THE New Politic Lights OF MODERN ROME'S CHURCH-GOVERNMENT: OR THE NEW GOSPEL According to CARDINAL PALAVICINI; REVEALED BY HIM In his HISTORY of the COUNCIL of TRENT.  
Englished out of FRENCH.  
LONDON, Printed by W. Godbid, and are to be Sold by T. Flesher at the Angel and Crown in S. Paul's Churchyard, and by R. Sollers at the King's Arms in Ludgate-Street, and by H. Bonwick at the Red Lion in S. Paul's Churchyard, 1678.   

THE PREFACE.  
NOthing appears to us with more disadvantage than when we have entertained ourselves with great expectations of it; for all that we can attain in this world, must needs fall short of those fair Ideas we propose to ourselves. There was never any Instance which did more evidently demonstrate this, than the expectations from the Council of Trent, compared with the disappointment that followed, when the Issue of it was found so disproportioned to the hopes were conceived about it.  
When Pope Leo the 10th. gave out his Thunders against Luther, he appealed to a free General Council; and the Princes of Germany that received his Doctrine, pressed the Emperor much to procure one. This was a Popular thing; for from the Days of the Councils of Constance and Basil, it was universally received both in France and Germany, That Popes were subject to a General Council: but all that depended on the Court of Rome, looked on this as a thing of dangerous consequence; yet till the matter were laid to sleep, it was not fit to hold a General Council out of Italy, for there they were safe: and the Pomp of a reconciliation with the Greek Church, in the Council held at Ferrara and Florence, through the Pageantry of which, an ill informed Age could not see, gave their Pope's great credit; they were sure of Italy, that nothing could miscarry in a Council that sat on their side of the Alps. This appeared signally in the Council of Pisa, which Lewis the 12th. held against P. Julius the Second, where the people, though under the French power, treated the Cardinals and Bishops so ill, that they were forced to remove from thence to Milan, and there their reception was not much better. And as all feeble Attempts do confirm those against whom they are made, so P. Julius drew great advantages from that opposition, by a Council which he then held in the Lateran.  
But now the Demand, a Free Council, out of Italy, gave them no small terror; the Riches and Greatness of their Court depended on so many Exactions, Dispensations & other Oppressions, that it had been presumption to have expected that these things, for which nothing could be pretended from Scripture or Tradition, should have been defended or preserved. It is true, the Lutherans had not great reason to expect any thing from a Council, nor is it to be imagined that they promised themselves much from it. Generally all Bishops condemned their Opinions, and they did so effectually beat down the Secular Interests of the whole Ecclesiastical State, that nothing but the force of Truth joined with great Sincerity, could bring over any Aspiring or Dignified Churchmen to their Party: So that how much soever the Court of Rome might lose in such a Meeting, they were not like to gain much. But an Appeal to it was plausible; they knew the Pope would not be easily brought to it. Divisions were like to follow between the Court of Rome & the Clergy beyond the Mountains; and they knew that there could be no hopes of a Council truly called: So that if such a one were called, as former Councils had been, they would not want good Reasons to justify their declining these Judges.  
A General Council was a Demand which upon so urgent a necessity, a Pope knew not how to deny, but they went about it with much caution. Adrian the Sixth carried too much of an Outlandish Simplicity with him to Rome, and without any difficulty promised a Council, confessed there had been many corruptions in the Court, that needed Reformation, and set about it in good earnest; but these Disorders were not so easily cured, they were become necessary to the Court; so he made but small progress. The Distemper was too inveterate to be soon removed. But if the Court was little edified with his Methods, they found his Successor a man after their own heart: he was well taught in all the Arts of the Court, and knew how to dissemble and disguise things well, and was as dexterous in turning about where his Interest led him, as could be; but it was not without difficulty that he always put off the motion for a General Council: He once offered one within Italy, but he knew the Germans would not accept of it. The Effect of these Delays was, That Luther's Doctrines got thereby more footing in Germany; for there was not such a colourable pretence for proceeding against them, as a Decision of a General Council would have furnished; and the Emperor finding it necessary to close that starting-hole to which they always betook themselves, at length procured one: To which, the Bishops chief of Spain and France went with very honest Designs, hoping to carry on with their Determinations against Heresy, some good Decrees for a Reformation; yet that they chief looked at, was to raise their own Dignity, and to beat down the swollen and uneasy Pretensions of the Papal Authority.  
But the Popes were too hard for them, and as they bridled their Mouths with the Proponentibus Legatis, by which no motion could be made but by the Legates, so by their Intrigues with Princes, by the pensions and preferments that were given, by the Numbers of Italian Bishops, and the great Dexterity of the Legates, Matters were so carried, that those who called for that Assembly, suffered much by it, & the Popes who were very apprehensive of it, gained more by it, than by all the Meetings that ever they had had in the Lateran. The Lutheran Tenets were all condemned, and so there was now a better colour for proceeding against them. The Bishops were much depressed, and at best made but Delegates of the Apostolic See, which did most effectually subject them to the Tyranny of that Court. Some Abuses were put down; but those were among the least of these that were complained of, and the manner of putting them down, did prove the most infallible way of setting them up, with great advantage to the Court of Rome: For in all these Condemnations the Prerogative of the Apostolic See was still reserved; by which they plainly acknowledged a Power in the Pope to dispense with them; and it was better for the Interests of that Court thus to condemn them, than to have given a full allowance for them, since these Decrees could have no other effect, but raise the compositions for Dispensations higher, which it has since done so successfully, that soon after the conclusion of the Council, it was found that all the Diseases under which the Patient long groaned, were now redoubled by this unfaithful or unskilful Physician.  
It was no wonder then, if upon so great a Disappointment, every body desired to see the secret Arts by which the Court of Rome had so successfully managed and turned so great an Engine; the Lutherans published all that their Intelligence brought them; but as that was not much, so what came from them, was generally suspected. The French being also dissatisfied with some Decrees of Reformation, which were thought contrary to their King's Prerogative, and the Rights of the Gallican Church, took great exception to these, and published the Instructions, Letters and Speeches of some of their Ambassadors and Bishops; but that was a lame account, and rather increased than satisfied the curiosity people had.  
At length the Famous History of that Council, written by Father Paul of Venice appeared; it was quickly carried beyond Sea from this City where it was first Printed, and put in many other Languages. The Style and way of writing was so natural and masculine, the Intrigues were so fully opened, with so many judicious Reflections in all the parts of it, that as it was read with great pleasure, so it was generally looked on as the rarest piece of History which the World ever saw. The Author was soon guessed, and that raised the esteem of the Work; for as he was accounted one of the wisest men in the World, so he had great opportunities to gather exact Informations; he had free access to all the Archives of the Republic of Venice, which has been now looked on for several Ages, as very exact, both in getting good Intelligence, and in a most careful way of preserving it; so that among their Records, he must have found the Dispatches of the Ambassadors and Prelates of that Republic that were at Trent, which being so near them, and the Council being of such high consequence, it is not to be doubted but there were frequent and particular Informations both of more public Transactions and secreter Intrigues transmitted thither. He had also contracted a close Friendship with Camillus Oliva, that was Secretary to one of the Legates, from whom he had many Discoveries of the Practices of the Legates, and of their correspondence with Rome. Besides many other Memorials and Notes of some Prelates that were at Trent, which he had gathered together.  
His Work came out within Fifty Years of the Conclusion of the Council, when several who had been present there, were still alive, and the thing was so recent in men's Memories, that few thought a man of so great Prudence as he was, would have exposed his Reputation by writing in such a nice matter, things which he could not justify; never was there a man more hated by the Court of Rome than he was, and now he was at their mercy if he had abused the World by such Falsehoods in matter of Fact as have been since charged on his Work; but none appeared against him for Fifty Years. The things were of such importance to the Church of Rome, that every body concluded their concern in the Matter, as well as their hatred of the Author would have engaged them to write against a Book that had represented an Assembly which they called an Holy Ecumenical and General Council, whose Canons were to be received as a certain Standard of Faith, to be but a company of cunning and ignorant men, who many times understood not so much as the debates of the Friars that opened the Canons which they were to Decree: That all was guided by Faction and Intrigue; That the Legates took from them all the Freedom of any ordinary Meeting; That the honest Motions of some zealous persons were always checked and suppressed; That all Attempts at a true and effectual Reformation were crushed; That they went on slowly or speedily as it served either the Emperor's Turn, or the Pope's Ends; That under a pretence of finding a Temper to reconcile Differences, ambiguous Words were put in their Decrees, which were afterwards perverted to such Senses as did defeat all the good Designs of some there; and in a word, a man shall find a great deal of Art and dextrous cunning in the Shuffle and Policies of the Legates; but for any thing of Sincerity, or that savoured of men that sought the Truth, and depended on God for the direction of his Spirit, to which they pretended so highly, there is not so much as an appearance of it to cheat any body with, though he had ever such a mind to be cozened.  
Nor was it to be wondered, that those whom they called Heretics, did not acquiesce in the Decrees of such a Meeting, which a Writer of their own Communion had so exposed, that every good Catholic (as they call them) knew not how to defend it any other way but by that common and cheap Answer, That these were the Lies and Forgeries of a discontented Friar, who either out of Faction or Interest, designed to disgrace the Church. This was easily said, and very hardly answered; for though it was not reasonable to reject a History that had so many Appearances of Truth in it, without other Reasons but that unconquerable one, That they would not believe it, because it liked them not; yet they were safe in this Incredulousness, and there was no driving them from it, till at length Cardinal Palavicini with great Art and much Industry, did in a most infallible way give a confirmation, instead of a confutation of that History.  
Father Paul's Work lay Fifty years at quiet in the possession of the Belief of all that were disinteressed; and though some Writers of the Court-party were now and then pecking at it, yet none durst take it to task. They could not pretend they despised it; for the credit it was in, set it beyond that. At length one undertook it; but dying before he had made any great progress, the Cardinal entered the Field, and that he might attain the Purple upon Merit, resolved to vindicate the Council of Trent, and the Court of Rome from the Aspersions of the former Historian. It was indeed safe to write at so great a distance, when the Third Generation from that Council was going off the Stage, so that whatever a man designed for Preferment, who could varnish all he said with fair and specious colours, wrote of Transactions that were passed a hundred years ago, was like to be well received, and at least few could upon authentical grounds disprove it; and such of Father Paul's Friends, as perhaps known from whence he drawn his Informations, and could go to them again, were also dead: So that here lay a great and just prejudice against the Cardinal's Work.  
There was too much Art and Varnish in his Style, mixed with too many ingenious Apologies for things that could not be denied; this must needs make the Reader see that his Design in writing, was not to tell the Truth, but to defend his Church. So that he is rather to be looked on as an Apologist than an Historian. It is true, on some occasions he makes bold with Popes, and not without affectation censures their Actions; but this is a common Artifice, to seem ingenuous in lesser matters, that upon greater occasions one may cousin others with a witness: yet those that read him, will find that he is very cautious in his censures, and takes great care not to blame any of the former Popes, for the faults that were too apparent in his Patron P. Alexander the 7th. About this one that lived in Rome at that time, has published a very pleasant thing. Pope Alexander did the first years of his Reign declare loudly against a Nipotismo; and had solemnly sworn that he would never admit his Kindred into the Government, nor so much as bring them to Rome; but when Flesh and Blood grew too strong for these Resolutions, he made a shift to satisfy his Conscience about his Oaths, and brought them to Rome, and put the Government in their hands; which they managed with as many scandalous excesses as any had done who had gone before them in that nearness to the infallible Chair. But before this was done, the first Volume of the Cardinal's History was finished; and in it he had laid most of the faults of former Popes on their raising their Families and Kindred, and putting the Affairs of the Church in their hands: and all this tended to raise the esteem of his Patron, who had resolved to root out that Abuse, from whence all the rest seemed to be derived; yet the Volume was not published when the Pope had brought his Family to Rome, therefore Palavicini finding that what he had intended to set out for the Pope's Honour, would tend to his Disgrace, and would also draw the Indignation of his Family upon himself, suppressed that whole Impression, and printed that Volume over again, leaving out all the severe reflections he had made on a Pope's raising his Family.  
He vouches his Relations from the Memorials of many of the Prelates and Friars that were at the Council of Trent, which, he says, are to this day preserved; and tells in what Libraries they are to be found, and offers very fairly full satisfaction to all persons, who desire a further information about them. If these were lying in Paris or Venice, or any other indifferent place, some would perhaps adventure to examine these Vouchers; but few will hazard on it at Rome. Besides, there is untoward Jealousy got into the minds of people that they are not over-ingenuous at Rome. The forging of the Decretal Epistles, and the Donation of Constantine the Great, with many other things, has given the World such prejudices against what they bring forth of that nature, that few will give credit to things that tend much to the advantage of that See, and are discovered at Rome, when men think they both lie for God and his Vicar, and for Preferment too, it will be hard to restrain them, especially if they be of an Italian temper, and of Jesuits principles; which, to say no worse, are not very severe in the matter of Candour and Sincerity. We know what a Trade the Monks and Friars drove many Ages by Lies and Forgeries. If any thing might either raise the honour of their Order, or of the House wherein they lived, a miraculous Story was first contrived, and either a Writing or some Relic was laid under ground, and then another dreams a Dream, that such a Saint appeared to him, and told him to dig in such a place for such a thing: This being published, with great ceremony they made a solemn Search, and the credulous Rabble were thus cheated. It is said of Thiefs and Robbers, who have driven the Trade long, that even after they are discovered, and in the Jail, they cannot give it over, but must be still practising their old Arts. So Rome has been so long used to Forgeries, that after all the Discoveries that are made, they cannot hold their hands; and this in a great part lessens the Authority of those Journals and other Memorials that have been hid and unknown about a hundred years, and at length have appeared to serve a turn.  
But there are two things in the Cardinal's Work, which have given great advantages to those who are not much disposed to any high esteem for that Council. The one is, That though in some circumstances, and less material things, he has said much to show that Father Paul's Informations were not just nor exact, yet upon the matter he represents the transactions as full of Intrigues, Artifices and Faction, as the other did; only with this Difference, That Father Paul laid the heaviest load upon the Legates and the Court-Party, and the Cardinal lays it sometimes on the one, sometimes on the other Faction; but generally on the Party that was for Reformation. In a word, no man that is not quite blinded with prejudice, can think, after he has read the Cardinal's History, that the Holy Ghost had any special influence on the prevailing Vote in that Council; and it is as easy for a man to believe that the Success of a Session of Parliament, and those Acts that are carried by the Authority of the Prince, the policy and dexterity of the Ministers, and the zeal and industry of some Patriots, flow from the special direction of the Holy Ghost, as that the Council of Trent, according to Palavicini's Relation, was conducted by the Infallible Spirit of God, in making their Canons and Decisions; for we plainly see the same Intrigues and Practices, the same Arts, either to take off, or satisfy the opposite party, and the same Conduct and Method in the one that is in the other. The Resolving the House in a Grand Committee, was the ordinary practice of that Council; for a General Congregation was the Council in a Grand Committee, and this was an excellent Demonstration of the Legates great Distrust of the Holy Ghost: For they would never put any thing to the hazard of a Vote in a Session, till they were sure of it, by putting it to the Vote in a Congregation; and if it went not there as they had a mind it should be, than they were to practise a little longer, till they had made the major Vote sure; and then when it passed in a Congregation, the Legates held a Session. He would be looked on as a man of great extravagance, who would study to impose on any body that is acquainted with the Methods of holding Parliaments, That there is any other Direction of God's Spirit than that Universal Providence that watcheth over and orders all humane Actions, accompanying or governing their Proceed. Men are not so tame as to suffer such Mistakes to pass, and he that would make use of his Wit or Eloquence, to persuade any to such an Opinion, would be so generally cried down, that people would not hear him in patience.  
What must we then judge of those who would make us believe that the Council of Trent was infallibly directed, when we plainly see by the Historian of their own Court, that it was managed with the same secret motions and springs, by which other Princes carry what they desire from the Assemblies of their several States? and I dare safely challenge any that has read that History, to show me any step or motion that is different from all other Secular Councils, or that does not clearly show that they not only did not expect an infallible Direction, but knew they had it not; and therefore were to supply that defect by other Political Arts; and it is an undertaking well worthy of a Jesuits Candour, to persuade the World that the Holy Ghost was among them, when their own deportment shows they themselves knew there was no such thing.  
There is another Observation on the Cardinal's History, which is the chief Subject of the following Reflections, That he knowing most of the abuses in the Court of Rome, which from thence have spread over their whole Church, were things that could not be denied; and that it was no less evident that all the Decrees about Reformation, made at Trent, have been ever since neglected by the Popes, goes about the excusing of that which he could not deny.  
The Scheme he lays down is this, That Christ designed a Temporal Monarchy in his Church: That men being but a composition of Flesh and Blood, we must not expect any high Reformation, nor raise things to that pitch, that only holy and good men will enter into the Service of the Church: That to maintain this Monarchy, and invite Great persons into the Interests of the Church, there must be vast Dignities and great Preferments: That these must be supported by some things, that taking things simply seem corruptions; but as men are, must be not only born with, but encouraged; therefore Non-residences, Pluralities, Dispensations, Indulgences, Privileges, Exemptions, with a Thousand other Abuses in the Datary, must still be kept up, since they are necessary for bringing in that Revenue which must support the Monarch of the Christian Church, and his Princes, the Cardinals; who, if they lived in the simplicity and poverty of the first Ages of Christianity, could not attract that Esteem and Reverence from a Carnal World, which keeps up their Greatness and Authority. It is true, Christ and his Apostles took other methods, and by their wonderful Holiness, and constant Labours, planted the Gospel: But the Church was then in its Infancy, and needed Milk; but now that it is grown up to a full Age, it requires stronger Food, and Motives that prevail more on the Appetites and Interests of frail men.  
It were to be wished that good things were well done, and that the Church were cleansed from all Abuses; but these are the Ideas of Speculative persons, who know not men, and understand not Business; and therefore all Reformations that are not practicable, and cannot well consist with men's corrupt Interests, are to be rejected; and those who promote them, are either weak, though zealous, or factious and discontented persons, who design to beat down the Greatness of the Papal Monarchy, by withdrawing from it those necessary Supports.  
And may not such a Scheme of Maxims be well called a New Gospel, proceeding from New Lights? This the Witty and Judicious Author of the following Reflections, thought was so great an injury to that Church of which himself was a Member (being as I am credibly informed, of the Sorbon) that he would needs expose it; which he thought might be better done by bringing the Cardinal's Maxims under some Heads, and laying them together, with the Consequences that naturally flow from them, than by any laboured or learned Confutation of them. And indeed they do at first view discover such an opposition to the Spirit of Christ, and the Gospel, that no man who has a right taste of the one, but must see it in the other.  
The Reader will be easily able to judge whether a Church founded upon, and governed by such Maxims, be liker to be a Babel raised up, and carried on by humane Arts and carnal Policy, or a Jerusalem, built on the Foundation of Christ and his Apostles. And indeed the Cardinal has fully satisfied us, That whatever respect the Court of Rome pretends for Tradition, and the Doctrine of the Ancients, that is only because they think in some points of Controversy to have the better of the Protestants with that Weapon, yet in their hearts they despise the Rules & Opinions of the Fathers, as the fond conceits of Christianity in Childhood, & far short of their Refinings in Policy; and therefore though there are many things practised and encouraged among them, which the Ancients not only knew nothing of, but hated with a perfect abhorrency; yet their Sentiments are not of sufficient Authority to make them throw out any thing that brings them in advantage; and any Objection from the Fathers, get no better Answer than this, That the Church was then but in its Infancy; but as she grows older, she becomes wiser than Christ or his Apostles were. These are excellent Arguments to persuade men to hold the Decisions of that Council, or the Practices of the Roman Court in high estimation. In all this Palavicini was much to be pitied; for both by other parts of that Work, and some other of his Treatises, it seems he had good Notions both of Virtue and Devotion; but it was his Misfortune to undertake a Work which could not be finished without touching it in several places with such a Pencil.  
It is observed of men bred all their Life in Schools or Cells, who have never gone without their Precinct, nor conversed in the wide World, That when they appear in public, they mix their Works or Discourses with many Conceits which they think witty and fine, but appear extravagant, antic and ridiculous to the World, who vouchsafe them no better Name than Pedantry. So fares it with one bred at or about Rome all his Life, where the Abuses of that Court, through a long practice, are legitimated, and easily coloured over with some slight excuse, which passes there, because either men dare not speak out what they think, or the want of Ecclesiastical Learning, and of a deep sense of the Pastoral Charge, makes them soon satisfied with any Answer, since they understand not the weight and force of the Objections that lie against those Abuses. But whatever operation such things may have about Rome, when they once pass the Mountains, and are seen by men more disinteressed and awake, they appear so foolish and childish, that no man needs to be at the pains to confute them; it is enough to read or hear them.  
The following Discourse was with much care suppressed beyond Sea, yet found its way into England, and fell into the Hands of one who was so Generous, as to oblige the Nation, by putting it into their Language: His Translation as far as I have compared it, is exact and true; the only Fault that I found in it, is from his great care to be faithful, which has made him follow the French phrase too near in some Passages: But for a Translater, this is to err on the safer side.   

THE CONTENTS.  
CHAP. I. 
THe Necessity, the Utility and Excellency of Religious Policy: It renders men happy in this World, and in the other.  CHAP. II. 
The Errors and poisoned Maxims of the scrupulous Policy of the zealous Ignorants according to the Flesh.  CHAP. III. 
The only Rule of the Politic Church Government, is, its Felicity according to the Flesh, in this World, and in the other, under the Authority of one sole Monarch of the Universe, who is the Pope; to whom all Christian Kings are Tributaries and Subjects, and who hath, or aught to have for his Inheritance or Demean the Riches of all the World, whose Honours and carnal Pleasures make the Church's Splendour and Felicity. Jesus Christ hath merited them for her by the effusion of his Blood, to render her Visible, Perpetual, and Remarkable, as the most happy according to the Flesh, of all other Republics, that are, that shall be, or that ever were upon Earth.  CHAP. IU. 
Twenty Reasons that prove the Necessity of the Riches, Honours & Voluptuousness of the Church, to make thereof a Gospel according to the Flesh, the Vocation of all the World to Faith, and a part of that World to the Ecclesiastic Life, without which, Riches, Honours and Voluptuousness, the Church having no Reputation among them who fancy those things, would perish, not being able to subsist happy, according to the Flesh, if her Ministers were poor, as formerly, and if they had not vast Riches, as the Glorious Cardinals, who are at this day the Pope's Courtiers: Here also shall be shown the unluckiness, the shamefulness, and even the Vice of Poverty, whereof God in his Providence, is no Author, but Sin; or only Fortune, which on this score, may be accused as the Enemy of Virtue.  CHAP. V. 
Here are related the Twelve ordinary means, enriching the Court of Rome, and maintaining the splendour thereof, according to the flesh, which is the act of all Religious Policy, the most pious, and the most important. The Twelfth and most efficacious of those means, to teach every where the Gospel according to the Flesh, and this Religious Policy according to the Doctrine of Aristotle, to whom the Church is beholden for many Articles of Faith; is to establish Colleges of Jesuits, with power to set up the Inquisition, and to be high Commissioners in that Holy Office; to make out process against all them who shall differ from the sentiments of that Philosopher. And that these Jesuits shall have a general grant of all Privileges granted to the other Monastical Orders; although St. Bernard hath blamed those privileges; for on the other hand they be approved by Nicholas Machiavelli.  CHAP. VI 
Here be related the Interests and different Sentiments of the Catholic Christian Crowns, and Republics according as they are more or less favourable to this Religious Policy according to the Flesh, and 'tis made appear that there's none more opposite than those of the Crown and of the Church of France, which proposed no less at the Council of Trent, than to throw down the Church's Monarchy and Empire, and to take away the splendour of the Court of Rome.    

THE NEW POLITIC LIGHTS OF Modern Rome 's CHURCH-GOVERNMENT. OR, The New Gospel according to Cardinal Palavicini, Revealed by him in his History of the Council of Trent.  

The Design and Partition of the Work.  
THis Work is divided into six Chapters. In the first, by the Cardinal's own Words will appear the Necessity, the Utility, the Nature, and the Excellency of that same Religious Policy which renders men happy in this world and in the other.  
This Policy, to be true, aught to be, according to Aristotle, and according to the Flesh, which distinguishes it from the false Policy of Mahomet, that's pure Tyranny; and from the indiscreet and scrupulous Policy of certain zealous and weak Ignorants, who not believing that one may be happy in this world and in the other, carry the Virtue Policy into the excess of an ideal and extravagant Reformation, as Pope Adrian the 6th would fain have done, who in sooth was a most special Priest, but a very ordinary Pope; Ottimo Ecclesiastico, Pontifice mediocre.  
In the Second Chapter are related and refuted five general Maxims of those zealous and scrupulous Ignorants who pretend that Religious Policy ought to found the Rules of its governing upon that which should be according to God, and not upon that which may be agreeable to the Flesh in the state of corrupt Nature, and who believe that what is best to be done, is also best to be commanded; following Antiquity, Councils and the Vote of a Commonalty of private Bishops, which these zealous people regard as little Kings Il volgo d'ye Rè, and as so many small Popes in their Dioceses à guisa di Papi; whereas by Rules of the Policy indeed, the Pope cannot consider them otherwise than as little Bishops, piccioli Vescovi; Babies, Fanciulli; indiscreet Zealots, per indiscrezione di zelo; Impertinents, impertinenti; Insolent, insolenti; Buffoons, i Buffoneschi; in a word, unruly headstrong Coach-horses, still ready to run away with the Coach, una Carozza trata da Cavalli che volino; & Ignorants, who cannot skill the manage of the Roman Court, inesperti di maneggio; all as these Qualities may belong to them some or others respectively.  
In the Third, will be made evident, that the only Rule for politicly Governing the Church, is its felicity according to the Flesh in this World, and in the other, under the Authority all-puissant of a King, sole Monarch of the whole Universe, who is the Pope, Signore del Mondo; of whom all his Christian Kings are Tributaries and Subjects; Molti Regni al loro Monarcao; whose Revenue is made up of the riches of the Universe; avendo per patrimonio le sustanze d'ye sudditi; & whose Honours and Pleasures make the splendour & carnal Felicity of the Church. That Jesus Christ hath merited this Church by the effusion of his Blood, to render it visible, perperual and remarkable, as the most happy according to the Flesh, of all other Republics that are, that shall be, or ever have been upon Earth; questo governo disegnato da' Christo più felice che sia in terra.  
In the Fourth, will be alleged Twenty Reasons proving the necessity of the Riches, Honours and Voluptuousness of this Church, to make thereof a Gospel according to the Flesh, and a Vocation of all the World to her Faith, and part of that World to the Ecclesiastic State: Without which Riches, Honours and Voluptuousness, the Church, having no reputation among them who fancy those things would perish, not being able to subsist happy according to the Flesh, if her Ministers were poor as formerly, and if they had not vast Riches, as the glorious Cardinals, who at this day are the Pope's Courtiers; Gloriosi Cardinali. Here also shall be shown the unluckiness, the shamefulness, yea, and even the Vice of Poverty, whereof God in his Providence is no Author, but Sin, or only Fortune, who on this score may be accused as the Enemy of Virtue; poter' accuser la Fortuna come nemica della virtù.  
In the Fifth, will be related the Twelve most ordinary Means to enrich the Court of Rome, and to maintain the Splendour thereof according to this World, which is the most important and the most pious action of all the Religious Policy.  
The Twelfth and most effectual of these Means is the establishing of Colleges of Jesuits, to teach the New Gospel, and this same Religious Policy, all according to the Doctrine of Aristotle, with power for them to set up the Inquisition, and to be High Commissioners in that Holy Court, making out Process against all them who shall differ from the Sentiments of that Philosopher. And over and besides, with a general Concession to them of all the Privileges granted to the other Religious Orders, although found fault with by S. Bernard, Non sodisfece pienament à San' Bernardo; because on the other side they are approved by Machiavelli, per Confession dello stesso Nicolo Machiavelli.  
In the Sixth, will be discoursed the Interests and the different Sentiments of the Catholic Christian Crowns and Republics, in relation to this same Religious Policy, according as they are more or less favourable or opposite thereunto, it will be made apparent that there is none of them more opposite than those of the Crown and of the Church of France; lafoy qual tendeva ad abbatre la Monarchia e levar lo splendore e l'imperio della Corte Romana.  
The Conclusion will be, That the Council of Trent ought to be taken and interpreted after the sense and meaning of this same Religious Policy according to the Flesh, that makes men happy in this world and in the other, not in the sense and meaning of those zealous Ignorants, who would have all observed that is ordained by that Council, & would thereby establish their Ideal Reformation. But in the sense and meaning of those who would follow the Doctrine of this our Cardinal; according to which, by leaving to the Pope full and whole power in the Shop or Office of Dispensations, Sopra la bottega di dispensazioni, to grant them as he pleases, and even to derogate from the Canons, it will clearly be seen, that that Council brings incomparably, more advantages to the Church, than the Heresy either of Luther or Calvin have caused Losses or Mischiefs to it; maggior accresimento di bontà per mezzo del Concilio che non fù scemato dell'istessa Eresia; because being taken in that sense, it teaches men a Policy and a Gospel according to the Flesh, with the means to be happy in this World and in the other. This will be henceforward, as our Cardinal promises to himself, an invincible Defence of the Catholic Religion against all the Heretics, Infidels and Atheists who may have the presumption to write against it, or against the Council of Trent: For it can be no longer doubted but that the Holy Ghost assisted in a special manner at that Council, to hinder that it should ordain nothing but what might be profitable to the Church; the Heretics themselves having taken up and owned those words of Monsieur de Lansac, the French Ambassador, which are since become so famous throughout the World; That the Pope sent every day from Rome the Holy Ghost to Trent in a Cloak-bag; Lo Spirito Santo venia portato nella valigia: For, though at first blush these words seem impious, yet by means of the Scholastic interpretation that this Cardinal bestows upon them, he makes subtly to appear that their sense is exactly true, solid, Catholic, and that there are no longer any but Idiots that are able to perceive in those words any shadow or appearance capable to startle their weak and ignorant Devotion. Lo how it hath steaded the Cardinal to have passed a Master in School-Divinity, and Aristotle's Philosophy; and Lo wherein this Philosophy is profitable to the Church! for he that knows well how to handle it, turns against the Heretics themselves the Shot which they thought to discharge against her. And in fine, from what they say, that the Holy Ghost was sent by the Pope in a Cloak-bag to that Council, one proves the assistance of the Holy Ghost in that Council; so than the Heretics must own they are overcome. And whoso does not approve the Government of the Church, such as it is this day under the Pope's Royalty, according to the Rules of this our Cardinal's Policy, must manifestly be either a Fool or a Seducer; Chi per approvare una forma di Republica non si contenta di questo, ò è insano, ò è seduttore. And so all good religious Politic Christians ought to pray God, quoth the Cardinal, that it would please him to cause the Spirit of S. Peter to live still in all his Successors, as it lives now at this day in him that reigns. Preghino Iddio che faccia vivere stabilment com' oggi vive lo Spirito di San' Piedro 
* Alexand. VII.  ne' successori.   

CHAP. I. The Necessity, the Utility and Excellency of Religious Policy; It renders men happy in this world and in the other.  

ARTICLE I. According to our Cardinal, there is nothing more important for a Christian, than to be a good Politician; and it was to instruct Christians in the Maxims of the True Policy, that the Cardinal undertook his History of the Council of Trent: This Policy is that of the worldly wise, for the establishing of which, Jesus Christ preached the Gospel, that he might teach men to be happy in this World and in the other.  
ARistotle saith, That a man who sins and commits, for example, Murder or Adultery, believing that those Actions are good, does more mischief to humane Society by his Error, than if he knew those Actions to be ill, and yet would not leave off committing them: 
H jour. del Conc. di Tr. l. 14. c. 13.  Secondo Aristotele sarebbe più nocivo al commercio umano chi uccidesse e adulterasse, persuaso tali attioni esser buone, che consapevole della lore malizia.  
Which makes one perceive that there is nothing of greater import, than to instruct the understandings of men, and cure their Errors; but chief those Errors opposite to true Policy; because Policy is the first and supreme of all the Moral Virtues; 
l. 5. c. 16.  lafoy quale è la suprema delle virtù morali: the reason of this Virtue's excellency is, for that it hath for Object the common Good, which is the noblest of all Goods: 
Ibid.  Essendo ella uno study del ben' commune ch' è il più nobile di tutti beni.  
Hence, according to the same Aristotle, it being so that the corruption of the greatest Good brings forth the greatest Evil, Il peggior Vileno risulta dalla corruzione doll'ottimo, it follows, 
l. 1. c. 13. & l. 7. c. 2.  that there is no Error more pernicious, nor no Crime rendering men greater Villains, than false and corrupt Policy; La quale è il piu scelerato de vizii; because 'tis contrary to the greatest of all Goods: 
l. 5. c. 16.  Simo come contraria à quel prestantissimo Bene: So that there is nothing more important, than well to distinguish between Policy taken in the vulgar sense, di huomini volgari, 
Ibid. Ibid.  and the true Policy of Knowing and Learned men; Trà la politica vera intesa da' scienziati; for false and corrupt Policy is accursed. 
Ibid.  Questa Politica essecranda. The reason is, That that Policy, instead of proposing for its End the Good of all men, and how to render them happy in this World and in the other, either proposes to itself but the welfare of one single man only, whom it makes all men beside to serve; rendering them miserable, to hatch out of their Misery the Felicity of that one man; like the Turks Policy, throughout the whole Extent of his Dominion: 
l. 5. c. 16.  Qual è la Politica del Dominio Turchescho: Or else in proposing to itself the the welfare and felicity of all Particulars, it sets a-work to arrive thereunto, nothing but extravagant Conceits; 
Introd. c. 10.  Concetti stravaganti; such as are the Think of some zealous and scrupulous Ignorants, without Experience: 
l. 16. c. 10.  Personne zelanti mà inesperte: Therefore there is nothing more imports than to enlighten the Understanding of man, 
Introd. c. 1.  which alone makes up the man; che solo e l'huomo, and to make him better by giving him knowledge of the most important Truths; that is to say, those Truths which compose the Policy of the Learned: Per migliorare l'intelletto co'lla notizia d'importantissime verità per ammaestrare il lettore nella Politica. 
Proem.  By the Learned or Knowing, I mean, quoth the Cardinal, those who skill the World; 
l. 1. c. 5.  Periti del Mondo. The Design then that the Cardinal hath proposed to himself by setting forth this History of the Council of Trent, is to defend and maintain the Catholic Religion by the Policy, and according to the Policy of those who skill the World; 
l. 22. c. 5.  Quest opera ch' è una diffesa della Catolica Religione; and to make you see that the Policy of the Catholic Religion according to the World, is that which is true; because that by following its Maxims, a man is happy here below, and in the other Life. Wherefore, quoth he, I do undertake to defend the Judgements given by all the Earth Assembled in the Council of Trent; 
Introd. c. 2.  Però diffendendo i● nel giudicio del Mondo; and therein I maintain, goes he on, the Cause not of one private Client, but of the whole Catholic Church; Non un privato Cliente mà tutta la Chiesa Catolica. So he pretends to make you see in the Proceed and in the Decrees of the Council of Trent, that the present Government of the Church being form according to the Rules of worldly Policy, and being the most profitable to the true common Good, that one can imagine according to the Flesh, in this world and in the other, is that Government which Jesus Christ himself, who is the Wisdom Incarnate, came to establish upon the Earth, and for which he hath shed his precious Blood, Questo governo disignato da Christo. 
l. 1. c. 25    

ARTICLE II. The Church may be considered in two manners; according to the Flesh, and according to the Spirit; and so these are two sorts of Felicity or Welfare of the Church; Jesus Christ had them both in view.  
TO comprehend perfectly the Mystery of this Religious Policy of the worldly wise, know ye that the Church may be considered in two manners, quoth Father Diego Lainez, Second General of the Jesuits; the first, according to the Flesh, the second according to the Spirit; secondo la Carne, 
l. 23. c. 3.  secondo lo Spirito; according to the Spirit, quoth he, the Church is the Temple of Charity; Stanza di Carità; according to the Flesh, she is the Fountainhead of all temporal profit, Fonte di utilità temporale.  

Ibid.  So that according to these two Considerations of the Church, a man may conceive two sorts of common Good and Felicity; the first according to the Spirit; the second, according to the Flesh: The Felicity after the Flesh, is that of the World, which consists in Riches, Honours, Pleasures, Glory, Splendour and carnal Delights; The Felicity after the Spirit, is Divine, 
l. 8. c. 17.  and works a supernatural course of Life. La vita supraumana. This Felicity is the Object of Heroic Virtues; Vertù eroica. 
l. 1. c. 25.  The Felicity according to the Flesh, is humane, civil and temporal; Felicità ; 
l. 24. c. 8, & 10. l. 1. c. 25. l. 8. c. 17.  l'umana felicità de fideli che rendono felice la Republica interra, and the hope of this Felicity makes all civil and humane Virtues to bud and spring out; fa gergmogliare le insigni virtù, 
Ibid.  and renders man happy according to the Flesh in this world: Whereupon it follows that true Religious Policy ought also to be carnal, because it ought to have for Object, the making the Church happy, not only according to the Spirit, but according to the Flesh, and to bestow on her a Felicity not only Divine, and of the other Life, but humane, temporal and earthly, in this world; now there be none that can better judge what that true Felicity is, than those that be Sages after the Flesh; that is to say, worldly wise; periti del mondo secondo la Carne; and so for to know well what is the true Policy of Jesus Christ, one needs but to know what that is of the People of the world, not of the Vulgar', but of the knowing and enlightened World, whose Maxims our Learned Cardinal goes on here to teach us.   

ARTICLE III. Jesus Christ came to establish the most commodious kind of Government for the Humane and Temporal Felicity of the Believing; yea, and that is the most Religious which is the most Commodious.  
LEt us suppose, quoth the Legate Alexander, sent by Pope Leo the Xth, to the Diet at Worms, That Jesus Christ were ready to change the Government of the Church, and to fit it to our convenience, Fingiamo che Christo fia pronto di matar' la fua chiefa a commodo nostro, do ye think he should change it from that which we see it at present? Surely not: So than we ought to conclude, that Jesus Christ hath fitted his Church with such a Government that there can be none imagined more conform to humane Felicity after the wish of the worldly wise, and after the Flesh. Now it is certain, that the desire of all after the Flesh, is to be happy in this world as well as in the other; so then conformably to this Wish hath Jesus Christ form his Church; Che Christo hà formata la sua Chiesa in quel modo eti' è più conform eziandio all'umana felicità. 
l. 1. c. 25.   
Also the same Pope Leo, to extinguish Luther's Heresy, gave in charge to his Nuncio's, to represent to the Emperor Charles V That it was necessary to destroy that Heresy, for Three Reasons: First, In regard of the eternal Salvation of the Flock of Christ. There's the Divine Reason that respects the Life to come. Per l'eterna salute del grege Christiano. The Second, For the Quiet of the Politic Government. Per la Tranquilità del Governo Politico. There's the Humane Reason, and the Humane Interest of this Life. The Third, For the Preservation of the Apostolical Principality. 
l. 1. c. 23.  Per la Conservazione del Principato Apostolico. There's a middling Reason, betwixt Divine and Humane; for that the Pope is Mediator betwixt God and Man, betwixt Heaven and Earth; Il mezzano frà il Cielo & la Terra; 
l. 1. c. 1.  that is to say, a Mediator that knows perfectly well how to make agree together the two Wisdoms, that of God, and that of the World, that which is spiritual, and that which is temporal; and 'tis even in this that the perfection of Religion consists, and which, by consequence, makes up the height or top of Religious Policy, which tends to make men happy in this World here, and in the other.   

ARTICLE IU. The Measures and Rules of the Church's Government, according to the Wisdom of God, aught to be taken from the Public Good; that is the End that Jesus Christ had in view.  
'TIs certain, that the Common Good, being the End and Object of Policy, is the Measure of all the Judgements, of all the Laws, and of all the Actions of that Policy; for example, to judge wherein consists true Honour, even temporal; and according to the times, we must fall to examine what is profitable for the Public Good; for there is no other true Honour: So that the Common Good is the measure of all Politic Judgement, 
l. 1. c. 26.  Il vero onore di cui è misura il ben publica: And the Policy that is guided by this End, is that of the truly Learned and Knowing men, 
l. 5. c. 16.  Politica vera intesa da scienziati.  
On the contrary, 'tis Popular Judgement that is not guided by the Common Good, but forms its Conclusions upon another Principle. The good which popular judgement proposes to itself either for Principle or End, is not a true Good, but an Idol, 
l. 1. c. 16.  that witless and unruly Heads forge and work up according to their Fancy: Onore popolare ch' è un Idolo fabricato da ingegni stolidamente feroci. 
l. 1. c. 26.   
Now for to discern well what is the true common Good of the Church, there needs no more, but to mark what is the common Good that Jesus Christ had in view when he instituted the Government of his Church; for the end is the measure whereby we judge what is good and fit to be done in all actions, 
l. 2. c. 2.  fine ch' è la misura dell'opportuno in tutte le azioni; through knowledge of the true common Good, a man ought to judge of true or false policy.  
The true is founded upon Virtue, and upon Zeal, the false, upon Fraud and private Interest, 
Ibid.  i fondamenti nella virtù e nel zelo, ò nella fraud e nell'interesse; By means of these politic Virtues, a man arrives to the politic Felicity of this Life, which is the recompense of them, and which consist in Riches, Honours and Pleasures.   

ARTICLE V For to know well the Common Good which Jesus Christ had in view, a man should judge thereof by the Doctrine of Aristotle, and other wise Heathens. Luther's Heresy had never happened but through his slighting of Aristotle.  
IF Jesus Christ had taken for the End of his Policy, only the common Good after the Spirit, and not according to the Flesh, and temporal Convenience, without doubt it would not have been safe to consult Aristotle and the wise Heathens, to know the Nature of that common Good which Jesus Christ had in view, and the Qualities thereof; but Jesus Christ having it in view to fit up the Government of his Church on humane Felicity, whereof it is capable in the judgement of the worldly wise, 'tis not possible that he should teach contrary to the Teachings of Aristotle and the Heathen Sages, 
l. 7. c. 9  come si la chiesa di Christo predicasse ch' e contrario non dico à l'insegnamenti d'Aristotele mà d'ogni tolerabil'republica d'ye gentili. Jesus Christ was the Wisdom Incarnate, the Source of all true Wisdom, be it never so Paganish; so than he did establish the Government of the Church the best that could be, in the judgement of the worldly wise, though Pagans. He never prescribed her a Government to be changed for a better; for can any body be persuaded that Jesus Christ did form a Government that was not the best of all? 
l. 8. c. 7.  douremo noi persuadere che la sapienza incarnata istituisse la sua chiesa con un governo il qual non fossae d'ye megliori? To judge then what's the Government that Jesus Christ established, one needs only to judge what is the best of all Governments according to those that be Sages of this World; for one Wisdom never opposes another Wisdom; the Fountain is no enemy to its own Streams. The Philosophers were Sages according to Sense, according to Flesh, according to humane Reason; thereafter they knew the common humane Good, and what was best for Commonwealths; it is not possible then that Jesus Christ having the same Good in view, should lesson us contrary to the Teachings of the Philosophers.  
And in effect, there is no doubt but if Plato and Aristotle lived in our days, they would experience that there was never Commonwealth more civil, more politic, better improved, more noble, and more virtuous than the Catholic; 
l. 12. c. 3.  see Platone ò Aristotele vivessero à nostri giorni esperimentassero che nessuna Republiqua è ò fù maì più culta, più nobile, più virtuosa, che la ●atolica.  
It follows then, that the common Good of the Church considered according to the Flesh, hath nothing that is contrary, and which is not extremely conform to the Public Good, such as the Philosophers set it forth. All the Difficulty that they had in their times, was to find out means to establish that public Good, and to make it practicable; and this is that which Jesus Christ hath done in a manner, which the Philosopher would have been very capable of, and very much satisfied with.  
It chanced that Luther, not being willing in his Doctrine and Practice, to follow the Maxims of Aristotle, slighting that Philosopher, through that slight, his Heresy gained ground; which, as it was contrary to the Principles of Aristotle, so did Luther endeavour to destroy the reputation of that Prince of Philosophers; 
l. 1. c. 8.  mà perch sì fatta doctrina appariva contraria à principii della retta filosofia insegnatasi da Aristotele, procurò d'estinguer la stima di questo filosofo come d'huomo che scrivesse molti errori contro alla fede.  
Slighting of Aristotle, hath also caused, that Luther's Sect never had any Writers of a much elevated Genius, 
l. 1. c. 17.  il disprezzo à ' Aristotele fece che frà sui sequaci appena può annoverarsi scrittori di relevato intendimento: Those Heretics laughed at that Philosopher's Arguments so full of Learning, reducing all they taught, to the understanding of the Greek and Hebrew Tongues, 
l. 1. c. 23.  ridendosi degli argomenti scietifici, & diquanto insegnavo Aristotele il tutto reducevano all'intendimento della lingua greca & dell'ebrea.  
Carlstad cursed Aristotle, whose Doctrine, said he, corrupted Divinity, 
l. 3. c. 13.  Carlostadio malediceva Aristotele, la cui dottrina havesse corotta la Teologia, and as for Luther, he plotted to ruin that Philosopher's Reputation, machinava d'abattere Aristotele nella filosofia. 
l. 1. c. 3.  Here was that then which destroyed them, they did not know how to piece the Policy of Jesus Christ and that of Aristotle together; for at last, let them say what they will, it is certain that if Aristotle had not writ, and so taught the Church to distinguish well, she would have lacked at this day a many Articles of Faith, for which she is beholden to that Prince of Philosophers, di ciò sidovevain gran parte l'obligazione ad Aristotele, 
l. 8. c. 19  id quale sè non si fosse adoperato in distinguer accuratament i generi delle ragioni, noi mancavamo di molti articoli di fede: Paul Soave thinks Aristotle to be jeered by this Discourse; but our Cardinal-Historian doth indeed approve of Aristotle, and not jeer him, and makes the Truths of Aristotle admirably to appear.   

ARTICLE VI Through the slighting of Aristotle, Luther would not endure that Interest Humane and according to the Flesh, should have its share in Government of the Church; he is followed by certain zealous Ignorants: One ought to shun that their Excess.  
'TIs neither permitted, nor expedient, said Martin Luther, to regulate Divine things by Humane Interests, non esser nè lecito nè spediente regolar le cose di Dio con gli umani interessi. 
l. 1. c. 27.   
He rejected not this conduct of Affairs. but only because it did plainly show that Kings might be stirred up by the Motive of humane respects, as well as by that of God's Interests, to set themselves against that Heresy, che per rispetti così divini comè umani possono muovere i Rè & i Regni Christiani à persegnitar l'eresia. 
l. 1. c. 25.  Now Humane respects be those we call Humane Reasons, which have for Object humane Felicity according to the Flesh: Jesus Christ had in view this Felicity as well as Aristotle, and their Sentiments make up a judgement the most humane imaginable, and opposite to that Censure (forsooth) of those same zealous ones, which is a Resolve Ideal and impossible in the Practice, contrary to Experience, and which doth not proceed but from Ignorance of the things of the world. This Censure or Opinion cries nothing but Reformation, Reformation; which is nothing but Idea and Extravagance, 
Intr. c. 10.  quella riformatione ideale per cui gravada il zelo imperito di person per lo più non esperte; concetti stravaganti: Thus 'tis plain, that the Government of the Church ought not to be regulated by the judgement of those, who have not experience of the World: 'Tis properly this Experience that makes up that which is called Knowledge of the World, after the which also, Jesus Christ did form the Government of his Church.   

ARTICLE VII. The Discernment of zealous and scrupulous Ignorants is very different from that of persons that have experience of the World, and knowledge of the Times.  
'TIs certain there be such zealous persons, without experience of Civil Affairs, and the present course of the Politic world, 
l. 16. c. 10.  personne zelanti mà inesperte negli affari civili e nel corso del present mondo politico, who have none of those Lights which afford that experience, 
l. 1. c. 23.  niente illuminato da peritia. This sort of zealous Folk have their minds enslaved to vulgar Opinions, 
l. 1. c. 25.  intelletto schiavo delle opinioni volgari; on the contrary, there be that skill the world, 
l. 1. c. 4. l. 1. c. 2●.  periti del mondo, able for practice, un huomo pratichissimo negli assari del mondo, which are none of your retired people, that are wont to feed themselves with Ideas and Speculations, 
Ibid.  un ideale & ritirato speculativo.  
These People being no strangers to the Court-breeding at Rome, have thoughts exalted above those vulgar ones of others, concetti non volgari; 
Introd. c. 6.  prattiche della corte Romana; these be persons of business and intelligence, 
l. 21. c. 4.  person prattiche ed intendenti: Their eyes are versed in and used to the affairs of the world, 
l. 17. c. 10.  occhi periti delle facende civili. The difference that is between the sights of these two sorts of persons, is, that the first are still on all occasions poring on Ideas, and are ravished in contemplation of abstracted forms and Universals, which have not any proportion with the dispositions of the matter, and which by consequence, are incapable to come to good. But the others give close heed to those particular circumstances which are wont to meet in the success of things; and to make them take effect, the first propose nothing but speculative regulations and ideal reformations, the success whereof is impossible, riformatione ideale & non riuscibile; 
Intr. c. 10.  the others, propose regulations and reformations discreet, possible, and likely to come to good, 
Introd. c. 9 l. 1. c. 25.  riformatione discretta che poi success e che la prudenza d'ye padris stimò riuscibile. Censura umana e non ideale. Whereupon, the Cardinal concludes in these terms, Let's leave them to Plato his Ideas, and let's go upon practice, lasciamo à Platone l'idea, 
l. 12. c. 13.  veniamo alla prattica.  
But in fine, the better to make it be comprehended what one ought to understand by those Ideas, that a zealous indiscreet and ignorant person would have to be followed in Government: One cannot tell how to give a better Example on't than that of Pope Adrian VI related by this Cardinal-Historian.   

ARTICLE VIII. The Example of an Ideal extravagant Politician in Pope Adrian VI his Carriage.  
'TIs certain that Pope Adrian VI was a special Priest, says our Cardinal, fù Ecclesiastico ottimo. 
l. 2. c. 9   
He was so thrifty as to his Person, and in his Household, that out of his very thrift, he was near able to raise the Succours he had need of to assist, as he proposed to do, the Christians against the Turk, 
l. 2. c. 3.  à si gravi spese non bastava la parsimonia da lui usata nel proprio sostentamento.  
One might say that he had quite forgot Flesh and Blood, lafoy pienissima oblivione della carne e sangue.  

l. 2. c. 3.  Not only he never sought that Dignity, but contrariwise he was terrible doubtful whether to accept or refuse it, 
l. 2. c. 7.  ondeggiò tutta la notte nella deliberazione di consentire ò di ricusare; and when his Election was assured, he was so little concerned for it, or moved with it, that this indifference appeared Blockishness to those which distinguish not heroic Virtue from the insensibility of a foolish Spirit, 
l. 2. c. 3.  mostrò ben si una inalterabilità i parue stupidità à chi non distingueva l'eroico dell'insensato.  
At last, it was not the desire to command, that made him accept this so important Dignity, but fear to disobey God; nor yet much less design to enrich his Kindred, but desire to reform the Church, and to fulfil all the Duties of the Sovereign pontiff, or if one may so say, of a good Pope.  
He was besides very Learned, he had been long while Professor in Divinity, his Life had been always exemplary, and he had been, as Aaron, called to all the Charges, through which he passed, as well as to that of Sovereign pontiff; he was born poor, he loved the poor, and Poverty; the Heretics as well as the Catholics did acknowledge these his Virtues; but for all that, says our Cardinal-Historian, he was a very ordinary Pope, mà in verità mediocre Pontefice, because he was too free and too sincere, Adriano troppo aperto ', he loved free and open persons without artifice, which caused, for example, that Cheregat's humour pleased him, 
l. 2. c. 7.  per che Cheregato fosso di natura apertissima e pero grato all Pontefice; his Nature being candid, he hated and abhorred all Artifice, 
l. 2. c. 3.  essendo ' proprio delle nature candid com' era quella d'Adriano d'aborrire ogni artificio; this made him ill beloved of the Italian Nation; for as that Nation is ingenious, so 'tis the property of ingenious Natures to be crafty, 
Ibid.  essendo proprio delle nazioni ingegnose come è l'Italiana l'esser artifiziose.  
So that here all the ill that could be observed in this Pope, was an Heroic Virtue, according even to this Cardinal-Historian; but for all that, he was but a mean Pope, because he had not the Industry, the Address, nor the Skill to distinguish amongst the Italian Artifices, Truth from Disguise and feigning, 
l. 2. c. 3.  mancandogli la perizia per distinguere il simulato dal vero. There is extreme much therefore to be said against him, that he had not Prudence more accommodated to the Circumstances of the Times, and one would have been glad if his Zeal had been accompanied with less indiscretion, hà fatto in lui desiderare maggior prudenza e circonspezione un zelo non affatto discreto. 
l. 2. c. 7.  He acknowledged too sincerely the truth of the Abuses which had reigned in the Court of Rome, under those who had immediately gone before him in the Popedom, il vituperar si agrament i prossimi antecessori. 
l. 2. c. 7.   
Adrian VI thinking therefore seriously upon Reformation of the Court of Rome, it seemed to him in the first place, that he ought to retrench the Revenue of the Datary, and those Fees that were exacted for the Expedition of Bulls and other Graces which were granted at Rome; but as he knew not the sage Lessons of Experience, and the judicious reasoning which she furnishes her Disciples withal, questi discorsi somministrati dal magisterio sapientissimo dell esperienza. The good man did not see that those Designs so zealous were no other but abstracted Ideas, pretty indeed to contemplate; but that yet the form of them had not any agreement with the dispositions of their Matter, 
l. 2. c. 6.  che i suoi zelanti dissegni erano idée astratte, bellissime à contemplarsi, ma non form proporzionate alle condizioni della materia.  
'Tis the most essential point of all Policy, to discern if the form be proportionate to the dispositions of the matter, that is to say, if Laws carry an agreeableness to the gust and inclinations of People for Times, Places, and other necessary Circumstances.  
Here is for example, a Maxim of Cheregat, Adrian's Nuncio at the Diet of Nuremberg, that evil ought not to be admitted that good may come thereof, 
l. 2. c. 8.  non doversi tolerare i mali affinche ne vengan i beni. This Maxim taken thus universally, is not true; it appears by the permission that is given to lewd women to exercise their commerce in quiet, without any bodies being suffered to trouble them, 
l. 2. c. 8.  come si vide nella permissione delle meretrici: In effect, this Maxim is not true, but in case where the permission of some ill would cause a greater ill than would come by punishing it; but on the contrary, when one is willing to stop an evil, and a greater would come of it, assuredly one ought to tolerate it; so that one of the most important points of Religious Policy is to discern between the evils of the Abuses, which ought to be quashed, from those which ought to be suffered; as for example, dishonest and lewd women are suffered by the Rules of the fleshly Religious Policy. But as in occasions, where things seeming alike are to be deliberated, men's sentiments differ, and they are fertile in apparent Reasons of one side and the other, 
l. 9 c. 10.  le deliberazioni umane sono fertili d'apparenti raggioni per ogni parte. So the most important point of all the fleshly Religious Policy is to know in whom the Supreme Authority to govern the Church, aught to reside, and what Rules ought to be followed, that one be not deceived in making a judgement, and too, that the Church be more happily governed according to the Flesh. Our Cardinal maintains that above all, one should have a care of those zealous persons, person zelanti, but without experience of civil affairs, and the politic course of the present world, mà inesperte negle affari civili e nel corso del present mondo politico: such as Pope Adrian the VI was. A Pope like unto him, that forgot Flesh and Blood, is not fit for this kind of discernment. Heed must also be taken of a Policy simple, sincere, and without mask, as was his, which had not been refined in any famous Court, such as be those of Italy, 
l. 8. c. 17.  senz' affinarsi nell'excellente scuola della frequenza.  
As this is a point of the utmost import, so ought the general Maxims of those zealous Spirits to be related, that a man may keep from them as a pernicious poison of the public Tranquillity, 
l. 17. c. 14.  concetti stravaganti veleni della publica tranquilità.    

CHAP. II.  

ARTICLE I. Five Errors and poisoned Maxims of the scrupulous Policy of the zealous Ignorants according to the Flesh.  
THe first pernicious Error of the zealous Ignorants is, to pretend that one should live in the Church as one ought to live according to God, and that the Laws of the Church were regulated and form by that Principle.  
The contrary Maxim is, that the Laws of the Church ought to guide men according to the Flesh, and commodiously having regard to the corrupt inclinations of their Nature.  
The Second pernicious Error is, That that which is best to be done, is best also to be commanded.  
The opposite Maxim is, That the best to be commanded, is that which can be done commodiously according to the Flesh, and not that which should be the best to be done according to God.  
The Third pernicious Error of the zealous Ignorants is, That the Church ought to be governed according to the Rules of Antiquity.  
The opposite Maxim is. That the Church ought not to be governed according to the Rules of Antiquity.  
The Fourth pernicious Error is, That the Church ought to he governed by the way of Councils.  
The opposite Maxim is, That the Church ought not to be governed by the way of Councils.  
The fifth Error is, That the Church ought to be governed by every Bishop in particular, according to the portion of the Episcopacy fallen to him, which makes in all the Bishops but one and the same Unity of Episcopacy in solidum.  
The Fifth opposite Maxim is, That this Opinion is seditious, and that the Church ought to be governed by one only Bishop, King and Monarch of all others.  
'Tis true, quoth the Cardinal, if one would take the measure of Good from the Idea of what it ought to be, the Church in the condition wherein we see her, would appear most dreadfully deformed, 
Introd. c. 8.  vero è che se vogliamo prendere la misura del bueno dall'idea di quello che doverebbe essere, la difformità ●●nza dubio rimane grandissima.  
Now it is from the Idea of what ought to be, that the Zealous take the measures of their Policy, and they would fain have Laws made to oblige the Church to live as it ought, to live; for example, that Charity should be regulated by that which Gods Love requires, and as the hope or fear of an eternity of Heaven or Hell requireth, 
Introd. c. 8.  daciò che merita un Diò, e un eternità di paradiso ò d'inferno.  
They will not by any means that things should rather be regulated according to that, which one man can in reason no more but expect in the times wherein we are, who are as it were, the Dregs of Adam's corruption, where our Republic to be governed, is not composed of any that be perfect, but of so many Millions of the imperfect Believing of the old and new world, 
Ibid.  e non più tosto da quello che può sperarsi in questa feccia d'Adamo.  
The true Religious Policy, according to this Cardinal, doth lay it then for a general Maxim, that for to make Laws, one should be guided by the disposition of the people, who being imperfect, aught to be regulated according as God and Nature hath set them into the world in these our times, 
l. 9 c. 9  dovendo governare gli huomini quali Iddio e la natura gli producono all mondo; and a Form must be proposed proportionate to the dispositions of the Matter; that is to say, propose Laws accommodated to people's humours, and not introduce Ideas founded upon what ought to be, having relation to God, dignè Deo, as S. Paul speaks; From hence this Cardinal leaves it to be concluded, that the Laws of the Church ought not to be such as they should be: for example, if one were obliged to love God by an Act of Love, as a Divine Virtue; if one were obliged to tend to the perfection of that Love, if one were cursed, doing the work of the Lord negligently. 
Intr. l. 10.  This is ignorant Folks Zeal, zelo imperito d'alcuni, to confound what's best to be done, with what's best to be ordained, as if one was the other, 
Ibid.  che confondono l'ottimo à farsi con l'ottimo à commandarsi, not perceiving that Laws are then worst when they prescribe what's most excellent, that is to say, a perfection impossible, 
l. 1. c. 25.  le leggi tal ora son' pessime quando prescrivono l'ottimo, ciò è una perfezion inosservabile.  
Thus to make Laws according to the true carnal Policy, one must take great care if one would bring it to good, to cause that they be observed, 
Intr. c. 10.  i poi success, looking out first to see if there be any likelihood of success in the Reformation pretended, riformation riuscibile; for on the contrary, if Laws be made where there is no appearance, they will bring in the Reformation proposed, those Laws become a poison in the Policy. 'Tis important than that one be instructed how to take well his measures to make Church-Laws, that the success thereof may be infallible; for one ought not to imagine with the Zealous Ignorants, that Antiquity must be followed, 
l. 21. c. 6.  Vsaronsi per l'antichi tempi, adunque deonsi rimettere in uso. Antiquity ought not to serve for a rule to the present Church, neither ought she to be governed by Councils and Bishops assembled: on the contrary, there is no conjunction of Stars whose influence can be more perilous to the Church than that of Councils is; 
l. 16. c. 10.  non si può imaginar congiunzione di più pericolosainfluenza che un synodo generale.  
The Church ought not to be governed by Bishops, every one according to his share of Episcopacy, as if it were all but one Episcopacy in itself common to the Bishops and the Pope; it is a seditious Doctrine to pretend this solidity, 
Ibid.  quella sediz sosa dottrina. This Cardinal busies himself in the following course of his History, to confute these Errors, and to establish the opposite Maxims to purge the poison of these Errors out of the Religious Policy of the Church; and he concludes very well from thence, the necessity of a Monarch, that may be the Head of the Church, Emperor and King of the whole Universe, who is as the Soul and the Form of the Church, to inform it, animate it, and direct it, according to the Laws of true Policy, which is that according to the Flesh, secondo la carne.   

ARTICLE II. The first Error of the Zealous Ignorants refuted: which is, That by the Laws of the Church, men ought to be obliged to live as God's Love requires, and the Hope of Paradise, and the Fear of Hell; there ought to be grateful Laws made, and commodious for corrupted Nature.  
Law's are corrected and change according as they are approved by the People who make the trial of them, 
l. 23. c. 11.  non è stato mai all mondo alcun senato ne sacro nè profano le cui leggi non habbiano in qualche parte ricevuta la correzzione dalla prova.  
Wherefore, though even one should have hope enough of success, yet before Laws be established, 'tis prudence first to try and see what may be grateful to the generality of the World, in case one's Laws should take effect, talora è prudenza il tentare eziandio con dubio dell'evento chiò che se riuscisse sarebbe grato all common. 
Ibid.   
So that the Rule to be given for making of Laws, is the disposition of the people to receive them; otherwise if they be not grateful to them, it would be Ignorance and indiscreet Zeal to offer violence to corrupted Nature.  
Now to judge of the inclinations of people, we ought not to consider those which they would have had if their nature had remained sound, but those which they have, their nature being corrupted by Adam's sin, in questa feccia d'Adamo. 
Introd. c. 8.  For God will not tear out of our hearts those inclinations we brought into the world when we were born, 
l. 1. c. 25.  non vuole Iddio sveller da gli animi le innate inclinazioni; for example, men in the corruption of their nature, have a dread of Poverty and of taking pains, which doth accompany Poverty, the poor being forced to labour to get their living; men in their corrupt state love Idleness, the dread then that they have of poverty, 
l. 9 c. 9  aught to be kept up in the spirits of men, in tal'manniera si mantiene l'horrore verso la povertà come compagna dello stento.  
Look ye, here is the inclination that the Religious Policy according to the Flesh, aught for to nourish, whence one ought to conclude, that Riches making one part of man's Felicity, 'tis a sin not to seek to enrich one's self. Likewise corrupted Nature is ashamed of Poverty, she finds it a shameful thing; this thought makes one afraid, either for ones self, or for one's posterity, 
Ibid.  turpis egestas, temuta da lui ò in se stesso ò nella discendenza; what should Religious Policy according to the Flesh then do? should it disabuse men of these thoughts? No, on the contrary, it ought to cherish these thoughts, going along after them, and accommodating Laws thereunto; This is the very Cardinal's consequence. If one would seek the reason of it, 'tis visible there can be no other but that corrupted nature in pursuance of this same horror, this same shame, and this same dread of Poverty will seek for to enrich itself, and such seeking is a great virtue; for that every Act that serves to a man's Felicity, is an act of Virtue; so that corrupted Nature will shun Idleness, which is a sin contrary to the carnal Felicity of the Christian Republik, which causes even the rich to fall into poverty, which is opposite to their Felicity; whereas, if Religion on the contrary, should teach people that labour and painstaking, far off from being dreaded, is a thing enjoined, even to be done by the rich, that poverty, far off from being a state of itself shameful, is the first of the Christian Beatitudes, as our Lord hath preached in his Gospel; this same Belief would at least render the man indifferent, both in regard of Riches and of Poverty, and falling into poverty, he would believe himself happy in that state of Humiliation that Jesus Christ chose for himself; so that fear, horror and shame would not oblige him any more to labour to shun poverty, and get riches; that Christian and Spiritual indifferency would make him less eager to work, as well as to get more quiet, and less careful of the Morrow, which would not be profitable for the carnal Felicity of the Christian Republic, nor by consequence, conformable to Virtue.  
The same would come to pass, if the greatest portion of the Goods of the Church were employed for relief of the poor, and not to enrich Priests and Churchmen; for what a thing would that be, that Nature-corrupted-men, as the poor be as well as others, should find, when they came to be poor, such great Estates and abundance settled upon them? 
l. 9 c. 9  che charebbe quando vedessero una provisione abondante e sicura per tutti i poveri. This supposed then, pursuant to the inclinations of Nature corrupted, shall the Religious and Carnal Policy, which is the true, establish for Law, that the best and biggest portion of Church, Revenues be employed for relief of the poor? Nay but to enrich Churchmen, and make their Felicity according to the Flesh.  
If the Zealous maintain, that the best and biggest share of Ecclesiastical Revenues ought to be employed for relief of the poor, 
Ibid.  che la prima e principal parte delle Ecclesiastiche entrate doverebbe applicarsi à poveri e non à ministranti, the Religious and Carnal Policy will condemn that Maxim as directly contrary to the happy estate of that Republic, 
Ibid.  to the Institution of God and of Nature, ed io affermo che ciò sarebbé un costume dirimpetto contrario al felice stato della republica ed à gl'istituti di Dio e della natura.  
So too corrupted Nature loves Voluptuousness, yea and she invites men to all their Actions by the Motive of some pleasure; as for example, to eat and drink, to the end to taste what's delicious in those Aliments, 
l. 9 c. 9  la natura medesima c'ensignò questa prudenza invitando gli huomini à mantener la propria vita col diletto del cibo.  
Corrupted Nature hates all that is less commodious and less delectable than that which she is wont to taste or enjoy in the life one uses to lead, 
Intr. c. 10.  all'orecchie loro suonera, sempre molesta la vita men' commoda e man dilettevole della passata; and this affection is so natural to man, that one may observe it practised even in Communities the most mortified and holy, 
Ibid.  e questo affetto è si naturale dell'huomo che suole sperimentarsi in ogni communità eziandio più mortificata e più santa. What shall the Religious and Carnal Policy do then? Shall it root out those inclinations of corrupted Nature to pleasure? God does not will it. 
l. 1. c. 25.  Non vuole Iddio svellere dagli animi le innate inclinazioni. Shall it teach a man that he is obliged in usage of things to have no more but what's precisely necessary for him to do a virtuous action, and not to do that virtuous action by the alone Motive to find pleasure therein according to carnal sense? 'Tis visible, that if Christian Religion should establish these Maxims, Christians Lives would be a continual Mortification, and all that eagerness which makes men bustle to advance themselves, every themselves, and enjoy humane Felicity according to the Flesh, would be deadned. This would be the ruin of our Carnal Policy, which is the most excellent of all Moral Virtues, whose Object is carnal Felicity, Riches, Honours and Voluptuousness, what ought this Religious Policy then to do? See ye here what it ought to do according to our Cardinal. The Heathen they set before corrupt Nature Voluptuousness, which nourishes Vices, which are ever linked to Idolatry; the Church ought to set before Christians such pleasures as may serve for remedy against Idolatry; and as pleasure for pleasure, if it were equal on both sides; so corrupted is Nature, that she would prefer Idolatry before the Worship of the true God. The Church ought in such sort to deal, that in the voluptuousness which she presents to the people, there may be more and greater Dainties, and of that which tickles the Appetite and Senses, than in that which is tasted out of her Communion, that the pleasure may be greater in what she makes use of to cure Vices, than in any voluptuousness which Paganism or Heresy can make use of to nourish them, ed è conform non solo alla pietà, 
l. 1. c. 23.  ma eziando alla politica, il far che i teatri più sontuosis e più dilettevoli sian quelli dove il vizio si medica, non dove si nutre; for example, quoth Nuntio Alexander, the People will have stageplays and Sights, they love the pleasure thereof, vuole il populo i teatri, shall the Church then make Laws against stageplays, Comedies, and the love of Pleasure? No, she will accommodate herself to that natural inclination of the people, and bring it so to pass, that there shall be more pleasure in the Shows she sets forth for Christians, than ever were in the Pagan Shows: Here is that called true Religious Policy according to the Flesh, to cure the love of Pleasure by bestowing more carnal pleasure upon a man within the Church, than one should have had remaining out of its Communion. This is the Religious Policy that Jesus Christ came to establish in his Church, quoth this our Cardinal, to signalise his people upon Earth by the Prerogatives of their pleasures, questo governo dissegnato da Christo per signalare in terra con manifesta prerogativa il suo popolo; 
l. 1. c. 25,  'twas for the establishing of this Policy that he died. Here look ye, the felicity and common Good of the Church according to the Flesh, is the Object of this Virtue; the first and most excellent of all the moral Virtues. 'Tis through this Religious Policy, that the Church, of her great Revenues, of her Honours, and of her carnal Pleasures, even makes the vocation of all men to her Faith, and a vocation to the Clergyship of as many as she pleases to call it, as shall be seen by and by. Instead of amusing herself to make Laws contrary to the esteem of Riches, of Honours, and of carnal Pleasures, she establishes that Maxim of true worldly Policy, to guide men according to the Inclinations of their Natures, dovendo governare gli huomini, 
l. 9 c. 9  quali Iddio e la natura gli producono all mondo; for God and Nature bringing them forth such as they be, there's no more to do, but so for to govern them.   

ARTICLE III. The Second Error of the Zealous Ignorants, That the best to be done, is the best to be commanded; 'tis better to command that which is according to Nature, than that which would be better to be done according to God.  
IT would be better to observe the Laws that are made; for Law is a Rule which in the time it was made, was esteemed the very best to govern well by, lafoy leg, 
l. 7. c. 2.  il che vuol'dire la regola riputata la migliore per buon, governo; and the Zealous Ignorants would have that a general Law, which enjoins the observation of the Laws already made, because it is the best thing that can be done. This was also one of the Demands which the French Ambassadors made at the Council of Trent, to wit, That that, and former Councils Orders might exactly be observed without being infringed by Dispensations: This was a request, quoth the Cardinal, that tended to no less than to undermine the Church's Monarchy, 
l. 19 c. 11.  che le costitutioni fat da Concilii non cadessero sotto dispensazioni, lafoy qual domanda tendeva ad abbattere la Monarchia. This in effect, was the 28th of the 34 Articles of Reformation, which the Ambassadors proposed to the Council; That there might be no dispensing with the Canons which forbidden Marriage within the Degrees prohibited, unless in favour of Kings and Princes for the public Good.  
'Tis very easy to make the Poison of this Error manifest, That what is the best to be done, is the best to be commanded, whether one considers it in relation to Divine Laws, that direct the inward affections of the heart, or whether one considers it in relation to the Humane Laws of the Church, which can but direct exterior actions, it is wholly throughout pernicious. As for the inward Affections, God being the great invisible Good of man, it is certain, that to love him by an act of Love, as a Virtue Divine, would be the best; as also to set one's affection more upon that invisible Good, than upon that which is seen; but is it best to say, that God hath thus commanded it? No, because that that Command would not be accommodate to the condition of the most part of men which are within the Church, who set their affections more upon what is seen, 
l. 9 c. 9  than upon what is not seen, molti maggiorment i s' affezzionano à quel che si vede che à quel che si crede. This same Law of Love would not be grateful to them, being corrupt as they are. Likewise to be willing and endeavour to arrive to a perfect actual Love of God, would assuredly be best; but would it be best to preach that men are thereunto obliged by Commandment? No, without doubt, by the same reason of this same Cardinal: so, to say, that he which does the work of God negligently is cursed; one sees clearly the venom of such like Doctrine, and how many persons it would cast into despair; here's what regards the Divine Laws, which regulate the motions and affections of the inward man.  
As to the humane Laws of the Church, which can regulate but outward actions, suppose one should make a Law obliging Christians to observe all the Canons indistinctly, as the Council of Trent hath done, in these terms, Sciant Vniversi sacratissimos Canones exactè ab omnibus & quoad ejus fieri poterit, indistinctè observandos; Sess. 25. c. 18. There is no doubt but it is best to observe all the Canons; but is it best to command it? No, because that that Law would take away from the Princes of the Church the power to derogate from those Canons, and to show favour therein to those whom they should judge fit, 
l. 7. c. 2.  derogando per ordinario alla lege; prima de due qualità che massimament son' bramate del principe: Now to derogate from Canons or Laws, in favour of those which one would gratify, is the prime of those two Qualities desirable in a Prince, and this ability is one of the most effectual that he can have: to vitiate and ruin this Quality, by taking that power from him, is most pernicious, il pessimo suole essere una corruzione dell'ottimo; so that it is also manifest in this respect, that it is a most pernicious Error, That the best to be done, is the best to be commanded.  
This may be remarked in the Laws made by the Council of Trent; for if the Pope should observe them, and not show favour when he judges it fit, the Spring of at least half his Graces and Benefits would be at a stop, 
Intr. c. 10.  se'l Papa vuol'osservare quelle leggi, il fonte della sua benefizenza asoiugasi per metà.  
Now the power to do good, is one of the two Hinges whereupon Veneration for Powers moves and is upheld, 
l. 23. c. 3.  la facoltà di benefacere e un d'ye due cardini sopra cui sostiensi la venerazione de Principati,  
The respect that men have for Princes, is the firmest Basis of their Empire and of their Authority, quella venerazione ch' è la base del loro Imperio. The Pope's Authority is the Groundwork of the Church and of its Government according to the Flesh, as according to the Spirit, 
l. 1. c. 25.  deal qual governo lafoy base è l'authorità del Pontefice.  
So to follow the order of all these Truths, and to conclude from first to last, 'tis manifest, that to lay this Maxim, that the best to be done, is also the best to be commanded, is to lay a Principle that destroys the foundation of the Church; and see here of what importance it is to disabuse humane understanding concerning the false Maxims of Zealous Ignorant men's Policy, Vulgar Souls, Slaves of Common Opinion.  
That which is the best to be done, is desirable, must be agreed, but more desirable than possible, 
l. 19 c. 11.  più desiderabili che possibili. It is more desirable than commodious for men's conditions; Nature itself hath a regard to what is convenient for the state of men, and avoids that which is not suitable for them according to Tempers and Times wherein one is, and with whom one lives, non adattate alle condizioni degli huomini come fà la natura ed allo stato del mondo che portavano ì tempi. 
Ibid.   
'Tis then very evident that the Laws of the Church ought to be grateful and accommodated to the inclinations of corrupt Natures, such as they are, and not such as they ought to be with relation to God. To well govern the Church, there needs but to observe how the present times go, and after what fashion men live; for if the Law hath man for its Object, and as it were its Matter, yet he also is as it were Agent, in regard of the Law, and upholds himself in all the inclinations which he hath brought into the world, and in all the habitudes wherein he hath been engaged, 
l. 6. c. 4.  i quali hanno per attori e per soggetto gli huomini che sono di fatto all mondo e con l'inclinazioni e con l'usanza che di fatto hanno. This is a reason why Right must be regulated by Fact, and not Fact by Right: Right is  in its nature, and he that would stay there, should never do any thing; and this is again one of the pernicious Errors of the Zealous Ignorants which we are a going to refute.   

ARTICLE IU. The Third Error of the Zealous Ignorants; That Antiquity ought to serve for a Rule to guide the present Church; This Error comes from the Instinct of the Devil; 'tis a folly to believe, that what is Ancient is best; the ancient Laws were in the Church's Infancy.  
THe Reverend Father Diego Lainer, in that Famous Discourse which he made in the Council of Trent, touching the Reformation of the Church, 
l. 18 c. 15.  voto famoso, speaking of re-establishing Elections according to the ancient manner practised in the Church, says, That they which would renew those Usages, and other like ancient Customs, 
l. 21. c. 6.  were moved thereunto by the instinct of the Devil, Coloro che volev●no rinovare tali usi antichi muoversi per l'instinto del diavolo. That the French were instant to have that old Usage reestablished, but he doubted the miseries of that Kingdom were a chastisement from God upon that Nation, for having in some sort separated themselves since the time of the Council of Basil, dubitar egli de Francesi come di tali che forsè erano gastigati da Dio ne' presenti infortunii per qualche loro separazione fin dal tempo di Concilio di Basilea. Their Reason, 
l. 21. c. 6.  quoth he, is, that it was wont to be thus done in the first Ages of the Church, so that those Elections ought to be brought into use again, 
Ibid.  usaronsi per gli antichi tempi adunque deonsi rimettere in usu: And I, replies that Father, say the contrary; it hath been wont to be so used, therefore one ought not to set it up again, più tosto seguirne il contrario. This is the reason of it; since it was wont to be so used, it had never been left off, if there had not been inconveniences observed; in that Custom such there were observed to be in it, and for that reason it was left off, 
Ibid.  and by the same reason it ought not to be revived, percioche s'erano sperimentati loro inconvenienti e pero elle dimesse.  
For why would the Church have quitted her ancient Customs of discipline, if she had not perceived that Discipline followed with inconveniencies? Is the World at this day less wise than it was at the beginning; it would be a great folly to believe it.  
'Tis in effect a great one, quoth this our Cardinal, to imagine that all that is old is best, 
l. 23. c. 10.  è gran' folia il credere che tutto l'antico fosse megliore del moderno. The Church had its Infancy, 
l. 8. c. 17.  infanzia per così dire della chiesa, in that time she was little, and the number of the Faithful was not great, as since the believing persons are become, 
Ibid.  quando il numero d'ye fedeli non era ancora ben cresciuto. Now, that which is thought, and that which is done in Childhood, hath not the advantages that Age is wont for to bring; so that that which is ancient now, is but that which was thought and done when the World was but young, and as one may say, 
l. 23. c. 10.  a Child; l'antico era pensato e fatto del mondo ancora moderno: but that which is new, is done and thought in the World's ripe and fullgrown Age, 
Ibid.  e per contrario il moderno, del mondo già divenuto antico: So that it is an Error which would fain set up again the ancient Customs of the Church, and of her Discipline, such as were in the Apostles times, and in the first Ages: 'Tis, as one may say, to make the Church fall back again into Childhood, nell'infanzia della chiesa. Now is there any man grown up to years, that would fain be for the Teat again, to live as he did when he was a Child? 
l. 1. c. 25.  nè il giovane potrebbe tornare al vitto che usò bambino. Is it not ridiculous then to think the same may be done in a Body Politic, as that of the Church is? 
Ibid.  così pariment accade ne' corpi politici. So that the present Policy of the Church ought to be regulated, not upon that which the ancient Popes did heretofore, but upon that which in likelihood may be brought to pass in the present state wherein she is, 
l. 1. c. 25.  misuriamo quel che può riuscire secondo il present stato del Christianesimo, non quel che i Pontefici hanno fatto alter volte.   

ARTICLE V The Simplicity of the Ancient Councils opposed to the Courtliness and Regal, which the Legates Precedents at the Council of Trent shown towards Philip II. To go about to re-establish the Ancient Simplicity, is to put men again to live upon Acorns. The Change that's made in the World, is not for the worse.  
'TWould be a ridiculous Blindness, and an Extravagancy never to be justified, if it should be proposed to retain the Wonts and Ancient Simplicity of the Church in its Councils, 
l. 6. c. 4.  onde saria schiocchezza derisa ritener lo stile de l'antica simplicità nell'Ecclesiastiche radunanze: For as in the Councils of our Times, the greatest Princes of the Earth have concernments, and are therein interessed, 
Ibid.  di cui sono partecipi i maggiori principi della terra; Should it be a vanity  and criminal to use a little of it, as the Legates of the Council of Trent did towards Philip the Second, when he passed through that Town, to go into Spain, and he was there magnificently regaled by those Precedents of the Council; As for me, quoth our Cardinal, I do not believe I can be taxed of vanity, if I recite in my History the Ceremonies of that Feast, nè par mi dannabile di vanità il narrar le ceremony che vi seguirono. 
l. 11. c. 13.  For after many other Feasts in the Honour of that Monarch, the Legates caused to be erected 300 paces from the Town, in a little Isle upon the River of Adige, a Palace of excellent wood-work, hung within with rich Tapestry, adorned with Painting and excellent Statues: In this place they gave him a most magnificent Feast, accompanied with charming Music; at the end of the Meal, according to the custom of Germany, began the Ball; the Prince danced there, and the Ball was followed with divers Tilt and Plays; where were represented the principal Feats of Chivalry described in Ariosto, whose Poem came forth a little while after, 
Ibid.  seguirono le danze, eve ballò il principe stesso. There was never seen the like in the Times and Places of the ancient Councils. Did Constantine dance and lead the Ball at the Council of Nice? Theodosius at the first of Constantinople, etc. What appearance mean while or likelihood should there be to make the Church at this day go back again to that Ancient Simplicity, and hinder Princes, for example, from leading the Ball at Councils? I shall be asked perhaps, quoth Alexander, Nuntio of Pope Leo the 10th, in the Diet of Worms: But did they live so in the first Age? 
l. 1. c. 25.  Come si viveva ne' primi secoli? I shall answer, quoth he, that by the same Reasoning one might undertake to persuade men to live upon Acorns; because they say, that in the primitive times of the World, men made their Meals thereof, 
Ibid.  mà con questa forma d'argomentare si potrebbono ridurre gli huomini à cibarsi di ghiande, perch liggiamo che cosi negli antichi tempe si viveva.  
By the same reason, continued the Nuntio, one might undertake to persuade Princes to live like the first Founders of States, without Guards about their Persons, without Antichambers in their Palaces, i Principi à star senza guardie, 
Ibid.  senza anti-camere; one might exhort Princesses and their Daughters to wash Boucks, and in Soap; to spin and sew, as whil'om did Augustus his Daughters, with their Mother; that Master of the World not being willing to be clothed but with the Stuff they had spun with their own hands, 
Ibid.  le figlivole d'ye Rè à lavar i panni.  
But does not one know that Humours change with Age; 
Ibid.  chi non sà che si come ne' corpi humani si mutano le complessioni e bisogni secondo l'età? It would show finely, if one should follow this day in Building, the Rules of Architecture 400 years ago, l'architettura di quattro cento anni sono; 
l. 6. c. 4.  as if a Body should sing, or as if one draw the Images that are adored in our Churches after the Model of those times, 
Ibid.  la pittura di quel tempo nell'adorate imagini degli altari, la musica di quel tempo nell'armonia sacra del coro.  
The Maxim then that one ought to oppose to that of the Zealous Ignorants, who do not know the World, is to tell them in general, Change of Times, change of Customs, altri tempi, 
l. 23. c. 10.  altri costumi.  
The World being at this day refined, or at least much changed, Civil Commerce and Policy hath also received changes, and 'tis as by a common consent, that change in Policy hath brought in the same proportionably in treating Ecclesiastical affairs, 
l. 6. c. 4.  Essendosi adunque ò affinato ò almeno mutato il sentimento degli huomini e il commercio , è convenuto che à proporzione di quello si mutino ancora le manner di trattar gli affari Ecclesiastici. In good deed, men at present have their inclinations conform to the present times, and not to the times past: Why should they not have their Usages and Customs in Ecclesiastical affairs conform to the present times? and why should they be obliged to follow the old Customs of their Grandsires? gli huomini con l'inclinazione e con l'usanza che di fatto hanno, 
Ibid.  e non qu●lli e non quali fur●no à tempi andati.  
Let no body say the World is at present worse than it was formerly; such Discourse is the old Tune, and the old Proverb of the Country; 
Introd. c. 8.  these be complaints and lamentations of the Ignorant Vulgar, il dire che'l mondo present sia peggiore dell'antico, sono proverbii delle comedy e querele del volgo; to be surprised thereat, is a sign one is but meanly bred, privo di erudizione che ciò credesse. To hearken to these sorts of common Proverbs, is to have one's mind enslaved, as they call it, with the Opinions of the Vulgar. 'Tis not true then, that the later Ages are more corrupt than the former; 'tis true, the number of the wicked is increased, but that of the good is so also, because the Church extends further than it did then: And if any body says, The Church had formerly more holy men, one may answer again, and say, That at this day the present Church hath a greater number of believing saved Catholics, though not so holy indeed as formerly, 
l. 1. c. 25.  se questa più feconda di santi, quella è più abondante di salvi.  
These Truth's being so evident, though the reading of my Book, quoth our Cardinal, produce no other fruit, at least, I assure myself, it will disabuse the world of these kind of popular Errors, 
l. 16. c. 10.  Io mi confido che la lezione di questa mia istoria, ove non partorisse altro frutto, levarà uno scandalo assai commune da person zelanti ma inesperte negli affari civili e nel corso del present mondo politico, ciò e perch i Papi non usino à nostra età di raunare i concilii come usavasi per altri tempi, come persuadono i canoni; for the Error of ruling the Church according to Antiquity, is one of those Errors of the Zealous Ignorant, of the same nature as is that of Government by way of Councils, whereof we are going to examine the extravagancy.   

ARTICLE VI The Fourth Error of the Zealous Ignorants refuted; That the Church ought to be governed by way of Councils, as She was Fifteen Hundred Years together. The Provincial Councils are hard to assemble; the National have always been abhorred by the Popes; and the General have none but malign Influences on the Church.  
THe Reverend Father Diego Lainez, in the Famous Discourse he made in the Council of Trent, upon the Business concerning Reformation of the Church, speaks thus of Councils; As for Provincial Councils, they cannot be assembled, but with great difficulties, Sinodi Provinciali congre●herebbonsi difficilment. 
l. 23. c. 10.   
But that which ought to make them to be apprehended, is, that they may easily degenerate into National Councils, which would not be without great peril to the Church, mà ben sì ne seeguerebbono ì Nazionali con grave rischio della chiesa. The Pope's also have always abhorred all National Councils, 
l. 14. c. 12.  Concilio Nazionale sempre aborrito da Pontefici, because that those sort of Councils are not proper, but to excite Novelties among the Catholics, 
Ibid.  atto fra Catolici à suscitarne novità.  
Now although Novelties, as we have seen, ought not to be rejected, and that Ancient things are not all good, the Novelties that National Councils may produce, are all bad; and of all the Ancient Customs, that of having National Councils ought above all, to be looked upon as ill; and that is a laudable Novelty no more to call any of them. Now to discern well in Policy, the good Novelties from the bad, one needs but to observe the Rules which we have already laid down, to accommodate one's self to Times, Places, Humours of Persons; in a word, to fit the Form to the Dispositions of the Matter.  
But to come back to General Councils, 'Tis not fit, quoth Father Diego Lainez, that the precedent Council do set the time when another should follow, as did the Council of Constance; because that would give advantage to the stubborn to appeal from the Pope's Sentences to the future Council, and that would be to take away from the Church Obedience and Unity; percy cio sarebbe data occasione o' contumaci d'appellar delle sentenze del Papa all futuro Concilio, 
l. 24. c. 3.  togliendosi l'ubidienza e l'unità del Christianesimo. Moreover, the Influences of a General Council could be no other but lamentable to the Church, 
l. 16. c. 10.  nel Cielo mistico della chiesa non si può imaginar conjunzione di più periculosa influenza che un Sinodo generale. 'Tis with the Mystical Heaven of the Church as with the Visible and Material Heaven, where God hath placed that great number of Stars which we see, but all far off and separate one from the other by considerable spaces. If he should assemble them all in the same place, would it not be to destroy all Nature, and to confound it so in the Heaven Mystick of the Church? The Prelates are as the Stars, of different greatness; all would be lost in the times wherein we are, if they were assembled; and it cannot be undertaken without manifestly tempting of God, 
Ibid.  sarebbe appunto un tentare Dio. It is good to see the particular Reasons thereof.  

The First Politic Reason against the holding of Councils.  
 the greatest Number be assembled, there be many Opinions, as well as many Heads, and there be always differing Votes and Sentiments, which produces Division, 
Intr. c. 10.  Dove sono più teste e più cuori ivi sempre è qualche discordia di pareri e di voleri.  
Discordance in Sentiments and Councils, is the Origine of Disputes and Contestations, la discordia è l'origine del contrasto; 
Intr. c. 10.  and as in the humours of the Body, so in the motions of the Spirit, contrast is a cause of corruption, 
Ibid.  e ' contrasto così negli umori del corpo come dell'animo è origine della corruzione; Councils than are but a Spring of Divisions.   

Reason II.  
Every numerous Body of men, how holy and sublime soever the order of them may be, contains a deal of Ignorance, and is a source abounding with a spawning of passions, 
Introd. c. 9  mi è noto che in ogni ordine numeroso di person bench sacrosanto e sublime, talora si addensa molta ignoranza ed alligna molta passione. Though they be Bishops which compose Councils, yea, though the Bishops were Princes of their Dioceses, though they were Kings thereof. There is a Populace even among Kings, said the Moral Philosopher very well, 
Ibid.  e però ben disse il morale, che si dava il volgo eziandio di Rè. Now the more a Populace assembled is numerous, 'tis manifest, the more Ignorance, and the more passion is there.   

Reason III.  
The Authority which resides in an ordinary and common Bishop, quoth our Cardinal, is as it were a Tenure or Jurisdiction, holding very much underneath that which gives the Purple to a man of Quality, 
l. 20. c. 10.  tall bassezza. d'authorità qual convenisse ad un' ordinario Vescovo e non ad un nobilissimo porporato. The Popes are Elected by these Eminentissimoes, and are ordinarily of their number; but those little Bishops are not drawn but out of the number of poor Priests of some unknown Diocese, and the multitude of them is infinite, 
l. 1. c. 25.  una moltitudine immensa di piccioli vescovi eletti non frà un senato di Cardinalie dà un senato di Cardinali, mà da volgari Preti d'un augusto territorio. Now what good can one hope for from a great troop of Bishops of this size? Cardinal's are bred up in opulence, in the Crowd of the Pope's Court, which is that of the whole World; there they take notice of the businesses of all the Churches of the Universe; from all parts there is an influence of Courtiers, all versed in Policy; 'tis there that men's Wits are refined. But these Bishoplings are confined with a pitiful Revenue, within the penned up Territory of their Dicesses, where they are content to snudge, and live wretchedly, 
Ibid.  che si contentino di confinarsi con poche rendite in angusto territorio. What Breeding can be got in this base kind of Education and Living, to make a Bishop able to argue in a Council upon Politic affairs, which he does not understand, nor has been ever able to learn, and to give after that rate Laws to the whole Universe, having no skill in the Worlds, nor the Court-shifts; how can they avoid being baffled in the public or private Conferences, held in Councils with Persons, the most refined in Policy in the World, and with whom nevertheless, Measures and Resolutions must be taken; how should they be able to do it with any sufficiency, being never any more refined than Pope Adrian the Sixth was in any Court of Italy, still having kept in the Country, and in private dwellings, nelle terre particolari, 
l. 8. c. 17.  senza affinarsi in dottrina ed in senno nell'eccellente scuola della frequenza.  
What then can one hope for from such kind of Stuff assembled in Council, but that they will be hurried away through Passions, and gross Ignorance, and Inconsideration, which is not meet for Legislators, gli affetti particolari si muovono talora da un solo sguardo inconsiderato. 
Intr. c. 9    

Reason IU.  
A multitude of petty Prelates without experience how to govern people, can but produce a like multitude of Sentiments, little regular, and Projects likely to trouble the Church, 
Intr. c. 10.  in una moltitudine di person per lo più non esperte del governo d'ye popoli si potea dubitare che sorgessero concetti stravaganti e di gran' disturbo all ben della chiesa: An example thereof was seen even among the Bishops assembled at the Council of Trent, vescovi raunati in Trento, 
l. 5. c. 25.  i più di lorò inesperti degli affari mondano ... 
l. 6. c. 7.  i vescovi chi per imperizia di maneggio, chi per discrezione di zelo, etc.  
Is it not much to be feared lest the Whimsy should take these petty Prelates to decide once more again, as it was done at the Council of Basil, That a Council is above the Pope? 
Intr. c. 10.  Era da temersi che non si resuscitasse la fastidiosa disputazione della maggioranza trà il Concilio e ' l Pontifice. Who does not see what trouble such a Decision would bring upon the Church? 'Tis an Opinion held erroneous at Rome, and condemned by a multitude of Divines and Canonists; 
l. 9 c. 16.  in Roma si tien per dottrina erronea e condannata dal torrente d'ye Theologi e d'ye Canonisti.   

Reason V.  
What can be expected from a Council, but that which is called Reformation? Now 'tis certain, that alone the very word Reformation will sound always ill, I do not say, only to the Ears of Church-Courtiers, but even to Communities the most mortified and holy, 
Ibid.  à l'orrechie suonera sempre molesto il vocabulo di reformazione, a questo affetto è si naturale del huomo che suole sperementarsi in ogni communità eziandio più mortificata e più santa. The Sentiment is natural; Reformation is not beloved for what's meant by Reformation, but a life more strict, and less commodious, a life less pleasing than that which one led before, 
l. 9 c. 16.  il vocabolo di riformazione ciò e di nuove strettezze, di nuove proibizioni, di vita men commoda, men dilettevole della passata; Now who is it that loves to have his pleasures retrenched? and who can be certain whether or no the Council may not drive on their Project of Reformation into Ideas impossible, and without any likelihood? 
Ibid.  quella riformazione ideale non riuscibile.   

Reason VI.  
Every Multitude falls into the one or the other vicious Extreme; to err either by excess of animosity, or through lack of Courage, 
Intr. p. 10.  è solito d'ogni moltitudine dar negli estremi ò di pusillanimità ò d'animosità, such was the disposition of the Bishops Assembled in the Council of Trent, 
l. 5. c. 15.  come suole jam moltitudine congregata, havean concetti guaillardi; 'Tis known how much a very small Wit can attribute to himself, and take upon him in every Punctilio of power and authority, when he believes himself mounted to that degree of honour, as to give Laws to the Church; 
l. 21. c. 5.  sapendo quanto s' aroghi ogni cervello l'habiltà di fare statuti. 
l. 7. c. 2.  ... misurando essi pretenzioni con l'eminenza del posto nel qual vedeansi constituti in quel senato. When a whole Assembly than goes too far and exceeds, it fails not to make Laws too violent, and too full of rigour. So Pope Pius the IV, in the Instructions he sent to his Legates, compared the Bishops of the Council of Trent to Headstrong Coach-horses, ready to run away with the Coach; whom one ought not to check and hold in with ones utmost and direct force, 
l. 9 c. 10.  lest they break all apieces, essersi gli animi tanto infiammati nella carriera, che il ritenerli sarebbe stato con quel rischio di rottura e de sinistro col quale si tenta di subito fermare una carozza tratta da cavalli che volino. He took all manner of care that the Council should not make any such escape, as to make him work, 
Ibid.  cercò ben talora che non se ne facesse qualchucna troppo guaillarda. .. nel che soglion peccar le comminutà e massime le nuove.   

Reason VII.  
'Tis a very common Proverb, That one must do good to Children and Commonalties whether they will or no, 
l. 17. c. 10.  à fanciulli ed à communi, convien fare il bene contra lor voglia.  
The People whereof every Commonalty and every Assembly is composed, are not able to govern themselves, otherwise they would never have been such Fools, as of their own selves to set up upon their own heads Masters to domineer over them, and they to submit under them, 
Ibid.  se i popolo sapessero e potessero governarsi da se, non sarebbono stati si folli che havessero sopraposti i dominanti. Now how should one suffer those that are not capable to govern themselves, give Laws to others and govern them?   

Reason VIII.  
'Tis well knowh what power Hope and Fear have upon the Spirits of men; now the Bishops commonly being Temporal Prince's Subjects, how can they be free from those humane respects? 
l. 23. c. 3.  sarebbon più valenti i respetti del timore delle speranze e degli altri affetti che nul Pontefice, si per la sua grandezza, si per la sua lontananza; and in effect, when Pope Pius IV was reproached, That he did not leave to the Bishops of the Council of Trent their liberty: He cleared himself thereof no otherwise but this fashion; That their Kings and other Princes left them less of it than he; so that their servitude was undoubted, and the business was no more but to choose which Master they ought to serve.   

Reason IX.  
To verify this shameful Servitude, it may be sufficient to relate some Examples of what passed in the Council of Trent.  
1. Martel Vescovo Fiesolano having complained, That by reason of the Pensions imposed on their Bishoprics, and of the Privileges granted to the Religious Orders, there remained to the Prelates but only the vain Name of Bishop, 
l. 7. c. 4.  non restar ad essi quasi altro che nome vano di vescovi; Cardinal Farneze answered on behalf of the Pope, That as to the impertinencies of the Bishop of Fiesole, his Holiness found it good not to proceed against him otherwise than by reproof and remonstrance, 
Ibid.  quanto all'impertinenza del vescovo di Fiesole, sua Santità approva non proceder che di riprensione verbale: So that the Cardinal del Monte, first Legate, having a passion to mortify that Bishop, bramoso di mortificarlo, interrogated him publicly, Whether he persisted to say, That Bishops did hold upon Earth the place of Jesus Christ? s'egli teneva come pur haveva affermato, che i vescovi sostenessero la voce di Christo in terre? Whereupon, he was fain to explain himself, lest his Proposition should be qualified more rudely than with Impertinence; which, quoth our Cardinal-Historian, makes appear the Legates and the Pope's moderation, 
Ibid.  acciò che apparisca la moderazione si d'ye Legati come del Papa.  
2. So were the Bishops of Cadix and della Cava served also; their Discourses were termed impertinent, because they had said, they reckoned they were not answerable for their Sentiments to the Cardinal of Lorraine, da Legati, dal Visconti, e dal Cardinal Borromeo, furon chiamate impertinenti.  
3. The poor Bishop of Aliste, being willing to hold at a second Sitting, That Bishops were instituted Bishops by Jesus Christ, drew upon him the ill humour of Cardinal Simonetta, who told him in full Council, You are insolent, let others speak, 
l. 19 c. 5.  onde il Cardinal Simonetta gli disse ch'egli era insolente e che desk ormai luogo di parlare à gli altri.  
4. The Bishop of Budoa, speaking his Sense, alleged those Words of the Wise man, All is Vanity; the Legates did not believe that they were alleged on that occasion, seriously; so they wrote an ignominious Letter against him to the Pope, una lettera ignominiosa, wherein they called him Ridiculous and Buffoon, 
l. 10. c. 2.  gli raccontarono i buffoneschi suoi motti, and the Pope sent them word, that if they could not reduce him, they should turn him out, and drive him away as scandalous, 
Ibid.  il mandassero via espressament come scandaloso. He that would reckon up all the trouble that the Popes had to master these kind of Bishops at the Council of Trent, and the pains the Bishops were at every moment to justify themselves towards the Popes, when they had spoken either about Residence, or the Jurisdiction of Bishops, as of Divine Right, or of some other such matter, would never have done. 'Tis manifest then, That Councils are neither pleasing to Popes, nor advantageous, nor desirable for the Bishops, where they are becall●d Fools, Buffoons, Insolent, Impertinent, Headstrong Coach-Horses, and useless to the Church.    

ARTICLE VII. These Reasons did presently make the Council of Trent dreadful to the Roman Courtiers. These Reasons hinder Princes also from Assembling the Estates of their Kingdoms. It would be to tempt God, to be forward to call a Council: The unprofitableness thereof appears by the little or no Good that came of the Council of Trent.  
I Believe in truth, quoth our Cardinal-Historian, That the Court of Rome dreaded and abhorred a Council, when that of Trent was proposed to be Assembled, 
Intr. c. 10.  io credo verament che dalla Corte di Roma fosse temuta, ed ancora in qualche tempe aborrita, la convocazione del Concilio. But though that Court should have had no dread thereof, Sovereigns have always very much apprehension, when the business is about the Assembling their General Estates; wherefore they never call them together, 
Ibid.  but in case of extreme necessity, sapevano esser regola di tutti principi non adunare senza extrema necessità gli stati generali; and this makes me conclude, quoth the Cardinal, that as long as the course of the World is such as it is, it would be tempting of God to be forward to call a Council, unless out of very necessity, 
l. 16. c. 10.  onde fin che il tenor del mondo proceed così: i'll tentarlo, fuor che negli estremi bisogni, sarebbe appunto un tentare Iddio: Such an Assembly would threaten Schism and apparent Division, 
Ibid.  è un far congregazione i minacciasse evidente rischio di convertirsi in disgregazione della chiesa.  
And besides, there would not come thereof any considerable Good; for 'tis clear the Reformation established by the Council of Trent, is very moderate, 
Intr. c. 10.  quella riformazione sola si moderata e discreta che poi success e che la prudenza de Padri estimò riuscibile.  
Nevertheless, if the Pope should observe strictly this moderate Council, all would be lost; this troubled Alexander VII, at his coming to the Popedom; for at that time he was very zealous and desirous to re-establish Discipline, and retrench Abuses, he called to Council the ablest men of the Dattery, periti delle facende della Dateria, and speaking to them about the Dispensations for Marriages within the prohibited Degrees, which were granted so commonly at Rome, against the express Prohibition of the Council of Trent; he told them, he wondered much at so frequent a going against the Decisions of the Council, ask them how it could possibly be that it had so passed into a Custom, 
l. 23. c. 18.  come passasse questa contrarietà usitata in Roma allo statuto Tridentino; That so frequent a contravention against the Judgement of that Venerable Assembly, appeared to him little praiseworthy, pareva poco lodevole che si frequentement si repugnasse all giudicio di questa veneranda assemblea. They answered him, That this Custom began in the time of Pius V, a Pope of a signal and severe Goodness, and a religious Observer of the Council, and that there was no other Reason, but that of experience of the Fact, 
Ibid.  che la ragione di questo discostamento del decreto Sinodale era stata l'esperienza del fatto. He had seen that from the Decree of the Council of Trent ensued great and very considerable inconveniences in practice, and therefore that holy Pope made no difficulty to dispense therewith, even without having any other cause therefore. Thus the Council of Trent, for all its Prudence and Moderation, suffered itself to be carried too far away with its Zeal, and went too far into an Ideal Reformation, whereof mischievous inconveniences might have followed, if the Prudence of the Popes had not brought a Cure. What can be hoped for then from all the other Councils wherein there was never found so much Prudence and Moderation, as appeared in this last Council?  
There be amany other Articles besides that of Marriage, wherein there is need that the Pope should give ease against the severity of the Council; for example, in that which concerns plurality of Benefices, if the Pope should not still dispense therewith, the Cardinals would have nothing to live on, and the Court of Rome would turn Desert, 
l. 12. c. 13.  Senato Romano privo di quelle badie rimanerebbe privo del vitto. One may see of what importance it is for keeping up the Church, to keep up the Splendour of the Court of Rome; yet the Council of Trent made no reckoning of it; so that what can one hope for from any other Council whatsoever?  
In fine, The Council of Trent declared, That all the World was obliged to observe its Canons indistinctly, and that none should be dispensed with, but when there was urgent and just cause, urgens justaque ratio; and then the Dispensation should be given freely gratis, otherwise the same should be null: Aliterque facta dispensatio subreptitia censeatur, Sess. 25. c. 18. But now these Dispensations are not given gratis at the Court of Rome, where a great deal is given for them sine causa, without any reason, but that they pretend that the Money that is gotten thereby, contrary to the Council of Trent, is a just and pressing consideration for to grant them out, 
l. 23. c. 8.  Anzi essere in verità gran' cagione per dispensare quella grossa multa che l'impetrante si contenta di pagar in aiuto d'ye poveri e dell'opere pie.  
It is manifest then that even the Reformation of the Council of Trent would be Ideal, and of no success, riformazione ideale e non riuscibile, if it were not judiciously reform by the Politic Prudence of the Roman Court; so that nothing is less useful than Councils, and less necessary for governing the Church.   

ARTICLE VIII. The Council of Trent itself hath acknowledged, That the way to govern the Church, is no longer that of Councils; and that the Laws which it made were submitted to a Superior Authority.  
THe best one can say of the Council of Trent, is, That it had the Prudence to insert in its Decrees beginning and ending, That it meant in all things, that the Authority of the Apostolic See should remain inviolate, 
l. 23. c. 3, & 8.  salva in tutto l'autorità della Sede Apostolica. Wherefore, quoth our Cardinal, I will not quite blame the Fathers of that Council for Decreeing against Plurality of Benefices, ne per tutto ciò si vogliono biasimare i padri Tridentini; for they had no intention by that Decree, to bind his Supremacies Hands, whom they had declared all along to be left at full liberty, 
l. 23. c. 11.  per ciò che il decroto non intese d'annodar quelle many supreme che il Concilio si nel principio come nel fine delle sue leggi dichiarò di lasciar disciolte.  
But as in all Policy Sacred or Profane, 'tis the approbation which the People give unto a Law by their usage thereof, that determines the force and the Merit of that Law, and when it is doubtful what success it may have, 'tis prudence to try first if the greatest number will be pleased therewith, 
l. 8. c. 11.  è prudenza il tentare ezandio con dubio dell'evento ciò che se riuscisse sarebbe grato all common: It follows that there must be a Superior Authority to derogate from the Laws of a Council, or to dispense with them, according as usage may require therein, or thereabout; and this the Council of Trent hath very well acknowledged, in declaring it meant not in any sort to tie up the Pope's hands; insomuch that through an effect of a singular Policy, though there should not be so much as one Decree of the Council of Trent observed; yet if that were so by the Pope's Order, it would be found, That nevertheless the Decrees of that Council were kept, because he would be obeyed to whom the Council hath left absolute power, which reaches as far as to empower him to derogate from the Council's Orders. After this fashion is it, that our Cardinal, maintaining, That the Church ought not to be governed by way of Councils, and that, That of Trent hath upheld the Pope in an Authority over its own, doth defend the Judgement of the whole Christian World Assembled in that Council; and thus he defends the whole Catholic Church, and this is the Ground he hath to call his Book Diffesa del Sacro Concilio di Trento. 
Proem.    

ARTICLE IX. Refutation of the Zealot's Fifth Error, That Episcopacy is but one and the same thing in all Bishops: This is a Seditious Opinion, and destroys the Allness and Soleness of the Monarchy Ecclesiastic.  
THe Difference about Episcopacy, is not concerning the Bishop's power of Order; for that's common to all Bishops, of Divine Right. There be amany Catholic Authors, who hold, That the Character of the Bishop's Order differs not from that of Priests.  
The Business is about their Power of Jurisdiction, in governing the Church; for the Zealous pretend, That all Bishops have received this Jurisdiction in governing the Church, immediately from Jesus Christ, and that it extends itself throughout the whole Church in solidum, and that herein Episcopal Jurisdiction is of Divine Right, as well as the Pope's Jurisdiction; 'tis one and the same Episcopacy in him, as it is in them; in him, as their Head; in them, as Head of their inferior Priests, by Divine Right.  
If that were so, Seeing the Bishops did never exercise that Power of Jurisdiction over all the Universal Church, what power was that which Jesus Christ gave them, which never yet took any effect? This was the Argumenting of Father Lainez, 
l. 18. c. 15.  à che valere una sorte de giurisdizione come quella ch' e in loro da Christo, per se medesima affatto impotent e inesercitabile.  
Supposing that the Bishops may exercise sometimes this same power in solidum, 
l. 6. c. 3.  over the Universal Church, it follows then, That there is no Universal Prince of the Church; but that she hath as many Universal Princes as she hath Bishops, 
Ibid.  e pero che non fosse un solo Principe di tutta la Chiesa, mà tanti Principi universali quanti vescovi; so that every Bishop reckoning himself entrusted with the whole Church in solidum, will attempt as of Divine Right, to govern the Dioceses of all others, and if that might be, what would become of the Order and unity of the Church, 'Tis clear, That if this Opinion had place, and that Jurisdiction were such in all Bishops, there would not remain any thing more of the Monarchy and Unity of the Church, and she would be, as it were, without a Foundation, 
Ibid.  onde in tall caso non rimanerebbe dove alloggiar sodament la Monarchia e l'unità della Chiesa; and by consequence, this Doctrine is quite and clean seditious, questa sediziosa dottrina. And here follow now the Reasons of the opposite Doctrine, which is nothing but Peace and Quietness.  

Reason I.  
If the Bishops have their Jurisdiction of Divine Right, it follows that the Pope can neither deprive them of it, nor restrain, nor enlarge it for them, ch'el Papa non potesse loro restrignerla, e così ne meno ampliarla; for a Jurisdiction thus changeable cannot be of Divine Right, 
l. 18. c. 15.  perciò che quella ch'e tale non è variabile della volontà e della potestà umana. 
l. 19 c. 6.  Non la potesse ritorre ò scemare senza cagione. Notwithstanding this, 'tis which the Pope does when he reserves Cases to himself concerning Persons, or Places, or Affairs, and grants Privileges or Exemptions, or makes Decrees all without any ground; yet if all those Dispositions were null, what trouble would be in the Church, sarebbe cosa di grande perturbazione si tali suoi ordini irragione-voli fosser' nulli. 
Ibid.  Every Bishop pretending his Jurisdiction of Divine Right, and therefore unalterable, would pretend also a Right to overlook the Pope's Ordinances, and so impugn them of Nullity, or abuse as often as he pleased, under pretence they were without cause, 
Ibid.  gli si potesse muover sempre questione di nullità con allegare il diffetto della sufficiento cagione. What would become then of blind Obedience, which alone maintains the Unity of the Church? To withdraw this Obedience from the Pope's Commands, would teach Subjects to withdraw the Obedience they own to the Princes of the Earth, 
l. 1. c. 8.  lo sciorre se stessi dall'ubidienza verso del Paapa ero uno sciorre insieme le coscienze de Vassali dall'ubidienza verso di qualunque principe.  
After this Rate, no Parish-Priest would obey his Bishop, when his Orders did not please him; and this would make the unbeneficed Priests or Curates rise up against the Parish-Priests, frà poco la medesima pretensione di governo poliarchico haurebbono i rettori privati co ' loro vescovi, i preti simpli ei co ' Rettori; 
l. 1. c. 25.  thereby the Church would become a very Babylon, e finalment si formarebbe con verità quella Babilonia.   

Reason II.  
Bishops are obliged to obey the Pope, though his Decrees should be unreasonable: So than their Jurisdiction is not of Divine Right, and that of the Pope alone is of Divine Right. If the Bishop's power were of Divine Right, one should be obliged to obey them, as one does the Pope, though their Decrees were unreasonable, and contrary to the Pope's; now if that were so, Bishops would turn little Tyrants, having shaken off their Obedience to the Pope, who is, as S. Charles Borromée calls him, 
l. 21. c. 5.  Our Lord upon Earth, Nostro Signore.  
Take away from the Pope Right to make himself be obeyed, though his Orders should be unreasonable, whilst his Power is of Divine Right, and grant that power to Bishops, as having their Jurisdiction of Divine Right, every Bishop will be Sovereign in his Diocese, ciascun vescovo sarà sourano nella propria Diocese. The Bishops will pretend they have put down one Tyranny in the Church, viz. the Pope's; diranno d'haver estinta una tirannia, but instead of one pretended Tyranny, there will come up by that Disorder an innumerable crew of small Tyrants, 
l. 1. c. 25.  e n'haveremo generate innumerabili; every one of them as a small Pope, will be obeyed with blind obedience, though he commands evil like the Pope, à guisa di Papi. They will have it, that their People shall believe all that they tell them, as if 'twere Gospel, as if they were infallible Popes, 
Ibid.  not able to err, à guisa di Papi credendo ogni popolo ciò che il suo vescovo per altro soggetto ad errare gli proponesse comme senso della scrittura; And from thence what would follow, but that what one teaches in his Diocese, the other will condemn as Heresy in his? Which would bring forth among believing Catholics a most fearful contrariety of Laws, of Ceremonies; of Usages, 
Ibid.  and in fine, of Faith too, qual contrarietà forgerebbe di leggi, di riei, e fin' di fede trai fedeli.  
The Source of all these Disorders comes from Bishops pretending that their Jurisdiction is of Divine Right.   

Reason III.  
The Bishops proposing in the Council of Trent, That it should be determined that their Jurisdiction was of Divine Right, and the Question being discussed on both sides, it appeared to some, That all the Dispute was nothing but a pure Logomachia, and disputing about Terms; but the more subtle, i più sottili, and scrupulous, i più scrupulosi, judged quite otherwise thereof, and made it manifest, That if the Bishop's Pretensions took place, it would follow that the Pope could not without cause dispose of things belonging to the Jurisdictions of Bishops, senza cagione; for example, 
l. 19 c. 6.  he could not of absolute authority reserve to himself the Collation of a Benefice in another Bishop's Diocese, he could not send Prohibitions to the Ordinary, or exempt an Inferior from the Jurisdiction of his Bishop, or even translate a Bishop from one Diocese to another, unless for Reasons contained in the Canons, 
Ibid.  ò trasferir un vescovo da una catredrale all'altra. These Reasons hindered the Question from being decided, 
Ibid.  questi risguardi facevano che molti ne consentissero à diachiarare ch' i vescovi fossero immediate da Christo: Which makes it evident how important it is in the Church, when one would think there is no more but a Question about Terms or Words, to take good heed if the Question be not about something indeed, and not to think that Questions which appear to be only about Terms, be of such slight Importance, especially in Matter of Church-government.   

Reason IU.  
There is a deal of difference between the largeness of the Pope's Power, and the Power of Bishops: The Pope, who is chosen, is ordinarily pious and sage, ordinariament suole eleggersi pio e savio; he has remorse of Conscience, hai rimorsi della coscienza; he has Sentiments of honour, e dell'honore; which being so, 'tis a less evil, as it may sometimes happen, though some of his commands be unreasonable; which is seldom, and his Subjects be obliged to obey them, possa tal'ora obligare i soggetti exandio con qualche irragionevole ordinazione, than that he not being Prince and Monarch, as he is of all Bishops, who are his Subjects, should be made subject to their overlooking, and to their passionate Votes and Judgements, to which they are so subject.   

Reason V.  
But the great Reason which decides the Question beyond Reply, and makes the Juggle of the contrary Opinion appear, is, That in effect, if the Bishop's Jurisdiction were of Divine Right, they are obliged not to obey the Pope, when his Decrees are not grounded upon just cause: they could not use the Dispensations which he gives them, when they are not granted after the manner prescribed by the Canons; for the Canons do forbid plurality of Benefices; it confounds, quoth the Council of Trent, the Church-Order, that one person alone should take upon him the Offices of many persons. All are obliged to observe the Sacred Canons without any distinction, indistinctè, 
Sess. 25. c. 19  unless they be dispensed therewith for just and urgent cause, and which may redound to the Churches greater profit, and that the Dispensation be granted cost-free; in default whereof, 'tis to be reckoned surreptitious. Now almost all the Bishops have plurality of Benefices, and they have the Pope's Dispensation for it, which is not grounded upon any urgent or just cause, nor given to them cost-free; they make use of these Dispensations, they be conformable to these Decrees, the Pope than has a right to rule over them, even without reason; and since they obey him, they acknowledge that their Jurisdiction is not of Divine Right, otherwise they could not in conscience possess a many Benefices, they could not in conscience be translated from one Bishopric to another; the Dispensation that is granted them, is by right null according to the Canons, in maniera qualora volesse trasferir un vescovo da una Catedrale all'altrá, 
l. 19 c. 6.  gli potesse muovere sempre questione di nullità con allegare il difetto della sufficient cagione. But if it be so, that the Pope has no power to dispense without a cause, where be the Bishops? for either they have Consciences, or they have none; if they have none, and that being transported with passion for a Benefice or Bishopric more fat or honourable, they will needs be translated thereunto, 
l. 23. c. 8.  accade che la violenza della passione accenda talment gli affetti che ove non si dispensasse cadderebbono in grave peccato; and that they will frame false and coloured causes to obtain their Dispensations, which is rather to get by stealth, than to obtain; such Dispensations granted upon false considerations, are null, rubando per questo mezzo le concessioni mille, and so they will continue even unto their Death, in a sort of sacrilegious, incestuous Marriage with their Churches, 
Ibid.  continuando poscia in maritaggi sacrileghi, fin' alla morte, unless they had rather keep all their life-time in one condition against their minds, and lead a miserable kind of life, con repugnanza di cuore & con infelicità di vita. If they have any Conscience, then if that Conscience be in the least tender, it will never let them be quiet while they reflect upon those just and reasonable causes allowed only by the Canons, non quietarsi interiorment mai; thereupon a thousand scruples, either concerning Substance or Circumstances, will be still returning upon them, ripullulando loro sempre n'el cuore varii scrupoli intorno alla verità ò nella sustanza ò nelle circonstanze della ragione esposita, which will keep them in perpetual torture, without any Remedy, il che gli fà stare in un perpetuo tormento senza rimedio, and will make them in danger to commit many sins through an erroneous Conscience, e con pericolo che per coscienza erronea tommettano molti peccati, that in fine they will fall into despair of their salvation, 
l. 23. c. 8.  e cadano indesperazione della salute.  
Now to avoid such terrible and dangerous extremities which might put all the Bishops into a damnable condition, a man sees there's nothing safer than the Doctrine that maintains against the Zealous Ignorant, That Bishop's Jurisdiction is not of Divine Right.    

ARTICLE X. From these Reasons it results, That these Bishop's Jurisdiction comes to them only from the Pope. The Opinion that Episcopacy is but one and the same thing in all Bishops, is nothing but a Platonic Idea.  
FRom all before alleged, 'tis easy to conclude, That there's an infinite difference between Episcopacy in the Pope, and Episcopacy in Bishops; because the Bishops not holding their Jurisdiction but of the Pope, he shares out to them no more thereof than he pleases, they being the Inferior Order, 
l. 18. c. 13.  di cui egli fa parte à minori Prelati, as Father Diego Lainez said; but it is wholly in him as the Source, because he is the Sovereign Vicar of Jesus Christ, tutta come in suo fonte nel summo Vicario di Christo per cui descendesse negi' inferiori Prelati; 
l. 24. c. 12.  
l. 2. c. 27.  in effect, their Rank and their State is a State inferior, minore stato, Prelati minori, vescovi minori, quoth S. Charles, they be small Bishops, and small Prelates; for which reason, 
l. 19 c. 12.  the name of Vicar of Jesus Christ hath not continued to them, non essersi lasciato il nome di Vicario di Christo à vescovi minori; they are nothing but a great multitude of petty Bishops, 
l. 1. c. 21.  una moltitudine immensa di piccioli vescovi; Now for a small Bishop, small Power, and small Business. Wherefore the Pope hath reserved to himself all the great Affairs of consequence, leaving to the Bishops only the small ones, as, to grant Licenses for ordinary Marriages, to issue out some forts of Monitories, to visit Nunneries, or the like; or many times, to avoid contest, he permits them to act as Delegates of the Holy See: For the Pope being distracted with the great affairs of the whole Universe, he cannot tend to muse on trifling petty matters, 
l. 5. c. 16.  quella giurisdizione à particulari Prelati, lafoy qual è profitevole che sia in loro per non costrigner i Christiani d'andare à Roma in ogni mediocre affare, e perche alcuni negozii meglio son terminati da chi gli vede con occhio occupato in que pochi soli, che da chi gli ode con orecchio distratto ad una immensità d'altre cure. The Bishops have not the power to dispense with plurality of Benefices, because it was not fit to trust their discretion with so imimportant a part of the Government of their Dioceses, as that was, 
l. 23. c. 11  all cui giudicio non era convenevole il permetter.  
And as for the choosing of Parish-Priests, the Council hath not given the Bishop's liberty to do that, for it obliges them to follow the judgement of certain Examiner's appointed thereunto, 
l. 23. c 3.  sono obligati à seguir le sentence degli esaminatori; and the Council enacts, That those Examiner's be approved by the Clergy of the Diocese at a Synod, qui Synodo satisfaciant & ab ea approbentur, Sess. 24. c. 18. Which makes it appear, that even those small affairs which the Bishops have left them, were by the Councils Order, not to be done but in a Synod, and with the Synod's advice.  
So that no man which hath not a mind to feed himself with Fancies, will ever approve that opinion of an entire Episcopacy, being one and the same in all Bishops, but will look upon it as a Chimaera impossible in practice, 
l. 6. c. 3.  ogni huomo capaci d'affari civili auvisera per impossibile in prattica questa, per così dire, ideal Republica di Platone, dove tutta la giurisdizione fosse di ciascun' presidente.  
Aristotle hath confuted this imaginary Government by Reasons very evident, 
Ibid.  e pure una tall Republica con evidentissime raggioni vien rifutata da Aristotele. Now that which is contrary to most evident Reasons of Aristotle, cannot be conformable to the Institution of Jesus Christ, 
l. 9 c. 9  come si la chiesa di Christo predicasse ch' è contrario à l'insegnamenti d'Aristotele, 'Tis a very Chimaera, una chimaera impossibile; 
l. 6. c. 3.  a false and fraudulent invention, 
Ibid.  una invenzione bugiarda; a Chaos of confusion, 
l. 1. c. 15.  un chaos di confusioni; a right Babylon, con verità Babylonia.    

CHAP. III. The only Rule of the Politic Church Government, is, its Felicity according to the Flesh, in this World, and in the other, under the Authority of one sole Monarch of the Universe, who is the Pope, of whom all his Christian Kings are Tributaries and Subjects, and who hath, or aught to have for his Inheritance or Demean the Riches of all the World, whose Honours and carnal Pleasures make the Church's Splendour and Felicity. Jesus Christ hath merited them for her by the effusion of his Blood, to render her Visible, Perpetual, and Remarkable, as the most happy according to the Flesh, of all other Republics, that are, that shall be, or that ever were upon Earth.  

ARTICLE I. Jesus Christ hath instituted in his Church the most excellent kind of Government. Monarchical Government is the most excellent.  
A Man should not doubt that the Wisdom Incarnate did not institute in his Church the most excellent kind of Government, 
l. 8. c. 17.  douremo noi persuadere che la sapienza incarnata istituisse la sua Chiesa con un governo il qual non fosse migliore.  
Now Monarchical Government is the best of all even among Christians, essendo l'ottima forma del governo spirituale fra' Christiani, 
l. 1. c. 25.  la monarchia. 
l. 5. c. 16.   
So that it must needs be that the Pope was instituted by Jesus Christ King of the Church, and Monarch of the whole World, adunque la necessità del governo monarchico si palesò per esperienza. 
l. 8. c. 7. & 17.   
Therefore it is that the Popes do reign at Rome, 
l. 2. c. 9  regnare in Roma, and their Kingdom is called the Kingdom of the Vatican, regno di Vaticano; 
l. 2. c. 7.  and the Pope is called God's Viceroy; and our Cardinal-Historian calls Pope Alexander VII, 
l. 24. c. ult.  Vicerè d'istraordinario valour.  
He hath the signory of all the world, 
l. 6. c. 4.  il dominio de l'intero mondo Christiano.  
He is the Monarch and Lord thereof, 
l. 6. c. 3.  Monarca e Segnor del mondo.  
Insomuch that the whole World is the Empire whereof he is the Emperor, whose puissance is upheld by the veneration of Emperors and all other Kings, who be his Subjects, 
Intr. c. 16.  quella venerazione ch' è la base del loro Imperio.   

ARTICLE II. That Emperors and Kings have acknowledged the Pope.  
'TIs this Sovereign Puissance Ecclesiastic of Popes, superior to the Secular, that the Kings and Emperors of the Earth have acknowledged by kneeling down before them, 
l. 12. c. 3.  l'Ecclesiastica è suprema in authorità perche ad essa i Principi secolari s'ingenocchiano.  
Monarches do not only kneel before the Pope, but they kiss his Feet, in token they acknowledge his Sovereign Authority as Vicar of Jesus Christ, 
Ibid.  inducendo tutti Principi à riconoscerli come vicarii di Christo, basciando i loro piedi.  
They acknowledge him as the chief Magistrate over all men, 
l. 7. c. 14.  Magistrato supremo umano.  
They adore him as most holy in that quality, and too as Mediator between Heaven and Earth, 
l. 1. c. 15.  chi dev'essere adorato con sopranome di santissimo, e mezzano frà il cielo e la terra, and as Mediator between themselves, and Arbitrator of their Differences, to hinder the Insolences of some of them, and the plottings of others, otherwise States would never endure his meddling in their Matters, 
l. 12. c. 3.  il principato non è durabile con l'insolenza, rimosso l'ostacolo dell'autorita spirituale, e perciò molto minor numero di congiure e di ribellioni.  
Therefore Kings and People adore the Pope's hands, 
l. 24. c. ult. l. 14. c. 10.  adorato sua mano; they adore his Crown, corona Pontificale; and his Diadem, 
l. 1. c. 25.  si tratta di mantenir l'adorato diademate nel front all mio principe.  
In fine, they regard him as their Lord, nostro Signore. 
l. 21. c. 6.    

ARTICLE III. The Pope's Monarchy over the World is necessary for the Church.  
THe Church is a Body, composed of all the Catholic Kingdoms and Republics of the World, which be the Members thereof: And in every State or Republic, all the Dioceses with their Bishops, are also Members of that Body. And as in compounded natural Bodies, there be many particular Forms, because every Member hath its own Form; so every Diocese, and every Kingdom, and Republic hath its particular Form, that is to say, its Bishop, its King, or its Superior and Head, in whom resides the particular superior power. But as in the compounded Natural Body, 'tis impossible that divers Forms, which have no order nor relation among themselves, can be able to govern, because they would separate Unity. So it is impossible that Church-Unity can subsist, unless all the particular Forms of her Members have relative Order among themselves-and be subject to a Form Total and Superior, to be as it were the Head and Soul of them, from whence the Particulars may fetch all their direction and force, 
l. 8. c. 17.  non possono molte form trà loro non ordinate dominare in un composto.  
If the Church had not such a Soul, viz. a Sovereign Power that gave her Form, and whereby she might be directed, she would not any longer deserve the name of Church, non meriterebbe più la Chiesa nome di Chiesa, 
l. 1. c. 25.  cioè di congregazione, mentre fosse disgregata per tante member senza haver l'unità da un anima che le informasse e le reggesse,  
It would be but a Crowd of men without Order, not a Body Organick and Form, unless it received the Unity of a Form total, proper to animate it and rule it, 
Ibid.  numero aggregato accidentale s'ella non riceve l'unità con una forma che la indirizzi e la governi.  
Now then, supposing that the Pope is the Head and Soul of that Body that stretcheth itself through the World, whereof all States and Dioceses of the Universe are Members, the union and submission of these Members to this their Head, who is the Soul of them, forms the perfect band of the Life Politic, 
l. 3. c. 10.  una congiunzione di vita perfettamente politica.  
The Pope's Authority is the Basis, the Band, and the moving Intelligence of this Body's Government, 
l. 1. c. 25.  deal qual governo, lafoy base, i'll legame, e l'intelligenza motrice, è l'aurità del Pontifice.  
So that what ought not a man to suffer rather than let himself be separated from this good Soul, from which one draws all his Being, his Unity, his Direction, his Motion and Intelligence, per non separarsi da quest' anima; 
l. 3. c. 10.  for what can the hands and feet in man's Body do, if they do not receive all their direction and force from one sole Head? che potrebbono li many ed i piedi se non ricevessero tutta la direzione e tutta la forza d'un solo capo?   

ARTICLE IU. The Power of the Pope is Independent from every Creature, and without Limits: The Riches of the World are his Revenue.  
THe Pope's Sovereignty being then so vast, it extends through all Countries, as the Soul does through all parts of the Body, un principato vasto e di  nazioni; 
l. 23. c. 11.  and like as the Soul in the most raised operations of her Intelligence depends not of her Members, so the Pope's power is independent from every Creature, and unlimited, autorità illimitata ed independente. 
l. 8. c. 17.  'Tis a power more than humane, and which, as such, aught to be adored, 
l. 24. c. ult.  con debito d'adorarla, che impone la sopra umana sua dignità, 'tis as it were, a divine state, 
l. 1. c. 2.  stato quasi divino.  
And as the Members obey the Soul, without ask it a Reason; so every one is bound to obey the Pope, even when his Orders be unreasonable. Indeed he doth sin, when he ordains any thing against Reason; but he that obeys him, doth not sin, end peccaben in concederle, 
l. 21. c. 60.  non i famigli inferiori in usarle.  
In this Quality of King and absolute Sovereign, he has for Revenue and Inheritance, the Goods of all his Subjects, to wit, of all the Kings of the World, and of all their Subjects, 
l. 1. c. 1.  havendo per lor patrimonio le sustanze d'ye sudditi; he hath power to dispose thereof even against their will, 
l. 6. c. 3.  con autorità à di commandare alle person e di maneggiar le rob per raggion propria, ed eziandio con altrui repugnanza.  
And by consequence, Kings and their Kingdoms be Tributaries to him, and that with Reason; for every Parish finds its Parson, and furnishes him with all that's necessary for his Ministry, 
l. 1. c. 25.  ogni terra gli somministra à suo piovano.  
Every Diocese does likewise so in respect of its Bishop proportionably, and as 'tis meet for the Rank that he holds in the Church above Parish-Priests, 
Ibid.  ogni Diocese all suo vescovo.  
Every State does the same proportionably towards its Prince, 
Ibid.  ogni stato al suo Principe.  
Thus 'tis manifest, That all the Prelates and Kings of the World do owe to their Monarch the same Contributions proportionably, 
Ibid.  molti stati e regni insieme all loro Monarca.  
As the Pope is Monarch of the whole World, it is clear, That his Revenues be laid and set out for him upon the whole World, 
Ibid.  questi ritratti si cavan da tutti i regni del Christianesimo.   

ARTICLE V The Pope may compel Kingdoms to pay him Tribute: To dispute this Power with him, is Treason.  
THat which is considerable herein, is, That as the Soul hath power to oblige the Body to render it the service it ought, because all the service which the Body owes to the Soul, has no other End but the common Good of the one and the other. So the Pope, who is Soul of the Universal Body of the Church, having no End but the common Good of the Church, hath power to constrain all the Communities which make Parts of his Body, to pay him the Tributes due to him, suitable to the Grandeur of his Administration, 
l. 1. c. 25.  quali richiedonsi alla grandezza di sua amministratione. 'Tis for their own Good that he may oblige them to it; for one must do good to Communities, as one does to Children, even against their wills, 
l. 17. c. 10.  qual più tritto proverbio che quello, à fanciulli e à communi convien fare il bene contra lor voglia.  
He that hath power to bring to the End, hath power to levy the means; as for example, the Church hath power to constrain people to receive the Sacraments, 'tis necessary then that she should have power to compel those things which be necessary to that end, 
l. 17. p. 10.  se la chiesa può costringere i fedeli à pigliar i Sacramenti, li può costringere à tutto il necessario per l'amministrazione di essi.  
Now the prime thing that is necessary for the Administration of the Sacraments, is a competent maintenance for the Ministers, 
Ibid.  come è in primo luogo la sostentazione d'ye Ministri. So the Pope being prime Minister of the Sacraments; and of the Government Ecclesiastic, there's nothing more plain than the power he has to constrain the whole Catholic Christian World to pay him Tribute; this Demonstration is most clear, 
Ibid.  questa chiarissima dimostratione.  
This supposed, who is it that can deny it to be Treason, to say, one ought not to pay to a Prince the Tributes which be due to him, 
l. 23. c. 3.  si come verrebbe accusato di lesa Maestà chi affirmasse doversi levare à Principi secolari i loro tributi.  
In greater Reason, than it must be a greater crime for him that would take away from the Prince of the Church and Vicar of Jesus Christ, the Fruits that are due to him from particular Churches, according to Reason, 
Ibid.  Equity and Custom, così di molti più grave delitto è reo chi vuol'torre all principe della chiesa e Vicario di Christo li frutti che à lui son' debiti dalle chiese particolari secondo la ragione, l'equità, e la consuetudine. For the Revenues, for example, which come of Indulgences, and other like Graces, are as his Gables, 
l. 9 c. 3.  il medesimo in tutte le Gabelle, Imposts being necessary in all sorts of Government, 
l. 16. c. 8.  in ogni principato essendo necessary le imposizioni.   

ARTICLE VI The Pope's Authority is conformable to Nature; according to Aristotle, the Pope ought not to give reason for the using of his Power; it hath no other Limit, nor other Reason, but, Such is our Pleasure.  
WE have seen how the Union and Submission of the whole Body of the Church to its Head and its Soul, which is, forsooth, the Pope, makes the perfect Band of the Life Politic, and that the end of this Life is the common Good of the whole Compound, to which it is natural, according to Aristotle, that all the Members do contribute This Philosopher hath made no difficulty to say, That, as a Hand which doth not serve the Interest of the Body, from whose good estate the good even of every particular Member derives itself, could not be called a Hand, unless in an equivocal sense; so the man which serves not the common Good of the whole Body of the Commonwealth, but hath his particular Interests for his Ends, cannot be called a man, unless in an equivocal sense, 
l. 3. c. 10.  lafoy qual congiunzione è sì naturale che Aristotele hebbe à dire, che si come la mano che non serve à l'intero corpo dal cuibuono stato ridonda il bene di ciascuno membro, dicesi equivocamente mano, cosi l'huomo che habbia per fine il privato suo prò e non il common dal quale deriva ogni ben privato, chiamarsi equivocamente huomo. Now he that is but a man in an equivocal sense, cannot be a faithful Christian Prince nor King, but in an equivocal sense, and no other; this is the essential Reason that all Princes and People have to be the Pope's Subjects, if they will remain true Princes, or true Christians; he is not obliged to give you the reason for his power, having power in quality of Sovereign, to dispose, 
l. 6. c. 3.  according to his liking, of persons and of Goods, as he thinks fit, con autorità di commandare alle person e di maneggiare le robe per raggion propria ed eziandio con altrui repugnanza.  
If it were otherwise, a man might upon every occasion, contest all his Orders and Commands as null, under pretence that they were not reasonable, 
l. 19 c. 6.  gli si potesse muover sempre questione di nullità con allegare difetto della sufficient ragione; and of Prince, as the Pope is, 
Ibid.  he would be made subject to his Subjects Orders, che sarebbe costituirlo di principe ch'egli è, soggetto all giudicio d'ye suoi soggetti.  
For avoiding then all these kinds of contradictions, he may order it, and every one is obliged to pay him all that he demands, senza esprimer veruna ragione; 
l. 23. c. 8.  there's no need for him to allege any other cause, unless Such is Our Pleasure. 'Tis Pleasure that is the Rule of all Natural Equity, and all that is done against this good Pleasure, is but Violence, 
l. 3. c. 13.  violento facendosi contra il gusto del Papa; In fine, the Pope himself is his own Law, 
l. 20. c. 5.  i'll Pontefice esser leg à se stesso; for example, suppose that the Pope had no other reason for granting his Pardons, but the Money he gains thereby, and the Income which rifes thereof, this only Reason is sufficient to justify all his Orders, essere in verità gran ragione quella grossa multa. 
l. 23. c. 8.   
Nevertheless, this is said with respect to his boundless power, and in itself independent, illimitata ed independente, taking it abstracted from honest Decorum, and other Circumstances which do moderate the Pope in the usage of his Power, and causes that one needs not to fear he will commit any abuses in the execution thereof; for setting these aside, he may do all through the plenitude of his Power, 
l. 14. c. 14.  è libero con la pienezza dell'autorità; but honest decorum hinders him from doing sometimes things he could and might, 
Ibid.  l'onestà richiede che non facesse da se medesimo. These were the Sentiments of Pope Pius iv writing to the Emperor Ferdinand, in which he was contrary to Pope Paul IU. Caraffa, who was persuaded that his Wisdom had no other Rules for acting, but those (forsooth) of his infinite power, che tutta l'ampiezza del suo potere fosse anche la misura di saggiament esercitarlo.   

ARTICLE VII. 'Tis not to be feared that the Pope will abuse his Power, and that for divers Reasons.  
THere is no fear the Pope will abuse his All-puissancy.  
1, He is Elected by a Senate of Cardinals, 
l. 1. c. 25.  da un Senato di Cardinali, whose lives, for the most part, 
Ibid.  are very exemplary, tanta esemplarità in molti del Senato Apostolico.  
2. They Elect him ordinarily from among themselves, 
Ibid.  fra un senato di Cardinali. They choose him when he is old and a tried one, 
l. 12. c. 15.  huomo vecchio provato; the most pious, and the wisest, which they think fit for the place, pio e savio.  

l. 19 c. 6.  3. The Pope hath Sentiments of humane Honour, per senso d'onore umano.  

l. 1. c. 25.  4. He hath Remorse of Conscience, i rimorsi della coscienza.  

l. 19 c. 6.  5. Being good, judicious and experienced, 'tis morally impossible that he should not govern the Church, either right well, or at least in tolerable manner, he is aided by able Ministers, 
l. 1. c. 25.  and with Motives of Honour and Policy, si può sperar che si elegga quasi sempre tale che per giudicio, per bontà, per esperienza, e quando tutte mancasse per aiuto di Ministri e per senso d'onore umano governi ò bene ò tolerabilment la chiesa.  
6. 'Tis his Policy to do so; for his Empire not being able to stand without the people's Veneration and Devotion, 'tis of utmost consequenee to him to do nothing that may cause him to lose that Devotion which maintains his Power; 
Intr. p. 6.  ed in risguardo eziandio d'interesse umano il dimostra sarebbe un tall modo troppo dannoso à quella venerazione ch' è la base, 
l. 23. c. 5.  del loro imperio .... questa podestà la quale non hà altri littori che la divozione d'ye sudditi.   

ARTICLE VIII. Difference betwixt the Pope's Policy and the Turks. King's need not to fear the Pope's Power, but in case of Rebellion against God, or his Viceroy upon Earth.  
THe Grand Seignor's ultimate End is his own Felicity, and his means to arrive at it, is, to make his People miserable, 
l. 5. c. 6.  qual è la Politica del dominio Turchesco; but the Pope's end is the Public Felicity of the Church, which is his Body, and whereof he is the Soul, the Head, and the common Father. The Grand Seignor is free, and all his Subjects are Slaves, e ten loro in miseria per ch'egli goda; which is an execrable Policy; as Slaves, he commands them with Sword in hand, being obeyed out of dread. The Ecclesiastic Power of the Pope, 
l. 12. c. 3.  is a Power unarmed, la podestà goduta dal summo Pontefice pure è disarmata.  
Whence it is, though of right, the Pope has power to compel People's Obedience to his Authority, yet having no force joined to his Supreme Authority, all its Power, as to its execution, depends on the inclination of the People, on their Veneration and their Piety; therefore it is that the Pope, for to succeed in his Designs, aught to accommodate himself to the People's inclinations, 
l. 9 c. 9  though corrupt, dovendo egli governare gli huomini quali Iddio e la natura producono all mondo. The Great Turk never informs himself concerning the inclinations of his People, he does all by force, by Authority, and through a Spirit of Domination; so that there's nothing more execrable than the Turk's Policy; nothing more mild & more natural than the Pope's; there's no Republic in the World more happy, even according to the Flesh, than that which lives under his Empire; 
l. 3. c. 10.  un corpo politico il più felice che sia in terra.  
The Kings and Princes of the World have nothing to fear from the Pope's Power, except in case of a declared Rebellion against God, 
l. 12. c. 3,  tall che non può temere ne de forze ne dalle volontà di si fatti huomini se non in caso d'un aperta sua ribellione contra Dio, that they attack God through Heresy, or else his prime Minister and Viceroy General upon Earth, to suppress his power; in these Cases, the Secular Powers indeed have great reason to be apprehensive of the Ecclesiastic; for that their People through veneration for the Pope, and through Sentiments of Religion, would rise in Rebellion, if not always, at least often enough against such their Princes, being once declared Enemies by the Pope; la secolare hà gran raggion di temerla, perch se non sempre, 
Ibid.  almeno spesso la venerazione d'ye popoli e'l rispetto della Religione muove i sudditi à sollevarsi contra'l principe temporale quando egli vuol'supprimere la podestà spirituale. Or else when Kings do publicly violate Justice, as Henry VIII, King of England. By example of that King, all others may observe how fast the Pope holds, that when a humour takes Christian Princes to violate Justice and Religion, without being by any means to be brought back to their Duty, they are always to apprehend the Arms of the Vatican, 
l. 3. c. 15.  Si è mantenuto il possesso, che tutti i principi Christiani qualunque volta disegnino di violare incorrigibilment la giustizia e la Religione, 
Ibid.  temano l'armi del Vaticano. L'e sempio di lui non può dar ardimento à potentati Catolici d'esser' impii senza terrore; After this Example, there is no Catholic Prince, who ought not to tremble, when he dares but think of becoming impious.   

ARTICLE IX. Of the People's Sovereign Power in the Church.  
THe Cardinal assures us at last, That it is the People have the Sovereign power in the Church, if not of right and in reason, 
l. 1. c. 9  yet at least, in fact and by force, il quale volgo finalement hà la suprema potenza, e però se non di raggione almeno di fattò è il supremo d'ye tribunali; the people, quoth he, 
l. 2. c. 4.  is more powerful than all the Laws, essendo il popolo più potente d'ogni leg: So there needs the utmost skill to hold them in, and without the succours of great respect, and of some Love, 'tis hard to make them to like the yoke of Obedience, 
Ibid.  e pero richiedonsi gran' destrezza nel frenarlo e grand'aiuto di venerazione e d'amore perch'egli si contenti di ricevere in bocca il freno.  
'Tis by the greatest number that at last things are decided, and at bottom; this is the greatest Potentate of the world, 
l. 1. c. 24.  imperciò che la moltitudine finalment è il maggior potentato del mondo; for the Multitude have more hands than the small number of their Superiors; and when all those hands unite, they make a power that renders its self Mistress of the World, 
l. 9 c. 9  perch hanno più many, le quali quando s'accordano, sono le padrone del mondo.  
The Ecclesiastical Superiors aught above all, to be persuaded of this Politic Maxim, That all their power, as to its effect and execution, is upheld by the People's Veneration, 
l. 12. c. 3.  questo sapersi da Presidenti Ecclesiastici, che il loro potere quanto all'effetto è tutto appoggiato alla venerazione d'ye popoli, which is a warning to them to keep up this Veneration by an exemplary Life, abstaining from all which hath the looks of excess, 
Ibid.  gli ammonisce à conservarsela con la vita esemplare e ad astenersi da ciò che habbia dell'immoderato ò del violento.   

ARTICLE X. An Example of the People's Power in the Church in what passed at Milan, and at the Council of Pisa, under Lovis XII.  
THe Sovereign Authority of the People, which renders itself Arbitrator even between Popes and Kings, appeared in the People of Pisa, and those of Milan, under Pope Julius TWO, and the King of France, Louis XII. Some Cardinals having a mind, out of Ambition, to be Popes, under pretence of reforming the Church, as well in Head as Members, met in Council at Pisa. The Inhabitants of that Town being Subjects of the Commonwealth of Florence, were constrained, through its Authority, to receive into their Town these Cardinals, and those of their Party; but nevertheless, they detested the Assembly of them as Sacrilegious, come sacrilega, they could not hold from giving them all possible marks of 'Slight and Abhorrency, so that the Council was transferred to Milan. The Cardinals of the Faction were received by the People in that Town, not as Cardinals, whose Dignity is in most great veneration in Christendom, but as men infected with the Plague, and as Cutthroats, mà come huomini pestiferi e scelerati, and as boding Comets, which foretell and cause Mischiefs to the Countries over which they appear.  
The French at that time got the Famous Victory at Ravenna against Pope Julius and his Confederates: The Pope's Nuntio, John de Medicis, which afterwards succeeded Julius, by the Name of Leo X, was brought Prisoner to Milan. In this condition, a wonderful thing! even the Soldiers of the French fide could not choose but yield to their Prisoner, as the Legate of the Vicar of Jesus Christ, Marks of their utmost Veneration, ask Absolution of him for having fought against the Church; such power hath the force of Religion over the Spirits of Christian people; 
l. 1. c. 1.  tanta nel popolo Christiano è la forza della Religione.  
Mean time, what kind of man was this Pope Julius? He was fierce-natured, 
Ibid.  una tal ferocia, in whom the Vapours of adust Choler reigned so violently, that they carried him out to Feats of War, little agreeing with the Holiness of his Degree, 
Ibid.  eccesso militare non convenevole alla santità di grado, da qualche vampa men regolata di bile accesa.  
He had to do with Lovis XII, that good King, surnamed The Father of the People; which is to say, All; yet the Subjects of such a King favoured such a Pope; what would they have done then if this Pope's Virtue had been as sublime as was requisite for him who ought to be adored by the Surname of most Holy, as Mediator between Heaven and Earth.  
This only Example makes it at once to be seen how puissant a Pope is that's revered by the People, and how puissant the People is that is animated by a Spirit of Religion, tanta nel popolo Christiano è la forza delle religione.  
But on the other side, this Example ought to teach Popes what they are to fear, when they abuse their supernatural and divine Authority, and do injury to the Secular Power; for then the People changing their Veneration into Abomination, they abandon his Holiness' Interest, and in stead of remaining Superior, he becomes slighted. See here then the different Interests of Popes and Kings, and the politic Reasons, that these Powers which are superior of Right, and by Authority, have to conserve to themselves the succours of that of the People, which is always at last the Sovereign by way of Fact, and as to the execution, and that same which obliges all these Powers to abide within terms of moderation, the just temperament whereof makes the Politic Felicity according to the Flesh, even in respect of the Christian Republic, under the Monarchy of the Sovereign Pontife; for to preserve which, all the world by consequence is equally obliged through very Natural Love, seeing that doth embrace the whole World for its Felicity.   

ARTICLE XI. The Pope is not Master of his Authority, he is but the Depositary thereof, and obliged to preserve it: The most pious action of Christian people is to uphold it.  
THe Popes do not reckon themselves Masters of the Apostolical power, which is entrusted them; they do not believe that they can release the Rights thereof, of which they are nothing but Depositaries, to hold them and keep them up together, and not to permit the diminution of them; Thus spoke Pope Clement VII, of it, 
l. 3. c. 12.  Primato Apostolico di cui non era signore mà custode, The Pope may dispose on good consideration of the Things and Persons whereof he is Lord, though, may be, he cannot do it lawfully, setting aside Honesty or other Virtues; but for what concerns the Rights of the Holy See, he cannot permit the diminution thereof, neither lawfully, nor upon any consideration whatsoever, which is so true, that Paul IV, who thought he might do any thing, and that all which he did by virtue of his Authority, without having respect to Honesty or other Virtues, became honest and lawful, 
l. 14. c. 13.  che tutta l'ampiezza del suo potero fosse anche la misura di saggiament esercitarlo: Nevertheless, as to the Rights of the Holy See, he made no difficulty to acknowledge that he was not absolute Master of them, but only Depositary, 
l. 13. c. 15.  di quella dignità della quale non era padrone mà oustode.  
And the reason is, That the Pope's power in all the extent of it, which we have been speaking of, is the Public Good and Felicity of the Church, even according to the Flesh, secondo la carne; now the Public Good of the Church, even according to the Flesh, is the greatest of all visible Goods, and the most noble Object of all the Virtues; and so the most noble action, not only of Policy, but of Piety that the Pope and Christian people can do, is to uphold the Sovereign power of the Pope, in the extent of his All-puissantness independent and infinite, and to maintain it with vigilance and stoutness; 
l. 5. c. 16.  i'll custodir con intrepidezza e con vigilanza la souranità del Pontificato, è per mio aviso la più commendabile operazione che possa far la Politica virtuosa, perciò che di nessun' popolo si procura con maggior lodevolezza il prò universale che del popolo più diletto da dio e sedele à dio.  
It remains then to make it evident what it is that is suitable for the Grandeur of the Pope, according to that Degree of Sovereignty which he is advanced to in the Church in quality of Vicar of Jesus Christ, Viceroy of God, Emperor of the whole Universe, Lord and Monarch of the World, King of Kings, and Lord of Lords, Vice-God, and a God himself, by the most excellent participation of God that is visible upon Earth.   

ARTICLE XII. The Pope must have Means and an Estate suiting with all these Qualities. To deny this Truth, is a Treasonable Crime. Humane Felicity according to the Flesh, aught to be found in him as its Source.  
THe Pope being King of Kings, and of the whole Universe, the Estates and Goods of all Kings, and of the whole Universe are his Inheritance; otherwise if the Temporalities of Kings were not the Pope's Inheritance, the Subjects Estates would not be the Inheritance of their Kings. 'Tis the part of Kings to consider, if they will renounce this new Right which the Religious and Carnal Policy of our Cardinal-Historian doth offer them; but as for the Pope, he is not Master of his, he is but Depositary; wherefore in quality of King, and for that very reason, it is unlawful, quoth the Cardinal, to abate the Pope his Rights, or any of that which is fit or suitable to the support and maintenance of his infinite and unlimited Grandeur, 
l. 23. c. 3.  non essendo lecito di sostrare i suoi diretti e ciò che richiedesi per la sua convenevole sostentazione all Pastor universale de tutta la Chiesa.  
So you see, that to stop his Revenue, or force him from it, is a crime more treasonable than that of those who would deny to those Kings, who are the Pope's Subjects, to pay them Gabels.  
It is a General Order established of God, That all things should be conveniently ordered, convenevole, according to the Degree and Rank which they hold in the Universe; for example, That a Cardinal have the Authority that is suitable to his Purple, 
l. 20. c. 3.  and not that pitiful little power that suits only with an ordinary Bishop, tall bassezza d'autorità qual convenisse ad un ordinario Vescovo e non ad un nobilissimo porporato. And generally speaking, The Church hath power to exact from her Believing Ones whatever is necessary for the maintenance of her Ministers, 
l. 17. c. 10.  li può costringere à tutto il necessario com' è in primo luogo la sostentazione de Ministri: So that she hath power to levy from the whole Universe, Contributions necessary and proportionable to the Grandeur of her Ministry, quali richiedonsi alla grandezza della sua amministrazione .... questi tributi raccolti da ogni paese Christiano, 
l. 1. c. 25.  
l. 2. c. 6.  quest contribuzieni di tutto illo mondo Christiano.  
Now that which suits the Grandeur of the Apostolic Principality, suits it as it is the Source of all Temporal Profit and Felicity, 
l. 23. c. 3.  even according to the Flesh, fonte d'utilità temporale secondo la carne in quel modo ch' è più conform eziandio all'umana 
l. 1. c. 25.  felicità, then must needs this humane felicity be found in the Pope, as in its source. Now Felicity according to the Flesh, consists in Riches, Honours, Pleasures, and in all besides which the World loves, esteems and admires; to the end that the Pope may afterwards convey it, as it were, in several streams or veins all the World over; wherefore the Pope is compared not only to the Soul or Head from whom the Body derives Being, and all the Felicity it is capable of, but he is also compared to the Stomach.   

ARTICLE XIII. The Pope is the Stomach of the Church's Body, which disperses shares of Nourishment to all his believing ones, that be Members of his Body.  
'TIs true that all the Tribute which the Pope levies upon the World, seems to tend to enrich only the Vassals of his Temporal Domain, or his home-born Subjects, questi tributi raccolti da ogni paese Christiano paian colare ad arrichir solo i vassali del dominio temporale; 
l. 2. c. 26.  nevertheless in truth it is not so, in verità non è poi così.  
But to make the thing better understood, we must use the Fable which whilom Menenius Agrippa made use of when the people of Rome revolted against the Senate, and refused to fight for it; This sage Politician told them, that one day the Members made a revolt against the Stomach, and refused to contribute towards its nourishment, but incontinently they perceived that they all fell to languish. One may say 'tis the same thing with the Pope, who as the Stomach, does not digest for himself only the Goods which he possesses, but to distribute out to those Believing Ones, that be his Members.  
That which ought then to be so much the more stronger in application of this Similitude concerning that of the Body Natural, is this, The other Members which labour for the Stomach, can never be the Stomach, so they have not that particular reason to maintain the Stomach's Interests, but in the Mystic Body of the Church, there is no Member but that may one day become Stomach, 
l. 3. c. 10.  no faithful Catholic, but may hope to become Pope, habbiamo un corpo dove ogn' altro membro si può convertire in stomaco, si come chilo in sangue e poi questo in carne. So that all these faithful Catholics have a particular Interest to contribute to the Pope's Felicity according to the Flesh, because this Felicity returns back again to them according to the share they have in the distribution made by him after his having digested it, as the Stomach of the Church; and besides, they or some of theirs may one day arrive to this quality of Stomach, and then shall they too digest all the Goods of the World, first for themselves, and afterwards for others.  
It should follow from hence, may some say, that in time all the Riches of the World will flow to Rome, to enrich the Pope's Court; but though it should be so, 
l. 24. c. 10.  fingiamo che con longo giro di secoli questi beni colassero nella corte, what hurt would there be in it, that all the Goods of the Earth that now pass from one to the other, by way of Inheritance, at a venture, without regard to merit, should be distributed by the Pope to every one according to Justice, 
Ibid.  and according to their Merits? Pongasi ment se verun disconcio arrechi alla felicità , che molti beni passino da esser dono del caso nell'heredità deal sangue, ad esser distribuzione della giustizia nel riconoscimento del merito.  
So that although all the Goods of the World should actually pass by distribution of the Pope, as Victuals do through the Stomach, and as of right all the Goods of the World belong to the Pope, as a King, whose Inheritance is the whole Universe, there is no body but may see that the Carnal Felicity of the Church would be thereby more perfect, at lest no body can deny but that the Pope hath right to levy upon the whole Earth what is necessary to make a Carnal Felicity suitable to his Royalty, to make him the richest, the most glorious, and the most happy, even according to the Flesh, of all the Kings and of all the Emperors of the Earth.   

ARTICLE XIV. It is suitable to the Pope to have his Kingdom and State apart, and a Prince's Court equal to other Kings, superior to all Princes. The Pope's Courtiers be called the Glorious Cardinals: They be the splendour of the Roman Court.  
SUpposing then, as it hath already appeared, That 'tis necessary for the Unity and Majesty of Church-Government, that there be one Supreme Head, and Sovereign Ruler, 'tis convenient, to the end he may be the common Father, and not held suspected by any one, as partial, that he reside not in the States of other Princes, but in his own; That he have a Court and Courtiers, such as the Grandeur of his Administration require, 
l. 1. c. 25.  or supposto che per l'unità del governo, per la Maestà, debba esser un Capo supremo e un supremo Rettor della Chiesa, convien ch'egli, affine di poter esser Padre common non diffidente à veruno, non habiti nello Stato d'alcuno degli altri Principi mà che habbia Stato proprio, Corte propria, Ministri proprii e quali richiedonsi alla grandezza della sua amministrazione.  
If a man had regard but only to the Grandeur of this Administration, and to its infinite power, the whole Universe, and 〈◊〉 the Kingdoms of the whole Universe should necessarily appertain to the Pope, immediately in demean: only if the Pope were immediate Lord of all Kingdoms, without any other King upon Earth but him, or that Kings in their Temporal concerns were as the Pope's Vicars, men would be ready to attribute Faith, and the Conversion of the World to a humane awe that Foulkes had of this same King of the World, and not to an affection for Religion. See here then an admirable providence, that the Pope hath a State little enough, to give no place for any evil judgement that some might be ready to make disadvantageous to Religion; on the other side, if this State had been lesser, the Pope would have been too openly exposed to Temporal Prince's assaults, wherefore he had one bestowed upon him big enough to defend himself in, 
l. 1. c. 1.  non è si grande che il culto del Christianesimo si possa ascriver ad umano timor, e non ad affetto di religione: non è si picciolo che possa di leggieri il suo possessore venir violentato dalla potenza di principi secolari.  
There's the reason then why the Pope is not immediate sole King of the whole Universe; but this does not hinder, but that he may be so in quality of Sovereign, Lord Paramount, as one may so say; of whom all Kings are Tributaries and Tenants, as hath been already been seen; by the right he hath to compel them to pay him contribution for his maintenance, suiting the Grandeur of his administration, questi rittratti si cavan da tutti i regni del Christianesimo: 
l. 1. c. 25.  Therefore they ought also to maintain him Courtiers in such State as may befit the Grandeur of their Elevation, and these be the Glorious Cardinals, 
l. 6. c. 4. l. 9 c. 10.  Gloriosi Cardinali, to whom all Bishops are Inferiors, Prelati loro inferiori; 'tis clear that their Riches, their Honours, and their Pleasures, their Glory, their Splendour, and in one word, their Felicity, according to the Flesh, secondo la carne, aught to be incomparably greater than that of the richest Bishops, who in comparison of Cardinals, are but little Prelates, piccioli Vescovi.  
This Degree of Cardinalship is the principal Splendour of the Roman Church, 
l. 21.  and of its Popes, quella dignità ch' è il precipuo splendour della Chiesa Romana e d'ye suoi Pontefici; and in effect, 'tis a great Glory for a Pope to be able to create Senators, who in Privilege and Honour are before all the Creatures of other Monarches, so that even the Children of the greatest Princes aspire to this Dignity, 
l. 21. c. 4.  mentre possono crear Senatori che in privilegii ed onoranze molto avanzino quelli d'ogni Monarca terreno, si che aspirino à tall grado i figlivoli d'ye sommi principi.  
Also at Rome, one reckons that Cardinals are above all Princes that be not Kings, 
l 9 c. 9 l. 13. c. 14.  Cardinali che si stimano in Roma superiori ad ogni principe minor d'ye Rè, predecessero cem' era stato fin all'ora il costume, à Principi del sangue reggio, and in all parts of the Christian World, men render to them the same Honours as they do to Kings, 
l. 1. c. 8.  tanti altri gran' Senatori venerati con Real onoranze da si grande e nobil parte del mondo.  
Thus is it manifest, That Cardinals being equal to Kings in Honour, 'tis suitable that they should be like unto them in Riches, Pleasures and Voluptuousness according to the Flesh, fecondo la carne, and by consequence, that the Pope may take out of all Christendom all necessary Tributes, amply to recompense his Cardinals; which could not be, if the piety of Christians did not furnish out his huge expense, 
l. 1. c. 25.  ciò senza dubio non seguirebbe se la pietà d'ye Christiani non somministrasse à lui la commodità di remunerarli altament.   

ARTICLE XV. Besides the Glorious Cardinals, the Court of Rome ought to be filled with an infinite number of small Prelates that are to be equal with Bishops, and these be to lead no sad nor poor life, but to be jocund, and live in plenty.  
OLtre alle innumerabili Prelature, 
Ibid.  dignità e prebend, che in quella si compariscono; il che fà godere molti con l'effetto e tutti con lafoy speranza, laqual force in questa vita è da maggior godimento che l'istesso effetto.  
Here is the Glory, the Splendour and the Voluptuousness of the Roman Court, according to the Flesh, which consists in the actual possession of an Earthly Felicity; or, as to those who do not at present enjoy it, at least it consists in the hope they have to arrive thereunto, the Felicity of which expectation is many times even in this world, not less than the actual enjoyment; And that this Felicity may be suitable to the Pope's Grandeur; 'tis fit he bestow Recompenses on that his infinite number of Courtiers with advancements, altament, without impoverishing his Treasure Royal, because the greatest Evil, and the most remediless Want in a Community, is a scarcity of Recompenses, when one cannot bestow them without impoverishing the Public, nel vero il più dannoso e il più irremediabile mancamento della communità è la scarsezza d'ye guiderdoni, non potendosi dar quest senza impoverire il publico. 
l. 8. c. 17.   
Whereby one may judge of the opulency and abundance of the Court of Rome, and of the Piety of all Christians, which contribute thereunto, to render it suitable to the Glory of the Universal King and Lord of all the Earth; for it is an Object of Joy for all pious Christians to see the Glory, the Abundance, and the Felicity, according to the Flesh, of that Universal Court of Christendom, 
Ibid.  era giocondo oggetto all cuor di ciascuno, il ritrovarsi una Corte universale nel Christianesimo la quale abbracci con indifrenza tutti li fedeli, e senza molta distinzione di patria ò di nascimento vi elegga il supremo Principe. A Court wherein indifferently the Sovereignty of the World, an infinite many Dignities, equal to those of Bishops, are exposed to the hope of all, and the enjoyment of those which get them. Was there ever form a finer Politic Idea? Yea, this is the Government designed by Christ, to render his people remarkable all the Earth over, by Prerogatives so apparent, 
l. 1. c. 25.  questo governo disegnato da Christo per segnalare in terra con manifesta prerogativo il suo popolo. Now what is the Soul, the Basis, the Band, the moving Intelligence of this Government, but the Pope's Authority? del qual governo come vedete la base, i'll legame, 
Ibid.  l'intelligenza motrice, è l'autorità del Pontefice? Have not all the Kingdoms of the Earth than a notable instance to maintain the greatness of their King, the Pomp and Glory of his Royal Court, of his Royal City, the Mistress of the Universe, the Court of all Religion? Regia della Religione, 
l. 1. c. 2. l. 8. c. 17.  una regia Ecclesiastica, the Royal Ecclesiastical Court, una corte, una regia universale, patria common, 
Ibid.  regia common, which cannot be maintained in a manner agreeing with its Institution, without Contributions, vast Riches, Torrents of Gold and Silver, 
l. 4. c. 5.  torrenti di pecunia.   

ARTICLE XVI. The Glory and Felicity suiting with this Court, subsist through her Magnificence in Buildings, Theatres, Spectacles or Sights, of Piety, Processions, Regales, Politic and Warlike Expeditions.  
ADd to all this, the Magnificence in Buildings: What prodigious abundance of Means must one have to bestow thereon, though there were, for example, no other Building but that of S. Peter's Church, whose Structure alone astonishes, so great and vast it is; 
l. 1. c. 1.  il nuovo edificio della stupenda basilica da san Pietro? Add to that, so many other Churches and Palaces, which make an admirable Ornament of the Royal City, and Mistress of the Universe; are not these pieces of Workmanship wholly glorious? 
Ibid.  Opere gloriose; the work thereof is immense, and the Millions be numberless that were fain to be collected for only Building of St. Peter's? A work worthy of the Monarch of the World, and Sovereign pontiff, 
Ibid.  affin d'adunare tanti milioni quanti ne assorbiva l'immenso lavoro di quella Chiesa, opera di sommo Sacerdote, màinsieme di sommo Principe.  
It was for this, that the Indulgences under Pope Leo X, were Published, which gave occasion to Luther's Heresy; the Sum of Money that arose of them, was not sufficient, non bastino, 
l. 1. c. 25.  it did furnish but a little to the expense of building that glorious Fabric, the prime Temple of the World, qual fabrica più gloriosa che quella del primo tempio che sia nel mondo. 
l. 1. c. 3.   
To this sort of Expense we may join that of Sights or Spectacles of Devotion, Theatres, Perfumes, Music, Ornaments, Lights, and other parts of the Glory and Magnificence of Public Feasts; for in fine, the People will have Theatres and Spectacles, whatever they be; the World bestowed such upon them as nourished their Vices through Voluptuousness: Is it not then the Christian Pieties and the Christian Policie's part to bestow such as be more voluptuous upon them, to the end, that by so entertaining them, it may draw them to Virtue? Vuole il popolo i Teatri, 
l. 1. c. 25.  ed è non solo conforme à la pietà, ma eziandio alla Politicá il far che i Teatri più sontuosis e più dilettevoli sian quelle dove il vizio si medica non dove si nutre. Magnificenza di spettacoli, 
l. 24. c. ult.  trionfo della Religione, non pomp della vanità.  
The divers Nunciatures, and the Apostolic Legations that must be sent from time to time about the World, must not be forgotten; 
l. 2. c. 8.  Il qualo per bene Christianesimo dêe non solo mantenere lo sua Corte, composta di molti ufficiali nobili, mà dar sussidio à pove Cardinali provisionar tanti nunzii, ajutar tanti bisognosi, e premiar tanti benemeriti.  
The Regale that must be made to Nephews and Kindred, 
l. 24. c. ult.  rigaiglie deal parentado, other costs and recompenses of Officers and other persons Services, either Noble or Learned or Poor, whom the Pope keeps, the secret Alms which the Pope bestows; as for example, at the Council of Trent, to so many poor Bishops which had not wherewithal to maintain themselves there, 
Introd. c. 4.  secret limosine à Vescovi bisognosi, the Money that was fain to be sent to Alexander, to quiet the Germane Spirits, 
l. 1. c. 25.  i mandati e la pecunia. These be all heads of Charge, or Articles of expense, and Examples whereby one may judge of such like others; but above all, the charge of Wars against the Heretics and the Turks, the Succours that the Pope gives at all times to Christian Princes; there needs no more but to read what our Cardinal-Historian relates of it in the Tenth Chapter of his Third Book; there one shall see the Torrents of Gold and Silver that go perpetually forth of Rome, to secure Kings and Christian Princes ' torrenti di pecunie. 
l. 4. c. 5.  Can these Torrents go out thence, if they had not first come in there? Now all this can be done only by means of the huge Revenues which the Piety of Christians ought to furnish for maintenance of the Royal Court of the Monarch of the Universe, whose Court is the Soul that reunites under one and the same Unity so many Kingdoms, and which of all Countries of his obedience constitutes, one Body Politic, the most Formidable, the most Virtuous, the most Learned, 
l. 3. c. 10.  and the most Happy that is upon Earth, una Corte la quale è l'anima che tiene in unità tanti regni e costituisce i paesi à lei ubbedienti; un corpo politico il più Formidabile, il più Virtuoso, il più Litterato, il più felice che fia in terra.  
Such is then the Fidelity and Glory of the Court of Rome according to the Flesh, and such is the Temporal Felicity of that Church, for this same Felicity according to the Flesh, is a means most gentle, and at the same time, most efficacious to form the Temporal Greatness of the Church, as will be seen in the following Chapter.    

CHAP. IU. Twenty Reasons that prove the necessity of the Riches, Honours, and Voluptuousness of the Church, to make thereof a Gospel according to the Flesh, the Vocation of all the World to Faith, and a part of that World to the Ecclesiastic Life, without which Riches Honours and Voluptuousness, the Church having no Reputation among them who fancy those things, would perish, not being able to subsist happy, according to the Flesh, if her Ministers were poor, as formerly, and if they had not vast Riches, as the Glorious Cardinals, who are at this day the Pope's Courtiers: Here also shall be shown the unluckiness, the shamefulness, and even the Vice of Poverty, whereof God in his Providence, is no Author, but Sin; or only Fortune, which on this score, may be accused as the Enemy of Virtue.  

ARTICLE I. Corrupt Nature loves Riches, Honours and carnal Pleasures; if the Church had not of them to propose and bestow, there would be but few Christians. The Church is composed of three sorts of Persons. The Magnificence and Stateliness of Rome is able to work the Conversion of the Mahometan Princes: The Popes must have somewhat else to be for them beside God.  
THe Pope's power being without Armed Forces, cannot make Infidels to believe, or to list themselves in the Church's Communion, but through fair and gentle means; but still efficacious by accommodating itself to Nature's corrupted inclinations, as hath been said, for man seeing he does Idolise himself, would never be ruled if he were not ticed and wheadled on by promises and recompenses, 
l. 1. c. 25.  l'huomo ch' è l'idolo di se stesso non si coudurrebbe mai senon allettato dal premio. Therefore it is that the Romanists are at so much costs for Stages or Theatres, and in Shows or Spectacles of Devotion, because people do naturally love Voluptuousness, and will do any thing for its sake, after the inclinations of corrupt Nature; this corruption is such, that if the Church had not the greatest of all Voluptuousness according to the Flesh, to set before and propose to those which She calls to Her Faith, the greatest part of Christians would go seek their Fortune out of the Church, the Church would lose her Reputation, and all her esteem, 
l. 5. c. 10.  which is the Basis that holds up all the Engines of her Policy, la stima ch' è la ●ase di questo machine.  
The better to conceive this kind of Verity, we must make a distinction of Three sorts of people, which make Three kinds of vocation to this Faith; the first are those who live in the Faith only out of pure zeal, di purissimo zelo, 
l. 9 c. 9  and which serve the Church out of pure spirit and courage, servon la Chiesa per solo spirito, 
Ibid.  and these be those which are the purely spiritual, that would love God though there were no Temporal Goods to be hoped for, because they slight all temporal things, 
l. 8. c. 17.  dispreggiatrici d'ogni cosa terrena.  
The second be those which are made up of Flesh and Spirit, and which are willing to enjoy besides God, as much of the goods of the world as Law will permit, 
Ibid.  composti di Carne di Spirito, desiderano per quanto la leg di Dio permette anche i beni di questa vita; so they must have a Felicity composed of Spirit and of Flesh, and they would not be so in love as they are with Religion, if they did not give them hopes of worldly Goods, 
l. 9 c. 9  non si nutrirebbe così universalment l'affetto alla Religione.  
The Third sort be those who are stark carnal, and which are taken up more with those things that are seen, than with those which are not seen; & these be the greatest number of all, 
Ibid.  molti ancora maggiorment s'affezzionano à quel che si vede che à quel che sicrede. Now though this be an ill Quality, the wicked being wicked, only because they prefer the Goods of the Body before those of the Soul and Spirit, 
l. 6. c. 12.  i malvaggi sono malvaggi per che antepongono i beni del corpo à quei dello spirito; nevertheless this disposition of theirs is in some sort not so bad then, if having such a mind as they have after worldly Goods, they should spend them in the Service of Jupiter and Mars, rather than in the Service of Jesus Christ and his Church; so that the Church accommodating itself to their corrupt inclination, calls them to its Faith, and its Communion, by setting before them, and proposing to them greater worldly Goods, and greater Voluptuousnesses, even according to the Flesh, than they could have if they abode in the Service of Jupiter and Mars, 
Ibid.  ma pur servono all culto di Christo dove prima servivasi à queldi Giove e di Marte.  
Look ye there then, what it is that keeps the Church up in esteem, even amongst people stark carnal, 
l. 23. c. 3,  per conservarla in estimazione anche presso gl'imperfettis.  
Now this Esteem brings forth Veneration, and Veneration is the Basis of the Church's Empire, 
Introd. c. 6.  quella venerazione ch' è la base del loro imperio; for without this great Veneration that the Carnal Ones have for the Church, it were not possible to keep the people in, nor to tame them, and make them keep on the Yoke, 
l. 2. c. 3.  richiedendosi grand aiuto di venerazione per ch' egli si contenti di ricevere in bocca il freno; the Veneration that these Imperfect Ones have for the Church, being founded upon the Carnal Felicity which she puts them in hope of, there's no body but may see how greatly this Felicity is needful to make a Catholic and Universal Vocation of all the World to the Church's Faith; without this Felicity the Church having but a small concourse of these Faithful Ones; 
l. 15. c. 5.  would fall into contempt, povert di concorso vile d'autorità; but on the contrary, the alone Magnificence of the Buildings at Rome, since Two Hundred Years agone, is able to strike admiration into all Infidel and Mahometan Princes, and to convert them to this Faith, 
l. 8. c. 17.  tanto che tali opere pie fat in Roma in solo due secoli bastarebbono per render venerabile ed ammirabile la nostra religione alli sguardi di tutti i Monarchi Maometani è Gentili.  
And if instead of this Felicity of the Church, which appears to them, so they did but know how often all goes contrary against the Popes, who have none for them, but the Holy Spirit (quoth our Cardinal) they could not choose but have Sentiments of Pity, 
l. 5. c. 13.  and 〈◊〉 Disdain to enter into the Pope's Communion Non ho potuto d'hora non compassionare i Pontefici conventi frà loro contrarii e tutti infesti all corso di lei eccetto l'aura dello Spirito santo. Now if the Pope's having only God on their side, make our Jesuit-Cardinal to pity them, and should appear thus to be miserable in the eyes of others, how should they ever be able to convert Mahometans? there must needs be something else then besides the Spirit they speak of, for Popes to work such like conversions; and it would be great pity if a Pope should have but only that for him.   

ARTICLE II. The hope of sharing the Riches, Honours, and Pleasures which belong to the Ecclesiastic state to be Pope, and to possess by Resignation one's Kinsfolks Benefices; these things do make a great and substantial Vocation for People to become Churchmen.  
EVery one knows how much the Ecclesiastic State is glorious to God, the Splendour and Glory of this State is due to the Carnal Felicity wherewith it is invested, 
l. 1. c. 25.  se veramento vogliamo che la Regia spirituale sia frequentata da person d'ingegno, di lettere, di valour, di nobilità, lasciando le patrie, sottoponendosi al celibato ed all alter gravezze le quali induce la vita Ecclesiastica, fà mestieri che possano sperare onori edentrate, for would there be found so many persons of Wit, of Learning, of Worthiness, of Noble Birth, that would betake themselves to a single Life, and other toilsomnesses which the Ecclesiastical Life obliges them to, if they had not hopes by that means to gain Honours and Temporal Revenues? Without doubt they ought to promise this to themselves, and be content with their condition, partly out of affection for Religion, and partly through joy to see themselves reverenced, and had in veneration as Churchmen, especially amongst their Kindred, 
l. 17. c. 5.  vivano contenti, parte per affetto di religione, parte per godimento di quella reverenza che in ogni famiglia sì suol portare alla toga. Let a man consider what Glory it is for this Faith, to see so many Nobleman's and Prince's Sons enter into Orders, and consecrate themselves to the Service of God in quality of the Pope's Courtiers. Should this be seen if the Church were poor, and if the Piety of Christians had not afforded Means to the Pope to recompense magnificently all this Gang? 
l. 1. c. 25.  ciò senza dubio non seguirebbe la pietà d'ye Christiani non somminist●asse à lui la commodità di rimunerarli altament.  
For in fine, there is no private man that gives himself to serve the Pope and Court of Rome, but may hope to become one day a Cardinal; that is to say, above Bishops and all Princes, and an Equal for Kings, that may not even hope, himself or some of his to be one day Pope; without doubt, this thought cannot be but most pleasing to all people, 
l. 1. c. 8.  era giocondo oggetto all cuore di ciascuno ... habbiamo una Republica, 
l. 3. c. 10.  dove ogni plebeo puè divenir senatore, ogni suddito principe. The Court of Rome is a Court composed of persons of all Nations of the World, where there is none of them but may through his Learning and Deserving, be advanced to the most sublime Dignities, and arrive either at the Sovereignty, or to a participation of the Government and Revenues of the Church, 
l. 3. c. 10.  è una Corte composta di tutti i paesi Catolici nella quale ogn'uno con la dottrina e co'l merito può salire alle dignità più sublimi ed havere, ò lafoy souranità, ò lafoy participazione del governo e del patrimony Ecclesiastico.  
But without flying so high, may not every Nephew easily hope for the Benefice of his Uncle, upon his Resignation? And is it not a great comfort that an Uncle may hope one day to leave his Benefice to his Nephew, or to some other of his Kin, or to his Friend? How many young men have been, and are daily educated virtuously, for the sake of this same carnal Expectance? molti giovani sono educati nella virtù con lafoy speranza d'haver sì fat risegne di qualche vecchio sacerdote di loro parentado. 
l. 23. c. 12.   
Even this same hope according to the Flesh, makes the Incumbents more willing and careful to repair or beautify their Churches, out of the confidence they may be able to substitute in their places such persons as they bear a kindness to, i beneficiati più s'affezionano all ristoro della Chiesa confidandosi di surrogarvi persona loro gradita. 
Ibid.  On the contrary, take away these Expectations and Hopes from the Roman Court, and leave her only the Spirit, eccetto l'aura dello Spirito Santo, it will be a great Pity, and no Contentment; she must have a better kind of Suckle to suck, miglior sugo, that is to say, a Carnal Felicity; so that there is none but may see, that all these Reasons be puissant, and yet mild means to make the Vocations either to this Faith, or to this Clergyship, efficacious, and which is no impediment to the perfection of that State or Order.   

ARTICLE III. The Hope of Carnal Felicity which the Church promises, hinders neither its Perfection, nor the perfection of the Ecclesiastic Order. The Vices of Ambition and Worldly Glory are glistering, bright and taking Vices: These same Hopes of Carnal Felicity, make all Virtues to bud, come forth, and grow up, even to the perfection of the Contemplative Life.  
THE Church setting before all the World an hope of possessing either the Royalty of the World, or the Glory and Felicity of the Cardinalship, of the Episcopacy, or other Prelateship, there is no question but the greatest part of them who do enjoy these Honours, made their way thither through all the Virtues which this same carnal Hope made to spring up in them, 
l. 8. c. 17.  i'll far germogliare le insigni virtù se premii fossero pronti.  
This was it which rendered the Cardinal of Mantove so admirable in the time of the Council of Trent, he did not desire, or at least appear to desire, as all others, the Crown nor the Diadem of the Sovereign Pontificat, 
l. 2. c. 6.  illustrò lo Pontificato non desiderato, ò almeno così temperament nell interno che nulla apparisse di ciò nell'esterno. This is a rare Example; for Ambition is so glistering, bright a Vice, that it loves to appear abroad; and it is a Vice which is universally in great men, 
Ibid.  vizio splendido ed universale à grandi.  
We must be fain then to conclude that these bright Vices which are universally found in Grandees, are not opposite to that Sovereign degree of perfection which their Rank, altogether Divine, doth require, quel grado che richiede il sommo della perfezione; 
l. 1. c. 2.  for otherwise one must be forced to say that the Vocation to the Popedom, and other Ecclesiastical Dignities, were vicious and corrupt, and by consequence, not of God, which would be quite against all appearance; for as to the State of Holy Father, the Pope's perfection, in as much as he must be adored by the Surname of Most Holy, the sublimeness of Virtue suiting his Degree, is so great, that those imperfections which be nothing in other men, become Monsters in the Sereneship of his Divine State, 
l. 1. c. 1.  è tanta la sublimità di quella virtù la qual si richiede in chi dev' essere adorato con sopranome di santissimo, e come il mezzano frà il Cielo e la Terra, che le imperfezioni insensibili negli altri huomini in quella luce divengono monstruose.  
From whence it follows, That if the Hope and ambitious Desire of coming to the Popedom, and the Gladness when one is arrived thereat, which are just like those bright Vices which be in all Grandees, were monstrous Vices in Popes, as 'tis rare to see any come to the Popedom by any other way, according to our Cardinal-Historian; since the Church, as he makes it out, calls them to her Offices through this way, it would follow (a man may say) That as often as one beholds Popes, one should behold Monsters of Pride and Ambition, which had no Piety coming near that which is requisite to an Order that is, as it were, 
l. 1. c. 2.  altogether Divine, pietà quanta si richideva da quello stato quasi divino. Divino principato debitore d'una virtù così alta, d'una bontà sempre ammirata, condizion del Ponteficato.  
As to the state of Perfection of the Cardinals, in as much as by their Duty, and the Functions of their Charges, they are the Reformers of Christendom, they are obliged in their Lives to give a perfect Example of all Virtues, 
l. 6. c. 13.  dov' esser più tosto i riformatori del Christianesimo, dar' esempio d'ogni virtù.  
The Cardinal's Order is the Mirror and Rule of all others, which are inferior to it, ordine Cardinalizio il qual doveva essere specchio e norma degli altri inferiori. 
l. 1. c. 2. & l. 4. c. 5.  On the Actions and Examples of the Cardinals, as well as on their Reputation, depends the Good and Honour of the Church, 
l. 20. c. 8.  dall'opera, dal esempio, e dalla riputazione di essi pendesse il bene e l'onor della Chiesa. And as it is the Roman Court which is the principal Reformer, it is that also which ought to be the first reform, 
l. 23. c. 7.  i lafoy principal reformatrice fossae anche la prima riformata; for the Government of the Church Universal being upheld by the Councils of the Cardinals, it would be unhandsome if the Course and the Virtue of their Lives should not be so conspicuous and regular as to draw the eyes of all the World upon it, 
l. 24. c. 7.  all cui consiglio presso all Pontefice essendo apoggiata l'amministrazione della Chiesa universale, è deform cosa ch'essi non risplendano con tali ornamenti di virtù e di disciplina nel la lor vita, onde traggano gli occhi di ciascheduno.  
From whence it must be concluded, according to the Principles of our Cardinal-Historian, that the bright and glistering Vices of Ambition, of Desire and Hope of Riches, and Honours and of Pleasures according to the Flesh, which are found universally in all Grandees, are not those monstrous things that be opposite to the State of Perfection, nor to the Reputation of the Order of Cardinals.  
As concerning the state of Perfection of the Bishops, one needs only to read the Decrees of the Council of Trent, to know what belongs to their Rank, which is so exalted, that all men are not, and there be very few which are found able to reach it, poco eminente sarebbe la perfezione convenevole alla dignità Episcopale se fossae in tall grado che vi giungnessero, ò tutti ò molti. 
l. 2. c. 3.   
And thus too, forasmuch as they as well as others, have their share of these bright make-shew Vices of Ambition, and the Love of Felicity according to the Flesh, one is also fain, of necessity, to conclude, That that these kind of vainglorious Vices are not so monstrously opposite to their Calling, nor to their state of Perfection; otherwise they would be all Monsters which fill all the Chairs and Thrones of the Ecclesiastical State; for in fine, if it be true, That the Hopes of the Worldly Means of the Church make all Virtue to sprout; it is certain that that Hope in the Church adds such spur● to Virtue, as there be not the like in any Republic in the World, 
l. 12. c. 3.  il quale stimolo alla virtù non è ò fù maì si forte in verun altro principato d●po la creazione del mondo. Then also is it true too, That the abundance of these very Goods is the Dug which nourishes these Virtues after they are brought forth, 
l. 8. c. 17.  adunque l'abondanza di questi beni è mammella per nutrir la virtù nella Chiesa.  
Who is it, for example, that would submit himself to be under the Rules of a Single Life, and yield, if one may say so, that Pension to God, which is so difficult a matter to pay truly, if there were no consideration for it, but only Hopes in the Air of invisible Benefices, and Preferments hereafrer; but that the Church hath here in this Life, those other to give whose Revenues are in present, and more solid according to the Flesh, 
l. 8. c. 7.  una garvissima pensione o' beneficiati: ed è peso tanto grave consiglio difficillimo della continenza.  
No doubt on't, but if the Hopes of the Temporal Goods of the Church were taken away, a man should not see so many Noblemen and Gentlemen engage themselves in the Ecclesiastic Life, 
l. 23. c. 3.  harebbe ritenuti molti nobili dalla vita Ecclesiastica.  
Mean time, every one knows how much the Single Life serves to put a man upon Contemplation of the things of Heaven, il chc riesce di tanto prò ad applicar gli huomini alla contemplazione celeste; 
Ibid.  so that it is clear, That all those Barons which post after Benefices, would never have applied themselves to the same Contemplative Life, if they had not caught the Benefices; which makes it appear, That these splendid Vices be not so opposite to this Contemplative Life, and yet at the same time, a happy Life according to the Flesh; and that the Church would be deprived of an infinite many of these blessed Contemplative men, if she had not an infinite many fat Benefices to make thereof for them a corporal Beatitude; for if the Church had been poor, humane frailty is so great, that she would never have had the Glory to have seen these Contemplative Barons invested in her Offices and in her Dignities, whom she calls thither through the Hope which she gives them thereof, 
l. 1. c. 25.  il che per l'umana debolezza non così auvarebbe nella povertà della Chiesa. From whence it appears, That this Politic Prudence is not opposite to Piety, 
l. 15. c. 6.  la Prudenza politica non ripugna così alla Pietà Christiana.  

The First of the Twenty Reasons why the Church makes use of the promise of Temporal Goods to call Laymen into Orders. The Excellency of the Angels is, to have no need of Lackeys; that of Men to have a great many of them.  
The perfection of a Magnificent Work, is, to have a deal more about it than it needs, to the end it may appear more splendid; for example, the Magnificence of a Palace upheld by rich Columns, is, to have a many more of them than needs precisely to uphold it, 
l. 13. c. 3,  si come appunto ad un magnifico edificio si pone maggior numero di colonne ch' è sofficiente à sostentarlo.  
Unto this marvellous neat Example the Reverend Father John Baptist Giatino the Jesuit, who translated into Latin this same History of our Cardinal, Printed at Antwerp, in 1670, addeth another surprising Example, which is that of Lackeys: A Great Lord (quoth he) hath need of some Lackeys, there's no doubt on't; then 'tis for his honour to have a great many of them; yea, a many more than the number precisely necessary; but on the contrary, the Angels having no need of Lackeys, 'tis their excellency to have none at all. Angelorum est praestantia, qui famulis non indigent, famulis career, sed hominum quibus sunt opus, praestantia est, supra quam indigeant iis abundare.  
From whence that Father takes occasion to make this general Proposition, That as for those things which have no need of supports, their perfection is to have none at all; but as for those which have need of support, their excellency and their perfection is to have more of them than needs, ita universè rebus quae fulcimentis non egent, praestantiae vertitur, fulcimentis vacare; sed rebus quae fulcris indigent, eye plus quam indigent abundare.  
Now the Felicity according to the Flesh, hath need of some Riches, of some Honours, and of some carnal Pleasures; and by consequence, the excellency and the perfection of that Felicity is to have a superfluous abundance of Riches, of Honours, and of Pleasures, even according to the Flesh.  
The Zealous will be ready to object, That in the present Life, 'tis man's imperfection to stand in need of things, and that it is a perfection to have no need of them.  
The Cardinal-Historian answers them according to the Principles of the Religious Policy, that Aristotle teaches the contrary; for he says, That the Arts which serve to help our necessities, were first invented in the World, and afterwards the Wit of man applied itself to those Arts which serve to the Felicity of Life, 
l. 8. c. 17.  insegna il filosofo prima essersi ritrovate le arti che sovengono alle necessità e dipoi rivoltò l'ingegno all'invention di quelle che servono alla felicità della vita: So that according to Aristotle, there is a carnal Felicity in the Christian Life, and upon this Politic Rule of Aristotle, the Church did presently in the first Ages provide things of Necessity, afterwards she took care together self a Court-Royal-Universal, which might have, without impoverishing itself, wherewithal to recompense a great number of Excellent persons that were to serve this Republic, and consecrate themselves to God, specially in that kind of Life which is led in the Pope's Court, where their Virtues suck abundance of Milk out of her Breasts; that is to say, out of that Court's Temporal Felicity according to the Flesh, which cannot subsist, but through abundance of Riches and Temporal Goods, 
Ibid.  dapoi che s' è supplito si ampiament all bisogno, non era forse oportuno di provedere anche ad una Corte e ad una Reggia universale laqual potesse alimentare e rimunerare gran' numero d'huomini, i quali servissero à quella Republica e si dedicassero specialment à Dio in questa vita; adunque l'abondanza di questi beneficii simplici è la mammella per nutrir la virtù nella Chiesa.  
So that the abundance of Riches, of Honours, and of Pleasures, making a Felicity, whereof the Church is the Source, and the Hope whereof, makes the Vocation of the Ecclesiastical Estate, yea, and even their Vocation to the Faith; the more one hath of these Goods, the more one is happy with an Ecclesiastical Christian Felicity: Now the more happy one is, the more perfect one is; yea, one is the more perfect, according as he hath more of this sort of the forementioned Felicity; and ones Virtues are kept by it so much the more in better plight, and are better bred Virtues; if the Church then had remained poor, should one have seen her Offices and her Dignities filled with so many Virtuoso's as now there be, Great Wits and well-bred men; no never; for humane Frailty is so great, that all this Glory of the Church would never have appeared, 
l. 1. c. 25.  if she had remained poor, che per l'umana debolezza non così auverrebbe nella povertà della Chiesa.  
If the Church had remained poor, she would have remained unhappy according to the Flesh, without Joyfulness, Splendour, or Honour, and by consequence, imperfect, as well as unhappy, and deprived of the Felicity of Aristotle: Now Jesus Christ did not preach a Felicity contrary to the Doctrines of Aristotle; so that this Felicity hath nothing contrary to Jesus Christ's; it hath no thing which is not conformable with it, but that therewith the Church may serve itself, to make her vocation of the World in general unto this Faith, and of some into Orders.   

Reason II.  
Can any blame the carriage of the Church, if in imitation of what God did under the Old Testament, she accommodates herself to humane imperfections and makes use of earthly recompenses as it were of an allurement to train on men to the Clergiship, and to hold out the fatigues of the Ecclesiastical life without Marrying; 
l. 9 c. 9  Possi poe ciò riprender la Chiesa s'ella, ad imitazione di ciò che faceva Iddio vel vecotuo Testamento, s'accommoda all imperfezione umana ed alletta eziando con premii terreni à pigliar i legami dello stato Chiericale e le fatiche d'ye ministerii Ecclesiastici.  
Let the Zealous object, that God did never propose to his People temporal goods, as necessary to their felicity, even temporal and fleshly. All the true felicity of the Flesh being in those times only the hope of Eternity, according as God did will, that even the Flesh after its capacity should partake of, caro mea requiescet in spe. All other carnal felicity being a sin condemned of God in the Old as well as in the New Testament.  
Yet the Cardinal, according to the principles of his Policy, maintains, that these ideas which seem fine in Speculation, are some of those forms, which have no consistence with the dispositions of their matter: for in fine the Jewish People did believe, that temporal goods did make a true felicity according to the flesh, for them; they loved them as such, and so did they beg them of God, and he did grant them.  
Ay, but the Zealous will reply, God indeed did grant them to that People, but not as they did make a true felicity, no such felicity being the true one; but only that which comes from the hope of Eternity, spe gaudentes. But granted them temporal goods, telling them that they were not their felicity, warning them not to cozen themselves, to believe they were such, nor to look after them as such, nor to pray for them, as things making a kind of true felicity for them, and that all their prayers made through this false faith were sin, and their Sacrifices abomination before him; that Job upon the Dunghill, saying with that his very flesh, which was then full of sores, he should see his God and his Saviour, after he was risen again from the dead, was more happy even according to the flesh in that hope, than ever Solomon was in all his false carnal felicity.  
To all this, the Cardinal saith, that these be Platonic Ideas; 
Ibid.  lasciamo i discorsi, poniamo il negozic in prattiqua. These be fine discourses: but let us fall upon practice. Hath Jesus Christ as to the Government of his Church, taught any thing contrary to the lessons of Aristotle and the other wise Heathens? Did God the Father teach his People things contrary to what his Son hath taught? Ones wisdom is not opposite to the others. Aristotle and all the Pagan Legislators won upon People through hope they gave them of carnal felicity. Is it possible that the Church can teach any thing else? 
l. 9 c. 9  come si la Chiesa di Christo predicasse ch'è contrario non dico á l'insegnamenti d'Aristotele ma d'ogni tolerabil Republica d'ye gentili. As if a carnal felicity for being Pagan, or for being Jewish, could not be Christian.  
The Church is a Corporation the most happy that ever was, and the most happy that is upon Earth; il corpo più felice che sia in terra. Then her felicity according to the flesh, that is to say, the happiness of riches, honours and carnal pleasures ought to be greater, and more abundant in all those goods, that if it were yet a Jewish or a Pagan felicity: For what should oblige men to part with either their Paganism or their Judaisme to become Christians or Prelates in the Church, if the Church were not able to assure them, that by entering into its Communion they should be richer and more voluptuous than the Jews or the Pagans?   

Reason III.  
Nature itself, doth it not teach men this prudence to act through motives of temporal good, as of riches, honours and pleasures? la natura medesima c'insegna questa prudenza.  
When for example she invites them to eat, does not she propose pleasure for the Motive, and that which is pleasing in the food; 
l. 9 c. 9  invitando gli huomini non che ad altri azioni honest, á mantener la propria vita co'l diletto del cibo.  
The Zealous will reply, that 'tis even in this that the corruption of Nature consists, to take pleasure, for the Motive of its actions; whereas it ought not to consent to pleasure, but as unto a repose till its force return again, the better to fall on again to its business, and that even Aristotle was no ignorant in this Doctrine.  
Within the large compass of our Cardinal's principles, 'tis easy enough to reply hereupon, that if it be in this that the corruption of Nature consists: The Church, to the end her Laws may take effect, is obliged to accommodate them to the imperfections of corrupt Nature, and to suffer a less evil to shun a greater.  
The greatest of all evils would be to see the Church and the Ecclesiastical Principality to perish. Now 'tis certain that this Principality would perish and all the Church with it, in condition which things are now in, if she had not riches, honours and carnal pleasures to nourish the virtues of her Priests; togliendosi. The Milk and the Dugs of the Church being once taken away, the Church would be destroyed, 
l. 8. c. 17.  because the carnal felicity of the Court of Rome would be brought to nought; cio che sarrebbe pe●gio, mancherebbe il principato Ecclesiastico che mantiene in unità, in regola ed in decoro tutta la Chiesa. Now is it possible that any greater evil should happen than that same? No certainly.  
For to hinder this, there needs no more but to set up in the Church carnal felicity, that may be pleasing to corrupt Nature and serve for a motive to receive its Faith, and to undergo the toilsomness of a Clergy man's life; if this be a corrupt Motive, yet this same corruption serving as the remedy of so great an evil it ought to be regained, 
l. 23. c. 3.  as a very great good, minimo male massimo bene.  
It would be very good 'tis to be granted, 
l. 17. c. 10.  if all were done through the Motive of piety, and not of gain, per affetto di pietà e non di guadagno. But if the Church tending only after this same goodness, did propose no Motive of gain, this very thing would become the foundation of the greatest evil; fondamento del male; for the Church would have no more a Court of Rome, nor an Apostolical Principality, which upholds the whole Church. So that this good becoming the ground of evil, 
Ibid.  would become worse than if it were an evil in its own Nature, con divenir fondamento deal male, riesce peggior che se di natura sua fosse male. What must be done then according to right Policy? Why, set this same kind of goodness forth of the Church, which is only for proposing Piety, for the Motive to bring men to the service of God, and would be for employing Church riches for to relieve the Poor, rather than to make carnal felicity for Churchmen, this heroical felicity must be absolutely destroyed, convien tolora levar un bene qund'egli con divenir fondamento deal male riesce peggiore che se di natura sua fosse male. 
Ibid.  In such case poverty is vice, and poverty in Churchmen would be worse in them than sin; peggiore che se di natura sua fosse male.  
So that although it were an evil in the Church, to propose carnal felicity and the enjoyment of carnal pleasures to those, she would bring into her Bosom; yet in respect of Politic prudence, this false Faith being the lesser evil, it becomes stark honesty and hath all the qualities of goodness which render it laudable, 
l. 2. c. 6.  i'll minor male in risguardo alla prudente elezione hà onestà, è load volezza di bene.   

Reason IU.  
A government is not to be blamed, if through hope of Booty the Soldiers be stirred up to forage a Country, to conquer it, and kill their Enemies, capi militari con speranza della preda e del sacco stimolano gli eserciti á l'espugnazione del paese nemico. 
l. 9 c. 9  Booty and pillage are the pincipal ends that Soldier's purpose to themselves, 
Ibid.  il principale nelguerra rispetto all Soldato, è il botino. Should a man do evil to exhort Soldiers by this hope? Now then do but suppose that Clergymen may have for the principal Motive of their functions carnal felicity, 
Ibid.  which is the recompense thereof, il principale nè ' Ministerii sacri sia il temporale & non lo spirituale. Can the Church be blamed to set before them the carnal Motive of this same felicity, and to offer fat benefices to those, which she invites to the toilsomness of the single life and to be Clergymen, to make the condition more desirable and more supportable?  
The Zealous will object here, that the Church should teach Clergymen that carnal pleasure is not right humane felicity, and that if they believe that riches be able to make their felicity the right even as to their flesh, which is baptised, their faith is false aswel as their pretended felicity, they renounced that pretended felicity when they received Baptism: for that which may be the cause of Eternal damnation can never be the right felicity, no not even according to the flesh, which is redeemed and sanctified to be saved.  
According to the Principle of the Religious Policy of this same our Cardinal; one answers, that these be discourses in the Air, let's leave off discourses, and come to matters that be practised, lasciamo i discorsi, 
Ibid.  poniamo il negozio in prattica. 'Tis a matter of fact according to the Cardinal's principles, that most part of men are more taken with that which is seen, than with that which is believed, 
Ibid.  molti ancora maggiorment s' affettionano à quel che si vide, che à quel che sicrede. All this multitude of folks here in the World would never have left off worshipping of Jupiter and Mars, and to betake themselves to the worship of Jesus Christ; if this same Church had not told them that she had more carnal felicity to reward them with all than they could ever expect from Mars or Jupiter. Why should any one be loath then, that the Church should begin the preaching of her Gospel, upon that point; that from thence she may begin their vocation to the Faith? If she went about at first to disabuse them, and tell them that the felicity of the senses is no true felicity, and that all the delight thereof is but error, and false felicity; who in these times wherein we live would believe such a Gospel? Here are your demonstrations as they be called in the affair of Politic Religion. But when one at very first doth preach thus to the People, viz. That the Court of Rome is a Theatre, and a Treasury set open with the deservingness of all men, without distinction of any Nation, a Treasury and a Theatre common to all the learned and to all the persons of merit of Christendom, 
l. 24. c. 20.  un erario ed un teatro commune all valour, alla dottrina, all merito di tutti li Christiani. That in this Court is every subject may become a Prince, 
l. 3. c. 10. Ibid.  and every Prince King of the Universe, ogni plebeo può divenir Senatore, ogni suddito Principe ... ogn'uno può selire alle dignità più sublime ed havere ò lafoy soveranita ò la participazione del governo e del patrimonio Ecclesiastico. Who is it now that would not become a Christian, if he have but never so little belief in the words of these Apostles, and love for their carnal felicity.   

Reason V.  
The Sacraments instituted by Jesus Christ, are sources of his Grace which is Spiritual, and yet their matter is corporal, 
l. 23. c. 12.  i medesimi Sacramenti i quali son fonti della grazia divina furono istituiti da Christo in materia sensibile. So also riches and carnal pleasures, though they be temporal things, may well be the sources of the highest Virtues in those who act through the Motive and hope of getting temporal goods, and of enjoying them. 'Tis clear then that neither those who for recompense of the toilsomness of their Clergyship propose to themselves carnal felicity, nor the Church which promises these felicity are to be blamed, 
Ibid.  val ciò di premio alle fatiche sosteneut lungo tempo dall'antico beneficiato. Riches are as one may say the Sacraments of carnal felicity, and the ecclesiastics are Ministers thereof.  
The Zealous will look upon this compassion of sensible Sacraments, with sensible felicity, as a piece of blasphemy.  
But according to the Principles of our Cardinal, the Sacraments make Virtues to sprout forth and feed them being sprung, in this all agree with him; but what is there besides the Sacraments that's fitting to make virtue sprout, but the expectation of carnal recompenses? Se i premii fossero pronti, 
l. 8. c. 7.  sarebbe agevale il far germogliare le insigni virtù.  
The Zealous will reply, that it was very easy for God to give the recompense which he promised, and yet the promises of God and his recompenses had not the effect to make those remarkable and grand Virtues spoken of here before to sprout forth in that People: but on the contrary all their old Worship was nothing for the most part but abominable hypocrisy before God.  
The answer is not difficult, following our Cardinal's Principles: It had been yet much worse, if God had not had recompenses to promise unto them, for they would not so much as have rendered him any Worship or service though but hypocritical, and no-wise pleasing to him; they would have forsaken him quite as they did so often, and as Christians would do at this day to serve Jupiter and Mars, if Jesus Christ did not promise them a temporal and carnal felicity, greater than Jupiter or Mars do promise.   

Reason VI.  
In a good action, may be considered the interior Piety, which God recompenseth with Eternal felicity, and the exterior pains which suitably God is to recompense with temporal reward: for humane incommodities ought to be rewarded, with humane pay, convien che nel culto divino l'umane incommodità siano ricompensate con altri umani vantaggi. 
l. 1. c. 25.   
Is it not a rugged task to be obliged to pray to God every day an hour and an half, 
l. 8. c. 17.  or thereabouts? Interno ad una ora e mezza d'orazione cotidiana. The urgent instances which the Germane Priests made at the Council of Trent for leave to Marry, do not they leave witness, how troublesome it is to lead the Clergy's single life, and that their continence is very painful? 
Ibid.  Le istanze perpetue della Germania pe'l matrimonio d'ye sacerdoti testificano se resti una gravissima pensione à beneficiare. Can all these incommodities be enough recompensed with all the Benefices of the Church?  
Virtue, quoth the Zealous, is recompense great enough of itself, and divine rewards do far out go all that be humane; and as for temporal conveniencies they are due in Justice to those which labour, not as recompenses to make up humane felicity for them, otherwise then so far forth, as they may be necessary means to make them to live in the service of God, 
l. 8. c. 16.  non in pagamento mà in sostentamento: 'Tis only hopes of Heaven that makes humane felicity even here upon Earth, spe gaudentes; all other humane felicity is false.  
But these Zealous Persons may please to consider, that God hath undertaken to root up out of man's heart his Natural inclinations, 
l. 1. c. 25.  non voule Iddio sveller dagli animile innate inclinazioni. Now corrupt Nature believes that there is a civil Politic humane felicity, such as Aristotle and the Philosophers were acquainted with, which consists, not in the hopes of Eternal welfare which is supernatural, but in the enjoyment of Riches, Honours and carnal pleasures; corrupt Nature following this belief, hath an inclination for this felicity. God came not to root out inclinations so Natural.  
To believe that the hope of Eternal welfare is the only felicity of this temporal life, and to follow that faith, is an heroik Virtue. 'Tis not God's design to make a general infusion of this Faith, 
Ibid.  and of this heroic Virtue in all Christians, non vuole Iddio infunder universalmente una virtù eroica. So that according to our Cardinal, the Gifts and divine Virtues of the Holy Spirit are not heroical Virtues; because they be common to all Christians, who be in the state of grace and aught to be saved, but Christians may be saved without this same Faith and heroical Virtue whereof he speaks. We are no longer in the times of Heroes, nor of their combats against Tyrants; we are in a time of Peace and humane Virtue, which is nourished by and finds its felicity in humane rewards. In the time of persecution, and of Heroes, there were more Saints than in this present time of humane Virtue, but on the other side there were fewer than that were saved. On the contrary in these times there are more saved and fewer Saints, because the Hero's times were times of Victories and of combats to get to Heaven, 
l. 1. c. 25.  but ours is a time of facility and easy Devotion: Se questa con vittoria della difficoltù è più feconda di santi, quella con l'acuto della facilità è più abondante disalvi.  
Here now as 'tis called, is demonstration in Politic Religion! After which no man may doubt that the Church hath not right to call men to the Faith, through the hopes of Riches Honours, Pleasures, and all carnal and humane delights, which are enjoyed in her Communion in this happy time of humane felicity.   

Reason VII.  
The People could not live without carnal felicity, according as every one's gust requires to please his sense, wherefore they will have Theatres and Stage-Plays, vuole popolo i teatri; they are set upon it obstinately to love this felicity; it is necessary then to govern them according to this obstinate inclination of corrupt Nature. Why should not the Church then bestow and allow them Stage-Plays and Sights and Theatres.  
But to furnish People with these pleasures and to flatter their senses with these satisfactions, the Prelates themselves must have Riches and Pleasures, and in such great abundance that they may be able to give them out abroad in large measures, for no body can give forth what he hath not.  
The Zealous will say, that this is to uphold People's errors, who find in the pleasing of their senses a delight which they call felicity: That the delight of the senses in this, cannot without error be called felicity nor be loved as such without sin, and that 'tis never permitted to contribute to any sin how little soever it be under pretence to avoid a greater thereby, che sia sempre illecito il fare mali. And therefore that the Church cannot make use of those Pomp's and Ceremonies which she reckons necessary to refresh the senses, and procure attention, which the Soul ought to have for divine things: the right felicity of senses regenerate, being to serve God according to, and in the perfection of Christian regenerated Souls; all other carnal felicity, being false, and all love of false felicity, sin, and an error in the heart, which the Church ought not to cherish under colour of avoiding greater thereby.  
To this it is answered according to our Cardinal. That the common Proverb among them which have Law business, 
l. 6. c. 3.  is, that an Ounce of Fact is more worth to win your cause than many Pounds of Argument, essendo commun' proverbio che à vincer i liti più vale un' oncia di fatto che molte libre di raggione, and the fact is constant and apparent, that the Church gives the People Theatres and Spectacles of Devotion, 
l. 1. c. 25.  to give them pleasure and a felicity humane, sensual, Devout, confederando il piacer con la divozione. She does it, to cure the fondness which they have after other sensual and indevout delights, wherein they might set up a false felicity to themselves: Now this fact being notorious, to what purpose all this reasoning against fact?  
It will be replied again that the Church doth not pretend to cherish People's errors, who would feign find their humane felicity in sensible delights; that if in Church shows or sights, the Ministers go into an excess and beyond that which is necessary to keep the People attentive upon God, the Church is neither guilty nor answerable for those excesses, she condemns them in her Canons, 
l. 18. c. 6.  s'interdisse ne' suoni e ne' canti qualunque mistura di lascivo e d'impuro, and that she does not permit that kind of delight, but in such degree, 
Ibid.  where it may serve to keep the mind attentive to its Devotions, ove e il tenore del canto e il significato delle parole sia divoto e quella aiutie e non impedisca l'indtendiment di quest; and in that degree which may be fitting to instil into hearts, after a sweet manner, 
Ibid.  sentiments of Piety, ed acconcio instrumento ad infunder per dolce modo negli animi i sensi della pietà. But the Church in this did never pretend to serve the People's error, which of this delight create to themselves a carnal felicity.  
All these zealous distinctions be speculative, and discourses are to no purpose where there is visible and manifest experience, sono indarno i discorsi dove l'esperienza è palese. 
l. 8. c. 10.   
So that by these Reasons taken from the Practice of the World, such as it is at this day, and from right Policy, it appears, that the Church may invite unbelievers to the Faith, and believers to the Clergyship for the sake and consideration of an humane felicity, all of Riches, Honours and delights according to the Flesh, secondo la carne; from whence it follows that Riches are absolutely necessary for the Church, and poverty would be its ruin and destruction.  
'Tis fitting too Observe here as a conclusion clearly drawn from the Seven Reasons foregoing, what advantage 'tis to the Church that her Clergymen should possess all the Riches possible; 
l 9 c. 9  'tis much preferable even before the relief of the Poor. Che la prima e principal part dell'Ecclesiastiche entrate doverebbe applicarsi a' poveri e non a' Ministranti. These be the Church's Enemies which broach this, for the Cardinal maintains, that if the chiefest and best Portion of Ecclesiastical Revenues were applied to relieve the Poor, it would be a Custom directly opposite to the felicity of the Commonwealth, 
Ibid.  to the institution of God and of Nature, ed io affermo che ciò sarebbe un costume dirimpetto contrario al felice Stato della republica, ed à l'istituti di dio e della natura. So that 'tis upon this Principle that the other Reasons remaining behind shall be grounded.   

Reasons VIII & IX.  
Poverty is shameful, turpis egestas. Now what's shameful is contrary to the Veneration, which the People ought to have for Prelates, and which make the Basis of their Empire, quella venerazione ch'è la base de loro imperio. Ecclesiastical Revenues than ought to be employed above all to enrich the Prelates and not others. A man naturally abhors Poverty, and the painstaking which accompanies it as necessary to get a livelihood: 'Tis this same dread that makes men labour, to the end they may shun poverty: if then for all this same dreadfulness of poverty, yet so many People of the poorer sort do still lie lazy, what would they do when they saw, that there was a settled bank for them in the Riches of the Church? 
Ibid.  Che sarebbe quando vedessero una provisione abondate e sicura per tutti poveri. So that 'tis better that this bank be applied for to enrich the Prelates, than to secure the Poor's misery: the Poor must be made to work to heap up in others that Nataural dread which they have of Poverty and painstaking, which accompanies it, in tall maniera simantien l'orrore verso la povertà come compagna dello stento. 
Ibid.  If a man reads Chapter the Ninth of the Ninth Book, and Chapter the Ninth of the Sixteenth Book of the History of our Cardinal's Council, he shall see by what the Cardinal speaks thereof poverty, as also by what he hath already said, that he talks after another manner than Mahomet. The Cardinal approves the dread and shunning of poverty, which he attributes to Nature, whose inclination's God will not, quoth he, destroy; and the false prophet Mahomet, in his Alehoran in the Chapter of the Cow, says the Devil will frighten you with poverty, condemning the fear of poverty, as a temptation of the Devil. Thus the Policy of Mahomet, is tyrannical and contrary to Nature, but our Cardinals, is Religious and all full of new lights.   

Reason X.  
Poverty comes ordinarily from some one of these Five causes, Lust, Gluttony, Crime, Idleness or Misfortune; but the Four first are the most ordinary, so that of Ten Poor, a man scarce finds one that did not become so through his own fault, or his Ancestors, sì che di ognidieci poveri à fatica sitrovera uno la cui povertà non sia proceduta ò da colpa di lui ò degli antenati. 
l. 9 c. 9  So that pain being inseparable from sin, makes this sin be as much feared, as a man fears the inseparable pain thereof, which in this Case is the sin itself, even poverty, though it be only out of Natural dread that a man hath of pains, which must not therefore be separated from the sin, nor must a bank be made for to relieve the Poor, because they being Poor are therefore guilty sinners; this would give boldness to men to sin, by taking away dread of those miseries which accompany poverty, which follows sin: It's better than to convert this bank unto the profit of the Prelates, and to enrich them and make a voluptuous carnal and devout life for them.   

Politic considerations upon that which is called fortune or misfortune.  
This Maxim, That all which we see come to pass among men is the effect of a just providence, would cause if it were true, a very great disorder in the Religious Politic Government. Upon this Principle, 'twould be taken for granted, that when a man is not Rich, 'tis a certain sign that he hath no virtue: because a just providence could not leave a virtuous man without temporal reward, nor without perferring him in the distribution of Riches, Honours, and Pleasures, before those who have not so much Virtue; and so it would come to pass, that the perfection or lack of Virtue, being thus openly marked by temporal felicity or misery; every one would be ready to reason thus, This man is Rich, so than he is virtuous, this man is Poor, so then either he is not virtuous, or else his Ancestors were not virtuous, which would cover the face of the Poor with confusion; and in effect ordinarily poverty is shamefaced, because it doth suppose some sin, turpis egestas.  
Yet it is not just to wrong all that be poor, by believing they have deserved their poverty, by their own or Parent's sin: there be poor which have been all their life most virtuous, and so would be very Rich, if by a just providence they were recompensed according to their merit. Indeed the number of this sort of Poor is not great, and of Ten Poor, it may be there is not one which is not Poor, for the punishment of his sin; but yet at last some such virtuous Poor there are, how small soever their number be: 'tis then necessary to cast forth this Maxim, out of the Religious Policy; for if Poverty goes for Vice, or the mark of Vice without exception, to hear their generally speaking, all the poor are disgraced except the Monks, who make a Vow of Poverty, whereof we say nothing here; so that if a man should seek after Ecclesiastical Benefices, and should be put by, he will be disgraced, which would extremely trouble the Commonwelth's repose; because no body would be able to suffer a putting by, or a putting after another, with so manifest a shame, perciò che nessun potrebbe tolerare d'esser posposto con si manifesta vergogna. 
l. 1. c. 25.   
The opposite Maxim than is more convenient, which admits a fortune which presides in its turn over the distribution of temporal goods, and which regards this same Fortune as the enemy of Virtue. This Maxim being established, all the unfortunate may be able to cover the shame of their poverty, by accusing Fortune, the enemy of Virtue, which set herself to persecute them, and this kind of accusation will be a Puissant lenitive to their grief, 
Ibid.  è un ottimo lenitivo il poter accuser la fortuna come nemica della virtù. This consideration is from an Author profound in feat of Policy, he proves that this recourse to an unjust Fortune, is necessary to keep up the Public quiet, 
Ibid. l. 2 c. 10. l. 3. c. 16. & l. 12. c. 3.  è alta osservazione di qualche serittore che si fatti abbagli siano necessarii per conservar la quiet nella Republica. After this manner also did the Nuncio Alexander, reason in the Diet at Worms, whom our Cardinal also approves, and who upon this Principle did observe amongst the causes of Poverty, misfortune as the fifth, il disastro, 
l. 9 c. 9  that is to say the Disgrace of Fortune, enemy of Virtue.  
Now the Providence of God cannot be enemy of Virtue; so that what one calls Fortune in right carnal and Religious Policy, is not according to the Principles of our Cardinal, the same thing as divine Providence. Also he does not fear to say that it would be better if the Pope were in actual possession of all the Riches of the Universe, that he might make distribution of them to every one according as he deserved then to see them distributed as they be, by way of inheritance without any discretion, and to go from Father to Son, at haphazard, 
l. 24. c. 10.  esser dono del caso nell'eredità dcl sangue. The Estates which go from Fathers to Children, by way of inheritance, go to them according to his reckoning by hazard, and not by divine Providence: otherwise he might say it would be better, that they went by the Order of the Pope's Providence, then by that of the Divine: Thus in general it is true to say according to him, that Fortune hath a great share in distributing Estates, nel conseguire i gran' beni suol haver parte la fortuna; and that ordinarily the events of Fortune do concur to make Virtue honoured, and Vice hated, gli auvenimenti della fortuna concorron tutti con fare che per lo più la bontà sia onorata ed amata, e'l vizio vituperato e odito. 
l. 3. c. 8.  Which comes to pass, because the goodness of divine Providence corrects when it pleases, malignity of Fortune, Virtue's enemy, or else the industry of man surmounts Fortune's malignity; for 'tis upon this account we say, That many times a man is the Artifice of his own Fortune, 
l. 9 c. 19  onde per lo più è vero il detto che eiascuno è fabro della propria fortuna. But when it is not so, this malignity of Fortune, doth not fail to show itself, and to make it appear that sometimes, and in her turn she presides alone over these events: Thus it was to Fortune that our Cardinal attributeth, for example, the event of the Regency of Queen Catharine de Medicis in France, 
l. 14. c. 3.  dalla fortuna fù riserbata ad havar la corona di Francia e l'assoluto imperio di quella Monarchia.  
So the Kingdom of England, being reconciled to the Church under Queen Mary, who preceded Queen Elizabeth, he concludes thereupon, That there are vicissitudes of Fortune vanquished by Virtue, which fill mortals with admiration though without reason. Inconstancy being so Natural in the World, that the greatest of all marvels would be, if inconstancy did not rule therein vicende di fortuna ch' empiono di maraviglia i mortali. On the contrary, the advancement of Elizabeth, and the Heresies reestablishment, he attributes to Fortune Victorious, rather than to the Spirit of that Queen, 
l. 14. c. 8.  in ciò più adoperasse la fortuna che l'accortezza. But then there are some things, which according to our Cardinal, God never leaves to Fortune, 
l. 14. c. 10.  as for example the Election of a Pope, divina providenza lafoy qual non vuole che un Papa si elegga à caso; which makes it appear according to the Cardinal that there be then some events, which God leaves to hazard and fortune, such, for example, as the dying of a child, without baptism, when by chance, there's no water to be found, 
l. 9 c. 8.  è caso fortuito che non si trovi acqua, or when the Child dies in its Mother's Belly, 
Ibid.  è coso fortuito che'l fanciulli moia nel ventre: For than nothing hinders to admit a state wherein 'tis possible the Child may be saved provided it come by accident, 
Ibid.  ove non sia naturale ma accidentale. For God was able to leave these sort of accidents to Fortune, without providing for them in his Providence, toltine gli auvenimenti fortuiti. 
Ibid.  'Tis even the same in distribution of temporal Goods, Honours, Riches, Pleasures, when 'tis made with injustice, that is, when the virtuous have the least share thereof: for than it appears that this event can have no other cause, but that enmity which Fortune exerciseth against Virtue, when by hazard that enmity becomes Victorious. The establishing of this Politic, and Religious Maxim hath been very important according to our Cardinal, as we have seen here before, for Public repose and quiet, whereas on the contrary, the Zealous who refer all to divine Providence, attribute events to it altogether unjust: they overwhelm the Poor with shame and confusion, so that they can find neither lenitive for their quiet, nor a vail for their shame, which fills all with confusion, and makes it appear how dangerous it is under the pretence of Piety, to be ignorant, or to forsake the Rules of the right carnal and Religious Policy, which hath the repose, and Worldly felicity of People for its object, prudenza politica laqual habbia per oggetto la quiete è la felicità mondana d'ye popoli. 
l. 14. c. 8.    

Reason XI.  
Quoth the Cardinal, I willingly allow that those heaps of excessive Wealth, in one sole Person is an offence against distributive justice, 
l. 8. c. 17.  aggiungo che i medesimi eccessi dell'entrate Ecclesiastiche, i quali cadono quivi in una persona stessa con offessa della giustitia distributiva. 'Tis a sin, 'tis true, but a sin, which is turned into good for an infinite company of men; convertonsi in beneficio d'innumerabili. Because remorse of Conscience and desire of reputation put together, spur on Rich Prelates to undertake Magnificent works of Piety, which bring great honour to God, great relief to the Poor, setting them on work for the Ornament of the City, and Royal Ecclesiastical Court, in so much that such very buildings are enough to make Converts of Infidel and Mahometan Princes; nel sollevamento delle povertà, 
Ibid. l. 23. c. 11.  nel fomento della virtù, nel esecuzione di pie opere grandi. All this would never be, if Prelates were not rich, and if the chief and best Portion of the Church's goods were distributed among the Poor; and there would be a great evil in the Church, whereof this pretended Charity for the Poor, would be the ground. Now that which is the ground of so great an evil, is worse than a sin, according to our Cardinal, so that this pretended Charity for the Poor, which would hinder the carnal felicity of Churchmen, would be worse according to him than sin.   

Reason XII.  
The Prelates will not reduce themselves to as strict a life as Monks; 
l. 9 c. 9  non vogliono ridursi à quel rigore di vita. But yet through their Riches they be the props of those Holy Academies of Ecclesiastical perfection; 
Ibid.  sono il sostegno di quest santo palestre di perfezione Ecclesiastica.  
So that this can be no less than the Churches great Zeal, and great Wisdom; gran zelo e gran saviezza nella chiesa, that hath settled so many Millions of Rent throughout all the extent of Christendom, to employ only for rewarding of those which labour in the perfection of others, which the Prelates themselves will not attend to, 
l. 9 c. 9  il costituir tanti milioni di rendite ù mercede solo di questi Ministri.   

Reason XIII.  
Put case, quoth our Cardinal, that all Benefices were infructuous, bringing in no Revenue to the incumbents, siano ministerii infruttiferi; what would come out? One should see presently fall to ground the Ecclesiastical Order, upon which depends the exercise, the knowledge, and the Port or stateliness of Religion; tosto vedremo cader quell'ordine dal quale dipende l'esercitio, la notitia, e'l mantenimento della Religione. For no body would undergo the Clergies single life and other fatigues of their Order, for pure love's sake towards God.   

Reason XIV.  
The Cardinals being deprived of these vast Riches could not live, 
l 23. c. 11. l. 12. c. 13.  non potrebbono vivere i Cardinali, il Senato Romano rimanerebbe privo del vitto: The Roman Senate would be deprived of livelihood.   

Reason XV.  
Without these excessive Riches, the so glittering splendour of the Roman Court would be extinct; therefore the instructions of the French Ambassador at the Council of Trent, containing Articles which tended to impoverish the Court of Rome, one sees clearly that France by that its proposed Reformation, went about to take away from the Court of Rome, its splendour and sovereign Authority, 
l. 16. c. 10.  i quali tutti si riducevano à torre all Pontefice lafoy collazione d'ye benefici, la riserbazione delle pensioni, la riscossione degli emolumenti, ed in somma à levar lo splendore e l'imperio della Corte Romana.   

Reason XVI.  
If the Riches of the Romish Prelates were not excessive, the Principality of the Apostolic See would fall to nought, 
l. 8. c. 17.  mancherebbe il principato Ecclesiastico che mantiene in unità, in regola, ed in decoro tutta la Chiesa. And the Reason is, that the Roman Court is the most excellent School, wherein all men's Wits, who may be fit to rule in the Church ought to be refined, that they may be capable thereof, otherwise they would remain ignorants in Policy, 
Ibid.  senza affininarsi in dottrina ed in senno nell'excellente scuola della frequenza, like to your petty Bishops or Prelates, which are confined to scurvy little Places, and are obliged to stick to the exercises of their Proper Functions of the Altar, and the Choir, 
l. 17. c. 10.  confinarsi in piccioli luoghi all'esercizio privato dell'altare e del coro. For unless the Courtiers of Rome, had hopes of great rewards, 
Ibid.  Rome would have no Courtiers for God's sake, non rimanesse in pied una Reggia universale della Chiesa, i cui stanziali ed ufficiali potessero sperar gran' premii.  
Now, if the Roman Court were no more in the bravery, and splendour, wherein now it is, and big through the concourse of so many Barons, and Princes, which through their Birth or Dignity, are the Columns of the Church, and which are not come thus together to Court, but only out of hopes of great and mighty Riches, whereunto they aspire, what would become of the Church? The Court of such a Monarch is a most excellent Workhouse, where every thing that is an Artifice in the World, and the most cleaver shifts are woven and wrought dexterously, and by consequence one learns there more perfectly to know them and toward them off with address, 
l. 1. c. 23.  Corte d'un Monarcha, ciò e una di quelle officine dove i più fini artificii sí come perfettement si lavorano, così sottilment si riconoscono. There it is that one may say humane understanding is perfected, and becomes refined to the supreme Degree in all the subtleties of Religious Policy, 
Intr. c. 3.  raffinatissimo in tutte le sottilezze dell'umana politica. If then the Church were deprived of her Universal Court, where the sleights of all other Courts might be as it were refined, what would become of her Unity, her splendour and all the Rules of her Discipline, wherein she is upheld by the Roman Court? What would become of this Roman Court, without vast Riches? Which as 'twere by way of circulation, flow to her from all the parts of the Church's Body to be sent forth again from thence, and to carry life up and down? 'Tis evident then, that Riches are the blood of the Church, and that her Soul and life are in this blood. Worldly goods and pleasures are the best juice, which the Roman Court as a mystic Vine, sucks from all parts of the Universe, and by means whereof she keeps life, Unity, 
l. 6. c. 7.  and vigour in all branches of the Church, that are planted and flourish all Christendom over. il miglior sugo ond'ella quasi mystica vite mantien l'unità e'l vigore ne' palmiti delle Chiese Christiane. 'Tis by means of these Riches, that the Court of Rome, keeping itself up in reputation and authority, it gives Laws, 
l. 16. c. 8.  and even Being to all the Body of the Church, whereof it is the Head, corte Romana la quale è il capo che non solo da le leggi ma l'essere a questo corpo.   

Reason XVII.  
In every natural Body, animate, and living, there must be two distinct sort of humours, one courser, as the blood, phlegm, the two biles yellow and black: now in the Body of the Church, the Prelates be as these humours. The other humours are subtle and are called Spirits, which are most purified, and the most active parts of the blood; these be the Instruments which serve the Soul to give the Body all its motion. The Monks and Religious Orders in the Church are as the Spirits: They live purified from all love, and esteem of things of the Earth, 
l. 8. c. 17.  dispreggiatrici d'ogni cosa terrena.  
These two sorts of humours in the Body are so necessary, the one to the other, that he that should go about to separate the Spirits from the grosser humours, and to keep nothing but pure Spirits, upon pretence that they be the purest, and contribute most to action, would quickly see those Spirits to fail and evaporate for lack of matter to vegetate them and feed them, gli spiriti soli nell'animale fanno le funzioni vitali, adunque direbbe taluno, 
l. 9 c. 9  e che servono tanti umori più grossi? Servono à molto; senza questi non formerebbono e non si conserverebbono gli spiriti, cosí accade nel proposto nostro.  
If you ask to what purpose then do Cardinals, Arch-Bishops, and Bishops and other Prelates, full of felicity according to the flesh, serve? You will be answered they are very useful, because without their carnal felicity, the Priests, which are bred up in the Seminaries, or in the Religious Orders, and which be in the state of perfection, would not be maintained, protected or directed as they be, and upheld by the Prelates, who govern the Church and who nevertheless cannot, or will not bring themselves to live like them, 
Ibid.  un tall numero di sacerdoti perfeti si va formando nelle scuole ò degli ordini religiosi ò d'ye Seminarii chiericali, e questi non durerebbono al mondò, se non fossero alimentati da' Prelati che governano la chiesa, i quali non possono, ò diciamo ancora, non vogliono ridursi à quel rigore di vita.  
Thus then, as there would be no Priests perfect in the World, if there were no Rich Prelates able to maintain them, it is evident that the perfection of the Church, who is the Body of Jesus Christ, and his Holy, and altogether pure Spouse, is totally founded upon the vast Riches of the Roman Court; and upon those sweet, gentle, and yet efficacious means, which she is able to invent to heap them up.  
After a Body hath well considered these two sort of Persons, which make up the Church, the Priests Spiritual, who are animated with zeal altogether pure, di purissimo zelo; 
l. 9 c. 9  and the Rich Prelates, who are carnal, and who would not serve God, if they were not very Rich; because they have no mind to strain up themselves unto the Priest's perfection. One ought to conclude that these two parts of the Church have need one of the other, In somma chi ben considera ogni parte di quella republica, l'una è bisognosa dell'altra. 
Ibid.  And as it would be an Atheistical impiety; seeing the Body, even but of a fly, to maintain, that all the parts which compose it came together after that fashion casually, or by chance; neither can it be any less but impiety, 
Ibid.  to have such like thoughts of the Body of the Church, s'è impietà d'ateista il tener che sia casuale il corpo naturale d'una mosca, non sarà il creder tale il corpo  della chiesa? So that 'tis clearly to be an Atheist, to be persuaded, that the carnal felicity of the Court of Rome, is not conformable to the intention of God, or that 'twere better for the Church, to convert the chief and best part of its vast riches, for relieving the poor and miserable, rather than before all things to found the felicity according to the flesh of the Roman Court.   

Reason XVIII.  
There is not seen in any part of the World, where ever it be, a Republic that keeps up the Nobility so flourishing, and in such great number as the Christian Republic, 
l. 1. c. 25.  nessun' altra republica come la Christiana conserva in tanto numero ed in tanto fiore la nobilità.  
Nobility is the Nurse of civility, Honourableness, Virtue, and Wit, che vuol dire la nutrice della creanza, dell'onorevolezza, della virtù, dell'ingegno. How does the Church do to keep up her Noblemen thus fashion? Why here's the Secret, 'Tis by means of her Riches; because that having great Dignities and great Revenues to set before all Noblemen, who to have them will but keep themselves unmarried, she wins them after this manner, and they thereupon resolve to profess continence to possess what the Church proposes to them, ciò auviene perch allettando nella Republica Christiana con le dignità e con l'entrate i nobili à professar Celibato. 
Ibid.  Hence it comes to pass that the younger Nobility, have no need to share Estates with their elder Brothers. Inheritances by this means are kept from being dismembered without which the Rend charges upon the elder Brothers, 
Ibid.  would be intolerable, succeed che gli patrimonii delle famigli si mantengono uniti, là dove per altro gli usi della primogeniture rinscirebbono intolerablii. Now would all these great goods come to pass, if Church-means were bestowed on the poor? Is it not plain that this policy is worthy of a God incarnate, and of the blood which he shed to merit this carnal felicity for his Church, il governo disegnato da Christo, 
l. 1. c. 25. l. 1. c. 9  il thesore della Chiesa essersi acquistato da Christo. If the Church were poor, should one see the flower of the Nobility, of literature and of Virtue, consecrate themselves to the service of the Altar, if the Pope had not such ample rewards to bestow. Would the Church be honoured with that sovereign splendour, which Noblemen bring her by serving her, 
l. 1. c. 25.  di sì ampii guiderdoni che dispensa il Pontefice risulta alla Religione quel sommo splendore, mentre il fiore della nobilità della dottrina, della virtù, si consecra agli altari di Christo. All these Noblemen do not love God enough to make themselves Churchmen gratis, they bargain with God, and give themselves to him to have the glory, and carnal felitity of the Church, which could never come to pass if the Church were poor, 
l. 1. c. 25.  il che per l'umana debolezza non così auverrebbe nella poverta della chiesa, because that this kind of trading in Religion seeks perpetually its advantage, questo mercato della-religione sempre opera à suo vantaggio.   

Reason XIX.  
It was this kind of Government that Jesus Christ instructed to make his People recommendable upon Earth, and to make his Church lovely to all Nations, by these manifest Prerogatives of carnal felicity, and of force, which do render her happy, civil, politic, virtuous, and formidable above any other Republic that is upon Earth. 
l. 1. c. 25.  Questo governo dissegnato da Christo per signalare in terra con manifesta perogativa il suo popolo, deal qual governo lafoy base, i'll legame, e él'intelligenza metrice è l'autorità del Pontefice.  
Now all the Authority of the sovereign Pontife, is founded upon the Veneration of People, 
l. 12. c. 3.  il loro potere quanto ad effetto è tutto appoggiato alla venerazione d'ye popoli.  
The Veneration of the People is upheld by Reason of the splendour of the Court of Rome. The splendour of the Court of Rome is maintained by the Riches, Honours, and carnal delights of its Cardinals and Prelates, so that all the Christian Religion does not subsist but upon this carnal felicity: It was to merit this, that the Word became flesh, and shed his blood, and to say the contrary is a piece of Atheism, 
l. 1. c. 9  il tesoro della Chiesa essersi aquistato da Christo.   

Reason XX.  
'Tis a pernicious Maxim for the Church to hold that the chief and better part of her Riches would be better employed on the necessities of the Poor, then to make the carnal felicity of Prelates, but 'tis the property of seditious tempers to scatter, that they may please the People, 
l. 9 c. 9  discourses marked with popular Zeal, è proprio d'ye seditiosi sparger i concetti mascherati di zelo popolare accetto à poveri; and that under pretence that our Lord did speak in favour of the Poor, and that even amongst the marks, which he gave to make it known, that he was the Messiah, he bid them take notice, that he preached the Gospel to the Poor: For in fine, it hath been made out, that the poverty of the Church, and the destruction of the Church, are the same thing. And after nineteen Politic Reasons, which have made it appear, here's one more at least, to which there's no reply.  
The Court of Rome, is the Soul which reunites all the Catholic Kingdoms, under one and the same Unity. Without Unity there's no Church. Then without the Court of Rome, both the Unity of the Church, and the Church itself are destroyed. Now without Courtiers, there's no Court, without wealth no Courtiers that will serve the Church for God's sake without wealth, then there's no Unity, nor no Church. Here's a Politic demonstration, that hath not all its like in all the Gospel! Here look ye is the foundation of this demonstration, that the Court of Rome, is the soul of the Church and of its Unity, 
l. 3. c. 10.  una corte laquale è quell'anima che tiene in unità tanti regni e costituiss e un corpo politico il più formidabile, il più virtuoso, il più litterato, il più felice che sia in terra.  
That which hinders even the People's rebelling against Kings, and Conspiring against their persons, is the veneration which the People have for the Court of Rome, which is the prop of the power Monarchical.  
That which hinders Wars, either civil or foreign, is the multitude of Churchmen, which be Gownsmen, and for Peace: and that which makes the multitude of Churchmen is the multitude of Benefices and good Revenues. Take away then from the Church, it's great Wealth, and all will be full of Wars and Conspiracies, as on the other hand, the power of Kings could not subsist with that insolence, wherewith it would let itself be transported, if it had not above it, the power of the Pope, and the Court of Rome, 
l. 12. c. 3.  which makes a temperament so equal between all extremes, that if Aristotle, and Plato, were living, they would be glad to yield themselves to the beautifulness of this project of a Republic, and to confess that their Policy understood nothing herein. Such a design could not be moulded, but only by the eternal Wisdom and a light, whereunto humane sagacity could never arr ve, 
Ibid.  per che l'intelletto degli antichi savii ad assai più base cose non giunse che non è l'econnomia della sapienza Incarnata nell'istituzione della sua chiesa. All which things being considered, the greatest Act of Christian Piety consists in defending this Politic government to the last drop of ones blood, aswel as all that which is neces-to the keeping it up, how opposite sooner it seems to be to the Canons, and particularly to those of the Council of Trent; because that Council having submitted all to the Politic prudence of the Pope, not to obey the Ordinance of the Council, to the end to obey the Pope, is truly to follow the Council, and more perfectly to hit the meaning of the Council.    

ARTICLE IU. The most noble act of the Pope's Policy, is to enrich himself and the Roman Court. To die for this Monarchy is the worthiest act of any Christian's zeal.  
RIches then being the ground, whereupon the sovereignty of the Pope subsists, and the splendour of the Roman Court, and the carnal felicity of the Church; it is visible that the most noble act of the noblest of mortal Virtues, which is Policy, is to enrich the Court of Rome, and to uphold with vigilance and stoutness, the sovereignty of the Roman Pontife, as it hath been represented, 
l. 5. c. 16.  i'll custodir con interpidezza e con vigilanza la souranità del Pontificato è per mio auviso la più commendabile operatione che possa far la politica virtù.  
'Tis true the worship of God is preferable before this Court; if one came in competition with the other. But after the worship of God, the most worthy act of a Pope's, zeal is the keeping up of his Monarchy, which cannot subsist but by wealth, nessun a cura, toltane la propagazion del culto divino, è più degna e zelante in un Papa che il mantenimento illoso die questa Monarchia, and to make it appear with what zeal, with what vigilance, and what stoutness one ought to uphold it, there is an example of it to be seen in the Person of Alexander, Nuncio of Pope Leo X at the Diet of Worms: Lo how he speaks, I am ready, quoth he, to burn alive to defend the adorable Diadem of my Prince, 
l. 1. c. 25.  which they would take off from his head, io mi confesso interessatissimo ed appassionatissimo nella causa dicui vi parlo, nella quale si tratta di mantene, l'adorato diadema in front all mio principe, e per laquale io anche secondo il privato affetto mi lascierei arder vivo se meco insieme dovesse arder il mostro della nascente eresia. Look ye here what the sentiments and the words of all Christians ought to be. There remains no more, but to make known the means that this Policy suggests to the Court of Rome, for to uphold its stateliness, its splendour and bravery, and its carnal felicity, for he that wills the end wills the means necessary to the end, and on the other side not to love the means is to hate the end, 
l. 8. c. 17.  perch chi odia un fine odia specialment que ' mezzi che sono più oportuni à tall fine. For example, one of the most efficacious means to keep up the splendour of the Clergies Royal Ecclesiastical Court, is the abundance of Benefices, and not to be obliged to reside upon them, 
Ibid.  in verità fra i mezzi per conservar lo splendore dell'ordine clericale e d'una Reggia Ecclesiastica, un d'ye più efficaci è la copia di que ' beneficii i quali non obligano à residenza. There's no need then to wonder, why all the World cries out against this plurality of Benefices, 'tis because they do not love the Roman Court, whose splendour is the end for which these Benefices be instituted. When one hates the end it is not possible one should love the means which do lead to it.  
On the contrary all right Christians that love the Court Royal Universal of the Church would burn a live in defence of the means, which she hath invented to uphold herself, how contrary soever they seem to Antiquity, or Canons of Council, or the private interest of petty Bishops; In fine to all which seems venerable; to certain Zealous ignorants in Policy, which is the Queen of moral virtues.    

CHAP. V Here are related the Twelve ordinary means, enriching the Court of Rome, and maintaining the splendour thereof, according to the flesh, which is the act of all Religious Policy, the most pious, and the most important. The Twelfth and most efficacious of those means, to teach every where the Gospel according to the Flesh, and this Religious Policy according to the Doctrine of Aristotle, to whom the Church is beholden for many Articles of Faith; is to establish Colleges of Jesuits, with power to set up the Inquisition, and to be high Commissioners in that Holy Office; to make out process against all them who shall differ from the sentiments of that Philosopher. And that these Jesuits shall have a general grant of all Privileges granted to the other Monastical Orders; although St. Bernard hath blamed those privileges; for on the other hand they be approved by Nicholas Machiavelli.  

ARTICLE I. The first means of enriching the Court of of Rome, are the Annates, which be a sort of yearly Tithes, or Pensions. A curious distinction about Simony.  

TWo things saith our Cardinal do make the sovereign Power of the Pope ardently desirable, The great Wealth whereof he is Master, and The great many means, which he hath to oblige men, 
l. 4. c. 9  due beni percui foli appar desiderabile, il principato dell'oro dell'obligo. The Policy of the Roman Court to uphold itself in this possession uses the following means to enrich itself. The first is the Annates or Yearly Pensions, that the Clergy pay to the Pope, but to judge well of the Justice by which they as well as the other means which follow are established, 'tis good we remember the Rule of Pope Paul IV, who to guide his Wisdom had only but this, viz. To use his Spiritual power in its full extent, 
l. 14. c. 9  s' auvisò che tutta l'ampiezza dello spiritual suo potere fosse anche la misura di saggiamentte esercitarlo. That is to say, That all that a Pope does is done wisely: whosoever hath but any insight into public affairs, quoth our Cardinal, knows that the government of this is famous, for having been the excellent Model of a rare Pontifical prudence, 
l. 3. c. 17.  chiunque ha tintura d'affari publici sà ch'il suo governo riman famoso per idea di pontificia prudenza. So that the means to get Rich or Great, which have no other Principle, other Reason, nor other measure, but the all-Puissantness of the Pope, be those which come the nearest to this excellent Idea of the Pontifical Government, 
l. 13. c. 10.  and curious fine and neat Policy, fina prudenza. The Annates or Yearly Pensions are one of these means found in this all-Puissantness, so do they suffice without other Proof to make it appear that the Pope is the sole Patriarch of the West, because all the Western Churches pay them and to him only, 
l. 14. c. 9  anzi ricevendo di fatto il Papa da' soli Occidentali bastarrebbe à giustificare eziandio il solo Patriarcato dell'Occidente. Besides the Pope hath right to receive Annates or yearly Pensions of all the Churches of Christendom as taken instead of Tenths or Tithes, due by the Bishops and lesser ecclesiastics to the sovereign Pontife, 
l. 4. c. 8.  si riscuotono da' beneficii di tutto la Christianità in luogo di decime dovute per sostentazione del somma sacerdote dagli altri minori Ecclesiastici. For the sovereign Pontife, for the good of Christendom, aught to keep up his Court full of Nobility. Il quale per bene del Christianesimo dée mantener le sua Corte di molti ufficiali Nobili, besides so many other expenses which he is obliged to make, as hath been showed.  
It might seem Simony to give money for the Bulls to a Benefice, but the Pope does not receive Annates or yearly Pensions, but only for a temporal thing which is linked to a Spiritual Grace. Now what hurt is it that the suitor who obtains a fat temporality, should give a small part thereof to him which grants it? On the contrary is there any thing more reasonable than this? 
l. 19 c. 9  Qual cosa più raggionevole e più consueta e più soave, che si contribuisca qualche rigaglias all conceditore dall'impetratore delluogo, all'oro que questo riceve la nuova grazia, perciò che in un tale acquisto non gli è grave quella piccoila spesa.  
Indeed if the Pope gave nothing but Spiritual as the Bishops do when they give Orders, one might find more appearance of Simony for such a grace, 
Ibid.  per le ordinazione le quali danno unagrazia meramente spirituale era convenevole qual si fossae temporal pagamento, e pero santament constituirono i Padri Tridentini, che i vescovi nulla prendessero. 'Tis manifest then according to humane equity that the Tax or Impost of Annates, or Yearly Pensions is just, 
Ibid.  stabilitasi l'equità secundo t'umano discorso. Now it is another Principle, that when the humane equity of a business is once famed to be settled, divine equity as hath been shown, willeth that the Pope should guide the Church according to Natural inclinations: So that there can be no divine Reason to forbid what humane equity permits, no more than that which is permitted by the Doctrine of Aristotle and forbidden by any other; but to comprehend yet more neatly, in what, that which is called Simony consists it must be known, that when the Pope takes Money for granting Spiritual Graces, which serve for example unto the People's Salvation, this is no Simony to give it unto him, 
l. 1. c. 2.  the Pope grants it, in primo del denaro donato à Dio. But if the Pope gave Money, or relinquished his temporal interests to win People to their Salvation, this would be Simony in him, thus to buy with Money the Poeples Salvation, and in the People to consent to their Salvation, which is spiritual, to get the Pope's Money, or any other temporal benefit, 
l. 2. c. 10.  far una specie di Simonia vendendo all Papa la ricuperazione dell'anime á prezzo d'entrate e di giuridizioni ritolte della chiesa. Temporal revenues and other rights annexed to the Authority not only of the Pope, but of other ecclesiastics, are the best Juice and the most pure to nourish up the Church, 
l. 2. c. 10. & l. 6. c. 7.  miglior sugo: This Authority to suck and drain this Juice from all parts of the Univers is of divine Institution. Jesus Christ hath instituted this power, when he came down upon Earth for the Salvation of the World, ufficio istituito da Dio quando scese in terra per la salute del mondo. 
l. 2. c. 10.  So that Jesus Christ hath given power to the Pope, to take Money, and Milk the People for the Salvation of the World, but not to the People to suck the Pope's Temporalities for their Salvation, nor to the Pope to give them his Temporalities for to save them. This would be the utmost Simony, the first is none. Mark ye here how important it is to know well the Rules of right Policy, and how far the Pope's power reaches, for he can do all except relinquishing the least part of his power for the sake of People's Salvation, because he is but the Guardian of his all-puissantness, 
l. 12. c. 15.  and not the master, non essendo egli abitro e padrone della sua maggioranza costituita da Christo, & pero non potendo farle alcun pregiudicio.   

The second and third means are Pensions, and Commendams, the Residence of the Commendaries suplied by the good turns of the New Monastical Orders.  
Their end who attact Pensions and Commendams is to suppress all benefices that are exempt from residence and by stronger Reason Pensions, 
l. 17. c. 10.  fine sarebbe ill torre affatto ogni Beneficio non allaciato à residenza, e molto più le pensioni. This would be to ruin in the Church the Universal Court Royal, whose Courtiers could no longer hope for great recompenses, and they would be obliged to confine themselves to scurvy little places, and be reduced to the poor functions of the Altar, and the Quire. In the mean time without Pensions, 
Ibid.  senza il sussidio delle Pensioni, the Cardinals could not live, i Cardinali non pottrebbono vivere. 
l. 23. c. 11.  Without Abbeys and Commendams, they would not have bread, 
l. 12. c. 13.  Senato di Roma privo di quelle badie rimanerebbe privo del vittio. So that it is evident that the Institution of Pensions cannot be but good, for if this Institution had not been, how many Noblemen which do not make themselves ecclesiastics for God's sake, would there have been retained in the service of the Church? 
l. 23. c. 3. & 11.  Harrebbe ritenuti molti nobili dalla vita Ecclesiastica. 'Tis true all these Noble men do not reside, and 'tis manifest that nonresidence is a great evil. But since this evil begun, let a man consider the swarm of those of the Monastical Orders which God hath sent to labour about the Salvation of Souls, and then see if there be any comparison between the good which they do, and what one of these nonresident Noblemen would do, 
l. 9 c. 9  if he should keep resident, fatto parangone all'opera di ciascun resident la quale per una tal mala esecutione sia si tolta all cultivamento dell'anime, Iddio hà restituito centenaia di Regolari che abondano in ogni loco. And without doubt we shall see that the Church profits by Pensions in every respect, both according to the flesh, and according to the Spirit.   

The fourth and fifth means. Plurality of Benefices, and the absolute disposal of those Benefices.  
The disposal of a many Benefices all Christendom over being a great means for the Pope to do good is one of the things whereupon the Apostolical principality moves, 
Intr. c. 6.  la disposizione di molti Beneficii in  parti del Christianesimo, e pur la facoltà di benefacere è un d'ye due Cardini sopra cui sostiensi la venerazione, ch'è la base del loro imperio.  
This power of conferring Benefices being formerly more extended over more Nations than it is, drew then to the Court of the King of Kings, a world of strangers which posted thither from all Quarters to be known, and to get Benefices, 
l. 23. c. 3.  quella frequenza che le portava il concorso di tanti stranieri Ecclesiastici i quali dovessero farsi quivi conocere per ottenere i Beneficii.  
The Zealous will say that a man is unworthy, that thus crowds in for himself, but these be Ideas which were good in the time of the Church's Infancy, 
Intr. c. 6.  nell'infanzia della Chiesa; They will say that these be worldly, and humane considerations for Popes to act by, il risguardo eziando dell'interesse umano: But is not the humane felicity of the Court of Rome of divine Institution, and will not God have his Church governed according to humane inclinations? This is all can be said for Plurality of Benefices, for to look only upon the divine institution, and setting aside humane interest, this is a business able to confound Ecclesiastic Order, to give to one alone the duties and functions, which cannot be discharged but by divers. Ecclesiasticus ordo pervertitur. Sess. 24. c. 17. Sess. 14. c. 9 Conc. Trid. Which made the Council condemn this plurality, herein the Fathers of the Council are not quite to blame, 
l. 23. c. 11.  ne per tutto ciò si vogliono biasimare i Padri Tridentini. But this kind of Reasoning though Natural and Divine aught to give place according to Religious Policy, to the interest of the humane felicity of the Court of Rome, which can't subsist without this Plurality, and the Church must be guided not according as God willeth, but according as corrupt Nature desireth as it hath been shown: Likewise the Fathers of the Council have declared that they do not mean to tie up the Pope's hands, and though they would have pretended to it, 'tis Policy, that there should be an head in the Church, that may dispense with Canons and even derogate from them, as hath been showed before, and that there be a Head whose all-puissantness may be the Rule of Wisdom, according to Paul the Fourth's Maxim whose Government was the Sampler of Pontifical prudence, and who upon that account was chosen Pope, by an unanimous Election, which could never have come to pass, 
l. 3. c. 17.  if a Pope so Elected, had not been of eminent Virtues, il che non può conseguirsi senza un eminente virtù.   

The sixth and seventh Means. The calling back of greater Causes, and the reservation of Cases.  
Four Reasons make Popes to reserve certain Cases to themselves, and to retain the greater Causes: The First is ignorance of Bishops, whether it be about regulation of the Conclave for the election of a Pope, in very deed it was not left to the Council of Trent to deliberate thereof, 
l. 22. c. 7.  perch ne' Vescovi non era veruna perizia di tall facenda; because the Bishops were ignorant of those kind of matters; or whether it be about Reformation of the Cardinals, the Legates in Council found that business was a Gulf where the Bishops would have been lost, having no skill in those affairs, parue à Legati che ciò sarebbe stato eutrare in un nuovo e vasto pelago del quale Pochissimi d'ye Padri haveano perizia. 
l. 23. c. 7.   
The Second Reason is, That whatever skill the Bishops may have, they are not refined for the practice of the Court of Rome, as hath been seen here before.  
The Third is, That being Secular Prince's Subjects they are liable to act out of fear, hope, or other humane Considerations, as was observed.  
The Fourth is, to make the Sovereign Power of the Pope over Bishops be acknowledged; from hence 'tis that the Pope's limit even the Bishop's Power, that in such certain Cases falling within their Dioceses, they shall not proceed, but they are referred to the Pope, 
l. 12. c. 11.  ed usano di limitar aneche à Vescovi la libertà di riserbare.  
As to greater Causes they do not leave them to the Cognizance of Bishops, being they are smaller Prelates, to whom they only leave smaller Causes, which would be too troublesome for Suitors to go to Rome about; but of all that be of importance the Popes reserve to themselves the Cognizance, because Justice cannot be better administered than by the Sovereign Power. la giustizia non può universalmente procedere, 
l. 23. c. 13.  e con vigore e con sincerità se non dove sia tall preeminenza di stato nel superiore sopra à suddito, che nel primo non possa cader nè timore nè competenza; even so much as for nominating Parish Priests to Parishes, the Bishops are bound to follow the Counsel of Examiner's appointed, 
l. 23. c. 13.  or agreed on by a Synod of their Clergy, as hath been shown before.   

The Eighth Means. Frequent Jubilees, and Indulgences.  
The Council of Trent desires that the usage of Indulgences may be reform by those ancient and rigorous rules made about that matter, 
l. 24. c. 12.  Che si tornasse all'antica severità. But 'tis not to be understood that one should quite return to that ancient severity; 
l. 24. c. 12.  non volle significare che vi si ritornasse in tutto; but that herein one should use prudence according to time and places, 
Ibid.  fin à quel segno che la condizione de tempi è de luoghi cansiliava, which depends on the Pope's prudence, that is to say, That the account upon which the Pope grants it be such, that the Pope in granting it commits no imprudence, and yet that the reason therefore in itself appear little considerable. As for Example, When the Pope grants a full Indulgence to him that shall visit St. Peter's Church, or stay to take the Pope's Blessing in a public place; the Cause in itself does not appear so great that it should merit Indulgence or a Pardon; but in the same thing we must distinguish, what that thing is in itself, and what it is as to its End, for to attend, for Example, the Pope's Blessing in a Public place is not an Act that appears in itself important, but yet 'tis very much so, when it is considered as to its end: which is thereby to make public profession of Belief of the Unity of the Church, and the Worship which is due to the Sovereign Pontifice, as Vicar of Jesus Christ, 
l. 2. c. 4.  far co'tali opere che fia una professione universale esibita da Christiani sopra l'unita della chiesa è sopra il culto che rendono all Romano Pontefice come Vicario di Christo. So that to make profession of this Worship is an act that's worth as much as all the ancient severity of Canonical Penances; and this is the sense that one should understand the Council of Trent in, when it desires that the ancient simplicity should be returned unto; wherefore the least actions being capable to be thus exalted through their End, though it were only to manifest the all-puissantness of the Pope, it would be rash, if from the small Importance which is found in those actions, one should conclude therefrom a nullity in the grant of Indulgences, saremo temerarii se della tenuita delle azioni conchiuderemo la nullità delle concessioni. 
l. 2. c. 4.   
Add to this the vast profit which comes in to the Pope from these Indulgences. As in Pope Leo the tenth's Time, who granted them (when Luther Preached against them) to help build St. Peter's Church, for he wanted for that a vast sum of money, richiedendosi all'opera denaro immenso. 
l. 1. c. 2.  Wherefore he had recourse to this efficacious remedy of Universal Indulgences, adding Liberty also to it to eat Cheese and Milk on Fasting-days, and to choose what Confessor one listed.  
This was in truth a great scandal to Christendom to see the Revenue of these Indulgences let out to him, that would give most, as temporal Princes do farm out Imposts; but it is certain also, as Princes would get little by their taxes, if they were to levy them themselves, by their own immediate Officers, so the Pope would get as 'twere nothing by Indulgences if he did not find people to farm them at a Rate and Price, 
l. 1. c. 3.  qual Principe non è costretto ad usar il medesimo in tutte le Gabelle che impone.  
It's further true, that those Indulgences which were levied upon the people to build St. Peter's Church, a material Temple, have been the cause of the ruin of a great part of the Churches Spiritual Temple, quel edificio materiale di San ' Pietro rovino in gran' part i'll suo edificio spirituale; because that for levying so many Millions, which the vast work of that admirable Church was to take up, the Pope was constrained to publish those Indulgences, whereof Luther's Heresy took beginning, which hath impoverished the Church a many more Millions of Souls that are separated from her Communion, 
l. 1. c. 1.  percioche affin d'adunare tanti milioni quanti ne assorbiva l'immenso lavoro di quella chiesa, convenne far ciò d'onde press origine l'eresia di Luthero, che à impoverita di molti più milioni d'anime la chiesa.  
But yet this hinders not, but the building of that material Temple, which is the first Temple of the World, and which draws the greatest veneration to the Pope, was a very sufficient cause for granting those Indulgences; because that which is most important in the Church after the Worship of God, is the Worship of the Pope, and it would be Simony in the Pope to relinquish his Rights under pretence of buying thereby the salvation of Souls.   

The ninth Means. Dispensations granted for money.  
It is necessary in every Principality well regulated to draw forth some Imposition from the Graces which the Prince accordeth, 
l. 16. c. 17.  essendo necessario inogni Principato le imposizioni sopra le grazie. 'Tis also one of the sources which nourishes the abundance and lustre of the Court of Rome, and keeps up at the same time the All-puissantness of the Pope who grants the Dispensations both with, and without Cause. This money, which comes thereof in great quantity to the Coffers of his Holiness, is an All-puissant like means to uphold his grandeur, 
l. 8. c. 17.  Omnipotenza del' oro. For as our Cardinal saith, Money is all things in virtue and in power; pecunia è ogni cosa vertualment; and he that hath Money hath all, and may do all with an efficacious Power. By granting Dispensations and Graces for money, the Pope doth thereby punish those who sue them out, and this is an industrious and new means to keep up, as one may say, Discipline and the Canons, by breaking them.  
If the Bishops take Money for Dispensations they be null, quoth the Council of Trent, but when 'tis the Pope that grants them for Money they be good, and which is most admirable that even they would be null if he did not take money; because they would be given without any cause, as hath been observed: for the money which the Pope takes for them is the great Consideration and a good cause why he grants them, so that there are few things forbidden which the interest of establishing the All puissantness of the Pope to enrich and keep up the splendour of his Court, do not make lawful. For this purpose he is not only permitted to take money for dispensations, but to derogate from the Laws of Councils, that he may fulfil them in a more perfect manner, since this is to exercise his all-puissantness, which after God is the principal end whereunto all Councils ought to have regard.   

The tenth Means.  
Experience teaches every Superior, that his faithfullest and most obedient Subjects be those which do immediately subject themselves to his grandeur and to his power without any semblance of going Cheek by Jowl with him, l Esperienza dimostra ad ogni superiore che i sudditi più sicuri e più ossequiosi, sono i sudditi immediati non grandi: Hereupon 'tis that the Pope's interest is grounded, when he exempts Chapters in Bishoprics to depend upon him and be be independent from their Bishops: therefore the instances that the Bishops made at the Council of Trent, To have their Chapters again under their yoke, was prejudicial to the Apostolic See, 
l. 8. c. 17.  prejudiciale alla sede Apostolica. Besides the Bishops being, as we said before, Ignorants in policy, seditious, interessed, timorous and subject to temporal powers, they are facile and ready to fall into heresy which the Chapters are not: To this the Council of Trent had respect, as to Germany, where a many Bishops fell into heresy, which no Chapter was found to do, ponendo in Considerazione quei di Germania, 
l. 23. c. 3.  dove avevano mancato molti vescovi mà niun Capitolo. And as for those of France, the Cardinal of Lorraine told it out that there were heretic Bishops who forbidden Catholic Preachers to preach, 
ibid.  riferi che alcuni vescovi eretici in Francia havean vietato il predicare á Catolici: Whereupon he went on and said that in case the objection of Prebendaries were to be made according to the Canons, that the Bishops should do nothing therein without the consent of their Prebendaries, 
ibid.  piacerli che i Veseovi nulla potesser fare senza i Capitoli quando i Canonici s'eleggessero come si doveva di raggione.  
In the four and thirty Articles of reformation, which the Ambassador of France brought to the Council, The seven and twentieth ran, that the Bishops be obliged according to the Canons to treat of all the affairs of their Dioceses according to the advice of their Prebendaries, and for that reason, the Prebendaries be obliged to reside continually at their Cathedral, 
l. 19 c. 11.  dovendo i i Vescovi secundo i Canonitrattare i negozii col parere deal Capitolo, si procurasse che i Canonici fossere assidui alle Catedrali.  
Because that being exempt from the jurisdiction of their Bishops and governing the Dioceses with them, their exemption was a bridle which the Pope put upon the Bishops, very fit to keep them from prevaricating, whether in regard of faith or of government, 
l. 23. c. 3.  anzi l'esenzione de Capitoli se riconosceva per un gran freno in bocca à Vescovi di non prevaricare ò nella fede ò nel governo.  
This makes the infinite difference to be seen between Episcopacy in the Pope, and that which is by participation in the Bishops. For, I. The Pope is not subject to Ignorances' nor heresies as the Bishops are. II. He is not bound to follow the Counsel of his Cardinals, because he is King of the Church and the Bishops are not Kings of their Chapters, no more then of their Dioceses. III. No body can be exempt from the Jurisdiction of the Pope, and there's no need, they should, as there's need Prebendaries should be exempt from the jurisdiction of their Bishops, that the Bishops may be thereby bridled; and though there were no other reason for exemption of Chapters, but to show the Pope's Royal Sovereignty, which is the foundation of the Church: for it appears that it is a most puissant means to establish the Pope's power and the gallantry and riches of the Roman Court.   

The eleventh Means. Privileging the Monastical Orders.  
One of the Principal advantages which comes to the Church by the exemption of the Regulars is maintaining the authority of the Apostolic See, according to the institution of Jesus Christ and the general good of the Church, 
l. 12. c. 13.  jo non nego che un de profitti che arreca l'Ezenzione de Regolari degli Ordinarii sia il mantener l'autorità della sede Apostolica secundo l'istituzione di Christo e'l ben della chiesa.  
Because we see that all Monarchical Government for the keeping up itself without suffering diminution, had need to have in every Province some powerful Body of Subjects independent from those, who be the ordinary and perpetual Superiors or Magistrates there, 
ibid.  veggendo noi che ogni governo Monarchico per conservarsi illeso hà bisogno d'haver in qualunque provincia qualche nervo prevalente de sudditi independenti da chi è quivi superiore immediato e perpetuo.  
Yet as men's opinions be divers, these privileges to the Monastical Orders, which make the force of the Church and the principal sinew of the Pope's Power, did not quite please St. Bernard, questa raggione però, come son'  le opinioni degli huomini non 
l. 8. c. 17.  sodisfece pienament à San' Bernardo; because he feared that the desire of exemption came from some hidden sentiment of Pride, 
l. 8. c. 17.  il quale dubito che il desideriò d'esenzione dal proprio Vescovo potesse nascere da occulto Spirito superbia. But on the other side Nicholas Machiavelli remains agreed of the profitableness of these Exemptions, and that 'twas in them that the Prophecy was fulfilled which said that the Monks should uphold the Church of St. John of Lateran ready to fall, that is to say the whole Church, non in altro modo i predettis ordini sarebbou valuti à sostenar la crollante basilica di Laterano, cioè la Chiesa Catolica, profezia auvera ta per confession dello stesso Nicolo Machiavelli.  
Here's then the advantage of the Politic conduct of every well-governed Monarchy, to have certain persons in places distant from the Sovereign, which have power without limits, as for example the Romans gave it to their Generals, 
ibid.  percio che ad impresse grandi e in regioni lontane dal supremo, richiedesi autorità illimitata ed independente quale usarone di dare i Romani à lor condottori.  
All the religious Orders are every man as it were so many Generals of the Pope's Army throughout the Earth, and as so many Roman Chieftains, who living above an humane life would not uphold such a Monarchy as the Pope's if it were tyrannical: which makes it appear that this same Monarchical all-puissantness of the Pope is of Jesus Christ's institution.  
But that wherein the religious Orders serves yet further to advance the splendour of the Court of Rome, is; that making profession of single Life they quit their paternal Estates to their brethren and Kinsfolk, una utilità delle grandi che riceve la Republica per la felicità civile dell'istituti Religiosi: 
l. 4. c. 6.  their kindred becoming rich, by that means they become the Pillars of the Temple and the Columns of the Church, 
l. 9 c. 9 l. 17. c. 9  che per altezza de sangue sono i Pilastri del tempio. Il chiericato mantien la richezza e'l decoro delle stirpi e per conseguente la nobilità è gli spiriti d'onore. One's piety makes t'other get a great Estate, hence comes forth Abbeys which are afterwards put in Commendams, and they become great Benefices, whose revenues stream forth even to Rome to be digested in the stomach of St. Peter.  
And thus it is that all the members of the Church serve to enrich the Court of Rome, and to uphold its bravery; thus it is that that Court is the Church's soul, and its moving intelligence.   

The twelfth Means. The establishment of Colleges of Jesuits, and of the Holy Inquisition.  
It hath been seen that Policy is the prime and most excellent virtue of all the moral virtues, because her Object is the happiness of the Commonwealth, not only according to the spirit but according to the flesh, secondo la carne. Now the corruption of the greatest Good produces the greatest Evil, il pessimo esser suol una corruzione de l'ot timo; 
l. 17. c. 2. & l. 1. 13.  It follows then that the greatest of all the Church's Evils, is Ignorance of Policy.  
It hath been seen that private Bishops do not skill this excellent virtue, because the excellent school where this Science is learned, is the Roman Court, where a man is refined in this virtue.  
That's the shop or workhouse where all the sleights of Policy are learned, and where cunning prudence may be gotten and subtlety of Wit, sottile ingegno fina prudenza. 
l, 13. c. 10.  The privy Counselors of temporal Prince's Courts are enough refined in temporal affairs, but commonly they do not know what Religion is, nor what is the only Base which upholds it it, and renders it immovable, 
l. 16. c. 10.  huomini di stato i quali spesso non ben intendono che cosa sia la Religione e qual sia l'unica Base che possa mantenerla non vacillante, that is to say, to speak fine and plain, They do not know the mystery, nor the Extent of the Pope's only universal Monarchy, whereof all Kings are subjects, and all Catholic Kingdoms the demean lands, with an all-puissantness to dispose of all things etiam sine causa, as it hath been explained. It was upon the principles of this Ignorance, that the instructions of Monsr. de Lansac the French Ambassador at the Council of Trent, were framed; these instructions were composed of four and thirty Articles all opposite to that which makes for the Pope's Royalty in the Church, and his absolute Empire over the whole Universe, and which in conclusion tended to throw down the Roman Court, both splendour and Empire thereof, 
l. 16. c. 10.  tutte contrary all Pontefice ò puì tosto al Pontificato e contenute nella sua istruzione i quali tutti si riducevano à levar lo splendore e l'imperio della Corte Romana. What specific remedy for such a disease? doubtless there could not be a better than for all Bishops, yea even for Parish Priests to be educated and refined in the excellent school of the Court of Rome. But that is not done, in default thereof it could be wished that at least all the Heads of Houses in Universities had studied there, but that's against their Statutes.  
In fine, what then is the last Expedient, but that all not being able to go to Rome to take in the Politic spirit there, Means should be found out to make it come from Rome and disperse it over the world.  
'Twas said 100 years ago that the Holy Ghost was brought from Rome to the Council of Trent in a Clokebag, 
l. 16. c. 10.  la Spirito Sancto veniva portato nella valigia. This proposition appeared injurious to the Holy Ghost, to the Pope and to the Council; yet our Cardinal Historian expounds it learnedly and makes it out, how it is conformable even to the Doctrine of S. Augustin; and that Pope Innocent X, in effect to condemn Jansenius, thought it not unfit to order the exterior light of the Holy Ghost to be brought in a Clokebag to Rome from all Quarters of the Church, which he consulted. Leo X did the same when he condemned the heresy of Luther, 
Ibid.  non hanno s'degnato di procaciar l'esterna luce dello Spirito Sancto à se stessi per le vaglie d'ye corrieri avauci di condannar le opinioni è di Lutero, e di Jansenio. Now the exterior light is always accompanied with the interior, which is the Soul thereof, and which is that which is called sufficient Grace to know the Truth and to follow it, which is not wanting to any one. So that which is called sufficient grace, to condemn Jansenius was brought in some sort in a Clokebag to Pope Innocent X, as one may say that the Horse that carries the Body of a living man carries also his Soul; otherwise sufficient grace might fail those which do all their endeavour to know the Truth, and condemn Heresy and they would condemn it blindfold, 
Ibid.  alla cieca as our Cardinal speaks.  
There be none then but Idiots which will let themselves be scared with this Vizard of a Proverb, that the Holy Ghost was carried in a Clokebag, for there's nothing more exactly true according to School Divinity; and look you now the Vizard is for ever taking off which Scared Idiots, 
l. 16. c. 10.  Echo dilegnate quelle vanissime larve discoucia apparenza che agli occhi degli Idioti potea recar una cal forma di proverbiare lo Spirito Sancto veniva portato nella valigia.  
It being thus, may not one say that the most puissant and yet the most sweet and gentle means to uphold the Universal Monarchy, the Royalty and absolute Empire of the Pope over all the World, which is the Fundamental Point of all the Christian Policy is to make come from Rome in a Cloak-bag the spirit of this Policy into all Quarters of the World. There remains only the nameing and choosing of the Couriers to go along with the Males or Cloak-bags.  
1. The Religious, whose Generals reside not at Rome, are not fit for it.  
2. The Religious, which do not teach youth, are unfit for it too, for this Spirit must begin to be administered in tender years.  
3. There's none but the Jesuits, to whom this Employ can reasonably be given:  
For 1. If to this end there need no more but to be Masters in this Policy by our Cardinal Historians Example, who is of their Society, it appears that they talk as if they were the Authors thereof.  
2. If for it there needs zeal for the Holy See, there's no body able to dispute with them that their advantage, for all this Father Jesuit and Cardinal's book is full of protestations upon that Subject.  
3. If there only needs testimonials of Nuncio's and Ambassador's, see those of the Nuncio Commendon and of the Comte of Lune, related by this our Cardinal, 
l. 20. c. 4. & 11.  io per certo non hò ritrovato nelle chiese di Germania più fermo ne maggior prefidio della religione che ì Collegii dì costoro; 
l. 15. c. 7.  così piacesse à Dio che se ne fossero molti. 
l. 20. c. 4.  Onde non è dubio che quando si facessero molti collegii se ne caverebbe fructo incredibile.  
But above all, the Testimony of Pope Pius IV, and that of S. Charles Borromeo are of extreme advantage for them. They are related by this Cardinal in his XXIV Book, chapter 6, where their Society is called Religion itself and their institution Pious; Religione, e l'istituto pio.  
Now their institution is particularly destinated by their founder St. Ignatius to serve in the Missions, 
l. 4. c. 11.  istituita per sine speciale delle Missioni, and 'tis for this same subject that they have shunned giving to themselves any of the names, which the other Monastic orders take, as Father Guardians, Correctors, Wardens, Discrets and even shunning the names of Covents, Dortoirs, Chapters, yea and even the habits themselves, though venerable elsewhere, because those other sorts of habits were not very commodious to carry the Cloak-bag in the Missions, 
l. 4, c. 11.  hebbesi risguardo d'astenersi dalle appellazioni e delle vesti di frate bench per altro venerabili e Sacrosante.  
So that 'tis manifest that there's nothing more important for the felicity of the Pope and the Roman Court according to the flesh, secundo la carne than the establishment of Jesuits the World throughout, giving them power to set up every where the Sacred Tribunal of the Inquisition, for setting up whereof Pope Pius IV hath merited, quoth our Cardinal, 
l. 14. c. 9  a Praise which will be Eternal, d'eterna load lo fà degno, il tribunal dell'inquisizione che dal zelo di lui riconosce il present suo vigour nel l'Italia, e dal quale l'Italia riconosce la conservata Integrità della sua fede. Because it is to the Inquisition, according to our Cardinal, that Italy and Spain are indebted for retaining the Faith among them, as to those Articles thereof which have no nearer nor immediater certainty then only the Pope's authority, 
l. 3. c. 15.  quella religione, i cui articoli unitamente confiderati non hanno altra certezza prossima ed immediata che l'autorità del Pontefice.     

CHAP. VI Here be related the Interests and different sentiments of the Catholic Christian Crowns and Republics, according as they are more less favourable to this same Religious Policy according to the flesh. And 'tis made appear that there's none more opposite than those of the Crown and of the Church of France, which proposed no less at the Council of Trent, then to throw down the Church's Monarchy and Empire, and to take away the Splendour of the Court of Rome.  

ARTICLE I. The Estates, whose Politic Maxims are favourable or opposite to this same Roman Policy.  
OF all th' Parts of Europe, which have remained in the Pope's Communion, there appears none more considerable than Italy, Germany, Spain and France. To know which are the States whose Politic maxims are more or less favourable to the Roman Policy, there needs no more but to represent the Interests and the Sentiments of these States which take up those parts of Europe.   

ARTICLE II. The Italian Policy favours that of the Court of Rome.  
ACcording to the Testimony of our Cardinal Lib. 21. Chapter 4. the Italian Bishop had no other end in the Council of Trent but the upholding and aggrandizing of the Apostolic See, non mirava ad altro oggetto che all sostentamento ed alla grandezza della sede Apostolica, and therein they thought they did the duty of good Christians and Italians at once, e pero ch' essi in tal opera facesser ad un ora le parti di buoni Italiani edi buoni Christiani. Because 'twas the honour and the advantage of their Country to be the abode and ordinary residing Place of the King of Kings, and of the Lord of all the Lords of the Earth.   

ARTICLE III. The Spaniards are not favourable to the Cardinals, nor other Officers of the Roman Court.  
THE Spanish Bishops being for the most part great Lords & very considerable either for the great Extent of their Dioceses, or by reason of their great revenues through their high birth and illustrious families, or through their great learning, hardly could endure the preeminence of the Cardinals, and above all few of those Bishops could ever hope to arrive at that dignity, and it was no less unsufferable to them to see themselves subjected so much as they are to the Pope's Officers, and be Dependants of the Roman Tribunals; wherefore they thought it would be exceeding good for the Church to bring back the Cardinals to their first rank and to restore those rights to the Bishops, which they enjoyed anciently; and for this purpose they had a mind to disable the Cardinals to possess Bishoprics, and oblige them to reside at Rome, and rule the parishes whereof they are the Titulary Parsons or Priests, and withal they would have taken away dispensations, whereby persons or causes are exempted from the Bishop's Jurisdiction, and thereby make the Bishops in their Dioceses as so many Popes, onde fossero à guisa di Papa nelle loco Diocesi, which would have much diminished the splendour of the Roman Court and sapped the foundation of the Church.   

ARTICLE IU. The Policy of France quite and clean opposite to the Roman Court.  
AS for the French Bishops they have less of jurisdiction, because the Usages of that Kingdom look most at enlarging the temporal power, and this also causes that they are less incommoded with the Roman Tribunals, and done't complain so much of wrong that the Scarlet does to the Mitre; but all their thoughts tend to set bounds unto the Pope's Monarchy according to the sentiments of the late Council of Basil approved by them, 
l. 21. c. 4.  erano rivolti à moderar la Monarchia del Pontefice secondo in sensi del moderno Concilio di Basilea da loco approvato.  
Germany is so cantoned out that 'tis difficult to mark the point wherein those people may be said to accord: some of them are of the Italian mind, others of the Spanish, others of the French. As for the several Princes they are each of the several mind as his Bishop is; i Principi almeno i loco politici, chi più chi meno inclinavano à sodisfare i Prelati di lovo Natione, because that the preferring of their Bishops, who remain still their Subjects, gives them lesser jealousy, than the Pope's grandeur and power. They were brought over to this in the time of the Council of Trent by the abuses which they saw in the Roman Court.  
Christian Policy hath then its choice betwixt that of France and that of Spain, which of the two may be the most favourable to the all-puissantnesse of the Pope to take that side, and favour it carefully and stoutly, 
l. 5. c. 16.  con intrepidezza e con vigilanza, now it is not very hard to see that the French Policy is less favourable to that of Rome then the Spanish, which made Friar Thomas Stella Bishop, di Capo d'Istria a great creature of the Popes in the Council of Trent, for to say, that all mischief came out of the North, 
l. 19 c. 9  ogni male dall'Aquilone.   

ARTICLE V Wherein the Policy of France is not favourable to that of Rome.  

THE First Article is that of a Council being above a Pope, according to the Council of Basil which is a seditious opinion, quoth our Cardinal, sedizioza, and overthrows absolutely the Pope's Monarchy, sediziosa, 
l. 6. c. 13. l. 19 c. 11. l. 16. c. 10.  questione della maggioranza trà lui el Concilio, i quali capi si riducevano à levar lo splendore e l imperio della Corte Romana; 'tis an erroneous opinion, Erronea, Pestiferous, 
l. 9 c. 16. l. 6. c. 7. Ibid.  Pestilent che nonsolo abatterebbe il trono pontificale mà disordinerebbe la Spiritual Hierarchia.   

II.  
'Tis not the Doctrine of France that the Pope is King of Kings, Lord of Lords. So that the Crown-Lands of Kings should be his Inheritance   

III.  
'Tis not the Doctrine of France that the Pope is Infallible, nor that he can make Articles of Faith, unto which if King's do not yield he may declare them Heretics, and give their States to the first occupant.   

iv  
'Tis not the Doctrine of France, that 'tis Treason to hinder Money from being carried to Rome.   

V  
'Tis not the Doctrine of France, that Bishops hold their jurisdiction from the Pope, 
l. 16. c. 10.  questa sedizioza dottrina.   

VI  
'Tis not the Doctrine of France, that the Pope may dispense without cause, or derogate from the Canons of Councils, 
l. 19 c. 11. see mons de Marco Concord. l. 3. c. 13. § 2.  la quod tendeva ad abbatere la Monarchia, che le costituzioni fat dal Concilio non cadessero sotto dispensazioni.  
But the better to know wherein the Doctrine of France, and its Policy is opposite to that of Rome, one need but to read the Thirty four Articles contained in the Instructions of the French Ambassadors at the Council of Trent, on occasion whereof Cardinal Simonetta, Pope Pius IU. his great confident in the Council of Trent, said, That the Physic of Reformation ought to be like that which old Physicians prescribe, which is always gentle, all Cardinal Simonetta parea che à guisa de'Medici vecchi & 
l. 18. c. 4.  cauti non formasse ricette senon leggiere; and that the receipts of the French Reformation were too strong.    

The Four and thirty Articles proposed by the French Ambassador at the Council of Trent for Reformation of the Church.  

I.  
THat the Age of Priests be an Age of Maturity, and that they have a good testimonial from the people. Against this Article, Lainez. l. 21. c. 6. This Article would hinder the multitude of Churchmen, who are exceeding useful to all States and Conditions according to our Cardinal. l. 17. c. 9   

II.  
That Vacancies be supplied according to the Canons.   

III.  
That none be ordained without some Office or Benefice, against this Article, Lainez l. 21. c. 6. Palavicin. l. 16. c. 9   

iv  
That every one ordained, be obliged to perform his Function.   

V  
That none meddle with other business than the Functions of his Order. Against this demand, l. 8. c. 17. one hath reason to complain of the temporal Princes, quoth our Cardinal, when they don't employ eclesiastics in State affairs, le doglienze sarebbon giuste quando escludessero del maneggio gli Ecclesiastici.   

VI  
That none be made a Bishop if he be not capable to instruct, and do all his Functions in person.   

VII.  
The like also as to Cures or Parish Priests.   

VIII.  
That none be made an Abbot or Prior Regular, that hath not taken his Degrees, and taught Divinity in some famous University.   

IX.  
That Bishops Preach all Festival days, and Sundays, Advent and Lent, either in person or by some other for them.   

X.  
That the Cures, or Parish Priests do the same.   

XI.  
That in Abbeys and Priories, the ancient studies, and exercises, and hospitality be again set up.   

XII  
That he which cannot (through some disability after his admittance) perform the Functions of his Benefice himself, either quit it, or take a Coadjutor.   

XIII.  
That Catechising be used.   

XIV.  
That Plurality of Benefices be taken a way, and no distinction made of Compatible and Incompatible, unknown to antiquity, and which is an occasion of many mischiefs in the Church that Secular Benefices be given to Seculars, and Regular to Regulars. Against this Chap. 5. art. 4.   

XV.  
That he which hath many Benefices keep only one of them, or incur the pains of the ancient Canons.   

XVI.  
That it be so ordered, that every Curé or Parish Priest, have means enough to keep two Clerks and maintain Hospitality.   

XVII.  
That the Church Prayers, Psalms, and Gospel be sung and uttered in French at the Mass.   

XVIII.  
That the Communion be given in both kinds.   

XIX.  
That in administering the Sacraments the virtue of them he explained in French.   

XX.  
That no Benefices be given neither to Strangers nor unworthy persons, otherwise the Collation to be void.   

XXI.  
That Expectative Graces, Regresses, and Commendams of Benefices be abolished in the Church, as contrary to the Canons.   

XXII.  
That Resignations in favour persons named by the Resigners be also declared null, because 'tis forbidden by the Canons that none should seek, or choose a Successor. Against this Palavicini, Cap. 4. Art. 2.   

XXIII.  
That the single Priories be reunited to the Benefices, with cures of Souls, from which they were separated.   

XXIV.  
That there be no Benefice without Cure of Souls. Against that, Art. 3. Cap. 5.   

XXV.  
That Pensions be abolished. Against that, see Art. 2. Cap. 5. Palavicin. lib. 23. cap. 11.   

XXVI.  
That Jurisdiction be restored to the Bishops, excepting over the Covents, Heads of Orders, and others subject to them, and which make General Chapters, and such as have privileges by ancient Charters, notwithstanding all which, let them be subject to correction.   

XXVII.  
That Bishops do no business without the advice of their Prebendaries, as 'tis ordered by the Canons, according to which also the Bishops ought to be assiduous at and in their Cathedrals, and not less aged than Five and twenty years.   

XXVIII.  
That the Degrees of Kindred be observed in marriages, without permitting any dispensation, except between Kings and Princes, for the Public good, lafoy qual tendeva ad abattere la Monarchia. lib. 19 cap. 11.   

XXIX.  
That the True Doctrine touching Images be taught, and Superstitions taken away.   

XXX  
That the public Penances for public Sins be reestablished, as well as public Fasts and Mournings in the Church, to appease the wrath of God.   

XXXI.  
That Excommunications be not pronounced in the Church but for most grievous Sins, and after the second and third admonition in case the Sinner be obstinate.   

XXXII.  
That suits for Benefices with the distinctions of petitory and possessory be taken away, and that the Bishops never bestow Benefices upon them who sue for them, but upon those which eat them, and so render themselves worthy of them by avoiding of them. Against this, Palavicin. Art. 4. c. 5.   

XXXIII.  
In case where a Benefice is litigious, let the Bishop send one to supply the Cure who shall give no account to him for whom judgement goes, because the Revenues of Benefices belong not but to him that does the Duties.   

XXXIV.  
That every year a Synod of the diocese shall assemble, and every three years a Provincial, and every ten years a General Synod. Against which see Chap. 2. As for the National Synods, our Cardinal calls them Abortions in the Church, l'aborto d'un Concilio Nazionale. l. 4. c. 9   

The most important of these Articles being manifestly opposite to the absolute Monarchy of the Pope, and to his All-puissantness, 
l. 16. c. 16.  contrary all Pontificato, to the splendour of his Court, and to his felicity according to the flesh. It now appears in what sense Father Lainez said, That the French had in a sort made a Schism since the Council of Basil's time, and that perhaps, 'twas a punishment for that Sin, that so many miseries had come upon them: And this he said upon occasion of the Canonical elections, which the French required should be reestablished, 
l. 21. c. 6.  dubitar Egli d'ye Franchesi che ciò chiedevano come di tali che force erano gastigati da Dio ne' presenti infortnnii per qualche loro seperazione fin dal tempo del Concilio di Basilea. And he made no difficulty to say, that all those which would renew all those kinds of like ancient usages were moved thereunto by the instinct of the Devil, 
Ibid.  coloro che volevano rinovare tali usi antichi muoversi per istinto del Diavolo. From hence one ought to infer, that the Jesuits having this sentiment of the Policy of the Gallican Church,  
First, It's necessary that the Roman Court do employ them for to combat effectually in that Kingdom, against the Maxims of Reformation; that the Spirit of the Devil, according to them, inspires into those which have governed it since the Council of Basil's time, and now again since the Council of Trent, which all tend to nothing but to the overthrow of the Roman Empire, of the whole splendour of its Court, and of its Carnal felecity.  
Secondly, It concerns the Roman Court to deal in such sort, that the reputation and the Doctrine of Aristotle may subsist with approbation in France; for the project of Felicity according to the Flesh, and of the Universal Monarchy of the World, which are the two cardinal points of the new Policy of our Historian, being particularly established and upheld upon the Doctrine of that Philosopher; and that Prince of Philosophers having already bestowed a many Articles of Faith upon the Church, the last effect of his Doctrine ought to be, to make these Articles be received in their full extent as Articles of Faith. Viz. That of the Universal Monarchy, as our Cardinal hath explained it, and that other of Felicity according to the Flesh necessary to the Church, for then one might well approve those words of our Cardinal, di ciò si doveva in gran parte l'obligazione ad Aristotele, 
l. 8. c. 19  il qualc se non si fosse adoperato in distinguer accuratament i generi delle cagioni, noi mancavamo di molti Articoli di Feed.  
For if once one could but come to make in the Church Articles of Faith out of the Maxims of our Cardinal's Policy, which have been related and are approved even by Nicholas Machiavelli, than one might well say with our Cardinal, That the Councils of Ephesus, of Chalcedon, and all those which have followed, as well as all the Fathers which assisted thereat, had never been able to make their Decisions, if they had not imbibed Grecian Philosophy, and that 'tis easy to see among their Oracles how much of the Stagyrite and of Athens they have mingled with them, because that if Aristotle, or Philosophy had not given us common notions of things, we could not have been able by the aid of Divine Revelation to apply them to supernatural objects. 
l. 8. c. 19      

The Conclusion of the Work.  
BY all that hath been said it appears, That Religious Policy is the most excellent of all moral virtues, and the most necessary to Salvation.  
That all this Policy is reduced to two principal points, the First is the Royalty of the Pope over the whole World, the Second, is the carnal felicity of his reign, because it serves to bring Christian Religion in Reputation amongst imperfect and carnal men which have no pure Love toward God, 
l. 23. c. 3.  per conservarla in est●mazione anche presso gli impertetti, which set their affections more upon what they see then upon what is believed, maggiorment s'affezzionano à quel che si vede ch'à quel che si crede.  
From whence it comes, that the carnal felicity of the Church is a Vocation to Faith for all the World, and to the Clergyship for Lords and Gentlemen, who make the Church's Glory, and her to be signal over all the World.  
'Twas this temporal glory of the Pope's Royalty that Jesus Christ came to establish, and did merit by the effusion of his blood, and to set up which, he came down from Heaven upon Earth. 
l. 2. c. 10.  Vfficio istituito da Dio quando scese in terra per salute del Mondo.  
'Tis the spirit of this carnal Monarchy which he shed forth upon the whole Church according to our Cardinal, the fullness whereof was in St. Peter, and he hath derived it since, as from a source, unto his Successors proportionably according to the progress of their studies in the science of Policy, as it appears at this day that this Spirit of St. Peter is living, quoth the Cardinal, in his Successor Alexander VII. comme hoggi vive lo spirito di san' Pietro ne' successori. 
l. 4. c. 5.   
Wherefore having at the beginning of his work an Example of an ordinary Pope, viz. Adrian VI who by consequence according to him had not the Spirit of St. Peter, though he had all his Apostolical virtues, because that according to our Cardinal, he had not his fine policy. He now on the contrary for the conclusion of his work, represents Pope Alexander VII. as one of the perfect Copies of this great Apostle according to the maxim of this same refined Policy.  
" You are," quoth our Cardinal, 
l. 24. c. ult.  speaking as to Alexander VII. The Sun that bears rule in the Hemisphere of the Church. Light cannot suffer any darkness to obscure it. You have been created Pope according to the desire and the Heart of the Holy Ghost, alla voglia del Spirito Sancto, the Heretics themselves have born witness thereof. Other men are ofttimes praised for their success, in which fortune did more than they, but you deserve a Praise no wise equivocal. The actions of your life are all yours, and fortune hath no part therein, si piglia da fatti che tutti son suoi e niente della fortuna. Whereby it does yet again appear that our Cardinal does admit a Fortune distinct from divine Providence, as it hath been explained to us in the Politic consideration upon Fortune; For he would not say that divine Providence had no share in the actions of Pope Alexander, VII. He goes on in these Terms, The pontifical officiating which your Holiness hath performed at Seasons, with so much order and Devotion have made the most lively image of Paradise to appear upon earth, that ever can be seen. But what shall I say of your Holinesses Nephews and near kindred, which you have left a whole year together at a distance from you, to try them before you called them to the Participation which they ought to have in the government (and the carnal Felicity of his reign.) To be absented a whole year together from the top of the perfection (and the carnal felicity of the Church) what a trial! What a long time for a principal Nephew, so learned, of so ripe a Wit and of an integrity of life (so worthy of all the Ecclesiastical and religious voluptuousness of the Roman Court) so known as was then the life of Cardinal Chigi, your holiness's principal Nephew, which you called to you for the solace rather than the burden of the people. I am of a Religion that does not permit me to lie, mi ritrae dal mentire; 
Introd. c. 8.  but though that were not so, yet if what I say could be satisfied by the public knowledge, would not it be, for me myself to destroy my own reputation to lie so openly; sarebbe infamator da se stesso chi narrasse dal suo principe vivente fatti particolari smentiti dalla notizia common. Those magnificences which your Holiness caused to be represented in the shows which you gave the people to honour a Queen, which took off the Crown from her Head to lay it at Jesus Christ's Vicar's feet; were not they Triumphs of Religion rather than Pomps and Vanities? Thus then, adorable Holy Father, 'tis with these praises of your Holiness that I mean to conclude my work, which is a defence of the Faith and of the Holy See, whereof your Holiness is the infallible Master and Supreme Precedent essendo questa una diffesa di quella fede e di quella sede di cui elle è infallibil Maestro e supremo Precidente. 'Tis to uphold this Infallibility that the later Popes causing from all parts of the World the Holy Ghost to be brought to them in a Clokebag, as formerly from Rome to the Council of Trent, to the end nothing might be pronounced as it were blindly or in the dark, 
l. 16. c. 10.  per non sentenziare alla cieca, have pronounced judgement against Jansenius and against Luther, non hanno Sdegnato di procacciar l'esterna luce dello Spirito Sancto à se stessi pe● le valigie d'ye corrieri. And for upholding this prerogative of infallibility, I do also pray God that after the Example of your Holinesses life, He would make an extension and widening of this Spirit (of religions and carnal Policy) in the Soul of your Successors, who may keep up perpetually upon the Holy See in their persons as in yours, a living Book and a living Apology of the Sovereign Pontificat, and of its rights, such as this same Policy, that's the Queen of virtues, hath fixed, and so to be able if not to convert, yet at least to confound all those who would be Rebels. 
l. 24. c. ult.  Non cessero di pregar la divina bontà che nella simigliante distesa dal suo esempio ne' successori tenga sempre nel Vaticano un libro vivo e una viva apologia del Pontificato, la quale vaglia se non à convertire all meno à confondere i suoi ribelli.  
These are the last words of our Cardinal's book, which make it appear that he believed even unto the last, that the Spirit of Saint Peter reigned in all the Conduct and Policy of Pope Alexander VII, preghino Iddio che faccia vivere stabilment com' oggi vive lo Spirito di san' Pietro ne successori.  
He hath assevered it so strongly that he would not lie, that he is by no means to be suspected, not so much as of the least wilful flattery. From whence it remains then to be concluded, that for to comprehend well according to him what was the Council of Trents Policy in all its orders made for reformation of manners, and which Policy ought to be the Churches to be in her perfection. Those which have seen with their eyes the Reign of Pope Alexander VII. and the carriage of Cardinal Chigi his principal Nephew, Legat à Latere in France, have no more to do but to call them to mind; there they will see as in a living book all the rules of the carnal and religious Policy writ in letters of Gold, that is to say in the characters of works and practice, which are as saith the Cardinal, moralities gold, in comparison whereof words are but chaff, 
l. 6. c. 7.  le parole esser paglia i fetti esser oro.  
In the life of this same Pope a man shall see a King all-puissant in his shop or office of Dispensations, sopra la bottega dalle dispensazioni, granting them as he pleased, and even derogating from the Canons, and it will be plain that in not observing or obeying the Council of Trent, it was the more perfectly observed, because that the all-puissantness of the Sovereign Pontife is set forth the better thereby, which the Council always adored.  
A man sees that this way the Gospel of the flesh receives every day more and more propagation and growth, by telling aloud abroad, to the most imperfect, this good news, That they have an easy and certain means to be happy according to the flesh in this World and in tother, and that through the benefit of this new Gospel, the Council of Trent hath done the Church more good, than the Heresy of Luther hath diminished it or done it Mischief, maggior accrescimento di bontà per mezzo del Concilio che non fù scemato dall'istessa eresia. This shall serve henceforward, as the Cardinal promises, for an invincible defence of the Catholic Religion, against Heretics, Infidels, or Atheists, which shall be so rash as to write against it. This will be henceforward an Apology without reply for the Council of Trent itself, since the French and the Heretics having first said that the Holy Ghost was carried thither from Rome in a Cloak-bag; they have confessed by jeering that he presided there. For after the subtlety wherewith our Cardinal explains seriously this wicked raillery, and makes a Scholastic interpretation thereof, proving the assistance of the Holy Ghost at the Council, one needs not be an Eagle to stare out the truth of it; even a mole itself, either may see it, or smell it out, non si richiede esser Aquila, basta non esser talpa. Herein also most manifestly appears the infinite usefulness of School divinity, the incomparable fruit that our Cardinal hath gathered, having been a Master so long therein as well as in Philosophy according to Aristotle's principles, that the Heriticks cannot frame any conceit how ridiculous soever it be, but that this Cardinal's Subtlety meditating a little profoundly thereupon, can give as serious and as surprising an interpretation thereof by force of his good sense, and reasons far fetched, as the heretics thought to make use of to surprise simple folk with, by their wicked raillery. So after two Tomes of his History of the Council of Trent in folio, and the vast labour wherewith he composed the whole Body of carnal and religious Policy, he concludes gravely in a confident tone, that he which is not content with the government of the Church, such as he hath told you it is, and hath made it appear to be in the Carnal and Religious Policy of Alexander VII. and his Nephew Cardinal Chigi, and that is not content with the Spirit of St. Peter, as it appeared in our days living in that Pope, and in that his principal Nephew, can be no other but a Fool or a Cheat, chi per approvare una forma di Republica non si contenta di questo governo present, ò è insano, ò è seductore.   
FINIS.