Chapters, or to the Election of Scholars, he could not rest above a Day or two in College, but Secretary Coke either by his Letters, or by Word of Mouth commanded him from the King, to return to his Bishopric. So that one time the 
Dau. Lloyd's Life of Williams.  Bishop very resolutely asked him, how he durst command a Man out of his Freehold? Which wrought upon the Old Gentleman so far, that he never rested until he had his Pardon Sealed for it. After this the Archbishop was ordered by the King to press him to Residency upon his Bishopric by the Statute, since nothing else would remove him; and this contrivance lost its Effect too. For 
[91. [ in answer to this he writes to his Grace thus; I confine myself to those particular seasons, to which the local Statutes of the College and my express Oath do enjoin me; That is to say, the two Chapters and the great Festivals. All which space of Time doth not (being taken in the disjunct spaces) make a Bishop a Nonresident by any Law I know of, nor consequently infringe 
Cypr. Ang. p. 199.  his Majesty's Instructions tho' a Man had no Dispensation; which Instructions require only that a Bishop should reside: but We presume that it is no part of his Majesty's gracious Intention, that they should be confined, or as it were imprisoned in their Bishoprics.  
And here his Vexations about the 
A Difference betwixt him and the Prebendaries, An. 1634.  Deanery rested for a few Years; after which, Differences broke out between the Dean and the Prebendaries of Westminster, upon which they drew up Six and Thirty Articles against him, frivolous and impertinent in the main, to which the Bishop answered with no concern at all. But if you will credit 
Barnard's Life of Heylyn. p. 160, etc.  an Author that has but small affection for his Lordship (upon his Kinsman's Account) the Things alleged against him were notorious. So I refer my Reader to him, and to Bishop Hacket, and after comparing of them both together, let him judge for himself: But whether the Bishop were at this time culpable or not, yet he kept his Deanery still. And to be sure his Actions were not like to have an over-favourable Interpretation from Dr. Heylyn, who was one of his chief Accusers, and his professed Enemy, not only upon Bishop Laud's Account, but likewise upon the Account of a 
Barnard. p. 129.  Personal Quarrel he had formerly with Bishop Williams. Justice to be sure aught to be executed indifferently upon all without respect of Persons: But than, if these Persons did heighten 
[92.]  and exasperated their Complaints, nay, or if they stretched them to the full Rigour, against their Dean, who had been every way so great a Benefactor both to the College and Church of Westminster; we may modestly conclude, That he received very hard measure at their Hands; as indeed most of the good Offices and Services he did in the foregoing Part of his Life, brought him in no small share of Evil.  
As yet you see the Bishop of Lincoln has not had the lest glimpse of that good Fortune in this Reign, which he enjoyed all along, without having it so much as once overcast in the former. And now by this time it was sufficiently known to all People, how much he was out of Favour; so that it was looked upon as a piece of Merit, to assist in his Ruin. And 
[96.]  this perhaps might be some incitement 
The Bishop unjustly accused about the Ship-money. An. 1636.  to what Sir Robert Osborn, High Sheriff of Huntingtonshire, acted against the Bishop in the levying of the Ship-Money. Williams for his part was very cautious to carry himself without offence in this Matter; but Sir Robert, laying a very unequal levy upon the Hundred, wherein Bugden was, the Bishop wrote courteously to him to rectify it, and he and his Neighbours would be ready to see it collected. Upon this, Sir Robert, catching at the Opportunity, posts up to Court, and makes a heavy Complaint against the Bishop, that he not only refused the Payment of Ship-Money himself, but likewise animated the Hundred to do so too. And yet for all this, when the Bishop afterwards cleared himself before the Lords of the Council, and they were satisfied, that he had behaved himself with Duty and Prudence, Sir Robert was not reprehended, nor had the Bishop any Satisfaction given him, nor was the Levy regulated.  
After this, was revived the long and 
The Trial in Star-Chamber against the Bishop.  troublesome Trial against the Bishop in the Star-Chamber, which commenced 4 Car. upon some Informations (as we hinted before) brought against him by Lamb and Sibthorp. I shall not pretend here to abstract the whole Proceed, lest my Reader might suspect me of Partiality; as indeed the leaving out of any one little Circumstance may give the whole Matter another Face, than what it really has. He therefore that 
[110 to 127]  has so much Leisure and Curiosity 
Rushw. part 2d. p. 416. to p. 450.  may have recourse to those Authors that have made it their Business to be particular in this Point. And after he has compared Hacket and Rushworth (the former in all probability having the clearest Knowledge of the most minute Circumstances) I doubt not but he will conclude that Bishop Williams had very hard Measure dealt him. However, when the Business 
[135.]  
July 11. 1637. The Bishop fined and imprisoned.  came to a final determination, the Bishop was Fined 10000 l. to the King, and to suffer Imprisonment during his Majesty's Pleasure, and withal to be suspended by the High-Commission-Court from all his. Dignities, Offices and Functions.  
And now a Man of moderate 
His Troubles in the Tower.  Spleen would think his Adversaries might after this begin to relent and grow mild. But quite contrary, they continued all the Time he was in the Tower to persecute him, and to bring him to such a wretched condition, if possible, as should make even Themselves to pity him; for he had the Pity of others long before. I should be reckoned impertinent 
[127.]  should I waste Time to tell, how several at this time forsook him and his Interest, since it was not longer their own; so I proceed to an account of his Troubles in his Imprisonment. His Fine to the King (as 
[128.]  I told you) was a good Round Sum; and he heard that his Majesty would not bate any thing of it. Therefore that the Weight of it might not oppress him quite, he desired that it might be taken up by a Thousand pound Yearly, as his Estate would bear it, till the whole were paid; but could not have so small a Favour granted. Upon which Kilvert (the 
All his Things seized and plundered.  Bishop's vowed Enemy) is ordered to go to Bugden and Lincoln, and there to seize upon all he could, and bring it immediately into the Exchequer. Away goes he, glad of the Office, and makes sure of all that could be found; Goods of all sorts, Plate, Books and such like, to the value of Ten thousand pounds: of which he never gave Account, but of Eight hundred. The Timber he field, killed the Deer in the Park; sold an Organ that cost 120 l. for 10 l. Pictures that cost 400 l. for 5 l. made away with what Books he pleased; and continued Revelling for Three Summers in Bugden House. For four Cellars of Wine, Cider, Ale and Bear, with Wood, Hay, Corn and the like, stored up for a Year or two, he gave no Account at all. And thus a brave Personal Estate was squandered away, and not the lest of the King's Fine paid all this while; whereas, if it had been managed to the best Advantage, it would have been sufficient to discharge the Whole. It were endless to repeat all the Contrivances against his Lordship during his Consinement; the Bills that were drawn up, and the Suits that were commenced against him, as it were on purpose to impoverish him, and to plunge him over Head and Ears in Debt, that so if he procured his enlargement from this Prison, he might not be long out of another: All which you may 
[128. to 139.]  Read elsewhere at large. But this let 
His Patience in his Sufferings.  me add, for an Example to such as may fall into the like Calamities; that this undaunted Prelate bore up against all these Afflictions with the Spirit of a Man and something more; which to me is an undeniable Proof of his Innocency; For, a wounded spirit who can bear? And this it was that made his Enemies still more bitter against him, to see him smile through all his Misfortunes; that had a stranger seen his Lordship in the Tower, he would never have taken him for a Prisoner, but rather for the Lord and Master of the Place. For here he lived with his wont Cheerfulness and Hospitality, and wanted only a larger Allowance to give his Guests a heartier welcome; for now he was confined to bare 500 l. a Year, a great part of which was consumed in the very Fees of the Tower. He 
[127.]  diverted himself when alone sometimes with writing Latin Poems, at other times with the Histories of 
[137.]  such as were noted for their Sufferings in former Ages. And for the Three years and a half, that he was confined, he was the same Man as else where, excepting that his frequent Law Suits broke his studies often; and it could not be seen, that he was the lest altered in his Health or the pleasantness of his Temper.  
But say some, Williams may thank 
[135.]  
Conditions of Agreement offered him.  himself for his continued Troubles, since he refused the Terms of agreement that were offered. But who must he thank for those Terms, which left him, if accepted of, in worse Circumstances than he was in before? If he intends to be free from any farther vexations in the Star-Chamber; First, he must leave his 
[136.]  Bishopric and Deanery and all his Commendams, and take a Bishopric in Ireland or Wales, as his Majesty should think fit. Secondly, he must 
The Holy Table, Name and Thing.  recant his Book. Thirdly, secure all his Fine. And lastly never question any that had been employed by his Majesty against him. To this he answered, that he was content to lay his Bishopric and Deanery at his Majesty's Feet, but was not willing to go into Ireland; That he could not recant his Book, which he was ready to justify; that he would pay his Fine, as fast as he was able; and that he would not question any Body. Yet all this was not thought sufficient to atone for him. Than after all, rather than contend with his Sovereign, he offers to resign all he has in the Church, but still to live in England. And as for his Book, he was sorry if any thing in it gave offence to his Majesty. But since he must be stripped of all he had in the Church, he desired to know how much should be left him of all his Lands and Leases to live upon, that the Fine gatherers might not have all: And whether his Pension of 2000 Marks a Year and the 24000 l. in Arears for the same, should be taken in Part for the King's Payment. The Answer he received was, That Pensions are not paid to Men out of Favour, as in the E. of Bristol's Case. And as for what should be allowed him out of his own Estate to live upon, he must not know that till he had wholly submitted himself. Upon this his Lordship writes to the Earl of Dorset (who carried these Messages to and from) That it were a tempting of God, to part with all he had willingly, and leave himself no Assurance of a Livelihood: That his Debts, if he came out of the Tower, would cast him into another Prison, not better Provision being made for them, than he saw appearance of: That he would never hazard himself into a condition to beg his Bread. And so from this time, he was resolved to exercise his Patience, and wait a better Day.  
After this he heard that the Archbishop 
The Troubles of the Nation increase.  was like to fall into no small Troubles: and his Majesty's Expedition 
[137.]  into the North gave our Bishop some respite from his. And when the Articles of Pacification, made at Berwick, were burnt in London, and Hacket brought the news of it to the Bishop in the Tower, his Lordship broke out into these Words: I am right sorry for the King, who is like to be forsaken by his Subjects at home, but far more by all Kings and Princes abroad, who do not love him. But for the Archbishop, he had best not meddle with me; for all the Friends he can make, will be too few to save him. And so it unhappily proved in a short time. But do you not hope Sir (says Hacket) that such Concussions as you fear will come to pass, will give you your Peace and Liberty? Possibly (says the Bishop) they william. And he had drawn up his Case and 
[110.]  all his Grievances in 20. Sheets of Paper to present it to the Parliament which met now; but it being Dissolved, 
A Parl. called An. 1640. Apr. 13.  when it had Sat but Three Weeks, he was prevented in his Design. Which sudden Dissolution was 
[137.]  perhaps that which hastened the Ruin of all Things; and against which the Lord Keeper Coventry had Cautioned his Majesty the Year before with his dying Breath, desiring that his Majesty would take all Distastes from the Parliament, Summoned against April, with patience, and suffer it to sit without an unkind Dissolution.  
On the 3d of November the Parliament 
Another Parl. called and the Bishop of Lincoln set at Liberty.  Assembled again; and the Bishop of Lincoln Petitions by the Mediation of the Queen for his Liberty, and to have his Writ to come as a Peer into the Parliament House; which was opposed by the Lord Keeper Finch (Successor to the Lord Coventry) and Archbishop Laud. But 
Lestrange's K. Ch. p. 206.  the Upper House Petitioned his Majesty for him, and on the 16th of Novemb. sent to the Lieutenant of the 
[138, 139, 140, 141.]  Tower to Deliver him to their Officer of the Black Rod, who conducted him to the Parliament, where he sat amongst the Bishops. But he had not been many Hours in the House, before he was amazed to see such warm Do, and such strong and thwarting Interests on foot. The 
The Bishop's Loyalty.  Disloyal Party thought themselves sure of the Bishop, and that a Man of his great Spirit would not be unmindful at such a time of his great sufferings, little thinking that true Magnanimity is above the Baseness of a Revenge; so that in a Day or Two they perceived they had mistaken their Man, insomuch that one cried out, We have Conjured up a spirit, I would we could lay him again. For which Adherence of his to the 
Wilson's Hist. Gr. Brit. p. 197. A. W. Co. and Char. p. 176.  King; and closing again when he saw the Axe laid to the Root of Episcopacy, some have snarled at him. His Majesty was soon acquainted with his Loyalty, and that he did not refrain to fall sharply upon those Lords, to whom he owed his Releasement, for not speaking dutifully of his Majesty, and of his Actions with Reverence. Which when the King heard, he sent for him and had conference with him alone till after Midnight. And to make him some Amendss for what was past, he commanded all Orders Filled up against him to be cancelled and erazed, that no memorial of them might remain. But for the Bishop to 
The Bishop's Charity to his Enemies,  blot such Things out of his Remembrance, it was the very Perfection of Generosity; and Nature had given him a comprehensive Memory, retentive of all Things but Injuries. He was at perfect Charity with all that were so busy and active against him: and when some were set on to try how he stood affected to his Prosecutors, he answered, That if they had no worse Foes than him, they might fear no harm, and that he saluted them with the Charity of a Bishop. And when Kilvert came to him to crave Pardon and Indemnity for all the Wrongs he had done; I assure you Pardon (says the Bishop) for what you have done before; but this is a new fault, that you take me to be of so base a spirit, as to defile myself with treading upon so mean a Creature. Live still by Pettifogging and Impeaching, and think that I have forgotten you.  
Thus have I given you a full Account of the Fall of this great Statesman, and have brought him through all his Troubles and his long Confinement at last to his Liberty again, tho' not to that Splendour wherein we have seen him in the former Reign. Now he is absolutely Sequestered from all his Offices in the State, being at present not so much as of the Council. So that in the remaining Scene of his Life, his utmost Endeavours must be to maintain the Character of a Prelate. And what Troubles shall hence forward befall him cannot properly be called his, but the Nation's; in which indeed he bore a great share, as an eminent Member of that Church whose Miseries now began to close her in on every side. So that what there remains of his Life I shall refer to my Fourth and last Part.  
The End of the Third Part.   

An Account of such Actions as more immediately relate to him as a Clergyman and a Bishop.  
PART IU.  
HAving related his Actions as a Statesman, I proceed now to give an Account of him as a Divine. A Character not so full of Pomp, perhaps, nor so dazzling to the Eyes of the People; but yet, if we seriously consider it, more glorious, and of an higher nature than the other. And I call him now from the service of an Earthly Prince, to attend upon the King of Kings, the Lord of Hosts, the Almighty Creator and Governor of the World.  
Some Passages relating to him this 
A Recollection of some Things in the first part.  way were mentioned in the First, and the Beginning of the Second Part; where when Chancellor Egerton died, we left him, (preparing for his Cure at Walgrave) to carry him on in his Business as in a Lay-Capacity. Now therefore we will resume him here, and trace him in the Church, from the time of his Removal to Walgrave in Northamptonshire, quite down to his dying Day.  
After he had taken his Doctor's 
Dr. Williams settles at Walgrave.  Degree in the Year 1617. when the bustle of the Commencement was over, he retired to his Cure. Where 
(33.)  he had been at the Expense, before he came, of Building, Gardening and Planting, so as to make the place fit and pleasant for all seasons of the Year. So that when he came, he had no preparations to make, but immediately to fall to the Enjoyment of his Retirement. And to make this complete, and to secure himself from Laziness (the Disgrace of most retired Persons) he had provided a choice Collection of Books: to which 
(34.)  he applied himself so very closely, that nothing but his great Temperance in his Diet could have preserv'd his Body from the Decay that his too much studying must necessarily have brought upon him. Nor was he exemplary to the Countrey-Clergy only as a Student, but was likewise very Religious in the Observance of all the other Parts of his duty. For he read Prayers constantly upon Wednesdays and Frydays, expounded the Catechism in Lent and upon all Holy-days, and Preached duly Twice every Sunday at Walgrave or at Grafton, performing his Turn too at Kettering, a Market-Town hard by, in a Lecture supplied by a Combination of the best Divines thereabout. It was a common saying with him, that the way to get Credit from the Nonconformists was to outpreach them. And so well was he liked for 
(35.)  his Preaching, that his Church used to be thronged with Gentry of the neighbouring Parishes, as well as his own.  
What was most remarkable of him 
His Hospitality at Walgrave.  while he was here, was his generous and open House-keeping, which was indeed very commendable in him. This made him very much visited by the Clergy all about, Rich as well as Poor. The Nobility and Gentry too were fond of him, and resorted frequently to his House, not for the sake of his Table, but for the diverting Entertainment his good Consorts of Music afforded them. For he kept with him the best Voices and Instruments he could get, being one that was mightily given this way himself. As by these means he laid 
His Charity.  Obligations upon the Gentlemen, so he purchased the Prayers of the Poor by his Charity. If any of his Poor Parishioners were sick, he was very constant in going to visit them, to pray with them and to bless them. And, to help them all that he could in their Afflictions, he would supply them with Money, and very often pay their Physicians himself; and would order something that was comfortable for them out of his own Kitchen, as Broths, and Cordial Decoctions. There are few Instances, I believe, (if any) of those that grew the poorer for their Charity: Dr. Williams I am sure found it otherwise; for at this time, to increase yet his plentiful Income (as tho' it had been so ordered by Providence to maintain his great Liberality) he had a considerable Legacy fell to him by the Death of his Kinsman John Panton, Servant at the same time with him to the Lord Chancellor Egerton: and immediately 
(36.)  after this he was made Dean of Salisbury: So true is that observation of Solomon's, the Liberal soul shall be made fat.  
But he continued still (tho' Dean) 
He discharges well the Office of a Justice of the Peace.  at Walgrave, the Place where he was so universally respected and beloved. And what made him the more so, was his Office he had there of being Justice of the Peace; which he discharged with all the Skill and Conduct, as if he had been bred up to the Law. As he loved his Country, so he made it his Business to serve and defend it, and that with all the undaunted Courage imaginable; but especially if any of the Clergy were oppressed, to be sure he was very active and resolute in maintaining their Rights. If any private Quarrels and Bicker were brought before him, he very rarely granted his Warrant to the Parties to proceed; but did all he could with Advice and fair speeches to reconcile them in his Buttery or Cellar: and rather than fail, he would pay the Damages all or in part, which the injured Person demanded. This doubtless is a piece of the most Christianlike Charity, that is to be met with in any Example; to save his poor Neighbours not only from emptying their purses in vexatious Lawsuits, but likewise to keep them from running into those most unchristian and devilish passions of Hatred and Revenge, which (God knows) among such inconsiderate Wretches too often end in Bloodshed and Murder. But he had not followed this Practice long, before he was in a great Measure forced to lay it aside, when he found how some Rogues would put upon his good Nature, and fall out on purpose, that he might be at the Charge of making them Friends. Which shows that there is not out of Cities so much innocence and primitive simplicity as some have imagined, and that there are many shrewd Countrey-fellows as cunning and politic in their way, as the Courtiers are in theirs.  
Thus the Dr. continued at Walgrave doing Good, and very much esteemed for above Two years; when 
He quits the Deanery of Salisbury for that of Westminster. See p. 57  the Deanery of Westminster being at that time voided, he requested of his New Patron the Marquis of Buckingham, that he might exchange the Deanery of Salisbury for that of Westminster; which was granted to him. Which piece of Preferment he valued so much the more, because it was near the Court, and so the fit for his purpose, who probably had still an Eye to some farther Advancement. His Predecessors here were 
(45.)  Men very eminent in their Time: Two above all were such incomparable Patterns, that it was the height of his Ambition to emulate them; Dr. Andrews for his great Care and Encouragement of Learning in the School, and Abbot Islip for his vast Expenses upon the Minster. As soon 
Takes care of the School at Westminster.  therefore as he was possessed of the Deanery, he took the School into his Consideration first: and there was scarce a week (when he was in the College) but he would go to the several Classes and instruct the Lads and take an Account of them, that so he might countenance and encourage the most hopeful and those of the best Parts. And seldom it was (even when he kept the great Seal) that he omitted to call out some of them to stand before him at Meal-Times (when he was most at Leisure) to give an account of their progress and Towardliness. Which notice of his repened the Youth so fast, that the Number sent out to both Universities was almost double to those that were removed in former Elections. Thus he had compassed one considerable Part of his Desires. And the next Obect of his 
(46.)  
Repairs the Abbey. Heylyn in his Obs. on Chur. Hist. of Brit. p. 273. detracts from Williams' Magnificence, but is sufficiently answered at [92, 93.]  Elumination was Abbot Islip. To give him the better opportunity to show his virtue this way, he found the Church in a very great Decay. So he began to repair it at the Southeast part, which looked so much the more ruinous because it joined to Henry the 7th's Chapel, a later Building. In the next place he proceeded to the North-West part, which looks to the great Sanctuary. This was very far gone, and the great Buttresses were almost crumbled to Dust through the injury of the Wether; which he rebuilt with durable Materials, and adorned them with elegant Statues; among which there was one to the memory of Islip, and another for his good Master King James, as 
Part. 2. p. 507.  Sanderson relates in his Reign, tho' Bishop Hacket says nothing of it. So that in this Work (all of his own cost) he expended 4500 l. After he had taken care thus of the Fabric of the Church, he bethought himself of the decent performance of God's Service in it; and to this End he procured the best Music both for Organ and Voices, that could possibly be got. After this, he made a very good Library of a waste room in the 
(47.)  East side of the Cloisters, furnished it 
Makes a Library.  with Desks, Chains, Books and other necessaries to the value of 500 l. and more. And here he laid his choicest Manuscripts and Parchments. Besides these and other Benefits the College received from his bounty, he discharged a Debt of 300 l. for them, which he found, when he came to look into their Accounts, they had contracted by their Entertainments and Treats. Not long after, he founded 
Found'st four Scholarships.  Four Scholarships, the Scholars distinguished from the rest by their violet Gowns, for whose maintenance he purchased Lands. And he did not only share his Richeses amongst them here, but likewise, when in those Days a great part of the Liberties of the City were threatened to be cut of by the Encroachments of the Lord Steward of the King's Household, and the Knight Marshal, he withstood them manfully (as appears from a Letter of his to the 
Cabal. p. 283.  Duke) and would accept of no Composition to let them share in the Privileges, which by Right they never had, but preserved the Charter of the Place entire in its Jurisdiction and ancient Immunities. So that he was happy indeed in the Place, but the Place was abundantly more happy in him.  
He had not been Dean long before he was made Lord Keeper, being sworn into that Office on the 10th of July, 1621. having entered upon his Deanery on the 12th of the same Month in the foregoing Year. And immediately after the Great Seal was delivered to him he was made Bishop of Lincoln, at which time, so great was his Favour with the King, that he obtained Three Bishoprics more for those he recommended to his Majesty. And at this 
[65.]  
July 26. 1621.  very juncture of time it was that that famous Accident happened of Archbishop Abbot's Killing the L. Zouch's Keeper in Bramshill-Park. Which Mischance deferred the Consecration of these Bishops for some time; and tho' his Majesty (after a long and doubtful Debate amongst the Civilians) did at the last assoil the unfortunate and innocent Prelate from all Irregularity by the Broad Seal; yet the scruple 
[68]  stuck so much upon the Lord Keeper (as he gives his Judgement of the Fact in a Letter to the Duke) and upon the 
Cabal. p. 284.  other Three Bishops Elect, that they besought the King, they might be conscerated by some other Bishops: and so it was, the Lord Keeper on the 
Cypr. Ang. p. 88  11th of November being Consecrated Bishop of Lincoln, in the Chapel of King Henry, by virtue of a Commission under the Broad Seal, according to the Statute of King Henry VIII. But I cannot see how Dr Heylyn could 
Cypr. Ang. p. 87.  by a favourable Construction gather out of the Keeper's forementioned Letter to the Duke, that this great Scruple of his proceeded not from his Caution, but merely from Interest, and that he had the Chair of Canterbury in his Eye, thinking (as he guesses) to compass it, by declaring the Archbishop Irregular. Certainly when an Historian is left to his Guesses, he should always incline to a favourable Interpretation of the Actions of others.  
The Lord Keeper by reason of his 
[86.]  great Employment in the State, could not be spared, to reside upon his Diocese and have himself an immediate Inspection over his Clergy. But tho' he was absent in Body, yet was he present in Mind; and took all the possible Care he could to have a faithful account, from such able and diligent Persons as he entrusted, of all Occurrences in every Parish: over and above, he had the Name of every Parson and Vicar, could tell what they were all of them, as to their Learning, as well as their manner of Life and Conversation. He did (in short) as much as a Bishop could do, while for the space of almost Five Years his service to his King and his Country would not permit him to be resident. And they knew not that they missed him, till he came to live amongst them, and made a large Amendss for his Absence when he settled at Bugden. But let his Business be never so great, he was mindful of his Office as a Bishop, and never neglected Ordinations; every Lent too he preached before the King at his Chapel, and constantly upon the great Festivals of our Church, at Westminster-Abbey: on which Days he chanted the Prayers, and administered the Sacraments. And, it seems, there was but too great need of such Patterns, as the Bishop was, for preaching in those Times: for the King's Indulgence 
Wilson. Hist. Gr. Br. p. 198.  towards the Papists, and the Treaty with Spain going on at the same Time, made the Pulpits perfectly Declamatory; but above all they rung against the Spanish Match; insomuch that his Majesty silenced some, impriprisoned some, and threatened to arraign others for their Lives, had not the Keeper interposed to mediate for them; upon which he was set on work by his Majesty to draw up some Directions for the due limiting of the Preachers, in which Bishop Laud too had a hand, 
Cypr. Ang. p. 97.  as Dr. Heylyn says. Which Directions, together with his Majesty's Letters to the Archbishop of Canterbury (bearing Date Aug. 4. 1622.) you may read 
Wills. Hist. Gr. Br. p. 198, 199.  at large in several Historians. Which Instructions, how a great many murmured 
Cabal. p. 112.  against them than, putting an ill Construction upon what was well meant, you may see in Dr. Heylyn; 
Cypr. Ang. p. 99, 100  to whom I refer you, because at the same Time that he clears the King and Laud, he likewise vindicates Williams, who according to Hacket, 
[89.]  was the principal Contriver of that Scheme.  
The present posture likewise of the 
Frankl. Annals, p. 69.  King's Affairs (in the Year 1621.) made him think it convenient, that there should be Favour shown to the Popish Recusants, and to release the poorer sort out of Prison; which made the People very uneasy. And our Bishop (than Lord Keeper) being employed to copy out the King's Letters in this Affair to the Judges, and to set the Broad-Seal to his Majesty's Writs; he 
[93.]  was traduced for a Favourer of the Church of Rome; nay so far, by a Ranting Fellow about the Town, that he was not far from receiving a Cardinal's Cap from Rome for his Services. When first he heard of this great Scandal, and that one Saddler was the Author of it, he passed it by with Contempt, and said only, That the Reporters saw the Oar under Water, and thought it was crooked. Nevertheless 
Frankl. Annals, p. 69.  since Offence was taken at this Indulgence to the Papists, the Lord Keeper (to vindicate his Majesty as well as himself) in a Letter to the 
[92.]  Lord Viscount Anan, truly satisfies the World as to the Reasons of it; which Letter is now extant in several 
Cabal. p. 293.  Books.  
But let this one passage suffice, to show how averse the Keeper was to the Romish Church, and how very jealous he was of their endeavouring to establish their Church-Government amongst us: When Buckingham was with the Prince at Madrid, he sends him a Letter, dated August 30. 1623. wherein he writes thus: Dr. Bishop 
Cabal. p. 298.  the new Bishop of Chalcedon, is come to London privately, and I am much troubled thereabouts, not knowing what to advice his Majesty in this posture, as things stand at this present. If you were shipped (with the Infanta) the only Counsel were, to let the Judges proceed with him presently, to hung him out of the way, and the King to blame my Lord of Cantuar. or myself for it. But before you be shipped in such form and manner, I dare not assent, or connive at such a Course. It is (my Gracious Lord) a most insolent part, and an Offence (as I take it) against our Common-Law (and not the Statutes only, which are dispensed withal) for an Englishman, to take such a Consecration, without the King's Consent; and especially to use any Episcopal Jurisdiction in this Kingdom, without the Royal Assent; and Bishops have been in this State, put to their Fine and Ransom for so doing, three hundred Years ago.  
Add to this, that some of the Romish 
[94.]  party petitioned my Lord of Buckingham for Titulary Popish Prelates in this Kingdom; upon which (not knowing well what to think of the Matter) he sends to the Keeper for his Advice, who immediately with the strongest Reasons he could urge, put a stop to the Motion. After this, when the Prince 
[122.]  was in Spain, the Keeper was cried up afresh for a Promoter of the Popish Interest, thinking (as they falsely urged against him) that a Match with the Infanta would 'cause a Toleration of that Religion, and than who likelier to be preferred than he for his good Services. But a Paper, which at that time he presented to the King to cure Popular Discontents, shall answer for his Integrity; which Proposals had been published, had not the long Treaty set in a Cloud. But the Original Draught of them is now to be seen in B. Hacket. And I am apt to believe, had his Book been but published, or the several Original Papers in it, before the Historians of those Times wrote; that Bishop Williams had escaped abundance of groundless Slanders, excepting we can suppose some of them obstinately bend to writ for a Party, point-blank against their Knowledge.  
And thus I have (I hope) rescued him from the Imputation of Popery; a Slander, which it has been the hard Fate of our greatest and worthiest Prelates to suffer under, occasioned all along by the Superstition of the Vulgar. But I shall clear him farther yet in this Point, when I shall tell my Reader, That he was by a far Greater Party judged to be Pruitanically given; for I think 
[95.]  
Heylyn's Observat. on the Hist. of K. Ch. p. 137. 138.  our Bishop is the only Person of his Order, that I remember aspersed with two such contradicting Characters. And I shall therefore labour the more earnestly to clear him in this point, because 
The Bp. not Puritan: Proved from several Arguments.  this last Calumny stuck closer to him. And at this very Day there are a great many living, that will hardly be brought over to think, the Bishop was a staunch Churchman at the bottom. So that if I can remove this last Objection, I shall do not only a piece of Justice to his Lordship's Memory, but likewise some Service to the Episcopal Order itself: since the World is generally so unjust in its Censures, as to scandalise a whole Profession, if but one of its Members fail. And that I may not be thought to proceed out of Prejudice upon this point, I shall make no use of Authorities, and the good Word of such as were known to be the Bishop's Friends, but shall compare the Bishop with himself, and than leave my Reader to judge impartially what the Result may be; and what Interpretation his Actions will bear, making no Grains of Allowance for either Balance.  
First of all than, let me make an 
First Argument.  Observation, which tho' it may at first blush seem but a Trifle, yet if examined to the bottom may prove of more force than any thing I know has as yet been urged in his behalf. You may remember in the Second Part, that the King had ordered him (when he was than but Dean of Westminster) to writ a small Treatise for the use of the Lady Catherine Manners, who being Married to Buckingham, was newly converted from the Romish Church to ours. In the Letter, which he sent to the Marquis with some of the Copies, he tells him, that he translated the Prayers from ancient Writers, that her Ladyship might see, we have not coined a new Worship, or service of God. Now 'tis a very fair Conjecture, that, had he been Fanatically given, he had been apt to betray himself at so fair an opportunity, and 'tis odds but the motions of the Spirit (as they blaspheme) had led him from the reasonable sacrifice of the Ancients to some Enthusiastical transports of his own. I leave my Reader to improve this Argument, from the Hint I have given him, while I seek for somewhat else in the Bishop's defence. I pass by his Benefactions to St. John's College in Cambridge, (no favourer or nursery, I am sure, of Puritans) till I shall have time to give a more particular Account of those matters.  
How great an admirer he was of 
Second Arg.  our Liturgy, and how forward to promote the credit of it beyond Seas, is evident from the care he took to have it turned into Spanish and French, when the Treaties with those two Nations were in agitation. But especially he retrieved the credit of our Religion with the Spaniards, who before that time took us for perfect Atheists, and thought that we had cast of all Religion when we shook of the Pope; and that we never used the Name of God, but profainly. Insomuch 
Spotswood Ch. Hist, of Scotland. p. 530.  that the Constable of Castille being sent to swear the Peace formerly concluded with Spain, when he understood the Business was to be performed in the Chapel, where some Anthems were to be sung, he desired, that whatsoever was sung, God's Name might not be used in it, and than he was content they should sing what they pleased.  
I may add here as a great argument 
Third Arg.  of his Love to our Church, how earnest he was to dissuade the 
(203, etc.)  Duke of Buckingham from the sale of the Church Lands, which was a thing first put into his Head and promoted by Dr. Preston; to satisfy whom Bishop Williams offered to give him his Deanery of Westminster, if he would but desist and urge the matter not farther to the Duke. He took what care lay in his power too, that no unworthy Members crept into the Church, and would intercede for Men of Merit with the Duke, even to the incurring of his Grace's displeasure; 
Dated Dec. 24. Jan. 4. 1624. Cabal. p. 304, 305.  as may be seen from Two of his Letters yet extant. But to be sure when he preferred any himself, they were Men the best qualified for Virtue and 
(96)  Learning, and well affected to our most excellent Liturgy and Church-Government. All which things may for the present serve to take of the Reader's prejudice; not but that as we go on he will meet with several hints, which a Man of Reason may himself improve into so many arguments for the Orthodoxy of this Prelate. 
His care to keep Foreign Religions out of the Nation.   
I cannot tell where to insert the Two following passages more properly than here, and that because they seem to have some small relation to what we have just now concluded upon. The Braziers among the poor distressed Protestants in Bohemia petitioned King James, for leave to come over into England with their Wives and Children; upon which condition they would bring along with them their Substance, to the value of Two hundred thousand pounds, and submit themselves absolutely with all they had to his Majesty's Customs and Taxes. But than they desired that they might live in a Body, and have a free Enjoyment of their own Religion apart from us. His Majesty, thinking it might turn to his Advantage, was complying; but our Bishop (who was than Lord Keeper) dissuaded him, arguing from the Example of the Dutch and French, who were settled amongst us. Who indeed brought advantage by their Manufacture to the Nation; but than the Discipline, which by virtue of their Patent they transplanted too, did far more damage to our Church, than they by their Industry could profit the State.  
The next thing I would mention 
He approves not of the High-Commission Court.  is with reference to the High Commission Court, in which after he was Dean of Westminster he always had a Vote amongst others; but so little 
(97.)  did he relish this Ecclesiastical Court, that all the time he was Dean, he appeared but once at Lambeth when the Court fate. And he would say, that the Institution of the Court was without exception good: and that no harm was to be feared from a good Prince in that Court; but than if God should give us a King in his Anger, given to oppression, he had a Statute would enable him to act 
1. Eliz. Cap. 1.  wickedness by a Law. And besides this he did not approve of the multiplicity of Causes that were brought in here, and the severity of the Censures in this Court. He thought it hard that a Minister should be stripped of all he had, if a scandalous Crime were proved against him. But above 
(98.)  all (said he) there is nothing of Brotherhood nor of Humanity in this, when we have cast a Priest out of doors and left him no shelter to cover his Head; that we make no provision for him out of his own for Term of Life, to keep him from the Extremities of Starving or begging, those deformed Miseries. And this is all that I found remarkable of him as a Churchman till such time as the Great Seal was taken from him.  
So that now we enter upon a fresh 
From hence forward he has no Office in the State.  Scene of his Life, which will hold on quite to the End. For from hence forward we must not consider him in a Mixed Character, because he was not longer in any Office in the State; and tho' yet a while, he had the Title of a Privy-Counseller, yet he was never admitted to the Board. And his Adversaries by their good Will would not so much as let him sit in Parliament; so that had he not had courage sufficient to grapple with them, they had deprived him at this time of his Right of Peerage. For 
(86.) [28.]  
Four years absent from his Diocese.  Four years after his Consecration he had not time, for the multitude, of his State Affairs, so much as to make his appearance in a Visitation amongst his Clergy. But nevertheless his Government was such as gave content to his whole Diocese. He managed all things with the greatest exactness by faithful Substitutes, who gave him a just account of all things: so that he knew even the Name and Character of every one of his Clergy, and took care to encourage the Deserving. And they knew not that they wanted him, till he came now to live at Bugden, and made them a large Amendss for his former Absence. He found the House here quite out 
[29.]  
Comes to live at Bugden.  of Repair and all Order, and the Place itself indeed not very entertaining, considering that he came here in the beginning of Winter; for it is but a very dirty Country for that Season. But in the space of one year he made a good Dwelling out of a ruinous Pile, and the most costly Furniture he had was the curious Collection of Paintings he had made. He beautified the Chapel too with all the Expense it was capable of. After this he planted Woods and Walks, fenced the Park and stored it with Deer. And he bought in all the Leases belonging to the Demeasns, which through mismanagment were let out to the very Gates. His delight lay chief in the most innocent Pleasures of Gardening, so that he was profuse in his Expenses this way, in Arbours, Flowers of the choicest sort, Orchards, Pools, Fishponds, with a Walk raised three foot from the Ground, of about a Mile in compass paled in, and shaded on each side with Trees; for walking was his chief Exercise, which he used in fair Wether for two Hours and more every Day.  
During the Time he lived here, the 
[30.]  
Divine Service decently performed at his Chapel.  Morning and Evening Service at his Chapel was decently performed, with the Organ and other Music, and the best Voices that could be procured, the Bishop himself often bearing a Tenor 
Heylyn's Obseru. on Lestr. Hist. of K. Cham p. 1 36, etc.  Part amongst them. And the Altar here was as in all Cathedral Churches, adorned with all things proper, as rich Plate, and other costly Utensils. And this (notwithstanding a worthy Person has put a different Interpretation on his Actions) seems a convincing Argument, if you compare the Bishop all along with himself, that he was in his Heart a great Admirer of Decency in Divine Worship in the highest Degree; however he might think fit in some Parish Churches to comply with the Weakness of the People, rather than give Offence to them. And I know not what will become of Charity and good Nature, if a Man must be counted of a Party with all those he carries himself civilly and obliging to. I am sure if Jews and Infidels, deserve gentle usage from Us, those that have a far nearer Relation to Us, do much more deserve it. But I go on: The Bishop's passion for Music was so well known, that the greatest Masters resorted to him from London, especially in the Summertime; to whom he was very liberal in his Gratifications; to one in particular, a Gentleman of the King's Chapel, he gave a Lease worth five hundred pounds.  
The Concourse that came to the 
His Hospitality.  Bishop's Chapel was very great; and his Table was for the most part well filled with Gentry, insomuch that one, who can hardly found in his Heart to 
Sanderson's King James par. 2. p. 507. K. Ch. p. 24.  give him a good Word, says, That he lived at Bugden the most Episcopal of any of his Predecessors. All the great Persons and Nobility that had occasion to travel that way, would call upon his Lordship, from whom they and their Retinue were sure of a hearty Welcome, and the best Entertainment. All the Neighbouring Clergy too, nay and the very Yeomanry of Fashion, were free to come to his Table; and indeed he seldom sat down without some of the Clergy. I need not mention his Charity to the Poor; for if he was so careful of them when he was Rector at Walgrave, to be sure he did not take lesle care of them now he was Bishop, and more he could not well take. Of all things he did not love to live sparingly, and seclude himself from good Conversation: And it was his Saying, That he would spend his own while he had it; for he thought his Adversaries would not permit him long to enjoy it. And while some 
[32.]  thought his Magnificence would run him into Debt, he was provident enough to look after his own Concerns, and to keep within Bounds, tho' they were very large ones.  
Had the Bishop not lived in the 
His pleasant Conversation.  Plenty with which GOD had blest him, yet his Discourse and Artful way of suiting himself to his Guests was so very entertaining, that he was not like to be much alone. The Men of Wit and Learning from Cambridge and Oxford, made him frequent Visits, so that very often, take the Company and Entertainments together, Bugden might resemble one of the Universities in Commencement-Time. And when he had Scholars about him, and such Company as could relish his Discourse, he would very often keep them up till Midnight, or later. But I must not forget one Thing of which he was always mindful at his Table. At Dinner a Chapter was read in the English Bible, by one of the Choiristers, and at Supper another in Latin by one of his Gentlemen, for there was none of them but had at lest so much Learning.  
And this leads me naturally to speak 
The Government of his Family.  of the Government of his Family; in which perhaps he was something too remiss, not out of any Neglect, or 
[37, 38.]  that he loved Disorder; but because he was not severe enough in punishing his Servants for their Faults. For a small Repentance would very often with him atone for a considerable Misdemeanour, which proceeded from a Good-natured Opinion he had, that there was some hopes in time even of the worst of Men, and that none were so bad, but that they had some Good in them. Hence it was that he would chide very loud and angrily, but seldom proceeded any farther. But yet he discarded one or two that were incorrigible in their Disorders, and one for his Treachery, in transcribing some of his Letters, which he found in his Study, and sending them to his Enemies, to make their Advantage of them. But we must consider that his Lordship's Retinue was great, and not a few of them Sons to very good Men, which were preferred to wait upon him, not for the sake of Wages, but for the Advantage of being in a good Family. And these would not take it well to be kept under so much as the other Servants. These considerations do alleviate (tho' not excuse) what some laid to the Bishop's Charge, that he knew better how to keep himself blameless, than those he had about 
Is censured for having Plays acted.  him. But what some censured him for, was, his permitting a Comedy to be acted once or twice before him in his Hall; nay, and upon a Sunday 
Heylyn's Obs. on the Ch. Hist. of Brit. p. 243.  Evening, upon which he had Ordained too, as one affirms; which Circumstance, if true, I wonder how it came to be omitted by the Author of his Life, who doubtless knew the Bishop's private Actions the best of any Man. And he affirms, That Lincoln did no more in recreating himself with such Diversions, than he had seen that Grave Prelate Archbishop Bancroft do at Lambeth. And all that B. William's answered, to such as objected against his pleasant way of Living when he was in Disgrace, was, That he knew 
His Caution to avoid Scandal.  not what he had done, to live the worse for their sakes, that did not love him. And we may believe, that if he thought there was any ill, or any real occasion for Offence in what he did, that he would have abridged himself in his Diversions; for he was nicely 
[35.]  scrupulous of any thing that he could in Charity suppose might be turned into a Scandal: for which reason, being himself Unmarried, he kept only Men Servants in his House. But nothing 
(36.)  
Young Nobility educated in his Family.  can be said more in praise of the Bishop's Family, than that it was the Nursery of several Nobleman's Sons: Those of the Marquis of Hartford, of the Earls of Pembroke, Salisbury and Leicester, with many other Young Gentlemen about an Age, whereof some were his Relations, and his Countrymen. These had Tutors, of whom the Bishop took an Account, how their Pupils improved in Virtue and Learning. And to those that were in a manner fit for the Universities, before he sent them from him, he read himself a brief System of Logic; which Lectures even his own Servants frequented, that were capable of such Instructions. But his principal Care was, that they should be throughly grounded in the Principles of Religion; for which reason he committed not a Trust of so great Importance wholly to his Chaplain, but every Lent examined them every one from the Person of the highest Quality to the meanest Servant, in the Fundamental Questions of the Catechism.  
The Magnificence of his Hospitality 
[33.]  
His Liberality.  shows that Bishop Williams was freehearted and generous; but if we add to this his great Liberality to Gentlemen of narrow Fortunes, and to poor hopeful Scholars in both Universities, we shall hardly be able to found his equal. For his Disbursements this way every year amounted to a Thousand, sometime to Twelve hundred pounds. 
* Wilson's Hist. of Gr. Brit. p. 197.  And there is a remarkable Instance in History of his Bounty, which I will insert here. When Monsieur de Molin (a Famous Minister) fled over into England in the Time of the Persecution in France; the Bishop hearing of him, ordered his Chaplain Dr. Hacket to make him a Visit from him. And guessing that he might very probably be in want, he bids him carry him some Money, not naming any sum. Upon which Hacket said, that he could not give him lesle than Twenty Pound. I did demur upon the Sum (says the Bishop) to try you: is Twenty Pound a fit Gift for me to give a Man of his Parts and Deserts? Take an Hundred, and present it from me, and tell him he shall not want, and I will come shortly and visit him myself. Which afterwards he did, and was as good as his Word in supplying his Wants while he was in England. 
Athenae Oxon. Vol. 1. p. 400.  I may mention here how great a Patron he was to his Countryman John Owen the Epigrammatist, whom he maintained for several years; and when he died, he buried him 
An. 1622.  and erected a Monument for him at his own cost. Upon which generosity of his to this little Poet, one 
Rich. Bruch. Epig. Hecaton .. Octavo. Numb. 3. David Lloyd's Life of Williams. Printed with Cleaveland's Poems.  of the Fraternity has composed an Epigram. There was hardly an ingenious Person in England, but what he encouraged; and that very wretch that wrote so infamous a Libel on this Bishop, had often experienced his Liberality; so that here I must clear Mr. Cleaveland from the scandal of it; for, not to mention that some Authors do acquit him, I am over and above informed from a Worthy Person now living, who has discoursed with some of Mr. Cleaveland's Friends, that he ever disowned the satire in his Poems against the Archbishop of York.  
We have had occasion before to 
His Expense upon public Works.  mention what vast Sums this Bishop laid out upon Works of Magnificence and Building; but yet we have 
[34.]  not mentioned how he rebuilt the ruinous Palace of Lincoln, and brought it in Three years' Time up to as great Strength and Beauty as it was in at first. And because the Place was remote from any helps to Learning, he designed a Library there; Timber was hewn out, Books bought, and other Benefactions ready, but the Founder's Troubles, coming thick now upon him, put a stop to the proceed; the Books were squandered away, and the Soldiers took the Timber to make Fortifications. To 
Wood Antiq. Oxon. p. 171.  these great Works of his we may add, the repairing of one side of Lincoln College in Oxford, where the Bishop of Lincoln is their Visitor; and the building of a most elegant Chapel for them. All which considering them to be done by the Bishop after his Fortunes began to decline, show that, had his Power been but equal to his Will, his public Benefactions had equalled those of most Princes.  
Having spoken of his Hospitality, his Charity and his Magnificence, we will now consider him more immediately in his Episcopal Functions. And to mention first the Example 
[39]  that he gave to all his Clergy by his 
He Preaches frequently.  Preaching, his great frequency wherein made some set him out to the King as an upholder and encourager of Non-Conformists; which did not at all make him slacken his diligence, for he expected his praise from God, and not from Men. And from this 
[41.]  
His Ordinations.  Principle, I suppose, proceeded the great care he took in his Ordinations, without any respect of Persons, to lay hands only upon such as were duly qualified. Their Morals he could only judge of by the recommendations and testimonials of others; but their Intellectuals he would 
[42.]  soon fathom, and measure the Compass of their Learning; and he would not admit any so much as to the Office of a Deacon, that was not a Graduate with us, or in Ireland or Scotland, and his Answer to them was, that it was not his Custom. But so scrupulous was he as to their Competency in the Knowledge of Divine Matters, that when one that was a Minister, a Mr. of Arts and a Wit too, was presented to a considerable Living, when he perceived the small stock he had of Learning, he would not give him Institution, till he had set him for three Months to read a System of Divinity. In those that he himself preferred neither Friends nor Favour nor any other consideration biased him. But commonly he was a Patron to such as never sought him; such whose humility obscured their Worth.  
In the Beginning of King Charles' 
His moderation.  Reign there broke out a Division among the great Men of our Church, some approving and some disapproving of the Conclusions of the Synod of Dort. Which perhaps would never have risen to such a ferment, had things been carried with more indifferency, and had deserving Men on both sides (without regard to Parties) been encouraged. This was always the opinion of our Prelate, who proposed for his Pattern Whitgift, Bancroft, Harsnet, Andrews, Barlow, Overal, and such like, who pleased all sides indifferently. Hence it is 
[43.]  that he was affable and kind to the Puritans, whom first he won upon by kindness, and than would bring them over by his Arguments. And he told his Majesty too, that he took it to be the truest Policy, to buy over some of the Leaders of that Party to the Church with some good Preferments, that so they might bring their Followers with them.  
To bring him now into his Courts; 
His Courts well ordered.  his knowledge in the Laws of the Land, the Civil and the Canon Law, qualified him excellently to discharge his duty there punctually. He used to lament the narrow bounds the Civilians had for their Practice, and the small Encouragement for their Studies; but than he told them, that unless they proceeded with great integrity in their Courts, their Little would soon come to nothing. He watched his Officers narrowly, that they were not exacting in their Fees, and would not suffer them to make Business expensive by needless delays; nor would he trust his Chancellor and Commissaries in a Cause of any moment, but always took it in hand himself. And so willing was 
[44.]  he to right the People and to ease them from all possible Trouble, that he would often ride to those Parts of his Diocese that were farthest from his Home, to keep his Court, where such as had Causes to come on might be at hand to attend them. And he would not suffer the Churchwardens to be cited about placing the Communion-Table, nor the People for not coming to the Rail to receive the Sacrament. Whereas the Practice of Laud was quite contrary, who required a strict confirmity in all Things.  
I shall not devil here upon his 
[47, to 61.]  Consecration of Churches, nor give a particular Account of his two Visitations 
His Visitations. An. 1629.  in this Diocese; in the first of which he discovered an Imposture, that pretended to Inspiration at St. Ives in Huntington-shire; and in the second it is worth the Readers while (that has so much leisure for his diversion) to see how he was entertained at a Religious Family of the Farrars at Litle-Giding in the same County, and how kindly he encouraged them to persist in the Service of God. Nor shall I mention here the circumstances of his triennial Visitations over the whole Diocese, and the Charges delivered by him at such Times; one of which given at Bedford, in the end of the Year 1634 you may read at large in Bishop Hacket, together with what things I mentioned before. But this let me add before 
Is much resorted to in Differences & in scruples of Conscience.  I have done with his Episcopal Functions, that there was no Prelate more frequented than he was, to compound Differences, and to make up Agreements, which else might have broke out into expensive Law-Suits; and to settle Cases of Conscience, and those mostly in Matrimonial Scruples. And when he thought 
[62.]  the doubting Person would not be satisfied with Discourse, he was at the trouble of drawing up his Resolutions at length in Writing for him. Which gathered together, and digested as I have seen them (says Bishop Hacket) would have made a very handsome Treatise.  
And since I have mentioned his 
Undertakes a Comm. on the Bible.  Writing, I will insert here, That although while he was immersed in State-Affairs, he had not the leisure of a Writer; yet when he was retired to his Bishopric, he undertook Two very great Designs for the Public. The First was a Comment in Latin upon 
[40.]  the whole Bible; at which Work he studied so hard, as to impair his Health very much. The Notes collected from all good Authors, with the Bishop's own Hand, were formerly to be seen in the Custody of Mr. Gouland, Keeper of Westminster-College Library. And his Lordship knowing well, that to perform such a Task completely was above the Abilities of any one Man, he did intent to leave it to be finished by Twelve or more of the best Scholars in the Nation, whom he had in his Eye, and was willing to give them Twenty Thousand Pounds rather than it should be left unfinished. The next 
And to publish Bp. Grostead's Works, who flourished in the Reign of Hen. VII. Athen. Ox. p. 5. Baleus de Script. Brit. Cent. 4. nu. 18.  thing he entered upon was to publish the Works of his Predecessor Robert Grosthead, who wrote several Books against the Ambition and Covetousness of the Church of Rome. These being in Manuscript, and scattered up and down, the Bishop searched all the Libraries Foreign and Domestic where he had any correspondence, and digested what he could get of them, and wrote Arguments upon divers Parts of them. But whilst he expected more daily of the same Author, his Troubles in the Star-Chamber coming on, they put a stop to both these great Undertake of his. Of which Troubles we have spoken before, and how at last he was released from the Tower, and how generously he forgave his Enemies. So that now we fall in again in the order of Time with the Conclusion of the former Part, where we left him in the Year 1640.  
It was not now a time for an Honest 
His Endeavours to serve the King.  Man to busy himself about his own private Injuries, when the public Interest of the whole Nation lay at stake; which wholly took up the Bishop's Thoughts. So that he made no delay to practise all the Arts and Contrivances he could think of, to reduce the murmuring Scots, if possible to some Terms of Agreement. He applieth 
[143.]  himself in the first place to James Marquis of Hamilton (whose Acquaintance he industriously shunned before) and advises with him what Methods were best to make the Scots Loyal. But yet he used him sparingly and with Caution, because he did not well know what to make of the Man; only he said, That he found him quite contrary to the Vulgar Opinion, by which he was reputed False and Cunning; for he thought him true in his Affections to the King, and so far from being Cunning, that he rather seemed to want a Reach. In the next place, his Lordship insinuates himself into Henderson, and some of his Crew; he makes Presents to them, feasts them, tenders what Pay the King could afford to their Leaders. But the House of Commons (knowing as well as he what Mettle the Scots were made of) outbid him quite, and voted such a Sum of Money by way of Brotherly Assistance, as the King was not able to come up to, much lesle to surpass. Therefore when this failed, the Bishop attacks them after another Manner. He desires that they would not quarrel with the Church of England, but remember what Vows their Kirk had 
An. 3. Eliz.  made, never to molest the Peace of this Nation. And this staggered some of that Faction; but the Gold on the other side at last quite overweighed his Lordship's Arguments, and rendered them ineffectual. So that now 
[144.]  he tries how he can work upon the Presbyterians, with whom he was more in Favour than any other Bishops. He urged his Reasons to them so prudently, and wrought upon them with the Spirit of Meekness, in such a soft engaging way, that they could not but have a great Esteem for him, tho' of another side; and they did all they could with the greatest Offers they had, to buy him over to theirs. Some of them (when they saw how candid he was) made their Complaints to him of the Severity of the Ecclesiastical Courts, and of the rough usage they met with from some of the Prelates, upon which he excused the Matter; but still pleaded for Episcopacy, and Church Government. As 
[145.]  far as Charity would allow, he would hear them discourse their Points civilly, but when he saw, That they aimed more at a regulated Crown, than at a regulated Mitre, he would bear not longer with them. But in the Committee 
[146, 147.]  
Mar. 1. 1640. Laud's Troub. p. 174. Cypr. Ang. p. 472. Fuller's Ch. Hist, B. XI. p. 174.  of Lay and Clergymen for the Church Affairs, where the Bishop of Lincoln had the Chair, he behaved himself so much to the Content of the Nonconformists, that they admired his Conduct and his Courtesy.  
While the Affairs of the Nation were in this Disorder, and the Bishop 
[148, 149.]  was daily consulted in Matters of Consequence; 
The Trial of the E. of Strafford.  he was at the same time taken up too with some Considerations preparative to the Trial of the most Noble, and most Unfortunate Earl of Strafford; which was the most 
Lestrang. K. Ch. p. 219.  Pompous and Magnificent Scene of Judgement that was ever represented in this Island. This Great Man's Troubles gave Lincoln Occasion to show his Abilities in Two Points: First, about the Circumstance of the Examination of the Cause: Secondly, whether at this Earl's Trial, the Bishops might be admitted to vote amongst the Peers, it being a Case of Blood. To which he determined, that Bishops in England might and aught to vote 
[150, etc.]  in such a Case. I omit the Transcription of his Reasons and Arguments upon both these Heads, and leave it to every Man to consult them as he thinks fit. But for all his Opinion declared, the Bishops were not present at the Trial.  
But it is objected against the Bishop 
[160.]  
The Bishop blamed about the Earl of Strafford.  of Lincoln, that tho' he pleaded strongly in Parliament to his own Peril, in behalf of the Earl of Strafford, yet he persuaded the King to consent to his Death. It is my business to relate the Matter briefly and fairly, and let it in all its Circumstances pled for itself; for if they cannot excuse it, I am sure it is not fitting I should. How much the most 
[161.]  Incomparable Strafford was the Hatred of a Turbulent and Mutinous People may be seen in all the Historians that mention him: As likewise how very Clamorous they were for his Life, and how vehemently they thirsted after his Blood. The Commons they were resolved their Sentence passed upon him should stand, and they would have his Head before they proceeded one step further in the Affairs of the Nation. The very Person of the King was in danger, if he withstood them; nay, and there was a Plot on foot against the Earl, in case the King refused to sign the Bill for his Beheading; for they were resolved to have him one way or other. When the Brave Earl heard this, he wrote to the King, That he was well prepared for his End, and would not his Gracious Majesty should disquiet Himself to save a ruin'd Vessel that must sink. So there appearing no Hopes at all of saving him, the House of Lords sand Four Bishops, Usher, Morton, Williams and Potter, to advice his Majesty in this Difficulty, and to deliberate whether in Conscience he might yield to the obstinate Clamours of the People. And they state the Question thus to 
Heylyn's Resp. Petr. p. 149. etc.  the King: Since his Majesty refers his own Judgement to his Judges, and they are to answer it, if an Innocent Person suffers; why may he not satisfy his Conscience in the present Matter, that since competent Judges in the Law had awarded, That they found the Earl guilty of Treason, to suffer that Judgement to stand, tho' in his own Mind he was satisfied that the Lord Strafford was not criminous? The Four Bishops gave their Opinions in the Affirmative, laying the Blame wholly on the Judges; and the Noble Earl was so far from taking it ill, that the Lord Primate assisted him in all his Preparations for a Better Life, and was with him on the Scaffold to the very last Moment of his Life. This is the plain Matter of Fact, so far as I can see, without Surmises on the one side or the other. But a certain 
Sanderson's K. Ch. p. 415, 416.  Historian, that relates things false as often as true, tells us, That the Bishop of Lincoln played a base Trick, and put a Paper into the King's Hand privately, which did the Earl's Business 
Heylyn's Resp. Petr. p. 153, etc.  for him: the absurdity of which Narration was sufficiently evidenced before; but since there has been a greater insight into the Matter, and 
[162.]  'tis well known that the Paper, which the Bishop put into his Majesty's Hand, was only his humble Advice, to persuade him not to pass the Bill for a Perpetual Parliament. And but two Days before, he asked the King, If his wise Father would have suffered such a Thing as an Indefinite Parliament to be demanded, much lesle have granted it? And, Whether it would be possible for his truest Subjects to do him Service any more? But yet for all 
On Monday Morning the 10. of May, 1641.  this, with the same Drop of Ink he signed the Bill for this Parliament, and for Strafford's Execution; as if it were impossible his Royal Prerogative should stand, when Wentworth the great Prop of it was fallen.  
Now the King prepares for a Journey 
[163.]  
Baker's Chron. 6. August. The Bishop advises the K. not to go to Scotland.  into Scotland to appease the Seditious there. But the Bp. of Lincoln entreated his Majesty to put of his Journey thither for the present; and to consider, That the Scotch would reveal all he did or said amongst them to their Partners at Westminster, with whom they held a mutual Correspondence: That they had been tumultuous now for two Years, and that to pacify them on a sudden was a thing impossible in all probability. They have been rebellious so lately, that it is too soon to offer them Courtesy; and they knowing in what Condition your Majesty is, will take it not for Kindness, but for Fear. Keep near to the Parliament, all the Work is within those Walls; do what you can to win them Man by Man. And Sir (continues he) I wish what I shall tell you were not true; Some of the Commons are preparing a Declaration to make the Actions of your Government odious: Stir not till you have mitigated the Grand Contrivers with some Preferments. But is this credible? says the King. Judge you of that, Sir, (replies the Bishop) when a Servant of Pym's (in whose Master's House all this is moulded) came to me, to know of me in what Terms I was contented to have my own Case in Star-Chamber exhibited among other Irregularities. And I had much ado to keep my Name, and what concerns me, out of these Quotations: but I obtained that of the Fellow, and a Promise to know all they have in Contrivance, with some Money that I gave him. But the King never regarded the Bishop's Advice: and indeed his Majesty could not endure to be near Westminster, if he could help it; for one of the Bedchamber has been heard say, That nothing made him remove so far from his Court and Council, as the tediousness of Intelligence brought to him every Minute, with variety of Glosses and Opinions upon it.  
While the King was in the North, 
[164, 165, 166.]  the Miseries of the Church began to 
The Bishop visits his Diocese in the troublesome Times.  increase. But notwithstanding the universal Contempt of Episcopacy at this time, Lincoln visited his Diocese in October in his own Person; which was the last Visitation, during those unhappy Times, in either Province. He saw there was great need at present to confirm and to strengthen the People, and to heal the many Divisions, that were daily made amongst them. But as soon as he had finished his Task, and was returned again to sit in Parliament, he heard a Murmuring against him in the Lower-House, not only for visiting his Diocese, in such unsettled Times, but likewise because he had told the People in divers places, That no Power could protect them against the Statutes still in force, that fell into Disorders and Deviations against them. So earnestly did the Bishop urge the People to a Conformity with the Church by Law Established. And to clear himself, at a Conference between the Two Houses in the Painted-Chamber, he justified his Visitation and his Endeavours, to silence unlicenc'd Preachers, who were as bold, as if they were subject to no Government at all.  
And now on the 26th of Nou. the King 
The King returns from Scotland.  came again to London from Scotland; and the Bishop of Lincoln, as at other Times, so now had the misfortnne to have his Foresight of Things confirmed by the Event. He had forwarn'd his Majesty of ill Designs, and of that Remonstrance, which the Commons published on the 15th of December, by the 
Baker's Chron.  Name of A Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom, wherein all the Trips and false Steps (in their Judgement) committed by his Majesty since he came to the Crown, and before, to that very Time, were represented with most undutiful and malicious Aggravations. Besides this, at his coming 
[167]  home, he found his Clergy and his 
The Parl. set against the Bishops.  Bishops in a fair way to be trampled under foot, and the Parliament were resolved to sit it out, till they had accomplished their Designs; which were, to seclude the Clergy from all Secular Affairs, and to vote the Bishops out of the Parliament-House. His Majesty saw the Danger of this even to Himself, and did all he could to patronise the Bishops; and at this Time preferred some Worthy Men to vacant Bishoprics: and among the rest translated Lincoln to the Archbishopric 
Bishop of Lincoln translated to York.  of York, and gave him leave to hold the Deanery of Westminster in Commendam for three Years longer, that he might have a place of Residence near the Parliament; his Majesty expecting that it could not continued much longer than that. But the Parliament held on much longer, and the Bishop never after one half year saw his Deanery more.  
His Grace proved all along in this 
York defends the Bishops in Parliament. Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. 226.  Parliament a stout and an able Champion for the Bishops not with standing the great Affronts and strong Oppositions they met with. And so remarkable was his zeal for them, that when his Majesty once saw him so very earnest to defend Episcopacy than opposed by the Parliament, My Lord (says the King) I commend you, that you are no whit daunted with all Disasters, but are zealous in defending your Order. Please it your Majesty (replies the Archbishop) I am a true Welshman, and they are observed never to run away, till their General do first for sake them. No fear of my flinching whilst your Majesty doth countenance our Cause. And in 
[168.]  the foregoing May when the Privileges of the Bishops were called in Question, Willams in a Committee of the Lords stood up for his Brethrens and maintained their Cause in a long Speech, which may be seen all faithfully transcribed out of his own Copy. So that he laid the design of 
[176, etc.]  bringing a Bill against them asleep for five Months, till this time when it began to come again into play. And now about Christmas the Mob 
Hollis, Haslerig, Hamden, Pym and Strode.  was all in an uproar about the King's coming to the House of Commons to demand their Five Members impeached for Treason. After they had 
The Archbishop defends Westm. Abbey from the Mob.  made a Tumult for some time about Whitehal, the cry went for Westminster, and the general Voice was, Let us pluck down the Organs, and deface the Monuments. When the Archbishop 
Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 185, 186.  of York (who was Dean of Westminster) heard of this, he made fast the Doors of the Abbey against them; and when they would have forced them open, they were beaten of with stones from the top of the Leads; the Archbishop in the mean time maintaining the Abbey with a few more, for fear the Rabble should seize upon the Regalia, which were in that Place under his Custody. But within an hour, after the Multitude had been sufficiently pelted with stones from above, a few of the Archbishop's Men opened a door and rushing with their drawn Swords, dispersed them all. But from this Time the Bishops durst not come near the Parliament House either by Land or Water, the Passages were so beset against them, and they so vehemently threatened by the People.  
Upon this the Archbishop with 
The Protestation of the Bishops. Decemb. 27.  Eleven more of his Brethrens meet the next day in his Lodgings. There he draws up a Petition and Protestation, first to crave Protection, and upon want thereof a positive Declaration, that whatsoever was done at the Lord's House during their forced and involuntary Absence was invalid, and of none Effect. The other Bishops relying upon York's great Knowledge in the Laws, did at his Request set their Hands to it. And the Lord 
D. Lloyd's Life of Williams.  Keeper when he saw it, did profess, That it was the strongest and the fullest of Law of any that ever he saw in his Life: For the Bishop had modelled it exactly by one of the same nature that he had found in the Records of the Tower, which he studied there, to the no small Prejudice of his Eyes.  
On the 30th of December the Petition 
The Bishops sent to the Tower. Nalson's Collect. Vol. 2. p. 794, etc.  was read in the House, and the Bishops thereupon accused by the Commons of High-Treason, For endeavouring to subvert the Fundamental-Laws of this Realm, and the Being of Parliament, by preferring this Petition and Protestation. And upon this Accusation, they were committed to the Tower, where they must remain for 18 Weeks. Now the Archbishop of 
Cypr. Ang. p. 492.  Canterbury, who had been in the Tower for some time, had a better Neighbourhood than he desired, but no better Company than before; for on both sides they were agreed not to converse, jest their Enemies should be exasperated at it, thinking they might plot together. But they often sent to one another Messages of Love and Consolation. Which mutual Civilities were 
Laud and Williams reconciled.  scarce omitted for so much as a Day betwixt the Two Archbishops, notwithstanding all their great Differences before. So that whatever the former Scene of their Life was, the concluding Act was nothing but Peace and Love; a signal Instance both in Buckingham and in Laud, of the good Providence of that GOD, which maketh Men to be of one Mind.  
Never sure were any Pack of the 
The Bishops libelled.  blackest Villains so servily treated, and so abused, as were the Bishops at this Time. Whole Reams of Paper were wasted in Scurrility and Scandal upon them, adapted to the Capacity of the Vulgar. One Notable Ballad among 
Nalson's Coll. vol. 2. p. 807.  the rest, the Reader may see yet extant, which was made for a Newyears-Gift for the Bishops, upon their being committed to the Tower. And 
Cypr. Ang. p. 492.  the Archbishop of York in particular was now as deep in the Hatred of the Common-People, as was the Archbishop of Canterbury. His Picture was cut in Brass in his Episcopal Robes, with his square Cap on his Head, Bandeliers about his Neck, (with reference to his Defence of the Abbey) and a Musket on his Shoulder, with a Rest in his Hand; and abundance of other Buffoonery, which made him merry with the Conceit of it.  
While the Bishops were thus secured 
The Bill passes for excluding the Bishops from Parl.  in the Tower, and scarce any body left to speak in their behalf, than the Bill against them was brought in, and on the the Sixth of February it passed currently in the House of Lords. For which they Themselves after suffered in the same sort from the Commons, as the Bishops did now from them: The Lords Temporal deprived the Bishops of their Right, and the Commons they excluded the Lords Temporal from theirs. Which Consequence might have been foreseen had they listened to the Marquis of Dorchester, who upon the 21. of May asked his Peers, Which of your Lordships can say he shall continued a Member of this House, when at one Blow Six and Twenty are cut of?  
There was nothing now wanting 
The King signs the Bill.  to ratify the Exclusion of the Bishops from the Parliament, and all Secular 
[181.]  
An. 1642.  Affairs, but the Consent of the King. For which Consent of his several have accounted several ways; some urging Necessity, some the hopes of appeasing the Nation by it for the present, till he saw a fit time to restore the Bishops again. But my Author gives us this Narration of the Matter. When the King went with the Queen to Dover, to see her take Shipping for France, the Queen (whom his Majesty loved entirely) would not leave him till he signed this Bill against the Bishops; and what made her so urgent, was, that she was persuaded into an Opinion by Sir John Culpepper (who attended there for that Dispatch) that the Lords and Commons would press his Majesty not more so much against the Grain, if this one Bill were but signed; upon which hopes the King complied. And York told me (says Hacket) in the Tower, That the King had sacrificed the Clergy to this Parliament, by Artifices contrived at Dover, a Day before the News was brought to London. 
* Fuller's Ch. Hist, B. XI. p. 195.  And this Relation seems to agreed (bating the Circumstance of the Place) with one Author more, who says the Bill was signed at Canterbury; as likewise 
Cypr. Ang. p. 493.  does Dr. Heylyn, on the 14th of February. But upon the 5th of May 
P. 498. The Bishops released from Prison.  the Bishops were released from the Tower, upon Bail, by the Peers, and dismissed to their respective Dwellings: 
[182.]  at which Time York went privately away after the King, and never returned again. So that from henceforward he enjoyed nothing but Trouble to his very dying Day. Which makes me pity him the more, because his Miseries now took the Advantage of him: For Adversity which is in a manner but necessary to lay a dead weight upon the Extravagancies of Youth, and to Discipline the unexperienced, is of no real Advantage to Age, and added to the Burden of Years, must needs prove intolerable.  
Now the King was in York, and the 
The ABp. follows the King to York.  Archbishop with several other Lords and Gentlemen, came here to offer their Service to his Majesty; amongst whom no Man was readier than his Grace with his Assistance. This was the first time he had seen his Bishopric, which was conferred upon him about 7 Months before; and wherein he promised himself much Satisfaction, by settling here, and living amongst the Gentry of this County, in the Splendour and Hospitality suiting his Dignity. But the common Fate of the Nation grew too apparent, to encourage any such hopes now, and things were so embroiled, that he could never settle his Family here. But to proceed with the Affairs 
[185, 186.]  in which Williams was so much concerned; no Man being more active to the utmost of his Abilities, to serve the King in this County.  
The King had at Hull a Magazine 
The King is denied Entrance at Hull.  of Arms and Ammunition, which was first provided for the late intended War against the Scots, and lay there ever since. His Majesty intended to 
Baker's Chron.  possess himself of this Town, and to make use of his own Arms and Ammunition for his Preservation; but coming before the Gates of the Town, he was denied Entrance by Sir John Hotham, who by Orders from the House of Commons had newly taken Charge of that Place. Upon this the King proclaiming him a Traitor, was forced to retire, and bear the Indignity, for the Parliament would give him no Redress. But the Hothams the Father and Son, made a Sally out of the Town after, with a Design to take Cawood-Castle, 
The ABp. at Midnight makes his Escape from Cawood-Castle.  where the Archbishop was. Late at Night the sad News was brought to his Grace, that he must remove thence, and leave the Country, as he tendered his Life; for Young Hotham was preparing to come with sufficient Force by five a Clock next Morning to take the Castle, and had drawn his Sword in a hectoring manner, with a Vow to cut of the Archbishop's Head. Upon this, his Grace knowing the Temper of the Man, and that he had spoke much against him for his Disloyalty, and the Castle being ruinous and unfortified, he makes his escape thence after Midnight, with some few Horse, and what Goods he could carry of at so short a Warning, and left the Charge of the Castle to Mr. Roger Nighting-gale, a Gentleman of the King's Chapel. Thus was he forced to leave his 
[187.]  Diocese, without any Provision for his Journey, without a Sumpter, without change of Apparel, and almost without Money; for all he could gather among his Tenants, while he was in Yorkshire, was little enough to furnish the King. But he had the good 
He meets the King in his way.  Fortune to meet his Majesty in the way, raising an Army, and beating up for Volunteers, in whose Service the Archbishop left the stoutest of his Followers, and kept but a very slender Retinue to follow him. At parting, upon his bended Knee (with Tears streaming from his Eyes, and hearty Prayers for his Majesty, he kissed his Hand, and received a Pass from him, to carry him safe into his own Country.  
So now the Archbishop was come 
He arrives at Aberconway in Wales.  to Aberconway in Caernarvonshire, from whence he had been absent (except it were an accidental Visit, or so) for 
[208.]  near fifty Years. And never did any People stand in greater need of a Wise and Courageous Person, to advice and to protect them, than the Welsh did at this Time; and no Man more proper for such an Undertaking than the Bishop. Who was very watchful in the first place, to detect such as held private Intelligence with the Enemy, several of which he secured, and made the rest fly for it. And to procure the Blessing of GOD upon his Endeavours; he set all North-Wales upon a more earnest practice of their Religion, and ordered that frequent Prayers should be had in all Churches, with Fasting, and that Ministers should preach weekly, and no Man was oftener in the Pulpit than himself. After this, he made it his Business to unite all the Great Families in one common Interest, whose Emulation otherwise towards one another had drawn them of from the Service of the King. And for this Reason, he thought it might be most convenient, if he could get the Country all together, to fortify one place, and to appear in a Body, by which means they would be more secure, and more manageable too. Which thing at last he effected, and of which I shall give a plain and faithful Narrative, without any Glosses upon it; because it is what makes the greatest noise in our Historians, of all the Actions of the Bishop's Life.  
Conway-Castle was the place, that the 
The ABp. fortifies Conway-Castle.  Bishop had pitched upon for the general Defence of the Country. And so indefatigable was he in collecting Moneys, gathering Forces, repairing the Castle, casting up Works, in writing, sending, and making Interests, that he did as much as all the Adjutants besides, and more than his Health could well bear; which before was ever florid, but 
[209.]  now began to droop, and continued from hence forward to decline. All this he undertook at his own proper Cost and Peril, without any Order from, or Notice of the King. But so soon as his Majesty heard of his Loyalty, he wrote often very kind and affectionate Letters to his Grace, of which so many as belong to the Business of Conway-Castle more immediately, are yet extant; one of which to give the more Satisfaction to my Reader, I shall transcribe here.  
From Oxford, Aug. 1. 1643. CHARLES R.  
MOst Reverend Father in God, etc. 
The King's Letter to the ABp. about the Castle.  We are informed by our Servant Orlando Bridgman, not only of the good Encouragement and Assistance you have given him in our Service, but also of your own Personal and Earnest Endeavours to promote it. And tho' we have had long Experience of your Fidelity, Readiness and Zeal in what concerns us; yet it cannot but be most acceptable unto us, that you still give unto us fresh occasions to remember it. And we pray you to continued to give all possible Assistance to our said Servant. And whereas you are now resident at our Town of Aberconway, where there is a Castle, heretofore belonging to our Crown, and now to the Lord Conway, which with some charge is easily made defensible: but the Lord Conway being imprisoned by some of our rebellious Subjects, and not able to furnish it, as is requisite for our Service, and the Defence of those parts: You having begun at your own charge to put the same into repair, We do hearty desire you to go on in that Work, assuring you that whatsoever Moneys you shall lay out upon the Fortification of the said Castle, shall be repaid unto you, before the Custody thereof shall be put into any other hand than your own, or such as you shall recommend.  
Upon the backside of this gracious Letter, this the Archbishop has written with his own hand:  
I Jo. Archbishop of York, have assigned my Nephew Mr. Wil Hooks Esq Alderman of Conway, to have the Custody of this Castle, mentioned in his Majesty's Letter under his Signet, until I shall be repaid the Moneys, and Money-worth disbursed by me in the repair thereof, by virtue of this Warrant. And in case of Mortality, I do assign my Nephew Gryffith Williams to the same effect. Jan. 2. 1643.  
Some time after this, his Majesty 
The King sends for him to Oxford.  wanting the Assistance of the Archbishop at Oxford, writes to him to come there to him, and to bring along 
[212.]  
Decemb. 16. 1644.  with him the best Intelligence he could procure of the Condition of his Majesty's Affairs. Upon this he sets out upon his Journey, notwithstanding the Ways were very much beset, and came to Oxford in January, and was kindly received at the Court; where he foresaw his stay must be but short, for the City was so crowded with Nobility and Gentry, that it could not entertain them long; neither could so many of the King's Trusty Friends be spared from their Counties any considerable time. His Grace therefore made the most use he could of his Time, in giving Counsel to the best of his Knowledge and Experience to his Majesty. One Prophetical Discovery which he made to his Majesty at this Time, is worth the remarking: For, he said, That Cromwell, taken into 
The ABp. Advice to the King about Cromwell.  the Rebel's Army by his Cousin Hambden, was the most dangerous Enemy that his Majesty had. For tho' he were at that time of mean Rank and Use among them, yet he would climb higher. I knew him (says he) at Bugden, but never knew his Religion. He was a Common Spokesman for Sectaries, and maintained their Part with stubborness. He never discoursed as if he were pleased with your Majesty, and your great Officers; and indeed he loves none, that are more than his Equals. Your Majesty did him but Justice in repulsing a Petition put up by him against Sir Thomas Steward, of the Isle of Ely; but he takes them all for his Enemies, that would not let him undo his best Friend: and above all that live, I think he is the most mindful of an Injury. He talks openly that it is fit some should act more vigorously against your Forces, and bring your Person into the Power of the Parliament. He cannot give a good Word of his General the Earl of Essex, because he says the Earl is but half an Enemy to your Majesty, and hath done you more Favour than Harm. His Fortunes are broken, that it is impossible for him to subsist, much lesle to be what he aspires to, but by your Majesty's Bounty, or by the Ruin of us all, and a common Confusion. In short, every Beast hath some evil Properties; but Cromwell hath the Properties of all evil Beasts. My humble Motion is, that either you would win him to you by Promises of fair Treatment, or catch him by some Stratagem, and cut him short. All which the King received with a smile, and said nothing.  
After the King had advised with his 
The K. advises with the ABp. and some others.  Parliament at Oxford, and saw that little good came of it, but that Things remained much in the same ticklish posture; 
[214.]  his Majesty called a few able Statesmen to him in private, the principal among them being the Archbishop; who therefore was desired to speak first, and freely to declare what means he thought most expedient to bring his Majesty and his Followers out of those Troubles, which the Lords and Gentlemen, that lately undertook it, had left no better than they found them. The Archbishop excusing himself, desired to hear others first whose Experience in those weighty Concerns might be beyond his. But this being not granted, and he being farther pressed upon, spoke thus to the King: My Opinion, Sir, will be strange, 
[215.]  
The ABp. Advice to the King.  and, I fear, unwelcome: If it please not, yet do not impute it to Falsehood or Fear, but to Error and Mistaking. Your Militia is courageous, but small, not like to increase, and than not to hold out. Your Enemies multiply, and by this time your Army hath taught them to fight: They are in Treaty with the Scots, to make a Recruit; and the Princes and States beyond Seas, to their shame, give them countenance. Their Treasurers at Westminster boast, that it costs them large Moneys every Month to keep Correspondence with their Intelligencers and Spies about you. Your Soldiers in their March and Quarters are very unruly, and loose the People's Affections every where, by the Oppressions they sustain. Out of these Premises I infer, and I engage my Life to your Majesty's Justice, and my Soul to GOD's Tribunal, that I know no better course than to struggle not further, since so it is the Will of GOD, and to refer all to the pleasure and discretion of that unkind and insolent Parliament at Westminster, but with the preservation of your Majesty's Crown and Person, to which they have all taken an Oath to offer no hurt or violence, and have renewed it in many Protestations: As likewise with Indemnity of your Adherents; for we save a Ship with the loss of the Goods, not of the Passengers. If any thing will soften them, it will be this most pacific and gracious Condescension. The Heathen speak rudely, that Constancy in Suffering will tyre out the Cruelty of the Gods; but certainly such Sufferance and Self-denial as resigns up your Majesty's Cause and Trust quite unto them, will make the worst of them ashamed of their Pertinacy, and melt the best into a shower of Repentance: But if your Majesty disdains to go so low and will not put the good of the Church and Kingdom upon their Faith, to which Misery, I fear, our Sins have brought us, I am ready to run on in the common Hazard with your Majesty, and to live and die in your Service.  
Some there were that concurred with his Grace in this Advice, but the King and the Generality dissented, and his Thanks for his free Speaking were but small. So his Majesty being 
[217.]  resolved to try his Right by his Sword, the Archbishop was likewise determined to assist him as before. And hereupon he leaves Oxford in the beginning 
The ABp. returns to Wales.  of the Spring, having received a fresh Charge from his Majesty to take Care of all North-Wales, but especially Conway-Castle. So by easy Journeys (guarded most of his way by some Forces that marched that Road) he came to Conway, which was the last Journey of his Life.  
As many in this Country as had 
His Countrymen lay up all their things in Conway-Castle.  any thing to loose, were very solicitous how to secure their Things. Therefore they desired leave of the Archbishop to lay up in the Castle all their Plate, Jowels, Money, Writings, valuable Goods, and such like, each Person having an Inventory of his own share. And some that were suspected for their Loyalty, yet amongst others obtained this Favour, which was the ground of much ensuing Mischief; tho' the Archbishop consented to it out of Policy, thinking by such Hostages as they put into his keeping, to secure these Persons to the Interest of the King. A Twelvemonth after, Sir 
[218.]  
Athenae Oxon. p. 804. The Castle taken from the ABp.  John Owen (a Colonel for the King) coming this way after a Defeat, he obtained of Prince Rupert to be substituted under his Hand, Commander of the Castle; and so surprising it by Force, he entered it; notwithstanding that the Castle was before given to the Bishop under the King's own Signet, to possess it quietly, till his cost laid out upon it should be refunded to him, which as yet had been never offered: and notwithstanding the Prince himself had backed his Majesty's Pleasure therein, and had by his Letters commanded all Officers by Sea and Land to assist him in it.  
Upon this the Archbishop sends to his Majesty at Oxford this Remonstrance by the Hand of Captain James Martin.  
1 UPon the Ninth of May 1645. 
He complains to the King.  Sir J. Owen Governor of Conway, about Seven of the Clock in the Evening, before the Night-Guard was sent unto the Castle, the possession whereof was placed by the King in the ABp. of York, and his Assigns, upon great and valuable considerations by his gracious Letters, and under his Majesty's Hand and Signet, bearing date at Oxford August 1. 1643. did with Bars of Iron and Armed Men, break the Locks and Doors, and enter into the said Castle, and seize upon the Place, the Victuals, Powder, Arms, and Ammunition, laid in by the said ABp. at his own charge, without the lest contribution from the King or the Country, for the Defence of the Place, and the Service of the King and the said Country.  
2. That being demanded by the said Archbishop to suffer two of the said Archbishop's Men to be there with his rabble of Grooms and beggarly People, to see the Goods of the Country preserved from filching, and the Victuals and Ammunition from wasting and purloining, Sir John in a furious manner utterly refused it, tho' all the Company cried upon him to do so for his own discharge, yet he would not listen to any reason, but promised the next day, to suffer all things to be inventoried, and the Lord Archbishop to take away what he would, Sir John acknowledging all the Goods and Ammunition to be his.  
3. The next day he receded again from all this, would not permit at the entreaty of the Bishop of St. Asaph, his own Cousin-German, any of the Archbishop's Men to go and look to the Goods, nor suffer his Servants to fetch forth for his Grace's use (who hath lingered long under a great Sickness and Weakness) either a little Wine, to make him some Cawdles, or so much as a little of his own stolen Beer to make him Possets, which all the Country conceive to be very barbarous.  
4. The said Sir John continueth rambling from place to place, and detaineth still all the goods of the Country, laid up in this Castle, as conceived to be owned by the Archbishop, who was like to be responsal for them; and had duly returned them in other Years: and threatens to seize upon the Plate, and all things else of Value to his own use. Than which no Rebel or Enemy could deal more outrageously.  
5 The Archbishop desires his Majesty would repossess him of the Right of this Castle, according to his Majesty's Grant made upon valuable consideration. And that if his Majesty's pleasure be that Sir Jo. Owen (or any other Man of more Moderation and lesle precipitancy) should be there, he come under the Archbishop his Assignment, as Right requires, and as Colonel Ellis and Mr. Chichely were content to do, and did. To the which the Archbishop (as Colonel Ellis and Sir William. Legg can witness) was ever willing to give way.  
6. That howsoever, the ABp. may have all his Goods and Chattels, all his Cannon, Ammunition, Arms, and Powder, Provision in Beef, Beer, Wine, Cheese, Butter Oatmeal and Corn presently restored to him. And what is wasted and made away, may be answered to him by Sir John: As also that all the Inhabitants of this and the Neighbour Countries, may have their Goods presently out of the Castle, before they be pilfered and embezzled.  
7. Or otherwise, that his Majesty, and Prince Rupert his Lieutenant, will graciously permit and suffer, with their gracious Favour, the said Archbishop and Inhabitants of the Country, to repair with their Complaints to the Assembly at Oxford, and the Committee there, against these, and many other Outrages and Concussions of the said Sir Jo. Owen, under colour of being Governor and Sheriff of this Town, not warranted by any of his Commissions.  
This proved of none effect, and 
[219.]  
But has no Redress.  procured only delays from Week to Week, till at last Capt. Martin received this cold Answer, That it should be considered at more Leisure. When he returned thus into Wales, and brought not the lest Satisfaction, nor a Complimental Excuse to pacify the Archbishop he said nothing, jest he should have said too much: but his great Spirit was chafed with this great Indignity.  
After this, fifteen Months expired, 
Col. Mitton by the Assistance of the Country possesses the Castle, advised by the ABp.  and the Archbishop had no Redress; at which time Col. Mitton (a violent Man against the King) coming from Chester (of which he was possessed) marched over Dee, through Flint and Denbishire, quite to Conway Town Upon this the Archbishop consults with some few what was best to be done in this Case, to secure the People and their Possessions. They agreed to parley with Mitton (who was sensible enough of his own Strength and their Weakness:) They perceiving that the Col. aimed at the Castle, where all their Wealth was deposited; and seeing moreover, That he was more haughty than covetous, they closed by Insinuations with him, relating how Sir John Owen had surprised the Castle, 
[220.]  detained their Goods, and insulted over them who had born Arms in the same Cause; therefore they offered to join with him to put him into the Castle, upon Condition that every Proprietary might obtain what he could prove by the Archbishop's Inventory to belong to him; and all that was over and above, he should be welcome to it himself. And thus the Archbishop with his Art and fair Language, got Mitton's Consent; and immediately thereupon without the lest delay the Soldiers, assisted by the 
* Hacket confesses it became not the ABp. to bear Arms, but acquits him in all the other Circumstances of this Action.  Archbishop and his Kindred, with other Welsh, forced open the Gates, and entered the Castle, which Col. Mitton possessed himself of, and kept his Word in letting the Owners take those Goods to which they could prove their Title. And this is a brief Narration of the Matter of Fact, transcribed, almost Word for Word, out of B. Hacket; so that if any thing prove amiss, it is no fault of mine, for I knew not where to seek for better Information. If the Reader thinks the Archbishop stands in need of a Defence (especially from the black Constructions of some Historians) 
Sanders. K. Charles p. 889.  he may see how B. Hacket has commented upon this Action; or if he has a mind to read an Apology 
Harmar's Apolog. Lond. pr. 80. 1649.  for his Grace in a Piece of neat Latin, there is one extant. So I leave him to his own Judgement; adding only, That if the Archbishop had any such Designs as to assist the Parliament against the King, it is perhaps one of the greatest Inconsistencies that is to be met with (considering the whole Tenor of his Actions to this Moment) in any Man's Life; and to think of it 
Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 227.  was the wonder of all Men in those Times. And a certain Author affirms, that a Kinsman of his Grace's told him, That if he might have the convenience to speak with his Majesty but one half Hour, he doubted not but to give him full Satisfaction for his Behaviour. We are told too by another Hand, That the dreadful Stories of his declaring for the Parliament, was nothing else, but his garrisoning of his own House, and discountenancing some 
Da. Lloyd. at Penrhyn.  straggling Cavaliers that did no good, but lie upon the Countries themselves, and draw thither whole Armies of the Enemy to lie upon it too.  
We have dwelled something long upon the Business of Conway-Castle, but it could not be well dispatched in lesle time. Now let us look a little again 
[222.]  upon the melancholy prospect of the King's Affairs, in which tho' our ABp. now had it not in his Power to be active, yet he was deeply concerned 
The King leaves Oxford. Baker's Chron.  all along for his Majesty. Who now seeing Oxford was in danger of a Siege from Fairfax's Victorious Army, began to bethink himself of his own Safety, and was persuaded by Mounsieur Montrevile, privily to leave the Town; which accordingly he did, accompanied 
Apr. 27. An. 1646.  only with two Persons, and not above ten were made privy to it. And the first Tidings of his Royal Person was, that he was at the Scots Camp before Newark. Which when it was told our ABp. he said, What! be advised by a Stranger, and trust the Scots! than all is lost. The Treachery of the Scots to his Majesty, and all the unparallelled Troubles that henceforward attended the King, till that very Hour in which he was enroled amongst the Blessed Martyrs, suffering from the Hands of his own Subjects, all this the Reader is too seek for elsewhere, since it is foreign to my Purpose.  
So I return to the ABp. who was 
The ABp. great sorrow for the Death of the King.  extremely concerned at the Death of so good a King, whose Character in a Fast Sermon he had once given, That 
[225, etc.]  he was as like Virtue itself, as could be patterned in Flesh and Blood. So deep a Sense had his Grace of the Loss of his most Sacred Majesty, and of the Gild of his Innocent Blood that lay upon the Nation, that from this Time, he risen out of his Bed constantly at Midnight, and without any thing on but his Shirt and Waistcoat, kneeled upon his bore Knees, and prayed earnestly for a Quarter of an Hour, before he went to his Rest again. And the reason why he observed the Midnight-Season was, because the Scriptures speak of our Saviour's Coming in the Night; the principal Matter of his Prayers being this, Come, Lord. JESUS; come quickly, and put an end to these Days of Sin and Misery. From this time his Spirit (which no Misfortunes before could touch) was perfectly broke, and he never looked up again. All his wont cheerfulness, and his pleasant Humour was quite overcast. No Man formerly more averse than he to Privacy, yet now he thinks no Retirement too close and obscure. He shuns Company all he can; his Discourse sparing, or if he inquires after any News, 'tis after those that tried the King, especially Cromwell and Bradshaw, expecting every Hour some signal Judgement upon them. Thus disconsolate 
[227.]  he continued for two Years and almost two Months, no one being able to give an account of any thing he did, but that he prayed and read all Day, and much of the Night. And now every Month brought on a greater Decay in his Constitution than a Year before. Nor was he without Prognostics of his Death (as 'tis said) some time before it: and sometimes, when he had said Grace after Meat, and was rising from the Table, he would say, I am ready for the Lord.  
His Death was occasioned by a sudden 
His Sickness and Death.  Catarrh, which caused a Quinsey, and a shortness of Breath, all which dissolved him in the space of twelve Hours. During which time the Virtuous Lady Mostyn (at whose House he was) spoke to him of his preparation for another World: Cousin (says he) I am already prepared, and will be better prepared. So he sent for the Minister that was nearest, and had the Visitation of the Sick read twice over to him, the greatest part whereof (especially the Psalms) he repeated distinctly himself, and received Absolution. When the Pangs of Death were upon him, many other Prayers were read, and short Sentences of Devotion repeated aloud in his Ears; and these Words being said often, The Lord be merciful to thee, the Lord receive thy Soul, at that Instant, first he closed his Eyes with one Hand, and than lifting up the other, his Lips moved, and recommending his Spirit to his Redeemer, he expired. 
1649. according to some. Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 228.   

* [228.]  He died aged 68 Years 1650. the Day of his Birth and of his Death being the same; which happening on the 25 of March, it occasioned some dispute, whether his Half-year's Rents (due after Sun-rise) should go with his Goods and Chattels to his Executor, or fall to his Heir. But such was the providence of the Parties concerned therein, that before it came to a Suit, they seasonably compounded it among 
His Burial. Athen. Ox. vol. 2. p. 684, 685.  themselves. From Glodded (where he died) in the Parish of Eglwysrose his Body was carried to Penrhyn, and there buried in 
* In Welsh it signifies the Church of St. Gay. He left his Heir 1000 l. per An. Da. Lloyd. Life of Williams.  Llandegay Church, in a little Vault, at the upper end of the Chancel. Some Years after this, his Nephew and Heir Sir Griffith Williams, erected on the North-Wall of the said Chancel a very fair Monument, with the Effigies of the ABp. kneeling, in white Marble, and a large Inscription under it, made by Dr. John Hacket, his sometimes Chaplain.  
I am thinking whether after this 
His Character.  full Draught of the Actions of this great Man, it would not be an Abuse to my Reader's Reflection to conclude with a Character of him: Especially since a great part of this Life is wrote by way of Character, and his Actions very often for the clearer view of him disposed under proper Heads, omitting the Series of Time. But than again, since I found in Authors something of his Person, and something of the Qualifications of his Mind, which I have not as yet so fully told my Reader of, I thought it might not be unacceptable, if I collected the few following Observations upon him. So singular was the Strength 
D. Lloyd's Life of Williams; & Fuller's Ch. Hist; B. XI. p. 228.  of his Constitution, so strict his Education, so unwearied his Industry, and so vast his Capacity, that 'tis a hard matter to determine to which of all these he was most indebted, for all his more than ordinary Qualifications. His Learning was copious, his Judgement stayed, his Apprehension clear and searching, his Expression lively and effectual, his Elocution flowing and Majestic.  
His Person was proper, his Countenance comely, his Complexion fair and lovely; his Gait so stately, that most People mistook it for Pride, but his Conversation free and familiar to a Fault; Judge of the greatness of his 
[75.]  Spirit, by his refusing the Offers of his Friends, when he was in his lowest Condition in the Tower, saying, That he knew not how to take from any but a King. He was subject to sudden Passions, 
[63.]  but never so as to loose himself, for at such times he would reason with all exactness of a calm Temper. He understood how to neck an Opportunity; and would say, That every Man had it sooner or later. When he was to appear in Public, he took great care about his Preparation; And the greater the Performance he was to undertake, the more Liberty and Recreation he took, saying, That we could add nothing to what had been done before, but Method and Perspicuity. Which Judgement of so great a Man I desire may pled for me, in attempting this Performance, after a Reverend and Learned Prelate.  
And now having brought so considerable a Person (by Honour and Dishonour, by good Report and evil Report) at 
Fuller's Ch. Hist. 228. §. 31.  last to the Period of a busy, active and troublesome Life; I shall moralise upon the whole, with what his Lordship himself once said to a grave Divine, coming to him for Institution to a Living: I have (said he) passed through many Places of Honour and Trust, both in Church and State, more than any of my Order in England these seventy Years before. But were I but assured, that by my Preaching I had converted but one Soul unto GOD, I should take therein more Spiritual Joy and Comfort, than in all the Honours and Offices which have been bestowed upon me●  
The END.   

AN APPENDIX To the LIFE of ABp. WILLIAMS.  
Wherein is a true Account of his Benefactions to St. John's College in Cambridge; with a brief Vindication of that College from the Aspersions that have been unjustly thrown upon it with reference to this Most Reverend Prelate.  
I Hope my particular Relation and Obligations to this Worthy Society, and the heinousness of the Charge laid against it (and yet credited by a great many) will excuse me for troubling the World with these few following Pages, which I have Collected from some Papers, drawn from the College Writings, by a late Member of the Society, on purpose 
Dr. Morton.  to rectify the World in a mistake, which might prove of ill Consequence to the Credit of Colleges in general, but of ours in particular.  
A certain Author, who seems industrious 
Fuller's Ch. Hist. B. XI. p. 227. §. 26.  to defame us (upon what provocation we know not) makes bold to tell the World (bringing no Authority at all for so black and malicious an Aspersion) that Archbishop Williams at St. John's College in Cambridge Founded two Fellowships, Built a fair Library, and furnished it with Books, intending more, had his Bounty than met with proportionable Entertainment; and than he concludes with this cutting remark, But Benefactors may give Money, but not grateful Minds to such as receive it. The application of which to our Society I shall demonstrate to be wholly impertinent and false to all candid Persons, who shall read the following true State and Account of that our noble Benefactor's Liberality.  
And first, to do him more Right than this our great Accuser has done, we do most gratefully acknowledge, that besides his two mentioned Fellowships, he Founded four Scolarships, and gave us the perpetual Advouson 
The Rectories of Freshwater and Souldrens and the Donatives of St. Florence and Aberdarron.  of four Ecclesiastical Benefices, Two with Cure and Two without Cure; besides a very fair large gilt Bowl with a Cover, for public use at Festivals. From this Acknowledgement I proceed to a short Vindication of the College, beginning with that, whereby his Lordship gave us the first and that a very pregnant Instance of his Munificence, which is his building of a very fair Library. The Old Library of the College being not capacious enough for its intended use, and a second Court being added to the College for the most part at the vast Charge of that magnificent Lady, the Lady Mary, Consort of the Right Honourable Gilbert Earl of Shrewsbury; they were now casting about, by what means they might procure a New Library. And there was no one on whom they could with better Hopes cast their Eyes, or with more confident Expectations make their Addresses to, to begin and carry on so great and noble a design, than Dr. John Williams, at that time Dean of Westminster, Bishop of Lincoln, and Lord Keeper of the Great Seal: one who had a particular knowledge of most and a friendly familiarity with some of the Fellows, and a special kindness for this Place of his Education, wherein he laid the first Grounds of all his future Advancements. Being besides of a Liberal and Generous Spirit, and by his great Office and Promotions in a full Capacity alone to undertake, advance and complete such (or a more expensive) Public and beneficial Work; the Society encouraged with all these favourable and inviting Circumstances, they make Application to him, and their humble suit finds a very kind Entertainment. In pursuance whereof a Model is drawn, presented, approved, and Materials providing for the Fabric. And in this lucky juncture of Things, that noble Gentleman Sr. Ralph Hare of Stow-Bardolf in the County of Norfolk, Knight of the Bath, having some time before read Sr. Henry Spelman. De non temerandis Ecclesiis, and thereupon resolving to restore to some pious use his Impropriate Rectory of Cherry-Marham by settling it upon this College, did forthwith very seasonably bestow Three years Rend of the said Impropriation (which lay sequestered by him for some good design) amounting to 192 l. to begin the Foundation of the New Library. The most bountiful Prelate prevented by this unexpected Gift from laying the first Stones, yet follows the Work begun with continued and large supplies, at several times, in the years 1623. and 1624. to the value of 2011 l. 13 s. 4 d. And the rest of the Charge for the entire finishing of the whole Work fell upon the College itself, which was (besides the daily allowance of Bread and Beer to the Workmen) in ready Money 787 l. 6 s. 61/2. The whole cost of the Building amounting to no lesle than 2991 l. 10 s. 101/2.  
Now we have been so far from disobliging this so profuse a Benefactor, with respect to his first Essay of bounty towards us, that we have not envied him the Glory of the whole, in commonly reputing him the sole Founder of this goodly Building, in as much as he was so deeply concerned in bearing well near Two third parts of the Charge: But seeing we are forced to this in our own Vindication, we could not longer suppress the truth (tho' it somewhat derogate from his Lordship's supposed Munificence, as the only Erecter of the Library) jest we should be found too injurious to the Honour and Memory of that generous Knight, who so freely contributed to the first Foundation, and false to the Society itself, which underwent the great Charge of near a Thousand pounds to perfect the Work.  
As to any Books, with which this great Founder is represented by our calumniating Historian to have immediately furnished the New-erected Library, we declare that we found no Memorial, but on the contrary have Grounds highly reasonable to believe, that he did than confer none. One Reason for all may be, that our Predecessors (who provided a fair Vellum Book to perpetuate the Memories of all the worthy Benefactors to the Library, that either have been, or are to be) took care to have his Lordship's Picture at length and Arms drawn therein, and that his special Benefaction should be most advantageously transmitted to Posterity, have done it in these Words. Reverendus in Christo Pater Johannes Episc. Lincoln. etc. hanc splendidam Bibliothecam praeter duos Socios & quatuor Scholar's, fundavit. At non contenta hisce magnificis aedibus tam effusa honoratissimi Praesulis Benignitas, propriae Bibliothecae Libros (uti patet ex Syngraphâ) nobis dicavit. Which words as they plainly show only a design and voluntary obligation on his Lordship's Part for the future to give his own Library, so they do by implication strongly infer, that he had not than actually extended his Bounty that way. And let the World now judge, whether the than Society did hereby give any the lest suspicion of ingratitude, in that their lasting Memorial of his Bounty, which might justly hinder his intended future Munificence; when they thus openly and freely recognize him as well the Founder of the Library itself (notwithstanding the other forementioned Disbursments for the Fabric) as of two Fellows and four Scholars: and what pretence or reason our Historical Caviller had for publishing such an Assertion, that the unthankfulness of the College, and their unsuitable Reception and Return of their great Benefactor's Liberality had put a final stop to all other his Lordship's designed Favours.  
His Lordship indeed did soon after this, upon second Thoughts, (but chief upon the humble suggestion of the College, that a present Supply of Books would be more acceptable) take in his former Instrument, whereby he gave his own whole Library after his death to the College, and in compliance with their Request obliged himself by Indenture, to the Annual Payment of One Hundred pounds for Ten years together than next to come, for the more speedy furnishing of the Library with Books; and for further security thereof did anew make over his own Library, and sent a true Catalogue of his Books to be kept among the Records of the College. Which Annuity of one Hundred pounds for Ten years, or any part thereof being never paid, (by what neglect or mischance is not known) his Lordship foreseeing the Troubles coming upon him, wherein he was for several years after sorely involved, did order his said Library (than in the Custody of one Kilvert and by him much embezzled) to be delivered up into the Possession of the College, for the satisfaction of that Thousand Pound, for which his own Bounty had made him a Debtor. And accordingly impaired as it was it came into the College-hands, and so continued till the year 1640. when his Lordship was set at Liberty from the Tower, and in some measure restored to his Majesty's Grace and Favour, and advanced to the Archbishopric of York. Upon which his happy Restitution and high Promotion, his Library, as received, was at his Instance returned back, and lent unto him again (not ungrateful disobligation we hope) and by him removed to his Study in the Deanery of Westminster. And upon his Lordship's removal first to York, and than his retirement into Wales, they were seized upon by the Parliament, and committed to the Custody of some Gentlemen for seven years. After which time, at the Archbishop's Suit the Keys of his Study were delivered to one Mr. Gouland, as Trustee for the Bishop during his Life, and some of the Books in the mean time sent down by his Lordship's order to him in Wales. Upon his Lordship's Death the remainder of the Library fell into his Administrator's hands, from whom the College at last received them, and gave both him and Mr. Gouland and other Persons concerned legal Discharges as well for the Annuity aforesaid (for which being unpaid they accepted the mangled Library as a full Compensation) as for the Books themselves. The truth of which does fully appear from the several Releases given by the College An. 1650. under their common Seal to the interessed Persons; which to insert here would be too tedious.  
The Books being thus come into the Possession of the College, it was next to be advised, how they might be most advantageously bestowed according to the Noble and Right Reverend Donor's Mind, and for the benefit of the Society. It was therefore at length concluded by and with the approbation of Griffith Williams Esquire, his Lordship's Heir and Administrator, that such Books as were entire and not before in the Library should be reserved and there disposed; and the rest either Imperfect or Duplicates to be sold, and with the moneys thereby raised (after charges deducted) a Purchase of Lands should be made, the Rents whereof should be determined partly to the Annual Increase of the Library-Keeper's stipend (as he himself had designed) and partly for buying of Books, to be for ever reputed as of his Lordship's Gift, that so he might continued a perpetual Benefactor to that Library, whereof he truly was the chief Founder. The account of all which both Sale and Purchase (the Particulars being yet to be seen) as left us upon Record under our Auditor's own Hand, makes it appear, thàt the College did expend 125 l. 4 s. 7 d. more about the Books and the Purchase than they had than received for them. Which Sum they did first reimburse themselves with (as in all Reason and Equity they aught) out of the yearly Rents of the purchassed Lands, and after that did yearly pay the full Rents of those Lands in the following manner.  
To the Library-Keeper for the Augmentation of his stipend. l. s. d. 06. 13. 04. l. s. d. 20.00.00 For Books for the Library, as his Lordship's perpetual Gift. l. s. d. 13. 06. 08.  
I doubt not now but that this Account, as it is true, so also will be satisfactory to all unprejudiced Persons, and justify both itself and our Predecessors, as well as the living Members, that neither the past nor present Society have in this Instance in the lest wronged our great Patron's Donation, or done any thing unworthy of those vast obligations he hath laid upon this College. And if perchance in the Judgement of any one who is Impartial, they have been mistaken in their Measures, and have not set out our Benefactor to the fairest advantage; yet the Concurrence of his Heir and Administrator with them (the properest and most likely Assertor and Promoter of his Honour) will vindicate that their Error from any malicious and ungrateful design of derogating from his Bounty and deserved Glory.  
I have been something particular in the Account of the Library, because it was but short, and because it has been and is much talked of still to the great discredit of the College. I should in the next place go on to give an Account of his other Benefactions to us, and that neither our Predecessors nor we have ever abused any of them; as likewise with what Respect and Gratitude the Society behaved themselves to him while he was alive, and how they always looked upon his Requests unto them as so many Commands. But to give the particulars of all this (as might be done from the College Writings) would make this Appendix Voluminous, and would be but to trouble the Public perhaps too much with a private injury. And I shall only add one of all his Lordship's Letters to the College to show how far he was from charging it with ingratitude to him.  
My Reverend and Worthy Friend,  
I Do recommend to you the Bearer hereof John Williams, a Scholar from my poor Foundation at Westminster, to succeed in that vacant Scholarship voided in your College since the last Commencement. So that what I subscribed to a Petition of one Robinson, a Pensioner of that Society, is hereby become voided; I not knowing at that time of any of that Foundation which would accept thereof. I do acknowledge I am much bound to you and the Seniors, for many Favours done to my poor Scholars from time to time; and shall hardly be able to make any Requital for the one part, much lesle am I in case to be a Petitioner for those to come. But if you shall be pleased, with those of the Seniority that have any Remembrance of me, for his own Worth (which, as I conceive by some Exercises of his, is more than ordinary) and at the Entreaty of a Beadsman of your College (who lieth buried here in an heap of Stones) to choose one Thomas Tylden now Student in your House, and an Oxfordshire Man (of which County you were want to have but very few) into a Foundresse's Place, whereof (if I remember your Statutes) he is very capable, you shall thereby do a worthy Act, which includes much of the Recompense in itself, and oblige me (if GOD ever bring me from this ` Place) to study upon all Occasions to requited it. You may have many Bishops that can better gratify your Courtesies at this Time, but not one that loves your Society more affectionately, and prays for it more devoutly than  
I recommend me hearty to yourself and all the Seniors.  
To my Reverend and worthy Friend Mr. Dr. Beale Master of St. John's College in Cambridge.  
Your Loving Friend and Servant, JO. LINCOLN. Tower, this 23. Sept. 1640.  
Now, where I wonder, in all this Letter is there the lest Appearance of any disgust taken by his Lordship at the College, so as to make him repent either of his former Kindnesses to it, or to put a stop to any future; when it grieves him that he is not in a Capacity of doing more than he had done? And that he continued to have the same benevolent Mind towards this his Mother-College to his dying Day, we have very good Grounds to believe. For Mr. Thomas Wharton sometime of Gray's-inns, diverting himself one Christmas (since the Bishop's Death) in this Place of his Education, upon occasion of Discourse concerning his Lordship's Foundation, did upon his Credit declare to several Members of this Society, That for some time before this Renowned Prelate's Death, 
Wharton was at that time Secretary to the Archbishop.  he often heard his Lordship mention the Kindness of the College to his Foundation, and how unhappily his Designs of making them Reparations for the Detriment they had sustained thereby were frustrated. For they accepted of his Foundation of Fellows and Scholars (merely out of Gratitude to him) at lesle than half the Revenue, which was sufficient to maintain it, for which reason after the sustaining of much Loss, they were at last forced to sink the Fellowships in their own Defence, and in compliance with a Statute of the College. But (continues Mr. Wharton's Account) that he was finally resolved to be as good as his Word, and leave them a large and lasting Testimony of his additional Bounty: that in Prosecution of this generous Resolution he had pitched upon an Estate of Three Hundred Pounds per An. to be settled upon the College for ever to this End and Purpose; That the Writings of settlement were actually drawn, and read over to, and approved of by him. But it being somewhat late at Night, and his Lordship much indisposed, he deferred the signing and sealing of them, till the next Morning, before which time it pleased GOD to take him out of the World. By which we and our Successors were not only deprived of a Noble Benefactor, but of a perpetual Advocate; this his last Design (had it but by a short continuance of his Life taken effect) being sufficient to stop the Mouths of all our Accusers, and to vindicate the Innocence of the Society from those ill surmizes that it has for some Years very unjustly laboured under.  
The End of the Appendix.   

The Inscription upon the Archbishop's Tombstone, composed by Bishop Hacket.  

HOspes lege, relege. Quod in hoc Sacello, paucis noto, haud expectares,  
Hic situs est Johannes Wilhelmus, omnium Praesulum celeberrimus:  
A paternis natalibus è familia Wilhelmorum de Coghwhillin ortus,  
A maternis è Griffithis de Pentrin.  
Cujus summum ingenium, & in omni genere literarum praestantia  
Meruit, ut Regis Jacobigratiâ ad Decanatum Sarum  
Post Westmonasterii eveheretur.  
Ut simul, atque uno munere, tanto Regi esset à consiliis secretis & deliciis,  
Magni Sigilli Custos, & Sedis Lincolniensis Episcopus:  
Quem Carolus primus infula Episcop. Eboracen. decoraret.  
Omnes scientias valdè edoctus: novem linguarum thesaurus:  
Theologiae purae & illibatae medulla: prudentiae politicae cortina:  
Sacrae, canonicae, civilis, municipalis sapientiae apex, & ornamentum.  
Dulciloquii cymbalum, memoriae tenacissimae, plusquàm humanae:  
Historiarum omnis generis myrothecium.  
Magnorum operum, usque ad sumtum viginti mille librarum, structor.  
Munificentiae, liberalitatis, hospitalis lautitiae,  
Misericordiae erga pauperes insigne exemplum.  
Postquàm inter tempor a luctuosissima  
Satur esset omnium, quae videret, & audiret;  
Nec Regi aut Patriae, per rabiem perduellium, ampliùs servire potuit;  
Anno aetatis 68ᵒ. expleto, Martii 25o. qui fuit ei natalis,  
Summâ fide in Christum, inconcussâ erga R●gem fidelitate,  
Animam, anginâ extinctus, piissimè Deo reddidit.  
Nec refert quod tantillum monumentum, in occulto angulo positum,  
Tanti viri memoriam servat.  
Cujus virtutes omnium aetatum tempora celebrabunt.  
Abi viator, sat tuis oculis debes.