A COLLECTION OF SERMONS UPON Several Occasions.  
By THOMAS PIERCE D. D. President of St. Marry Magdalen College in Oxford.  
OXFORD, Printed by W. Hall, for Ric: Royston, and Ric: Davis, MDCLXXI.   

THE CONTENTS of this VOLUME, ARE SERMONS PREACHED  

I.  
BEfore the Lord Major, Court of Aldermen, and Common Council of the City of London, at St. Paul's Church, upon the first Sunday after his Majesty's Restauration, 1660.   

II.  
Before the Honourable the House of Commons in Parliament Assembled, at St. Margaret's Church Westminster, upon the 29. day of May, being the Anniversary Day of the King and Kingdom's Restauration, 1661.   

III.  
Before the Right Honourable the House of Lords, at the Abbey Church of Westminster, upon a Solemn day of Humiliation, occasioned by the Great Rain in june and july, 1661.   

IV.  
Before the King at Whitehall, upon the Wednesday-Monthly Fast, when the Pestilence decreased, but yet continued, As did also the War with the French and Dutch, 1665.   

V.  
Before the Clergy of England in Convocation Assembled, at S. Paul's Church, touching the Power of the Church in a National Synod, 1661.   

VI  
Before the University, at St. Mary's Church in Oxford, concerning the Rights of the Civil Magistrate, and especially of the Supreme; upon the opening of the Term, 1664.   

VII.  
Before the King at Whitehall, upon Candlemas Day, 1661.   

VIII.  
Before the University, upon Act-Sunday-Morning, at St. Mary's Church in Oxford, touching the Usefulness & Necessity of Human Learning, etc. 1664.   

IX.  
Before the King at White-Hall, in Vindication of our Church against the Novelties of Rome. 1662. To which is added, in this Edition,   

X.  
A Paraenesis to the Reader touching the Sermon going before, and the Discourse which follows after of Rome's pretended Infallibility.   

XI.  
Before a Rural Congregation, at the Funeral of Edward Peyto of Chesterton in Warwickshire Esquire, 1659.    

England's Season FOR REFORMATION OF LIFE.  
A SERMON DELIVERED IN St. PAUL'S Church, LONDON: ON THE SUNDAY Next following His Sacred Majesty's RESTAURATION. M.DC.LX.   

Christian Reader,  
THat what I committed the other day to the ears of Many, I now so suddenly expose to the eyes of All, as I dare not pretend to deserve thy Thanks, so I conceive I cannot justly incur thy censure. For it is not in compliance with my peculiar inclinations, (which of themselves are well known to be sufficiently averse, from any farther publication of single Sermons,) but partly to testify my Obedience to the commands of some Learned and pious Friends, partly to frustrate the ill-meant whispers of some unlearned and peevish Enemies. How far I was from a design either to please or to provoke either this or that part of the Congregation, And how probably desirous to profit both, I leave them both to pass a judgement, not by any one part, but by altogether. It would no doubt have been grievous to me, to suffer the contum●lies of Men for preaching Loyalty, and Love, and Reformation of Life, a tender care of weak Brethren, and a Christian Forbearance of one another, 
Act. 5. 41.  if I had not thought it an happy lot, to suffer aught for His sake, 
Heb. 12. 3.  who endured (for mine) such contradiction of sinners against himself; some affirming, he was a good Man, and others saying, Nay, but he deceiveth the People.  
If some are yet so devotedly the Servants of Sin, 
John 7. 12.  as to hate me for bringing them (unawares) into the light, 
John 8 34.  because the Light hath reproved their evil deeds, it cannot be from any hurtfulness either in Me, 
John 3. 20.  or in the light, but from their own sore eyes, that their eyes are hurt. When Men are exasperated with Lenitives, and throw themselves into Paroxysmes, after all our Pacifick and most Anodynous applications, we ought not sure to think the worse, but rather the better of our Prescriptions. That Christ Himself could do no miracles amongst the Men of his own Country, was only the Fault of their prejudice, and ●nbeleif. That the heat harden's clay, is from the untowardness of the clay; For if it were wax, the heat would melt it. Nor is the fault in the Sun, but in the Dunghill, if the more he shine's on it, ●he worse it smell's.  
I know that those Lovers of public Discord (whom my endeavours to reconcile have made outrageous) as they are few in point of Number, so in point of Quality they are of smallest Consideration. And I know there are many most worthy persons, whom the Virulence of mine enemies hatb made my Friends. So that if I were studious to promote mine own Interest, and did not very much prefer the consideration of their Amendment, I should not endure (as now I shall) to sue for peace whilst I am injured. But still remembering what it is, to which as Christians we are appointed, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 1 Thes. 3. 3. That no man should be moved by these afflictions; for yourselves know that we are appointed thereunto.  or as Soldiers marked out, and that we are bound to follow our leader, (even the Captain of our salvation who was perfected through sufferings,) I shall cheerfully strive to approve myself as a minister of God, by honour and dishonour, by evil report, and good report, 
Heb. 2. 10.  as a deceiver, 
2 Cor. 6. 4. & 8.  and yet true; I will bless, being calumniated, And being wronged above measure, 
1 Cor. 4. 13. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  I will entreat. The more it seems to be impossible, to win the inventors of evil things to reconcileableness of Spirit, 
Diod. Sicul.  the more will I labour for its Attainment. 
Rome, 1, 30,  For I will never cease to pray, that by that powerful convincing controlling Spirit, which stilleth the raging of the sea, 
1 Cor, 1, 10,  and the madness of the People, we may be knit together in one mind, 
Eph, 4. 31,  and in one judgement; That the present time of our prosperity may prove the Season for our Amendment, and change of life; that all bitterness, and wrath, and anger, and clamour, and evil speaking, may be put away from us with all malice; and that as members of one Body, whereof Christ jesus is the Head, we may each of us endeavour (in our several stations) to keep the Unity of the Spirit in the bond of peace.  
That this was really the intent of the Following Sermon, the later part of the Sermon, will make apparent. For what was spoken in reflection upon the darkness of the night, was only premised as a Foil to commend the Day. And as a thing without which I could not make an impartial parallel between the Text and the Time. Besides that in the method of healing wounds, (which a flatterer may palliate, but cannot cure,) there is as charitable an use both of the Probe and the Abstersive, as there can possibly be of the Oil and Balsam. The Decollation of Gods Anointed, (which was so far a Deicide, 
Psal. 82. 6.  as he was one of those Gods who shall die like men,) 
Exo. 22. 28  had been declared by the Parliament (before I made my strictures on it) to have been a most horrid and hideous Murder. And if my censors did not think they had once offended, they would not be candidates (as they are) for a Royal Pardon. It being so natural for a pardon to include and connotate an offence, that unless we were conscious of having sinned, we could not sincerely ask God forgiveness. I am not able to ask any, for what I have said in the following Sermon, tending to Loyalty and Union, and the establishment of both upon the only sure Basis of impartial Repentance and self-revenge, 
2 Cor. 7. 11.  until I am able to be convinced of Unsincerity in my aim at so good an End, or of unlawfulness in the means which I have used for its attainment. And therefore that which I beg from the Christian Reader, is not the favour of a partial, but the Justice of an unpassionate and unbiased perusal of all that follows.   

ENGLAND'S SEASON FOR REFORMATION of LIFE.  ROME XIII. xii. The night is far spent, the day is at hand: let us therefore cast off the works of darkness, and let us put on the armour of light. 
TO make you see how the Text is exactly suitable to the Time, (as well to the Time when 'twas written, as to the Time wherein 'tis read,) It will be needful to entertain you with two such Praeliminary Observables, as without which it is impossible to come at the meaning of the words. And yet the true meaning must be attained, as well in their Rational, and Historical, as in their Literal Importance, before I can handle them as I ought, without injustice to the Apostle, or Apply them as I desire, without defrauding the Congregation.  
First then, ye are to take an especial notice, That in the space of forty years after the Crucifying of jesus, there was to happen amongst the jews a famous day of Discrimination, wherein 
* Matth. 24. 40.  one was to be taken, and another left. The cruel and the incredulous were to be utterly destroyed, But the persecuted Believers to be remarkably preserved from that Destruction. Preserved, not only from that deluge of Judgements, like 
* Matth. 24. 38.  Noah in the Ark, but from the mischievous designs of the Mosaical Zelots, by whom they could never be forgiven their having been Loyal unto their Lord. Which famous day of Discrimination, as the Scriptures have expressed in those sublimer sorts of Periphrasis, [The Kingdom of Heaven, the coming of Christ, the end of all things, and the conclusion of the Age;] so in respect of one part, that of deliverance unto the Faithful, we find it expressed in other places, by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Redemption drawing near, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Season, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
* See Doctor H●mmond (of blessed memory) upon the place, and the Texts by him referred to.  The Day, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Deliverance,] which Deliverance being nearer at the writing of this Epistle, than when they had first embraced the Christian Faith, is therefore the rather introduced with [an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,] a consideration of the time; and that as an Argument, or Allective, whereby to win them to the duties of this whole Chapter; which Duties, that they concern us as we are men of these Times, and relating in particular to our now happy revolution, I foresee an occasion to show anon.  
As this is the first Praecognition, so it naturally affords me an easy passage unto the second. For our Apostle having observed certain spots in the Christians which dwelled at Rome, they being enveloped at once with a double darkness, as well of their doings, as of their sufferings, no le●s asleep in sin, than benighted with Persecution, comes early to them in this Epistle; and here endeavours to awake them, not only with a Call, but a Reason for it. Because the night does now begin to be less and less dark, he tells them it is fit they be less and less drowsy. In the next words before my Text, we have an Apostolical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (the very thing that in English we use to call the Cockcrow,) whereby he tells the guilty sleepers, 'tis more than time that they awake. And the Reason which he gives them is very cogent; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for now is our salvation nearer than when we believed. That is to say in plainer terms, our deliverance at present is more approaching, than when we were newly Christianized. It is better with us now, than when we were Neophytes in the Church. But to acquaint them the more distinctly how late it is that he awakes them; The Night (saith he) is far spent, and the Day is at hand; (that is) the time of Persecution is now well over, and the day of Deliverance begins to dawn. At the Tyrant Tiberius, our Sun was set; At the other Tyrant Nero, 'tis more than midnight: Do but wait for Vespasian, and you will find it break of Day.  
Nor does the vigilant Apostle merely awake them out of sleep, but also desires that they will rise, and instructs them in the method how to make themselves ready. They are to leave off their chamber-Robes, and make them fit to go abroad; to cast away their Bed-cloaths, as only suitable to the Night; and to appear in such habits, as are agreeable to the Day.  Let us therefore cast off the works of Darkness, and let us put on the Armour of Light. 
For a man to Preach on this Text, no more is needful than to explain it. The Text itself being a Sermon, as full, and pithy, as it is short. [The Night is far spent, and the Day is at hand;] There is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the double Doctrine. [Let us therefore cast off, and let us therefore put on;] There is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the double Use.  
The words, apparelling the matter, have both number, and measure; and the matter itself is as full of weight. From both together it is obvious to observe three things in this mighty Preacher; His Logic, his Rhetoric, and his Divinity.  
We have his Logic in the Illative [Therefore] which is a note of Argumentation, giving the force of an Enthymem, though not the form. And yet the form is employed with more advantage than if expressed. The Night is far spent; Therefore night-works and darkness must go away. The Day is at hand; Therefore Light must be welcome to us.  
We have his Rhetoric in the Figures, of which the whole is made up. For besides the Isoc●la, and Homioteleuta of the Text, (that is) the evenness of the Members, and Musical Cadence of every Clause; we see the Metaphors in the Period are just as many as the Members. The first is borrowed from Darkness, the second from the Day; and both in Allusion to two things more which are very distant, to wit our Armour, and our Apparel. And yet the whole is an Allegory, most artificially carried on. For as he begins his holy Trope with the night of trouble and persecution, so he shuts it up too with the light of Peace. 
In Allegoriâ tenendum est hoc, ut quo in genere incipias, eodem desinas, aliter consequentia sit turpissima. Quintilian.  Nay, besides all these, the Text affords us three figures more. Three (I say in kind, but six in number. Here is a single Anaphora, a double Epanodos, and no less than a threefold Antithesis, by which the terms of the last clauses (and there are three Terms in each) are thus opposed to one another; Darkness, to Light; Works, to Armour; and casting off, to putting on.  
After the Logic, and the Rhetoric, observe the Divinity of the Apostle; to which his Art is but the Handmaid, and made to serve. Here is a seasonable Advertisement, and a most useful Inference. And each of these is twofold, exactly looking one on another, even as face answers face in a perfect Mirroir. Observe how the later is strongly enforced out of the former. Since the night of our sufferings is now far spent, what have we to do with the night of sin? And since the day of our deliverance is hard at hand, what should we do but 
* Vers. 13.  walk honestly as in the day? The night of Error and Disorder is now well over; Let us therefore cast off the works of darkness. The day of Mercy and Restauration begins to dawn; Let us therefore put on the armour of light. Let us 
* Eph. 5. 8.  walk in the light, as becomes children of the light. Let our light so shine before God and men, that Men may see our good works, and God reward them. That men may see our good works, and glorify God in this present world; that God may see our good works, and glorify Us in the world to come. Thus we see S. Paul's Divinity, and way of Teaching.  
It is indeed a whole Body of his practical Divinity, however summed up in so small a System. For the whole Duty of a Christian does consist in two things; first (by way of privation) in casting off the works of Darkness, in denying ungodliness, and worldly lusts; next (by way of Acquisition) in putting on the armour of light; living soberly, righteously, and godly in this present world. Tit. 2. 12. For so the Apostle explains himself in the two verses after my Text, Let us walk honestly, as in the Day. And how must that be? first he tells us in the Negative, Not in rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and envying, not in any of those things which were yesterday forbid by his Majesty's excellent Proclamation; (for these are some of the works of darkness, the very worst use that men can make of a Deliverance,) next he tells us in the Affirmative, It must be by putting on the Lord jesus Christ; By sticking close to his Precepts, and taking a copy from his example; by having a fellowship with his death, and a conformity to his sufferings; For this is here meant by the Armour of Light.  
And each of these is improved by three main circumstances. First by the union of the one with the other; they are not set with a disjunctive, that we may take which we please, [Let us cast off, Or let us put on] as if the one would serve turn without the other; But tied together with a copulative [Let us cast off, And let us put on,] neither of them must go alone. We stand obliged to do them both by indispensable necessity; nor must we vainly flatter ourselves that Salvation is to be had upon easier terms. Secondly by the enforcement of both together, from the seasonable conjuncture of our affairs. For Because the Night is far spent, we must divest ourselves of darkness; And Because the Day is at hand, we must apparel ourselves with light. Thirdly by the order in which these duties are to be done. We must not put on the Armour, Before we cast off the Works; But cease from dishonesty in the first place, and talk of godliness in the second. For a godly Knave is a contradiction in Adjecto. The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hath the Precedency, we must begin with casting off whatever is contrary to virtue; And then comes in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we must proceed to the putting on whatever is opposite to vice. We must not hope to serve two Masters, 
Matth. 6. 24.  (which our Saviour tells us is impossible, and which yet hath been the project of some years past,) erecting a Church for the one, and also a Chapel for the other; But first of all we must abhor, and forsake our Mammon, that so we may rationally endeavour to cleave with steadfastness unto God.  
Thus ye see how the Text is ravelled out into Particulars. And were I not really somewhat afraid to spend too much of my time in a mere Division, I would presently wind up all into three great Bottoms. Whereof the first would provide against Hypocrisy, the second against Indifferency, the third against fainting, as also against Procrastination. And when Provision shall have been made for these four things, not only Zeal, and Sincerity, but also dispatch in our amendment, and perseverance unto the end; I know not what can be wanting either to satisfy the Text, or to Edify the Souls of a Congregation.  
But before I come to handle the useful Inference of the Apostle, (which to do, will be the business of more than one or two Sermons) the time does prompt me to make Advantage of his most seasonable Advertisement, out of which he does fitly deduce his Inference. So opportune is the Advertisement, as well to these, as those Times, that I may say in the very language (though not in the very sense) of our Bles●ed Saviour, 
Luke 4. 21.  This day is this Scripture fulfilled in our Ears. For,  
We have had both our jews, and our Gnostics too; and are in the highest degree of hope, to be rid of Both. Not (I hope) by their destruction, (like that alluded to in my Text) but by their happy conversion, and union with us. For mutual love, as well as loyalty, is the thing that this Chapter does chiefly aim at. It presseth earnestly for loyalty, from the first verse unto the eighth. And as earnestly for love, from the eighth verse unto the end. By unavoidable implication, it presseth for love throughout the whole, but most expressly, and on purpose, in no less than four verses, to wit, the eight, the ninth, the tenth, and the thirteenth. We must not Insult over our Enemies, though we ought to give thanks for their disappointment. The noblest benefit of a Conquest, is the opportunity to oblige. Rejoice not (saith Solomon) when thine enemy falleth, nor let thine heart be glad when he stumbleth, lest the Lord see it, and it displease him, and he turn away his wrath from him, Prov. 24. 17. From whence it is obvious to collect, That to Insult over our Enemies, may do Them good; but all that We can get by it, is God's displeasure. The greatest care is to be taken in the present dawning of our day, that it be not overcast with an utter darkness. We have already had a long and a tedious night; (though not so long as the Apostles by twenty years,) a Night of sorrow, and oppression; a Night of disorder, and confusion; a Night of ignorance, and error; a Night of error in judgement, and practice too; To sum up all, we have been seized with a night of suffering, which we had drawn over ourselves by a night of sin.  
It is so far from my purpose, to make or widen the wounds of any, that you will see, (before we part) I do intend nothing but Healing. But I must make an application, as well of the Night, as of the Day; or else the parallel expected will be imperfect. And as 'tis reckoned the greatest happiness, to be able to say, we have been miserable; (yea, St. Gregory boldly called it an happy sin, which gave occasion to such a Remedy as the coming of Christ into the world:) so 'twill be useful to reflect upon the darkness of the night, which (by the blessing of God) is so very far spent, the better to relish the enjoyment of the glorious day which is now at hand. 
— Haec olim meminisse juvabit.  To recount what we have suffered, is no more than to consider how much we are able to forgive; and for how manifold a deliverance it now concerns us to be thankful.  
When we were dull, and in the dark, and knew not the Happiness we enjoyed, whilst we enjoyed it; when we could not comport with so hard a lesson, as the 
* 1 Pet. 2. 13, 14.  submitting ourselves for the Lord's sake, whether to the King, as Supreme, or unto Governors, as sent by him, and whether those that were sent, were Ecclesiastical, or Civil; when it seemed to us a Paradox, 
* Cappadoces, (inquit Strabo) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Strab. l. 12. p. 540. cap.  that 'tis the liberty of the Subject to live in subjection unto the Law, and therefore in loyalty unto him, whom to obey for Conscience sake, is the happiest freedom; I say when this Lesson would not otherwise be learned, God sent us to School to a Civil War; the severest Praeceptor, by which poor Scholars could be instructed. So it was called by 
* Thucyd. lib. 3. p. 227. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc.  Thucydides, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, A violent Schoolmaster] and such we found it by sad experience. For it rigidly taught us through the mouth of the angry Cannon, and gave us terrible admonitions upon the point of the sword. A lying spirit went forth into the mouth of the Prophets, Inspiring the 
* Isa. 14. 23. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Polyb. l. 6. p. 458.  meanest of the people to affect Dominion over the mightiest; and never ceasing to blow the coals, which they had kindled within the Bramble, until they saw it had devoured the lofty Cedar. A Church forsooth was to be swept, (but with the Besom of destruction,) though the best Reformed in all the world; and because the very Besom was the uncleanest thing in it, it could not choose but be the fouler for being swept. Nay, all the foundations of the earth did presently grow out of course. In the whole body of the Kingdom, there was little to be seen but wounds and bruises. For our Politic Surgeons did so follow the Letter (in opposition to the Sense) of the Poet's Rule, as to have taken off most of the soundest members, which were 
*— Immedicabile vulnus ense recidendum.  incurable indeed, by being faultless. Before the murdering of the King, who was the Head of our Common Mother, they garbled both the Universities, which were the Eyes. This was the wit of their Impiety, first to pluck out her eyes, that so she might not see them cut off her head. They did not only (like Alcides) cruelly bite their Mother's Breast, But (like Nero) rip up her Bowels. Not only (like Tarqvinius) summa papavera amputare, lop off the chieftains of the Nation, but (like Procrustes) cut off the feet too. The public calamities were extended, from him that sat upon the Throne, to him that laboured at the Plough. And, if we extend our consideration to the preparedness of their minds, had all that were faithful in the land had no more than one Neck, those Caligula's I allude to had cut it off at one Blow. Nay, in one sense at least, I may say they did it. For the Head of the Parliament is declared by Law to be the King; and the Parliament (we know) is a kind of ● wholeNation Epitomised. And so to cut off the King, was to behead the Parliament; which, what was it in effect, but to cut the very throat of the English Nation? Now if we consider the Revolution, by which we all are transported with joy, and wonder, and do compare it with every part of that Politic 
*— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Polyb. Megalop. l. 6. p. 456, 457, 458.  wheel, (that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Polyhius calls it,) with which this disgraced and glorious Kingdom hath been both tortured, and turned round; we cannot but hope that many thousands have found so good an effect of their late Collyrium, that they are not only quicker, but singler sighted than heretofore; and do make such severe expostulations with themselves, as not to need any other Censors.  
With how vast an expense of blood, and conscience, and as well of the public, as private Treasure, did we buy the sad Privilege of paying Assessments, and Excise? How much pains we were at, to purchase the means of our being Miserable? What a do did we keep, to find out a way to our undoing? we felt an eminent Decay, of Public Honour, as well as Trade; a Decay of Religion, because of Unity; a Decay of what not, unless of that that decayed us on every side? Nay, the more our sinews were shrunk up, and by how much the weaker our shoulders grew, by so much the more were we laden with heavy Burdens. There was inflicted on many thousands, a Taste of scarceness; and a sight of the Plague, though not of Pestilence. For when did we see a new year, which did not bring along with it a new Disease too? 'Tis true indeed that many of us had great enjoyments; But how many others had right to greater, who yet were reduced to none at all? And all we had being precarious, at the lustful disposal of fellow subjects, we knew not how soon we might be drowned in the deepest want, how much soever (for a Time] we might swim in plenty. Nay, even Then we were to count it our real misery, that we could see, and deplore, but could not Remedy other men's.  
Such was the Darkness of the Night, which now does serve to commend the Day. The Day by whose light we can see to read, [what was hid from our eyes when we sat in Darkness, when the great Lamps of the Church were cruelly hid under a Bushel, and even He was taken from us, who was the light of our Eyes, as well as the Breath of our Nostrils,] I say, by this light we can see to read, That our Liberty does consist in a faithful Discharge of our Allegiance. That 'tis the Interest of the Subject, Not to be able to Rebel. That the Prerogative of the King, is the people's privilege. That to lessen his Power, is to betray their Rights. For unless he be able to crush, and injure, he is not able to defend, and protect his Subjects. Any Tyranny will be better, than that of a prosperous Rebellion, by how much One is less grievous than Many Tyrants; And a Temporary Mischief, that a perpetual Inconvenience.  
Blessed be God that we can say, (at least as far as our Apostle,) that our Dark state of misery is fairly vanished, and that the Light does begin to show itself in our Horizon. But so far are we yet from our full Meridian, that it will never be Day with us, (I mean, not a glorious uncloudy Day,) till Magna Charta shines forth in its native Lustre. And it appears by 
* Salvae sint Episcopis omnes Libertates suae. Mag. Chart. cap. 1. & ult.  Magna Charta, that all the Rights of the Church are the chiefest Liberties of the Subject. To be but capable of the Honour, 
* 1 Tim. 5. 17.  the double Honour of the Clergy, (to wit, the Reverence, and the Revenue) is an eminent part of the Layman's Birthright. I pray be pleased to consider, what is not every day observed, That all the Dignities, and Endowments, which do belong unto the Church, (at once by the Statutes of God and Man,) are so many Rights which appertain to your children's children. I must not here be thought to forsake my Text; For it ye compare it with the Context, (especially from the first, to the eighth verse of this Chapter,) ye will see the great fitness of all I say, and that my Text cannot be satisfied, unless I say it. For he that saith in this place by the Spirit of God, 
Rom. 13. 1.  Let every soul be subject to the higher Powers, does also say by the same Spirit, Obey them that have the Rule over you, 
Heb. 13. 7, 17  who have spoken to you the word of God, and who do watch for your souls, as those that must render an Account. And the Interest of the former, is so entwisted with the later, That till our Bishops receive their Right, though we are glad to have our King, we may rationally fear we shall not hold him. For ask (I beseech you) of the days that are past, 
Deut. 4. 32.  and ask from the one side of heaven to the other, if ever there were any such thing as This, that a King could be happy without a Bishop? Lord! What an Epocha will it make in our future Kalendars, when men shall reckon from this Year, as from the Year of Restitution? But then (like that which Saint Peter mentions, Acts 3. 21.) The Restitution is to be general, as well to God, as to the People. And ye will find in Magna Charta, (which does deserve to be imprinted in all your memories,) That all the Rights of the Church were entirely granted unto God; They were granted unto God, and that for ever. Now of so sacred a force is the word [For ever,] That if a Statute shall be made against the Liberties of the Church, The Law of the Land hath provided against that Statute; 
See the first and last Chapter of the 42. of Edward the third.  And by an Anticipation, declares it Null. Shall I guests at the cause of so great a Caution? It seems to be, as for other Reasons, so in particular for This; Because to alter that Government, was as well against the King's Oath, as against the Oaths of both Houses, which swore the Right of his Supremacy, as well in all Ecclesiastical, as Civil causes. Besides that in the Judgement of the most eminent in the world (for depth of knowledge in holy things) The order of Bishops is by Divine Institution. And if 'tis so in good earnest, it will be dangerous to deal with the Laws of Christ, as we read 
* Cum adversus Rempublicam Lacedaemoniorum conspirationem ortam noctu comperisser, Leges Lycurgi continuo abrogavit, quae de Indemnatis supplicium sumi vetabant. Vol. Max. lib. 7. c. 2. p. 208.  Agesilaus once dealt with those of Lacedaemon, which he pretended only to abrogate, that he might not break them. But whether so, or not so, a thing in Being and Debate is to pass for good, until the Dispute shall be fairly ended. And if an Error must be adventured on either hand, Religion tells us, it ought to be upon the Right.  
Would any know why I insist on such a subject in such a place? my Reasons for it are plainly These.  
First, I insist on such a subject, because my Text (as I said) does exact it of me; And because 'tis my duty, at least to wish, That the day breaking forth may be full and lasting; That the Repentance of the Nation may be impartial; and so to our SOVEREIGN'S RETURN, there may be added his Continuance in Peace and Safety. I say in Safety, not more to his Person, than his Posterity. Nor in Safety for a season, so long as men are well humoured, but so long as the Sun or the Moon endures. And then for you of this Place, who are an honourable part of the English Nation, That which I take to be your Duty, I think is your Interest to endeavour. The most I am pressing on you is this, That ye will labour for the means of your being happy. If ye think ye cannot be happy, with the establishment of the Prelacy, I shall pray you may be happy, at least without it; and also wish I may be able to pray with Faith too. Only as often as I reflect on King JAMES his Motto, [No Bishop, no King,] and withal do consider its having been verified once, and before our eyes, I think it my duty to desire, it may not be verified any more: But that it may rather be here applied, what was spoken heretofore of the Spartan Laws, [ut semper esse possent, aliquando non fuerunt.] They only ceased for a Time, to the end they might continue to all eternity. These are sincerely the very Reasons for which I insist upon such a Subject.  
Secondly I do it in such a place, because I look on This Assembly, as on the Head and the Heart of the Royal City. I look on the City, as on a Sea, into which the main stream of the Nation runs. Even the Parliament itself hath such a respect unto the City, that if ye plead for God's Spouse, as ye have done for his Anointed (for which your names will be precious with late posterity,) if ye shall supplicate for a Discipline which is as old in this land as Christianity itself, and stands established in Law by thirty two Acts of Parliament, and without which ye cannot live, unless by living under the Breach of your greatest Charter, they will not only be apt to grant, but to thank you also for your Petition.  
Having gone thus far in prosecution of the Advertisement, That the Night of our Suffering is fairly spent, and that the Day of our Enjoyment begins to dawn; And having directed unto the means, (with submission be it spoken to all Superiors.) by which our Day is to be lengthened, not only into a year, but an Age of jubilee; into a kind of perpetual Sabbath, a Day of Rest from those works, which either wanted Light, or were ashamed of it; which either borrowed Darkness for their Cover, or else which owned it for their Cause; I humbly leave what I have said to His acceptance and disposal, in the Hand of whose Counsel are all your Hearts. 'tis more than time that I proceed to the general Use of this Advertisement; to which I am prompted by the word [Therefore,] as 'tis a word of connexion betwixt the Duty, and the Deliverance.  
Our Apostle does not thus argue; Because the Night of Oppression is now far spent, and the Day of Deliverance is hard at hand, Let us therefore enjoy the good things that are present, let us stretch ourselves upon 〈◊〉 bed of Ivory, let us Crown ourselves with Rosebuds, let us drink Wine in bowls, and let us dance to the sound of the Viol, let us leave tokens of our joyfulness in every street, let none of us go without his share of Voluptuousness, for this is our portion, our lot is this: I say he does not thus reason, (like the swaggerers and Hectors in the second Chapter of Wisdom, and in the sixth of the Prophet Amos,) but on the contrary, That the serious consideration of an approaching deliverance, should be a double enforcement to change of life, for such is evidently the force of the particle 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as that looks back on the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Because the Night is far spent, and because the Day is at hand, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, let us therefore cast off those works of darkness, and let us therefore put on the Armour of light. Which is as if he should have said, At this very Time, and for this very Reason, let us live better lives than we did before; let us buckle up close to our Christian duties; The Reformation of our manners will be the properest Answer to such a Blessing. Such also was the Reasoning which Moses used to the People Israel. Did ever people hear the voice of God, as thou hast heard and live? (Deut. 4. 33.) Thou shalt keep therefore his statutes, that it may go well with thee (v. 40.) so again Deut. 8. 6, 7. The Lord thy God bringeth thee into a good Land, Therefore thou shalt keep the Commandments of the Lord. Such was the Reasoning also of Zacharie, 
Luke 1. 71.74, 75.  in his Divine Benedictus, That the use we are to make of being saved from our enemies, and from the hand of all that hate us, is to serve the Author of our deliverance, in holiness, and righteousness, all the days of our life.  
What now remains, but that we go, and do likewise? Not arguing thus from our late great changes; Because the Night of our Sufferings is well nigh spent, and the Day of Restitution is hard at hand, let us therefore put from us the evil day, 
Amos 6. 3.  and cause the seat of violence to come near, for now it comes to our Turn to oppress the poor, and to crush the helpless, and to call our strength the Law of justice, let us never so much as think of the afflictions of joseph; 
Verse 6.  Let our Joy run out into Debaucherie, and surfeit into the braveries of vanity, and the Enjoyments of our lust; or at the best let us express it, by the making of Bonfires, and Ringing of Bells, by solemn drinking of Healths, and casting Hats into the Air, whereby to make the World see, that we are glad, rather than thankful; But let us manifest on the contrary, (and let us do it by demonstration,) that we are piously thankful, as well as glad. Because the Day of good things breaks in upon us, Let us Therefore offer to God thanksgiving, and pay our vows unto the Lord. 
Psal. 50. 14.  Our Vows of Allegiance and Supremacy; Our Vows to assert and maintain our Charters; Our Vows to live according to Law, and obey the Canons of the Church. But above all, let us pay him our Vow in Baptism, by forsaking the World before we leave it, by subduing the Flesh unto the Spirit, 
James 4. 7.  by resisting the Devil until he flies. That whilst God is making all new without us, we may not suffer our Hearts within us to be the only things remaining old; But rather (on the contrary) that we may prove we are in Christ, by that demonstrative argument of our becoming new creatures; which until we do become, we cannot possibly be in Christ, 2 Cor. 5. 17. Do the two Twin Blessings of Peace and Plenty, which have been (for many years) at so low an ebb, begin to flow in upon us from every quarter? Then let not our Souls be carried away, with the pleasant violence of the Tide. Let not any Man seekgreat things for himself, but rather study to deserve, then to enjoy them. Make no provision for the Flesh, whereby to fulfil the lusts thereof: but put ye on the Lord jesus Christ, and Adorn his Doctrine, by a conformity to his Life. Put on his Modesty, and his Temperance, in a perfect opposition to Rioting and Drunkenness; put on his Chastity, and his Pureness, in opposition to Chambering, and Wantonness; put on his Bowels, and his Mercy, in opposition to Strife, and Envy.  
Ye know 〈◊〉 I told you in the beginning, that Loyalty and Love are the two grand duties at which this Chapter does chiefly drive. And having been instant for the first, in the former part of my discourse, I think it a duty incumbent on me, to be as urgent for the second. For Love is part of that Armour my Text commandeth us to put on. Nay, considering that Love is the fulfilling of the Law, (in the next verse but one before my Text,) the armour of Light may be said, to be the armour of Love too. Love must needs be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Eph. 6. 13.  the whole armour of God, in as much as it comprehendeth the fulfilling of the Law. 
Gal. 5. 14.  As one Scripture tells us, that God is Light, 
1 Joh. 1. 5.  so another also tells us, that God is Love; and therefore the children of light, 
1 Joh. 4. 8.  must be children of love too.  
Then let the same mind be in us, which was in Christ jesus; 
1 Pet. 2. 23.  who when he suffered, threatened not, but committed his cause to God who judgeth righteously. And let us prove this mind is in us, by our forbearing one another, forgiving one another, Even as God for Christ's sake hath forgiven us. 
Eph. 4. 32.  As we are stones of that Temple, in which the Head of the Corner is Christ himself, He meant his Blood should be the Cement, to fastens every one of us to one another, and altogether unto himself. And since we see that Disloyalty is taking its leave throughout the Land, le's rather shut the Door after it, by (Love and Unity,) then (by Breaches and Divisions) open ●way for its Return. Let us effectually make it appear, by the modest use of our Enjoyments, Pacem Bello quaesitam esse, That we fought only for Peace, and contended only for Union; that the end of our strife, was our Agreement; that we aimed at Truth, rather than Victory; or rather at the Victory of Truth and Righteousness. Let our generous deportment become an evidence, that as the greatest of our Calamities could not bow down our heads, so the greatest of our Enjoyments cannot trip up our heels; That as our Crosses could not deprive us of Hope and Comfort, so the Tide of our Prosperity shall but Illustrate our Moderation.  
But above all let us distinguish, betwixt our weak, and our wilful Brethren. Of some (Saint jude saith) we must have compassion, 
Judas 22. 23.  making a difference. But others (he saith) we must save with fear, pulling them out of the fire. That is, we must save them, 
2 Cor. 5. 11.  even by making them afraid. Must show them the Terrors of the Lord, and fright them out of the way to Hell. We must in any wise rebuke them, 
Leu. 19 17.  and must not suffer sin upon them. It is a Rule amongst Musicians, that if a string be but True, 'tis to be cherished, though never so grisly out of Tune; but to be broken, if it be false, because incapable of amendment. Some are so scandalous, that we must not receive them into our Houses, 
2 Joh. 10. 11.  nor bid them God speed: For to bid them God speed, is to partake of their Evil deeds. (2 Joh. 10. 11.) But there is nothing more Barbarous, than not to hold from the breaking a bruised reed, 
Isa. 42. 3.  or from the quenching a smoking flax. 
Mat. 12. 20.  Nothing but Pardon belongs to Penitents, although they may have sinned against us, no less than seventy times seven. 
Mat. 18. 22.  It is an excellent passage in Herodotus, that whilst Croesus was brewing Vengeance against the Murderer of his Son, Adrastes being the man that had killed the Son, threw himself down at the Father's feet; and in the bitterness of his Soul passed such a sentence upon himself, as even melted the very bowels of an enraged King, who strait broke forth into this expression, 
Herodotus lib. 1. pag. 17.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Friend (saith he) I am revenged; thy severity to thyself hath made me kind. And I think it fit that thou shouldest live, for thinking it fit that thou shouldest die. If we have failed heretofore in so great a duty, let us learn from that Heathen, to love our enemies for the future. And since it is dangerous not to love them, 
Heb. 12. 29.  in as much as our God is a consuming fire, let us love them at least in our own defence. Have they persecuted us, when it was in Their power? Let us the rather not hurt them, when 'tis in Ours. For to Imitate their courses, is to Approve them. But 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as Arrian speaks,) not to be like them in what is evil, is the most generous kind of revenge, and conquest. 
Eccles. 12. 13  Now then (if you please) hear the sum of the whole matter. We must demonstrate to our enemies, by the most practical way of arguing, That the night of sin is far spent, and that the day of our Amendment begins to dawn; 
2 Pet. 1. 19  that the Daystar (in St. Peter) is arising in our hearts; that we are followers of Christ, 
Joh. 13. 15.  and resolved to do sincerely as he hath given an Example. Which was not to call down Fire from Heaven, 
Luk. 9 54.  much less to conjure it up from Hell, 
Mat. 26. 50.  but to call judas Friend, whilst he was Executing his Treason, as well as Devil, whilst he designed it; nay to lay down his Life, even for them that took it away. Now since He is (what he calls himself) the light of the World, and as well our armour, as our apparel, St. Paul did fitly explain his Precept for putting on the armour of Light, by that of putting on the Lord jesus Christ. This is the use we are to make of the Night's going away, and the day's approach, if I may not rather say, its presence with us. This is our practical, and vital, (not verbal) Oratory, which (next to the pleading of the Spirit, 
Rom. 8. 26.  who helpeth our infirmities, and maketh intercession for us with groans which cannot be uttered,) is the only Oratory with God, that will be powerful to persuade him to pass our Hopes into Fruitions, to Crown our Fruitions with an Increase, to bless that Increase with a long Continuance, and so to Sanctify unto us our Temporal things, as that we may not fall short of the things Aeternal.  
This is the rational importance of the word Therefore in my Text, as 'tis a particle of connexion betwixt our Duty, and our Deliverance.  
Now that the Duty of keeping close to the Commandments of Christ, (by casting off All our works of Darkness, and by putting on the whole armour of light,) should be enforced upon our Souls from the consideration of the Time, [a Time of Peace, and Prosperity, succeeding a Time of Persecution; a very bright Day, after a very Dark Night;] I shall the rather proceed to prove by the several Reasons of the thing; because the Reasons making for it, will be also the Motives inducing to it. They will not only clear the Truth, but advance the practice of my Assertion.  
The first Reason is, Because it is generous, and noble, to amend our lives, with our conditions; and rather out of gratitude, than fordid fear. It will be ever the greatest glory of Titus Vespasian, (above the rest of the Roman Emperors) that he was moulded by his Empire from the worse to the better; from having been a very cruel, and a very proud person, to be as eminently mild, and humble too, as if he had listened to the Precept in Ecclesiasticus, 
Eccl. 3. 18.  and made his Practice an Answer to it, [My Son, the greater thou art, humble thyself so much the more.] Happy is the Man that can say with David, It is good for me that I have been in trouble. 
Psal. 119. 71.  But He is the Man of a rarer happiness, who is inwardly the better for having prospered. 'Tis very much worthier of a Christian, to be led by God's favour, then to be driven into duty by his severity. A well natured people, upon the receiving of a blessing, will be apt to bethink themselves, (with David) by what expressions of their gratitude they may signify their sense of their Obligation. Quid retribuemus? 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pag. 552.  what shall we render unto the Lord for all his benefits bestowed upon us, (Psal. 116. 12.) which of his greatest enemies shall we make a sacrifice to his wrath? what monstrous sin shall we mortify? what darling lust shall we subdue? how shall we honour him with our lives, and give him thanks by our Reformation? shall we despise the Riches of his forbearance, because he is willing that his forbearance should allure us to Repentance, and not that his judgements should fright us to it? shall we presume to be evil, because he is good? And offend the more boldly, because his Grace does so much abound? No, we will not (for shame) abuse his Love, and corrupt ourselves with his Indulgence. Nor will we (in pity to our Souls) pollute ourselves with his gifts, or sin away his graces and mercies to us, by making them serve to incense his justice.. But by how much the greater his Mercies are, by so much the more will we tremble to provoke the eyes of his glory. Because we find by so late experience, He is a God ready to pardon, swift to show mercy, and slow to wrath; we will endeavour to let him see, we are a people ready to serve him; swift to ask him forgiveness, but slow to sin. Thus ye have the first Reason of the word Therefore in my Text, as 'tis a particle of connexion betwixt the Duty, and the Deliverance.  
The second Reason is, because he will otherwise Repent of his favours to us, and will punish us the more, for sinning against such Obligations. We ought to look upon our privilege, with Fear and Trembling: for that which heightens our dignity, whilst we attend to God's service, does also aggravate our doom, whilst we neglect it. The very things which make us capable of greater happiness than others, may accidentally fit us for greater ruin. Remember those words of our blessed Saviour, [Luk. 10. 15.] And thou Capernaum which art lifted up to Heaven, shalt be cast down to Hell. Whereby 'tis intimated unto us, that God will punish Malefactors, as well in respect of the mercies they have received, as in respect of the sins they have committed. 
2. Cor. 5. 10.  When we shall all appear before the judgement seat of God, to answer for the things which are done in the body, we then must render a strict account, what Use we have made of our Grand deliverance, and how much we are the Better, for all that good that is done unto us.  
The third Reason is, because our dangers are greater in time of Peace and Prosperity, than in time of Distress and Persecution; and so we have need of the greater Caution. Agur prayed against Poverty, 
Prov. 30. 8, 9  for fear of Stealth; but he prayed against Riches, for fear of Atheism. If jesurun wax fat, he falls a kicking, and quite forgets the God that made him. [Deut. 32. 15.] If Nabal is drunk with the prosperity of shearing the Innocent and harmless Sheep, it is no time to tell him, that either David, or God is Angry. Nay David himself, in his prosperity, began to boast he should never be moved, [Psal. 30. 6.] From fullness of Bread, ariseth Idleness. and Pride; and those (we know) were the sins of Sodom. When God reigned Manna upon his people, and gave them all that they desired, Then [saith the Text] they were not estranged from their lusts. 
Psal. 78. 24. 25.  But when he slew them, they sought him, and inquired early after God. If ever any mortal was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (that is) the White boy of Fortune, and special favourite of the Fates, (as the Heathens phrased it) the Youth of Macedon was sure the Man. But though he could not be overcome by the strength of all Asia, he was by the weakness, and softness of it. 'Twas this made Cato cry out in Livy, 
Ne illae magis res nos ceperint, quam nos illas. Liv. lib. 34. pag. 849.  Quo magis imperium crescit, eo plus horreo. The more our Territories increase, the more I tremble; for fear the Kingdoms which we have taken, do prove indeed to have taken Us. He knew that where the Soul is not commensurate with the success, the Pride arising from the Victory, does so defile the glory of it, that the prize may be said to lead the Triumph into Captivity. It is so natural for a man to be transported with prosperity, that it extorted from Moses an extraordinary caveat, before he could safely admit his people to the delights of Canaan. When the Lord thy God shall have brought thee into the Land, 
Deut. 6. 10, 11, 12.  to give thee great and goodly Cities, and houses full of all good things, 
See Deut. 8. 10. to 18.  Then beware that thou forget not the Lord, who brought thee out of the Land of Egypt, [Deut. 6. 10. 12.] and so again in the 8 Chapter, When thou hast eaten, and art full, and hast built goodly houses, and dwelled therein, Then beware least thine heart be lifted up, and thou forget the Lord thy God, who brought thee out of the house of Bondage. 'Tis a dangerous thing, to be imparadised on Earth, because in every such paradise there lurks a Serpent.  
The fourth Reason is, Because it is better to have a conquering, than an untempted Innocence. To live exactly in despite of solicitations to the contrary, is more thankworthy, and more rewardable, than only to want the Importunity, or Opportunity to offend. A man may easily be submissive, whilst he is under a Persecution; and study compliance, when he is worsted. But 'tis as laudable, as it is difficult, if we who sought even for Victory, whilst we were trodden under foot, shall sue for Peace in our Prosperity. That which makes us most high, (in the sight of God) is our Humility; for which there is hardly any place in our Humiliation. But the Taller any man is, by so much the lower he hath to stoop; and so 'tis the Benefit of success, to be Remarkable for Modesty, and Moderation. That especially is the season, wherein our Armour of light is of most honourable Employment, when the Prince of darkness hath most auxiliaries within, and our Lusts are made ablest to War against us.  
The fifth Reason is, because there is no other way whereby to prevail with God Almighty, both to complete that happiness he hath begun, and to continue it when completed. I say to complete it being begun, because the night is far spent, but not quite over; The day is dawning, or at hand, but not arrived at its Meridian. God's Anointed is settled, but not his Spouse. Many are sorry for their Sacrilege, but do not earnestly Repent; Or they Repent a fair way, (as far as Ahab,) but not (with Zachae the Publican) as far as a fourfold Restitution. Many who sinned out of Ignorance in a very high manner, do stiffly argue their being Innocent, from their not apprehending that they were guilty. But (seeing Repentance is better for them, than a mere Temporal Impunity,) they should be entreated to consider, and put it a little to the question, whether their Ignorance was not caused by the Previous Dominion of some great Prejudice, which had also its Rise from some Reigning sin. Alas! The Jews were too guilty of killing Christ, although they knew not what they did; for had they known him, they would not have crucified to themselves the Lord of Glory. But yet I say they were guilty, because their Ignorance was not invincible. It was their guilt that they were Ignorant; they might have known what they did, had they not stood in their own Light. If men will either wink hard, or fling dust into their eyes, It is not only their Infirmity, but their fault that they are blind. Saul the Pharisee was excused indeed a Tanto, for having blasphemed against God, and also Persecuted the Church, because he did it in Ignorance, and Unbelief. But however it did alleviate, it did not nullify his sins; For to become the Apostle Paul, he stood in need of a Conversion. Now if we do not only earnestly, but also rationally desire to see a suitable end (or rather no end at all) of these fair Beginnings; that the Temple of janus may so be shut by our Augustus, 
Sueton. lib. 2. c. 22. p. 66.  as never more to be opened by any Caesar; 
Florus lib. 4. c. 12. p. 136.  and that this Day of our Deliverance may never more be overcast with a cloud of darkness, but happily lost into Eternity; we cannot better give Thanks to God for the present breaking in of our glorious day, than by an Annual day of Fasting for the clamorous sins of our tedious Night. I mean the Profanation of Holy Places; the sacrilegious perversion of Holy Things; the monstrous Harmony of Oaths, which some have fancied to arise from the greatest discord; the effusion of innocent, and (not only so, but of) Royal Blood; with all the Preparatives and Attendants of that unspeakable Provocation, which of itself does deserve (and that for ever) a Monthly day of Humiliation. It was the Policy of Balaam (saith Philo the jew, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ) to make the Moabitish Women sell the Use of their flesh to the Hebrew Men; 
Philo p. 501. confer. cum Num. 25. & Num. 31. 16.  and that for no other price, than their Sacrificing to Idols. As knowing that the Hebrews were not otherwise to be worsted, than by their own breaches of God's Commandments. And we know not how soon our dawning Day may grow dark, if we do not cast off the works of Darkness. Which implies a good reason for the word Therefore in the Text, as 'tis a particle of connexion betwixt the Duty, and the Deliverance.  
Now unto the King Eternal, 
1 Tim. 1. 17.  Immortal, Invisible, the only Wise God, be Honour and Glory for ever and ever.  
FINIS.   

Die jovis, 30. Maii. A. 13. Car. Regis Secundi.  
ORdered, that the Thanks of this House be returned to Dr. Pierce, for the Sermon he Preached yesterday, and that he be desired to Print his Sermon.  
And Sir Heneage Finch, Mr. Coventrie, and Mr. Pryn, or any one of them, are desired to give him the Thanks of this House.  
Will. Goldesbrough Cler. Dom. Com.   

A SERMON PREACHED At St. MARGARET'S WESTMINSTER by the Order of the Honourable the House OF COMMONS IN PARLIAMENT Assembled, Upon the 29th Day of MAY, being the Anniversary Day of the KING'S and KINGDOM'S RESTAURATION. MD. DC.LXI.  
Legum Conditores Festos dies instituerunt, ut ad hilaritatem homines publicè cogerentur, tanquam necessarium laboribus interponentes Temperamentum. Senec. de Tranquil. Ani. c. ult.   
DEUT. 6. 12. Then beware lest thou forget the Lord, who brought thee out of the Land of Egypt. 
WHen I look back upon the Church in all her motions out of the East, observing how Monarchy and Learning have been at once the two Shoulders to bear her up, and withal the two Legs to bring her hither; And when again I do reflect upon our Twenty years' sins, which were the complicated Cause of our Twelve years' sufferings; I mean our Drunkenness and Luxury, which were deservedly prescribed so long a Fast; the rashness and vanity of our Oaths, which gave us a miserable option betwixt a perjury, and an undoing; our profanation of the Choir, which turned us out of the Cathedral; our gross neglect of God's Service, which helped to vote down our public Liturgy; our general idleness and sloth, which often cast us out of our Houses, and as it were set us to eat our Bread, in the sweat of our brows, or of our brains; our unprofitable walking under all God's methods and means of Grace, which left us nothing but his judgements (for many sad years) to work upon us; And yet again when I consider, 
Psal. 126. 4.  How God hath turned our Captivity as the Rivers of the South, and cast the Locusts out of our Vineyards, that we may sit under our Vines; enjoying our judges as at the first, 
Isa. 1. 26.  and our Counsellors as at the Beginning; And that the use we are to make of so miraculous a Recovery, is to be fedulous in providing against the Danger of a Relapse; To sin no more after pardon, for fear a worse thing happen unto us; 
Joh. 5. 14.  I think I cannot be transported with a more Innocent Ambition, because I cannot be ambitious of a more profitable Attempt, than that of bringing down the Heads of certain Hearers into their Hearts; that what is now no more than Light, may by that means become Fire; That we may All (in this sense) be like the Baptist, 
Joh. 5. 35.  not only shining, but burning Lamps; not only beautified with the knowledge of Christian duties; but zealous too in the discharge; as unaffectedly punctual in all our carriage, as the greatest Enemies of Godliness are hypocritically precise. And (though Heresies are to be hated, as things which lead unto destruction, yet) that Vice may be reckoned the worst of Heresies, by how much the Error of a man's Practice is worse than That of his bare Opinion.  
Last of all, when I consider, That though Peace is a Blessing, and the greatest in its kind, yet many consequences of Peace are but glittering Snares, and that the things which are given us as helps to memory, are apt to make us 
* Isa. 5. 12.  forgetful of Him that gave them; 
Hab. 1. 13. 16.  I cannot think of a fitter Text for the giving advantage to my design, 
Amos 6. 1. 3.  than this Remarkable Caveat against Forgetfulness a●d Ingratitude, 
Host 13. 6.  amidst the pleasant Effects of a Restauration.  
When the Lord thy God shall have brought thee into the Land, to give thee great and goodly Cities, and houses full of all good things, when thou shalt have eaten, and art full; THAN beware that thou forget not the Lord, who brought thee out of the Land of Egypt.  
AT the very first view of which holy Caveat, there are five particulars of Remark which presently meet my observation. As first, the Downfall of a Nation: Secondly, the Deliverance: Thirdly, the Author of that Deliverance: Fourthly, the Duty by him enjoined: And lastly, the juncture of Affairs wherein this Duty is most in Season.  
And of all these Particulars each is the greatest in its kind too. For,  
First behold the greatest Curse, that any poor Nation can struggle under. A Yoke of Bondage and Captivity, imposed by the hardest and worst of men. A Yoke so insupportable to some men's Necks, that I remember Hegesistratus (a captive Soldier in Herodotus) would rather cut off his legs, 
Herodot. in Calliope.  then endure his Fetters; that by the loss of his Feet, he might be enabled to run away. So insufferable a thing is the State of Thraldom, very significantly employed in the Land of Egypt, and exegetically expressed by the house of Bondage.  
But yet the Curse is so set, (like Shadows in a Picture, or Foils with Diamonds) as to commend and illustrate the greatest Blessing. A Deliverance brought about by such a miraculous complication, that nothing but the experience that so it is, can extenuate the wonder that so it should be. A People groaning under the pressures of several Centuries of years, and so accustomed unto the Yoke, as to have made it a kind of acquired Nature, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as Galen calls it) De Terra Aegypti eductus est, is now at last brought out of the Land Egypt.— And yet the wonder begins to cease; Because  
The Author of this Deliverance is so much the greatest to be imagined, that he is Dominus, the Lord; 
Isa. 40. 22.  the Lord that stretcheth out the Heavens; 
Psal. 104. 5.  the Lord that layeth the foundations of the Earth; 
Zech. 12. 1.  the Lord that formeth the spirit of Man within him. The Lord in whose Hand are the hearts of all men; who turneth man to Destruction, 
Psal. 90. 3.  and again who saith, Come again ye children of Men In a word, It is the Lord, to whom Miracles are natural, and by whom Impossibilities are done with ease. 'Tis He that brought thee out of the Land of Egypt. And therefore,  
The Duty in proportion must be superlatively great too, however hid in this place by a little Meiosis of expression. Beware that thou forget not the Lord thy God; that is, Remember what he hath done, and thank him for it by thy obedience; Let thy gratitude be seen in thy conversation. Be sure to 
* Deut. 10. 12.  love him, and to serve him, ' with all thy heart, and with all thy soul. Forget him if thou canst, unless thou canst forget thou wert 
* Deut. 6. 20, 21.  Pharaob's Bondman. Nay forget him if thou dar'st, unless thou art so stout that thou dar'st be damned. And yet beware lest thou forget him, whilst thou art swimming in prosperity, the stream of which may either drown thee, or make thee drunk, if thou are not fore-Armed with circumspection. And therefore Beware that thou forget not the Lord that brought thee out of Egypt. And that thou mayest not forget him, write the Favours which he hath done thee, 
Deut. 6. 7, 8, 9  upon the posts of thine house; and place them as Frontlet's between thine eyes; tell them out unto thy children, as thou walkest by the way, both at thy lying down, and thy rising up; Let them be as a Signet upon thine Arm, and as a Seal upon thine heart. That the pleasures of thy Deliverance may not make thee forgetful of thy Deliverer, (forgetful of the 
* Deut. 32. 15. 18.  Rock out of which thou wert hewn, and kicking (like 
* Deut. 32. 15, 18.  jesurun) at him that made thee,) keep an 
* Exod. 13. 3, 4, 10, etc.  Anniversary Feast, (a standing Passeover in May,) whereby to fix him in thy Remembrance.  
Lastly, a Duty so indispensable, should be enforced upon the Soul by the present season. A season of Peace and Prosperity, succeeding a season of Persecution. The greatest Incitement to the Duty, should be the manifold Enjoyment of this Deliverance. For so 'tis obvious to infer from the particle THAN, (so strongly employed in the Hebrew, that in the English 'tis well expressed,) upon which there seems to lie the chiefest emphasis of the Text, if we observe how it stands in a double Relation to the Context. [When the Lord thy God shall have brought thee into the Land, to give thee great and goodly Cities, and houses full of all good things; when thou shalt have eaten and be full, THAN beware that thou forget not the Lord that brought thee out of Egypt.]  
The Text is so fruitful of particulars, and each particular is so apt to administer matter of Discourse, that it hath been my hardest Question, whereabouts I should begin, and how I should end my meditations. And after too much time lost in stating the Question within myself, I have thought it at once the fittest and the most useful to be resolved, (as most immediately complying with the solemnity of the Time,) not to yield to the temptation of comparing our Land with the Land of Egypt, for fear of seeming to have a pique at the Act of Indemnity and Oblivion; (otherwise 'twere easy to make a Parallel; because, however our Native Country, yet, for twelve years together, it was a very strange Land;) But, not advancing one step beyond the Threshold, to bestow my whole time upon the little word THAN; as being a particle of connexion betwixt our Duty, and our Deliverance; betwixt the Business of the Time, and the Time itself; betwixt the Occasion, and the End of our present meeting: looking like Homer's wise man, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with a visible prospect on all that follows, and with as visible a retrospect upon the words going before.  
When Prosperity breaks in like a mighty stream, 
Amos 5. 24.  (in so much that I may say with our blessed Saviour, 
Luk. 4. 21.  This day is this Scripture fulfilled in your ears,) Then beware that ye forget not the Lord that brought you out of Egypt. Beware ye forget him not at any time, but especially at This. For the particle Then is an Important monosyllable; and that especially in three respects.  
First because of the Difficulty of having God in our Remembrance, much more Then, than at other times. Next for the Dignity of the Duty, rather Than, than before or after. Lastly by reason of the Danger of not performing the Duty Then, when it becomes incumbent on us by many unspeakable obligations.  
These especially are the Reasons of the particle Then in this place, on which alone I shall insist in this Morning's Service. For should I adventure upon the rest, not only the hour, but (for aught I can conjecture) the day would fail me.  
AND first of all let us beware, amidst the Effects of our Deliverance, that we forget not the Author of it; because it is difficulter THAN, than at other times. For the Flattery and Dalliance of the world, hath perpetually been the Mother of so much Wantonness, or Pride, that Adam found it dangerous to be in Paradise, yea and Lucifer to be in Heaven. Do but look upon Solomon in the Book of Kings, and again look upon him in his Ecclesiastes. How was he there li●ted up by his Prosperity? and how does he here Preach it down? I know not whether, as a Prince, he more enjoyed his Pleasures; or, as a Prophet, more condemned them. Whether the luxury of his Table made him a Wanton, or whether the vastness of his Wisdom made him a Fool; 'Twas That betrayed him to his Concubines, and This permitted him to his Idols. Since then a prosperous condition hath such a secret poison in it, as against which no Medicine hath been sufficiently Alexipharmacal; and from the force of whose contagion, there is no sort of men that hath been privileged, no not Adam the Innocent, nor Solomon the Wise, nor even Lucifer the beautified; who were so hugely swelled up with this Venom, and so quickly burst; (not the first in a state of sinlesness, nor the next in a state of grace, nor yet the third in a state of glory;) since there is no other man than the man Christ jesus, that hath been ever temptation proof: Lord, how wretched a thing is happiness on this side Heaven! and how dangerously treacherous are our Enjoyments! I suppose we are taught by our late experience, how easy it is to be overjoyed, and how equally hard to be truly thankful, for all those wonders of salvation which God hath wrought and is working for us; the grateful commemorating of which, is religiously the end of our present meeting. Sweetmeats indeed are pleasant, but then they commonly turn to choler. 'Tis sure the state of Humiliation, which though we can worst feed upon, we are notwithstanding best nourished with: we are such barren pieces of clay, that our fruits will be withered with too much laughter, if Grace does not water them sometimes with tears. It should be matter of real gladness to a considering Christian, that in the midst of his prosperity he can see himself sorrowful; that as he was destitute, with comfort, so he abounds, with moderation; and that he does not live rejoicingly, is many times a chief reason for which he ought. It was David's resolution (at such a time as this is) to serve the Lord with fear, and (by a pious Oxymoron) to 
* Psal. 2. 11.  rejoice unto him with trembling. And if we reflect on the abuses which many have made of a Restauration, we may charitably pray, that God will give them some tears to drink; 
Psal. 102. 9 80. 5.  and, having given them some tears, will also put them into his 
* Psal. 56. 8.  Bottle, that they may serve for this end, to blot their merriments out of his 
* Ibid. which compare with Mal. 3. 16.  Book.  
That the pleasant effects of a Deliverance (which are peace, and plenty, living securely, and at ease,) are apt to make us turn Atheists, provoking the Author of our Deliverance to correct us once more in the house of Bondage; appears, as by many other reasons, so particularly by this; that it is hard for us to prosper, and not to lie snoring in our prosperities. For 'tis the 〈…〉 of a prosperous man, (as our Saviour implies by way of Parable,) Soul take thi●e ease, eat, drink, and be merry, for thou hast much goods laid up for many years, (Luk. 12. 19) And therefore Agur's wisdom was never more seen, than in his Prayer; Give me not Riches, lest I be full, and deny thee, lest I say, who is the Lord? (Prov. 30. 8, 9) He knew by manifold experience, that 
* Jam. 4. 4.  the friendship of the world is perfect Enmity with God, and tends immediately to practical, if not to speculative Atheism. He did not therefore pray thus, Give me not Riches, lest I be liberal to my Coffers; or, Give me not Riches, lest I be bountiful to my Lusts; but (for fear of a greater mischief) give me not Riches, lest I be full, and deny thee, lest I say in my heart, who is the Lord? that is, for fear I turn Atheist, and only sacrifice to my flesh. So also Solomon, when he was wisest, that is to say, when he repent, and of a very vicious Prince became a Preacher of Repentance, concluded all under the Sun to be but vanity of vanities; as having found by all his trials (who sure had made more trials than ever any man did,) that Peace and Plenty, with their two Daughters, which are Idleness, and Ease, are exceedingly great, though glorious dangers.  
But we need not go farther for an instance, than to the People in my Text; whom though God might have called a very wild Tam'risk, he was pleased to style his Beloved Vine. Lord! how carefully was it manured, with Rain, and Sunshine? with Quails, and Manna, and water squeezed out of a Rock? with the Dew of Heaven, and with the Fatness of the Earth? and yet when all was done that could be, they either brought forth no Grapes; or if they did, they were commonly wild ones. And when sometimes they yielded good, 'twas rather for fear of cutting down, than for the fertility of their soil, or for the manifold helps of their cultivation. 'Twas their frequently being pruned, which more especially made them fruitful. 'Tis true, that God did not evermore punish, although That people was still offending. For as he owned his being, as well their Father, as their God; so he was pleased to make use of either Method for their Amendment; I mean Encouragement, as well as Terror. God dealt with Them, as with Us of this Nation. As he prescribed them a Law, so he promised them a Canaan. As he led them into Egypt, so he delivered them out of Egypt. As he thundered from on a Cloud, so he whispered out of a Bush. As he pinched them with scarceness, so he feasted them with plenty. And if the one was even to famine, the other was even to satiety. But if we compare them with ourselves in another instance, by considering how ingrateful, and how unmalleable they were; how repining under their Yoke, and how mutinous in their Liberty; How (like some amongst us in this very day of our Deliverance,) they fell a hungering after the Garlic, and the fleshpots of Egypt, quite forgetting the Bondage, and tale of Brick; how they murmured at their Moses, as if he were worse than a Pharaoh to them; like some repining at their King, as if he were worse than a Protector, (For That, ye know, was the Euphemismus, whereby to express the most Bloody Tyrant;) How like so many untamed Heighfers, they were exceedingly hard to be brought to hand; or like a Stable of unbackt and unbridled Colts, how apt to kick at their Rider who gave them Food: How God Almighty was forced to discipline this stiff-necked Rabble, first of all by committing them to the hardships of Egypt, and then by sending them to wrestle with the difficulties of the Wilderness; And how when all this was done, they were fain to miss of their Canaan, whilst they were taking it into possession; (for of so very great a multitude to whom the Promise of it was made, no more than a 
* Num. 13. 30 Hab. 3.  Caleb and a joshua had a Capacity to inherit it,) we must conclude they were a People who deserved to be whipped with a Rod of Iron; not so easily reducible by the 
* Deut. c. 27. & 28. 17, 18, 19  allurements of Mount Gerizzim, as by the Curses and the Threats to be thundered out from Mount Ebal. So far were They from considering, what they suffered a while ago in the house of Bondage, that they forgot this very Caveat, (as many will do this very Sermon,) which was meant to bring it to their Remembrance; When the Lord thy God shall have brought thee into the Land, to give thee great and goodly Cities, and houses full of all good things, (etc.) THAN beware that thou forget not the Lord that brought thee out of Egypt.  
Pass we now (if ye please) out of the Vineyard, into the Fold; from the People under the Law, to Us who live under the Gospel; whom though our Lord (out of goodness) was pleased to call his Flock of Sheep, he might have styled (out of justice) his Herd of Swine. For if He, the great Shepherd, withhold his Crook, Lord how quickly we go astray! And for here and there one who will be led into the Fold, how many are there that must be driven? like the Prodigal in the Gospel, (who would not return unto his Father until he was brought to feed on Husks,) we seldom care for our Physician, until the time that we are sick; and then as soon as recovered, are very glad, rather than thankful. And this may point us out a Reason, why for so many years together, (before this last,) our Heavenly Father made use of his sharpest Methods for our amendment; even placing us as Israelites amongst Egyptians, like so many flowers amongst thorns; of which the principal design, was not to torture, but to defend us. To defend us from the danger of carnal security, and presumption; of pride, and wantonness; of forgetfulness, and ingratitude. And since the way to be thankful for our twelve months' liberty, is very soberly to reflect on our twelve years' thraldom, Let's so transcribe a fair Copy of God's Oeconomy on the jews, as (with a grateful commemoration,) to consider it also in our selves.  
We who flourish at this day like a goodly Tree, not only planted by the River of God's Rich Mercies, but surrounded (like our Land) with an Ocean of them; we who stretch forth our branches, not only for our own, but for foreign birds also to build their nests; and whose spring (blessed be God) doth promise at least to be as lasting, as once our Autumn was like to prove; we who flourish like a Myrtle, how like a Willow did we droop? How was our verdure almost exhausted? and our boughs, how deflowered? How did we fall after the measure our sins had risen? First God blasted our noblest Fruits; then he spoiled us of our leaves; next he hewed down our branches. Nay, how strangely were we fed on, by those very vermin which we did feed? how greedily eaten up by all those Caterpillars, and Locusts, which though engendered perhaps by a Northern wind, I am sure were bred out of our Body? It is not easy to recapitulate how many Mercies we now enjoy, which our Iniquities had withheld for so many years; and how many good things our sins had turned away from us. 
Jer. 5. 25.  And now if after our Restitution, we shall be found to be a barren, unfruitful Tree, or fruitful only in our Impieties; so as That which was intended to make us better, shall render us worse than we were before; what better usage can we expect, than (after a little tract of years) to be grubbed up by the Root? to have that sentence sent out against us, which once went out against the Figtree, Cut it down, why cumbreth it the ground? Luk. 13. 7. Then give me leave to repeat the Caveat; And in the meekness of a Remembrancer, 
* 2 Pet. 1. 12.  to put you in mind of these things, although ye know them already, and are established in the Truth. To put you in mind of being wary, not so much for your selves, as for the people ye represent, by contributing to a Law for the putting of Laws in Execution; that they may not intoxicate their Souls, with too many and great draughts of their peace and plenty, for fear a Curse shall break forth from our this day's Blessing, by our unthankfully forgetting the God that gave it. And let this suffice for the first importance of the word Then, as 'tis a particle of connexion, betwixt the Occasion, and the End of our present meeting.  
SEcondly let us beware, amidst the pleasant effects of our Deliverance, (such as liberty and plenty, living in idleness, and at ease,) that we forget not the Author of it; because of the dignity of the Duty, rather Than, than before, or after. For, as 'tis the mark of a most servile and base-born spirit, to be the worse for the good that is done unto us; so 'tis the noblest generosity, to mend our lives with our conditions. The deep and serious consideration of which great Truth, as it should lift up our Hearts to a thankful use of our prosperity, so it should also pluck them down, to an humble sense of our obligations. For That indeed is the proper season, wherein humility is a noble, because a difficult virtue. Humiliation in a Captive, is not a grace, but a necessity. Nor hath Temperance any place in the house of scarceness. These two must have a Theatre, wherein to set themselves forth; cannot easily be seen in a little Room. The proper time of seeming base in our own modest eyes, is when we are matter of admiration in other men's. The time to show our selfdenial, (that is, our victory over ourselves,) is when we are brought out of an Egypt, into a Land overflowing with Milk and Honey; when our houses are full of all good things, and our Tables stooping under the weight of their sumptuous load. As our Afflictions a year ago did make up God's opportunity, whereby to show us his Mercy, and loving kindness; so prosperity ever since should make up ours, whereby to show him our meekness, and moderation. The very Atheist will cry [O God] in a fit of the Strangury, or the Stone; but let us be Religious in time of health. The profanest Mariner will be devout in a tempest; but let us be so in a calm: when the tide of our enjoyments is at the full, Then in a more especial manner let our ambition ebb lowest: when we are mounted aloft on the wings of Fame, Then let's retire into the Desert of our most humble contemplations; and be so meek amidst our eminencies, as to become most eminent for that our meekness.  
There are some of whom I may say, they have been armed with infirmities against the Devil: some, whose Ignorance hath kept them safe; some, whose coldness hath passed for continence; who have been phlegmatic, and therefore meek; or been kept under hatches, and therefore lowly. But than it being their necessity, and not their choice; rather their luckiness, than their valour; they having kept their ground, not by virtue of any conquest, but merely because they never fought; 
Aristot. Eth. Nichom. l. 1.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, we do not properly commend them, but call them happy; they are but sancti Planetarii, (as a Father of the Church made bold to word it;) All their armour, if they have any, is but defensive; And for their not being worsted, they may thank their Bucklers, but not their Swords. Alas, it should not be a wonder, to see simplicity in the village; or to keep one's integrity, where 'tis an hard thing to lose it. 
Quis abstinens dicetur, sublato eo ● quo abstinendum est? Quae Temperantia gulae in fame? quae Ambitionis repudiatio in egestate; quae libidinis infrenatio in Castratione? Tertul. advers. Martion. l. 1. C. 29  (We cannot call That man abstemious, who only riseth with an appetite, because he hath not enough to appease his hunger; nor is He to be commended for not being drunk, who either hath not sufficient to quench his thirst, or has an able Brain to carry it, or else loves his purse a great deal more than his Intemperance, and so is beholding to his baseness for his sobriety. We do not say that He is strong, who does not fall when no man thrusts him. Nor that he is cautelous, and wary, who does not stumble when the way is plain. No, 'tis He is the brave and the gallant Christian, who can hold out his Castle however besieged with temptations; who can be chaste even in Italy, or mild in Scythia; who can be a Spaniard, and yet not Proud; an English man born, yet not Inconstant; who can be Loyal amidst the Triumphs of the most prosperous Rebellion; and humbly thankful in his Advancement. He is generously a Christian, who can keep his Vow in Baptism, where 'tis Ridiculous not to break it; who can at once live at Court, and forsake the world; who can be witty, yet not profane; strong, and mettlesome, yet not presumptuous; conspicuously handsome, and yet not vain; a Mathematician, and a Chemist, yet not Atheistical; who will not be covetous in the midst of hid Treasure; nor reconcilable to a vice, although it offer him all advantages; who hath all his five senses (those Avenues of the heart) at once attaqueed by Hell's Artillery, and yet is able to prevent, or maintain a Breach; and though they batter down the Walls, does not suffer them (notwithstanding) to take the City. This, I say, is the generous, because the selfdenying Christian. And agreeable to the figure, by which our vicious affections are called our members, (Colos. 3. 5.) we know in our CaptainsCaptains Interpretation, (Mat. 5. 29.) that to part with an Avarice, is to pluck out an eye; and to cast away a lust, is to cut off a hand. That, as in our Military Oath, we Swore to fight under his Banner; so, as often as we part with a sinful passion, we are reputed (in his account) to lose a Limb in his Battle. Self-denial, it seems, being one kind of Martyrdom; a dying daily for his sake, who, 
Heb. 2. 10.  as the Captain of our Salvation, was made perfect through sufferings. 'Tis very true in this sense, that the valiantest Soldier is the very best Man. For no mau living is truly valiant, but he who bravely dares be good, when the Times are evil; and dares not be evil, when Times are good; who stands the shock of temptations, not only in the worst, but the best of days; bravely holding out his Fort against the batteries and assaults, not of poverty only, and pain, and other effects of persecution; but against plenty also, and pleasure, and other Fruits of a Restauration.  
To sum up all in a word, and to carry on my Metaphor the most I can to Their advantage, who will not be carried to any duty, which is not honourable, and brave: The Battles of Leuctra, and Mantinaea, were not half so full of glory to that immortal Theban, Epaminondas, as the two victories of a Christian over his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. That unruly Element of double fire, his anger, and his lust, which his greatest felicities do most enkindle. And this I hope may be enough for the second importance of the word Then; as 'tis a particle of connexion betwixt the business of the Time, and the Time itself.  
LAst of all let us beware, that the manifold enjoyments of our Deliverance do not make us forgetful of our Deliverer, because of the greatness of the Danger of not performing the Duty THAN, when it becomes incumbent on us by many unspeakable Obligations. For let a man's sin be never so great, in point of nature, or degree, Ingratitude will give it an Aggravation. And Ingratitude taking its stature from precedent obligations, so as the sins we commit run higher, or lower, as the graces we receive have been more, or less: there are not any so very capable of provoking God's Fury, as the men whom he hath pleased to take the most into his favour. The reason of it may be taken from the Athenians in Thucydides, 
Thucydides lib. 1. pag. 52.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The least unkindness from a Friend is of greater smart, than the hardest usage from an Enemy. The very sight of Brutus more wounded Caesar to the heart, than all the rest of his Assassinates had done with Daggers. David indeed was somewhat troubled, that they who hated him did whisper together against him, (Psal. 41. 7.) but 'twas his greatest cross of all, that they who had eaten of his Bread should ingratefully lift up the heel against him. For, in that he said, He could have born it from an 
* Psal. 55. 12. 13.  enemy, he did significantly imply, he could not bear it from a friend. And as it was David's Cordolium, the Type of Christ; so also was it Christ's, the Son of David: who did not weep over other Cities, from which he met with an ill Reception; but he wept over jerusalem, the Royal City, which he had so much obliged, yet found so cruel. And no doubt but our Saviour is so much more keenly and nearly touched, that the most obliged Christians should break his Precepts, than that the ignorant jews should offer violence to his Person, that we may rationally suppose him thus speaking to us. Had the jews or the Heathens spit upon me by their impurities, and buffeted me by their blasphemies, and stripped me by their sacrilege, and murdered me by their rage; from such as These I could have born it. But that ye should war against me, and in the behalf of that base Triumvirate, the World, the Flesh, and the Devil, having sworn to me in Baptism that Ye would fight under my Banner against all Three: That Ye who have the privilege to be called by my Name, to be admitted into my House, to have a place at my Table, to hear my Word, and to partake of my Supper, to be miraculously brought from the house of Bondage, enjoying your Kings at the first, and your National Councils as at the beginning, and sitting yourselves as 〈◊〉 many Princes under your Vines and Figtrees, enjoying the liberty of your persons, the propriety of your estates, the important benefit of your Laws, and the glory to be subjected by a most honourable obedience; that such as Ye should despise me, and cast my Law behind your back, this is that I can least endure. My greatest favour, thus abused, will be converted into fury.  
And indeed if we consider, that as God (on the one side) accepteth according to what a man hath, 
2 Cor. 8. 12.  so withal (on the other side) of them who have received much, 
Luk. 12. 48.  much in proportion shall be required; we may with good Logic infer, and strongly argue within ourselves, that an honest Heathen is far better, than a Christian Knave. And if an Heathen shall be extirpate for being barren, much more the Christian, if He is fruitless, shall be cast into the fire. A fruitless Tree, which should by nature bear fruit, being fit to make fuel, and nothing else. According to that of our Blessed Saviour, (which is at once of universal and endless verity,) 
* Mat. 7. 19  Every Tree which bringeth not forth good fruit, is hewn down, and cast into the fire. And we who are grafted into the Vine, must not only bear fruit, but such fruit too, as Christ expects to r●ap from us. A Bramble cannot be censured for not bearing fruit; because it is in its nature to bring forth none. It was therefore the Figtree, and not the Bramble, on which our Saviour bestowed a Curse, Mat. 21. 19 Nor was it the Bramble, but the Figtree, which he commanded to be cut down, Luk. 13. 7. we must one day be called to a dreadful 
* Mat. 25. 10.  reckoning, for all the uses we have made of our this days Talon. God's injured justice must needs be satisfied, (and sure much more his injured Mercy,) either sooner, or later, either in this, or another world. And if instead of being thankful for all the blessings we now enjoy, more especially for That which we this day Celebrate, we shall but turn them into wantonness, and grow the worse for the effects of so great a Goodness; what can we reasonably expect, but that the powers of Hell should once again be let loose upon us and ours? For since to continue in our impieties, is the greatest dishonouring of God that can be; a filling up the measure of our Iniquities, and so the vials of his wrath; He must destroy us, se d●fendendo, if for nothing but to defend, and secure his Glory.  
What then remains, but that we take up the Words of the Royal Prophet, and together with Them, his Resolution? We will take the Cup of Salvation, and call upon the Name of the Lord. The Cup of Salvation, that is to say, the Cup of Thanks, for that Salvation which he hath wrought; as junius and Tremellius do rightly explicate the Trope. And mark the force of the Copulative, by which these Duties are tied together. Without the Cup of Salvation, (that is) The Cup of Thanksgiving unto the Author of our Salvation, all our calling upon his Name will be quite in vain: For when we spread out our hands, he will hide his eyes, and when we make many Prayers he will not hear, (Isa. 1. 15.) And then to thank him as he requires, is not only to entertain him with Eucharistical words, with the mere Calves of our lips, or a Doxology from the teeth outwards; but to imitate, and obey him, and to love him after the rate of his favour towards us. That we may not forfeit all our interest in the temporal salvation we this day Celebrate, nor bring a reproach on the Author of it, for saving a people so ill deserving; we must add to our verbal, our vital Prayers; nor only keep an annual Day, but even an Age of Thanksgiving for our Deliverance.  
And then with a greater force of Reason, we must beware that we forget not the Lord our God, who, if he brought us not out of the Land of Egypt, did yet deliver us this day from the house of Bondage. We must not any of us forget him, in whatever Represents, or Presents him to us. But Ye especially must not forget him presented to you in his Vicegerent; whom the more ye do enable to be indeed what he is styled, Defensor Fidei, by so much the greater will be your Glory, and the better ye will provide for your children's safety. The more ye strengthen That Hand, which under God is to brandish the Sword of justice, (and ceaseth to be a Sword of justice, when wrested out of That Hand by the hand of Man,) the better protected your Peace will be, from the ungainable Enemies of each Extreme. Nor can ye rationally hope to keep your Peace any longer, than whilst the evil-eyed Factions want power to break it. Again beware that ye forget not the Sovereign Author of your Deliverance, wheresoever ye shall find him presented to you in his Messengers; (and what I mean by that word, I need not explain in so wise an Audience;) by whose continuing unrestored to their Ancient Privilege, and Right, your own Restauration remain's imperfect. Again beware ye do not forget him presented to you in his Members, who are not only your fellow members, but were your old fellow sufferers in the very same Cause; to which they ever have adhered with the very same constancy; and for which they have been Actors with the very same courage; and do rejoice in the greatness at least of Your Restauration, how much soever they are mourners for the scandalous littleness of their own. Prosperity (I have showed) is a dangerous weapon, such as none but the merciful should dare to use. And if ever there were a Parliament, in which both Mercy, and justice met, this has the honour to be reputed so very exemplary for both, that they who stand in need of both, are very confident to obtain them, now, or never. A Parliament so prepared by the special Providence of God, for the perpetuating of Peace in our British world, that nothing less than the presence of all perfections in a Prince, can make us patiently think of its Dissolution.  
Will ye hear the conclusion of the whole matter? 
Eccl. 12. 13.  I shall deliver it to you briefly, in this Petition. That so far forth as ye regard the Righteous Judge of all the world, and are seasoned by Him with the manifold gifts of the blessed Comforter, with the Spirit of wisdom and understanding, with the Spirit of counsel and ghostly strength, 
Isa. 11. 2.  with the Spirit of knowledge and true godliness, and lastly with the Spirit of his holy fear, Ye will consider what I have said by your own Authority, because in an absolute obedience to your own Order, and Command.  
ANd now the God of Peace and Power, who brought you forth on this Day from the House of Bondage, both defend and direct you, from this day forwards, in all your ways. That every one of your Persons, and the 
* 1 Thes. 5. 23.  whole of every one, both Body, Soul, and Spirit, may be kept blameless unto the coming of our Lord jesus Christ. To whom with the Father, in the unity of the Spirit, who is abundantly able to keep us from falling, and to raise us when we are down, and to preserve us being raised, and to present us so preserved, before the presence of his Glory with exceeding Joy, to the only wise God our Saviour, be ascribed by us, and by all the world, Blessing, and Glory, and Honour, and Power, and Wisdom, and Thanksgiving, from this day forwards for evermore. Amen.  
FINIS.   

Mercy & judgement MET TOGETHER.  
A SERMON PREACHED At the ABBEY Church of WESTMINSTER by the Order of the Right Honourable the House of LORDS IN PARLIAMENT Assembled, Upon a Solemn Day of Humiliation occasioned by the Great Rain in june and july, MD. DC.LXI.   
AMOS 6. 12. Therefore thus will I do unto thee, o Israel; And because I will do thus unto thee, Prepare to meet thy God o Israel. 
§. 1. THough 'tis the Language of the Schoolmen [Quicquid dicitur de Deo est Deus] That whatsoever is said of God is God, and that all his Attributes are Himself; so that agreeably to This, Infinitely must be Their stature as well as His, and Eternity their Duration, yet since the Psalmist hath adventured to take the Altitude of Two, I mean his Mercy, and his justice; And since my Text hath each of these in so remarkable a Degree, that they seem to be here in their Apogaeo, I shall be bold to make use of the Psalmist's Figure, 
Psal. 36. 5.  and pronounce God's Mercy so much higher than his justice, as to say in the words of that Royal Prophet, That his Mercy reacheth unto the Heavens, and his justice [in comparison but] to the Clouds. Which is as much as to say in Director Termes, That though neither can be the greater, where Both are Infinite, yet he is much more delighted in the exhibition of the one, than 'tis possible for him to be in the execution of the other.  
§. 2. For though the Doom here denounced is sad and direful, even the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 of which St. john speaks in the Revelation, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Rev. 6. 8.  (that is) The Pale or Green Horse whose name is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, bringing Death in the Front, and Damnation in the Rear; Though the Lord of Hosts in this Chapter does Bellum dicere, proclaim a War against his Rebels, and that so grimly set off with a Train of judgements, that War itself is one of the least, And the Plague of Famine none of the greatest; Yet if we look upon the Object of this Severity, those Kine of Bashan, the Ingrateful Inhabitants of Samaria, and if together with their Ingratitude, we compare his Goodness and Longanimity, the several steps of the Climax, by which his Anger went up to so ●ull a Measure; and if we consider that even Then, He made them an offer of Reconcilement, desiring earnestly they would meet him in order to Amity and Peace; we shall not only be forced to say that the Mercy of God doth rejoice against Judgement, and that in the midst of all his Judgements he thinks of Mercy; but with 
* Philo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 23. 7.  Philo the Jew, whom we may English out of the Psalmist, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,] that as his Mercy is (in one sense) over all his works, so it is (in another) over all his Attributes.  
§. 3. To give you an Instance in the Text, (as his Majesty's Proclamation hath given an Instance in the Time,) behold a Sacred kind of contention betwixt the Mercy and Justice of God Almighty. In which however his Indignation (with proportion to the sins of his people Israel) doth seem to be in its Exaltation, so as his Justice even begins to pronounce the Sentence; Yet, by a strange Aposiopesis, his Mercy presently interrupts it. He denounceth a Desolation, and (at the very same Instant) desires a Treaty. No sooner threatens that he will, that he compassionately Exhorts that he may not punish. No sooner is he entered upon his Ideo sic faciam, Therefore thus will I do, but he immediately comes off with a Compone Te in occursum, prepare thyself for a friendly meeting. And he enforceth his Advice with a Cogent Reason, Because I will do thus unto thee. That is, Repent whilst thou hast Time, that I may not do it. Because I threaten and do intend to turn thy Beauty into Ashes, thy Eden into a Wilderness, thy oil of Joy into Mourning, and thy Garment of Praise into a Spirit of Heaviness; Therefore 
* Joel. 11. 12.  Now turn unto me with all thy heart, and with Fasting, and with Weeping, and with Mourning, that I may alter my purpose, 
* 1 Sam. 15. 29.  and Repent of the things which I have threatened. Which although at first hearing doth seem a Paradox, a kind of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Truth appearing in the disguise of a Contradiction; yet it deserves to be the Paraphrase, and the Exegesis of the Text, Therefore thus will I do unto thee, o Israel; And because I will do thus unto Thee, prepare to meet thy God o Israel.  
§. 4. In which words being considered (not so much in their literal, as) in their rational Importance, there are two things expressed, and two employed. We have first a Command, with a Commination; (Both sufficiently expressed;) And of the later we have employed, at once the Meritorious, and Final Cause. But in as much as the first does carry the last along with it. They all are easily comprised in this Tricotomie.  
First a Terrible Commination of no less than utter Ruin to the People of God. Sic faciam tibi o Israel, Thus and thus will I do.  
Next the reasonable Ground of this Commination, which is their living unreformed under the Essays and Methods of lesser Judgements. And this I cannot but Collect from the Illative Therefore, as it looks back upon the Causal, in the words immediately going before. For Because Ye have not returned unto me saith the Lord, Idea sic faciam, Therefore thus will I do.  
Thirdly the End, or the final Cause, which is not to Execute the Judgement, but to avert it. For so I gather from the Command, as That relates to the Commination. Because I will do thus unto thee, Praepara Te in occursum, prepare to meet thy God o Israel.  
These Particulars thus premised, will very naturally afford us four Doctrinal Propositions.  
First, That the Terrors of the Almighty do make up one of his choicest Methods, whereby to bring Sinners to true Repentance.  
Next that his sharper sort of judgements is a fit Remedy for Those, upon whom his milder Chastisements have been unhappily ineffectual. And yet  
Thirdly, So far is God from delighting in his Inflictions, or from willingly grieving the Children of men, that the first and chiefest End both of all his Menaces, and his stripes, is to Execute Destruction not on the sinner, but on the sin; not to slay, but reduce the Fugitive. And therefore  
Fourthly, God antecedently desiring the timely Repentance of a Sinner, and only by way of Consecution, The final Destruction of the Impenitent, 'Tis plain His Menaces are fulfilled by their never coming to pass. Most fully satisfied and accomplished, not when they Confound, but Convert a Sinner. My Reason is, because the End of the Command is to anticipate the Effect of the Commination. Because I will do thus unto thee, in case thou dost proudly neglect to meet me; meet me therefore in the way, to the end that I may not do thus unto thee.  
Of these several Propositions, the two former show us Gods Justice, and his Mercy shines in the two later. All concurring to the ends of our present meeting; The first to deter us from what is Evil, The last to persuade us to what is Good. The former respecting our late Plague of Rain; the later our blessing of fairer weather. Both conducing to our Design of Crying louder by our Repentance, than we have done by our Impieties; That by our timely Reformation we may retrieve the heavy Judgements, which our clamorous Sins have been lureing down.  
§. 1. To begin with the First of the Propositions, is not more natural to the Text, than it is serviceable and fit to lay the Foundation of the Sermon. For of the many strong Affections which are seated in the Appetite and Heart of Man, though none is certainly more Infamous, yet (being rationally determined) there is not any more Useful than that of Fear. It is indeed the most unhandsome, (as the World now goes,) but being well fixed, the most wholesome passion; the most ungentlemanly perhaps, but not the most unchristian Quality; And though the worst for Execution, yet the best for Advise. It was a very good saying, though of a very ill man, (and meant I suppose to as ill a purpose,) Primus in Orb Deos fecit Timor. That had there been less Fear, there had been also less Religion in many Places of the World. For as Fear was the first Engine which brought in Religion amongst the Heathens; so after the measure that It departed, Irreligion and Atheism filled up its Room. This was That that taught the Gentiles, first to make their own Gods, and then to Worship them. They were Religious (poor Souls!) in their own defence, (if we may call Superstition by such a Name,) not out of gratitude to their Deities, for that they had done them any Good, but only out of a Fear that they would otherwise do them Harm. Hence the Heathen Theologists, (I mean their Poets, and their Philosophers,) finding the People more apt to be driven, than led, and to have easier Impressions of Fear, than Hope, thought it convenient to Catechise them, more in the Torments of their Erebus, than in the Pleasures of their Elysium. They told them of Minos, and Radamanthus, as the grim Judges of Offenders; of Hags, and Furies, as Executioners of the Sentence; of such as Ixion, and Prometheus, as sad Examples of the Condemned. All which (saith Diodorus) were but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so many Bugs, or Mormo's, to fright the People into Morality.  
§. 2. So great an Influence had Fear on the False Religions of the World. And to discover as great an Influx which it had also upon the True, Let me lead you forth a little out of the Forest into the Garden, wherein the very first Precept was fenced with Terror. It was not said unto the Protoplast, Thou shalt surely live, if thou eatest not; But (as a method of greater force,) In the day that thou eatest, thou shalt surely die. If we look into the Bible, from the Beginning to the End, This we shall find to have been the Method of each Person in the Trinity. First of all it was the Method of God the Father, when he delivered his Law from a Burning Mountain, 
Heb. 12. 18, 19, 20, 21.  even with Thundering and Lightning, with Blackness and Darkness, with smoke and Tempest, with the sound of a Trumpet, and the voice of words, which voice they that heard, entreated that they might not hear it, and so terrible was the sight, that Moses said, I exceedingly fear and quake. This again was the Method of God the Son, who said he came not to destroy, but fulfil the Law; his word is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to fill it up. He did endeavour to Preach his Hearers into the Highway of Heaven, even by setting before them the pains of Hell. He threatened them with Weeping, and Gnashing of Teeth; with a Worm that dyeth not, and with a Fire that is not quenched. We hear him saying, It is Impossible, (that is to say, exceeding Hard,) for a Rich man enter into the Kingdom of Heaven. He saith the way to it is straight, and the Gate Narrow, and the Travellers that find it extremely Few. He bids us strive to enter in; and never leave striving, until we Conquer. Nay this was the Method of the Comforter, even of God the holy Ghost; who taught St. Paul to constrain his Scholars, by showing the Terrors of the Lord. 
2 Cor. 5. 11.  Nay to deliver them up to Satan for the Destruction of the Flesh, 
1 Cor. 5. 5.  that their Spirits might be saved in the Day of the Lord jesus.  
§. 3. And indeed if we consider, How many poor Souls have been debauched in these Times, by the false Apprehensions of Christian Liberty, and Conscience, of Faith without Love, Justification without Honesty, and Repentance of Sins without Amendment; so as the stales of those Heresies which had been brewed in ancient Times, are freshly broached in our Days, and given for Drink to the giddy People; we cannot but wish that all our Clergy would now become Boanerges, or Sons of Thunder; at least by showing the strict necessity of Impartial obedience unto the Gospel; that is to say, unto the Statutes or Laws of Christ; A living in Holiness, and Righteousness; in Piety, and Probity; in Godliness, and Honesty; in the Duties of the First, and the Second Table; without the which (saith the Author of the Epistle to the Hebrews) no man living shall see the Lord. 
Heb. 12. 14.   
§. 4. This (we see) is so peculiar to that Amazing Lover of Souls, that he does not only set Hell before us, and sad Examples too behind, but Temporal Crosses on either side. And however surrounded thus with Terrors, we find them All little enough. For first it being not the greatness, but the presentness of Danger which most affrights us; He does not threaten his Rod only, but often lays it upon our Backs. And then because (like common Mariners) we would not Pray, though in a Tempest, were it impossible to be drowned, or to suffer Shipwreck; He does not Punish only at present, and for a Time; But also threatens he will do it to all Eternity. For if after this Life is swallowed up of Immortality, He should only have an Heaven for Loyal Subjects, and never a Hell for his Rebellious ones; men would be readier to say, at the last period of their lives, Let us eat and drink, for to morrow we die, Than Let us fast and pray, for to morrow we shall be happy.  
§. 5. If any fiduciary shall say, That Terrors work not a filial, but servile Fear; and rather cause an hypocritical, than Godly sorrow; the Answer to it is very Easy, That as God's severity speaks his Power, and That his Excellence; so many times a servile Fear begets a Fear of Admiration; And Admiration is apt to end in a Fear of Reverence; and Reverence is a Compound, which has Love, as well as Fear, for a chief Ingredient.  
§. 6. And if again it shall be objected, that John and James are but uncomfortable Preachers, enough to blast a man's Faith, and Thunderstrike him into Despair; I Answer to it by these degrees. First that for here and there one who possibly falls into Despair, Thousands rise to Presumption, and Millions lie down in carnal Security. Again, The Sin of Despair is not so commonly understood, as it is dangerously mistaken, and that by some who Domineer in our open Pulpits. There is a kind of Despair, which is only the effect of a broken heart, and the manifest sign of a tender Conscience. The mark of such a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Repentance never to be repent. There have been Persons in the world, who have been so very passionately in Love with God, and so amorous of his Purity, that they have hated themselves extremely, because they have suspected they have not loved him; And have been easily betrayed into such suspicion, by their sense of some things which are unavoidable, even the natural Infirmities of Flesh and Blood. Every small Mote in another's Eye hath seemed a Beam in their own. They have looked upon their Sins through a kind of Microscope, (for such is the Glass of an holy Jealousy,) which hath made a little Ignorance to look as big as an Infidelity; an human Frailty to seem as monstrous, as an Apostasy from Grace. Thence come those Syncopes of Spirit, by which they are made to cry out, with Christ Himself upon the Cross, (although 'tis quite in another sense,) My God, my God, why hast thou forsaken me? An evident Argument, and sign, not that God hath forsaken Them, but rather that They have forsaken Sin. So when Peter cried out (and even to that very Saviour on whom he depended for his Salvation,) Depart from me o Lord, for I am a sinful man,] He drew Christ to him, by his entreating him to Depart; The more a Saint in Christ's Eyes, for being a Sinner in his own. As there are many silly Shepherds, who mistake a Repenting for a Despairing Sheep; so there is oftentimes an Innocent, but silly sheep, which mistakes his own Weakness for want of Faith. And in as much as he does not at all Presume, is very apt to apprehend he does not sufficiently Believe; whereas his seemingness of Despair is a real Argument of his Faith, whilst attended with an hatred of former sins, and fear of falling into the like. For whilst he thinks he has not Faith, he does at least desire to have it. And whilst he desires, 'tis plain he loves it. And because of just nothing there can be no love at all, He that loves must needs believe, that the object of his Love has a real Being. And if he desires what he wants, and truly loves what he desires, and by consequence believes what he truly loves; Then sure the sequel is unavoidable, That this falsifying Despair is an excellent good mark of a True Believer. And to This alone it is I would fain drive Others, because to This I would fain be driven. But now the Murdering Despair is another Thing, and often issues from the Preaching of unconditional Reprobation; when whosoever thinks himself of the Hopeless Number, is apt to hold it so vain a Thing to catch at an Interest in Heaven, that he resolves to enjoy his good Things upon the Earth. And as nothing is so daring as a Desperate Coward, when he finds no way to obtain his safety by his escape, and thence is made by his Despair a most insufferable fighter, (from whence ariseth the common saying, That when an Enemy is flying, 'tis good to make him a Golden Bridge) so there is nothing more jovial (at least by Intervals and fits,) than the Desperate Sinner which now I speak off; whose Famous Character we meet with in the second Chapter of Wisdom; where the Despairer of Immortality in an extremely better world, does make an hearty resolution of living merrily in This. This is that desperate Despair which is as mischievous as Presumption, in that it placeth the sinner beyond Repentance. And so the objection notwithstanding, my Doctrine seems to stand firm, and unremovable, [That the Terrors of the Almighty do make up one of his choicest Methods for the bringing of Sinners to true Repentance.]  
§. 7. Having briefly thus insisted upon the proof of the Doctrine, methinks our manifold Experience should save me the Labour of Application, whether we fall under a public, or a private consideration. We must confess, as to the public, That our sins have been as clamorous as those of Israel; and God hath used the same Method for our Amendment. We have many years felt the effects of War; and now are exercised afresh with the Fear of Scarceness. The very Perfection of our Spring hath as it were been swallowed up by a Second Winter. The late Abuses of our Plenty have been the Heralds of a Dearth; And the Deluge of our Impieties hath been so rebuked by that of Waters, That God does seem to have altered the course of Nature, as 'twere to try if we will alter our course of Sin. 'Tis true the Season began to mend, upon its very first sense of our Humiliation. And God hath only said to Us, as to the People in my Text, Ideo sic faciam, Therefore thus will I do. All is hitherto but a Threat; and That suspended with a Condition. 
Gen. 9 13.  Through the Bow in the Cloud which was set as a sign betwixt God and Us, he is pleased to shoot comfort throughout our dwellings. But then the ground of its continuance doth stand conditionally in This, That we do all at this Instant Prepare to meet Him.  
§. 8. As to our private Consideration, perhaps there is hardly any man here, whom God hath not terrified one way or other, and sent his Rod for an Ambassador to speak his Will. As either by the loss of a Darling Child, or of a most endeared Wife, or else by some pungent and grievous sickness, or by some eminent miscarriage in point of Honour, or Estate; or if by none of all These, yet at least he has been threatened, by the woeful Examples of other men. (Nam tua Res agitur, Paries cum proximus ardet.) The Rod that is brushing but in the Air, may (we cannot tell how soon) be sharply beating upon our shoulders. The very weather which now is better, may soon be worse than it was before. And though the Immoderation of Rain is passed, yet the consequences of it are still remaining; And the Remembrance of the Threat should be present with us. Nay since 'tis clear from that difficult, but useful Text, Mark 9 49. [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] That we must every one be Seasoned with Salt, or Fire; That our putrid Affections must be eaten out here, or else our Persons destroyed hereafter; (there being no medium betwixt the one and the other;) blessed be He who shall preserve us in Tears of Brine, that he may not consume us in Fire of Brimstone. 
Rev. 21. 8.  We ought to smile on those stripes, which are meant to drive us to Immortality.  
§. 9 Let us not think ourselves too wise, to be thus Instructed; or too old, to be thus Educated; or too great to be thus Corrected. Perhaps the Robbins of our Schools, are in the School of Jesus Christ no more than humble ABC darians; They that are Aged enough by Nature, may have hardly yet attained to be Babes in Grace; And they who brandish the Sword of Justice, are themselves under God's Lash. And since we cannot ever enter into the Kingdom of Heaven, unless we receive it as little Children; Let us therefore, as little Children, down on our Knees before our Father. Let us confess that we have sinned; Let us ask him Forgiveness, and promise never to do the like. He will not cast away his Rod, until he see's that we have Kissed it; And that we can say with the Prophet David, It is good for us to have been afflicted. For whom his Menaces do not better, they accidentally make worse; And if we harden our Hearts, we do but weighten his Hand. The showing of which will be the work of my Second Doctrinal Proposition.  
[That God's Severer sort of judgements is a fit Remedy for Those, whom his milder Chastisements will do no good on.]  
§. 1. I cannot show you this better, than by Example; nor by a better Example, than what this Chapter does here afford us. For when the Kine of Bashan on the Mountains of Samaria, (the Schismatical Tribes of the People Israel, whom God did therefore stigmatize with so disgraceful a Periphrasis,) had oppressed the poor, and crushed the needy, (ver. 1.) when they had greatly transgressed at Bethel, and multiplied Transgressions at Gilgal, (ver. 4.) God was pleased to proceed against them by several steps and degrees of his Indignation; that if a lesser corrosive would not cure them, a sharper might. For first he sent them cleanness of Teeth, as his Ambassador or Herald to fetch them in. There was a want of Bread in all their places, which was the first part of Famine; and yet for all this they would not return unto the Lord, (ver. 6.) Next he Plagued them with a Drowth, that second part of Famine; Their Sins had made the Heaven's Brass, and the Earth Iron. So that two or three Cities were fain to wander into one, and all to drink a little water. But yet for all this they would not Return unto the Lord, (ver. 8.) After this he proceeded to pour out a Curse upon all their fruits; The fruits of their Gardens, and of their Vineyards, which were suddenly blasted, and devoured, partly by the Mildew, and partly by the Palmer-worm. And this (we know) was a third part of Famine; But notwithstanding all this, They would not return unto the Lord, (ver. 9) Hereupon his Indignation waxed hot against them; For seeing the Ghastly Pale Horse had been so utterly unsuccesful, He sent the Red Horse amongst them, and that in both parts of the dreadful Hieroglyphic; I mean the War, and the Pestilence. And yet for all this, They would not return unto the Lord, (ver. 10.) In the Fifth place therefore, when neither any of these Judgements, nor altogether, could do the work; what remained but that the Earth should open her Mouth, and swallow them up? or that a Fire sent from Heaven should send them hastily into Hell? And even of This they had a Taste, (as appears by the verse before my Text,) God overthrowing some of them, as he had Sodom and Gomorrah; and the Rest were but respited, after the manner of a Firebrand plucked out of the Burning; And yet in despite of all This, They would not return unto the Lord, (ver. 11.) Sixtly and lastly, when so many Prelusorie judgements were in effect cast away on a stubborn People; when all those Emisaries and Heralds were sent in vain; when Death itself could not fright them, however ushered and waited on with so grim and formidable a Train; what could in reason be expected but such an Absolute 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such a complete Devastation of Them, and Theirs, as should not leave so much as a Praeco, (no not so much as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) to carry the Tidings of their Ruin to late Posterity? And even This is also Threatened in the words of my Text, Ideo Tibi sic faciam, Therefore thus will I do unto thee o Israel.  
§. 2. And as Thus unto Israel, so why not Thus unto England too, if we continue (as they did) to corrupt ourselves with his Goodness to us? If we make no better Use of our Peace and Plenty, and the other effects of a Restauration, than to turn our Peace into Wantonness, and our Plenty into Luxury, our Liberty into Licentiousness, and our Strength into Presumption, our Power into Oppression, and our Dignities into Pride? Nay in as much as the Dimensions of our Ingratitude, like the Height and Depth of our Obligations, are far beyond those of the People Israel; God will not only do Thus unto us, but more to Us, than unto Israel, unless we timely prepare to meet him, and present him with the Fruits of sincere Repentance; which, we have nothing to excuse us (when God hath done so much to us to make us fruitful,) if we do not bring forth in the greatest plenty. 'Tis true, we have often gone out to meet him; But not with Prayers, and Tears, the only Armour of a Christian, whereby to hold out against Omnipotence, and the only Weapons to overcome it. We have rather gone out to meet him, as we commonly meet a Just Enemy; Not to ask him forgiveness, but give him Battle. We have gone out to meet Christ, not like Them on Palm Sunday, who ran before him into jerusalem, with Doxologies and hosannah's to the Son of David; But rather like his first Crucifyers, with Swords and Staves to apprehend him. And how improsperous soever we have hitherto been in our Encounters; Though God hath many years knocked us against each other, and so opposed us unto our selves, as that we really became no less his Host, than his Enemies; yet like Marcellus in the Historian, Certamen ferociter instauramus, we are as sturdy a sort of Sinners, (many of us,) as if we never yet had smarted for having sinned. It was Phormio's saying in Thucydides, That conquered men are commonly Crestfallen, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Thucyd. lib. 2. p. 161.  and do remit of their courage against a second Encounter, as soon as they have fatally incurred the first. And shall we on the contrary be such a besotted kind of Warriors, as like the Indians in Valerius, (even in spite of Pythagoras his Golden Symbol,) to dare Encounter with Fire itself? (For to those that fight with him, we know our God is a Consuming fire, Heb. 12. 29.) And since there is hardly any Affliction, (no not our late immoderate Rain) but is a spark of God's wrath; 
Job 5. 6, 7. Ch. XLI. ver. 29.  Let us not by our Impenitence presume to heighten it into a Flame. But  
§. 3. Let it rather be our wisdom, from this day forewards, Venienti occurrere (non jam morbo quidem, sed) Medico. Since our Endeavours will come too late for the prevention of the Disease, Let us go meet our Physician, and stay the sharpness of the means he is preparing for our Recovery. We know not what Judgements may yet be hover over our Heads; and perhaps our very Harvest may be as Terrible as our Spring. God will not give over the Cure, till the Disease is Desperate. For though his lesser sort of Punishments did scarce incline the Heart of Pharaoh, his last o'ercame it; (so far at least as to compel him to let the People go free.) And if his Lance is unsuccesful, we shall be so much the surer to feel his Caustick. But yet behold the Sun of Righteousness breaking forth in this place like the Sun of Nature. There is not wanting matter of comfort, in the midst of those Terrors which have besieged us; Because the sharpest Judgements here are but the Regia Medicamenta, or Magisterials of our Physician; which, though by accident they may kill, are yet intended only to cure us. And this does lead me to consider the Third Particular in the Division,  
That God is far from delighting in his Inflictions; He does not afflict willingly, nor grieve the Children of men. For the first and chiefest end both of his Menaces and his stripes, is not to destroy the sinner, but the sin; not to slay, but to reduce the Fugitive.  
§. 1. Amongst the Reasons which may be rendered to prove the Truth of this Doctrine, This may certainly pass for one, That God is never so much in Wrath, as when he will not vouchsafe to strike. I remember Spartianus observes of Geta, (much what Tacitus of Tiberius) Quod iis praecipue blandiretur quos ad Necem destinabat. He made so much of those persons whom he designed for slaughter, That his Embraces and his best looks became more dreadful than all his Frowns. And though 'twere Impiety but to imagine, (what some notwithstanding have dared to Preach,) that God can absolutely will the eternal Ruin of his Creatures; much less that He can will it, when He hath sworn he wills it Not; much less yet that he can contrive it, by taking care for an Impenitence to bring it orderly about; 
Luk. 16. 25.  Yet considering how rarely 'tis given to one and the same man, To sit with Dives at his Table, and to lie with Lazarus in Abraham's Bosom; To have his Good Things here, and hereafter too; I cannot but say of many persons whom the World calls happy, that They who have most of God's Bounty, may yet have least of his Love and Favour. For seeing it is True (what the Scripture saith) That whom God loveth he chasteneth, 
Heb. 12. 6. 7, 8. and Act. 14. 22.  and scourgeth every son whom he receiveth; we may with good Logic infer, That whom he chasteneth not, he doth not love; nor receiveth any Son whom he doth not scourge. 'Twas very shrewdly said by Solon, 
Herodot. lib. 1. pag. 14.  (if we believe Herodotus,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That the Minions of the Earth are but the 
* Prov. 1.  sport of Heaven. God often lends them a kind of happiness, only to show them he does but lend it. At once does prosper their Branches, and Curse their Root; turns them lose into Plenty, as fit to be fatted for the Shambles.  
shambles. 2. But not to spend time in this Inquiry, How hardly God's Friends can be the Favourites of the World, or vice versa; And how by Consequence to be pitied those Creatures are, whom God Almighty in his Wrath permits to wallow in superfluity; Methinks the Difference may be This, betwixt a good man afflicted, and an ill man prosperous, that the first does seem to be clearly under God's Cure, and the second to be beyond it; That indeed a Tormented, but This a desperate Patient.  
§. 3. It is another way of proving the Infinite Goodness of God's severity, in his willingness to Cure whom he vouchsafes to Wound, That he is pleased still to threaten, before he strikes; whensoever he is an Enemy, he is declaredly such in his written Word. He is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as Aristotle calls a Generous Enemy, 
Aristot. Eth. lib. 4. cap. 8. ) And though his Love towards his Children may be sometimes concealed, yet his Anger at their Rebellions is still professed; and professed even to Them, whom he does punish with Impunity on this side Hell. Not like Brutus and Cassius, those reserved Enemies of Caesar, who Plotted to Murder him in secret; But like Pompey, and Cato, those Brave Antagonists, who bid him Defiance in the Field. God does tell us when He will Arm himself, that we may stand upon our Guard by sincere Repentance; and he does show us where he will strike, that we may look unto our Posture. He Brandishes his Rod, that he may not scourge us; and hangs his Sword over our Eyes, that it may not fall upon our heads. There is a Story of Diogenes, That being asked what he would take to receive a Blow upon his Head, his Answer was, He would take an Helmet. Now such is the Mercy of our God, that he gives us an Helmet, before he strikes; And when at last our Provocations have forced his Sword out of his Hand, he is willinger to drop it, than throw it down. He does not pour out the Vials of his Displeasure all at once; but first he dispatches his lesser punishments; and those not as Harbingers, to prepare the way for greater, but rather as Heralds to prevent them. And when those greater too do follow, (I mean the Punishments inflicted in this present life,) they are oftener 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as Philosophers distinguish,) rather as motives to our Amendment, than as Acts of his Revenge. Thus we find it to have been in the case of Zacharie, 
Luk. 1. 19 20.  whose miraculous judgement was a Token of his Pardon, as well as Sin. God indeed struck him Dumb, but it was that ever after he might speak so much the better, and the Privation of his Language was to habituate his Faith. Nay I dare be bold to say, (what yet I cannot without Astonishment at the wisdom and goodness of our Creator, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Plotinus Ennead. 2. lib. 3. pag. 48. ) that Damnation itself was at first meant to save us, in as much as it is evident that God made Hell, as well for the best as the worst of men; as well for the Terror of the former, as for the Torment of the later; as well to fright all men from coming thither, as to punish the Impiety of bold and desperate Intruders. Much like the merciful severity of former Magistrates here in England, who set up Pillaries and Gallows in public places of the Realm, as well to keep men from stealing, as to hang up Thiefs and Robbers; as well to prevent, as to punish wickedness. And what a fathomless Abyss of God's compassion must we esteem it, to set his Bridewell before our eyes, as some say Phalaris did his Bull, merely to compel us to take his Favours? How indulgent a Father must He be thought, who when his Prodigal Children are running from him, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Barnab. in Epist. p. 249 Edit. Voss.  sets a Lion in their way, to fright them back into his Embraces? Nay so astonishing is the Depth of the Riches of his Goodness, that He converts our very Tempter into an Instrument of our Good. For when the Devil was such a Dunce, as to accelerate and further the Death of Christ, who was to die the Propitiation for all our sins, and only by Dying to conquer Hell, he spent his Malice indeed upon our Saviour, but really the mischief was all his Own. So that considering how the Death of our blessed Saviour was at once a sure passage both to His, and Our Glory, It follows that when judas did kiss his Master, he only delivered up Christ, but betrayed the Devil. Thus we find St. Paul himself making very good use of the Devil's Discipline. For as one while we have him delivering others up to Satan, and that to this wholesome end, 
1 Cor. 5. 4, 5. 1 Tim. 1. 20.  That they may learn not to Blaspheme; so another while we meet him under the buffeting of Satan in his own person also, and that for this important end, That he may learn not to be haughty, 
2 Cor. 12. 7.  or highly minded. And so the Devil, in that case, was made Instrumental to his Salvation.  
§. 4. Thus we have the words verified which were written to the Christians who dwelled at Rome; to wit, That all things work together for good, 
Rom. 8. 28.  that is, to them that love God, to them that are called according to his purpose. All that befalls us by God's Appointment, and the most things that happen by God's Permission, are strangely turned to our Advantage, though we are many times so stupid, as not to be able to apprehend it. First the evils of affliction are universally made to better us; And next, by the Wisdom of God's Disposal, the evil of sin, in other men, is many times of great use to secure our Innocence. Nor have we only heard the obliging Method of God's Proceedings, but I think I may say we have felt it too. How he first of all threatens, that he may not inflict; and how he afterwards inflicts, that he may not consume. How he mercifully endeavours to whip the Sinner into a Saint; destroying the Beast in us, to save the Man. How his Wisdom does sometimes suffer us to be entangled with Temptations, that so his Goodness may deliver us, and help us out; And that we may be able to say with David, 
Psal. 119. 75.  Thou o Lord of very faithfulness hast caused us to be troubled. That many times his severities are Mercies to us, will be intelligible to any, who shall but consult their own experience. I mean the experience of their lesser, in prevention of greater Punishments. As the loss of some Chattels, to save a Limb; or the loss of a Limb, to preserve the whole Body; or the loss of that Body, to save the Soul. Now if God shall deprive us of one or two Parts, of all we Have, or of all we Are, when All of Both are confiscate for our Treasons committed against his Majesty; shall we not think ourselves bound to be glad, and thankful, that even so he hath been pleased to reprieve the rest? Admit a Friend should be falling from off a Tower, 
Quae per insuavitatem mede●tur, emolumento curationis offensam sui excusant. Tertul. de Poenit. cap. 10.  and we in the snatching of him back, should put his Arm out of joint; would he impute his Deliverance to our unkindness, because it cost him some pain in the purchase of it? And if in our violent Career of Sin, when we are rushing as it were headlong into the bottomless Pit of Hell, God is pleased to pull us back with a stronger violence, (be it by Poverty, or Disgrace, by the Plague of Pestilence, or of Famine, be it by any other purgent or dreadful means,) yet let us thankfully consider, 'tis but to snatch us from a Precipice. And again let us consider, (with as much thankfulness unto God as our hearts can hold,) That if Amendment is the End of his Threats and Terrors, Then that which frustrates his Threats, must needs fulfil them. Which I proceed to show at large in my last Doctrinal Proposition.  
That God desiring antecedently the timely Repentance of a Sinner, 
Qui Poenam per judicium destinavit, Idem & veniam per poenitentiam spospondit.  and only by way of consecution, the final destruction of the Impenitent; 'tis plain his Menaces are fulfilled by their never coming to pass; most fully satisfied and accomplished, 
Tertul. de poenit. c. 4.  not when they confound, but convert a sinner.  
§. 1. For the better Elucidation of what may seem a dark Point, and for the prevention of such objections as may be made by those men, who are either so unconsidering as not to think of God's Methods, or so unlearned as not to know them, or so profane as to murmur and quarrel at them; we shall do well to take notice of those two sorts of Menaces, which do occur to us in Scripture under two several Notions. Some we find under God's Oath, and others only under his Word. The first of which are positive, the second suppositive. The former are purposed as Revenges, but the later only as Remedies. The Menaces under his Oath he does evermore execute; whereas Those under his Word only He does many times Retract.  
§. 2. But now it being not consistent with the simplicity of the Almighty, that either his Oath or his Retractation should differ really from his Will, the Eighth Council of Toledo will give us the Ground of this Distinction. jurare Dei est, 
Concil. Tolet. 8. cap. 2.  à seipso ordinata nullatenus convellere; Poenitere vero, eadem ordinata, cum voluerit, immutare. When God will Execute his Sentence, he is then said to Swear; And when he will alter, or remit it, he is said to Repent. 
* Poenitentia Dei nihil aliud est, quam simplex conversio prioris sententiae.  God's Repentance (saith Tertullian) is nothing else, but a simple Resuming his former Purpose. 
Tertul. contra Marc. lib. 1. c. 24.  And his Oath (saith learned Philo) is nothing else but his Word exerting itself into Effect. So that the Promises and the Threats which are delivered under his Oath, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ Philo jud. Allegor. lib. 2. pag. 75.  are That indeed which was but said of the now Antiquated Laws of the Medes and Persians; Irreversible, and peremptory, and incapable of a Repeal. I shall make them both plain by a few Scriptural Examples. And  
§. 3. First of the Promises under his Oath, the Prophet David gives us an Instance in the 89 Psalms, at the 34 verse, where first he positively pronounceth, My Covenant will I not break, nor alter the thing that is gone out of my lips. And then the reason of it follows, I have sworn by my Holiness that I will not fail David. Another Instance of it we have in the 7. of Deuteronomy, at the 8. verse, where God is said to love Israel more than any other Nation, even for this very reason, and this alone, because he would make good the Oath which he had sworn unto their Fathers.  
Secondly of the Threats which God delivers under his Oath, we have a very pregnant Instance in the 95 Psalms, at the 11 verse, where speaking of the Israelites to whom the Holy Land was promised, saith He, I swore in my wrath that they should not enter into my Rest. Nor did one of them enter, excepting Caleb and joshua, who were exempted from the Sentence, Num. 14. 30. Nay they did not enter in, though God had sworn they should enter. From whence ariseth an objection, How it can stand with God's Veracity, to Swear they shall, and they shall not. For Num. 14, 23, Surely, saith God, they shall not see the Land which I swore unto their Fathers; And (vers. 30.) Doubtless ye shall not come into the Land, concerning which I swore to make you dwell therein. First he swore they should inhabit in the Land, and yet afterwards He swore they should not see it, much less should they enter, or dwell within it. This objection seems hard, but yet the Answer is very easy, and may be rationally drawn from the same verse with the objection. For the Promise was not made to the Individuals, but to the Nation; not to the Persons, but People Israel. So as both these Oaths were most inviolately accomplished, the Negative in the Parents, and the Affirmative in their Posterity. The Negative in the Provokers, and the Affirmative in the Obedient. So that the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, does still stand good. 
Heb. 3. 16.  The Oath of God does still imply the Immutability of his Decree, Heb. 6. 17.  
§. 4. But for the Menaces under his Word only, the Case is different. He had much rather they should be frustrated, than severely fulfilled upon us. And perhaps I may say with more propriety of speaking, that to frustrate such Menaces is most perfectly to fulfil them. So very signal is the Indulgence and Love of God, that he will imitate and follow his very Creatures. For no sooner can it Repent us of the evil of Sin which we have done, but He as suddenly reputes him of the evil of punishment which he intended. It is his own Affirmation, jer. 18. 8. If that Nation against whom I have pronounced, turn from their evil, I will repent of the evil which I thought to do unto them. And again in the same Chapter, Behold (saith God) I frame evil against you, 
Jer. 18. 11.  when strait it follows, Return ye every one from the evil of his way. A fit example of this we have, 2 Kings 20. 1. where saith Isaiah to Hezekiah, (as a Message sent from God,) Set thy House in order, for thou shalt die, and not live. And yet so far he is from dying, in the fifth verse of that Chapter, that There we find tidings of his Recovery; yea and his Lease of Life renewed for fifteen years longer. Now the reason of it is, because such Menaces are conditional; And conditio non impleta non obligat Fidem. If it Reputes us of our sins, God Almighty is not obliged to put such Threats in Execution, as were only denounced on a supposal of our Impenitence. Such was that Threat of God Almighty to Abimelech, (for unwittingly taking the Wife of Abraham,) Behold thou art but a dead man. But the meaning of it follows a little after, If thou restore her not, thou shalt surely die. Now therefore restore the man his Wife; for he is a Prophet, and he shall pray for thee, and thou shalt live. Gen. 20. 3, 7. And now if any shall yet object, that God did earnestly threaten both Hezekiah, and Abimelech, without a Proviso, or Reserve; I shall send him for an Answer to the Rule of Equity in Quintilian. Quaedam, etiamsi nulla legis significatione comprehensa sunt, natura tamen excipiuntur. The very Nature of certain words, whether promising, or threatening, do so imply an exception in certain cases and suppositions, that they save the Author of them the care and labour of expression. A plain Example of which we have in the 7 Chapter of Deuteronomy, where God had forbidden his People Israel to have any Traffic or Commerce with the Neighbouring Nations. And yet if any of those Nations should submit to pay Tribute, and yield obedience to the Precepts which had been given down of old to the Sons of Noah, from that very Instant Commerce was free. The Prohibition being silent, where the Cause of it did cease. Nay 'tis so absolutely impossible that any Falsehood should proceed from the Mouth of Truth, or that his words should be found light in the Balance of the Sanctuary, that we shall find them holding weight in our humane scales. For 'tis a Rule in our Law, Comminationes nemini jus confer. And such is the Goodness of our Divine Legislator, that though he gives us a Title to any Rewards which he shall promise, yet he denies us all claim to any Punishments which he shall threaten. The reason is, because Promises are founded in materia favorabili, which is in Equity to be stretched; But Menaces on the contrary in materia odiosa, which by consequence is to be straightened. For 'twas exactly said by Aristotle, That as the proper virtue of the Intellect is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so That of the Will is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Both importing such an Equity and Equanimity in the judge, (that is to say,) such a propensity towards the right hand of Favour, as blunts and mollifies the Edge of a Rigid justice.. Thus it ought to be in Man; But in God thus it Isabella The Court of Heaven hath been always a kind of Chancery, wherein he useth an Equiprudence in his judging of the Fact, and a gracious Equity in his passing of the Sentence.  
§. 5. To conclude this part of my undertaking, and to vindicate God's Veracity from any unworthy Imputation, in the judgements of the best, and the worst of men also, (if they will but deal with God, as they Themselves would be dealt with by humane Laws,) There are three Cases amongst Civilians, wherein all obligations (whether by promises to Reward, or by Menaces to Punishment,) do cease to bind. And we shall find them all appliable to the Doctrine or Thesis we have in hand. First I say they cease to bind, per Cessationem rationis unicae; to wit Impenitence. Next per Casus emergentis Repugnantiam cum voluntate; to wit Repentance. Then per comparationem alterius legis; to wit the law of forgiveness to such as sincerely do Repent. If God hath threatened us with Destruction upon a supposal of our Impenitence, (which is the sole reason for which he threatens,) And if our Repentance shall interpose betwixt the Threat and the Execution, (which Repentance is an Emergency, to which the Will-of-God-to-punish is most Repugnant,) Then by virtue of the Promise of God to men, [That when soever they repent, they shall not fail of his Pardon,] he cannot possibly be obliged to put his Threat in Execution. For whatsoever may have been said to a yet-sinning People, (as once to Nineve,) yet such a People (like the Ninevites) may seasonably break off their sins by Righteousness, and make it just that the Statute should void the sentence. that is to say, that the Statute enacting Pardon to the Penitent, should void the sentence of Destruction which was but made to unrepenting and desperate Sinners.  
§. 6. Now from all that hath been said of the last observable in the Text, it is obvious to gather this observation. That as the Impenitence of the Jews did work one Miracle, in that it hindered our blessed Saviour from working Miracles among them, 
Mat. 13. 58.  which made it look like an enfeebling even of Him who was Omnipotent; so Repentance can do a Miracle as great as That, even change the purpose of the Immutable; and when his Arrows are flying at us, can send them back into their Quiver. What a kind of Almightiness hath the Almighty thus endowed Repentance with? And what stratagems does he use to induce us to it? How does he fright us to this Duty, (after the manner in which we deal with our little Children,) as well by slight and empty Bugs, as by real Dangers? How does he thunder out his Threats, as so many gracious Equivocations, which with a blessed kind of Fraud are meant to beguile us into Obedience? (It is indeed a bold Metaphor, but I borrow it from St. Paul, 
2 Cor. 12. 16.  who told his Corinthians, that being crafty, he caught them with guile.) How does he hold forth his Comets to a sinful Nation, very much rather to prevent, than presage his Plagues? How does he send out his Thunder, before his Bolt? and affright us with his Lightning, that he may not consume us with his Fire? How did he scare us very lately with Gluts of Rain, that he might not destroy us with perfect Famine? I pray contemplate on my Text, a little more attently before I leave it, and ye will find how exactly it is conformable to the Time. What Beams of Mercy may we descry, most sweetly breaking forth from a Cloud of Justice? How does his Pity in a manner give a Countercheck to his wrath? whilst he says in his Anger, Thus and thus will I do; his Loving kindness interposeth, Prepare to meet thy God o Israel. Thus will I do, to destroy the Sin; but prepare to meet me, to the end that I may not destroy the sinner. 'Tis true we read that when Adrastes had killed the Son of King Croesus, Croesus was so touched with that very Murderer's Humiliation, as at that very time to pronounce his Pardon. A Temper (ye will say) in an Heathen Prince, which the greatest part of Christians would admire sooner than imitate. But how transcendently greater is the Patience and the Love of our God to Us? For although by continuing in our Impieties, we often Crucify his Son, he is not only inclinable to give a Pardon, or a Reprieve, but does invite and desire us to give him leave too.  
§. 7. If ye will take a right Prospect of both together, (I mean the twofold transcendency both of his Patience and his Love,) hear him speaking unto Israel, and through Israel unto ourselves.  
Your Povocations, o Kine of Bashan, have filled my Vials full of Wrath. 
See a Description of God's Artillery, Wisd. 5. 17, 18, etc.  Behold my Arrows are on the strings, and my Thunderbolt in my hand. I am now riding towards you upon the wings of a whirlwind; And as hitherto ye have found me a quickening Light, ye shall feel me henceforwards a kill Fire. But is there never a man among you who will make up the Hedge? who will come before me for the Land, 
Ezek. 22. 30.  that I may not destroy it? Is there never a Moses who will stand in the Gap? not a Phineas among you to stand up and pray? not an Abraham to plead for a Sister of Sodom? nor a Priest to weep out betwixt the Portch and the Altar? Is there never a man of Wisdom to hear my Voice, 
Mich. 6. 13.  how long and audibly soever I have been crying unto the City? O come and stop me in my Carrier. Let your Tears disarm me, and let your Prayers bind my hands. I will destroy you, But fain I would not. I am Almighty indeed, But I am All-mercy too. And though ye cannot Resist, ye may Prevent me. Because I will do thus unto thee, prepare to meet me that I may not.  
§. 8. Let us imagine within ourselves, that God is speaking thus to Us, as once to Israel. And withal let us consider, what 'twill be fittest for us to do. If he is coming to meet Us, as heretofore he met Ephraim, 
Host 13. 8.  like a Leopard or a Bear that is bereft of her Whelps; let us go out to meet Him, even as Benhadad met Ahab, 
1 Kings 20. 32.  even with Sackcloth upon our Backs, and with Halters about our Necks; or else (as Hushai met David,) with our Coats rend, 
2 Sam. 15 32.  and with Earth upon our Heads. If God's Coming be as silent as a Thief in the Night, and withal as violent as a Thief in the Day; it will be infinitely better that we meet him halfway, than that we expect him within our Doors. It will be best for us to meet him, that so his suddainness may not surprise us; And 'twil be best to prepare, that so his severity may not oppress us. Let us not meet him so soon, as not first to prepare; nor be so long in preparing, as not to meet him. They are Both together in my Text; and may they Both be together in all our Practice. Let us so in good Time meet our God with the fruits of sincere Repentance, as that our God in great Mercy may be pleased to meet us with Grace and Pardon.  
And This the God of all Mercy vouchsafe unto us, both for the Glory of his Name, and for the worthiness of his Son. To whom with the Father, in the Unity of the Spirit, be ascribed the Kingdom, the Power, and the Glory, from this day forwards forevermore.  
FINIS.   

THE Embassy of the Rod AND THE AUDIENCE WHICH IT REQUIRES.  
A SERMON PREACHED BEFORE THE KING At WHITE HALL., Upon the Wednesday-Monthly Fast, when the Pestilence Decreased, but yet Continued, As did also the War with the French and Dutch, 1665.   
MICHA 6. 9 Hear ye the Rod, and who hath Appointed it. 
§. 1. THe Text (as things stand) should now be handled in such a manner, as to respect the double quality and complexion of the Time. A Time of Thanksgiving, and Fasting too. A Time of great Comfort, and yet of Mourning. A Time which placeth us in the Confine of those two Passions, which seized upon the two Maries at the Sepulchre of our Lord; from which they are said to have departed, with Fear and great joy.. Mat. 28. 8.  
First 'tis matter to us of joy, that after the very same measure in which our Enemies from abroad did Increase upon us, our abler Enemy here at home began to be at Peace with us. And I think I may say without a Figure, that both the Dutch and the French have one Defeat without Fight. For, weighing well the two Grounds whereupon the two Nations presumed against us, The unanimity of our Countrymen corrects the Insolence of the Dutch, and the Abatement of our Pestilence does Plague the French for their Supercherie.  
But yet 'tis matter to us of Fear, and of Humiliation, that though the Pestilence decreases, it also continues in some degree; That whilst the Rod is removing, 'tis also hanging over our heads; And though the Fury of the Judgement is (God be thanked) well passed, yet the sense of its threatenings is present with us. We know the Autumn, many times, is a pregnant season; nor can we Prophecy, This Month, what the Next may bring forth. And as the likelihood of a Victory must needs be very much allayed by the Possibility of a Defeat; so must the Hopes of a Recovery by the great Danger of a Relapse. And seeing the Wisdom of Authority hath still appointed this Day (although a Day of no sad Tidings) to be observed in all our Churches as a Day of Solemn Humiliation; let us Rejoice with so much Trembling at the Retreat of God's Anger, as by Prayer and Fasting to stop the way to its Return. The Text which now lies before us is very fit for this Purpose. For  
§. 2. Now it was that God's People, the men of Israel and of judah, after their manifold obligations to Watch, and Pray, and give Thanks, for their Deliverance out of Egypt, that House of Bondage, were most securely fallen asleep in a dead Lethargy of Sin. A sleep in which they lay snoring with such Indulgency to Themselves, that all his ordinary Calls were too low to wake them. But God hath two sorts of Voices whereby to rouse us into Repentance. The one he utters by his Prophets, and the other by his Rod. And we have Both in this verse, whereof my Text is the later part. For what we call the Lord's Voice, in the next words before my Text, The Chaldee paraphraseth well by [the voice of the Prophets of the lord] And This was it he first used to the men of jerusalem and Samaria. Nor did he whisper into the Ear of only here and there one, but extended it to the hearts and the ears of all. The Lord's Voice cryeth unto the City, that is, his voice by the Prophets is lifted up like a Trumpet, to show the people their Transgressions, and the House of jacob their Sins. (Isa. 58. 1.) But since the Voice by his Prophets is only heeded by very few, (that is to say, here and there by a man of Wisdom,) at least give ear unto the voice which now he uttereth by his Rod; and look ye up unto the hand that hath laid it on. The Chaldee Paraphrase on the Persons to whom the words are directed is most remarkable. For 'tis not only, hear ye Tribes; as the Septuagint read, and the vulgar Latin; nor only hear ye the Rod; as the Interlineary Hebrew. But, here ye Princes, and Rulers, and People of the Earth. Or (as I find it translated by Learned Grotius) Audite Rex, & Proceres, & Conventus. Which I cannot better English, than by King, Lords, and Commons. Let your Qualities or Conditions be what they will, Audite Vos Virgam, Hear Ye the Rod. So that the Voice of the Prophets, (in the beginning of the verse,) does seem to differ just as much, from the voice of the Rod, (in the later end,) as the Prophecy from the judgement which is Prophesied of; or as the Threat from the Sentence, and some degree of Execution; or as the Preaching from the Text which is Preached on.  
§. 3. This is therefore God's Method for the calling of Sinners unto Repentance. The public Preachers of his Word do first give warning. Then the truly wise in heart do fear and tremble at the Word Preached. Yet the foolish and inconsiderate, (who are the most of Mankind) being deaf to that Word, and not afraid of that Warning, The Rod comes in with its Sermon, or excitation to Repentance, and All are conjured to hearken to it.  
This (considering how the words are made obscure by an Elipsis, which the most Critical Commentators have several Methods of filling up) I do conceive to be the plainest and most satisfactory scope of the words in Hand. The Lord's Voice cryeth unto the City, and the man of wisdom shall see thy Name.  
Hear ye the Rod, and who hath appointed it.  
§. 4. The Text in the General, or in the Great, does present us with an Embassy from Heaven to Earth; which being taken in the Retail, doth spread itself into these Particulars.  
First the Ambassador here employed; and that is expressed to be the Rod.  
Secondly the People to whom directed; And These are employed in the Pronown Ye. My Israel, my Chosen, the peculiar Lot of mine Inheritance, Audite Vos, hear Ye.  
Thirdly the Audience, or Attention, which is to be given to the Ambassador; Audite, Hear. Last of all we have the Potentate from whom the Ambassador is dispatched, described clearly by the Periphrasis of [Him who hath appointed it.]  
The first and second of these particulars will be best capable of Discourse, not severally handled, but in conjunction. For the close Application of the Ambassador to the People, the Rod to Israel, will very seasonably afford us this Doctrinal Proposition.  
That God Almighty is so far from conniving at, or not seeing Sin in his Children, (though the Tempter in these Times hath taught a great number of men to flatter themselves into Destruction by this Opinion,) that he hates, and will punish it, much more in Them, than in Those that are Stranger, and Aliens to him.  
§. 1. Which to the end I may evince in the clearest Method that I can use, I shall first of all observe out of Aulus Gellius, 
Aul. Gell. l. 6. c. 14. p. 224.  (what He himself does observe out of Plato's Gorgias,) That there are three distinct ends for which Offenders are to be punished. Whereof the first is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the Amendment of Offenders. The second 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the Benefit of such as are Lookers-on. The third 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the Party's Satisfaction who is Offended. And if we look on all Three, as they are applicable to God, in his laying on of stripes on the sons of Men; whether the End of his Inflictions is to redeem us from our Iniquities, or to fright Lookers-on from daring to do as we have done, or to make some Amends to his injured Goodness; we shall find him ever Just, after the measure that he is Merciful. And as he is kinder by much to the little Flock, which he hath tenderly Penned up in his rich Enclosure, than to the numerous Herd which are turned out into the Common, so is he rigider to the Sheep that rudely break out of the Fold, than to the Swine or the Goats that were never in it. For the better evidencing of which, let us consider his Rod of justice with its three final Causes, and mark how fitly it tends to each.  
§. 2. First I say the Rod of God is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as Plutarch calls it,) the medicine, or means of Cure, unto the Souls of such men as are sick of Sin. So much the medicine, that Plato will allow it no other end; and Lucius Seneca looks upon it, as a Thing that can be useful for nothing else. 
Seneca de Ir●. l. 1. r. 16. p. 406.  Nemo prudens punit, quia peccatur, sed nepeccetur. We are not punished (saith he) because we have already sinned, but only to the end we may sin no more. And his Reason is as plausible as the matter will bear. Revocari praeterita non possunt, futura prohibentur. Whatsoever is past, is past all Remedy; And an evil of Sin already done, no evil of Punishment can have the power to undo. But what is future, and yet to come, may be anticipated at present; and though we cannot retrieve yesterday, we may wisely provide against the morrow. Nay the sharpest of Remedies is so desirable, where continuance in Sin is the Disease, that when the Patient cannot be cured, 'tis a kind of a Favour, to cut him off. Interdum ut pereant, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Heliodor. lib. 1.  interest pereuntium. Even Destruction itself is many times very Medicinal. And many thousands had been undo●, if they had not perished. Sure I am that St. Paul was of this opinion, when he delivered men up to Satan for the Destruction of the Flesh, 
1 Cor. 5. 5.  that their Spiri●s might be saved in the Day of the Lord jesus. And reflecting upon the words which were spoken by Christ of his own Betrayer, 
Mar. 14. 21.  Good it were for that man that he had never been born; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Plotinus Enn. 1. l. 7. p. 62.  we may infer, with good Logic, It had been good for that man, to have lived very little beyond his Birth. For when the Devil shall give a Visit to such an Impenitent on his Deathbed, his wish will unavoidably be one of these two, That he had led his life better, or sooner died. So clear a Truth as this is the very Heathens could discern by the light of Nature. 
Alexis in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Not Plotinus only the Platonist, but Alexis the Comedian. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  That is, the first Degree of Happiness, is not at all to receive a life; And the next, is to leave it early.  
§. 3. To make my meaning more plain by a familiar Illustration; Admit the Arm or the Leg of any man's body is gangrened, we do not say it is the Cruelty, but the Skill of the Chirurgeon to cut it off. And if the Patient being angry shall expostulate with the Artist in such a Case, or demand by what Authority he does such things, 
Crysost. ad 2. Cor. 7. 13.  St. Chrysostom tells him he may Answer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Dost thou ask me, honest friend, why I cut thee off a Limb? 
Cuncta prius tentanda, sed immedicabile vulnus Ense recidendum est, ne pars sincera trabatur.  That which gave me this Authority was my Art, and thy Disease. My Art informed me 'twas to be done, and thy Disease bid me do it.  
Crudelem Medicum Intemperans Aeger facit. And then considering how much the Soul is more preferable to the Body, 
Apul. de Philos. l. 3. p. 48. 49.  than the Body can be to a single Member, I cannot choose but assent to that Platonic Aphorism in Apuleius, 
Si nequitia miseros facit, miserior sit necesse est diuturnior nequam, quos infelicissimos esse judicarem, si non eorum mali●iam saltem mors extrema ●iniret. Both. de Cons. Philos. l. 4. p. 150  Gravius & acerbius est omni supplicio, si noxio impunitas deferatur; that to the wicked, in this world, the greatest Punishment is Impunity. For Remedy being by Nature very much better than Disease, and so a desperate Remedy than a desperate Disease, it must necessarily follow, that to a sinner who is Incorrigible, Death itself becomes a Courtesy. The reason is, because it renders him less unhappy, 
Mali cum Supplicio ●arent, inest iis aliquid alterius mali, ipsa Impunitas.  than he would otherwise have been. For that even in Hell there is Room for Courtesy, is just as clear as that the greater infers the lesser Damnation, 
— Multo igitur infeliciores sunt Improbi injustâ impunitate donati, quam justâ ●ltione puniti. Id. ib. p. 152.  Mat. 23. 14. And as one Star differs from another Star in Glory; so in the Territories of Darkness, we are told of a difference between the Sodomites and the jews, Mat. 11. 23, 24. and so we read of great difference between the punishments inflicted on several Servants; some whereof shall be beaten with many stripes, and some in comparison with but a few. Luk. 12. 48. Now they who know what it is, for the unjust to be reserved unto the Day of Judgement to be punished, (2 Pet. 2, 9,) will soon confess it to be a Truth which is asserted by Boetius, (however an Infidel may be so dull as to believe it a Contradiction,) 
Cui sententiae consequens est, ut tum dem●m gravioribus suppliciis urgeantur, cum impuniti, esse creduntur. Id. ib. p. 153.  That wicked men are Then plagued with the more grievous kinds of punishment, when they are thought by standers-by to escape unpunished. And clear it is that That Tradition of the wand'ring Cartophilus, who had been janitor (saith Cluver) to Pontius Pilate, 
Cluverius in Rudolpho Secundo ad an. 1600. p. 759. 760.  (whether Truth, or Fiction,) does show a good part of Christendom to have been strongly of this Opinion. For it seems they could not invent a severer Punishment to the jew, for his having contumeliously struck our Saviour, as he was going from Pilat's House unto the Place of Execution, than that our Saviour should condemn him to an Immortality upon Earth; to wander up and down in several parts of this world, beaping up wrath against the day of wrath, and then only to fall, when all the world must rise again. And if 'tis so in good earnest, as it hath hitherto been contended, That previous Punishments are conducing to the Amendment of a Sinner, and conducing in such a measure, that even Destruction is for his Interest, when past Amendment; sure God will not withhold it from the unworthiest Subjects of his Dominion, much less from Them who are the Children of his Household. If Pharaoh the Drudge be once admitted under his Cure, sure joseph the Darling shall much more be so. For the first and chiefest end of our being so judged as to be chastened in the world, is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that we may not so be judged as to be damned with the world. 1 Cor. 12. 32. And therefore ye that pretend to be none of their number, who by being uncorrected are known to be Bastards rather than Sons, (Heb. 12, 8,) Audite Vos Virgam, Hear Ye the Rod.  
§. 4. The Second End of Punishment is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for the Benefit of such as are Lookers-on. And it tends to their Benefit in two respects. First by removing an Example of Sin, which might otherwise make them worse, and next by showing one of Punishment, which hath an Aptitude at least to make them better.  
§. 5. For the first of these two there is very great Reason. Because your Exemplary Sinners are such a public sort of Mischiefs, such Epidemical Diseases, that Seneca looks upon them as on Venomous Beasts, 
Seneca de Ira, lib. 2.  and professeth he would destroy them with the same temper of mind, wherewith he would chop off a Viper's Head; lest by permitting them to live, and to fill the Air with their poison, they should happen to be contagious to all that neighbour within their stentch. So that Seneca (it seems) was a kind of a Zealot, though not a jew; and spoke at the rate at which Phineas acted; who finding Zimri and Cosbi in their openfaced Villainy, dispatched them both in as great haste, as a man would have used to a couple of Serpents. And indeed he had reason for what he did. For as the rational kind of Viper is more malignant than any other, so of that sort too the most destructive is the religious; (such I mean as are reckoned such, by their putting on Godliness for a Disguise.) There are no such false fires for the leading of Passengers out of their way, as the reputed People of God when they once turn stragglers. For as their good Conversation is the Decoy of Heaven, and brings in Proselytes to God; so their scandalous example is the Pander to Hell, and makes Clients for the Devil. If the People of God refuse the Love of the Truth, 
2 Thes. 2. 10.  how shall the Heathens than embrace it, to whom it is but seldom, if sometimes offered? If judah herself become an Harlot, Babylon is confirmed in all her Whoredoms. And if Israel worship a Calf, how shall Egypt not be Idolatrous? when there ariseth a Dispute betwixt the jews and the Gentiles, (as once betwixt Elijah, 
1 Kings 18. 21. etc.  and the Prophets of Baal,) whose God is the truest, and so the fittest to be adored; The jews have need to prove Theirs, as well by the Sanctity of their Lives, as by the strangeness of their Miracles. 
Aestimari de● Cultoribus suis potest ille qui colitur. Quomodo enim bonus Magister est, cujus tam malos videmus esse Discipulos? Salvian. de Gubern. Dei. l. 4.  Else the Gentiles will conclude them, not to have the truer Prophets, but the skilfuller Magicians. And all their signs which are drawn from Heaven, will pass but for Sorcery fetch't up from Hell. David laid so great a stress upon this one consideration, that when an evil Example was shown in Israel, it was his first and greatest Care to have the matter kept secret from those without, 2 Sam. 1. 20. knowing well that the Example of a scandalous Israel, would soon redound to the discredit of Him that had owned them for his People; 
Deut. 7. 6.  And that it is the usual Custom of the giddily-unjust and censorious world, to pass their Judgement upon the Master, by the Behaviour of his Servants; to make an estimate of the Father, by the Breeding of his Children; and so to measure the God too, by the practice of his Votaries.  
§. 6. Now since Experience itself, as well as Scripture, doth serve to prove it a disgrace to the Truth of God, for the Professors of the Truth to hold the Truth in unrighteousness; Can we imagine it to be likely, that God will harden the Pagan's Hearts by the prosperous example of Israel's Sin? no, he will mollify them rather by the public Example of their Correction, (which is the second of those Respects, in which the punishment of Offenders is for the Benefit of such as are lookers on.) So he once tells them by the Prophet Ezekiel, (chap. 5. verse. 7. & 8.) That he will punish them in the sight of all the Nations round about. Nay so he tells them in one Chapter no less than 4 or 5 times, (it is the 39 of the same Ezekiel,) I will not let them pollute my Name any more, and the Heathen shall know that I am the lord (ver. 7, 21, 24,) And again, (ver. 26, 27, 28,) They shall bear their shame, and be led into Captivity among the Heathen, that God may be sanctified in them in the sight of many Nations. And why is all this, but that their Sufferings for sin may be as Exemplary and public, as their Sins for which they suffer? God will be very far from giving a just occasion, of his being ill thought of amongst the Heathen; They shall be far from finding Him to be a Sanctuary for sinners, remaining such. When Israel will not hear, they shall feel his Rod; and the Rod shall be so laid on, that even Edom and Philistia shall hear its Voice. And the Voice of this Rod shall be like that of the Prophet Zachary. 
Zack. 11. 2.  Howl Fir Tree, for the Cedar is fallen; howl o ye Oaks of Bashan, for the Forest of Vintage is cut down. The Voice of this Rod shall be heard in Babylon; and it shall make the same Inference, which St. Peter did when he was there. If judgement begin at the House of God, 
1 Pet. 4. 17.  what shall their end be who are not obedient unto the Gospel? I will shut up this point with that of Salvian. Deus partim gladio, partim exemplo corrigit, ut omnibus simul & coercendo censuram & indulgendo pietatem probaret. God does partly punish by Stripes, and partly by Example, (that is, partly by the stroke, and partly by the voice of his Fatherly Rod,) that at once he may testify to the world, as well his justice, by the one; as by the other, his Longanimity. This is said by God in Scripture to be a great end of Punishment, 
Deut. 17. 13.  That all the People may hear, and fear, and do no more presumptuously. And therefore Ye that have been hitherto the greatest strangers to Affliction, by the Enjoyments of your Peace in a Time of War, and of abundance of Plenty in Times of want, and now of bodily health in a Time of sickness; who seem to look as unconcernedly on the miseries of your Brethren, as if yourselves had an exemption from all Adversity, and were seated above the level of all God's Arrows; Audite Vos Virgam, hear YE the Rod.  
§. 7. The Third End of Punishment is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for Revenge; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Arist. Rher. l. 1. c. 10.  that is, (as Aristotle interprets it) to repair the honour, and to satisfy the justice of that Authority, which the Transgressions of a Sinner appear so highly to have offended. And in this respect also, as God is just to all in general, so to his People in particular he is severest. He is very much offended with the Adulteries of the Harlot, but more with the Whoredoms of an obliged Spouse. If the Doves which have an house on purpose erected for their Reception, shall fly away from that House, to be Birds of Prey, they deserve by so much a greater punishment, than Crows and Harpies, by how much the more they were cared for, and with a more peculiar Providence. So by the same proportion of Justice, God will much sooner scourge the Flocks of joseph for their wander, than the Kine of Bashan, because there is much a richer feeding in the Plains of jordan, than on the Mountains of Samaria. Now he whips them with Babylon, That 
* Isa. 10. 5.  Rod of his Anger. Anon he beats them with Egypt, That 
* Isa. 10. 5.  Staff of his Indignation. And if That will not serve, he hews them down at last with Rome, which we may call (by good Analoge) the Axe or Hatchet of his Fury.  
§. 8. And if now after the jews, the People of God under the Law, we reflect upon ourselves, who are his People under the Gospel, observing whether we have been falling, as well as from whence, (from the most Christian, the most Reformed, and the most Disciplined sort of People, to the most barbarous, the most profane, and I wish I may not ●ay, the most disordered in all the world,) we shall find this difference betwixt the Heathens and ourselves, That They indeed are a diseased People, but we commonly a relapsed one. They indeed do disavow the Lord Jesus in their words, But we deny him in our works. They indeed do not receive the Love of the Truth, But we refuse it. They indeed are Erroneous in a very deep measure, but (which is infinitely worse) how many amongst Us are grown Heretical? In so much that whilst They do only want a Physician, the generality of us do stand in need of an Executioner. And now, to compare ourselves with some of our Fellow-Christians, (those I mean in the Church of Rome,) whilst their Church is called the Whore of Babylon, do not they call ours the Whore of Babel, though not with any Truth, yet with some Plausibility? there being a Babel in our Nation, though not in our Church? and many parts of this Nation being become so much the fouler, (I will not say for having been, but) since the time of her being swept, that for one Devil of Popery She hath been dispossessed of, She may be thought (by the Care of Rome) to have given entrance unto seven. It is therefore (as it proves) our unhappy Privilege of having once drawn nearer, not only to the Mercy, but to the Holiness of God, than other Nations, that God is the readier now in justice to stand the farther off from us. And if by a seasonable Repentance, we do not recover our first Approaches, 'twill be as tolerable for Rome in the last great Day, as for Us of this Nation. And so (on a Parallel supposition) it will be somewhat more tolerable for Jerusalem, than for Rome; for Egypt, than for Jerusalem; for Babylon; than for Egypt; for S●ythia, than for Babylon; and for the wild Savages, than for them all.  
§. 9 Ye will consent the more readily to what I say, by considering those words of our blessed Saviour, Luk. 10. 15. And thou Capernaum which art exalted to Heaven, shalt be thrust down to Hell. Therefore to Hell, because from Heaven. For the higher any one is, by so much greater must be his Fall. When the Eagle in the Apologue caught up the Shellfish into the Clouds, it was to break it the more infallibly by letting it fall upon the Stones. And though indeed the God of Heaven never takes any into his favour, to the end he may give them the greater Fall; yet when such will needs fall from their highest Station, they must needs be the unliklier to rise again. They being so broken by their Fall from so high a Pitch, 
Heb. 6. 4, 5, 6.  that hardly any thing can joint them, or make them whole. For, in our Saviour's own phrase, 
Mat. 21. 44.  They will be grinded to Powder. And 'tis obvious to infer from those other words of Christ, Sin no more, lest a worse thing come unto thee, 
Confer John 5, 14. cum 2 Pet. 2. 20, 21.  (Joh. 5, 14,) That God will punish Malefactors, as well in regard of the Benefits they have received, as for the Sins they have committed. And therefore ye that make it your Boast, That ye are Members of a Christian Reformed Church, 
Gal. 4. 24, 25, 26.  not the Children of Hagar, which is Mount Sinai, and which gendereth to Bondage, but of Jerusalem which is above, and therefore Children of the Promise, whereby ye have the privilege to call him Father, who by Them that are without, is to be looked upon only as a Creator, and a Judge; And by your being more obliged than other men, are grown by so much the more accountable; Audite Vos Virgam, Hear Ye the Rod.  
§. 10. But (Lord) how many have we known, in these last and worst times, who (like Hiel the Bethelite in the Building of Jericho) have laid the Foundation of their Greatness in their Firstborn, 
1 King. 16. ult.  and set up its Gates in their younger Children, and yet have been deaf as any Adders, to the Voice of God's Rod in so clear a Case? Unto how many of our new Builders, who have cemented their Walls with the price of Blood, and have set their Nest on high, (with a presumption to be delivered from the Power of Evil,) hath the well-instructed Stone cried out of the Wall, and the Beam out of the Timber made answer to it, who yet have stopped their Eyes and Ears against the Messages of the Rod that hath spoken to them? I harkened and heard, (said God heretofore of his People Israel,) but no man repent him of his wickedness, saying, what have I done? every one turned to his Course, 
Jer. 8. 6.  as the horse rusheth into the Battle. And we do commonly so resemble that senseless People, (as to the Callousness of our hearts, and inconsideratness of mind,) that whensoever God dispatches any Ambassador of his Displeasure, although he speaks so loud, that it is hard not to hear him, yet we commonly care so little, as that we seldom or never give ear unto him. Or if perhaps we are attentive to the Voice of God's Rod, yet we are deaf to the Message on which it comes. Whereas the Audience and Attention which God requires, is rather meant of the second, than of the first of these two. We are not to hearken how it sounds only, but to consider what it says too. Every lash of God's Rod should make us reflect upon a sin. And as Joseph's false Brethren, when they were brought into Distress, did strait reflect on that Distress into which they had brought their Brother joseph; 
Gen. 42. 21.  so if at any time we are groaning under the Miseries of a War, we should examine how many ways we abused our Peace. If at any time we are brought into some great Degree of Penury, we should consider if we have not abused our Plenty. And if at any time (as of late) we fall into Times of general sickness, we should reflect on those Sins which have been the great Abuses, and so the Forfeitures of our health. Might I ground a conjecture touching the Message or the Cause of our present Rod, from the words of three Prophets, 
a 2, 12.  Habakkuk, 
b 3, 1.  Naum, and 
d 24, 9  Ezekiel, I should be prompted to consider, how many Houses in the late Times have been built with Blood. And Blood we know hath a Voice; yea, and such a Voice too, as 
e Gen. 4. 10.  cries to Heaven for Revenge. And being the loudest of Criers, 'tis soon heard. But yet the lover of Souls, who is a God ready to Pardon, in the midst of his judgements remembreth Mercy. From whence it is, the Lords Voice does cry aloud unto the City, that the Voice of the City may cry as loud unto the Lord; and that the Voice of men's Tears may even drown that of Blood, as the louder Stentor. Certainly nothing but Repentance will be able to cry up those hover Judgements, which our National Sins have been calling down. Nor can any other Repentance cry louder unto God than our Sins have done, but that which brings forth Amendment, and change of life. And this does lead me to the Audience which God would have given to his Ambassador, the third particular in the Division, and next in order to be considered.  Audite Virgam, HEAR ye the Rod. 
§. 1. Hear the sound of God's Rod, and hear the sense, or signification. For as the Voice of his Rod is double, to wit the lashing of the Air, and the beating upon our shoulders; the former, when he threatens, and only threatens to inflict it, the later, when he proceeds to put his Threats into Execution; so the Message which it brings us is double too; for 'tis expostulatory in part, as when it chides us for our Sins; and in part it is exhortatory, as when it presses us to Repentance. Such is the admirable contrivance and disposition of God's Inflictions, that they commonly speak his Mercy at the same instant with his justice.. As if it were not sufficient that his Balance is equal, and that he puts Punishment into one Scale, as we Offences into the other; He makes the Punishment many times to have such a similitude with the Sin, as that the Patient may see his Malady in the Nature of the Means which are meant for Cure. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Thus in that famous Controversy 'twixt God and Sodom, we may observe an Analoge as well of Likeness, as of Proportion; for besides that his judgement was just as general as their Sin, and only a Lot exempted from the one, who only was guiltless of the other; they were appositely burnt with Fire of Brimstone, as before they had been with the Fire of Lust. And as their Lust was contrenatural, although from Hell; so likewise was their Fire, because from Heaven. Thus when Corah and his Confederates (the very first Levellers we ever read of) had widely opened Their Mouths against Moses and Aaron, strait the Earth, by way of Talio, opened hers against Them. No sooner were their Throats become open Sepulchers for the Burying of their King and their Priest alive, but strait it follows in the Text, that they were swallowed up quick. And thus as Joseph's cruel Brethren would not hearken to His Request, when he besought them in the anguish and in the bitterness of his Soul; 
Gen. 42. 21. vers. 17.  so for three days together He would not hearken unto Theirs, when in the bitterness of their Souls they had sought it of him. And so, as Dives denied Lazarus a Crum of bread to stay his hunger, he was denied by the same Lazarus a drop of water to cool his Tongue. But we need not go further to find out Instances of the Harmony, betwixt the Punishment of Sin, and the Sin itself, than to the words of the Commission with which the Rod was here sent to the men of Israel. The Lord's voice cryeth unto the City. And first it cries for Attention, hear Ye the Rod. Next it cries as an Herald, that is, it Proclaims the Sin and Punishment of the People. Are there yet the Treasures of wickedness, and the scant measure that is abominable? There's their Sin. Then follows the Punishment, (vers. 14.) Thou shalt eat, but not be satisfied. Again the Rod of God saith, (vers. 12.) The rich men thereof are full of Violence. Whereupon it denounceth, (vers. 15.) Thou shalt sow, but thou shalt not reap; thou shalt tread the Olives, but not anoint thyself with Oil. Nor is there any thing more equal, than that wicked men should suffer the heinous things that they have done; that the covetous Oppressor should be Plagued with Penurte; and that They who have grinded the very faces of the poor, should finally be famished for want of Bread.  
§. 2. But let us divert our thoughts a while, from the Times of the Text to these we live in. For God hath sent such an Ambassador unto Us of this Nation, as heretofore to the People Israel. And it is now a great while, since our Guilts have risen up into a Rod of wickedness. 
Ezeck. 7. 11.  I mean the Rod of God's Anger, by which our wickedness is corrected. It being more than twenty years, (and with but little Respiration) since his Rod has been speaking to us in several Dialects of severity. First of all it spoke to us by Drums, and Trumpets, and by as many wide Mouths, as the Sword had made wounds in our English Nation; by lying Prophets in the Church, by prosperous Rebels in the State, by loss of honour, and of Religion, by Sacrilege, and Regicide, and other execrable effects of a Civil War. From which we have not yet enjoyed more than a five years' Respiration, when our Unthankfulness for That hath betrayed us to a greater and sadder Judgement. For so notable is the difference betwixt our War heretofore, and our Pestilence of late, That the former might be called a Rod of Chastisement, whereas the later began to look like a Besom of Destruction. That Corrected our Nation, but this did threaten to sweep it away. In a very long War there may be very few Battles; But the Pestilence is an Enemy so very skilful to destroy, as that it makes both a nightly and daily Slaughter. It hath slain many more Thousands within the compass of a few months, than our War was found to do in as many years. Just so it was with the famous Pestilence in Thucydides. 
Thucyd. l. 2. p. 129. ad p. 134.  More Athenians were taken off by that invisible Arrow in a few days, than by all the great Armies of the Peloponnesians in divers years. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Ib. p. 129.  Invisible I call it, because it walketh in Darkness, and even at that very time when it destroys at noon Day. (Psal. 91, 6.) And 'tis fitly called an 
* Psal. 91. 5.  Arrow, as well for the swiftness, as sharpness of it. For how swiftly did it fly (in Thucydides his Time) from Ethiopia into Egypt, from thence to Libya, from thence to Persia, from thence to Athens? And how like an Arrow did it fly, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ib. p. 129.  (to give an Instance in our own,) as from Amsterdam to London, so presently from thence into divers Countries? Nor did the swiftness of this Arrow exceed the sharpness of it at Athens. Where having killed up the Physicians, it bred a general neglect of all Endeavours of Recovery. It made them weary of their Devotions, which at first they had employed as the means of Cure. And, pushed on by their Impatience, to a 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ib. p. 132, 133.  contempt of things Sacred, as well as secular, they grew elaborately Voluptuous in the enjoying the goods they had, because they knew not how soon they might lose or leave them. None would enter on any work, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ib. p. 133.  as looking to die ere they could end it. Nor did they fear any Breach of Law, as not believing they could live to be punished for it. Again this Arrow is so noisome, as well as sharp, (and therefore fitly called by David the noisome Pestilence, Psal. 91, 3,) that it does many times kill with the Breath of life. Nay (which is much worse than killing,) it makes a man to be forsaken by the Wife of his Bosom, and even abhorred by his inward friends; 
Job 19 17, 19  as job acquaints us with the Acme of all his sufferings. Zosimus tells us of a Pest in the Time of the Emperor 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Zosim. Hist. l. 1. p. 21.  Gallienus, which was so very much more fierce than the fiercest War, that all they suffered from their Enemies was light and moderate in comparison. Nay he tells us of a Pest in the Time of Gallus, (and in the Northern parts of the Roman Empire,) which coming presently after a War, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, destroyed the whole of Mankind which the War had left. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Zosim. Ib. pag. 14.  There the Rod of God's Anger was improved into the Besom I lately spoke of. It was not only a pungent, but sweeping Rod. And truly such as it was there, it will be here when God pleases. For our greater means of Grace, and more abundant measure of knowledge, are apt to aggravate our judgements, because our Sins. And if our Punishment is less, when our Sins are much greater than other men's, it is a just ground of fear, that we are not wholly pardoned, but only temporally reprieved, not acquitted from the present, but rather reserved for a future, and greater Judgement.  
§. 3. Yet so little is this considered, and laid to heart in our English Nation, that our general unconcernedness in the miseries of others, and our apparent Inadvertency how much our own may be greater by seeming less, does pass with some for the greatest of all our miseries. For though the Rod of God's Anger, hath been thus far the Rod of his tender Love too, that it hath sought to gain from us a Day of Hearing, first by its brushing in the Air, and then by its beating upon our shoulders; yet so barbarous have we been in our Reception of God's Ambassador, that we have hardly yet allowed it a patient Audience. We have not harkened to the Rod, nor to him who hath appointed it. Nay so much are many of us become the worse for those Messages, which God had purposely designed to make us better, that we may seem to have abused his special Grace into an Instrument of becoming the more ungracious; And by a necessary consequence, to have so much of God's Mercy as to be damned by. For should a Porphiry or a julian revive amongst us, and together with the profession compare the practice of many Christians, they would have reason to admire, why a great part of Christendom should be rather called Christians, than by any other Name; why rather Christians, than Antichristians, considering how they live in a direct contrariety, at once to the Doctrine and Life of Christ, What have such men to do to take his Name within their mouths, whilst they hate to be reformed, and cast his words behind their backs? Psal. ●0. 16, 17.) Do they not call Christ their King by the same kind of Irony by which the jews called him Theirs, when platting a Crown upon his Head, and putting upon him a Purple Robe, they said in the bitterness of their Spirits, Hail King of the jews? 
Joh. 19 2. 3.  And just as the Gnostics heretofore, by owning Christ for their Masters whilst they were servants to the Devil, brought the Christian Religion into such ha●r●d among the Gentiles, that they esteemed it a mere Device to legitimate Parricide, and Incest, and some such other enormous Villainies, as were not so much as to be named, much less committed among the Heathens; so 'tis worthily to be feared, that when a sort of Professors amongst ourselves, who call themselves Christians, and Christians of the Reformation, shall be spoken of in Gath, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clement R●m. in Epist. ad Cor. p. 62.  and published abroad in the streets of Askelon, the Daughters of the Philistines will too much rejoice, the uncircumcised will greatly triumph. I say 'tis too much to be feared, (and cannot be too much considered, unless too late to be prevented,) lest that Christ a second time should become through our means, To the jews a stumbling Block, and to the Greeks Foolishness. The greatest comfort of hope we have left is This, That as the scandalous Aspersions which first were cast on Christianity were washed away by the Blood of the ancient Martyrs, and blotted out by the Ink of the learned Fathers of the Church; so our Protestant Religion may yet be vindicated and rescued from those Aspersions and Brands of Schism and Atheism, wherewith some of our Enemies already have, and others are likely to stigmatize us, by the great Piety of some, who do express it in their Practice; by the learning of others, who do assert it with their Pens; and by the Martyrdom of a third sort, who have readily sealed it with their lives.  
§. 4. But be our Fame what it will, unless our Nation shall so repent upon the Preaching of the Rod which God is now holding over us, as once the Ninevites did at Ionah's; or unless it shall be spared for the few Righteous that are within it, (as Jerusalem for the righteousness of james the Brother of Christ, who was the first Bishop there;) God will probably say to us, by the Rod of his Anger, as heretofore to the Assyrians, by his Prophet Isaiah. I will rise up against them, and cut off from England the Name, and Remnant, 
Isa. 14. 22, 23.  and Son, and Nephew. I will also make it a Possession for the Bittern, and Pools of Water▪ and I will sweep it with the Besom of Destruction, saith the Lord of Hosts. Such is the Voice of God's Red, whereby it would fright us out of our sins; which is the Negative part of a true Repentance. It hath another sort of Voice whereby by it would Woe us to satisfaction, and Reformation of life; which is the Positive part of a true Repentance. And so 'tis easy to hear it speaking, as 'twere in genere demonstrativo, in that persuasive way of Rhetoric, wherein another holy Prophet did once bespeak another People in God's behalf. Cast away from you all your Transgressions, 
Ezek. 18. 31, 32.  whereby ye have transgressed, and make you a new heart, and a new spirit. For why will ye die o house of Israel? For● I have no delight in the Death of Him that dyeth, saith the Lord God. Wherefore turn yourselves and live.  
§. 5. But these are no more than the general Lessons of the Rod. The Lessons it teacheth us in particular are more especially these Three▪ First it teacheth us to reflect on those particular crying Sins which have probably been the Cause of our present judgement. Such as are Sacrilege, and Simony, Perjury, and Profaneness, and Impatience of the Cross, Schism, and Faction, and an Itch after Changes, and that as well in the Civil, as Ecclesiastical Estate. Next it teacheth us the Necessity of casting out the Accursed Thing, however seemingly as gainful as Achan's wedge; Not an Agag, not an Ox, not the bleating of a Sheep is to be left in God's Ears, when His command is gone forth for the utter Destruction of an Amaleck. 
1 Sam. 15. 3, 14, 20.  The choicest spoils must not be saved, though it be for Sacrifice, when it stands in competition with our obedience. 
Vers. 22.  Lastly the Rod which at the present is threatening every one of Us, by whipping others into their Graves who are round about us, does teach humility and dejection to such as pr●de it in their persons, whether for the strength or the Beauty of them. It seeks to pull down their vain and exalted thoughts of Themselves, as well as to abate their contempt of Others, by making them to know whereof they are made, and by compelling them to consider of what materials they do consist. For if it is true, what is said by the Philosopher, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, That natural Bodies are resolved into the very same Ingredients of which at first they were composed, And so that nothing is dissolvable into any other Principles, than those of which it does consist, and which it potentially contains; It cannot b●t follow that the Pestilence is the best Orator in the world, to speak the Frailty and the Filthiness of humane Nature; because it teacheth us into what loathsome and detestable matter, the fairest Complexions may be resolved, and that by a mouthful of filthy Air too.  
§. 6. If we shall therefore now consent, that God's Rod, as well as his Prophet, his Deluge, as well as his Noah, is still a Preacher of Repentance, let us impartially consider, whether the sorrow and Anxiety which the Calamity of the Time may have wrought within us, does proceed from a Resentment of Sins, or Sufferings. Whether it be a Contrition, or an Attrition only. Whether a sorrow that is worldly, and worketh Death, 
2 Cor. 7. 10, 11.  and by consequence is to be sorrowed for, or a sorrow according to God, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ●hilo I●d. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. pag. 141.  which worketh Repentance to Salvation, and therefore is never to be Repent. If the first of these two, we ought to beg of God Almighty, that he will add to our Patience, rather than take from our Punishment; that he will strengthen our shoulders, rather than lessen our Burden; And much rather sanctify, than recall his Rod. But if we find it to be the second, we must not pray for a Remedy, but rather for a Paroxysm of our Disease; and rather exasperate our pain, than too soon assuage it. We ought to be sadded for nothing more, than that we cannot be sad enough; & only glad, that we cannot be so. For let the man of this world but imagine himself upon his Deathbed, And what then would he not give for the completing of that Anxiety, whereof he is now so over apt even to conjure for an Abatement? Afflictions help to make us happy even in this present world, if we have but the Grace to use them rightly; else they will make us the unhappier in that world which is to come. For without the right use, even the Grace of God itself does accidentally heighten our Condemnation. And though I never had yet such a Roman Faith, as to believe that there IS such a thing as Purgatory; yet, with submission to God's Oeconomy, I think the most of mankind might be glad there were. Because it seems a very easy Composition with his Justice, to suffer Hell for a time, in order to happiness for Eternity. It concerns us therefore to pray, in this conjuncture of our affairs, that God will give us to drink of his bitter Cup, not as our Appetites shall crave, but as He in his wisdom shall judge expedient. Let him enable us to choose but this one Requisite for ourselves, even His sanctifying Grace; And then in company with That, let him allot us what he pleaseth. Be it War, Pestilence, or Famine; be it Ignominy, Overthrow, or sudden Death. For as by looking upon our Sins, we cannot but see matter of Terror, whereby to hold us in constant fear; so by reflecting upon our sufferings, we may discern matter of Comfort, whereby to couple our Fear with Hope. I say 'tis matter of some Comfort, that God doth seem by his Correction to own us still for his People; that he does not severely suffer us to be over prosperous in our impieties; that he has not so wholly left us, as not to visit us with his Rod; but that at least he does vouchsafe us the Mercy of his judgements to work upon us. And though he threatens to give us up to some of the cruelest of our Enemies, (such as are the two plagues of perfect beggary, and the Pestilence,) 'tis that he may not give us up unto our more cruel selves; that we may never endure the Tyranny of our own hearts lust, or live under the Yoke of our vile Affections. And therefore to the end we may rather kiss, than undutifully repine at his gracious Rod, which does so charitably smite, and would fain wound us into a Cure; let us continue to fix our eyes, as on the Errand on which it comes, so withal on the Author from whom 'tis sent. Which leads me to the Potentate by whom the Ambassador is dispatched, The last particular in the Division.  
Hear ye the Rod, and who hath Appointed it.  
§. 1. That the same Dispensation of the Cup of Trembling and Astonishment should not only have such divers, but such contrary effects, upon the several Complexions it meets withal, as to be one man's Restaurative, and another's Poison, softening one into Repentance, and hardening another into Despair; might seem a difficult kind of Riddle at the very first hearing, were it not that this Account may be given of it, That the one looks only downwards, and views the Rod of his Afflictions as merely springing out of the Dust; whereas the other looks upwards, and acknowledges the Finger of Him that sent it. They whose Spirits and Contemplations are ever grovelling on the earth, and look no higher than 2. Causes, are commonly sorry in their Distresses as men without Hope; whereas the men whose Affections are set on things that are Above, and with the Lyncean Eye of Faith can look on the other side the Veil, do so submit to, and comply with the will of God in their afflictions, as to desire it may be done, as well on Earth as it is in Heaven.  
I know not whether it is more to be feared, or hoped, that God will never withdraw his Rod which lies so heavy upon our shoulders, until he has first of all whipped us into the wisdom to discern, and into so much Humility as to acknowledge, That the Original, and Increase, and present Continuance of our Plague, hath not only arisen to us out of natural Causes, (much less out of fortuitous,) to wit from Atoms, or Infects, or from I know not what malignant and secret qualities in the Air; but from the wrath of a provoked and jealous God, for the most brutish unconcerdness and Impenitences of Men. The Plague of Pestilence being a Rod of so astonishing a Nature, that though the Heathens looked upon it as a thing rooted in the Earth, yet they thought it laid on by an hand from Heaven. The 
* Diodor. Sic. lib. 14. p. 291.  Carthaginians at Syracuse, and the People of Tolouse in the time 
* justin. l. 32. p. 271.  of Brennus, ascribed the Cause of their several Pests unto the Anger of their Gods for the Sin of Sacrilege, and fled for Refuge to Restitution, as the great means of their Recovery. And however Diodorus did take upon him to assign the 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Diodor. Sic. l. 12. p. 100  natural Causes of the Pestilence that reigned at Athens, yet he assures us that the 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id ib. p. III.  Athenians did look upon it as a Rod of supernatural contrivance. Much more should we Christians impute the Cause of our Plague unto God's Displeasure; as being that that serves to humble, and raise us up too. For as 'tis matter to us of Terror, to fall into the hands of the living God, (Heb. 10. 31.) so 'tis matter also of Comfort, that we do not fall out of the hands of God; no nor yet into the hands of relentless men. For with God there is Mercy, and that in the midst of his judgements too; whereas the very tender mercies of men are cruel, (Prov. 12, 10.) God does not afflict willingly, nor grieve the children of men; and when at last he is fain to wound, 'tis to the end that he may heal us. But men to men are so inhuman, that they will commonly break our heads with their precious Balms too. And therefore David having his Option betwixt the Sword of the Lord (for so the Pestilence was called) and the Sword of man, did soon determine to choose the former. Let me fall now (says he) into the hand of the Lord, (for very great are his Mercies,) but let me not fall into the hand of men. 1 Chron. 21. 13.  
§. 2. If we look back upon the Church whilst she was yet but in her Childhood, and consider her Tribulations as far as from Nero to Dioclesian, we may observe how men's reflections upon the Wisdom and Goodness of God's Oeconomies, did smooth the face of Death itself, as 'twas inflicted by the Rod of Divine Appointment; and made her Children even to Court it, how grim soever it became by its greatest Torments. Amongst a thousand Examples which might be given of this Truth, I shall not trouble or detain you with more than one. In that dreadful and most bloody Sedition at Alexandria (just as if Cadmus had sowed his Teeth in that fruitful Soil,) 
Euseb. Eccl. Hist. l. 7. c. 17.  when the Gulf of Arabia became a red Sea indeed, which before was only called so by either a 
* Diod. Sic.  figure or a mistake; when that Sea was so polluted with Blood and Stentch, that had its water been to be washed, all the Ocean (saith Dionysius) had been too little to wash it clean; and when, in consequence of This, there was a Pestilence so extreme, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  as that there was not one House wherein there was not one Carcase; They that were Gentiles in the City were every whit as much terrified, as if Moses once more had turned their waters into Blood, and had afflicted that Place with the sad repetition of all his judgements. Whereas the Christians on the contrary, who to their War and their Pestilence, had a third Plague added, (That, I mean, of Persecution,) were so far from sinking under, that rather of the two they enjoyed their sufferings. Whereof the reason in Eusebius is only this, that they heard not the Rod only, but had regard unto Him who had laid it on. And so they looked upon their judgement, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the Test or Touchstone of God Almighty, for either the Trial of their Patience, or for the Exercise of their Faith, or for the Proof of their Fidelity. So extremely much it is for any man's Interest, and Ease, when the Rod of God is sent in a Message to him, that he consider why it comes, and by whose Appointment.  
§. 3. And indeed to speak Truth, whosoever like the Heliotrope that is still intent upon the Sun, or like the Pilot in a Ship, who, though the waves and the wind do both conspire his Disturbance, does keep his eye the more carefully on his Compass and his Star; I say whoever is this steady, well biased Christian, that is not afraid for any evil Tidings, and though his heels are tripped up, 
Psal. 112. 7.  yet his Heart standeth fast, and believeth in the Lord; He is the Person of the world, that leads the world into Captivity. And is not only placed above the level of Fortune, but (as slippery as she is,) seems to have caught her within his Net. He seems to have gotten the Gladius Delphicus, that Catholical kind of Sword, by which he easily cuts asunder all the Difficulties of Life. For if he dwell amongst those that are Enemies unto Peace, who, when he speaks to them thereof, make them ready to Battle; behold his Remedy is at hand, whilst he can say with King David, 
Psal. 121. 1.  I will lift up mine eyes unto the hills from whence cometh my help. Nay if his Troubles are yet enlarged, so as they that destroy him guiltless are mighty, and do not come into Misfortunes like other men; yet his Remedy is at hand still, whilst he can say with David too, Verily there is a reward for the righteous, doubtless there is a God that judgeth the Earth. Nay if a Messenger come and tell him (as heretofore 'twas told David) that he who came out of his Bowels does seek his Kingdom and his life; still his Remedy lies in this, that he can say with David still, Behold here I am; if the Lord say, I have no delight in thee, 
2 Sam. 15. 26.  let him do with me as it seemeth good to him. Nay if Isaiah bring him a Message, that all the Possessions of his house shall be led captive into Babylon, and that the Sons which Issue from him shall be taken away by force, to serve as Eunuches amongst the Heathen; yet still his Remedy is at hand, whilst he can answer with Hezekiah, Good is the word of the Lord which thou hast spoken. 
2 Kin. 20. 19  Nay if the Devil besiege his Patience with all the wittiest of his Engines, and reduce him from his great Affluence, unto his Potsherd, and his Byles; yet even then he hath his Remedy, whilst he can ask with holy job, 
Job.  shall I receive good things at the hand of God, and shall I not receive evil also? The Lord giveth, and the Lord taketh away, blessed be the name of the Lord. Nay if a Samuel bring him Tidings, not of a private Judgement only, [that the Iniquity of his house shall not be purged with Sacrifice,] but of a public Judgement also, (which whosoever shall but hear shall find that both his ears shall tingle,) to wit, That even the Ark of the Lord is taken, and that the glory is departed from Israel; yet even then he hath his Remedy, whilst he can say with good old Eli, 
1 Sam. 3. 11, 18, etc.  It is the Lord, let him do what seemeth him good. To conclude with an Instance much nearer Home; Admit the Dutch and French Armies should come upon us whilst we are sick, 
Gen. 34, 25.  as Simeon and Levi fell on the Shechemites when they were sore; And so should be the same to us, which both Egypt and Assyria were once to Israel, to wit the Rod of God's Anger, and the Staff of his Indignation; yet if We are his Children, and They his Rod, let us but strive as little children to be the better for our Correction, and 'twill be natural for the Father to cast his Rod into the Fire.  
§. 4. Which being seasonably premised, we are no otherwise to bewail the Rod of God upon our Country, then as we have either by our Sins helped to betray her to its Infliction, or have not been helping by our Prayers to ease her of it. Let us repent us of the first, and betake ourselves unto the second, and then submit the event of All, to his Disposal who hath appointed it.  
To him therefore who is able to keep us from falling, and to raise us when we are down, and to present us being risen, before the Presence of his Glory with exceeding joy, To the only wise God our Saviour, be ascribed by Us and by all the World, Blessing, and Glory, and Honour, and Power, and Wisdom, and Thanksgiving, from this time forwards for evermore.  
FINIS.   

Concio Synodica DE POTESTATE ECCLESIASTICA, AD CLERUM ANGLICANUM, EX Provinciâ praesertim Cantuariensi, in Aede Paulinâ Londinensi habita VIII. Idus Maias, MDCLXI.   

REVERENDISSIMO IN CHRISTO PATRI AC DOMINO, D o. GUILIELMO, Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi; Totius Angliae Primati & Metropolitano; REVERENDIS DOMINIS EPISCOPIS; Totique Clero Anglicano, Decanis, Archidiaconis, aliisque Compresbyteris, ex singulis Dioecesibus, & Cathedralibus Ecclesiis, Provinciae praesertim Cantuariensis, in Synodo Londinensi, Auctoritate Regiâ Congregatis,  
T. P. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hoc 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Qualecunque Dicat Dedicatque.   

Actorum Capite quindecimo, versu 28. à sanctâ Synodo Apostolicâ sic scriptum legimus;  
Visum est enim Spiritui Sancto & nobis, nihil ultra imponere vobis oneris, quam haec Necessaria.  
§. 1. QUemadmodum olim apud veteres mos hujusmodi inolevit, ut opus aliquod sive arduum, sive augustum aggressuri, in ipso operis quasi vestibulo à summo Numine auspicarentur; pari modo, (quod benè vertat,) opus arduum Augustumque (si quod aliud) aggressuro, (Reverendissimi admodum in Christo Patres, vosque quotquot adestis, viri & Fratres dilectissimi,) liceat mihi vobis omnibus (si cum Sancto Psalmistâ loqui deceat,) ex 
* Psal. 116. 13. Illud Poculum Salutis dicitur, quod est reverà 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, seu gratiarum actioni● de omni salute quam Deus in me contulit. Vide Jun. & Tremell. in Locum. Quem etiam confer cum poculo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sive benedictionis. 1 Cor. 10, 16.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 poculo propinare.  
§. 2. Quid enim homini Christiano, aut prius aut antiquius haberi debet, (aut nunc praesertim opportunius,) quam ut à laudibus & Elogiis Patri Luminum buccinandis, verba publicè facturus exordium sumat? & post naufragium litatò factum, votivam Tabulam suspendat?  
§. 3. Deo scilicet providente, Deploratissima scelerum mancipia, quorum audaciâ ante Decennium Domi fortisque exulabamus, ipsa tandem dispersa vicissim exulant; nec jam amplius assidentes Cernimus immunes aliena ad pabula fucos. Deo brachium exerente, Phaethontes isti praecoeiores, qui annos proximè elapsos alienis curribus insedissent, ceu Brontia quadam perculsi, praecipites ruunt prout aguntur. Nec aliud illis jam superest protervitatis suae solatium, quam magnis ausis excidisse, & (quod habemus apud Longinum) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 documentumque reliquisse, Posteris suis salutiferum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nec ulla mancipiis Saturnalia in omne aevum duratura. Deo denique curante, & mirum in modum procurante, ex quam procul dissitis Britanniae partibus, post duodecennem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, unius corporis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in unum denuò coalescimus? nec jam amplius periculosa, sed utili fruimur Innocentiâ?  
§. 4. O quam gratulor vobis vestrum ad vos Receptum exoptatissimum! quodque non amplius in Britanniâ ipsa Britannia sit requirenda! Quin & solennia Gratiarum vota sunt Hostibus vestris nuncupanda; qui rabie suâ effecerunt, ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 accenseamini; deturque vobis conspectiorem de Fortunâ ferociente Triumphum agere. Operae pretium propè erat in tot discrimina incidisse, ut de Divino in vos favore vel sic constaret;— — Aliquisque malis fuit usus in illis.  
§. 5. Nam si Gregorius Adami Culpam rectè dixerit felicem, quippe quae talem Redemptorem habere meruit: Quidni etiam vobis gratuler Ruinae nuperae Beneficium, quibus Talem, Tantumque (qualis est Caesar noster Britannicus) indulsit Deus Instauratorem?  
§. 6. Illi ergo bonorum omnium Fonti simul & Largitori, qui quantumlibet immerentibus haec otia fecit, luctumque nostrum tam diutinum in Citharam vertit sempiternam, utpote nobis in quantum Subditis, Imperii Principem Augustissimum; (fugientium Charitum cum Camaenis Deo proximum Statorem:) nobis in quantum Christianis, Ecclesiae Proceres cordatissimos; nobis in quantum Reformatis, hodiernam Synodum Consultissimam; nec nostra solùm, sed nosmetipsos nobismetipsis etiam restituit; soli (inquam) Thaumaturgo, Triuni Deo, Sospitatori nostro sapientissimo, sit Honos & Gloria in omnem deinceps Aeternitatem.  
§. 7. Nec tantùm Deo 
* Heb. 11. 6.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Gratiarum Actiones habendae sunt de tot tantisque beneficiis in nos collatis; sed insuper nobis orandum est pro Catholicâ Christi Ecclesiâ, per varia Regna Resque publicas quaquaversum disseminatâ. Nominatim verò, pro Anglicanâ hâc nostrâ; Atque inibi ante alios, ejusdem Ecclesiae Nutricio Carolo, peculiari Dei gratiâ, Magnae Britanniae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Rege, Fidei Defensore, in omnibus Causis, omniumque Personarum, sive sacrarum, sive civilium, immediatè secundum Deum Supremo in Terris Moderatore. Pro Reginâ Matre Henriettâ Mariâ; pro Illustrissimo Principe, Jacobo Duce Eboracensi; aliisque quibuscunque è Regio stemmate oriundis.  
Pro utraque Domo Parliamenti; pro Regni Proceribus Nobilissimis; praesertim iis qui Regi adsunt à secretioribus consiliis. Speciatim verò Preces apud Patrem Coelestem sunt effundendae, pro universo Clero Anglicano, in utramque Domum Convocationis mox deinde coituro; pro Reverendissimis Archiepiscopis, Episcopis etiam Reverendis; aliisque quibuscunque inferioris subsellii Clericis, quibus-quibus sive muneribus sive nominibus insigniantur; ut Pater Luminum benignissimus, cujus verbum est ipsa veritas, & via ad vitam exploratissima, pro bonitate suâ dignetur Hodiernis Caetibus Interesse; Quò quaecunque demum consilia ab iis erunt ineunda, in publicam cedant utilitatem, inque Dei nostri Gloriam usque & usque efferendam, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum: cujus meritis innixi, ejusque adjuti oratione, (brevissimâ quidem illâ, sed omnibus numeris absolutâ,) haec & caetera qualiacunque quae nobis ex usu futura sunt, à Deo optimo Maximo iisdem verbis exoremus, quibus Ipse Incarnatus orandum statuit.  
Pater Noster qui es in Coelis, sanctificetur nomen tuum. Adveniat Regnum tuum. Fiat voluntas tua sicut in Coelo, sic & in Terra. Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie: & dimitte nobis debita nostra, sicut & nos dimittimu● Debitoribus nostris. Et ne nos inducas in Tentationem, sed libera nos a Malo. Nam tuum est Regnum, Potentia, & Gloria, in Secula Seculorum.  
AMEN.   

Visum est enim Spiritui Sancto & nobis nihil ultra imponere vobis oneris, quam haec Necessaria.  
INeunti mihi rationem de suscepto munere obeundo, (Reverendissimi admodum in Christo Patres, Fratres in Domino Dilectissimi,) in mentem illicò immissum est, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an secus, aliorum per me licet judicium esto,) quemadmodum Synodi & Synedria in id praecipuè indicuntur, ut hominum animos componant, & paci publicae velificentur; Ita duo esse potissimùm humani generis Propudia, Loiolitas nimirum & Erastianos', qui (instar Davi illius Terentiani) certatim omnia interturbant; ac utramque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, civilem pariter & Ecclesiasticam, (nec enim illa minus, quam haec, videtur coelitus oriunda,) quà publicè, quà privatim, non modo vellicant & delibant, sed pro virili sua parte convulsum eunt. Quicquid est juris Ecclesiastici, aut ad sacram 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quoquo modo pertineat, Illi solis Ecclesiasticis (Papae scilicet cum Praelatis) in totum asserunt; Civilium interim Magistratuum nulla habita ratione. Isti verò è regione ad stuporem usque abrepti 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (ut Sancti Basilii verbis utar,) insuper habitis Ecclesiasticis, ad solos homines seculares Rem totam deferunt.  
§. 2. Haec sunt Monstra illa Dogmatum, de quibus Primaeva Dei Ecclesia nunquam vel fando inaudivit; sed quae ab aevis sequioribus ex nescio quo Tartaro erumpentia, & in Britannias has nostras malis avibus advecta, credentium animos mentesque ad subjectionem debitam emicantes, ceu pestilenti quodam sydere eum in modum afflaverunt, uti corrupta Christiani Obsequii Regula steterit diu, & obmutuerit. Hinc enim odia saepe progerminant plusquam Vatiniana; ex odiis Schismata, Factiones, Secessiones in partes, & quod malorum fere omnium extrema linea habenda est, Ne velle quidem sibi ut ab altera parte benefiat. Hinc Templa Templis adversantur, Conciliabula ex diametro Conciliabulis opponuntur, atque Altare contra Altare ubique loci fere erigitur. Nec in Schismate (Proh dolor!) sibi terminum figit malorum seges; sed (gliscentibus indies Animorum Paroxysmis, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) Res subinde repetuntur; & factâ clarigatione, fecialis hasta continuò mittitur; Bellum publicè indicitur; adversis concurritur aciebus; & (nisi Divinitùs sit provisum) ad ipsam internecionem jugi tractu dimicatur.  
§. 3. Neque tamen hîc obtinet, quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 fortè objiciant;  
Tantum Religio potuit suadere malorum; Quod enim Dominus salvator de se edixit, Nolite arbitrari quod Pacem venerim immissurus in Terram; Non enim Pacem, 
Mat. 10. 34.  sed Gladium; non ad Finem adventus Christi, sed tantummodò ad Eventum referri debet, prae hominum vitiis oriturum. Non est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 tantùm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quod ibi loci intelligitur: praedixit Ille quid certò futurum esset, non quid fieri decrevisset, aut faciendum esse existimaret. Non se causam fore dissidii, sed puram putam occasionem. Ipse enim qui & Auctor & Princeps Pacis, tanti Pacem aestimavit, ut etiam sudore suo & sanguine facilè duxerit redimendam, suisque Disciplulis valedicturus Pacem habuit 
* Joh. 13. 27.  commendatissimam, nihil unquam sollicitiùs in votis habuit (immò verò nec in Praeceptis) quam ut Pacem Amoebaeam in cunctis hominum commerciis vigere faceret. Et nequid nobis videretur intentatum reliquisse (quantum humanae voluntatis ingenium fert,) quò quod maximè cupiebat effectum daret; promisit suis, abiturus, se missurum Spiritum Sanctum, cujus aura non secus ac Pacis vinculo, omnes obicem non ponentes in unum corpus coagmentaret. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Chrysost. Hom. 61. in Mat. 18. p. 659.  Promisit Episcopis vel duobus in nomine suo congregatis (sicut Chrysostomus & Euthymius Textum illum interpretantur,) se, per spiritus sui virtutem, in eorum medio affuturum. (Mat. 18. 19, 20.) & si numerus tam exiguus spiritu sancto non destituitur, (ut rectè arguit Coelestinus in iis quos scripsit codicillis ad Synodum illam Ephesinam,) Quomodo (inquit) non credemus in medio vestrum futurum esse, ubi in unum simul conveniunt tanta sanctorum multitudo? ut quod Apostolus dixit de Juramento, [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse exhibitum, quò succrescentibus controversiis in Finem esset, ad Heb. 6. 16.] non dubitaverim etiam de Synodis optimo jure asseverare. Convenit enim inter omnes, (exceptis solis Socinianis, & si qui sint ejusdem furfuris,) penes Synodum Oecumenicam, omnis dissidii Ecclesiastici jus supremum decisivum censendum esse; in quantum nullum sit Tribunal (nec ullum sanè vel fingi potest) ad quod à Synodo Oecumenicâ ulla competat Appellatio. Quantum autem Oecumenica quaquaversùs per orbem Terrarum valet, Tantundem ferè Nationalis, (praesertim in regno pleni juris, quale Britannicum, Siculumque, quae verè audiunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, atque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) intra suarum ditionum Pomaeria obtinet.  
§. 4. Ne verò longe abeatur, dispiciamus jam de Synodo, quam habemus prae manibus expendendam: Primâ scilicet & celeberrimâ; & ad quam, tanquam ad normam, Reliquoe omnes sunt exigendae. Nam quemadmodum olim inter judaeos, si quaestio aliqua orta esset quam Schismatis suspicio sequeretur, Synedrium illicò consulebant, prout illis ex Lege 
* Deut. 17.  praeceptum erat; Pari modo & Christiani, exortâ gravi Controversiâ de Lege Ceremoniali per Moysen latâ, & gliscentibus inter illos de die in diem simultatibus, evestigiò ac sine morâ Concilium verè Apostolicum consultum eunt, (versibus 2, 4, 5.) Apostoli & Presbyteri de propositâ controversiâ consilium ineunt. (v. 6.) Inter caeteros Assessores, Beatus Petrus & jacobus sententias dicunt; & eâdem fere dicendi formulâ, qua Senatores apud Romanos sententiarum Dictionem solito more concludebant; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quamobrem ego sic censeo, (v. 19) Mox in jacobi sententiam illam universi pedibus euntes, de communi planè consensu hujusmodi placitum decreverunt: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Visum est sane Spiritui sancto & nobis nihil ultra imponere vobis oneris, quam haec necessaria.  
§. 5. In quo verborum circuitu sive complexione, habetis Canonem Ecclesiasticum, ab ipsis Apostolis cum Presbyteris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 congregatis, ad lites quasdam dirimendas, Hierosolymis constitutum.  
Tria sunt autem quae prima fronte hîc se offerunt observanda. Quorum illud inprimis notandum venit, quòd in ipso Canonis statim initio Spiritus Sancti fit me●tio, ne de negotio planè humano, aut merè humana Auctoritate, hîc agi videretur. Non enim Synodi sibi ipsis, nec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 multitudini, nec soli Regum praecellentiae (quorum aut jussu aut permissu in unum coeunt,) sed annuenti Spiritui Sancto, quicquid habent potestatis acceptum ferunt.  
At postquam Synodus dixis●et, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quorsum illud etiam adjecit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; num ob istam ratiunculam, (quam tanti faciunt Romanenses,) Quia de Spiritûs Testimonio nequaquam nobis constare potest, nisi Synodus Inspiranti suppetias ferat? minime Gentium. Sed per figuram illam effertur, quam vocant Rhetores Hendiadyn, sive (ut alii explicatiùs) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ut sensus sit; visum est nobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, nobis edoctis & directis per Spiritum Sanctum, (non ne errare valeamus, sed) ne erremus. Unde & Patres in Conciliis solenniter dicere assolebant, [Decrevit haec sancta Synodus in Spiritu sancto convocata.]  
Secundò verò est observandum, Quòd sancta Synodus non censuit, monendas esse hîc Gentes de Rebus ad vitam necessariis, quas jam illis innotuisse compertum habuit, [nempe à caedibus, Latrociniis, Rebellionibus, Sacrilegiis, atque id genus aliis omninò esse abstinendum,] sed de iis tantum praecepit, de quibus potuit litigari, illisque aliquid subesse Dubii; & per quae stetit, quo minus Gentes cum Hebraeis in unum coetum coalescerent. Cujusmodi erant 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sive Immolatitia, sanguis etiam, & suffccata, quae ne Gentes degustarent hîc cautum est. Si quis autumaverit, sub hoc Canone comprehendi quaecunque ad salutem requiri solent, toto Coelo errâsse dicendus erit. Quum praecepta sint alia atque alia, sub poenâ mortis etiam sancita, quae adeò non comprehenduntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 sub isto tam brevi verborum ambitu; ut nec legitimè ad eundem reduci queant. De illo uno Quaesitum est, à quibus rebus Incircumcisos cavere sibi oporteret, (sintne malae, an mediae, non multum refert,) quò inter Gentes & Judaeos aliquando tandem conveniret. Esu Sanguinis & Suffocatorum. Christianis etiam est interdictum (implicite saltem & interpretatiuè) à secundo 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Conc. Gangr. Can. 2. sed in Cod. Can. Ec. un. Can. 60. A. D. 32●.  Canone Concilii Gangrensis: diuque postmodùm fuisse in Ecclesiâ Dei observatum, (nempe post tempora Apostolica,) Testes habemus 
b Suffocatis & Morticinis abstinemus, ne qu● sanguine contaminemur, vel intra viscera sepulto. Tertul. Apolog. c. 9  Tertullianum, 
c Tantumque ab humano sanguine cavemus, ut nec edulium pecorum in cibis sanguinem noverimus. Min. Fael. in Octavio.  Minutium, 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Clem. Alex. Paed. l. 3. cap. 3. p. 228. edit. Paris, 1629.  Clementem● etiam Alexandrinum, quin & Novollam Leonis 58 vam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 475. edit. Scrimger.  Quanquam prorsus exolevisse sub Temporibus 
f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Euseb. Hist. E●c●. edit. Steph. 1544. l. 2. fol. 46. p. 1.  Augustini, hujusce Canonis Reverentiam, (si non ubique, saltem in Africâ,) ipse nobis Augustinus testatum fecit. Atque vel inde satis constat de rerum istarum indifferentia, sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quibus tamen accedens Lex moralem impingit necessitatem. Necesse est enim subjici, Rom. 13. 5. & visum est nobis (inquit Synodus Apostolica) aliud onus non imponere, quam haec necessaria; vel (ut ex voce illâ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in promptu est hariolari, praesertim illis qui Graecè non vulgo sapiunt,) visum est nobis ea tantummodò imperare, quae omnino ut fiant, propter Legem nunc latam necesse est.  
Quin & illud est tertiò notatu dignum, quòd quemadmodum ipse Christus Religionis corruptelas reformaturus, ad Primordia rerum & Fontes recurri voluit, (Mat. 19 8.) ita & Synodus Apostolica de re praesenti decretura, ad Legem illicò respicit Genese●s nono promulgatam, non tantùm Gentibus, aut Judaeis, sed Filiis Noae, Aut (quod in idem planè recidit) Humano Generi observandam; utut, tempore procedente, apud solos ferè Judaeos vigorem tenuit.  
Expensis autem his Tribus, in quibus Scopus hujus Canonis praecipuè vertitur & consistit; Tria 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 statim emergunt, cum bono Deo eventilanda.  
Inprimis enim videndum habeo De Potestate Ecclesiastica hujusmodi Synodo competente; quousque scilicet de jure protendi debeat, & quibus cancellis circumscribi.  
Secundo loco agendum erit de Rebus purè Adiaphoris; an, & quatenus, & cujusmodi, Necessitatem sibi acquirant; & (legitimâ Synodo decernente) in Leges abeant.  
Tertio demùm dispiciendum de Norma illa & Perpendiculo, ad quod decreta Ecclesiastica necesse habent ut exigantur. Haec sunt Tria illa 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quae pro Temporis ratione, & quantâ poterunt Brevitate, incumbunt mihi enucleanda.  
§. 1. Ad primum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quod spectat, Quicquid est juris Ecclesiastici ad quatuor haec capita referri potest. Inprimis nempe Liberam Religionis professionem, quam Constantinus & Licinius [Libertatem Religionis] in Edicto suo nuncupârunt; Deinde etiam Immunitatem à cunctis publicis muneribus, quae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Iustiniano appellatur; Tertiò verò Exemptionem à Secularibus judiciis; postremò Ius Auctoritativum de Laicorum causis Cognoscendi. Quid ex his Divino jure, & quid humano sit introductum, (nempe favore Imperatorum, 
* 〈…〉.  Constantini, Constantii, & Constantis, Leonis denique, & Anthemii,) facilè cuiquam innotescet, qui cum Scriptis Canonistarum Divina conferet. Gravitèr autem errare solent, qui non distinguunt Potestatem à Deo datam Ecclesiasticis, ab eâ quam Regi acceptam ferunt. Illa enim quasi separat Rempublicam ab Ecclesiâ, sed Ecclesiam Reipublicae adjungit ille. Nam ante tempora Constantini qui Magni nomine insignitur, (Nominisque mensuram reverà implet,) ita Ecclesia in Regno erat, ut pars ipsius non censeretur. Neque enim aequo jure cum reliquis civibus utebatur, nec praeter jesum Crucifixum (cui sub cruce militabat) contemptae passim Disciplinae ultorem habuit.  
§. 2. Quantum ad Ius Ecclesiasticum internum attinet, Jus nimirum praedicandi, ad preces publicas conveniendi, sacram Synaxin celebrandi, aedes sacras aedificandi, sacras Synodos cogendi, sacram denique Disciplinam pro rei merito usurpaudi; Illud Apostolis & Episcopis, qui 
* Apud nos Apostolorum locum Episcopi tenent. Hieron ad Marcellum adversus Montan. Ep. 54. p. 160. B.  tenent Locum Apostolorum, (ut ipse Sanctus Hieronymus disertè docet) non nisi desuper & à Deo concessum venit. Sed quantum ad juris Exercitium, (quod jus externum vocare licet,) Jus nimirum faciendi quicquid ad sacram 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pleno modo administrandam optari queat, 
☞  idque non clanculùm & in Latebris, sed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (ut loqui solent Imperatores,) Illud à piis Imperatoribus (sed per illos etiam à Deo) Ecclesiasticae Hierarchiae indultum fuit.  
§. 3. Nam licet Synodus Ancyrana atque Neocaesariensis (ipsâ Nicaena Anteriores) absque jussu Constantini coactae sint; Regiâ tamen auctoritate munitas esse, nemo sanus inficiabitur. Distinguendum autem est semper inter Synodos Generales, & merè Topicas; Illae à solis 
* Vide Eutrop. Longobard. p. 10.  Imperatoribus, Hae ab Episcopis 
a 
Epistolae per fratres à Metropolitano dirigendae sunt, etc. Concil. Tarracon. 500 post Christum annos in Hisp. celebrati, Canon. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Concil. Antioch. Can. 19 Sed Cod. Can. Eccl. univ. Can 98.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Concil. Antioch. Can. 20.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Concil. Chalced. Can. 18. Codicis vero Can. Eccl. univ. C. 197.   Metropoliticis (sive Principum Iussione, sive tacito consensu,) pro veteri more indici possunt. Ad rem 
b Consule Euseb. lib. 3. de vit. Const. cap. 4. Evagr. l. 2. cap. 4. Theodoret. lib. 2. c. 8. Anonymum I. C. de libertate Eccl. cap. 3.  exemplis evincendam, (si per otium meum liceret, aut vestram saltem per patientiam,) sexcenta sanè in medium proferre pos●em. Sed ne testibus supervacaneis impraesentiarum abuti videar, sufficiat semel vel dixisse, quod sanctissimè recipio in me probandum, (tum contra Papae Parasitastros, tum contra eos qui hâc ex parte Mephitim illam Papismi plus nimio redolent,) Quòd sine Regibus annuentibus, ex quo Reges evaserunt Ecclesiae Filii, Nutriciique, & quasi Episcopi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etiam divinitùs constituti, (ut Magnus Ille Constantinus non semel dixit,) nunquam Placitis Synodalibus subscribi licuit.  
§. 4. Jus autem liberè cogendi Synodos, & jus in Synodis celebra●dis condendi Leges, pars est cultûs Christiani necessaria prorsus, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quomodo enim fient omnia 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
1 Cor. 14. 40.  nihil scilicet confuse, & pro cujusque Temeritate? Quomodo controversiarum figetur Serra, & malae fidei mercatoribus Labia saltem obturabuntur? Unde tollentur corruptelae, quae in Ecclesiae Disciplinam subrepsisle comperientur? (ut paucis denique absolvam,) Ubi loci di●ficillimae de Rebus Fidei Quaestiones, aut tutò poterunt eventilari, aut ad optatum aliquando perduci Finem, si non in Synodo Nationali in Nomine Domini congregatâ, cui vel ipse fidem dedit, se pro certo interfuturum?  
§. 5. Quotus enim quisque est, etiam in sacris versatissimus, (si privatim accedat, & extra Synodum,) cui cum abdita mysteria Divinae Naturae appropinquant, simulque incumbunt enarranda, non refugiat evestigiò trementi sanguis, atque prae metu exalbescat? Quotusquisque vel Ingenio complecti queat, (nedum verbis assequatur,) quomodo Pater sine initio, & sine fine gignat Filium, in quem ita Generans sese totum effundit, ut ipsi nihil decedat, & a quo Generatus eâ nascitur ratione, ut ab eo qui generat recedat nunquam? & à quibus utrisque Spiritus Sanctus eo pacto procedit, ut ne 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quidem confusis Personarum Trium proprietatibus, ejusdem naturae inter omnes consortium existat absolutissimum? Quis est ille in Theologicis usque adeò oculatus, ut expedire mihi queat (saltem pro rei dignitate) ineffabile illud Divinae cum nostrâ Naturâ contubernium? quove nexu sibi invicem eum in morem sint copulatae, ut idem qui semper ex Deo vero verus Deus existat necesse est, Homo quoque, & quidem verus, ex verâ homine nasceretur? aut quomodo mulier Desponsata ita Parentem suum pepererit, ut virgo ●uerit, etiam à Partu, multo quam ante Immaculatior?  
§. 6. Certo certius (Auditores) tantùm abest ut privatim de rebus hujusmodi sit statuendum; ut nulla sint capita Theologi●a, unde natae sunt aut plures, aut certè difficiliores de ipsa Fide Quaestiones. Nulla de quibus erratum est, aut facilius utique, aut periculosius. Nulla in quibus insudarunt majore cum animi contentione, suprà-quàm-dici-potest eximia Scriptorum veterum Ingenia. Nulla in quibus explicandis, aut magis variant Interpretes, aut majores veritati offundunt Tenebras. Tanta est hominum imbecillitas, in Rebus Dei investigandis; Tanta verborum etiam obscuritas, in investigatis enarrandis; Tantaque rerum difficultas, quae omne verborum artificium plerumque superat, & compluribus parasangis post se relinquit.  
§. 7. Egone verò, aut Ille, aut quisquam alius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut ad ejusmodi ferè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 mysteria, per loca crebris variisque difficultatibus impedita, frequentibus salebris intersepta, lamis ac saltibus impervia, eluvionibus & voraginibus saepenumerò intercisa, aditum Singuli faciamus, qui vixdum patuit Universis? Hi sunt vel Synodo tam digni vindice Nodi, Ut sibi in solidum enodandis, Frequentiam Hominum Angelorumque videantur forsan desiderare. Nec aliusmodi sanè frequentiam, quam cui Christus per Paracletum ita interest, & praeest, ita dirigit, atque gubernat; ut vere possit & sine fuco Tritum illud pronunciari, [Decrevit haec Sancta Synodus in Spiritu Sancto Convocata,] aut quod eôdem ferè redit, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Visum est nobis per Spiritum Sanctum, nihil ultra imponere vobis oneris, quam haec necessaria.  
§. 8. Non praecise, & per se, & antecedenter necessaria; Necessaria tamen omnimodè, ut vobis in partes abeuntibus statuatur uniformis vivendi ratio. Necessaria etiam, quia Praecepta. Charitas enim (fatente Beza) in Rebus Mediis est necessaria. Charitas autem sine obsequio, nulla potest excogitari. Et quandoquidem illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 usque adeò sit pure Graecum, ut apud Atticos etiam Scriptores de iis rebus adhibeatur, quas aut fieri, aut omitti Lex ipsa jubet, ideo rectà me ducit ad secundum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 trutinandum;  
Nempè de rebus antecedentèr & ex naturâ suâ Adiaphoris. An, & quatenus, & cujusmodi Necessitatem sibi acquirant, & (legitimâ Synodo decernente) in Leges abeant. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
§. 1. Vocabulum illud [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] quod à Sanctâ Synodo adhibetur, liquidò notat Auctoritatem Praecepto junctam. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 autem hic dicitur quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 suprà (v. 10.) Apertè innuens, Materiam Canonis Apostolici Adiaphoris esse annumerandam. Non de Fornicatione, aut commercio cum Idolis, (quae Natura sua sunt mala, & quorum merces mors est,) sed de sanguine loquor, & suffocatis, à quibus ut rigidè se abstineant tenentur Gentes. Cujus rei Indifferentiam (si per se consideretur) ille Christi Aphorismus abundè probat. Non quod intrat in os coinquinat hominem, sed id quod exit. (Mat. 15. 11.) Et qui forte pauci adhuc ista tangere formidant, (inquit Episcopus 
* Augustnius ubi suprà, lib. 32. cap. 13. p. 200. C. Wirtemb. Confess. art. 35. Vide Bezae Epist. Octavan ad D. Edmund. Grindallum Episcop. Lond. pag. 210.  Hipponensis) à caeteris omnibus irridentur. Cui etiam suffragatur universa Ecclesia Wirtembergensis: Instituerunt (inquit illa) in Actis Apostolicis, ut Gentes caverent ab esu sanguinis & suffocatorum; non ut haec observatio inter Gentes esset perpetua, sed Temporalis; & tantisper duratura, dum hujusmodi esus non esset amplius offendiculum. Ita Ecclesia etiam Bohemica, capite d●●imo quinto.  
§. 2. Rerum autem Indifferentiam cessare pos●e, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 transire in Necessaria, (saltem pro temporis conditione, necdum legibus abrogatis per quas jubentur,) Argumentis penè innumeris probare possem, nisi id hominis videretur libertate loquendi suâ intemperantèr abutentis. Pace vestrâ tamen liceat (modò brevitèr raptimque) ut inde usque ab initio rem totam repetam. Dignum est enim quod hic advertam, Post privilegia multifariam primis Parentibus indulta, placuisse Deo Protoplastas triplici Lege coercere. Primâ scilicet naturali, cujus primum 
* Aquin. 1. 2. q. 94. art. 2.  Praeceptum est, Bonum esse prosequendum, vitandum malum; Altera supernaturali, de Credendo & sperando in unum Deum, ipsumque animitus diligendo; Tertia denique speciali, (ut doctissimus Torniellus loquendum putat) De ligno scientiae Boni & Mali sub poena mortis non comedendo. Si quis autem hîc sciscitetur, cur prioribus non contentus, tertiam insuper Legem adjecerit Deus? Respondent illico Doctores, id duplici de Causa à Creatore fuisse factum. Prima causa haec erat, ut sua in homines 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 luculentiùs aliquantò constare posset; cui Res per se Medias, nullisque Legibus adversantes, pro absoluto suo imperio, aut praecipere placuit, aut prohibere, quemadmodum ipsi collibitum fuerit. Altera causa videtur esse, ut vel sic in primo homine, (Humani Generis planè Archetypo,) luce clariùs innotesceret futuris seculis, quantum obsequii quasi vectigal (in his quae mala non sunt) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 solvendum esset. Inprimis Deo, per Quem Rex Regnat; deinde Regi, qui Dei in Terris vicarius audit; postmodum verò Potestatibus à Rege missis. Ita enim Beatus Petrus, Pauli optimus Interpres, Ep. 1. cap. 2. v. 13. & sic deinceps.  
§. 3. Et sicut in commodum Reipublicae conduntur Leges seculares; ita in usum etiam Ecclesiae, ab ipsis Ecclesiae incunabulis, Ecclesiasticae quaedam Leges vigorem suum obtinuerunt. Nascente adhuc Christianismo, ut in externis etiam Ritibus cultus Dei promoveretur, Beatus Paulus hanc tulit Legem; Omnia decenter, atque ordine fiant. 1 Cor. 14. 40. ubi vocabulum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, idem sonat quod 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (c. 7. v. 35.) 
* In Col. 2. 5.  Chrysostomus, Oecumenius, & Theophylactus, exponunt 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ut nihil confuse peragatur, & pro cujusque temeritate. Illud enim cum decoro, (ut S. Ambrose interpretatur,) quoth fit cum Pace & Disciplina. Rectè igitur Calvinus illud Pauli praeceptum vocavit Regulam; ad quam (inquit) omnia quae ad externam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ecclesiae spectant exigere convenit. Et si quis fortè hic urgeat, quod Apostolus Iacobus pugnare secum videatur, cum negat exhibendam esse Gentibus molestiam 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , (Act. 15. 19) & tamen 
* Elegisse mihi videntur pro tempore Rem facilem, & nequaquam observantibus onerosam. Aug. contr. Faust. l. 32. c. 13.  Ritus praescribit qui in Lege Mosis continebantur; respondet optimè Calvinus, (cujus utinam hâc ex parte fratres nostri dissidentes sequaces fia●t!) 
* Calvin. Inst. l. 4. c. 10. p. 30  Primum nihil ab illis exigit, quod fraternae concordiae non deberent. Deinde etiam haec praecepta nihil eorum conscientiis inquietudinis aut turbae afferre poterant; in quantum scirent, se coram Deo esse liberos. Praeterea, in externa Disciplina & Ceremoniis, sigilla●im voluit praescribere quid sequi debeamus.— postremo; prout Ecclesiae utilitas requiret, tam ritus usitatos mutare & abrogare, quam novos instituere conveniet. Et, 
* Demonstravimus de principio, potestatem h●nc fuisse à Christo Ecclesiae traditam, ut scilicet pro circumstantiis locorum & temporum, proque necessitate Ecclesiarum leges concipiat & Canones. Zanch. l. 1. in 4tum praecept. p. 765.  ut in pauca rem conferam, Ecclesiae ferè ad unam omnes quae Protestantium nomine censentur, saltem Bohemica, Helvetica, Gallica, Belgica, Wirtembergensis etiam, & Suevica, Anglica, Saxonica, & Confessio Augustana, (quas de industriâ nudius-tertius hisce oculis usurpavi) uno ore confitentur, etiamsi non uno verborum ambitu, Quod omnes Ritus & Ceremoniae, quae ad pacem faciunt & Charitatem, nec verbo Dei adversantur, sive eae ab Episcopis, sive à Synodis Ecclesiasticis, sive ab aliis Auctoritatibus quibuscunque extiterint, 
Vide Harmoniam Confessi● num Genevae Edit. 1581. d p. 210. ad p. 231. praesertim p. 213. 214.  semel introductae servari debent; & de eo simpliciores laborare non debent, neque hoc moveri aut per●urbari, sed quia bonae sunt, iis etiam ad bonum uti.  
§. 4. Quod illis potissimùm notandum arbitror, & remotis Arbitris expendendum, qui ita videntur animati, ut nihil sibi mandari velint, quod non in ipso sacro Codice concep●is verbis praecipiatur. Certè graviter in eos censur●m agit Theologus ille consummatissimus, Episcopus▪ hodie Lincolniensis, (cujus laudes sanè reticeo, quia crediderim de his reticeri velle, & ipsius modestiae parcend●m puto;) Posse (inquit) de novo Leges condi, 
Sanderson de leg. Hum. oblig. Prael. 7. p. 288.  de Ritibus, de Rebus, & personis Ecclesiasticis, omnibusque sacri cultus externi circumstantiis, ad ordinem, honestatem, & aedificationem spectantibus, extra eas quae sunt a Christo & ejus Apostolis traditae in sacris literis; adeo manifesta res est & rationi consentanea, ut perversi judicii obstinatique animi suspicione aegre se liberaverit, qui siccus & sobrius id negaverit.  
§. 5. Quin & Res per se Medias Necessitatem posse induere, si non satis aliunde, vel inde liquet; Quòd duplici semper jure, Divino scilicet & Canonico, Primaeva Dei Ecclesia felici omine regeretur. Quorum illud in Sacro Codice, Hoc in Codice continetur quod à Concilio Chalcedonensi Corpus Canonum appellatur. Uterque olim in Conciliis Sedile habuit Peculare, in ipso Consessus Meditullio eminentissimè collocatum; ut ex conspecto eorum jure, Apostolorum successores Religionis Dogmata explorarent, obortas Haereses succiderent, & quicquid uspiam controversiae ad Rem-publicam Ecclesiasticam aliquo modo pertinebat, Divino semper adminiculo ad laetum exitum perducerent.  
§. 6. Quòd autem Leges Ecclesiasticae, Auctoritate Regiâ statuminatae, ipsas hominum conscientias in Deo onerant, ex eo facilè conficitur, 
1 Pet. 2. 13, 14.  quòd 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eo modo ac methodo parendum docet Beatus Petrus, ut Regi in quantum supremo Domino, Reliquis in quantum a Rege missis, utrisque verò propter Deum obsequium debitum exhibeatur. Et meritò quidem; quum Totum Regimen exprimatur per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (Rom. 13. 2.) unde & Petrus nos jubet (apto vocis delectu) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 
* 1 Pet. 2. 13.  nimirum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
* Rom. 13. 1.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Et quandoquidem in ordine sive Progressu Potestatum, à Presbytero ad Episcopum, ab Episcopo ad Synodum, à Synodo ad Regem, à Rege statim ad Deum scandimus; ineluctabili consequentiâ videtur mihi concludi posse, Quod quicquid Reges praecipiunt, sive per se immediate, sive per alios quoscunque quos Potestatis suae participant, si nusquam à Deo prohibeatur, id ipse Deus praecepisse censendus est. Nam & identidem praecepit, ut unusquisque Potestatibus obsequium praestet. Nec illud tantùm, ut unusquisque; verum etiam ut Omnis 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Rom. 13. 1.  Anima sublimioribus Potestatibus subjecta sit. Cujusmodi phrase submonetur, quòd non in speciem, aut ore tenus, sed medullitus, & ex animo; non propter i●am amoliendam, sed propter ipsam Conscientiam, fidemque nostram liberandam, morem gerere Potestatibus devincti sumus. Non ad oculum servientes, quasi hominibus placentes, sed ut servi Christi facientes Dei voluntatem, in Cordis nostri simplicitate; bona fide servientes, sicut Domino, & non hominibus. (Eph. 6. 6.)  
§. 7. Nec hîc immemores esse decet, quod in Synodo Nationali Res Regis agitur; quippe qui duplicem Personam sustinet, & Jure duplici potitur; unde & Regis Auctoritatem, non modò in Personas, sed & in Causas Ecclesiasticas agnoscit 
* Artic. 37.  Ecclesia Anglicana. Et quandoquidem edixit Salvator noster, redde Caesari quae Caesaris, perinde est ac si dixisset, (Judice saltem 
* Aug. in Matth▪ de puero Centurionis judicantis se indignum Praesentiâ Domini.  Augustino,) Nisi Caesaris praeceptum praecepto Dei adversatur, tanquam judici supremo parendum est. Cui consonum accinuit johannes Bekinsau apud Goldastum. Quicquid jusserit Supremus Magistratus quod Dei mandatis non repugnat, ita ut locum non habeat illud, [Melius est Deo quam hominibus obedire,] omnes, cujus-cujus honoris fuerint, nisi Dei ipsius Ordinationi resistere velint, profecto obsequi tenetur. Eundem in sensum 
* Apud Confess. Bohem. cap. 16. de Magist. Polit.  Hieronymus, Si Dominus (inquit) jubet quae non sunt adversa sacris literis, servus Domino subjiciatur. Huc accedunt Confessionum Reformatarum etiam suffragia, nimirum 
* Vide Harmon. Confess. Sect. 19 pag. 276, 281, 282, 286.  Belgicae, Bohemicae, Saxonicae, Augustanae. [Universi & singuli eminentibus Potestatibus subjectionem praestent, in omnibus quae Deo non sunt contraria. Necessario debent obedire, nisi jubentibus peccare.  
§. 8. Nec tantùm numero suffragantium, sed & gravissimis Rationum momentis nitimur. Illud enim inprimis incumbit Regi, (aliisque sub eo qui Gladium habent,) summam curam adhibere, ut Ecclesia Dei Ritè, atque ordine Gubernetur; ne polluatur unquam, aut corruat, sed contra omnigenas corruptelas sarta tecta praestetur. Privatis omnibus curandum, ut ●incera Ecclesiae membra sint; neve sinant corpus suum (quod Templum Dei nuncupatur à Spiritu Sancto) pluribus sordibus inquinari, quam ut purissimus ille Spiritus in eo velit inhabitare. Regibus ea propter commissus est Gladius secularis, quo extrinsecus accinguntur ceu Dei vindices in iram, Rom. 13. 4. Privatis verò non permittitur ni●i gladius ille spiritus, (seu verbum Dei,) quo Christianos ad unum omnes adversus impetus Diaboli accingit Paulus. (Eph. 6. 17.) Praefectis denique Ecclesiasticis commissus est Gladius Spiritualis, quo omnes subditos immorigeros 
* Matt●. 18. 17, 18. Tit. 1. 13.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (id est, per modum Excisionis,) eosque Satanae etiam tradere 
* 1 Cor. 5. 5.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ab ipso Deo mandatum habent. Frustrà enim dixisset Christus, Dic Ecclesiae, (Mat. 18. 17.) nisi effraenes compescendi facultas ei competiisset. Ita naturâ est comparatum, ut Gemella haec Potestas, Sacra pariter, & Secularis, (prorsus ut Pietas, & Probitas, 
* Prov. 24. 21.  Timor Dei, & Regis,) manus porrigant sibi invicem ab omni parte auxiliatrices.  
§. 9 Ab utriusque Auctoritate quicquid Legum positivarum de rebus nudè Adiaphoris sancitum fuerit, (ex sententiâ Ecclesiae Anglicanae,) ipsam obligat conscientiam. Conscientiam dicimus, non Rei ipsius, (sive prohibitae, sive praeceptae,) quae per se est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sed nostrae saltem obedientiae, quam Lex Divina à nobis exigit; & adeò non est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut ad salutem etiam aeternam sit usquequaque necessaria: utpote quam qui non praestiterit, damnationem sibi accersit, si fides Apostolo sit habenda, disertè illud asseveranti, Rom. 13. 2. Hanc esse mentem 
* Vide Tom. 2. H●mil. 4.  Ecclesiae nostrae, videre est in Homilia de Bonis operibus institutâ. Dicit autem Ecclesia Suevica; 
* Harm. Confess. Sect. 19 pag. 292. Graviter peccant qui propter has indifferentes Ceremonias turbant Ecclesias, damnant alios principes, & Magistratus. Haeccine Pietas quam jactamus? Haeccinecharitas quam debemus Ecclestis & fratribus? Zanch. de Rel. lib. 1. pag. 765.  se inter primi Ordinis Bona opera, dedisse locum Obedientiae quae Magistratibus exhibetur. Et unusquisque studiosius publicis legibus se accommodat, quo sincerior fuerit Christianus, fideque ditior. Verba sanè, si qua alia, valdè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, propè dixeram etiam dignissima, quae Canonibus nostris accenseantur. Videant, quibus vacat, Confessionis illius Suevicae caput tertium supra vicesimum.  
§. 10. Hâc Gemellâ Auctoritate, Regiâ scilicet & Ecclesiasticâ, utrâque coelitùs oriundâ, adhuc in Lumbis Proavorum innixi sumus, cum ab ill● sive Ecclesiâ sive curiâ potius discessimus, quam ab omnibus deserendam Romani fecerant. Unde nihil frequentiùs in ore erat Pontificiis, quam nihil apud nos ordine, nihil decenter & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sed susque deque potius omnia in sacris coetibus usurpari. Quibus ut os occluderemus, eo pacto resecuimus quicquid aut spurcum fuit, aut frigidum, aut sacris literis adversarium; ut retinenda etiam censuerimus, non tantùm ea quae nôrant omnes ab ipsis Apostolis derivata, verùm etiam & alia quaedam quae ex 
* Nunquam Ecclesia Dei in Terris caruit Ceremoniis, neque carere potest; cum sine Ceremoniis, nec fideles in unum convenire & coalescere possunt, nec Deo publicè servire. Zanch. de Rel. l, 1. p. 420. Thes. 2.  usu publico videbantur, quippe quadantenus facientia 
* 1 Cor. 14. 26.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
§. 11. Recténe, an secus, non Illorum erat dispicere, nedum certè pronunciare, quibus dicitur ab Apostolo, obedite Praepositis, & subjacete, Heb. 13. 17. si quid aut deficit, aut redundat, aut quocunque modo claudicat in i●tis Placitis Ritualibus, quibus obstrepunt Novatores, totisque viribus adversantur; totum illud lubentissimè Gubernatoribus Ecclesiasticis, in legitimâ Synodo convocatis, seu auferendum, seu ampliandum, seu castigandum etiam submittitur. Absit autem in tali Synodo, ut cum carne & sanguine deliberetur; aut consilium ineatur de istis Homulis deliniendis, quibus quieta movere magna merces. Nam (ut optimè Hilarius,) Dulce quidem est nomen Pacis, sed aliud est Pax, aliud servitus. Et aliquantò quidem praestat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Ignat. ad ●ol. Edit. Voss. pag. 12.  (ut Ignatius scribit ad Polycarpum,) discerpi simul & vincere, quam turpi cedere contumaciae; & optimas Leges abrogare, eâ tantùm de causâ, quod saepè à pessimis violantur; aut summis curis distringi nequid illis non placeat, quibus 
* Rom. 131.  Dei Ordinatio vix unquam placuit, & quibus non placet placere Deo. Illud ferè unum Curandum est, ut in omnibus Placitis Synodalibus, identidem respiciatur ad illam duplicem Evangelium praedicandi rationem, à 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; Clem. Alex. Strom. lib. 1. p. 270. in 2 Tim. 2. 2, & 15. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ib. p. 271. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. ib. p. 272.  Clement Alexandrino indigitatam; nempe 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quarum una erat 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 altera. Illud enim in more 
* Catholici ex more suo fidem veram duobus his modis approbant.— Non quia Canon solus non sibi ad universa sufficiat, sed quia S. Scripturam pro suo quisque arbitratu interpretantes varios errores concipiant, adeoque necesse sit, ut ad unam Ecclesiastici sensus Regulam Scripturae Coelestis Intelligentia dirigatur. Vinc. Lirin. advers Haeres. cap. 41.  erat Ecclesiae adhuc incorruptae, (testante Vincentio Lirinensi,) Fidem veram probare duobus his modis; Divini Canonis auctoritate, & Ecclesiae Catholicae Traditione. Ad quam utramque Beatus Paulus hortatur Thessalonicenses. Itaque fratres perstate, & retinete Traditiones, quas didicitis, sive per Sermonem, sive per Epistola nostram, 2. ep. c. 2. v. 15. Atque ita traducti sumus ad tertium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pensitandum; Nempe De Regula illa aut Norma, ad quam decreta Ecclesiastica necesse habent ut exigantur.  
§. 1. NOn abhorrebit à proposito (hinc arreptâ occasione) secretioribus aliquantisper suspiriis vicem nostram lugere, nostrisque malis non tantùm Poenae, sed & Reatus ingemiscere. Unde enim in Clerum, & in Ecclesiam, nisi ab ipsis Ecclesiasticis tam atrociter animadversum? ex quibus quippe quam plurinii, malae fidei mercatores, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quaedam & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 simpliciorum ex vulgo hominum credulitati obtruserunt: & nescio quem fucum nundinarium veritatis Fronti illinentes, offucias fecerunt Religioni, fraudem Populo, & proximè aberant ne sibi ipsis etiam perniciem. Nam dum sacrae paginae 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 venditabant, sugillabant interim Ecclesiam, (ut ut 
* 1 Tim. 3. 15.  Columnam & firmamentum veritatis,) & Disciplinae receptissimae Antichristi stigma inurebant; Patrum Naevos & labeculas sub aspectum vulgi ponebant; suaque ipsorum deliramenta pro imperio obtrudentes, Scripturas Dei sacrosanctas in Lesbiam Regulam demutabant. Quae horsum-versum versatilis, ad Fidei dogmata dijudicanda vice Canonis illius 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (proh dolor!) adhibebatur. Et quemadmodum de olivae nucleo mitissimae asper exoritur oleaster, Deque papavere Fici gratissimae ventosa & vana Caprificus exurgit; Ita & Haereses de nostro fructificaverunt non nostrae; degeneres veritatis grano, & mendacio sylvestres.  
§. 2. Sed Haec utique (inquit ille) & Ipsi habent in nos retorquere, 
Tertull. de Praescript. adversus Haeres. cap. 17. 18.  à nobis Scripturarum Adulteria fieri. Ergo non proficit Congressio Scripturarum [ex privatâ nimirum interpretatione] nisi ut aut stomachi quis ineat eversionem, aut Cerebri. Si enim recipit Adversarius, non recipit integras; Et si aliquatenus integras praestat, nihilominus diversas expositiones comminiscitur. Tantumque veritati obstrepit Adulter sensus, quantum utique corruptor stylus. His nituntur Novatores, pro iis scilicet stabiliendis quae ex falso composuerunt.—  

* Id. ib. cap. 19  Ergo non ad Scripturas provocandum est, [pro cujusque Arbitratu explicatas,] nec his constituendum certamen, in quibus aut nulla aut incerta victoria est, aut parum certa. Ordo rerum expostulat, ut illud inprimis decernatur, Quibus competat fides ipsa, cujus sint Scripturae, à quo, & per quos, & quando, & quibus sit. Tradita Disciplina, qua fiunt Christiani. Ubi enim apparuerit esse veritatem Discipline, & Fidei Christianae, illic erit Veritas Scripturarum, & Expositionum, & omnium Traditionum Christianarum.  
§. 3. Seriò dicam, Auditores, (& quantumvis Literatori, liceat tamen vel dixisse,) quod quotiescunque apud me solum rationes ineo, quibus aut funi Disputationum, aut Schismatum cumulo, aut Haerese●n Congeriei aliquando tandem occurratur; non videntur haec mihi aliter, quam in Ecclesiasticae Auctoritatis stabilimento expediri posse. Nec unquam erit ut procedamus in Animorum consensu & Pace publicâ stabiliendis, (quae jam sola fere Sparta incumbit Clero adornanda,) priusquam ad decantatum illud indubitatae per omnia secula 
* In ipsà Catholicà Ecclesià magnoperè curandum est, ut id teneamus quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditum est. Vin. Lir. advers. Heres. cap. 3.  Traditionis fulcimentum pro sua quisque virili, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, quà publicè, quà privatim, nosmetipsos accinxerimus. Quicquid extra hunc apicem insudabitur, totum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quantum-quantum non nisi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 comperietur; & utcunque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 elaboratum, certè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 evanescet, junone nostrâ fruamur, sed momentanea; nullâque extrinsecùs adhibitâ vi, mox in nubeculam desiturâ. Novatores illi inter Clericos qui in ipsum os Antiquitatis contemptim admodùm oggannierunt, quot quantisque hoc in Regno 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quam promptos Aditus patefecerunt? Si quicquid Vetus Ecclesia sive decrevit, sive admisit, perque decursum tot seculorum ad hunc usque diem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 deduxit, susque deque jam tandem habendum sit; valeant per me licet unà cum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etiam Decimae, Paedobatismus, & Diei Dominici Reverentia. Immò (quod totus horreo inter effandum) ipsius Numinis Tres Personalitates, & Processio Spiritus etiam à Filio, ad privati cujusque arbitrium tanquam ad Lydium Lapidem revocabuntur, Nihil deinccps in Ecclesiâ relinquetur illibatum, sed ex easto Veritatis Sacrario in turpissimum haeresiarcharum lupanar desinet. In obscurioribus aut ambiguis Scripturae locis interpretandis, abundet quisque suo sensu per Ecclesiam licet; eâ lege videlicet, ut ad Fidei 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 exigantur omnia; semperque (ut Vincentius Lirinensis monet) Propheticae & Apostolicae Interpretationis Linea juxta Ecclesiastici atque Catholici sensus Regulam dirigantur.  
§. 4. In hujusmodi Thematis tractatione, certè si quantum mihi rerum dicendarum suppetit, tantum vobis Patientiae in promptu esset, periculum vobis immineret, ne in suggesto consenescerem.  
Sed opportunè mihi succurrit, quam non facilè condonetur ad clepsammidium concionanti, prolixius agere. Et ne Tempus praeterlabatur hujusmodi Pensis praefinitum, satius duco circumscribere quod alioqui restat discutiendum, quam aut vestro taedio non occurrere, aut modestiae meae limites videri saltem transilire.  
§. 5. Interim tamen non possum quin vos obtester, (Reverendissimi admodum in Christo Patres, Fratres in Domino dilectissimi,) per Patrem Luminum benignissimum, qui Divini vos Luminis participes fecit; per Sacrosanctum illum Spiritum, qui vos obsignavit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: 
Eph. 4. 30.  perque dulcissimum illud Nomen quod super omnibus vobis est invocatum; per siquid vestris animabus aut unquam Cordi aut Curae fuit; ut ea vestrûm unicuique obeundi muneris sit conscientia, quae memoriam Sui non perhorrescat, suaeque ipsius non metuat interesse Posteritati. Ut ab hâc Synodo Apostolicâ Pharmaco vobis indicato, morbis publicis sanandis medicatrices manus adhibeatis. Ut quod in Synodo Oecumenicâ, nemine quidem refragrante, 
* Concil. Nicaen. Can. 6. A. D. 325.  id in vestrâ Provinciali, laeto celeusmate excipiatur, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Utque de vobis unusquisque dicendum putet, contra quam Ille 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Greg. Naz. Epist. 55. ad Procopium vero, 42. p. 814.  Nazianzenus de sui seculi Conciliis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
§. 6. Nihil mihi ulteriùs restat, quam ut suppliciter & obnixè atque animitùs Deum venerer, ut ducat vos omnes per Spiritum Sanctum, in omnem omnino veritatem; suggeratque vobis consilia Ecclesiae suae salutaria, propter Merita Mortemque Filii sui unigeniti. Cui Filio cum Patre in unitate Spiritus sancti, Immortali, Invisibili, soli Deo sapienti, sit Honos, & Gloria, & Gratiarum Actio, & nunc, & deinceps, in Secula Seculorum.  
FINIS.   

Concio Academica DE HIERARCHIA SECULARI, Speciatim & Praesertim De jure Regum, HABITA IN TEMPLO BEATAE MARIAE APUD OXONIENSES, PRO TERMINO INCHOANDO XIV. CALENDAS MAIAS, M.DC.LXIIII.   

In Epistolâ priore Beati Petri, Capite secundo, Commate decimo tertio, de Politiâ Christianâ sic scriptum legimus.  

Subjecti igitur estote omni humanae Creaturae propter Deum; sive Regi, quasi praecellenti; sive Ducibus, tanquam ab eo missis; in vindictam malefactorum, laudem vero Bonorum.  
§. 1. REquirenti mihi nuper, ad hanc Provinciam destinato, (Viri & Fratres Dilectissimi,) fi quid in eâ (non adornandâ, sed) pro viriculis obeundâ, vel feliciter inventire, vel observare diligentèr, vel accuratiùs contexere, vel qualitercunque demum aliàs praestare possem, quod Audientibus aut Curae aut Cordi esset, aut quo gratiam non planè nullam ab aequis rerum Aestimatoribus, vel (quod potius in votis erat) apud Deum saltem inirem; evestigiò & sine morâ subibat animum-recordatio, quod nullum certius promptiusve aut Malis Publicis Remedium, aut Bonis Publicis Fulcimentum videtur posse excogitari, quam si Principum Jura, cum officiis Populorum qui iis subsunt, ad testatissima sua Principia in omnium Animis exigantur. Idque methodo tam distinctâ, verborum ambitu tam exporrecto, & momentis Rationum cum rationibus argumentandi tam ad Vulgi Captum accommodatis; ut nemo tam bardus inveniatur, qui officii sui non gnarus sit, aut sanè frontis tam perfrictae, qui satis gnarum se esse negare ausit. Constat autem apud omnes qui de Rebus civilibus administrandis vel fando unquam inaudiverunt, perinde Principi ac Populo certos limites & Cancellos statutos esse, fines certos metasque tam à Deo & Naturâ quam à Gentium legibus assignatos, Quos ultra citraque nequit consistere Rectum. Quippe quibus proculcatis, Sana Rerum Administratio pessum datur, & contabescit. Nec tantummodò Seditiones, (ut ut Illa satis ampla malorum seges,) sed & quae inde enascuntur, vitia scilicet omnifaria, radices agunt.  
§. 2. Videtur ergò totis viribus in id praecipuè incumbendum, ut Jura Principum in PoPopulos, cum horum Officiis erga Principes, & utrorumque Officia adversus Deum, non modò omnibus innotescant, sed aequâ lance trutinentur. Idque ob alias non contemnendas, sed hanc potissimum rationem, uti tranquillam & quietam degamus vitam cum omni Pietate & veneratione. 1. Tim. 2, 2. Quod videatur Sanctus Paulus Succincte admodùm locutus, simulque oppidò Copiose. Quippe qui multum non multis quamvis alibi passim enuntiat, plura tamen paucioribus nusquam loci enuntiaverit. Nempe Vocabulum illud 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (fatentibus ipsis Disciplinariis) complectitnr omne genus officia quae in hominum Commerciis vigere debent. Et in eo quod superaddit [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] planè omnimodam comprehendit quae Deo debetur observantiam. Nescio enim quo pacto, comparatum est ita, ut Pietas simul & Politia, quemadmodum Dei & Regis Timor, manus invicem sibi porrigant ab omni parte auxiliatrices. Eum scilicet in finem constituuntur Magistratus, propter quem & Christiani & Cives sumus, prorsus ut Pietas cum Pace ubique vigeant, & conjunctissimo perfruantur in omnium Animis Contubernio. Cujus rei Desiderio nunquam feliciùs satisfiet, quam si qui Praesunt & subduntur quod suarum est partium ex aequo praestent, Illud est maximè Subditorum, ut toti ordini Magistratuum, seu 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quantumcunque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (ut nostra habent exemplaria,) vel quantumlibet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (uti habemus in Archetypo,) perquàm morigeros se praebeant vel propter Deum. Ad Magistratus autem spectat ex alterâ parte, five in penam, sive in praemium, sua cuique distribuere; Bonos Clypeo tutari, in malos Gladio animadvertere; Piè viventibus favere, in immorigeros verò saevire; Parcere Subjectis, & Debellare Superbos. Quod utrumque simul officium spiritus sanctus hoc Textu complexus est,  
Subjecti igitur estote omni humanae Creaturae propter Deum: sive Regi, quasi Praecellenti: sive Ducibus, [aut Praesidibus] tanquam ab eo missis; ad vindictam malefactorum, laudem vero bonorum.  
§. 3. Quod Praeceptum Apostolicum quò fructuosiùs participemus, oremus Deum Misericordiarum, Patrem luminum benignissimum, (cujus verbum est ipsa Veritas, & via ad vitam exploratissima,) ut misericorditèr ei complaceat hodierno Coetui interesse; ut quicquid è corde meo in linguam, & inde in Aures etiam vestras, pro Bonitate suâ solitâ ●it perducturus, in nostram omnium quà privatim quà publicè cedat Utilitatem, atque in nominis sui Gloriam in majus indies efferendam, per Jesum Christum Dominum nostrum.  
Et ut quod nostrâ causâ oramus, eò faciliùs exoremus, Oremus insuper & praecipuè pro Ecclesiâ Christi militante, per varia regna Resque Publicas quaquaversùm disseminatâ, nominatim verò pro Anglicanâ hâc nostrâ, Atque inibi ante alios, pro ejusdem Ecclesiae Nutricio Carolo, peculiari Dei Gratiâ, Magnae Britanniae, Franciae, & Hiberniae Rege, Fidei Defensore, in omnibus Causis omniumque personarum, sive sacrarum, sive civilium, immediatè secundum Deum Supremo in Terris Moderatore. Pro ejus Conjuge Catharina, Regina nostrâ Serenissimâ; Pro Reginâ Matre Henrietta Maria; pro Illustrissimo Principe jacobo Duce Eboracensi; aliisque quibuscunque è regio stemmate oriundis. Pro utrâque Domo Parliamenti. Pro Regni Proceribus nobilissimis; praesertim iis qui Regi adsunt à consiliis secretioribus. Speciatim verò preces apud Patrem Coelestem sunt effundendae, pro universo Clero Anglicano; pro reverendissimis Archiepiscopis; pro Episcopis Reverendis; aliisque quibuscunque inferioris subsellii Clericis, quibus-quibus sive muneribus sive nominibus insigniantur. Pro utraque Academiâ, ac inprimis hac nostrâ. Pro Honoratissimo Domino Cancellario, ejusque Vicecancellario Dignissimo. Pro omnibus Doctoribus; Procuratoribus utrisque; Collegiorum & Aularum praefectis singulis; & praesertim (quò me vocat officii ratio singularis) pro Collegio Magdalenensi, ejusque membris universis.  
Grata insuper publicorum qui in Album Academiae referuntur Benefactorum, facienda est à nobis inpraesentiarum Commemoratio. Nimirum Principis Illustrissimi, Humphraedi Ducis Glocestriae; johannis Kempe, Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi; Thomae Kempe, Episcopi Londinensis; Margaretae, Comitissae Richmundiae; Henrici Septimi, & Elizabethae Uxoris ejus; Richardi Litchfield, Archidiaconi Middlesexiae; Thomae Woolsey Cardinalis, & Archiepiscopi Eboracensis; Henrici Octavi; Mariae Reginae; Reginae etiam Elizabethae: jacobi Regis: Thomae Bodleii, Henrici Savilii, Guilielmi Sidley, Nicolai Kempe, Militum; Thomae White, S. Theologiae Doctoris; Guilielmi Camdeni, Armigeri: Aliorumque si qui sint, qui Academiae Oxoniensi quoquo modo benefecerunt.  
Et quia Deus est Ille solus Bonorum omnium Largitor, qui aut Nos aut Propatres nostros per manus hominum locupletavit; (Quibus meritò accenseatur Guilielmus etiam Wainfletus, Episcopus olim Wintoniensis, Magnus Angliae Cancellarius, Collegii juxta & Aulae Beatae Mariae Magdalenae Fundator longe munificentissimus,) proinde soli & uni Deo, de tot tantisque Beneficiis in Nos collatis, Gratiarum actiones habendae sunt, per & propter Mediatorem & Dominum nostrum Jesum Christum. Cujus meritis jam freti, ejusque adjuti oratione, Deum Opt, Max. iisdem verbis comprecemur, quibus Ipse Incarnatus precandum statuit.  
Pater noster qui es in Coelis, sanctificetur Nomen tuum. Adveniat Regnum tuum. Fiat voluntas tua sicut in Coelo, sic & in Terra. Panem nostrum quotidianum da nobis hodie: & dimitte nobis debita nostra, sicut & nos dimittimus Debitoribus nostris. Et ne nos inducas in Tentationem, sed libera nos a Malo. Nam tuum est Regnum, Potentia, & Gloria, in Secula Seculorum.  
AMEN.   

Subjecti igitur estote omni humanae Creaturae propter Deum: sive Regi, quasi praecellenti; sive Ducibus, tanquam ab eo missis, ad vindictam malefactorum, laudem vero bonorum.  
§. 1. Quod ab initio hujus Capitis huc usque dixerat in Thesi Beatus Petrus, pergit porrò jam per partes, & in Hypothesi explicare. Inprimis autem agit de debitâ illâ obedientia, quam & Legi, & Regi, quin & à Rege Deputatis praestandam statuit. Ad quam feliciùs evincendam, Duobus nititur Argumentis; Quorum alterum ab Authore, à Fine alterum mutuatur. Ordinationis hujus Civilis (ut ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sive Humanae Creaturae,) Deus ipse & Author & Vindex audit. Nec enim ideo Humana dicitur, quòd sit humanitu● oriunda, (ut Graeca Scholia & Didymus videntur velle interpretari,) sed quod hominum sit propria, interque Homines constituta. Finis autem hujusce Ordinis non modò utilem eum probat, sed usquequaque Necessarium; Quum hâc potissimùm ratione, & Virtutibus & Vitiis stipendia constent: Illis nimirum Praemia, Istis Poenae constituantur. In quibus duobus quasi Cuneis, sive vitae hujus Cardinibus, Tranquillitatis nostrae janua in totum vertitur atque consistit.  
§. 2. Sed neque satis sibi duxit Beatus Petrus, hoc officii tantùm in genere, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 praecepisse; verùm insuper nos docet, (& copioso quidem Compendio,) quônam ordine & methodo, quonam modo atque mensura, in hoc officio exequendo utendum sit. Nempe á lege Evangelicâ praeceptum est, ut & Deo, & Regi, & Regis nomine Gubernantibus Subjecti simus. Sed primum Deo, deinde Regi, demum à Rege Deputatis. Deo scilicet propter seipsum, Regi verò propter Deum, à Rege denique Deputatis propter Regem obtemperandum. Ita tamen propter Regem, ut prius & potius propter Deum per quam Rex regnat, ac magistratus inferiores Potestatis à Deo datae participes facit, tam His quem Illi parendum sit.  
§. 3. Ita autem distinguit Petrus inter Regem & Rectores a Rege missos, (Verbi gratiâ inter Claudium qui dubio procul imperabat cum haec Epistola scriberetur, Eosque Imperii procuratores qui tunc provincias Romanorum Claudii nomine administrabant,) ut Illum vocet 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Hos tantùm 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Utraeque voces quid differant, ex diversis Scripturae Locis constare queat. Nam ut supremas Potestates per 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 expressit Beatus Paulus, (Rom. XIII, I,) Ita sanctus etiam Matthaeus, de Romani Imperatoris Vicario loquens, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 eum appellat, Mat. 27, 2.  
§. 4. Duo sunt igitur, inter alia, (quorum certè hic Textus feracior est quam ut singula tractare per tempus liceat,) quae dignissima mihi videntur ut principe loco dispiciantur; Magistratuum Ordinatio, & eorundem Subordinatio. Quumque ita à Deo sit comparatum, ut suprema Potestas sit penes Regem, Potestas verò Subordinata penes Populi Primores à Rege missos; tum His, tum Illi, sed cum Discrimine obediendum. Nam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Regi quasi Praecellenti, (secundum vulgatam versionem,) aut propter Ipsius Potestatem, (ut habet versio Arabica,) aut quta omnia ei sunt, (ut habet Aethiopica,) aut propter ejus Imperium, (uti est apud Syriacam.) Ut summatim Rem dicam, Cuivis Humanae Ordinationi, aut cuivis Humanae Creaturae, (nam sic Apostolo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hic loqui placuit,) ea methodo ac modo parendum docet Spiritus Sanctus, ut Regi in quantum Supremo Domino, Reliquis in quantum à Rege missis, utrisque verò propter Deum, obsequii Debitum sit persolvendum. Et inde Duo (ut modò dixi) sese offerunt explicanda; Nimirum Ordinatio, & Subordinatio Magistratuum.  
§. 1. Ad primum membrum quod attinet, Argumentis ferè innumeris evinci potest, Quod Magistratus etiam civilis, aeque ac Ordo Ecclesiasticus, summo jure censeri debet inter species 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Caelitus scilicet oriundus, jureque Divino constitutus. Et ut palam hoc fiat in ipso operis quasi Vestibulo, videtur mihi nostrâ omnium maximoperè interesse. Est enim illud vel luce clarius, & apud omnes in confesso, quod si Populi Universi Vicarius Rex esset & Vicemgerens; si solùm Populi Minister & vindex Irae; si Potestates sublimiores à Populo essent Ordinatae, (quod toties venditant & contendunt Hyperaspistae Democratici,) si perverso hoc sensu humana essent Creatura, nec alio jure fruerentur quam quod effraeni Multitudini acceptum ferunt; Actum esset illicò de Causa Regia, quam tantâ animi confidentiâ in nos suscepimus asserendam. Quapropter Illud ante omnia incumbit mihi evincendum, non à Populo simul convento Ordinationis hujus Originem, (quod ipsi 
* Notandum est, primò homines non Dei praecepto, sed sponte adductos experimento Infirmitatis familiarum segregum adversus violentiam, in societatem civilem coiisse, unde ortum habet Potestas Civilis, quam ideo humanam ordinationem Petrus vocat. Grot. de Jure Bel. & Pacis, l. 1. cap. 4. Sect. 7. pag. 86.  Grotio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 errore patrio adhuc correpto humanitùs contigit autumasse,) sed à Deo constituente petendam esse.  
§. 2. Inprimis autem huc facit, quôd Potestas hinc inde in sacris literis pro ipsâ Persona usurpatur, quae Potestatem Illam habet coelitùs sibi demandatam. Quod enim dicit Gentilis Ille, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (Mat. 8. 9) perinde est ac si dixisset, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Pari modo & istae phrases, Homo sum sub Potestate constitutus, (Luc. 7. 8.) Et omnis anima Potestatibus supereminentibus subjecta esto, (Rom. 13. 1.) ut ut per modum abstractionis quoad sonum efferuntur, funt purae putae Concretivae quoad significatum. Nam quos Apostolus (ad Romanos) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nuncupat, Salvator noster 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 vocandos censuit. (Luc. 22. 25.) Cujusmodi metonymicam loquendi rationem non in irrita usurpatam à spiritu sancto existimemus, sed eo fine & proposito ut omnibus Subditis innotesceret, non duntaxat ad Personas & nudam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Imperantium, verùm insuper ad officium & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 respiciendum, quibus desuper instructi unctique sunt. Unde passim apud Homerum— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Quin & veteres Aegyptii in ea semper sententiâ erant, (ut Author est nobis Diodorus,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Diod Sic. l. 1.  Cui consonum est illud quod inter Placita Essenorum Porphyrius memorat, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
§. 3. Quorsum autem Magistratus passim in vetere Instrumento per vocem Elohim efferuntur? 
Exod. 22. 28.  Non propter aliquid Divinitatis ipsorum Essentiae inhaerentis, (quippe quibus compertum est humanitus omnia evenire, aeque ac reliquis ex vulgo humani Generis,) Sed inprimis ob rationem à Salvatore nostro exhibitam, nimirum quòd ad eos Sermo Dei factus est. (Joh. 10, 35.) vel (ut planiùs id exprimam, & exegeticè,) quòd ad divinum illud munus ita divinitus sunt vocati, ut in eodem obeundo ipsius Dei in Terris Vicarii sint. Ob secundam rationem à Moyse redditam, Quia non hominis, sed 
* 2 Chron. 19 6.  Dei judicium est; aut saltem aliquid divini admistum habet. (Deut. 1. 17.) ob tertiam insuper rationem quam apud Psalmistam videre est, nempe quod Deus Illis adest in Rebus Imperii Administrandis. (Psal. 82. 1.) Unde legimus de Moyse, quod erat in Deum Aaroni. (Exod. 4. 16.) Deusque dicitur Pharaonis ab ipso Deo constitutus, (Exod. 7. 1.) nequaquam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, benè tamen 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, putà divinam Auctoritatem, quâ deo concedente munitus est. 
* Psal. 61.  Ego dixi vos Dii estis, id est (ut optimè exponit justinus Martyr, aut Quisquis scripsit Quaestiones & Responsiones ad Orthodoxos, 
justin. in qq. & Resp. ad Orthod. q. 142. p. 378. ) Dedi vobis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. proinde populum judicate, ac si Ego judicarem. Eodem planè sensu & Illud dicitur (Psal. 86. 8.) Non est similis Tui inter Deos, id est Dei in Terris gerentes vicem, penes quos est civilis aut Ecclesiastica Administratio. Ob quartam denique rationem, Dei nomine censentur, quia divini sunt regalis officii Fructus, nimirum Pax, & justitia, ex eâdem quasi Arbore aequis passibus succrescentes.  
§. 4. Huc accedit quod viri principes & 
Psal. 82. 6.  Filii Dei appellantur in sacrâ paginâ. Ut cum dicuntur Filii Dei Filias hominum deperiisse, (Gen. 6, 2,) Symmacus & Aquila 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Filios Dei vertendos censent. Non propter summam Sanctitatem quâ Reges subditis antecellunt, (Nam ex faece subditorum sunt Filii Dei Adoptivi,) nedum propter Naturae prae reliquis homulis excellentiam, (nam unus Christus hoc pacto Filius Dei est appellandus,) Sed propter Muneris Dignitatem statim à Deo eminentissimam, quâ Magistratus in Solio positi privatas omnibus anteponuntur; vel propter Nomen Angelorum, quod cum Illis Spiritibus commune habent, qui & Ipsi Filii Dei 
* jobi 1. 6. etc. 38. v. 7. 2 Sam. 14. 17. etc. 19 v. 27.  non uno loco denominantur. Et summâ sanè cum ratione dicuntur Angeli Magistratus, partim quòd Deus eorum operâ in rebus mundi dispensandis (sive in poenis sive in praemiis pendendis) utitur; partim quòd Angelos Illos. Coelestes perinde animi Puritate, ac splendore Majestatis referre debent. Idque ob Illam, inter caeteras, quam Irenaeus innuit rationem; Cujus jussu homines Nascuntur, 
Iren. lib. 5.  Hujus jussu & Reges constituuntur, apti iis qui ab ipsis regnantur.  
§. 5. Immò nec illud praetereundum, quòd Reges non rarò in Sacro Codice per unctos Domini exprimuntur. (Id quod David de Saul dixit, 1 Sam. 24. 7.) non ob illud duntaxat quod vulgò creditur, quia Reges Israelitici ad jura regia promovendi, cum illâ ungendi Caeremoniâ, jubente Deo inaugurabantur; (1 Sam. 9, 16. & cap. 15. ver. 1;) sed eâ potissimùm de Causâ, quam Sanctus Paulus assignavit, (ad Rom. 13. 1.) quia legitima Potestas Regium munus obeundi, non nisi coelitus & à Domino concedi queat. Cyrus enim, quantumvis Ethnicus, nec unquam oleo delibutus, Christus tamen & unctus Domini ab ipso Domino dicebatur. (Isa. 45. 1.) Quod manifestum Discrimen innuit inter Externam Unctionem, quâ Invasores Imperiorum perfundi possint, & Unctionem illam Internam, quâ Dynastae solùm legitimi (bonae fidei possessores) non tantummodo in Regnum, sed & in Ius regnandi admitti solent. Quod ad Priorem ungendi rationem attinet, Haec in Unctos etiam Diaboli conferri potest, ideoque contemptim per se habetur. Posterior autem ungendi ratio est quiddam divinitus impertitum, & ad Unctos Domini constituendos, tum necessariò requiritur, tum sola sufficit. Nam ubi legitimus est successor, Unctione opus non est, ut rectè junius & Tremellius ad 2 Reg. 23. 30. Quocirca populus Israeliticus jehoachazum unxerunt, non ad aliquid Juris impertiendum, sed ut ejusmodi Ceremoniâ testatum facerent, Regnum Armis Aegyptiorum aliquandiu intercisum, quasi de integro Huic tradi contra Aegyptios defendendum.  
§. 6. Quarto loco vel inde constat de Magistratus Civilis Hierarchia; Quòd, sicut omne jus Paternum ex jure Divino dimanavit, (idque ponitur extra omnem controversiae aleam, siquidem Deus in Decalogo distinctè jubet, ut unusquisque Parentibus morem gerat,) I●a omne jus Regium à Paterno primitùs dimanasse, aliquantò luculentius per se videtur, quam ut in eo demonstrando prolixiùs agam. Praeterquam enim quòd palam constat, omne Regimen ab initio intra solius Paterni Juris pomaeria clausum, non nisi tempore procedente in varias Formas pullulâsse; & utriusque generis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Regnum scilicet & Sacerdotium) ad Primogenitum apud Judaeos ex Dei Decreto pertinuisse; (ipsoque Judice Aristotele, 
Arist. 7. Eudem. 10.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,) Accedit etiam illud notatu dignum, quòd Rex quandoque in sacris Literis per Patris Nomen enuntiatur. Ita enim David compellat Saulem, 1 Sam. 24, 11. Et quum Debora summâ Rerum in populo Dei potita esset, non Reginam se, aut judicem, sed Matrem in Israel vocandam duxit. (Jud. 5, 7.) Nec hoc in loco reticendum, quod apud 
* Hieron. l. 9 in Ezek.  Sanctum Hieronymum videre licet; nimirum Philistinos in more semper habuisse, Reges suos ad unum omnes Abimelechi nomine compellare; quod quidem Patrem, juxta ac Regem, felici omine consignificat. Et quandoquidem qui in Populo Primas tenet, non magis Princeps, qu●m Pater, & Pater quidem Patriae vocari solet, (secundum illud Xenophontaeum, 
Xenoph. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. l. 8.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) duplex inde Documentum & Principibus & Subditis haurire datur. Principes scilicet admonentur, nequando secùs illi in Subditos quam in liberos animadvertant, iisque de Rerum affluentiâ 
* Esa. 49. 23.  Nutriciorum instar prospiciant. Subditis insimul innuitur, eodem Tituli compendio, ut Principes suos (quantumvis asperos) Parentum loco revereantur.  
§. 7. Quid, quòd Populi Pastores identidem appellantur à Spiritu Sancto? Num ob Naturae praestantiam aliquam, quâ caeteris hominibus haud secus praestant, ac homines caeteri suis Gregibus atque Armentis antecellunt? minimè Gentium. Sed multò potius quòd eandem nascendi sortem perpessi, & ex eâdem humo saepe sublati, in id fastigium Majestatis ad Dei Nutum evehuntur, Deique in Terris Thronum tenent. 
Augustin. de Civ. Dei. l. 5.  Eapropter Augustinus disertè docet, eundem Deum qui Majestatem Suavissimis dedit Imperatoribus, putà utrique Vespasiano, dedisse etiam Domitiano, quamvis Tyranno crudelissimo. Eundem Deum qui Constantino, etiam Apostatae Iuliano Majestatem regiam commodavisse. Unde Supremis Magistratibus planè ex aequo obediendum, sive aequis, sive iniquis, modò non sint absque Titulo, sed exercitio solo Tyranni. Quippe caetera dispares, in hoc conveniunt, quòd Majestatem à Deo datam videntur ex aequo participare.  
§. 8. quam reverentèr denique Sanctéque Majestas Regia haberi debeat, ut Majestatis ipsius Dei sive Particula, sive Propago, vel inde licet conjectare, immò fortiter arguere; quòd ab omnibus in Theologia, jurisque Prudentia versatissimis, Crimen laesae Majestatis Sacrilegio proximum judicatur. Immò crediderim esse Piaculum Sacrilegii nomine censendum, Vicarium Dei, & Unctum Dei, & Ordinationem Dei impetere, adeoque ipsum Deum in ejus Diacono violare. Ita enim Beatus Paulus de Potestate & Persona Regali statuit, in Epistolâ ad Roma●os, capite decimo tertio; ubi quinquies de utrisque sic scriptum legimus. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, v. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, v. 2. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, v. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, v. 4. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, v. 6. usque adeo verum est quod Sanctus Paulus asseverat, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut Ipse Dominus & Salvator ipsam Pilati 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (siquam saltem haberet) contra seipsum etiam adstrueret. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (inquit Ille) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. (Joh. 19, 11.) Ideoque cum Samuel affatus Populum haec verba praemisisset, 
1 Sam. 18. 18.  [En Regem quem elegistis & petiistis,] Illa statim subjunxit eodem spiritûs anhelitu, [Ecce Deus posuit eum Regem super vos.] Id est, Regem deposcentibus Deus vobis Hunc dedit. Vos elegistis, sed Deus posuit. Vos in speciem elegistis, 
1 Sam. 9 16. etc. 10. v. 24.  cap. 12, v. 13; sed quem Deus jam dudum & in solidum elegerat, cap. 10, v. 24. Quid, 
jun. Brut. Vindic. contra Tyran. Qu. 3. pag. 268.  quòd Ipse junius Brutus simul fatetur & ostendit, Deum Reges instituere, Regna Regibus dare, ipsos Reges eligere? Quibus feliciter concessis, Juris Regii non refert, ut Electio quae Dei est suffragiis Populi comprobetur. Nec multùm videtur interesse, si Populus Reges constituere aut Regna tradere dicatur, dummodo Deus etiam conceditur cum Regna dare, tum Reges ipsos instituere. Quinimmò Reges à Deo non tantùm eligi, ●ed & constitui, 
* Iren. ubi supra. Clem. Constitut. l. 7. c. 17.  Irenaeus & Clemens Authores sunt. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Quod Reges regnant per Deum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 affirmatur ab ipso Deo, Prov. 8, 15. Neque tantùm permissive, (ita enim & Diabolus per ipsum Deum regnare dicendus est,) sed per Deum constitutive, prout Viri oculatissimi Locum illum interpretantur. Et benè regnant per Deum, qui solùm propter Deum regnare debent, Potestatisque Judiciariae Capitale supplicium infligendi Deum solum Authorem habent. De cujus rei ratione vel inde breviter nobis constat, Quòd Nemini liceat per Dei leges mortem sibi accersere. Nam quod sibi n●n licet contra se, Id ut aliis contra se liceat, aut sibi contra alios, nemo potest efficere. Ratio est, quia Nemo Jus aliis conferre potest quod ipse prius in seipso conferendum non habuit; nec plus sibi adversus Alium, quam adversus se sibi licere queat. Ergo Legem promulgare sub Paenâ Capitis observandam, & Legem istam violantibus sententiam Capitis irrogare, illud est Praerogativae quod soli Deo Magistratus acceptum ferunt. Unde & liquidò satis constat de eorundem Hierarchiâ.  
§. 9 Sed hic objiciant Misobasiles, & magni Nominis Litigatores, qu●d aliquammultis antè seculis quâm Populus Israeliticus à Deo Regem efflagitaslet, Moses de Rege illo praedixit, Deuteronomii 17. 14, 15. Quum perveneris in Terram quam Dominus Deus tibi possidendam dedit, in eaque habitaveris; Tu dices, (inquit Moses) constituam Regem super me, ut caeterae Gentes quae sunt in circuitu; tum vero eum Regem constitues quem Dominus elegerit è medio fratrum tuorum. Unde elicitur Argumentum, qu●d licet Regis Electio ad Deum spectet, ejusdem tamen constitutio sit penes Populum.  
§. 10. Huic autem objectamento, ut ut palmarium esse videtur, & quod in os nobis obganniunt Incerti vulgi Assentatores, videtur posse multifariam, & tamen breviter os obstrui.  
Inprimis enim Regem à Deo petiit iste Populus, utpote gnarus & sibi conscius, sui juris non esse, Regem aliquem creare. Secundò, dices Tu, [Constituam.] Sed à Dicto ad Factum, prout à Facto ad Ius, pessimè valet argumentum. Tertiò. constituam Regem (non subter, sed) super me. Ergo Populo Universo, non tantùm singulis in Populo, (fatente populo universo,) superior audit. Dato enim, (at non concesso,) quòd summa Rerum ab origine penes Populum permansisset; si tamen Regi à se electo ita sese addixit in Servitutem, ut totum illud quod habuerat regnandi Jus à semetipso abdicaverit, & in alium planè transcripserit; nec ampliùs retinet, nec jure potest revocare, quod sciens volensque non-suum fecit. Quartò, Moses addidit [constitues,] non omnino imperative, sed modo prorsus indicativo. Praedixit quod de facto futurum viderat, non praecepit quod Ipsi de jure facerent. Aut, quintò, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, per vulgarem figuratè loquendi modum, constituere dicuntur, Quem non-recusant, & à Deo agnoscunt Constitutum. Sextò. non quemcunque constitues, sed quem Dominus tuus elegerit. Et Regem sanè quemcunque, modò à Domino suo ●lectum, non est Populi reprobare, quantumvis magni; nisi fortè Deus Ipse (Dominus Ille Exercituum) qui singulis in Populo major esse non negatur, universis tamen minor habendus sit. Septimò. dixit Populus Samueli, Praepone nobis Regem, (1 Sam. 8. 5.) Et Commate Sexto, da nobis Regem. & 
* 1 Sam. 10. 1.  Commate 19 Rex nobis praeerit. Dixitque Samuel, (Saulem Regem allocutus,) Unxit te Iehova in Antecessorem super suam Possessionem. quod est perinde, ac si dixisset, Nihil aliud nunc feci, quam quod ante in mandatis ab ipso Domino acceperam. Edixit enim Jehova, (verse 22,) Ausculta voci eorum, ut praeficias iis Regem. Non ergò Populus sibi ipsi, sed Samuel Populo; neque Samuel suâ sponte, sed ipso Deo praecipiente, Regem Populo praeficiebat.  
§. 11. Et haec sufficiat praelibâsse de Magistratuum Ordinatione. Quae ideo 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sive Humanae Creaturae censetur titulo, non quòd non sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, planéque divinitùs oriunda, sed quòd Hominum sit propria; &, quantumlibet à Deo, apud homines tamen constituta.  
§. 1. Deinceps sequitur expendenda Subordinatio Magistratuum. Quam ita nobis hoc loco descripsit Petrus, ut satis liquidò edocuerit, Quid ●uique Magistratuum, & Quo sit ordine deferendum. Subjiciamini (inquit Ille) omni humanae creaturae, sive ordinationi, & propter Deum subjiciamini. Non tantùm Claudio Imperatori, verùm & Furio Camillo Scriboniano, aliisque etiam Caesareis in aliis Provinciis Procuratoribus. Non tantùm Regi morem gerite, sed & à Rege Subrogatis, & Provincias particulares Regis vice administrantibus. Neque summi duntaxat, sed imi subsellii Administris. Universis inquam & singulis qui de jure vobis praesunt, ac legitimè praeficiuntur; sed suo ordine & loco, suo modo atque mensurâ, suum cuilibet obsequium praestandum est. Nam Regi in quantum supremo Domino, Reliquis in quantum â Rege missis. Regi soli secundum Deum, Reliquis verò secundum Regem, licet utrisque propter Deum, Divus Petrus hoc loco parendum vult.  
§. 2. Ad quam Doctrinam Apostolicam tam claram, tam facilem, tam omnium oculis expositam, & paci publicae conservandae ab omni parte necessariam, nunquam satis mirari possum, neque Calvinum, neque Paraeum, neque Plessiacum Mornaeum, (viros acri licet Ingenio & alioqui perspicacissimos,) eo modo quo decebat animum suum advertisse; sed usque adeo aut caligasse ad tam divinum Scripturae Lumen, aut datâ operâ Caecutiisse, ut affirmare non-dubitaverint de popularibus Magistratibus, (nempe de puris putis Subditis in Magistratu inferiore constitutis,) eos ita ab ipso Deo Libertatis popularis Tutores fieri, uti adversus ipsum Regem (in hac viriliter asserendâ) etiam manu armatâ grassari liceat.  
§. 3. Contra Cujusmodi Grassatores de Regum jure edisserturo, videtur mihi Res tota inde usque ab origine, non modò quoad Naturam, verùm etiam quoad Nomen, & quoad Nominis rationem, petenda esse.  
§. 4. Et quia multum est Discriminis inter Subjectum & Adjunctum, de quorum debitâ convenientiâ incumbit mihi dispiciendum; Separatim inprimis videndum habeo, quid sit Ius quod ipsum quaeritur, deinde quid Reges de quibus quaeritur. Ita postmodùm conjunctim atque dilucidè innoteseet, Quod & Quatenus Adjunctum Subjecto competat.  
§. 5. Ius, pro triplici Respectu secundum quem ad Subjectum referri solet, trifariam ferè intelligitur. Si ad Personam referatur, est quidem Qualitas moralis, personae competens, ad aliquid juste vel habendum vel agendum. Si referatur ad ipsam Rem, Justitiae scilicet materiam, Nihil aliud sanè videtur quam quod est justum significare, & Naturae Societatum ratione utentium non repugnat. Si ad cujuslibet virtutis materiam spectat, eodem redit quò Ipsa Lex, ut statuatur esse Actuum moralium Regula, non ad illud duntaxat quod justum dicimus, verùm etiam ad Illud quod Rectum, obligans. Jus, priori modo acceptum, Potestas passim appellatur. Quae ita differt à Potentia, ut illa moraliter, & de jure, haec de facto, & Physiologice, apud Authores usurpetur. Illa graecè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, haec 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 nuncupatur. Vis qualiscunque Potentia dicitur; Potestas non item, nisi legitimè exeratur. Penes Tyrannos absque Titulo saepe summa regnandi Potentia manet. (Cujus furfuris erat Cromwellus nostras, Humani generis Propudium post homines natos iniquissimum.) Potestas verò non competit nisi legitimis Magistratibus; qui utcunque exercitio Tyranni sint, castè tamen sanctéque apud Subditos quoscunque haberi debent, quippe qui numinis sunt Vicarii optimo jure constituti. Adsit modò Possessor justus, de Personae injustitiâ nulla nobis lis erit. Qui effraenem sine Titulo Potentiam habent, Deo tantùm permittente; Illis saepe resisti nequit. Sed qui legitimam Potestatem, Deo caelitùs constituente; Illis nunquam resisti debet. Eaque propter Beatus Paulus Pontifici Maximo conviciatus per Imprudentiam, Veniam illicò aucupatur Ignorantiae suae concedendam, (Act. 25, 5.) Nesciebam (inquit) Fratres Pontificem esse Maximum. scriptum est enim, Principi Populi tui non maledices. Ac si dixisset, Magistratibus etiam injustis summam deberi reverentiam; nec ex ore tantùm Illam, sed & ex animo deferendam.  
§. 6. Quod qu● clariùs elucescat, transeamus evestigi● ab Adjuncto ad subjectum: A jure sc. quod quaeritur, ad ipsum Regem de quo quaeritur.  
§. 7. Nomen Regis à Regendo, ut Nomen Principis à primas ferendo fluxit. Illo Imperii Summitatem, hoc Ordinis Primatum, utroque Regis Privilegium simulque Officium indigitante; Ita ipsâ Etymologiâ comparatum est, ut auditis etiam Titulis quibus per leges insigniuntur, statim & Muneris & Mercedis Memoria Regibus refricetur. Sive enim per Caput totius corporis politici, (quemadmodum 
a Jud. 11. 8.  jeptha à Gileaditis,) sive etiam per ipsum Verticem, partem Capitis sublimiorem, (ut Tropus iste explicatur ab Expositoribus 
b Deut. 33. 20 Esa. 3. 17.  Septuaginta,) sive per Clypeos 
c Psal. 47. 9  Terrae, sive per Terrae 
d Psal. 82. 5.  Fundamenta, sive per Annulos sigillares, (ut 
e Hagg. 2. 23.  Zerubbabel à jehovah,) sive per 
f Jer. 51. 25.  Montes, sive per 
g Isa. 3. 7.  Medicos, sive per Populi 
h Num. 27. 17  Pastores, sive demum per 
i 2 Reg. 13. 5.  Salvatores, qui primâs tenent in Magistratu describi solent; eorum aut Dignitas, quoad Originem, aut Auctoritas, quoad Potentiam, aut utilitas, quoad officium, nec obscurè quidem nec invenustè Audientium animis instillantur. Rex denique à Regendo vel ideo fluxit, quia Deo solo minor Regendi Ius habet quicquid nomine Subditorum venire solet. Et quicquid uspiam Titulorum in Sacris Literis ei ascribitur, videtur prorsùs ex industriâ ad id inventum, ut solum supra se Deum Rex habere significetur.  
§. 8. Liquet autem ex jure Regni, quod in Libro Samuelis legendum prostat, Regibus legum Violationem sine ullo apud Homines supplicio cedere. 
1 Sam. 8. 10, 11, etc. ad vers. 19  Unde crimine vacare dicuntur Reges, (Quod inter Juris nostratis placita agnoscunt facilè Juris Confulti,) non perinde ac si reapse insontes sint, sed ex eo quòd rerum à se gestarum rationi reddendae non sint obnoxii; atque eo saltem sensu soluti legibus, in quantum à Causâ unquam dicendâ (quantumvis Rei) liberantur. Rex verè dicitur, cui Subditi vel primarii fidem jurant, cujus Imaginem nummus praefert, cujus legibus omnes parent à cujus Judiciis ad neminem provocatur, penes quem est 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 non solummodò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sive judiciaria, verùm & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sive Legislativa; vel (quòd eodem ferè redit,) Potestas 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Nam Par in Parem non habet condendi leges Potestatem; ut solius sit Regis, Jus ipsum dare, uniuscujus que verò Judicis, Jus datum dicere.) Unde & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rex 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 antiquitùs vocabatur, ob hanc potissimùm rationem, quòd etiamsi secundum leges imperitare teneatur, putà in foro Conscientiae, In for● tamen humano ita legibus absolvitur, & ipse sibi suisque in Legem cedit, ut impunè quidlibet faciendi Ius quoddam habeat. Solus Ille dicendus Rex, cui competit Majestas; Quae ab omnibus aliis Titulis inferiori Magistratui competentibus, (utpote 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in se complectens,) immane quantum discriminatur. Nihil autem Majestati tam proprium est, quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (id est,) à nemine pendere, nemini esse obnoxium, à nemine posse judicari. Benè igitur Rex Otanes apud Herodotum dicebatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Benè etiam Xiphilinus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (aliter enim 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est supremus Dominatus, nequaquam esset.) sed optimè omnium Cassiodorus hanc rem expressit. Causa Regiae potestatis supernis solis est applicanda judiciis; quandoquidem e Coelo petita est, & soli Coelo debet Innocentiam. Tantùm abest ut Regnum habeat qui Potestati qualicunque rationem reddere obligatur, ut 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, apud Pausaniam opponantur. Solus Ille Rex est (ipso fatente junio Bruto) cujus amplissima censetur Potestas, aut qui Supremus est Gubernator, quemadmodum Junius & Tremellius complusculis Locis interpretantur. Supremus autem est Gubernator, cujus Potestas Gubernandi praecipuè vertitur & versatur, in condendis legibus, iisdemque tollendis cum opus fuerit; in foederibus faciendis, Belloque & Pace decernendis; in vectigalibus ac Tributis ad usum Publicum exigendis; in Magistratibus Inferioribus pro arbitratu suo creandis; in honoribus Titulisque prout voluerit conferendis; in Conciliis & Synedriis pro imperio indicendis; Et (quod rei est Caput) in se suisque quibuscunque, ut ut atrociter delinquentibus, à Judiciis tamen Humanis cum visum fuerit eximendis. Ut Rex reapse non sit, sed tantummodò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, qui auctoritate suadendi, non jubendi Potestate munitus est; aut cujus Actus qualescunque alterius juri substituuntur.  
§. 9 Cujus Rei veritatis Argumento esse potest, & fidem facit, quòd apud veteres Latinos ita Regnum distinguitur à Principatu, ut Hic ab Illo immane quantum superetur. Caesar enim narrat de quodam Gallo, quòd principatum Galliae obtinuisset, cum Regnum solummodò affectaret. Et Suetonius de Caligula Sermonem habens, affirmat parum abfuisse, quin speciem Principatus in Regnum converteret. Diciturque Maroboduus (apud Velleium Paterculum) non duntaxat Principatum, sed & ipsam vim Regiam complexus animo. Et etiamsi apud nonnullos ista vocabula adhibeantur ac si essent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (Nam & Duces Lacedaemonii, quamvis Ephoris Subjecti, Regis nomine gaudebant, planè ut Vandali in Africa, & Gothi in Hispania, quorum Reges exauctorabantur quoties populo displicebant, Regnum habere prae se ferebant, nimirum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ut modò dixi, & planè 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) Ita tamen Aristoteles distinguendum existimavit, inter Regnum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 veréque dictum, & purum putum Principatum, (qui apud Vandalos & Gothos & Lacones obtinebat, Regnique nomen mentiebatur,) ●ti hunc inter, & Illum, species aliquot interposuerit. Illi competit Principatus, qui sub certis conditionibus in Dignitatem suam adsciscitur. Unde & cautè distinguendum est inter Dignitatem, & P●testatem; Patrocinium inter, & Imperium; in fide esse, & in Ditione. Benè potest esse Princeps, in cujus fide est populus aut Patrocinio: Solus autem Rex erit, sub cujus pleno Imperio & Ditione. Quocirca Carolus Ille Quintus, ut ut summus Imperator, & totius ferè Belgii non minùs quam Hispaniae reverâ Rex esset, Brabantinae tamen Provinciae non nisi Princeps & Patronus censendus erat. Quippe qui pactum cum eâ iniit, ut sibi nulla obsequii, clientelae, ac obedientiae officia à populis deferantur, quibus Ipse praestare nolit integra quae solenni religione sposponderit. Sub cujusmodi conditione Regem suum Poloni eligunt, ut quo die Rex ipse fidem suam non liberat, Populus illicò universus à fide suâ liberetur. Illud autem est Regnum latinissim● sic dictum, cui Tria illa competunt, quae Thucydides Civitati quae verè sit Civitas impertivit; ut nimirùm sit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id est, ut Legibus, & judiciis, & Magistratibus suis utatur. Unde & Sophocli dicebatur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Straboni verò 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Plutarcho denique 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
§. 10. Et quicquid uspiam de Regno, (quod subjectum est commune hujusce Juris de quo agitur,) ex Authoribus Antiquissimis exscribi potest, eò pertinet & collimat, ut ipsius etiam Regis (qui subjectum est proprium) Naturam explicet. Quippe cujus est, (Plutarcho Judice,) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 audit apud Aeschylum; & (quod eodem planè facit) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Dioni dicitur. Id ni fuerit, profectò Populus Rex Regum ubique Regnorum vocandus erit; quin & omne genus Regimina reapse erunt Popularia. Nam Populi Liberi qui verè sit Liber, & Regis proprè sic dicti, eadem planè est ratio. Libertas autem civilis sine summo Imperio non solummodò non constat, sed & concipi non potest. Ut Rex reverâ sit mancipium, sine Imperii Summitate, quibuscunque demùm Titulis per contumelias & ludibria gaudere soleat.  
§. 11. Qui diligenter observarunt, quòd Regibus Hebraeis verbera saepe infligerentur, si eas Leges violâssent quae de Regis officio manebant scriptae; (qui tamen Reges quin in plerisque summo jure imperaverint, dubitari quidem nefas magnus Grotius arbitrabatur, inquantum Populus iste Regem sibi dari efflagitaverant, Qualem habebant vicinae Gentes, quae, quum essent Orientales, addicte admodum 
* Grot. de jure Belli & Pacis, lib. 1. c. 3. Sect. 20.  regnabantur;) fatentur simul quòd suâ sponte, atque in signum Poenitentiae ejusmodi verbera suscipiebant; nec à Lictore caedebantur, sed ab eo quem vellent, eoque modo quo vellent, & sic à Paenis coactivis immunes erant. Nec quicquam officit Majestati vel Dictatoris absolutissimi, si iis Legibus obtemperet, quarum Ipse & Sanctor, & Vindex est; vel si ea supplicia tulerit, quae sciens volensque Ipse sibi irrogaverat. Satis autem ostendit Samuel, in Jure Regum describendo, adversus Regum Injurias nullam in Populo Potestatem relictam esse. Quod rectè Veteres collegerunt, ex eo quod David affatus Deum, (etiam post alias atque alias à se illatas, non tantùm Bathshebae, & Uriae, sed & omnibus Subditis Injurias,) Soli Tibi peccavi, dixisse dicitur, Psal. 51. 4. Nempe ad Regum Ius summum & Illud spectat, (si vocabuli Rigore velimus uti,) summam Subditis Injuriam inferre posse, nec iniqua tantùm facere, sed facienda etiam praecipere. Ita tamen ut nomen juris non ad justitiam Praeceptorum referri debeat, sed ad solam Praecipientis Impunitatem. Nec ita Impunitas intelligitur, quasi Regibus supplicium omninò nullum, sed quasi nullum nisi à Deo legitimè queat irrogari. cum omria Illis licere dicimus, Nihil aliud intelligimus, quam omnia Illis impune cedere; satisque ad Paenam censendum esse, quòd Deum in Coelis Ultorem habent.  
§. 12. Incommoda autem objicientibus quae hinc sequuntur aut sequi possunt, si ad Injurias impunè inferendas Ius regium extendatur; In promptu habeo respondendum, Nullam formam Politiae absque Incommodis apud mortales vel fingi posse; Nullos hominum in Terris ab omni parte beatos esse; Illum statum praeferendum, non qui malis omninò nullis, sed qui minimis urgetur. Minus autem Incommodorum constat esse secuturum, si omnia uni licere detur, quam si ratio actionum reddenda sit. Nam si Reges etiam in seculo pro Tribunalibus humanis sistendi essent, nunquam Domus Regnatrices in tuto essent permansurae; Ipsa Regna Resque Publicae mox deinde convellerentur, si iis ipsis qui subduntur Jus regnandi subderetur cum ipso Rege. Nemo verò inficias iverit, Publicam Pacem & Quietem quovis pretio redimendam. At neque Quies sine Armis, neque Arma sine stipendiis, 
Tacit. Hist. 4.  neque stipendia sine Tributis, nec Tributa sine Regis Imperio summo, sive 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 haberi queunt. Et qui summum Imperium habet, non potest non patere multorum Odiis. Unde securitas Imperantis est omni modo munienda; Et summus ubique Gubernator perinde 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 esse debet, atque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 apud Graecos, qui etiam in Praeliis flagrantissimis, atque ab hostibus infensissimis, ut sanctè semper haberetur in more erat.  
§. 13. Sed & praeterquam quòd Incommoda neque solvunt Argumentum neque conficiunt, Jus regium non ex eo quod His aut Illis videtur optimum, sed solùm ex ejus voluntate unde ipsum Jus oritur, est metiendum. Voluntas autem Dei in verbo suo manifestatur; unde Regis Jus summum impunè quid●ibet faciendi irrefragabilibus Argumentis firmari possit. E. G. 1 Sam. 8. 11, etc. Eccles. 8. 4. Rom. 13. 2, 4, 5, 6, 7. & 1 Pet. 2. 18, 19, 20, 21.  
§. 14. Nec quicquam in eo derogatur Divini Verbi Testimoniis, quòd Ethnicorum Coryphaei in eandem ubique sententiam eunt. Seneca Bruto errorem exprobrat, 
Sen. de Benef. l. 2. c. 20.  graviterque in eum censuram agit, quòd Regis Nomen extimuerit, cum optimus status Civitatis sub Rege sit. Neque enim omninò quaeritur, An sit serviendum, sed potius utri duorum, Regi scilicet an Plebi servire praestet; uni soli, an Universis. Omne Tyrannidis Exercitium per se est malum, 
Cic. de Legibus lib. 3.  (inquit Cicero,) sed eatenus est ferendum, immo etiam & praeferendum, quatenus Bonum quod in eo quaesitum est sine isto malo non haberemus. Et vel Incommoda cum Commodis sunt amplectenda, vel haec cum illis mittenda sunt. Unde Cappadoces apud Strabonem, cum oblata à Romanis Libertas esset Popularis, oblatam valdè noluerunt, sub Rege vitam praeferentes. 
Strab. lib. 2. mihi p. 540.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ac si nulla sine Rege genuina Libertas haberi posset, quia néc ulla sine Rege Salus existit Diuturna. Sicut autem Potestas Regia sub se reliquas complectitur, Patriam scilicet, & Herilem, Ita in Res singulorum majus est Dominium Regis ad Bonum commune promovendum, quam Dominorum singularium, ad Bonum proprium; & unusquisque Reipublicae, ad usus publicos, longè magis obligatur quam Creditori; (ut habet Regula Juris-Prudentium.) Cujus Regulae ratio est, (uti ex Ethicis Aristotelicis videtur nihi colligendum) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Unde Plinius ad Trajanum, Regis est quicquid est omnium. Et Philo Judaeus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 explicatiùs aliquantò id ipsum asserit. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
§. 15. Et si ita se Res habeat, ut quicquid pretiosi apud Subditos custoditur, eorum qui regnant magis sit, quam Possidentium; Et in Regno rectè sic dicto, 
* Tacit. l. 8.  Vnusimperitet nullis jam exceptionibus, non precario regnandi jure; Si de privatis judicare ad Magistratus pertineat inferiores, de Magistratibus illis ad Principem, de Principe verò ad solum Deum; Si qui verè Rex est non duntaxat ex legibus, verum etiam in Leges Imperium habeat; nec aliter constet Regale Regimen, nisi sui planè sit Juris, ipsumque 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ipsi maneat inviolatum; exinde statim conficitur, (& consequentiâ quidem ineluctabli,) Quod Magistratus Inferiores, ut ut in unum coeuntes, Populique Universi gerentes vicem, & à Romano etiam Pontifice quomodolibet animati, Regem tamen non possunt sine crimine Capitali Armis aggredi, aut per Dei saltem leges ei litem intendere, aut quocunque demum praetextu quicquam Illi intentare.  
§. 16. Quod ex Praemissis Consectarium, etiamsi ex Praemissis sit usque adeo luculentum, ut vehementer sit ignarus qui illud nescit, & deplorati planè ingenii qui non agnoscit; Quinimmò pluribus Testimoniis è sacrâ Paginâ expromptis, pluribus etiam seculorum apud Histoticos exemplis, pluribus denique Sapientûm & Sanctorum Martyriis comprobetur, quam ut hodiè in Dubium vocari debeat; quia tamen hoc vitium praesentis seculi videatur, ut nihil sit tam firmum quod non convellitur, nihil tam sanctum quod non facilè violatur, nihil denique tam certum quod non voeatur in controversiam; non solummodò non inutilis, sed & apprimè necessaria videri poterit, tam conspicui Axiomatis in tantâ Luce Elucidatio.  
§. 17. Quod etiamsi cum bono Deo in animo habeam effectum dare; impraesentiarum tamen hoc facere, neque per vestram mihi licebit (Dilecti Fratres) Patientiam, nec per Tempus huic Penso ex consuetudine praestitutum, nec per tremenda illa mysteria quae adhuc restant percipienda. Quorum idoneae Perceptioni quò fructuosiùs velificemini,  
Gratia Domini Nostri Jesu Christi, Dilectio Patris, & Communicatio Spiritûs Sancti sit cum omnibus vobis in Secula Seculorum.  
FINIS.    

THE PURIFICATION OF OUR LADY, AND PRESENTATION OF OUR LORD.  
A SERMON Preached before the KING At WHITEHALL upon Candlemas Day, 1661.   
LUKE 2. 22. And when the Days of her Purification according to the Law of Moses, were accomplished, they brought him to jerusalem to present him to the Lord. 
§. 1. Upon the Feast of the Nativity, our Lord himself was a Present. Upon the Feast of the Epiphanie, He was Presented. And now on the Feast of Purification, He purposely comes to Present Himself.  
He was a Gift sent at Christmas, from God to Men. At Twelftide as God, he is said to have received Gifts of Men. And now at Candlemas, as Man, he is a Gift unto God for the Sins of Men. At the 16 verse of this Chapter, the Rural Votaries from the Fold did find him weeping in his Cratch. At the 21 verse we find him bleeding in His Cradle. But in the words of this Text, we find Him smiling (as we may guests) in his Mother's Arms. She devoutly carrying Him, and her Devotion carrying Her, and the Law of Moses carrying Both, at once that She may be Purified, and He presented unto the Lord.  
§. 2. I have desired so much the rather, in the choice of this Text, to take advise with the Rubric, and the Gospel appointed for the Day, Because we have hardly escaped an Age of so much ignorance in the Canons, and Disobedience to the Commands of our English Church, that unless the old custom be now revived, the People of England (like the Italian Priest,) will be in danger of disputing in time to come, whether the Rubric be Fish or Flesh; and be as apt to be in doubt, as the Man in Poggius, whether the Pentecost were a Man or a Woman. Again I choose so much the rather, to do the work of each day on the day itself, because the Festivals of the Church being considered in conjunction, do comprehend the Fundamentals of Christian Faith. And so a Pertinent discourse upon each of Them, will (when the Calendar is expired) become a Body of Divinity.  
§. 3. I shall therefore make haste to the due Solemnity of the Day; and by premising its several Names, shall give a guess at some part of its Nature too. 'Tis called the Feast of Purification, from the Pure Virgins being cleansed from her Mosaical Impurity. The word Impurity being used by such a Scriptural Catachresis, as only to signify the yoke, or the obligation, which by the ordinance of Moses was fastened on her. 'Tis called the Feast of Presentation, from our Lord's condescension to be presented unto the Lord. It might have been called the Feast of Ransom, because no sooner was he presented and given to God, but he was presently bought back with a Piece of Silver. 'Twas commonly called Hypapante throughout the Churches of the East, from the Interview and meeting betwixt our Saviour and good old Simeon, (v. 28.) Candlemas it was called, or the Feast of Lights, because of a Custom still retained in the Church of Rome, though worthily cast off by the Church of England; for that of old it was the Day wherein they consecrated Candles, and that in honour to the Idol which was commonly called Februa. A Goddess feigned to be propitious to pregnant Women in their Childbirths; and therefore allowed to have the Privilege of giving a Name to this Month, as well as the mode of Solemnising this very Day.  
§. 4. From whence (by the way) 'twill not be useless to observe, that the purifying of Women after the Agonies of their Childbirth, is a thing common to us of Christendom, not only with the jews, but the Gentiles too; and may be matter of contention to the Malice or Ignorance of a Sect, which is either so stupid as not to know, or else so obstinate as not to acknowledge, or at least so over peevish as not to admit of a consideration, That the very same custom in several Places, may receive its Beginning from God and Belial; though not observed in the samés, but in a contrary manner; not with the same, but with a contrary mind; nor at all to the same, but to a contrary end. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (saith Gregory Nazianzen) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The jew keeps Holiday, but according to the Letter. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The Gentile keeps Holiday, but according to the Flesh. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The Christian also keeps Holiday, but according to the Spirit.  
§. 5. Let us Rejoice then on This Day, because it is the Day which the Lord hath made. And again let us rejoice, even because it is the Day which hath made the Lord. I mean hath made him, of a Lord, to become a Servant; hath made him, of a God, to become a Votary; hath made him of a Giver become a Gift. The Lord himself, on this Day, having been brought unto jerusalem, to be presented unto the Lord.  
§. 6. And as the Text does thus instruct us to the Solemnity of the Day; so the double Solemnity of the Day does teach us how to divide the Text; or rather the Text divides itself into these two Generals.  
The Purification of our Lady, and the Presentation of our Lord. For each of which compellations, we have not only Custom, but Reason too. For as Christ in the Greek does import a Lord, so Mary in the Hebrew is known to signify a Lady. And it is obvious to infer, That She may well be our Lady, who was the Mother of our Lord.  
In both these Generals put together, there are seven Particulars to be observed.  
First the Actions, which are expressed; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they brought, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they presented. Next the Agents, which are employed; namely the Relations and Friends of Christ. They brought, and They presented. Thirdly the Subject, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they brought Him. Fourthly the Place; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to jerusalem. Fifthly the End; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to present him unto the Lord. Sixtly the Time, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, when the days were accomplished wherein the Mother was to be purified. Last of all the Obligation and Inducement unto the whole; and that is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Law of Moses.  
To go no farther than the two Generals, were too little for the Text; And yet to insist on each Particular, would be as certainly too much for the Time allowed. And therefore I shall pitch on a Middle course; so extending the Generals, and so contracting the Particulars, as to wind them up together into these four Bottoms.  
The Purification of the Parent, at once a Maid and a Mother too.  
The presentation of her Son, at once presented unto the Lord, and the Lord presented.  
Next the Circumstances or Adjuncts of Time and Place, wherewith these Actions were to be clothed.  
Lastly the Rule of the Actions and Adjuncts too, unto which they both are to be conformed.  
§. 1. I must premise, touching the first, the Purification of the Virgin, (the first in Order, though not in Dignity, and perhaps to be preferred for giving the Title unto the Day,) That a legal Cleansing or Purification must needs imply and presuppose a legal Impurity and Pollution; for which the Mother being delivered, and the Babe newly Born, 
Levit. c. 12. and c. 15.  did stand condemned by the Law to a kind of Excommunication, to wit an absolute Exclusion, during the time of their uncleanness, as well from the Touch of a private Person, as from an Interest and share in the Public Meetings. First from the Touch of a private Person, The Mother, like her Babe, if She brought forth a Son, was no longer excluded then until the eighth Day; And no longer, if a Daughter, than till the fourteenth. But from the public and solemn Meetings the prohibition was more severe; for if she brought forth a Son, she was excluded for 40 days; if a Daughter, for seventy four. Again the Infant, if put to Nurse, remained unclean but for a Month; but continuing with the Mother, the legal uncleanness continued also.  
§. 2. Now this imputative uncleanness may seem to be an Adambration of that 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Philo.  Original Vitiosity, with which our Nature was corrupted by the Sin of the first Adam, and was by consequence to be purified by the Innocence of the second. For as the legal uncleanness was not so nulled upon the 8 Day, as to exempt the persons cleansed from being purified on the 40; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. jamblicus. Aristoteli vero dicitur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  (without which later purification they were not to enter into the Sanedrim, and sure much less into the Temple;) we may say in like manner of original Sin, It hath taken so deep a Root in the posterity of Adam, that however it were remitted both in the jewish Circumcision, and Christian Baptism, yet its Relics and dregs do so stick in Both, as to exclude us from the Communion & fellow-membership with the Saints, (supposing we live to a riper Age,) until we are purified by Repentance in the Blood of the Lamb, whereof the legal purification was but an Emblem. And this may prompt us to give a Reason, why at the time of Purification there was to be offered unto the Lord, either a Lamb and a Pigeon, (that is, if the Parents were rich enough,) or else (in case they were not,) a pair of Turtles or Pigeons without a Lamb. The one for an Holocaust, the other for a Sin-offering. The first to signify their gratitude, the second their Repentance. The one was to acknowledge the special Blessing of the Delivery; and the other was to expiate the Sullage of it.  
§. 3. Lord! how filthy and impure is the life of man, the purest part of whose Life, which is his Birth, can make his Mother stand in need of a Purification? That we are sprung out of the Dust, shows the unworthiness of our Nature; but that we derive it from our Parents, doth speak its guilt too. 'Tis true the Soul of man is a precious Treasure; But he hath it (saith St. Paul) in an earthen Vessel; 
2 Cor. 4. 7.  which is sufficiently ignoble, in regard of the matter of which 'twas made; but in regard of the Mould wherein 'twas cast, (or of the Conduit through which derived,) it is not only ignoble, but most unclean too. If men will glory in their Extraction, let them first make it appear that they are born from above; let them prove they are regenerate, and born again; 
Joh. 1. 13.  not of blood, nor of the will of the flesh, nor of the will of man, but of God. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as St. Paul speaks out of the Poet,) that indeed they are the offspring, and Sons of God. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, This (saith 
* Chysoft. in Genes. Homil. 23.  chrysostom) is the noblest kind of Genealogy. And so the Bereans were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not only nobler, but better born, than the noblest Jews of Thessalonica, Act. 17. 11. Gregory Nazianzen 
* Greg. Naz. Orat. 28.  forbids us to make a Boast of our Progeniters, unless we think it was for nothing, that the Virgin here was purified, and Christ presented; or that our Mothers once were Churched, and we Baptised. No, it rather becomes us (with holy job) that we say to Corruption, Thou art our Father; and to the Worm, thou art our Mother. Or that we go beyond job, 
Nihil aliud est homo quam sperma foetidum, saccus st●rcorum, cibus vermium. post hominem vermis, post vermem f●e●or sic in non bominem ver tur omnis homo. Bernardde Anima. c. 3. p. 1051.  in saying to Iniquity, Thou art our Brother; and to Uncleanness, Thou art our Sister, For let our other Relations be what they will, we cannot possibly deny that Sin and We were born Twins, if we take David to be Orthodox in what he saith of our shape, and Conception too; that the one was in Sin, and the other in Iniquity.  
§. 4. Lord! how strange a thing it is, that any man should grow proud? And yet how hard a thing it is, to meet with a man who is truly humble? 
Quid superbis homo, attendens quod fuisti v●le semen, sanguis coagulacus in utero? unde superbit, cujus conceptio Culpa, Nasci paena, labour vita, necesse mori? Id. ibid.  Our understandings indeed are dark, our wills disobedient, our hearts deceitful, our passions eminently perverse; But, which makes us most miserable, we are so senseless of our being so, That our special Impellents to Humiliation are common Incentives unto our Pride. We are apt to glory in our Infirmities, (if I may use St. Paul's words, not only without, but against his meaning,) and to take honour unto ourselves from the justest matter of mortification. 'Tis not the knowledge of what we were, nor the remembrance of what we shall be; 'Tis not the baseness of a Conception, nor the unloveliness of a Grave; 'Tis not the gastliness of Death, nor yet the dreadfulness of judgement, that can subdue our exalted Thoughts to an humble sense of our unworthiness. But apt we are to be transported, with a complacency in ourselves, and a contempt of others, although we cannot but be convinced, (at least in our lucida Intervalla, or godly Fits,) That we are wretched, and poor, and blind, and naked.  
§. 5. Clemens Romanus (I remember) in his Epistle to the Corinthians, could think of no fitter spell, wherewith to lay, or exorcise, the Devil of Arrogance, or Ambition, than this so seasonable a Topick from whence I argue. Are we endangered by a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 from the froth and vanity of our minds, which only raiseth us (as it did Lucifer, and the other morning Stars,) to an higher Fall? 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Let us reflect (saith the Father) upon the stuff which we were made of; and 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clem. Rom. in Ep. ad Cor. p. 50.  set the contumelies before us, through which we passed into the world. I am truly so far of that Father's mind, that had we but patience enough to meditate on our original, and our End; 
Si diligenter consideresquid per os & nares, caererosque Corporis meatus egrediatur vilius Sterquilinium nun. quam vidis●i●▪ attend, homo, quid fuisti ante ortum, quid abortu ad occasum, quid eris post ha●c vitam. Bernardus ubi suprà  from what we came, and whether 'tis that we are tending; would we contemplate on our Features in that impartial Mirroir of a skeleton; and instead of a fawning Glass, see ourselves drawn unto the life in an hollow Cranion; I am inclinable to infer we should be higher in God's eyes, (which regarded not the high, but the low estate of his Handmaid,) after the rate of our being viler, and more contemptible in our own. And even by minding higher Things than now we do, we should less be highminded than now we are. Then let us not stand at too great a distance from the most despicable Person for whom Christ died; (no not so much as from the man, who bids us stand farther off, for he is holier than we;) since we are equally descended from the very same Eve; and so, by Her, from the very same Adam; and so, by Him, from the very same Earth. Suppose a Potter of the same clay shall make a washpott, and a Basin, intending That for the Kitchen, and This especially for the Closet; shall the Basin say to the washpot, I am better than Thou? There may indeed be a great, but there cannot be any intrinsic difference; as wholly depending upon the Will, and (by That) upon the usage of Him that owns them. In this they certainly agree, that they consist not of a different, but of the same kind of Dirt; and being broken both in pieces, are equally cast unto the Dunghill. That all were equal in the womb, is contended by Philo, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Philo.  the Learned jew. That all were equal in the Laver of their Regeneration, Gregory Nazianzen does argue with exprobration, as 
* Tingebantur olim eodem lavacro pueri, senes, divites, pauperes, viri, & mulieres; unde Greg. Nazian. objurgat opulen●os, quos pudebat cum tenuibus simul tingi. B. Rhenanus in Tertullian. de Coron. Mill. cap. 3.  Beatus Rhenanus does well observe. And so 'twas rationally ordained by the Law of Moses, That both the poorest and the richest, the meanest and the most honourable, the Virgin mother herself and her purer Babe, (however different they might be in all the Circumstances of Life,) should be equally rated, as well at their Births, as at their Burials. And though the Emperor Leo, Surnamed Isaurus, had rather the Power than the Authority to put an excize upon woman's child Births, making every man pay for his being Born; Yet 'twas righteously provided under the legal Dipensation, (because by commission from God Himself,) that all the masculine children which were withal the Firstborn, should pay the same kind of Custom at their entrance into the world, and discharge the same Debt at their Exit too. Perhaps to teach us This Lesson, amongst some others, that the difference of Degrees in the Sons of men, although indeed 'tis of divine, yet it is not of natural, but of positive Institution. For though God puts them asunder as far as the Zenith is from the Nadir, fixing a King upon the Throne, and casting a Rebel into the Dungeon, (which is enough to stop the Mouths of all our levelling fanatics, whether the Adamites abroad, or the Anabaptists at home,) yet all men by Nature are no less than twice levelled; before they come into their Cradle, and when they go into their Grave.  
§. 6. But though this is the Lesson which we are taught by that Law, by which the mother after her childbirth was to be purified in the Temple; Yet it may easily be demanded, how the Law of purification could reach the Virgin. For was she not chaster than the Turtles she came to offer? was she not her self a living Temple; and very much purer than the Temple to which she went for a Purification? Can there be any cleaner Flame, than what streams forth from a Virgin Taper? would we not wonder at such a Chemist, as should use his Alembick to cleanse Elixirs? And probably laugh at that Goldsmith, who should refine his metals beyond their Quintessence? To purify a Virgin, may seem a Solecism as great, as for a man to wash Water. And to purify such a Virgin, as had been happily impraegned by the Spirit of purity, is just like washing the clearest water, as it newly glide's forth from the crystal Spring; not so much as deflowered by the embraces of the River, much less by being mixed with the Brackish Ocean. It's true indeed she was a Mother, but by so much the more a Maid too. She was delivered of a Son, but of such a Son, as was the wisdom of the Father. She lay in of an Infant, but such an Infant, as was The Word. She encompassed a man, but such a man, as was Emanuel. She brought forth a child, but such a strange child, as had the Government on his shoulders; A child whose name was called wonderful, Counsellor, the mighty God, the Everlasting Father, the Prince of Peace, Isa. 9 16. And being delivered of such an Infant, such a child, such a manchild as This; How could That which made her pure, make her need a Purification? Or (to give this objection its utmost strength) Admit that Marie in her Person mightstand in need of being purified, (though not in regard to the Babe she bore, Yet at least to the Parents of which she was born;) must therefore the Author of her Purity submit himself to have a s●are in her Purification? must Christ himself become the Subject, as well as the Maker of tha● Law? For so the greatest number of Copies agree to have him; reading 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the days (not of her, but) of their Purification. So reads the oldest and best of Manuscripts, which 'tis our happiness to possess in our English Archives. So reads 
* Homil. 14. and 18.  Origen out of choice, whose matchless pains in comparing Manuscripts might make him the abler to choose aright. So reads Erasmus, and Zegerus, Laurentius, and De Dieu. And by the stream of such strong Authority, the Judgement of Beza is carried down; And so is the Arabic Translation, which seems to follow the Vulgar Latin, as well in This, as in other Things. Nay so reads the Syriack, which is in order of time before the Arabic, from which our English Translators do seem to have rendered it in the singular. Now that Mary should be Purified, there is a reason more obvious. Because though herself was a Mother-Maid, in so much that a Childbirth which defiled other Women, may well be said to have cleansed Her, (& so her real Purification was coetaneous with her delivery;) yet we know she was the Daughter of a Conjugal Bed, and so the subject of an Original, though not an Actual Vitiosity. Albeit the Greek Fathers are wont to call her [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] the Mother of God, yet did they not make her, by That, a Goddess; (as some in the world are bold to do, by the Rapine and Sacrilege of their Devotion, whilst they supplicate God the Son for the Merits of his Mother, or pray unto the Mother to lay her commands upon her Son.) The Gild of Adam did adhere to her righteous Soul, although it could not mix with it; And so she wanted at least a legal, if not a literal Purification. But how so derogating a Rite should be competent to her Son, who was not merely a Son of Adam; may seem at least to be a Quere which should not pass unresolved.  
§. 7. But This was done (saith Aquinas) for our Instruction; That we may carry ourselves with meekness, as we have Christ for an Example. paying Obedience from without us to public Sanctions, where none from within us is strictly due. Every Christian (like Christ Himself) is to be actively Obedient in many things, though not as necessary, yet as conventent; though not for conscience, yet for the benefit of conformity; though not for private, yet for public satisfaction; though not to avoid Sin in Himself, yet not so much as to occasion it in other men. But however this Reason may pass for good, methinks 'twere easy to give a better. To wit that our Saviour being laden with the Iniquity of us all, (to use the words of the Prophet Esay) was in all our behalves to stand in need of a purification. Being made Sin for us, (as St. Paul speaks to the Corinthians, 2 Cor. 5, 2.) and at last numbered with the Transgressor's, and so made subject to the Levitical, as well as the Moral Law of Moses, (born as he was, of a jewish parent, a branch sprung forth from the Root of jesse,) He was first to fulfil, and then to abrogate the law of Rites; or rather to abrogate, whilst he fulfilled it. And this may help us to give a Reason, (besides the Poverty of his Parents,) why they offered not a Lamb, but a pair of Doves. For what needed the Type, where the Antitype was present? What place could there be for a Lamb out of the Fold, when behold the Lamb of God that came down from Heaven? The Lamb to expiate for our Souls, as well as the Shepherd to direct them.  
§. 8. The Thought of which should s●●ve to fill us, not with Gratitude only and Love, but even with wonder and admiration, That the Lawgiver himself would be obedient unto the Law, thereby to free us from the Law as the strength of Sin; and so to free us from Sin, as the sting of Death; and so to free us from Death, as 'tis the Victory of Hell. That the Holy of Holies, and King of Kings, would meekly take upon him the Form as well of a sinner as of a servant; and become legally unclean, whereby to take away from us our great uncleanness; for according to the Hebraisme by which the Hellenisticks are wont to speak, nothing worse can be meant by the legal uncleanness of a jew, than that external obligation to the performance of a Duty, which by an arbitrary Law is incumbent on him. And to This our blessed Saviour without the least stain of guilt did submit himself, not at all for himself, but for Us alone. For Us it was that he descended from out the Bosom of the Father; for Us he poured out himself, so far forth as to be emptied of all his Glory, that we might drink of his Fullness, Grace for Grace. For Us it was that he was cloistered in Mary's Womb; for Us that he was folded in Mary's Arms; for Us that he was put upon several journeys, whilst yet he could not either 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ponitur pro 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. nam adducendi verbum ponimus in eo qui pedibus eat: id quod de Christo in eâ aetate dici non p●terat. Castalio in locum.  go, or with ease be carried; To wit from Nazareth to Bethleem, and from Bethleem to jerusalem, and that upon more accounts than one, not only to be purified, but presented unto the Lord.  
This (as I said in the Beginning) was the second Action of the Day, and so deserves the second Place in the consideration of the Text.  
§. 1. To give you the History of the Action from that which gave it its Original, I must go back to take my Rise from as far as Exodus. 
Exod. 12.  Where after Sundry dismal miracles for the freeing of Israel out of Egypt, the last and greatest was shown at midnight. When the sword of the Lord did cut off all the firstborn among the Children of the Egyptians, from the firstborn of Pharaoh that sat on his throne, 
Verse 29.  to the firstborn of the Captive that lay in the dungeon. But the firstborn of Israel being miraculously preserved, 
* Chap. 13. Vers. 15.  were immediately claimed by their preserver. who besides the common Interest which he had in them as his Creatures, 
Exod. 1. 22.  did farther devote them unto Himself by a peculiar right of Redemption too. 
Num. 8. 18.  And though by way of Commutation He took the Levites unto Himself, (in stead of all the first born of the Children of Israel,) Yet were not the Levites so full a Ransom, 
Num. 18. 16.  but that they were farther to be ransomed by the sum of five Shekels.  
§. 2. Now put all this together, and it will prove an Adumbration of the holy Child jesus; who, though the Lord, and the Redeemer, was yet presented unto the Lord, and Redeemed this Day with a piece of Silver. For He was sure the Fist-born, who is expressed so in Scripture by way of Eminence, and whom the Firstborn of Israel were but intended to represent. He presented Himself as our Elder Brother, (and so again the firstborn,) to redeem us from the Fury of the Destroying Angel. He, as the Firstborn, or 
* Psal. 2. 8.  Heir of all things, was presented this day to receive his right of Primogeniture, by claiming the Heathen for his Inheritance, and the uttermost part of the earth for his possession. He again was the firstborn, who presented Himself unto as many as would receive him, that he might give them power to be the Sons of God. 
Joh. 1. 12.  To sum up all in a word, He is called the Firstborn of every Creature (Col. 1. 15.) who was begotten of the Father before all Time; And the firstborn of his Mother, brought forth into the world in the fullness of Time. He was again the firstborn by virtue of his office, as Mediator. The first that was born of a pure Virgin; the first that ever was born without the least stain of Sin; the first and last that was born both God and Man. Many ways the firstborn, he was brought on this day to be presented unto the Lord, not as a Servant only, or Sacrifice, but as a King, and a Priest too, on whom his Brethren depended for Life and Fortune; so to claim his own Right, and so to communicate it to Us, that whether Paul, or Apollo, whether Cephas, or the World, whether life or Death, whether things present or things to come; All might be ours, as we are Christ's, as Christ is God's.  
§. 3. From the whole History of the Action, (so far at least as our Lord was concerned in it,) it will be easy enough to gather These useful Considerations.  
§. 4. First that the Days being accomplished, when both the Mother and her Babe might have the freedom to go abroad; The first Journey they took, was not to Nazareth, but jerusalem. She brought Him to God's House before her own. Implying this Caveat to Christian Parents, that they suffer not the Devil to take the first Hansel of their Children; but acquaint them with God in their very Nonage; and so present them unto Him by a Religious Education. 
1 Sam. 2.  That they devote them to his Service, even as early as Hannah devoted Samuel. That their enmity to Sin be as soon bespoken, as the Child 
* Annorum fermè novem, altaribus admotus, tactis Sacris jurejurando adactus ab Amilcare, se quum primum posset, Hostem fore Populo Romano. Liv. l. 21. cap. 1.  Hannibal at the Altar was bespoken by his Father to hate the Romans. That they suffer them not to lisp in the Language of Egypt, but (as Children put to Nurse in the Land of Goshen) make them Suck in good manners as soon as Milk. That they permit them not to enter within the Breath of the Profane, from whose unsavoury communication (like the New-landed Spaniard,) they can many times Swear, when they cannot speak. That they put so fit a difference betwixt themselves and Brute-Beasts, as to become unto their children, not only carnal, but spiritual Parents; and so beget them to God by a second Birth, as not to afford them any reason to Curse their first. This is the Use we are to make of our first Consideration, the Mother's seasoning of her Babe, not at Nazareth, but jerusalem.  
§. 5. Secondly let us consider, That as of all the jewish offspring, not the Females, but the Males were to be offered unto the Lord; (as it were intimating unto us, that They alone may expect to be admitted into God's Presence, who Captivate the Lusts of the effeminate Flesh, by the masculine power of a controlling spirit;) so of all the Males too, none but the best, or the firstborn were set a part for God's Portion. For when I say the firstborn, I mean the Might of the Parents, 
Gen. 49. 3.  and the beginning of their strength, the excellency of Dignity, and the excellency of Power, as jacob said of his Eldest Son Reuben. They were not then like the Parents of our last and worst Times, who when their children are Blind, or Crooked, or (in a word) nothing worth, do fly for refuge to the Temple, and make them Deodates. God is little beholding to such a Parent, who when his Son is too dull for either the Shop, or the Exchange, does strait present him unto the Lord, by devoting him to serve in his dreadful House, and (as a Minister) to wait at his holy Table; Does give him over to the Pulpit, because too old for the Grammar School; And if he cannot Write or Read, does therefore teach him to Pray extempore. As if to the office of a Workman who needeth not to be ashamed, there were nothing required but lungs and Impudence. From the beginning (I am sure) it was not so. For Kings and Princes in time of Yore were thought most proper to be the Priests. And when the Priesthood was Entailed on the Tribe of Levi, it was by way of Prerogative, and in reward of a special Service. The Best by Pedigree, by Sex, by Primogeniture, They that were every way the Best, and the Choicest Persons, were set apart in the Beginning for the peculiar Service of the most High.  
§. 6. From whence 'tis obvious to infer, That as of the fruit of a man's Body, so by consequence of the Fruit of his Labour too, of the fruit of his Substance, and of the fruit of his Soul, of every thing that he calls His, He is not to offer up to God, but the best, and choicest. We must not sacrifice to Pleasure with the strength and Beauty of our Age, and think that God will be content with a noisome Carcase; (like the false Votary in the Apologue, who vowed to consecrate unto jupiter, Half of the All that he went to find, and presently finding a Bag of Nuts, made no doubt but he should bravely perform his Vow, by giving the shells unto his God, and taking the Kernels unto Himself;) This were at best to forsake the world, because the world forsakes Us; And only to keep our Baptismal Vow, because we know not any longer which way to break it. Will God accept of our Presenting ourselves unto him, not (as Christ on this Day,) when newly come into the world, But (as the Clinics of old,) at our going out? Will he accept of our coming, when we come to him but in a Fright? not of choice, but necessity? not at all as to our best, but rather as to our last, and our only Refuge? Will he receive us when we shall choose him as the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; not as the greatest Good Thing, but the lesser Evil? not as better and more desirable than the Enjoyments of the Earth, but as preferable at least to the Pains of Hell? It cannot possibly be our virtue, to be forsaken of our Sins, or rather bereft of our strength whereby to be vigorously Sinful, and without which we can no longer be sturdy Sinners. So again, (in proportion to this Discourse,) 'Tis not enough that we present him with the Labour of our Lips, and that a little towards Night, to make our Time the more supportable; (which is to make our better Actions a mere Divertisement to our worse;) But we must Sacrifice to our God, the very best of our Day, which is our Morning; the very best of our Years, which is our Youth; the very best of our Body, which is our Heart; the very best of our Being, which is our Soul. Our Body must be the Temple, our Heart the Altar, our Sincerity the Priest, our Devotion the Fire, our blessed Saviour must be the God, and our Soul the Sacrifice.  
§. 7. But then withal (like a sacrifice) it must be pure, and unpolluted; pure, as the Virgin, who was this Day Purified; And unpolluted, as the Babe, who was presented this day in the holy Place. And yet because we cannot (other ways) be purified as the Virgin, much less perfect as the Babe, (who yet hath commanded us to be perfect, even as our Father in Heaven is perfect, Mat. 5. ult. and to purify ourselves, as Himself is pure, 1 Joh. 3. 3.) Because, I say, we cannot otherwise be pure and perfect, Let us do like the Virgin, (as well this day, as from this day forwards,) Take the Babe into our Hearts, as she now did into her Arms; And so together with our Saviour, present ourselves unto the Lord. For as the Man that was condemned by the Roman Senate, procured Love as well as Pardon, by representing the Scars in his naked Bosom, which were the Monuments of his Sufferings for the honour and Service of his Country; so to obtain at once our Pardon and Acceptance also at God's Tribunal, not only Pardon of our Sins, but Acceptance of our Persons, we must recount the many sufferings of our Elder Brother in our behalf; 
Heb. 2. 17. & 3. 11.  pleading the Scars and the Bloodshed sustained by the Captain of our Salvation. To such objections as may be made by an Injured justice, we must present an injured jesus as our only Answer and Apology. To every Arrow levelled at us by God's Displeasure, we have but Christ and Him Crucified for our Shield or Helmet to intercept it. Though with our Prayers and our Tears (our only warrantable Weapons) we humbly venture to contend with the Lord of Hosts, hoping the Pungency of our sorrow will make him yield; (yield I mean to his own Resentment,) yet may we not hope to prevail upon him, unless we stand behind Christ, and (as the Virgin this Day,) hold him up as our Buckler, our only Armour of Defence, against Himself (if need be) as our Injured judge too. For (that I may show by an experiment how as a Buckler he must be wielded,) be our misdeeds never so numerous, they are no more than his Merits. Though he will come to be our judge, He is first our Advocate, who, before he can censure, will plead our Cause. Are our Sins of deep die? his Blood was Crimson, in which our sins being washed, will be as wool. Are they swelled into a Deluge? That stream can drown them. Are they damning and mortiferous? Those wounds can bury them. He was a Fountain, for our sakes dry; a Fountain of water, for our sakes thirsty; a Fountain of living water, for our sakes dead. And shall we suffer by the Sins, for which he suffered? no blessed Lord, Though thou canst not but perceive them as they lie open in our Souls, yet being hid in his Grave thou wilt not see them; or though thou canst not but see them with the Eye of thine Omniscience, yet with that of thy justice we hope thou wilt not; or though thou canst not but in justice detest our sins, yet in Mercy be thou pleased to forgive the sinners.  
§. 8. Thus the Feast of Presentation is to be celebrated by us throughout the year. The holy child jesus must still be brought into the Temple, And All he suffered in our behalf be still presented unto the Lord. We must present him unto God, that is to say, unto himself, even as often as we go into the House of God; comprecating nothing, but for his sake; deprecating nothing, but for his Merits; presenting nothing to be accepted, but in his Name and Mediation. No nor so much as in his Name may we adventure to present him, until we are purified by the Gospel, as Mary was under the Law. This as fitly prepares for a cleansing week, as that week does for Lent, or that Lent for Easter. We (I say) must be purified from all kind of filthiness of fl●sh and spirit, (2 Cor. 7. 1.) before our Saviour (with effect) can be thus presented. But purified with Mary, we cannot be, unless with Mary in the Text, we live in obedience to Laws established, although the matter they are made of be antecedently indifferent, and subject to divers Exceptions too. Such as the Time, and the Place, wherein the Duties of the Text were to be punctually performed. The Time is here employed to be the end of the Days of their Purification; the Place is expressed to be jerusalem. And the Rule of Conformity, The Law of Moses. Of which last parts of the Division of the Text, I shall speak very briefly, and in Conjunction.  
§. 1. Had the Parents of this Child been of the humour of our Times, and only consulted with Flesh and Blood, They had not stood on the punctilio's of 
* Clementè Romano tamen Judice, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Clem. Rom. in Ep. ad Cor. pag. 53.  Time and Place; but very much rather upon the Equity of a most rational Disobedience. What? must the work of Purification be tied precisely to a Day? Or must not the holy Child jesus be either presented, or redeemed, until he hath punctually attained the fortieth day after his Birth? May we not stay a little longer, until the ways and the weather are more inviting? or may we not go a little sooner, before the Noise of a Messias awake the jealousy of a sleeping, but furious Tyrant? Or may we not huddle it up at Home, to save a very tender Mother, and her more tender Babe, at once the Hardship and the Risque of so long a journey? shall we confine the Omnipresent within the Walls of jerusalem? or think Ubiquity itself can be penned up within a Temple? or believe there can be Holiness in a consecrated Fabric of Wood and Stones? Admit jerusalem is the greatest, yet (since the Birth of the Messias) Bethleem sure is not the least among the Cities of judah. And when the Ancient of Days becomes the Babe to be presented, It may be fitter that the Temple should come to Him, or at least that his Presence should make a Temple. (Just as the Presence of the King (wheresoever he is) does create a Court, whereas the Palace of the Court cannot either lessen or raise the King.) Besides; God regards not the Ceremony, but the mere substance of our Devotion. It matters not so much either when, or where, as how affected we come before him. An humble soul is the Temple that He delights in. A broken Heart the best Altar whereon to Sacrifice. And the best Sacrifice we can bring is a contrite Spirit. Or if this will not serve; yet may not the Ceremonies required be done at Bethleem at the present, and repeated at jerusalem at times of leisure and convenience? Can a very good work be done too often? or the discharge of a Duty begun too soon?  
§. 2. This had been to chop Logic just like Naaman the Syrian, in the second of Kings, and the fifth Chapter: where commanded by Elisha to wash himself in the River jordan, and that precisely seven Times, whereby to be cleansed of his Leprosy, (ver. 10.) He, instead of being thankful, began (saith the Text) to be very wroth, (ver. 11.) It seemed to Him a strange thing, that he could not be clean, unless he would be superstitious. He expected that the Prophet should have come out to him in Person, and calling on the name of the Lord his God, should have struck his hand over the Place, and so have recovered him of his Leprosy. What? (saith he in the next verse) Are not Abana and Pharpar, Rivers of Damascus, better than all the waters of Israel? May I not wash in them, and be clean? Thus did the Wisdom of Elisha seem light as Folly, whilst weighed in the scales of that Syrian Fool. But though he presently went away, not obedient, but in a Rage, (ver. 12.) Yet his Servants said That (ver. 13.) which turned his Rage into Obedience. My Father, if the Prophet had bid thee do some great thing, wouldst thou not have done it? how much rather when he saith unto thee, wash, and be clean? whereupon he was cured, (but observe in what order,) first of his Folly and Disobedience, and immediately after of his Disease too.  
§. 3. Let us now apply this to certain Sectaries here at home, who often endeavour in their Discourses to show the fitness, the lawfulness, and many times the moral Necessity of their being Schismatical and Disobedient. I shall give but one Instance, because I want Time to insist on many; And in the office of Confession, because it is amongst Christians a kind of Gospel-Purification. The Duty of Confession from the Penitent to the Priest, hath been commanded by the Church in the purest Times of Antiquity; and however misused by the Church of Rome, hath been reformed, and not abolished by this of England. Now some Malcontents there were, who thought our Church not clean enough, unless they might sweep away the Pavement; And amongst many other things, their Stomaches rose against Confession. Will not God (say they) be pleased with the acknowledgement of the Heart, but must That of the Mouth be required also? Or can we not make it in our Closets, but they must have it in the Church too? Must we pour out our Souls into the Ear of the Priest? Or can he lose us from our Sins, who is bound and manacled in his own? But I would say to such an English or Scotish Naaman, no other thing than was said by the Syrian Servant. My Brother, or my Sister; suppose our Mother the Church of England, had bid thee do some great thing, wouldst thou not cheerfully have done it without Dispute? How much rather when she saith, wash and be clean? That is, confess, and be forgiven? vouchsafe to write after the Copy, which the Virgin and her Babe in this Text have set thee. Who did not (as they might, upon better pretensions than thou canst bring,) allege the Privilege of their Purity, or the natural Indifference of what was commanded by the Law, whereby to withhold their obedience from it. They did not think much to present their Turtles, because Themselves were the chaster and more innocent Pair. He who thought it no Robbery to be equal with God, thought it also no dishonour to be equal with Man; And would be obedient to the Law, how much soever he were above it. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clem. Rom. in Ep. ad Cor. p. 53. 54.  Clemens Romanus does well observe to my purpose. The Sacrifices of God were not any where to be offered, but precisely at jerusalem; nor any where at jerusalem, but in the Temple; no nor any where in the Temple, but at the Altar; each of which places, notwithstanding, was antecedently Indifferent; and so far only good, as 'twas commanded, not commanded for being good. 'Tis in the Power at this day of God's Vicegerents upon Earth, to limit the Time, and the Place, yea the manner also, and measure, I say not of private, but public Duties. And by how much a thing is the more indifferent in its use, it should the rather cease to be so, when by legal Authority it shall be turned into a Law. Since of Laws that are humane, the only fit Subjects are things indifferent. Nor can we solidly object the seeming difference of Authority, in things indifferent under the Law, and things indifferent under the Gospel; whereof the former were commanded by God himself, the later only by his Vicegerents. For even These under the Gospel are at least mediately commanded by God himself; as being commanded by that Authority which God hath commanded us to obey. And let us distinguish how we can, betwixt a Divine, and a Humane Law; we must acknowledge the Truth of this Proposition, That Disobedience to the second Table, is as bad as Disobedience against the first. He Rebel's against God, who withholds his Obedience from God's Vicegerent. And as there is indeed a Time, to obey God rather than man; so is there also as fit a Time, to obey God by obeying Man. Which if the Sons of disobedience would but unpassionately consider, they would not make their Duties difficult, by calling them humane Impositions; nor cast about for expedients whereby to legitimate such a Sin, as is compared by God himself to the Sin of Witchcraft.  
§. 4. Then let us imitate our Saviour, 
Dies Purificationis, id est, Dies quibus se continuer at domi; Impuritatem simulans, ne legis Transgressionis accusaretur. Vatablus in locum.  in that Example of his Meekness we this day Celebrate. Who rather than seem a Nonconformist, or a contemner of the Law, (whereof the matter was but indifferent, until established by lawful and just Authority,) Impuritatem simulabat, (as learned Vatablus Interprets,) thought fit to counterfeit an Impurity he could not possibly contract, and made as if he had been unclean, (as a man born of a woman,) that he might yield unto a Law which did least concern him; unless a Law for Purification was not impertinent to a Lamb, whose happy Privilege it was, to be pure and spotless.  
§. 5. It was according to such a Law, as was not Moral, but Ceremonial, that the Prophecy of Haggai was now accomplished; when by the Presence and Presentation of God Incarnate, the Glory of the later Temple did far exceed that of the former. It was according to such a Law, that the offering of the Temple which was this day presented, was more immense than the Temple which circumscribed him. It was according to such a Law, that the Transcendency of the Gift which was this day given, was at once adequate to the goodness, and to the greatness of the Receiver. To sum up all in a word, it was according to such a Law, that our Blessed Redeemer was pleased himself to be Redeemed; The great Redeemer of the world, to be Redeemed by a Country Maid; And the Redeemer of the world by the dear purchase of his Blood, to be cheaply Redeemed by a Maid, for a little Silver.  
Now to Him who this Day became obedient unto the Law which was Ceremonial, that he might free us from being Slaves to the Law of Sin by Disobedience; And was presented unto the Lord under the Form of a Sinner, so to present us unto himself without the least stain of sin; To the only wise God our Saviour, who came on purpose to Redeem us from all Iniquity, and to purify to himself a peculiar People; be ascribed by us, and by all the world, Blessing, and Glory, and Honour, and Power, and Wisdom, and Thanksgiving, from this Day forwards for evermore.  
FINIS.   

A SERMON PREACHED UPON Act-Sunday-Morning AT St. MARY'S CHURCH IN OXFORD JULY 10. MDCLXIV,  
Touching the Usefulness and Necessity of Humane Learning, together with its Insufficiency without the Help of the Divine.   
ACT. 2. 4. And they were all filled with the Holy Ghost, and began to speak with other Tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance. 
§. 1. IF we look upon the Text as that does look upon the Context, we shall find in it a Fitness for the Solemnity of the Time. Not as if the Time of our Oxford Act were also the Time of our English Pentecost, (for such we know it is not,) But only in as much as this Hebrew Pentecost does in many things resemble our English Act. For  
§. 2. All the Order of the Apostles were now assembled at Jerusalem, which in the latitude of its Importance implies three Things; not the Monarchy only, and Church, but University too of Israel. 
a Psal. 122. 4.  Thither went up the Tribes, not to the Sanedrim only, but to the Temple. 
b Psal. 48. 2.  There's the Church. On the Northside lieth the City of the Great King. There's the Monarchy. And what in the 87 Psalms we commonly render the Gates of Zion, The 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Psal. 87. 2.  Targum reads the Gates of the Schools. Now the Schools of the Prophets, whereof there were in Jerusalem not so few as four 
d Quas Scholas fuisse Hierosolymis, posterioribus Iudaicae Politiae Temporibus, ultra Quadringentas Rabbini volunt. Montacut. in Origin. Eccles. Par. 1. Sect. 8. pag. 87.  hundred (at least as the Rabbins do make report) in the later Times of the jewish Polity, And the 
e Deut. 16. 18.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 more than once in the Septuagint; These infer the University. There it was that The Apostles were Altogether in an Assembly, at once to receive, and to show their Parts; to become not only Licenced, but Gifted Preachers; to be no longer rude Inceptors, (for they were hitherto nothing else,) but Learned Doctors in Divinity; at once to be qualified with Ability, and to do the Exercise for their Degree.  
§. 3. Never was there any Exercise so well and laudably performed. For every one of these Inceptors was even filled with the holy Ghost. Every one spoke as the Oracles of God. 
1 Pet. 4. 11.  Every one was so great a Linguist, (not only such a Polyglot, but such a Pantiglot in his speaking,) that Atheneus his Galen was but an Infant in comparison. Every one was a Theopneust, and had the Privilege to speak through a Door of Utterance, which was Divinely opened to him by the Third Person in the Trinity. To understand how they spoke, we stand in need of the Greek to explain the English. For they spoke (saith the Text) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, after the measure that they were prompted by the ever blessed Paraclete, (as well without, as within the Veil,) not to speak as other men, words of vanity and lightness, but to speak Apothegms, and Cubes, as heretofore with less reason 'twas said of Socrates.  
§. 4. And in proportion to their Exercise which was so eminently good, we find their Auditory too was extremely great. Never was there such a Concourse of Spectators and Hearers at any Act, or Comitia, before, or after. For there were present at this Assembly, both jews, and Proselytes; And of these last, of every nation under Heaven, (v. 5.) which though spoken by an Hyperbole, a very ordinary figure amongst the Hebrews, (for no man certainly will say there were French, or English, Scotch, or Irish, which yet at that Time were of some of the Nations under Heaven;) Yet Parthians, Medes, and Elamites, and some who dwelled in Mesopotamia, Cappadocia, Pontus, and Asia, in Phrygia, and Pamphylia, in Egypt, and Libya, (about Cyrene,) Cretes, and Arabians, and strangers of Rome, we are certain were a part of that mighty Concourse, which flocked about the New Doctors, and heard them speak to their Amazement in their several Languages and Dialects, the tremendous and wonderful works of God, (v. 11.)  
§. 5. And yet I say these Apostles were but Inceptors in Divinity. They did all at this Assembly no more than celebrate their Commencement. For though their Master gave them a Call whilst he was yet upon the Earth, yet to execute their Calling, He did not give them Qualifications till he ascended into Heaven. (Eph. 4. 10. 11.) He who commissioned them to go, and to teach ●ll Nations, (Mat. 28. 18.) did also commission them to tarry, and not depart from Jerusalem, but with meekness there wait for the promise of the Father, (Act. 1, 4.) St. john is positive, and dogmatical, That the Holy Ghost was not yet given, because that jesus was not yet glorified. (joh. 7, 39) And 'tis as evident from St. Luke (Act. 1, 5,) that till this Actus Comitialis, or Solemn Assembly at Jerusalem, they had not been baptised with the Holy Ghost. From whence it follow's, That if they had only had an eye unto their mission, and Commission, and taken their Journeys thereupon into the several Quarters of the world, they had showed themselves Zealous, but Indiscreet too; And their Preaching might have been good, but ineffectual. For all the world (except their Countrymen) had been Barbarians unto Them, and They Barbarians to all the world, had they only spoken Syriac, as hitherto they had done. If their Tongues had not been cloven into all kinds of Dialect, how could their Sound have gone out into all Lands, and their words unto the Ends of the Earth? How many men's Souls were to be healed, by their miraculous Ability to heal their bodies? How could the Scholars have repeated whatsoever the Master had said unto them, (he having not written, nor they taken Notes,) but that the Spirit was now by miracle to bring all things to their Remembrance. (joh. 14, 26.) So that besides the holy Function unto which they were admitted some weeks before, there was an absolute Necessity they should have Qualities to discharge it. Graces they had before, for the Sanctification of Themselves; But now it was that they had Gifts, for the Edification also of others. They had before a kind of Thummim, set by God upon their Hearts; But not till now had they the Urim, divinely sitting upon their Heads too.  
§. 6. And though I know there are not wanting many Enthusiasts here at home, (not to speak of 
* V. Frid. Baldwin. de Cas. Cons. l. 4. c 2. Cas. 9 p. 690. 691. Excus. Francof. 1654.  Carolostadius, his Brother Gabriel, and the chief Schoolmaster of Wittenberg, by name Thomas More, who dehorted all People from the study of Languages and Arts, alleging that they were all to be taught of God; nor to insist on those Franciscans, who made unlearnedness a Profession, and did not take a little pride in being called Fratres Ignorantiae; nor to mention those Popes of Rome, some of which were such haters of human Learning, as to esteem the study of it a mark of Heresy; no nor julian the Apostate, who to destroy the Kingdom of Christ by so much a more compendious Ruin, employed his vast Imperial power in shutting up Academyes & Schools;) Though, Isay, besides These, whom I discover from abroad, There are not wanting here at home, who love to argue against the Needfulness of our Schools and Universities, even from this very Scripture which lies before us; who would blow down our Colleges with the violence of this wind, And with the Fire of these Tongues would burn them up too; yet by as happy a Violentum as any Logician can desire, the first does serve but to establish, and the second to refine them. For had the Apostles been bred at Athens, or in the Schools at Jerusalem, and got these Tongues by Education; God had not been at the expense of so great a miracle to inspire them. But as the miracle was used to supply the Defects of Art and Nature, And to fill up what was wanting of Education and Industry in Christ's Apostles; So in these later Times of the Christian Church, the Defect of that miracle is supplied by all These; I mean by Industry, and Art, and Academical Education. 'Tis true indeed, that If real miracles were as rise, and as much in fashion, amongst the Fathers and Sons of the Church of England, as lying wonders are wont to be amongst the Practisers of Rome, we might declare as great an Enmity to public Nuseries of 
* Valen. Weigel. Postill. Part. 1. p. 195. part. 2. p. 79.  learning, as Weigelius of Wittenberg, and Monsieur Pharell of 
* Nun Passim & publicè cla●abat Pharellus, omnes humanas Dis●iplinas esse Inventa Diaboli? Erasm: Epist 59 add Fratres German. Infer. & Frisiae Orient. mihi p. 2127.  Geneva, (and I may add Pope Paul the second,) are truly reported to have done. But finding That, by experience, to be but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (as Diodorus Siculus spoke deridingly of Hell,) we may uphold our Universityes by the very same strength, by which the Subtlest Enthusiasts would pull them down. It being a very cogent Argument not only for the usefulness, but for the absolute Necessity of Public Schools, (especially to as many as are to be Preachers of the Gospel,) that the Apostles want of Breeding in such Seminaries of Learning as we enjoy, was from Heaven to be supplied by such miraculous Endowments as here we read of. As what we have not by Infusion, we must laboriously acquire; so what the Apostles had not acquired, the very Wisdom of God the Father thought fit to give them by Infusion. Nor durst they think that they had competent, much less sufficient Qualifications, for the preaching of the Gospel throughout the the world, until they had heard a sound from Heaven, as of a mighty rushing Wind, which filled the House where they were sitting; Nor until there had appeared cloven Tongues like as of Fire, which also sat upon each of them; Nor till they all had been filled with the holy-Ghost, and been enabled to speak with other Tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance.  
§. 7. The Text perhaps might be divided into almost as many Parts, as there were Languages and Tongues for the Subject of it. Parts, enough to entertain, if not to tire a Congregation; enough to direct, and distract Attention. But I shall mention only those, which will be sufficient to acquaint you with its whole rational Importance. As  
First the Persons here endowed, who were a Dozen of illiterate and obscure Galileans, grown in the twinkling of an eye, Learned Professors of Divinity. And so by consequence in propriety of Academical speech, we cannot say that they were made, but created Doctors. At once the first and the greatest that ever were in the Christian world. For  
Here is secondly the Measure according to which they were endowed. They were not seasoned only, as others, or as themselves a little before, (when their great Master breathed upon them, and bid them receive the Holy Ghost, Joh. 20, 22;) But now 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they were filled. And filled they were in such sort, that we shall see by and by how they overflowed. Nor were they filled more ordess, as their Persons or their Parts were more or less to be revered in the eyes of men; For  
Here is thirdly the Equality and Universality of its Extent; which was not only unto Peter, who was the first of this Assembly, (as 'twere the Senior of the Act,) no nor only to james and john, the sons of Zebedee and of Thunder, who lately disputed between themselves, which of them should be the greatest; But without any Partiality, either to the Qualities, or Years of men, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they All were filled. Nor were they filled with a Vapour or wind of Doctrine, which commonly comes from another spirit, (even the spirit which is now working in all the children of Disobedience,) nor with a zeal without knowledge, or with a knowledge which puffeth up, as being apt to ferment in the minds of men;) For  
Here follows in the fourth place the excellent nature of the endowment; it was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they all were filled with the Holy Ghost. Which is not so properly and literally, as Metonymically spoken. Not exclusively of his Person, but more especially of his Power. Nor exclusively of his Graces, but more especially of his Gifts, (for so in distress of better English, I am contented to speak the difference, as the Hellenisticks do, by calling them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.)  
Fifthly the Primary Effect, showing the Virtue of the Descent of the Holy Ghost, very particularly expressed in the Gift of Tongues, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they began to speak; that is, to propagate the Gospel throughout the world. They began to be Enthusiasts in the literal sense. 
Mark 16, 17  For they spoke with such Tongues as they never learned. With other Tongues, saith St. Luke; with new Tongues, saith Saint Mark; with many Tongues, saith the Syriac. Where 'tis not Leshon ve Leshon, with a Tongue and a Tongue, (such as Hypocrites in Religion are wont to speak with,) but 
* In Syro est, Incipiebant loqui 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 linguâ linguâ. Hebraismus admodam familiaris. Gualtperius in Lo cum.  Beleshon Leshon, with a Tongue a Tongue; which according to the Syriacism by which 'tis spoken, does only signify the Dividedness, not the Doubleness of the Tongue. And yet they were not 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, such as took it of themselves; nor did they speak out of their Memories, much less out of their Inventions. For  
Here is Sixthly the Principle (and I may also say the Prompter) from which they spoke, because they spoke 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as the spirit gave them utterance. Not as utterance is opposed either to stammering, or dumbness, as if 'twere answered in the Greek by nothing more than 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: For  
Seventhly and lastly, the Spirit gave them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, to speak the most important and pithy Periods. To speak as Stewards of the Mysteries of the living God. To speak as men to whose Trust was committed the word of Reconciliation. To speak as Angels whose Lips were made conservatories of knowledge; and who had Tongues that had been touched with a 
* Isa. 6. 6. 7.  Coal from God's Altar. So that here the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is of too rich a signification, to be expressed by the Poverty of English words. As many Tongues as they had, they wanted one more, to express the hid Treasures of those they had. There are three things at least, which are secretly couched in the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Wisdom, Zeal, and Elocution. for we observe in the Context, both a Wind, and a Fire, and also 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a multitude of cloven divided Tongues. Tongues, not in, but upon their Heads. And truly each of these three hath such a mystical signification, as seems to have a clear prospect upon the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For first of all they had such a wind, as to inspire them with Wisdom: They had secondly such a Fire, as to inflame them with Zeal: And they had thirdly such Tongues, as to endue them with utterance: more than which may be possibly, but less than which cannot be meant by their miraculous way of speaking, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, not as the Flesh, but as the spirit gave them utterance.  
§. 8. Thus at last I have put an end to the tedious beginning of my Design. A beginning made up of three preparatory Ingredients, The Accommodation, the Explication, and the Division of the Text. The several links of that chain, whereof the use is both to guide and to tie your Attention to my Discourse. But the Particulars being too many to be dispatched in one Sermon, (unless that one be as long as many,) I shall not proportion my Meditations unto the Fullness of the Text, (from which there flows to us a Sea of matter,) But to the scantness of the Time which is allowed for this Service.  
§. 1. And first for the Persons here endowed, I must not speak of them in Thesi, either at random, or at large; (for that's no more than may be done on any other Piece of Scripture wherein the Apostles are barely mentioned;) But I must handle them in Hypothesi, in as much as they relate to the Text and Context. As they relate unto the Text, they cannot be pertinently considered, unless in one or more of these three Notions; either as filled with the Holy Ghost, or as speaking with other Tongues, or else as speaking after the measure that the Spirit gave them utterance. But in reference to the Context, they may be pertinently considered as they relate to the three emblems the Wind, and the Fire, and the appearance of cloven Tongues. The first referring unto their wisdom, the second unto their Zeal, and the third to their gift of utterance.  
§. 2. And indeed it was but reason that their Tongues should be so many, when both their Wisdom and their Zeal were so amazingly great. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, they were not only sprinkled, or overshadowed, but rinsed, and filled with the Holy Ghost. In an immediate suit of which, their understandings were so enlightened with the knowledge of holy mysteries, And their Affections so inflamed with a desire to make them known, that all the Languages in the world were hardly enough for their Interpreters. There were then 
* Confer v. 9 10, 11. & Gen. 27. 44. ubi LXX. eandem vocem in eundem sensum adhibent.  sojourning at jerusalem of every Nation under Heaven, (v. 5.) The Apostles were but Twelve, and each of them a 
* Eò quisque propinquior erat Gentium Dispersioni. Gallilaei enim dicuntur 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Joseph. l. 1. c. 4. indeque Galilaea Gentium dicta.  Galilean, (v. 7.) And yet there were some of every Nation who heard them speak in their native Idiom, (v. 8.) There was neither Speech nor Language, but their voices were heard amongst them, (Psal. 19 3.) A thing so admirably strange, that they who knew it by Experience could not imagine it to be True. They had ears to hear, but not hearts to believe, much less Heads to comprehend it. For more amazed with the volubility, than instructed with the sense, They imputed the glibness of their Tongues to the mere giddiness of their Brains. And whilst some in an Ecstasy began to ask what it meant, (v. 12.) others answered in a mockery, that they were full of new Wine, (v. 13.) Whereas indeed Themselves were drunk, though not with Wine, at least with wonder. For no sooner had St. Peter Preached them all into Sobriety, 
Isa. 29. 9  but they were pricked in their Hearts; and by Faith coupled with Fear, their Heart broke forth into this earnest Erotesis, Men and Brethren, what shall we do? (v. 37.) whereupon they were instructed, and Baptised even by Thousands. (verse 41.)  
§. 3. O the depth of the Riches, both of the Wisdom and Knowledge of God How insearchable are his doings, and his ways past finding out? How many years do we toil to get a Language or two? Yea how many Suns do we outsit, and how many Moons do we outwatch too, in learning the Rudiments but of one? At what an expense of Time and Labour, and (I may add) of money too, what with Tutorage, and Books, and other Instruments of Learning, in Country Schools, and Universities, are we fain to get knowledge like Children weaned from the milk, (to use the phrase of the Prophet Esay,) by taking line upon line, 
Isa. 28. 9, 10.  precept upon precept, here a little and there a little, and keeping our Studies for this little, till we look paler than our Lamps? whilst these simple Country Folkes, who knew no more just now than their Mother Tongue, are on a sudden started up so many orderly Babel's. Our Blessed Saviour sent them to School, (Act. 1. 4.) The Holy Ghost became their Teacher, (in the words of my Text.) And of this Teacher they were so full, that they were perfect in their Lesson before they learned it. As having had, not an acquired, but an infused habit of speaking. Nor was the miracle of divided or cloven Tongues for the confounding of the Builders, (like that at Babel,) But by a variety of Languages to make an Unity of Hearts. 'Tis true indeed, these Builders of Bethel, like those of Babel, were scattered far and wide over the face of the earth; But for as different an end, as were the Models of their Building. To-wit that They and their Successors might bring in the Heathen for Christ's Inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for his Possession. 
* Id ibid.  St. Peter (for example) did stoutly Preach him up in Pontus, Bythinia, Galatia, Cappadocia, and at last in Rome also. St. james in Spain. St. john at Ephesus. 
* Euseb. Hist. lib. 2. cap. 15.  St. Paul at Antioch. And indeed in most places from jerusalem to Illyricum. 
* De Regno Christi quaquaversus extenso, consul Tertul. contra Judaeos cap. 7. mihi pag. 97.  St. Mark in Egypt. St. Thomas in Parthia. St. Andrew in Tartary. St. Mathias in Colchis. Philip the Deacon (by the Eunuch) in Ethiopia Superior. Thaddaeus in Edessa. And joseph of Arimathea planted the Gospel here in England. Then after the Times of the Apostles, Palladius Planted it in Scotland. St. Patrick in Ireland. St. Augustin in Saxony. St. Severine in Austria. Meinardus in Livonia. Pope Hadrian in Norway. And Ausuirius in Denmark.  
§. 4. Now had all this been done by a like number of Athenian or Roman Orators, such as Pericles and Demosthenes, Hortensuis and Cicero, who could first stir up Tempests in their Auditors Passions, and then allay them into a Calm too, as if the hearts of the Hearers were in the Orator's hands; And all this by the Enchantment of a few curled Metaphors, a few glittering Rhetorications, a few Musical 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, an insinuating Harmony of Voice and Gesture, which had wrought their Souls into their Ears, and there had tickled them to an Assent; This indeed had been a wonder, but not a miracle; and might have redounded unto the Glory, not so much of the Author, as of the Instruments. Who might possibly have arrived too (like that Eloquent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Act. 12, 23,) at the meager satisfaction of being admired into Destruction; of being killed by Caresses and Commendations, of being tickled, and eaten up, both with the pleasantness, and the pain, of Applause, and Worms.  
§. 5. But that Twelve despised Villagers drawn by the pencil of St. chrysostom in the liveliest colours of humane Baseness, a Kennel of clownish, illiterate, ill bred Idiots, a Crew of Vagabunds in Cuerpo, without House or Home (as we say in English,) so far from being furnished with two Coats a piece, that all the twelve renowned Doctors were not worth one pair of shoes, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Chrysostom. Ho●●il. 3. in Epist. ad Cor. & in Psal. 46.  (So St. Chrysostom runs on in his Career of railing Rhetoric, at least in the the account of a loathsome world, which thinks it worse to be a Beggar, than in a State of Damnation;) I say, that a Dozen of such Ignaro's, eminent only for their Ignobleness, and all of Galilee from whence ariseth no Prophet, with a seriously-majestick Simplicity of words, and a controlling Sanctity of Actions, should by the sound of the one open the Ears of all the world, and by the Light of the other inform their Eyes too; That they should really be able to turn the World upside down, (as the jews of Thessalonica did fitly word it, Act: 17, 6,) That they should break-down the Idols, and silence the Oracles, and raze the Temples, and Levelly the Altars, and even sacrifice the Priests, and preach down the Poets, and Dispute down the Errors, and live down the Vices, and undeify the Gods of the Heathen world; That they should conquer without a force, and irresistibly win the most peevish Natures, not only to part with their oldest Customs and Religions, But to exchange them for a Beleif, that He was a Saviour, who had been crucified; and He Immortal, who had died; and He a God who had suffered; and He an Innocent who had suffered between the Vilest Malefactors; Nay farther yet, that they should throughly convince the richest, and the proudest, and the most sensual sort of men, that even the Yoke of Christ was pleasant, his Burden strengthing, and to be hanged upon the Cross a Degree of Honour; That their Enemies were to be loved, and Themselves hated; That * Poverty, Disgrace, and Death itself, were not only the Lot and Portion, 
Vtilitas maxim● homini De●s asserit. Symachus ad versus Christianos apud Prudentium.  but the Desirables and Pleasures of the very bestmen; I say that this should be brought about by Twelve of the plainest Countrypeople, four whereof were clearly Fishermen, and one a Publican, and the rest in all appearance no whit better than their Mates, every one a Galilean, and so contemptible for his Country, as well as for his Calling; shows convincingly to the world, however ignorant, or obdurate, that by how much the base the means were, by so much the greater was the miracle. The great Deformity of the Instruments was a Foil unto the Agent. This very stumbling Block had a Virtue whereby to keep men from falling. If our modern Lay-Preachers who do pretend to Inspiration, could show but one of of those many Apostolical Gifts, and make us see their new Light by letting us hear some new Tongues too, (I mean such Tongues as they never studied,) 'Twere pity but Both our Universities should rise up to them in fear and Reverence; And we should certainly be as ready to kiss their Feet, as now we are to shake the Dust from off our own, 
Luke 9 5.  for a Testimony against them. The Case with Them would be much the same, that here it was with the new Apostles; the very snare and the Scandal of whose Rusticity, showed he Divinity of the Influx by which they acted. Never did Omnipotence appear so glorious and Triumphant, as then when it was perfected in so much weakness. How did they thunder, with their Doctrines? and how did they lighten, with their miracles? How did they soften men's Hearts by promises, as by gentle showers? And how control them by Threats, as by mighty Winds? You may see, in this Chapter, the Effects of all four; of their miracles, their Doctrines, their Promises, and their Threats. The People marvelled at the first, v, 7. They were Heartstruck at the Second, v, 37. They rejoiced at the third, v, 41. And fear came upon them at the fourth, v, 43. It could not be by a common power, that Paul a Prisoner at the Bar, was able to fright the grim judge, who sat at Liberty on the Bentch: when having reasoned to him a while concerning Temperance, and Righteousness, and judgement to come, it presently follows, that Faelix trembled. Who though a very stout Heathen, was yet but one, and so not worthy to be named, whilst we are speaking of the Energy which God had put into the preaching of these Apostles. For the Apostle St. Peter, through the Conviction of the Spirit who opened the Ears and the Hearts of men, did convert at one Sermon 
* Act. 2. 41.  three thousand Souls, and 
* Act. 4. 4.  five thousand at another.  
§. 6. Lord! the different Effects of Preaching in those Times and These! one Sermon was then sufficient for the Conversion of many Thousands. But how well were it now, if a Thousand Sermons might be effectual for the Conversion of any One? when did you ever see an Auditory so affected with a Sermon, as not to be able to contain from crying out in a kind of ecstasy, (like the Disciples in this Chapter,) Men and Brethren, what shall we do? who goes now adays to the Casuist, for the searching and lancing and cleansing of a Conscience, which even Gasp's for a little ease from the acute sense it hath of a Sinful Plethorie? Is it that in a Kingdom all the Consciences of men are so clear and calm? Or that there are heardly any Consciences in a whole Kingdom to be troubled? Is it because there are no scruples of tender Souls to be resolved? Or rather because the Souls of men are seldom so tender as to be scrupled? let them that commonly hear Sermons, but are not pricked in their Hearts, (like the men in this Chapter who heard St. Peter,) be allowed to be the judges (as well as Parties) in the Case; whether their Consciences are so clean, as not to need being rubbed; or else so callous, as not to feel.  
§. 7. If we impartially consider, that since the most of men's Devotion hath been thrust up into the Pulpit, and that they have placed their public worship, not in their Hearts, and Knees, but in their Ears, and Elbows; posting up and down from one Sermon to another, (and possibly too with as much Superstition,) as the Votaries of Rome to the several Relics of their Saints; thinking God is best served, when they go farthest to a Sermon, (as the Pilgrims of Rome to an holy Sepulchre;) And giving account when they come home, not of the Sermon, but of the Man; as if their haunting of the Church were not to learn, but censure; to take large Notes of his Look, and Gesture, not so much observing what, as how he taught them; (perhaps offended with his memory, because too short; perhaps with his Periods, because too long; perhaps they stumble at his Youth, and then they say he does but prate; perhaps at his Age, and then they listen as to a Dotard; If he is plain, he preaches slovenly: And if he is solid, he preaches 〈◊〉; If he is not plain, he is too Witty; and if not solid, he is too light; If he is illiterate, he is not fit for so great a calling; And if he is learned, he is as little fit for so plain a people; Is the Sermon very excellent? then he preaches Himself; Or is it but ordinary? they can read as good at home;) I say whoever shall but consider, that since the Business of Religion has commonly been at this pass, the Brains of men have been busied, but their Lives have not been bettered; And the frequency of Preaching hath made more Preachers, not more Christians than heretofore; As he will find a prodigious Difference, both in the Preaching and Hearing the word of God, betwixt what it was when Christianity was in its Cradle, And what it is at this Instant whilst it is going into its Grave, So he will find the guilty Cause of so great a difference, to be partly in Them that do Preach the Word, and partly in Them that do hear it Preached. So far they are from being filled with the Holy Ghost, that all the former do not speak with other Tongues, nor do the later all hair with other Ears than they were wont. The former do not all speak, as the Spirit gives them utterance, nor the later all hair, as the Spirit gives them Attention. They will both be now concerned in the Applicatory part of my undertaking, But the Sons of the Prophets in special manner. Which, as 'tis the next Task incumbent on me to be performed, so I purpose to perform it by seven such steps of Consideration, as will arise without violence from the peculiar subject of my Discourse.  
First then let us consider, to what measure of Perfection men may possible arrive in a state of Frailty. 
The Application.  The Apostles were but men, and yet were filled with the holy Ghost. And arguing (as we may) ab Actu ad potentiam, I think we ought at least to aim at the same perfection. I am sure St. Paul prayed for no lesser blessing on his Ephesians, than that they might be filled with the Fullness of God; and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 with All the Fullness. (Eph. 3, 19) which cannot signify less than being perfected and advanced to the highest pitch of Christianity, which God in Christ can exact of so frail a Nature. And whatsoever we may pray for, we must endeavour to attain too. Not contenting ourselves, that we are mettle good enough for an Iron Age; that we are Christians well to pass, as the world goes good enough to serve turn; or no worse than other men, who are without peradventure in a savable state; or perhaps that we are better than a great number of our Neighbours, who never die, or are buried, but in sure and certain hope of a Resurrection. And yet how many are thus witty, in smoothing out their way to eternal Ruin? How many do please themselves to Hell, with a sanguine Belief they are sure of Heaven? And live as if they were afraid, to be any whit better than they must needs? whereas it is not only the Interest, but the strict Duty of a Christian, to pant and press after Perfection; never to think he is good enough, until he is as good as Grace can make him; not to cleanse himself only from all kind of filthiness of flesh and Spirit, but withal to perfect holiness in the fear of God, 2 Cor. 7. 1. We must not Grow in grace only, but we must never leave growing until we come to a perfect man, to the measure of the stature of the fullness of Christ. (Eph. 4. 17.) This is to be filled with the holy Ghost, and inwardly to be filled with his saving Graces; not, as They in my Text, with his outward Gifts. Those indeed we neither have, nor are bound to hope for.  
And yet although we fall short of that other fullness, 
2 Cor. 12. 13.  we have been all made to drink of the very same Spirit, in that sense also; And to that very end was he poured out, joel. 2, 28. Or if we have not; we must never leave thirsting, until we have, we of the Clergy (I am sure) should have received of his Fullness, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Grace for Grace; 
Joh. 1. 16.  (that is to say in plainer terms) in proportion to his Goodness and mercy towards us. For to Us it was said at our Ordination, Receive the Holy Ghost. And therefore woe be to Us, of all men living, if we make it not appear that we have received him. Not only, as the Laity, in his Sanctifying Graces; But, in as much as we are Teachers, in his edifying Gifts too. Not a good Living, or a great Dignity, or a Scholastical Degree; which are indeed a kind of Gifts, but they do not edify. No, the Gifts which we must have, to prove our receiving the Holy Ghost, (and that we were not made Priests merely to qualify us for wealth, to hold Preferments by that Title, that is to say, by that Name,) I say the Edifying Gifts which should distinguish us from the Laity, and show the Divinity of our Function, are to be some of that Catalogue which Saint Paul gave to his Corinthians. 
1 Cor. 12. 8, 9, 10.  If not the greatest in the Catalogue, the gift of Healing, and working Miracles, yet at least the gift of Prophecy, that is, of Preaching and applying the word of God. Or if not the word of Wisdom, which is the gift of speaking Mysteries, yet at least the word of Knowledge, which is the gift of understanding and unfolding them to others. A Gift we must have, whereby to demonstrate that we are Gifts. For He that ascended up on high, and led Captivity Captive, is immediately said to have given Gifts unto men. And then it follows by way of Instance, that He gave some Apostles; some Prophets; some Evangelists; some Pastors and Doctors. Not Doctors by an Antiphrasis, à non docendo, (that's an ill Derivation,) much less Pastors à tondendo, (for that is worse,) no nor Pastors à pascendo, as it is a Verb Neuter, (that's worst of all;) But Pastor's à pascendo, as it is a Verb Active. For none were then allowed the Privilege to sheer the Sheep, who could not prove they had the Gift, as well to feed, as to defend them. And the reason of it is rendered by the Great Doctor of the Gentiles, 1 Cor. 12. 7. The manifestation of the Spirit, is given to every man to profit withal; 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to that which is of some Benefit and Advantage to the Church. That is it by which the Spirit does manifest himself to be in Pastors and Teachers. And therefore they that are in Orders without a Gift, a kind of Lay-Priests, or Secular Pastors, qualified for Sine Cures, but nothing else, As having no Gift at all, or none at least 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, none that tends, and is employed to the use and benefit of the Church, (like Talents hid within the Earth,) are suspected not to come from the Spirit of God.  
It was not so with our Apostles; who having here received Talents, did immediately negotiate and Traffic with them. No sooner were they filled with the Holy Ghost, but (as it follows in the Text) they began to Speak. And accordingly when 'tis said by the Bishop to the Priest in his Ordination, Receive the Holy Ghost, it presently follows in the charge, Be thou a faithful Dispenser of the Word of God and his holy Sacraments. Then follows a Prayer for all the Persons who are Ordained, That the word spoken by their mouths may have such success, as that it may never be spoken in vain. Now (not to reflect on any person in Authority, whose time is taken up in greater, and no less necessary Employments,) what have those men to show, for their having received the Holy Ghost, who come so far short of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the close, as that they fail of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in the beginning of my Text? so very far from being diligent or frequent Preachers of the Word, that (to their Amendment be it spoken) they seem to be careful Concealers of it. Is this to 
a Jer. 23. 28.  Preach the Word faithfully, or to 
b 2 Tim. 2. 15  divide the Word rightly, or to deal as 
c Ibid.  a Workman that needeth not to be ashamed? Is this to press, and to be 
d 2 Tim. 4. 2.  instant, in season, out of season, or to rebuke and exhort with all long suffering? Is this to 
e Vers. 5.  watch in all things, to do the work of an Evangelist, and to make full proof of the Ministry? Is this to 
f 1 Tim. 5. 17  labour in the Word and Doctrine, and so to be worthy of double honour? Is this to give ourselves 
g 6 Act. 6. 4.  continually to the Ministry of the Word, to be 
h Rom. 12. 11  fervant in spirit, or to 
i 2 Tim. 1. 6.  stir up the gift of God which is in us by the laying on of the Bishop's Hands? when the Harvest is plenteous, and the Labourers are few, The Lord of the Harvest is to be prayed, not that He will send forth Idle Truants, but painful Labourers into his Harvest, (Mark 9 37, 38.) And in the Day when God shall judge the secrets of men by jesus Christ, it will perhaps be more tolerable for a gifted Lay Brother, who adventures to be busy in another man's Calling; than for a giftless Ecclesiastic, who chooseth rather to enjoy, than to use his own. When God shall call us to a reckoning, not only for our Evil, but Idle Lives, not only for our injurious, but idle words, a strict account is to be made of our Silence too. For the Prophet's 
k Isa. 56. 10.  Dumb Dogs which cannot bark, are the Apostle's Dumb Teachers who cannot speak. And they that are Dumb ones in the tenth verse, are also greedy ones in the eleventh; whereby 'tis intimated unto us, that such as deserve not the least Revenues, are hardly satisfied with the greatest. woe to me (saith the 
l 1 Cor. 9 16.  Apostle) if I Preach not the Gospel. And woe to me (saith the 
m Isa. 6. 5.  Prophet) because I Preach not the Law. Because I am a man of unclean Lips, (that is, in the Judgement of Learned Grotius,) because I have not dared to speak against the Iniquities of the Mighty. I have either been so lazy, as not to speak in my Course, or else so cowardly, and so base, as to speak Placentia. But the Apostles in my Text were not liable to either. 
2 Cor. 5. 14.  The Love of Christ did so constrein them, (as St. Paul speaks to the Corinthians,) that they longed to be delivered, like a Woman in Travel. (and to that the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 does very properly allude.) They were not able to hold their Peace, though Death itself lay before them with all its grim Train.  
And yet they did not turn Preachers without Ability for the work; As appears by the Order wherein the Narrative is expressed. For first they were filled with the Holy Ghost, And then it follows in the Text, They began to speak. There are that speak whilst they are empty, and that as well of Inspiration, as human Learning. Such Sermons do proceed from a private spirit, and so at best they are but words, and such words are but wind, in proportion to the Spirit that gives them utterance. When windy Vessels give Vent, we know their Spirit cannot fill them, unless with Wind. But These were filled with another Spirit, a Spirit proving what he was by his miraculous Endowments. For as our Saviour foretold, that he would give them a Mouth, and Wisdom, (not a Mouth only, but Wisdom too,) and so much wisdom in such a Mouth, as their Adversaries should not be able to resist, (Luk. 21, 15,) So here in answer to that Prophecy, They did not only begin to speak, but they spoke with Tongues. And with such Tongues too, as were the Instruments of Wisdom, as well as Knowledge. And yet that Knowledge is another important Requisite to make a Professor of Divinity, (and such you know is every Doctor,) or a public Preacher of the Gospel, (which every Doctor is not,) may appear by the Curse of the Foolish Shepherd, 
Zech. 11. 17.  whose Right Eye was darkened, (that is to say, as the most learned do Interpret,) who had not the Knowledge of human Learning; And as evident it is, by what the Prophet Isaiah spoke, at once of himself, and our blessed Saviour; The Lord God hath given me the Tongue of the Learned. And to what end hath he given it? to the end that I should know how to speak a word in season to him that is weary. (Isa. 50, 4.) This indeed should be the end of all our eloquence and Learning, (not the venting such things as smell of nothing but study, and Affectation, but) The Glory of God, and the good of Men. Of the first I shall speak in its proper place. And here observe touching the Second, That as Isaiah, after Moses, was the most Learned and the most eloquent of all the Prophets, so his best use of both, was to speak a word in Season to any Soul that should want it in any kind. And this is certainly the Trade we are all to drive, because for this end especially we were bound over unto the Muses, and served Apprenticeships in the Schools, that we might duly serve God by being eminently useful to all our Neighbours. As by instructing the Ignorant, by admonishing the negligent, by reproving the guilty, by counselling the doubtful, by comforting the Afflicted, and by giving good example to each of These; 
〈…〉  which way soever our Learning lies, and whatsoever our skill in the Tongues may be, we must put a right Byass and Bent upon it; we must study to make it serve, and not to rule us; And we must study to make it serve, not for ornament, but use; And, but that there is use sometimes of Ornament, not for an Ornament to our selves, but the use of others. In a word, if we are sharers of any good parts, whether natural, or acquired, we must not think them good enough, until the use and the end have made them eminently better. That is, until they are employed, (as by God they are entrusted,) for the perfecting of the Saints, for the work of the Ministry, and for the edifying of the Body of Christ, (Eph. 4. 11.)  
But then for the bringing of this about, it is not enough that we speak with Tongues, no nor with fiery Tongues neither, nor yet with fiery cloven Tongues, unless they are cleft and set on fire by the Spirit of Unity, and Truth. For it is many times done by the Spirit of Error, and Division. There are Tongues that are cloven even by him that is known by his cloven Feet. And there are Tongues set on fire, 
James 3. 6.  not from Heaven, but of Hell. such is the cloven and fiery Tongue, wherewith a man does bless God, and either Curse, or belie his Neighbour. (v. 9) Nor is such a Tongue bettered by skill in Arabic, or Hebrew, in Coptick, or Syriack, in Greek or Latin; but the more it is cloven, 'tis still the worse; because by so much the abler to set on fire 
* Jam. 3. 6.  the Course of Nature. 'Tis never enough to be deplored, (and in this place especially,) That since the jesuits and their Apes have made use of their Tongues to conceal their meanings, (which by God were intended to lay them open,) a sadder confusion hath been made of the distinctest Languages and Tongues, than that which was given for a Defeat at the Tower of Babel. St. james does put such a stress upon it, as if on the Tip of a man's Tongue stood all Religion. For let his Alms be never so great, his Fast never so many, his Prayers never so long, and other Actions never so specious, yet if he bridleth not his Tongue from injurious Calumnies and falsehoods, He is a man either of none, or a vain Religion. (jam. 1. 26.) The reason of which is very evident. For a lie standing singly, is Breach of Truth; and joined to witness, is Breach of justice; and referring to Neighbour, is Breach of Charity. And by the Breach of all three, down goes Religion. If it is flatly contumelious, (or but by way of obtrectation,) it is not nakedly a lie, but an arrant slander; which, if maliciously committed, and so committed by a Person whose knowledge is great, and his Calling sacred, makes the Top of that Ladder, whereupon so many thousands have climbed to Ruin.  
Now for the Cure of this in some, and for the Prevention of it in others, press we ourselves to an Improvement of the next observable in the Text. For the Apostles, being filled with the holy Ghost, did not only begin to speak, and to speak with Tongues, but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, with other Tongues. I mean not only in the literal, but moral sense of that word. For St. Peter who had spoken with a Tongue of Tergiversation, by denying and forswearing his master Christ, did now at last begin to speak with another Tongue; a Tongue that honoured him, and owned him, and preached him up to 
* Math. 16. 15.  every Creature. This alone was the change that enriched his mouth. Not his wonderful Ability to speak in all sorts of Language, but his Preaching of the Gospel in every one. Many Graceless men have Tongues wherewith they speak as they are prompted by learned Heads, But His was prompted by an honest and Zealous Heart too. There are that come to the University, who without either study, or Inspiration, do learn to speak with other Tongues; Yet I cannot say with more, much less with better, but with Tongues much worse than they did before. Nor is there any where so sad, and so deplorable a Spectacle, as that which sometimes appears in this House of Prayer; when in the solemnest Assembly of all the Year, a Son of God shall be so transformed into the absolute Guise of a Son of Belial, as to despise his own Soul, in the defiling of Himself and the House of God, by an applauded Defamation of his Superiors; by subjecting them to the Contumelies and Asperities of his Tongue, which is not only the 
* Jam. 3. 8. Ibid. v. 6.  unruliest, but in that case also, the 
* Jam. 3. 8. Ibid. v. 6.  filthiest member of his Body. In such a place as this is, It were to be wished that men would speak with other Tongues than those are; even with Tongues which may demonstrate, if not that they are filled, yet at least that they are Seasoned, and not quite void of the Holy Ghost. And here I cannot, I dare not forbear to say, (to as many as fear God, and are afraid to fear men in this Congregation,) That when a Cato shall have been able to keep a Zany more in awe on a Heathen Theatre, than many Doctors now can in a Christian Church; when under one and the same Roof, Dagon is coupled with the Ark, jehovah with Mercury, The Pulpit with the Stage, and Divinity with Profaneness; It will become as many of us, as are not only Followers, but Ambassadors of Christ, even to imitate his Example, who beat the Hucksters out of the Temple, by our well meant Endeavours to whip the Scoffers out of the Church. And if He used a Rod of Cords, well may we use one of Scorpions. Because profaneness in a Christian is very much worse than in a jew; and This withal a worse Profaneness. Such scandalous Sins as are but chargeable to others, are in reason to be punished with greater pungency in Us; In as much as being Priests, we have received the holy Ghost; So that we Sin, when we Sin, against greater Light, and against greater Obligations to cease from Sinning. We do the Devil greater Service by the Impurity of our Lives, than we can possibly do God by our purest Doctrines. When secular Jews were mutineers against the King and the Priest, (for Moses and Aaron were nothing else,) God Almighty was so patient, as to punish them by Degrees. But when Corah and the rest of the holy Tribe began to speak against their Governors, the Earth could no longer endure to bear them; The Heavens could no longer endure their sight; and Hell could no longer sustain their Absence. Then let all of this Place, which was intended by God and our pious Founders, for a Nursery of Virtue, as well as Learning, addict Themselves, and prevail with others, to speak henceforward with other Tongues than they were wont. Let them that have spoken either with wanton, or slanderous Tongues, now speak with Tongues that are modest, and void of malice. For if Luther, and Melancthon, 
Nun Melancthon aliquando damnavit Scholas publicas? nun Lutherus totam Philosophiam Aristotelicam vocavit Diabolicam? nun idem scripsit omnes scientias speculativas esse peccata, etc. Erasm. Epist. 59 p. 212●.  who were men of great Learning, and Academically bred, were yet provo'kt into an Enmity to public Academies and Schools, merely in hatred to the Corruptions continuing in them uncontrolled; How much more will They be tempted to greater Enmity than others, who cannot distinguish the Abuse from the use of Things? we know that many Persons of Honour do send their Sons to this place, not to learn a little Logic with a great measure of profaneness, and so to go the more Learnedly, not the less surely to destruction; not to Swear or talk loosely in Greek and Latin, (for of that there is enough in their Mother Tongue,) But to speak modestly, and fitly, and (without disparagement be it spoken,) religiously too upon all occasions; to gather Scions as well as Fruit from the Tree of knowledge, and engraft them into the stock of the Tree of Life. The University can make us but learned Fools, (as Petrarch word's it,) in case we speak only with other Tongues, and not as the Spirit does give us utterance.  
Which to the end that we may do, we are to speak of such things, as the Spirit can delight to assist us in. The Apostles themselves, in their common Talk, had but an usual and common Assistance too; which yet may be called not improperly the Assistance of the spirit. But when the Assistance was extraordinary, Then they could speak of nothing lower, than of the glorious and wonderful works of God, (v. 12.) That indeed should be the subject of all our public Discourses and Undertake. Not a pitiful ostentation of a little unsanctified Wit, or Learning; not a deplorable Ability to speak of things Sacred like a Buffoon, to purchase the lamentable Repute of being a Drolling Ecclesiastic, by being ingeniously Scurrilous, and very pleasantly profane; Things expressed in Holy Writ by 
* Eph. 5. 3, 4, 6.  foolish Talking and jesting, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which are both branded in the same stile, with Fornication, and uncleanness, and other things not to be named, by reason of which (saith the Apostle) the wrath of God cometh upon the Children of Disobedience. No, In all our solemn meetings, especially Then when we tread in God's Courts, we ought to speak 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, so as not to disgrace, but adorn the Gospel. We must use all our Learning, and Elocution (if we have any,) as the Apostles here did their miraculous gift of Tongues; not to gratify the Itch of ungracious men, but to trumpet out the wonderful works of God. That they who cannot endure to think we can be eminently worthy, may yet be forced to confess we are serious Christians. And since St. james is very positive, that he who offendeth not in word is a perfect man, let us contend and reach forth towards this perfection; still endeavouring to to speak with the best Tongues we have, if not as men filled with the holy Ghost, yet at least like them that speak as the Spirit gives them utterance. That so when other men's Tongues shall be employed in crying out for a Drop of water, importuning the mountains to fall upon them, (to hide them from the face of Him that sitteth upon the Throne, and from the wrath of the Lamb,) Our Tongues may join in Consort with the divine Choir of Angels; with the Congregation of the firstborn whose names are written in heaven; and with the Souls of just men made perfect; Singing hosannah's, and Hallelujas, to him that sitteth upon the Throne, and unto the Lamb for ever more.  
FINIS.   

The Primitive Rule of Reformation:  
Delivered in a SERMON BEFORE His MAJESTY at WHITEHALL, Feb: 1. 1662.  
IN Vindication of Our CHURCH Against the NOVELTIES of ROME.  
Published by His Majesty's special Command.  
The Ninth Edition.   

TO THE High and Mighty Monarch Charles the II. By the Grace of God, KING of Great Britain, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith.  
Most Gracious and Dread Sovereign,  
THat which never had been exposed unto a wittily-mistaking and crooked world, but in a dutiful submission to Your Command; may at least for This, if for no other reason, be justly offered to Your Protection. And this is done with a steady, though humble confidence of success; because THE DEFENDER OF THE FAITH 
* jude 3.  which was once delivered unto the Saints, cannot possibly choose but be so to Him, who does earnestly contend for the very same, because for no other Faith than That which was from the Beginning. If for This I have contended with as much earnestness from the Pulpit, as The Romanists from the Press do contend against it; I have not only the 
* jude 2. 3.  Exhortation and Authority of a Text, but the Exigence of the Time to excuse me in it.  
Now as the Romans in the Time of the second Punic War, could not think of a fitter way for the driving of Hannibal out of Italy, than Scipio's marching with an Army out of Italy into Africa, giving Hannibal a Necessity to go from Rome, for the raising of the Siege which was laid to Carthage; So could I not think of a fitter Course to disappoint the Pontificians in their Attempts on Our Church, than thus by making it their Task to view the Infirmities of their Own. To which effect I was excited to spend myself, and to be spent, (If I may speak in the phrase of our Great Apostle, 
2 Cor. 12. 15. ) not from an arrogant Opinion of any sufficiency in myself, (who am one of the Least among the Regular Sons of the Church of England,) But as relying on the sufficiency of the Cause I took in hand, & especially on the Help of the All-sufficient, 
1 Cor. 1. 27.  who often loves to make use of the weakest Instruments, to effect the bringing down of the strongest Holds. 
● Cor. 10. 4.   
I suppose my Discourse, however innocent in itself, will yet be likely to meet with many, not only learned, and subtle, but Restless enemies; Men of pleasant Insinuations, and very plausible Snares; nay, such as are apt (where they have Power) to 
* Eo san● loco Haereses sunt, ut non tam arte & Industriâ, quam Alexandri gladio, earum Gordius Nodus dissolvi posse, quasique Herculis clauâ feriendae, quam Apollinis Lyrâ mitigandae videantur, Stapleton, in Epist. Dedic. operis de justif. sub finem.  confute their Opponents by Fire and Faggot. But when I consider how well my Margin does lend Protection to my Text, (for I reckon that my Citations, which I could not with Prudence represent out of a Pulpit, are the usefullest part of my whole Performance, because the Evidence and Warrant of all the rest;) I cannot fearfully apprehend, what Wit or Language (or ill used Learning) can do against it, so far forth as it is armed with Notoriety of Fact in its Vindication; and hath the published Confessions of those their Ablest Hyperaspistae, who cannot certainly by them of their own persuasion, with honour, or safety, be contradicted.  
If they are guilty in their Writings, it is rather their own, than their Readers Fault; Nor is it their Readers, but Their misfortune, if they are found So to be by their own Concessions. Nor can they rationally be angry at their Reader's Necessity to believe them; especially when they write with so becoming a proof of Impartiality, as that by which they asperse and accuse Themselves. If it finally shall appear, They are 
* Luke 19 22.  condemned out of their mouths, (as Goliah's Head was cut off by David, not with David's, 
1 Sam. 17. 51.  but with Goliah's own Sword,) and that I am not so severe in taking Notice of their Confessions, as They have been unto Themselves in the Printing of them, (for I cannot be said to have revealed any secrets, by merely showing before the Sun, what They have sent into the Light,) I think, however They may have Appetite, They cannot have Reason to complain.  
I have entreated of many Subjects within the Compass▪ of an hour, on each of which it would be easy to spend a year. But I have spoken most at large of the Supremacy of the Pope; as well because it is a Point wherein the Honour and Safety of Your Majesty's Dominions are most concerned, as because it is the chief, if not only Hinge, (I have 
* Etenim de quâ re agitur cum de Primatu Ponti●icis agitur? brevissimè dicam, de Summ● rei Christianae, id enim quaeritur, debe atne Ecclesia diutius consistere, an verò dissolvi, & concidere. Bellarm. in Praef. ad libros de Sum. Pontif. Tom▪ 1. p. 586. Edit. Ingolstad. 1590.  Bellarmine's assertion for what I say,) on which does hang the whole stress of the Papal Fabric.  
If herein, as I have obeyed, I shall also be found to have served Your Majesty, The sole discharge of my Duty will be abundantly my Reward; because I am not more by Conscience and Obligation of Gratitude, than by the Voluntary Bent and Inclination of my Soul,  
Your Majesty's most devoted and most Dutiful Subject and Chaplain, THOMAS PIERCE.   
MATTH. XIX. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But from the beginning it was not so. 
THere are but very few things either so little, or so great, whether in Art, or Nature, whether in Polity, or Religion, which are not willing to take advantage from the mere credit of their Antiquity.  
First for Art; Any part of Philosophy penned by Hermes Trismegistus, any Script of Geography bearing the name of Anaximander, any Musical Composition sung by Amphion to his Harp, any piece of the Mathematics said to be writ by Zoroastres, any Relic of Carved work from inspired Bezal●el, or any remnant of Embroidery from the Theopneust A●oliab, 
Exod. 35. 30, 34.  would at least for the honour of being reckoned to be the first, be also reckoned to be the best of any Antiquarie's Keimelia.  
And as it is in the Things of Art, so is it also in those of Nature. How do the Gentlemen▪ of Venice delight themselves in their Antiquity? and yet they travel for their Original, no farther back than the siege of Troy. Whereas the Arcadians derive their Pedigree even from jupiter and Calisto, and will needs have their Nation exceed the Moon in Seniority. Nay, though Egypt (in the Judgement of 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Diodo. Sic. lib. 1. p. 6. Edit. H. Ste. 1559.  Diodorus the Si●eleote) hath better pretensions than any other, yet the Barbarians as well as Greeks have still affected a Primogeniture. Nay so far has this Ambition transported so●e, that they will needs have been begun from before the Protoplast, as it were itching to be as old as the julian period, 764 years before the beginning of the World. Thus Antiquity hath been courted in Art and Nature.  
If in the third place we come to Polity, we shall find Customs gaining Reverence from the sole merit of their Duration. And as a Custom by mere Continuance does wear itself into a Law; so the more aged a Law is grown, the less 'tis liable to a Repeal; by how much the more it is stricken in years, by so much the less it is decrepit: And that for this reason, because the longer it endures, the more it inclines to its perfection; that is to say, its immortality.  
Last of all for Religion, the Case is clear out of Tertullian. 
Tert●l. adversus Marcio. l. 4. c. 5. p. 406. Edit. Pamel. 1597.  Id verius quod prius, id prius quod ab initio. That Religion was the truest, which was the first; and that the first, which was from the beginning.. And as He against Martion, so justin Martyr against the Grecians, did prove the Divinity of the Pentateuch from the Antiquity of its writer. The jews enjoyed the first Lawgiver 
† 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Iust. Mart. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. p. 9 Edit. Lutet. 1615.  by the Confession of the Gentiles. Moses preached the God of Abraham, whilst Thales Milesius was yet unborn. Nor was it a thing to be imagined, that God should suffer the Devil to have a Chapel in the world, before himself had any Church. And thence 
* Id teneamus quod ubique, quod semper, quod ab omnibus creditum est: quod ita demum fit, si sequamur Universalitat●m, Antiquitatem, Consensionem. Vin●. Lir. adv. Haer, c. 3. per●ot.  Vincentius Lirinensis, to prove the Truth of any Doctrine, or the Legality of a Practice, does argue the Case from a Threefold Topick; The Universality, the Consent, and the Antiquity of a Tradition. Which Rule if we apply unto the scope of this Text, as it stands in relation unto the Context, we shall have more to say for it, than for most Constitutions, divine, or human. For That of Marriage is almost as old as Nature. There was no sooner one man, but God divided him into two; And then no sooner were there two, but he united them into one. This is That sacred Institution which was made with Mankind in a state of Innocence; the very Ground and Foundation of all both sacred and civil Government. It was by sending back the Pharisees to the most venerable Antiquity, 
Math. 5. 31, 32.  that our Lord here asserted the Law of wedlock, against the old Custom of their Divorce. Whilst they had made themselves drunk with their muddy streams, He directed them to the Fountain, to drink themselves into sobriety. They insisted altogether on the Mosaical Dispensation; But He endeavoured to reform them by the most Primitive Institution. They alleged a Custom, but He a Law. They a Permission, and that from Moses; But He a Precept, and that from God. They did reckon from afar off, But not, as He, from the Beginning.  
In that one Question of the Pharisees, 
* Verse 7.  Why did Moses command us to give her a writing of Divorce, and to put her away? they put a Fallacy upon Christ, called Plurium Interrogationum. For Moses only Permitted them to put her away; but Commanded them (if they did) to give her a writing of Divorce. And accordingly their Fallacy is detected by Christ in his Answer to them. Moses (did not command, but merely) 
* Verse 8.  suffered you in your Custom of making unjustifiable Divorcements. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, he permitted, that is to say, he did not punish it; not allowing it as good, but winking at it as the lesser of two great evils. He suffered it to be safe in foro Soli; could not secure you from the Gild, for which ye must answer in foro Poli. And why did he suffer, what he could not Approve? Not for the softness of your heads, which made you ignorant of your Duties; but for the hardness of your hearts, which made you resolute not to do them: ye were so barbarous and brutish upon every slight Cause, (or Occasion rather,) that if ye might not put her away, ye would use her worse. Ye would many times beat, and sometimes murder, sometimes bury her alive, by bringing another into her ●ed. So that the Liberty of Divorce, however a poison in itself, was (through the hardness of your hearts) permitted to you for an Antidote. But from the beginning it was not so. And ye must put a wide difference betwixt an Indulgence of Man, and a Law of God. To state the controversy aright, ye must compare the first Precept with your customary Practice; not reckoning as far as from Moses only, but as far as from Adam too; ye must not only look forwards, from the year of the Creation 2400. but also backwards from thence, unto the year of the Creation. The way to understand the Husband's Duty towards the Wife, (and so to Reform, as not to Innovate,) is to consider the words of God when he made the Wife out of the Husband. For 
* Gen. 1. 27. Matth. 19 4.  He that made them at the beginning made them Male and Female, and said, 
† Gen. 2. 24. Matth. 19 5.  For this cause shall a man leave Father, and Mother, and shall cleave unto his Wife, and they twain shall be one Flesh. What therefore God hath joined together, let not man put asunder. The Antecedent command was from God the Father; the command in the sequel from God the Son. And though the Practice of the jews had been contrariant to them both, by a Prescription almost as old as two thousand years; yet as old as it was, 'twas but an overgrown Innovation. For 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, from the beginning it was not so.  
Thus our Saviour being sent to Reform the jews, made known the Rule of his Reformation. And the Lesson which it affords us is (in my poor judgement) of great Importance For when the Doctrine or Discipline of our Church established here in England shall be attempted by the Corruptions of Modern 
* Romana Ecclesia se non tam matrem exhibet al●s quam Novercam. Sedent in eâ Scribae & Pharisaei, etc. Johan. Sarisburiensis (ad Papam Hadrianum 4.) in Polycratic. l. 6. c. 24.  Pharisees, who shall assert against Us, (as these here did against our Saviour,) either their foreign Superstitions, (to say no worse,) or their domestic Profanations, (to say no more;) we cannot better deal with Them, than as our Saviour here dealt with the ancient Pharisees; that is, we cannot better put them to shame and silence, than by demonstrating the Novelty and base extraction of Their Pretensions, whilst we evince at the same instant the Sacred Antiquity of our own. When they obtrude their Revelations, or teach for Doctrines of God the mere commandments of men, we must ask them every one, how they read in the beginning. We may not draw out of their Ditches, be the Currents never so long, whilst we have waters of our own of a nobler Taste, which we ●an easily trace back to the crystal spring.  
And first of all it concerns us to mark the Emphasis, which our Ancient of days thought fit to put on the Beginning; that no inferior Antiquity may be in danger to deceive us. For there is hardly any Heresy or Usurpation in the Church, which may not truly pretend to some great Antiquity, though not so old as the Old man, much less as the Old Serpent. 
a Epiph. Haer. 75. p. 904. Tom. 1. Ed. Petau. August. de Haeres. Tom. 5. pag. 25. Edit. Basil. 1542.  The Disciplinarians may fetch theirs from as far as the Heretic Aërius; who wanting merit to advance him from a Presbyter to a Bishop, wanted not arrogance and envy to lessen the Bishop into a Presbyter. But His Antiquity is a junior, as well to that of the Anabaptists, as to that of the Socinians. For the 
b August. contra Donat. Tom. 7. l. 2. p. 396. Edit. Basil.  Anabaptists may boast they are as old as Agrippinus; and the 
c Epiph. Haer. 6. 2. p. 513.  Socinians as Sabellius. The 
d August. Tom. 6. Haer. 54 p. 25. Edit Basil 1542.  Soli●idians and Antinomians are come as far as from E●nomius. The 
e Iren. lib. 1. cap. 24 p. 79. Excus. 1570.  Ranters from Carpocrates. The 
f Euseb. l. 3. c. 33. p. 80. Colon. A●l●brogum 1612.  Millenaries from Papias. The Irrespective 
g Iren. l. 1. cap 10. p. 48▪ etc. Epi●h. Haer. 66. pag. 617. Id. de duobus principiis pag. 625. 642. 676.  Reprobatarians from Simon Magus, and the Manichees. The Pontificians (like the mahometans) have such a Rhapsody of Religion, a Religion so compounded of several Errors and Corruptions, (which yet are blended with many Doctrines most sound, and Orthodox,) that to find out the age of their several Ingredients, it will be necessary to ●ake into several Times too.  
THe great Palladium of the Conclave, the famous point of Infallibility, (which if you take away from them, down goes their Troy, it being absolutely impossible that the learned Members of such a Church should glibly swallow so many Errors, unless by swallowing this first, That she cannot Err;) I say, the point of Infallibility (which is a very old Article of their very new Creed, a Creed not perfected by its Composers, until the Council at Trent,) we cannot better derive than from the Scholars of 
a Iren. Adver. Haeret. l. 1. c. 9 p. 44. etc. Ed. Basil. p. 25.  Marcus in Irenaeus, or from the Gnostics in 
b— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Epi●h. Tom. 1. l. ● Haer. 26. p. 91. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Idem ibid. Haer. 27. p. 102.  Epiphanius. They had their Purgatory from 
c Note, That Bellarmine having boasted (Lib. 1. de Purgatorio, c. 11. p. 1841. Edit. Ingolst ●d. A. D. 1590.) That all the Ancients, both Greek and Latin, from the very time of the Apostles, did constantly affirm the doctrine of Purgatory, could not give an older instance, than in Origen, and Tertullian, c. 6. (for S. Clement, and S. De●n●● are both supposititious, and therefore reckoned as good as none,) but by recourse unto the Heathens, c. 2. & 7. p. 1778. 1824.  Origen, (one of the best indeed in one kind, but in another one of the worst of our ancient Writers; not only an Heretic, but an Haeresiarcha,) or at the farthest from Tertullian, who had it from no better Author, than the 
d Hoc etiam Paracletus (i. e. Montanus) frequentissimè commendavit, etc. Tert. de Animà, cap. ult. See Bellarmine contradicted by the Romanists themselves. E. G. Roffens. contr. Lutherum, art. 18. fol. 111. etc. Antverp. 1523. Polydor. Virg. Inu. Rer. lib. 8. c. 1. p. 84. Edit. Basil. 15●4. Suarez in Aquin. par. 3▪ q. 59 art. 6. Disp. 52. §. 2. Mogunt. 1604. p. 625. 1. Thomas ex Albiis East-Saxonum de Medio Animarum statu, per totum libr. speciatim Demens. 9 p. 369, 370, 371.  Arch-Heretick Montanus. Nor does Bellarmine mend the matter, by deriving it as far as from Virgil's Aeneid, and from Tully in his Tale of the Dream of Scipio, and farther yet from Plato's Gorgias; unless he thinks that an Heathen is any whit fi●ter than an Heretic, to give Advantage to a point of the Roman 
* Bellarm. ubi suprà, p. 1840.  Faith. Their Denial of Marriage to all that enter into the Priesthood, is dated by themselves but from Pope 
e Liquet item, in orientali & occidentali Ecclesiâ, usque ad tempus prohibitionis à Calixto factae, Sacerdotum conjugia lici●a f●isse. Maximil. 2. apud Thuan. l. 36. p. 305, 306.  Calixtus. Their 
f Ante Lateranense Concilium Transubstantiatio non fait dogma Fidei. Scot in 4. Sent. Dist. 11. q. 3.  Transubstantiation is from the Lateran Council. Their 
g Negare non possumus, etiam in Ecclesia Latina fuisse usum utriúsque speciei, & usque ad tempora S. Thomae durasse. Vasq. in 3. Di●p. 216. c. 3. n. 38.  Half-Communion is no older than since the times of Aquinas; unless they will own it from the Manichees, to give it the credit of more Antiquity. Their public praying before the people in an unknown Tongue, may be fetched indeed as far as from Gregory the Great. Their Invocation of Saints departed is no doubt an aged Error, though not so aged as they would have it for the gaining of honour to the Invention; because St Austin does 
h Su● loco & ordine homines Dei nominantur, non tamen à Sacerdote qui sacrificat invocantur▪ August, de Civitate Dei l. 22. c. 10. pag. 1335. Edit. Basil 1542.  deny it to have been in his days. And (not to be endless in the beginning of such a limited Discourse, as must not presume to exceed an hour;) though in so fruitful a field of matter, 'tis very difficult not to be endless;) 
i Phocas iratus Cyriaco Episcopo Constantinopolitano, adjudicavit Titulum Oecumenici Pontifici Romano soli. Baronius ad A. C. 606. p. 198.  The Universal Superintendency or Supremacy of the Pope hath been a visible usurpation ever since Boniface the Third. And so our Adversaries of Rome have more to plead for Their Errors then all the rest, because the rest were but as Mushrooms in their several times, soon starting up, and as soon cut down; whereas the Errors of Rome do enjoy the pretence of Duration too.  
But touching each of those Errors, (I mean the Errors of their Practice, as well as judgement,) we can say with our Saviour in his present Correption of the Pharisees, (whose Error was older and more authentic, that is, by Moses his permission had more appearance of Authority, and more to be pleaded in its excuse, than those we find in the Church of Rome,) that from the beginning it was not so; and we care not whence they come, unless they come from the Beginning.  
Indeed in matters of mere Indifference which are brought into the Government or outward Discipline of the Church, every Church has the Liberty to make her own Constitutions; not ask leave of her Sisters, much less her Children; only they must not be reputed as things without which there is no Salvation, nor be obtruded upon the People amongst the Articles of their Faith. We are to look upon nothing so, but as it comes to us from the Beginning.  
And this has ever been the Rule (I mean the warrantable Rule) whereby to improve or reform a Church. When Esdras was intent on the re-building of the Temple, he sent not to Ephesus, much less to Rome; he did not imitate Diana's Temple, nor inquire into the Rituals of Numa Pompilius; but had recourse for a Temple, to that of Solomon, and for a Ritual, to that of Moses, as having both been prescribed by God himself. And yet we know the Prophet Haggai made the people steep their joy in a shower of Tears, by representing how much the Copy had fallen short of the Original. The holy Prophets in the Old Testament, showing the way to a Reformation, advised the Princes and the people to ask after the old paths, and walk therein, as being the only good way for the finding of rest unto their souls, Jer. 6. 16. The Prophet Isaiah sought to regulate what was amiss amongst the jews, by bidding them have recourse unto the Law and the Testimony should not a people seek unto their God? If any speak not according to this word, it is because there is no light in them, Isa. 8. 19, 20. And accordingly their Kings, who took a care to reform abuses, are in this solemn style commended for it, That they walked in the ways of their Father David; that is, reformed what was amiss by what had been from the Beginning. So St. Paul in the New Testament, setting right what was crooked about the Supper of the Lord in the Church of Corinth, laid his line to that Rule which he was sure he had received from the Lord Himself, 1 Cor. 11. 23. And thus our Saviour in my Text, finding the Pharisees very fond of a vicious practice, which supported itself by an old Tradition, and had something of Moses to give it countenance in the world, (though indeed no more than a bare permission,) could not think of a better way to make them sensible of their Error, (and such an Error as was their Sin too,) than by showing them the great and important difference, betwixt an Old, and a Primitive Custom; and that however their breach of Wedlock had been without check from the days of yore, yet 'twas for This to be reformed, that 'twas not so from the Beginning.  
In a most dutiful conformity to which example, our Reformers here in England (of happy memory) having disc●ver'd in every part of the Church of Rome, not only horrible Corruptions in point of Practice, but hideous Errors in point of Doctrine▪ and that in matters of Faith too, (〈…〉 find an occasion to show anon▪) and halving found by what degrees the several Errors and Corruptions were slily brought into the Church, as well as the several times and seasons wherein the Novelties received their birth and breeding; and presently after taking notice, that in the Council of Trent the Roman Partisans were not afraid to make 
a Vide Concil. Trident. Sess. 13. Can. 2, 3 Sess. 21. Can. 1, 2. 3. Sess. 22. Can. 3, 5, 6, 8, 9 Sess. 23. Can. 1, 4, 5, 6, 8, 9 Sess. 25. etc. quam confer cum Bul●â Pii Quarti. Edit. Bin. pag. 444. Tom. 9  New Articles of Faith, whilst the Sacrifice of the Mass, the Doctrine of Purgatory, the Invocation of Saints, the Worship of Images, and the like, were commanded to be embraced under pain of damnation, (as it were in contempt of the Apostles denunciation, Gal. 1. 8. by which that practice of those Conspirators made them liable to a curse;) and farther yet, that in the Canon of the Fourth Session of that Council, the Roman Church was made to differ as well from her ancient and purer self, as from all other Churches besides herself, in that there were many merely human (I do not say profane) Writings, and many unwritten Traditions also, not only decreed to be of 
b Nec non ipsas Traditiones, tum ad fidem tum ad mores pertinentes, tanquam vel ore tenus à Christo, vel à Spiritu Sancto dictatas▪ pari pietatis affectu ac reverentia suscipit ac● veneratur (haec Sancta Synodus.) Trident. Conc. Sess. 4. sub Pa●lo 3. Bin. Tom. 9 d. 354.  equal Authority with the Scriptures, but with the addition of an 
* Siquis libros ipsos integros,— pro sacris & Canonicis non susceperit, & Traditiones praedictas sciens contempserit, Anathema sit. ib.  Anathema to all that should not so receive them: This (I say) being considered and laid to heart by our Reformers, (by our Kings, and our Clergy▪ and Laiety too, met together in their greatest both Ecclesiastical and Civil Councils,) they did not consult with flesh and blood, or expect the Court of Rome should become their Physician, which was indeed their great Disease; but having recourse unto the Scriptures and Primitive Fathers of the Church, they consulted those Oracles how things stood from the Beginning▪ and only separating from Them, whom they found to have been Separatists from the primitive Church, they Therefore made a Secession, that they might not partake of the Roman Schism. And whilst they made a Secession for fear of Schism; (which by no other practice could be avoided,) they studiously kept to the Golden mean; neither destroying the Body out of hatred to the Ulcers with which 'twas spread, nor yet retaining any Ulcer in a passionate dotage upon the Body.  
One remarkable Infirmity it is obvious to observe in the Popish Writers: they ever complain we have left their Church; but never show us that Iöta, as to which we have left the Word of God, or the Apostles, or the yet-uncorrupted and primitive Church, or the Four first General Councils. We are so zealous for Antiquity, (provided it be but Antique Enough,) that we never have despised a mere Tradition, which we could tract by sure footsteps from as far as the times of the purest Christians. But this is still their childish fallacy, (be it spoken to the shame of their greatest Giants in Dispute, who still vouchsafe to be guilty of it,) that they confidently shut up the Church in Rome, as their Seniors the Donatists once did in afric; and please to call it the Catholic Church, not formally, but causally, (saith Cardinal Peron,) because forsooth That Particular doth infuse universality into all other Churches besides itself. The learned Cardinal forgetting, (which is often the effect of his very good memory,) that the preaching of Christ was to begin at 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Theod. Hist. Eccles. lib. 5. cap. 9 Concil. Constantinop. apud Baronium ad A. D. 382. suffragatur.  jerusalem. So it was in the Prophecy, (Isa. 2. 3. Mic. 4. 2.) and so in the completion, (Luke 24. 47.) Nor was it Rome, but Antioch, in which the Disciples were first called Christians, (Acts 11. 26.) At 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, apud Chrysoft. ad Populum Antiochen. Hom. 3. Tom. 6. Ed. Aeton. p. 474.  Antioch therefore there was a Church, before St Peter went thence to Rome. Nay 'tis expressly affirmed by 
c Tempore ut scimus summo Tiberii Caesaris absque ullo impedimento— radios suos indulget, id est praecepta sua Christus. Gildas in Epist. de Excid. Brit. Sect. 6. p. 1005. Edit Basil. 1555.  Gildas, (an Author very much revered by the Romanists themselves,) that Christianity was in Britain in the latter time of Tiberius Caesar; some while after whose death, 'tis known that St Peter remained in jewry. So that Rome which pretends to be a Mother, can be no more (at the best) than a Sister-Church, and not the eldest Sister neither.  
Neglecting therefore the pretended Universality of the Roman (that is to say, of a Particular) Church; let us compare her Innovations with what we find from the Beginning. For This I take to be the fittest and the most profitable Use, that we can make of the subject we have in hand.  
And first, consider we the Supremacy, or Universal Pastorship of her Popes: which is indeed a very old, and somewhat a prosperous Usurpation; an Usurpation which took its rise from more than a thousand years ago. But then, besides that it was sold by the Emperor 
a De Phocâ caelitùs est dictum, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Cedrenus, p. 334.  Phocas, at once an 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Idem. p. 332. Vide Testimonia Anastasii, & pauli Diaconi, apud Baron▪ ad A. C. 606. p. 198.  Heretic, and a Regicide, the Devilish Murderer of Mauritius, (who was the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Royal Image or Type of our late Royal Martyr of Sacred Memory;) I say, besides that it was sold by the most execrable Phocas, that is to say, by the greatest Villain in the world, excepting Cromwell, and Pontius Pilate; and besides that it was sold to ambitious Boniface the Third, whose vile compliance with that Phocas was the bribe or price with which he bought it; and besides that it was done, not out of reverence to the Pope, but in 
c Phocas iratus Cyriaco, Episcopo Constantinopolitano adjudicavit Titulum Oecumenici Pontifici Romano. Baron Annal. ad A. Ch. 606.  displeasure to Cyriacus of Constantinople, who (from john 
d Johannes▪ Constantinopolitanus sese hi●c efferens, se ubique Oecumenicum Patriarcham nominavit. Idem ad A. C. 595. Tom. 8. p. 83. & 84.  his Predecessor) usurped the Title of Universal, before any Pope had pretended to it; I say, besides, or without all this, it is sufficient for us to say, what our Saviour here said to the ancient Pharisees, That from the beginning it was not so. For looking back to the Beginning, We find The Wall of God's City had Twelve Foundations, and in them were the names of the Twelve Apostles of the Lamb. (Rev. 21. 14.) Paul was equal at least to Peter, when he withstood him to the face, and rebuked him in public for his Dissimulation. (Gal. 2. 11, 12, 13, 14.) Nay St Peter himself, (as well as james and john, who were his Peers,) although he seemed to be a Pillar, yet perceiving the Grace that was given to Paul, gave to Barnabas and Paul the right hand of Fellowship. (Gal. 2. 9) And reason good: For St Peter was but One of the many Apostles of the jews; whereas St Paul was much more, the great Apostle of the Gentiles, to whom the jews were no more than as a River to an Ocean. Saint Peter was commanded, not to fleece, but to 
* John 21. 15, 16, 17.  feed the flock: No● was it ever once known that he did lord it over God's heritage, which himself had so strictly forbid to others, 1 Pet. 5. 3. In deed a Primacy of Order may very easily be allowed to the See of Rome: But for any One Bishop to affect over his Brethren a supremacy of Power, and jurisdiction, is a most impudent opposition both to the Letter and to the Sense of our Saviour's precept, (Mar. 10. 42, 43. 44.) Ye know, that they who are accounted to rule over the Gentiles, exercise lordship over them, and their great ones exercise authority upon them. But so shall it not be among you: But whosoever will be great among you, shall be your Minister; and whosoever of you will be the chiefest, shall be the servant of all.  
That the Apostles were every one of equal power and authority, is the positive saying of 
a Cyprianus ait pari omnes inter se fuisse potestate Apostolos; atque hoc idem fuisse alios quod▪ Petrus fuit. Tractat. 3. de Simplicitate Praela. torun (Ed. Colon 1544) p. 135.  St Cyprian; Pari consortio praediti & honoris & potestatis. And St Jerome is as express, That 
b Si Autoritas quaeritur, Orbis major est Vrbe: ubicunque fuerit Episcopus, sive Romae, sive Eugubii, sive Constantinopoli, sive Rhegii, sive Alexandria, sive Tanii, ejusdem Meriti, ejusdem est & Sacerdotii▪ Potentia Divitiarum, & Paupertatis Humilitas vel sublimiorem vel inferiorem Episcopum non facit, Caeterùm omnes Apostolorum successores sunt. Hier. in Epi. ad Evagrium▪ (ex Edit. Basil. 1565.) p. 329. sive Ex Edit● Paris etc.  all Bishops, in all places, whether at Rome, or at Eugubium, at Constantinople, or at Rhegium, are of the very same merit, as to the quality of their Office, how much soever they may differ in point of Revenue or of Endowments. Nay, by the Canons of the Two first General Councils, (Nice, and Constantinople,) every 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Concil. Nicae. Can. 6. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ibid. Can. 7. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 quae Antiochenae Ecclesiae servari his Canonibus praecipiuntur, eo pertinent, (inquit Justellus,) ut Episcopus Antiochenus praeferatur Metropolitanis omnibus in Orientali Dioecesi. Nihil Juris illi attributum in Caeteros Metropolitanos, praeter Honorem Ordinis, non autem ut Metropolitani omnes Dioeceseos Orientis ab eo jure singulari ordinarentur, ut Innocentii primi Epistola ad Alexandr. Episcopum asserere videtur, contra mentem S●nodi Nicaenae, Justell. p. 7. ex Edit. Gulielmi Voelli, A. D. 1661.  Patriarch and Bishop is appointed to be chief in his proper Dioecese; as the Bishop of Rome is the chief in His. And a strict 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Conci. Constantinop. Oecumen. 2. Can. 2. Quid hic Canon sibi velit per [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] Justellus explicat paulò su●eriùs ad Can. Conc. Nic. 6. nihil Juris nimirum Antiocheno attribuendum in caeteros Metropolitanos, praeter Ordinem Honoris.  injunction it laid on all, (the Bishop of Rome not excepted,) that they presume not to meddle in any Diocese but their own. And the chief Primacies of Order were granted to Rome and to Constantinople, not for their having been the Sees of such or such an Apostle, 
e Confer justinian. Nove●. Constit. 131. cap. 2. come Canone 3. Concilii Constant.  but for being the two Seats of the two great Empires. Witness the famous Canon of the General Council at Chalcedon, 
f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Et paulò post— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Concil. Chalced. Can. penult.  decreeing to the Bishop of Constantinople an equality of Privileges with the Bishop of Rome; not for any other reason, than its having the good hap to be one of the two Imperial Cities. Nay, no longer ago before Boniface the Third, (who was the first Bishop of Rome that usurped the Title of Universal,) I say, no longer before Him than his next immediate Predecessor Pope Gregory the Great, (for I reckon Sabinian was but a cipher,) the horrible Pride of succeeding Popes was stigmatised by a Prolepsis; by way (not of Prophecy, but) of Anticipation. For 
g Quis est iste qui contra Statuta Evangelica, contra Canonum Decreta, novum sibi usurpare nomen praesumit?— Novis & profanis vocabulis gloriantur.— Absit à cordibus Christiano, rum nomen il. lord Blasphemiae. Greg. Mag. 1. 3. Epist. 32. ad Mauritium Augustum. p. 734.  Gregory writing to Mauritius, the then-reigning Emperor, (and that in very many Epistles,) touching the name of Universal, which the Bishop of Constantinople had vainly taken unto himself, calls it a wicked and pro●ane and blasphemous Title▪ a Title importing that the 
h Sed in hac ejus supèrbiâ quid aliud nisi propinqua jam Antichristi esse tempora designatur? Idem ad Constantiam Augustam. Ep. 34 p. 737. confer. 1. 7. Epi. 69. Eusebio, aliisque, p. 902.  times of Antichrist were at hand; (little thinking that Pope Boniface would presently after his decease usurp the same, and prove the Pope to be Antichrist by the confession of a Pope.) He farther disputed against the Title by an Argument leading ad absurdum; 
i Si unus Episcopus vocatur universalis, universa Ecclesia corruit, l. 6 Ep. 24. p. 822. Et rursus— si illud nomen in eâ Ecclesiâ sibi quisquam arripuit, quod apud honorum omnium judicium fuit, Universa ergo Ecclesia (quod absi●) à statu suo corruit, quando Is qui appellatur Universalis cadit. Idem ad Eund. Epist. 32. p. 734. Universalis autem nec etiam Romanus Pontifex appelletur, fatente Papâ Pelagio secundo, apud Gratian. Decretal. p. 1. dist. 99 cap. 4. Quis autem illud pro indignitate rei stupeat, quod novam quand●m indebitamque Potentiam tibi usurpando arrogas, & c? Ita Papam al●oquuntur Episcopi Germanici apud Goldast. Tom. 1. p. 47.  That if any one Bishop were Universal, there would by consequence be a failing of the Universal Church, upon the failing of such a Bishop. An Argument, ad homines, not easily to be answered, whatsoever Infirmity it may labour with in itself. And such an Argument is That, which we bring against the Pope's pretended Headship. For if the Pope is the Head of the Catholic Church, than the Catholic Church must be the Body of the Pope; because the Head and the Body are the Relative and Correlative; and being such, they are convertible in obliquo: And then it follows avoidable, That when there is no Pope at all, (which is very often,) the Catholic Church hath then no Head; and when there are many Popes at once, (which hath been sometimes the case,) then the Catholic Church must have at once many Heads; and when the Pope is Heretical, (as by the confession of the Papists he now and then is,) the Catholic Church hath such an Head, as makes her deserve to be beheaded. 
k Multi Pontifices Romani errarunt; sicut Marcellinus, qui Idolis sacrificavit; & Liberius Papa, qui Arianis consensit; & Anastasius secundus propter Haeresis Crimen repudiatus fuit ab Ecclesia: & alii etiam plurimi coatra Catholicam fidem tenuerunt; ut Joannes vi. gesimus secundus, qui asseruit, quòd filius Dei sit Major Patre & Spiritu Sancto. Didacus Stella Tom. 2. in Luc. cap. 22. vers. 31. p. 280. col. 1. Edit. Ant. verp. A. D. 1593. Ad Inquisitionis Hispaniae decreta prorsus elimatus, & summâ fide 〈◊〉.  That Popes have been Heretics, and Heathens too, not only by denying the Godhead of the Son, and by lifting him up above the other two Persons, but even by sacrificing to Idols, and a total Apostasy from the Faith, is (a thing so clear in the writings of Platina, and Onuphrius, that 'tis) the Confession of the most zealous, and partial Asserters of their Supremacy. I know that Stella, and those of the Spanish Inquisition, do at once confess this, and yet adhere to their Position, 
† Ubi suprá, verbis immediatè subsequentibus.  That (with his College of Cardinals) the Pope cannot err, and is the Head of the Church. But St Hilary of Poitiers was so offended, at Pope Liberius his espousing the Arian Heresy, that he affirmed the true Church to have been Then only in France. 
* Hilar. Pictav. de Synodis, p. 287. & paulò post— Quidam ex vobis firmissimâ fidei constantiá intra communionem se meam continentes, se à caeteris extra Gallias abstinuerunt. Idem ib. p. 288. Edit Basil. A. C. 1535.  Ex eo inter nos tantùm Communio Dominica continetur. So ill success have they met with, who have been Flatterers of the Pope, or the Court of Rome.  
To conclude this first instance in the fewest words that I can use: Whosoever shall read at large (what I have time only to hint) the many Liberties and Exemptions of the Gallican Church, and the published Confessions of Popish Writers, for more than a thousand years together, touching the Papal Usurpations, and Right of Kings, put together by Goldastus in three great Volumes; he will not be able to deny, (let his present persuasion be what it will,) that the Supremacy of the Pope is but a Prosperous Usurpation, and hath This lying against it, that 'twas not so from the beginning.  
Secondly 'Tis true, that for several Ages, the Church of Rome hath pretended to be Infallible; as well Incapable of error, as not erroneous. But from the beginning it was not so. For, (besides that Infallibility is one of God's peculiar and incommunicable Attributes,) where there is not Omniscience, there must be Ignorance in part; and where Ignorance is, there may be Error. That Heresy is Error in point of Faith, and that Novatianism is Heresy, all sides agree: And 'tis agreed by the Champions of the Papacy itself, (such as 
a Baron. Tom. 2. An. 254. pag. 498. & 503, 504.  Baronius, 
b Pamel. in Cyprian. Epist. 41. p. 47, 48.  Pamelius, and 
c Petau. in Epiphan. ad Haeres. 59 quae est Novatianorum, pag. 226.  Petavius,) that Rome itself was the Nest in which Novatianism was hatched; and not only so, but that There it continued from 
d Onuph. in Notis ad Plat. in vitâ Corne. lii. pag. 26. Ed. Lovan. 1572. Vide Euseb. l. 6. & 7.  Cornelius to Celestine, which wants not much of two hundred years. To pass by the Heresies of the Donatists, and the Arians, (which strangely prospered for a time, and spread themselves over the world, the former over the West, the later over the East, and as far as the Breast of the Pope himself;) one would have thought that the Tenet of Infallibility upon Earth had been sufficiently prevented by the Heresy 
e Vide Bellar. Chronol. ad A. C. 132. & Eus. Hist. Eccl. l. 3. c. 39  of the Chiliasts, wherewith the Primitive Church herself (I mean the very Fathers of the Primitive Church, for the two first Centuries after Christ,) was not only deceived by Papias, who was a Disciple of St john, but (for aught I yet learn) without the least Contradiction afforded to it. Nay the whole Church of God (in the opinion of St. 
a Non potest probari eum [i. e. Augustinum] existimasse hîc de Eucharisti● non agi, cum ●am multis locis aliis probet ex ho● Johannis Testimonib, Eucharistiam etiam Infantibus esse Necessariam; idque non ut opinionem suam, sed ut Fidei & Totius Ecclesiae Dogma: ad refellendos Pelagianos dicat: & paulò post— Missam sacio Augustini & Innocentii primi sententiam, quae sexcentoes circiter annos viguit in Ecclesia, Eucharistiam etiam Infantibus neces●ariam. Res jam ab Ecclesia, & Multorum seculorum usu, & Decreto Synodi Tridentinae explicata est, non solùm neces●ariam illis non esse, sed ne decere quidem da●i. (Sess. 21. & Can. 4.) Maldonat. (Excus. Mussiponti, A. C. 1596.) in Joh. 6. 53. p. 717, 718, 719.  Austin and Pope Innocent the third, and for six hundred years together, (if 
a Non potest probari eum [i. e. Augustinum] existimasse hîc de Eucharisti● non agi, cum ●am multis locis aliis probet ex ho● Johannis Testimonib, Eucharistiam etiam Infantibus esse Necessariam; idque non ut opinionem suam, sed ut Fidei & Totius Ecclesiae Dogma: ad refellendos Pelagianos dicat: & paulò post— Missam sacio Augustini & Innocentii primi sententiam, quae sexcentoes circiter annos viguit in Ecclesia, Eucharistiam etiam Infantibus necessariam. Res jam ab Ecclesia, & Multorum seculorum usu, & Decreto Synodi Tridentinae explicata est, non solùm necessariam illis non esse, sed ne decere quidem da●i. (Sess. 21. & Can. 4.) Maldonat. (Excus. Mussiponti, A. C. 1596.) in Joh. 6. 53. p. 717, 718, 719.  Maldonate the jesuit may be believed) thought the Sacrament of Eucharist to have been necessary to Infants, as well as to men of the ripest Age: and yet (as Maldonate confesseth at the very same time,) it was so plain and so gross an Error, that notwithstanding St Austin did endeavour to confute the Pelagians by it, as by a Doctrine of Faith, and of the whole Church of God; yet the Council of Trent was of a contrary mind, and did accordingly in a Canon declare against it.  
3. Pass we on to the Doctrine of Transubstantiation, which (if its Age may be measured by the very first date of its Definition,) may be allowed to be as old as the Lateran 
* Cujus corpus & san●guis in Sacramento altaris sub speciebus Panis & Vini veraciter continentur, transubstantiatis Pane in Cornus, & Vino in sanguinem, potestate divina. Conc. Later. c. 1. In Synaxivero Transubstantiationem definivit Ecclesia. Diu satis erat credere, sive sub Pa●● consecrato, sive quocunque modo adesse verum Corpus Christi. Erasm. Annot. in 1 Cor. 7. p. 472. Saltem ab annis 500 dogma Transubstantiationis sub Anathemate stabilitum, ut ait ipse Bellarminus de Eucharist. l. 3. c. 21. p. 759. Cujus etiam confessionem videre est, l. 3. c. 23. p. 766. Ed. Par. 1586.  Council, a Council held under Pope Innocent the Third; since whom are somewhat more than 400 years. But from the beginning it was not so. For besides that our Saviour, just as soon as he had said, This is my Blood, explained himself in the same Breath, by calling it expressly the fruit of the Vine, and such as He would drink new in the kingdom of God, (Mat. 26. 29. Mark 14. 15.) there needs no more to make the Romanists even ashamed of that Doctrine, than the Concession of Aquinas, and Bellarmine's Inference thereupon. 
a Corpus Christi non est ●o modo in hoc Sacramento sicut Corpus in loco, quod suis Dimensionibus loco commensuratur; sed quodam speciali modo, qui est proprius huic Sacramento. Unde dicimus, quod Corpus Christi est in diversis altaribus, non sicut in diversis locis, sed sicut in Sacramento. Nullo enim modo Corpus Christi est in hoc Sacrament● localiter, quia si esset, divideretur à seipso▪ Aquin. Oper Tom. 12 Sum. part. 3. q. 75. art. 1. ad 3. p. 232. col. 2. & q. 76 art. 3. & 5. ex Edit. Antwerp. 1612.  Aquinas so argues, as to imply it is Impossible, and imports a Contradiction, for one body to be locally in more places than one, and in all at once. But 
b Si non posset esse unum Corpus lo●●l●ter in duobus locis, quia divideretur à sei pso, profecto nec esse posset Sacramentaliter eadem ratione. Bellar. de Eucharistiâ, lib. 3. c. 3. p. 511. Tom. 3. Controvers. ex Edit. Paris. A. C. 1620.  Bellarmine (at this) is so very angry, that in a kind of Revenge upon Aquinas, (though held to be the Angelical Doctor,) he needs will infer 'tis as Impossible, and equally implies a Contradiction, for any one body at once to be so much as Sacramentally in more Places than one. And therefore it cannot now be wondered concerning Transubstantiation, if so long ago as in the time of Pope Nicolas the Second, either the Novelty was not forged and hammered out into the shape in which we find it, or not at all understood by the Pope Himself. For one of the two is very clear by the famous 
c Coactus est Berengarius publicè pro fiteri, Panem & Vinum, quae in altari ponuntur, post co●secrationem non solum Sacramentum, sed etiam verum Corpus & Sanguinem Domini nostri Jesus Christi esse: & sensualiter non solùm Sacramento, said in veritate manibus sacerdotum tractari, frangi, & fidelium dentibus atteri. Con●er Floriacens. Histor. fragmenta à P. Pithaeo edit. inter. Franc. Script. (Excus. Francof. A. C. 1596) p. 86. cum Lanfranc. lib. cont. Bereng. & Guitmund. de Sacram. l. 1. & Alger. de Sacram. l. 1. c. 19  Submission of Berengarius, wherewith he satisfied the 
d Sigon. de Regno Ital. l. 9 A. 1059. p. 210.  Synod then held at Rome, (and in which were 113 Bishops,) though not at all unto a Trans, but rather a Consubstantiation. Which divers 
e Nisi sanè intelligas verba Berengarii, in majorem incides Haeresin, quam ipse habuit: & ideo omnia referas ad species ipsas, nam de Christi Corpore partes non facimus. Johan. Semeca Glossator in Gratian. de Consecrat. Dist. 2. cap. Ego Berengarius.  Romanists themselves have not been able not to Censure, though it was penned by a 
f A Cardinale, scil. Humberto Sylvae Candidae Episcopo. Guitmundusub. supra.  Cardinal, and approved of by a Council, and very glibly swallowed down by the Pope himself.  
4. 'Tis very true that their withholding the Cup of blessing in the Lord's Supper from the secular part of their Communicants, hath been in practice little less than 400 years. But from the beginning it was not so. For in our Saviour's Institution we find it intended for 
g Concil. Constant. Actione 13. Can. 13. p. 880. In Ecclesiâ Latina 1000 amplius annis tenuit, ut tam Populo quam Clero in celebratione Missarum post mysteriorum consecrationem seorsum Corpus & seorsum Sanguis Domini praeberetur. Cassan. Consult. Artic. 22. Vasq. cap. ●. Disp. 216. c. 3. n. 38. Secundum antiquam Ecclesiae consuetudinem, omnes sicut communicabant Corpori, ita communicabant & Sanguini, quod etiam adhuc in quibusdam Ecclesiis seruatur. Jo. 6. Aquinasin Comment. Lectione 7. p. 42. col 1. Tom. 13.  every Guest. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is the word, Drink ye All of this Cup. (Mat. 26. 27.) And S. Paul to the Corinthians (consisting most of Laymen) speaks as well of their drinking the mystical Blood, as of their eating the Body of Christ. (1 Cor. 11. 26, 27, 28, 29.) Nay 'tis confessed by learned Vasquez, (as well as by Cassander, and Aquinas Himself) to be a Truth undeniable, That the giving of both Elements in the Roman Church itself, until the time of Aquinas; did still continue to be in use.  
5. The Church of Rome for several Ages hath restrained the holy Scriptures from the perusal of the People. But from the beginning it was not so. For Hebrew to the jews was the Mother-Tongue, and in That 'twas read weekly before the People. It pleased God the New Testament should be first written in Greek, because a Tongue the most known to the Eastern world. And to the end that this Candle might not be hid under a Bushel, it was translated by Saint Jerome into the 
† Sixt. Senens. Bibliothec. l. 4. p. 247. Ipse Hieron. in Epist. ad Sophron. Tom. 3.  Dalmatick Tongue, by Bishop Vulphilas into the 
* Socrat Hist. Eccles. lib. 4. c. 33. Niceph. Hist. Eccle. lib. 11. c. 48. Bonav. Vulcan. in Prafat. de Liturg. & linguâ Getarum.  Gothick, by St Chrysostom into 
a Roccha in Bibliothecâ Vatican. p. 155, 157.  Armenian, by Athelstan into Saxon, by 
b Aventin. Annal. lib. 4. p. 434.  Methodius into Sclavonian, by jacobus de Voragine into 
c Sixt. Senens: Bibl. l. 4. p. 255. col. 1.  Italian, by Bede and Wiclef into 
d Vide Authoces citat. apud Brerew. Inqu. c. 26.  English. And not to speak of the Syriack, Aethiopick, Arabic, Persian, and Chaldee Versions, (which were all for the use of the common people of those Countries,) the 
* Confer Blond. Ital. Illustrata, in Marchia Tarbisinâ, & Tin. to de la Nobiltà di Verona, lib. 2. cap. 2. cum Hieronymi Temp●ribus apud Bellarm. de Script. Eccles. p. 104.  Vulgar Latin was then the Vulgar Language of the Italians, when the Old and New Testament were turned into it.  
6. The public prayers of the Romanists have been a very long time in an unknown Tongue, (I mean unknown to the common people,) even as long as from the times of Pope Gregory the Great. But from the beginning it was not so. For 'tis a scandalously opposite to the plain sense of Scripture, as if it were done in a mere despite to the 14th Chapter of the first Epistle to the Corinthians, especially from the 13 to the 17. verse. Not to speak of what is said by the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Origen. contra celsum (ex Edit. H●schelii, Augustae Vindelicorum, 1605.) lib 8. p. 414.  Primitive Writers: 
† Cúm Aquinate & Lyrâ confer Cajetanum in 1 Cor. 14. p. 79. sententiae nostrae suffragantem. Ed. Paris 1532.  Aquinas and Lyra do both confess upon the place, that the common Service of the Church in the Primitive times, was in the common language too. And as the Christians of 
a Angelus Roccha in Bibl. Vatic. p. 157.  Dalmatia, 
b Biblioth. Vet. ●atrum, Tom. 6. p. 654.  Habassia, 
c Petrus Bellonius in Observe l. 3. cap. 12. & Vitriacus in Hist. Orient. cap. 79. p. 1095. Brocardus non nullibi in sua Descriptione Terrae Sanctae.  Armenia, 
d Possevinus de Reb. Mosc. pl 4. And. Thevetus Cos. l. 19 c. 12.  Muscovia, 
e Bapt palate de rat. Scrib. An. Roc●ha Biblioth. Vatic. p. 162.  Sclavonia, 
d Possevinus de Reb. Mosc. pl 4. And. Thevetus Cos. l. 19 c. 12.  Russia, and all the Reformed parts of Christendom, have the Service of God in their vulgar Tongues, so hath it been in divers Places by 
f Aventin. Annal. l. 4. Aeneas Silvius in Hist. Bohem. cap. 13. p. 128. Concil. B●n: Tom. 3. p. 990. Vide etiam Decret. l. 1. 'tis 31. cap. 14. & quicquid Authorum videre est in Brerew. Inqu. 26.  Approbation first had from the Pope himself.  
7. Another instance may be given in their Prohibiting of Marriage to men in Orders, which is derived by some from the third 
a Nempe à Papa Calixto, qui floruit A. D. 220. Consul Thuanum, in l. 36. p. 305.  Century after Christ; by 
b Bishop Hall. 3. Epist. 2. Decad.  others from the eighth; and in the rigour that now it is, from Pope Gregory the Seventh. But from the beginning it was not so. For Priests were permitted to have wives, both in the Old and New Testament; (as Maximilian 
c Ubi supra apud Thuanum, p. 305. & 306.  the Second did rightly urge against the Pope:) And the blessed Apostles (many of them) were married men: for so I gather from 
d Euseb l. 3. c. 13.  Eusebius out of Clemens Alexandrinus; and from the 
e Constat Apostolos ipsos, paucis exceptis, conjuges habuisse. Ubi supra apud Thuanum.  Letter of Maximilian, who did not want the Advice of the learnedst persons in all his Empire; and from 1 Cor. 9 5. where Saint Paul asserts his liberty to carry a Wife along with him, as well as Cephas. And 'tis the Doctrine of that Apostle, that a Bishop may be an Husband, although he may not be the Husband of more than One Wife. (1 Tim. 3. 2. Tit. 1. 6.) Besides, the Marriage of the Clergy was asserted by 
f Ibid. apud Thuanum.  Paphnutius in the Council at Nice; and even by one of those 
g 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Canon. Apostol. 5. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Zonara's in Can. Apost. 5. p. 4. Edit. Pari. 1618.  Canons which the Romanists themselves do still avow for Apostolical. And the forbidding men to marry (with Saturninus, and the Gnostics,) is worthily called by God's Apostle, The Doctrine of Devils, (1 Tim. 4. 1. 3.) 
h Nubere & generate à Satana dicunt esse. Irenaeus, l. 1. c. 22. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clem. Alex. Strom, l. 3.   
8. I shall conclude with that Instance, to which our Saviour in my Text does more peculiarly allude; I mean the Liberty of Divorce betwixt Man and Wife, for many more Causes than the Cause of Fornication. For so I find it is 
k Siquis dixerit Ecclesiam err●re, cum ob multas Causas separationem inter conjuges quoad totum, seu quoad cohab●tationem, ad certum incertum. ve tempus, fieri posse decernit, Anathema sit. Conci. Trident. Sess. 24 Can. 8. p. 411. Edit. Bi. Tom. 9 Paris.  decreed by the Church of Rome, with an Anathema to all that shall contradict it. But from the Beginning it was not so. For 'tis as opposite to the will of our Blessed Saviour, revealed to us without a Parable, (in the next verse after my Text) as if they meant nothing more, than the opening of a way to rebel against him. For besides that in the Canon of the Council at Trent, a Divorce quoad Torum/ Torum ob multas Causas was decreed to be just in the Church of Rome, although our Lord had twice confined it to the Sole Cause of Fornication, (Matth. 5. 32, & 19 9) And besides that the word Totum was constantly retained in 
l Scil. (praeter Edit. jam nominatam) Edit. Col. Agrip. Tom. 4. part. 2. p. 332. Sum. Concil. Edit. Fra, Longii à Coriolano, Antverp. A. C. 1623. p. 1024. Item Concil. General. Pauli Quinti Auctorit. Edit. Romae, A. C. 1628. Tom. 4. p. 273.  four Editions, (particularly in That, which had the Care and Command of Pope Paul the Fifth,) Let it be granted that the Council did mean no more, than a mere Sequestration from Bed and Board, to endure for a certain or uncertain time; and not an absolute Dissolution of the Conjugal Knot; yet in the Judgement of Chemnitius, yea and of Maldonat Himself, (who was as learned a jesuit as that Society ever had,) it would be opposite (even so) to the Law of Christ. For 
m Si ob aliam Causam quam ob Fornicationem dimiserit, quamvis aliam non duxerit, maechatur; quia uxorem suam moechari facit. Maldonat. (excus. Mogunt. A. D. 1624.) in Matth. 199 p. 392.  he who putteth away his Wife for any Cause whatsoever, besides the Cause of Fornication commits Adultery (saith the jesuit) even for this very reason, because he makes Her commit it, whom he unduly putteth away. 
n Atqui in Pontificiâ illâ Separatione (nempe à Toro & Mensa, ad certum incertumve tempus,) Vinculum Conjugii multis & variis modis solvitur & disrumoitur. Nam ad Vinculum Matrimonii ●e●ti●ent hae sententiae. Et adhaereb●● Uxori suae. Faciamus ei adjutorium quod sit coram ipso. Mulier non habet potestatem sui Corporis, sed vir. Iterum convenite, ne ten●et vos Satan propter Incontinentiam vestram. Non sunt Duo, sed una Caro. Et ipsum Matrimonium defi●itur, Individuâ vitae consuetudine. Haec vero vincula Conjugii in Po●tificiâ separatione, quoad Torum & Cohabitationem, solvuntur & dirum●untur. Homines igitur, contra Decretum Divinitatis, separant, quod Deus conjunxit. Chemn. ●n Exam. Concil. Trident. (Excus. Genev. A. D. 1634.) p. 437.  Nay, Chemnitius saith farther; That the Papal Separation from Bed and Board, is many ways a Dissolution of the Conjugal Tye. Nor does he content himself to say, or affirm it only, but by a Confluence of Scriptures does make it good, That against the Command of our blessed Saviour (in the verse but one before my Text,) That which God hath joined together, the men of Rome do put asunder.  
By these and many more Corruptions in point of Practice and Doctrine too, which were no more than Deviations from what had been from the Beginning, and which the learnedest Sons of the Church of Rome have been forced to confess in their public writings, the awakened part of the Christian world were compelled to look out for a Reformation. That there was in the See of Rome the most abominable Practice to be imagined, we have the liberal 
o Vix ullum peccatum cogitari potest, (sola Hear si exceptâ) quo illa sedes turpiter maculata non fuerit, maximè ab An●. 800. & infra. Staplet. Oper. Tom. 1. Cont. 1. q. 5. art 3. p 597. excus. Paris. 1620.  Confession of zealous Stapleton himself; and of those that have published their 
p Consul Canonas Poenitentiales Romanos, Bedae, Rabani Mauri, etc. cum notis Antonii Augustini, Arch●episcop● Tarraconensis, Excus. Venetiis, 1584.  Penitentials. We have the published Complaints of Armachanus, and Grostead, and Nicolas de Clemangis, john of Hus, and Jerome of Prague, Chancellor Gerson, and Erasmus, and the Archbishop of Spalleto. Ludovicus Vives, and Cassander, who are known to have died in the same Communion, did yet impartially complain of some Corruptions. 
q Ludou. Vives in S. August. de Civit. Dei, l. 8. c. 27.  Vives of their Feasts at the Oratories of Martyrs, as being too much of kin unto the Gentiles Parentalia, which in the judgement of 
r Parentati● Mortuis species est Idololatriae, quoniam, & Idololatria Parentationis est species. Tertul. de Spectac. c. 12.  Tertullian made up a species of Idolatry. And Ca●ander 
s— Ita ut ad Summam adorationem, quae velà Paganis su● simulacris exhiberi co●sue. vit, & ad extre ▪mam vanitatem quam Ethnics in suis sim●lacris exornandis admiserunt, nil à nostris relic factum esse videatur. Geo. Gassander in Consult▪ de Imag. & Simulacris mihi pag. 175, 176.  confesses plainly, that the People's Adoration paid to Images and Statues, was equal to the worst of the ancient Heathen. 
t Thuan. l. 25. pag. 760, 761, etc.  So the buying and selling of Papal Indulgences and Pardons ('tis a little thing to say o● Preferments too) was both confessed and inveighed against by Popish Bishops in Thuanus.  
Now if with all their Corruptions in point of Practice, which alone cannot justify a People's Separation from any Church, (though the Cathari and the Donatists were heretofore of that opinion,) we compare their Corruptions of Doctrine too, and that in matter of Faith, (as hath been showed,) Corruptions entrenching on Fundamentals; it will appear that That door which was opened by Us in our first Reformers, was not at all to introduce, but to let out 
* De Hildebrando in haec verba sententiam ferunt Episcopi Germanici qui Conci. lio Wormatienst intersuerunt. Dum profanis studes Novitatibus, dum magis amplo quam bo●o nomine delect● ris, dum i●audita Elatione di●●enderis, velut quidam Signifer Schismatis, omnia membra Ecclesiae superba crudelitate & crud●li superbia lacerasti: flammasque Discordiae quas in Romana Ecclesia diris factionibus excitasti, per omnes Ecclesias Italiae, Galliae, & Hispaniae, furiali dementia sparsisti.— Per gloriosa tua Decreta (quod sine lachrymis dici non potest) Christi ferè nome● periit. Imperial. Statut. à Goidasto edit, Tom. 1. p. 47.  Schism. For the schism must needs be Theirs who give the Cause of the Separation, not Theirs who do but separate when Cause is given. Else S. Paul had been to blame, in that he said to his Corinthians, Come ye out from among them, and be ye separate. (2 Cor. 6. 17.) The actual Departure indeed was Ours, but Theirs the causal, (as our immortal Archbishop does fitly word it:) we left them indeed when they thrust us out; (as they cannot but go whom the Devil drives;) But in propriety of speech, we left their Errors, rather then Them. Or if a Secession was made from Them, 'twas in the very same measure that They had made one from Christ. Whereas They, by their Hostilities, and their Excommunications, departed properly from us, not from any Errors detected in us. And the woe is to Them by whom the offence cometh, (Matth. 18. 7.) not to Them to whom 'tis given. If when England was in a Flame, by Fire sent out of Italy, we did not abstain from the quenching of it, until water might be drawn from the River Tiber; it was because our own Ocean could not only do it sooner, but better too. That is to say (without a Figure,)  
It did appear by the Concession of the most learned Popish Writers, that particular Nations had still a power to purge themselves from their corruptions, as well in the Church, as in the State, without leave had from the See of Rome; and that 'twas commonly put in practice above a thousand years since. 
† Ex eo quo Willielmus Normanniae Comes Terram illam debellando sibi subegit, Nemo in ea Episcopus, vel Abbas ante Anselmum factus est, qui non primo fuerit Homo R●gis, ac de manu illius Episcopatûs vel Abba●iae ●●vestituram per dationem Virgae Pastoralis suscepit, etc. Eadmerus Monach. Cant. in Praef. ad Hist. Nou. pag. 2. Sed nec ex eosolùm tem●ore mos h●c obtinuit; Nam ante Normannorum etiam adve●●um hic 〈◊〉, ut majorum Ge●tium Antistites sacri, Episcopi nimirum & Caenobia●chae (qui saltem in Clientela Regia) à Sacris Ecclesiarum Corportbus clecti, quin saepius etiam, spretis om●inò Corporum Sacrorum suffragiis, in Aula defignati, Annuli & Bacu●i Pas●oralis, sive Pedi traditione, in Dignitatis Possessionem à Regibus nostris, jure avito nixis, mi●terentur. Joh. Selden. in ●uis ad Eadmer. Notis & Spicilegio, p. 142. Hujus rei exemplum videre est apud G. Malmes. buriensem de Gest●s Regum, lib. 2 cap 8. Quin & illud aliquanto vide●●● dignius quod hoc in loco 〈◊〉. Po●tifici Hildebrando Fid●itatis juramentum, à Guilielmo Normanno, exigenti, Guliemum Regem ●espondisse— Fidelitatem facere non volo, quia nec ego p●omisi, nec A n●ecessores meos Antecesso●ibus tuis id fecisse comperio. Baron. Ad An. 1076. Guilielmus Rufus allegavit, Quod nullus Archiepiscopus aut Episcopus Regni sui, Curiae Romanae vel Papae subesset. M●tth. Paris. H●st. p. 25 Ed. t. 1094. Videses eti●m Imperatores, & Peges Galliarum, jura sua asseren●es, apud Othonem F●isingensem, Sigibe●tum, cosque maximè Historicos qui Res H●nrici Quarti Imperatorts, & ejusdem nominis Primi Regis Anglorum conscripsere. ●aprimis vero S●gonium de Reg Ital. l. 4, 9, 10, & 11. Baron. Tom. 11. A. C. 1077. Cherubinu● Laert. in Bullarii Tom. 1. p. 16. & 17. Bin. Concil. Tom. 3. part, 2. in Urbano, Calixto, & Paschali Secundis, Renatum Choppinum de Domanio Franciae. il. 2. tit. 1. sect. 6, etc. Et de Sacra Politiâ, l. 1. tit. 7. Sect. 22, & 23. ad haec, Theodor. Balsamon. Patriarch Antioch. in Concil. Chalced▪ Can. 4. Joh. Naucl●●▪ Chronograph. gener: 39 & H. Mutium Chron. German. 18. p. 162. etc.  It did appear that the Kings of England (at least as much as those of Sicily,) were ever held to be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and that by the Romanists themselves; until by gaining from Henry the First, the Investiture of Bishops, from Henry the Second, an Exemption of the Clergy from Secular Courts, and from easy King john, an unworthy Submission to foreign Power; the Popes became strong enough to call their strength the Law of justice.. And yet their Encroachments were still opposed, by the most pious and the most learned in every Age. Concerning which it were easy to give a satisfactory account, if it were comely for a Sermon to exceed the limits of an hour. In a word, it did appear from the Code and Novels of 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. etc. Justin. Novel. Const, 131. c. 2. Vide etiam de mandatis Prin. cipum, 'tis 4. Novel. 17. c. 7. & 11.  justinian, from the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 set out by the Emperor 
b Evagr. l. 3. c. 14. in Mag. Biblioth. Vet. Patr. Tom 6. Part. 2. p. 655.  Zeno, from the practice of 
c Sigon. de Reg. Ital. l●. 4. ad A. C. 801. & Eginhart. in vit. Car. Mag. & Baron. Annal. Tom. 9 ad A. C. 800 p. ●42. ad A. C. 545. & To. 10. ad A. C. 845. p. 34. Excus. Colon. Agrip. 1609.  Charles the Great, (which may be judged by the Capitulars sent abroad in his Name,) from the designs and Endeavours of two late Emperors, Ferdinand the First, and Maximilian the Second, from all the commended Kings of judah, from the most pious Christian Emperors as far as from Constantine the Great, and from many Kings of England in 
d Edward the Confessor, Wi●liam 1. H. 3. Edw. ●. Edw. 2. Edw. 3 Rich. 2. Hen. 4. H. 5. H. 6 Edw 4. Rich 3 H. 7. H. 8. for all which at large, See Coke Reports, par. 5. fol. 1. Caudrey's Case, or De Jure Reg●s Ecclesiast●co. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Bal sam. in Conc. Carth. Can. 16.  Popish times too; that the work of Reformation belonged especially to Them in their several Kingdoms. And this is certain; that neither Prescription on the Pope's side, nor Discontinuance on the King's, could add a Right unto the one, or any way lessen it in the other. For it implies a contradiction, that what is wrong should grow right, by being prosperous for a longer, or shorter season.  
Had the Pope been contented with his 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Concil. Constantinop. Occum. 2. Cap. 3. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Justinian. Imp. Novel. Const. 131. c. 2.  Primacy of Order, and not ambitiously affected a Supremacy of Power, and over all other Churches besides his own; we never had cast off a Yoke, which had never been put upon our Necks: And so 'tis plain that the Usurper did make the Schism. If Sacrilege any where, or Rebellion, did help reform Superstition; That was the Fault of the Reformers, not at all of the Reformation; nor of All Reformers neither. For the most that was done by some, was to write after the Copy which had been set them in my Text, by the Blessed Reformer of all the World; which was so to reform, as not to innovate, and to accommodate their Religion to what they found in the Beginning.  
Nay, if I may speak an Important Truth, (which being unpassionately considered, and universally laid to heart, might possibly tend to the Peace of Christendom;) seeing it was not so much the Church, as the Court of Rome, which proudly trod upon Crowns and Sceptres, and made Decrees with a 
* Apostolicâ Potestate declaramus & defivimus, & ab omnibus, judicari debere mandamus atque statuimus, decernentes irritum & inane, si quid secus à quoquam quacunque Dignitate, Auctoritate, & Potestate praedito contigerit judicari, Non obstantibus Constitutionibus & Ordinationibus Apostolicis, Al●isque in contrarium facientibus Qui buscunque. Vide Bullam Pii quarti, Concil. Bin. Edit. Paris. Tom. 9 p. 444. Licet Ch●●stus post Caenam instituerit, & suis Discipulis administraverit sub utraque specie Pa●is & Vini hoc venerabile Sacramentum, tamen hoc non obstante, etc. Licet in Primitiuâ Ecclesiâ hujusmodi Sacramentum reciperetur à Fi●●libus sub utráque specie; postea à couficientibus sub utr aque, & à laicis tantummodo sub sp●cie P●nis suscipiatur. Concil. Constant. Bin. Tom. 3. part. 2. Sells. 13. p. 880. excus. Colon. Agrippinae, 1618.  non obstante to Apostolical Constitutions, or whatsoever had been enacted by any Authority whatsoever, (the commandments of Christ being not excepted;) we originally departed with higher Degrees of Indignation, from the Insolent Court, than Church of Rome. Nor protested we so much against the Church, (though against the Church too,) as against the cruel Edict first made at 
† Spirae, Conventus ordinum Imperi celebratur, in quo Decretum factum est, ut Edictum 〈◊〉 observaretur co●tra Novatores, & omnia in integrum restituantur. Contra hoc Edictum solemnis fuit Protestatio, April. 16. A. D. 1529. & hinc ortum pervulgatum illud nomen Protestantinm. Sethus Calvis. in Chron. ad A. C. 1529. p. 831. col. 2. Edit. Francof 1620. Lutherus im●ul●t johannem Saxoniae Septemvirum▪ aliosque Principes Germanicos, protestari contra Decreta Ratisbonae & Spirae de Religione facta. Unde Nomen Protestantium crevit. Q●● de re consul Cluverium in Epitome. Hist. Mundi, ad A. C. 1529. p. 790. Edit. Lugd. Bat. 1631.  Worms, and after cruelly reinforced at Spire and Ratisbone; for the confirming of those (1) Corruptions from which the (2) Church was to be cleansed. To the (1) former we declared a Vatinian Hatred; but to the (2) later of the two we have the Charity to wish for a Reconcilement. That we who differ upon the way in which we are walking towards jerusalem, may so look back on the beginning from whence at first we set out, (and from which our Accusers have foully swerved, (as to agree in our Arrival at the same journey's end.  
But God forbid that our Love to the Peace without, should ever tempt us to a loss of the Peace within us. God forbid we should return with the Dog to his vomit, or with the Sow in the Hebrew Proverb (which is cited by St. Seter in His Epistle,) to her wallowing in the mire. When I wish a Reconcilement, I do not mean by Our Compliance with any the least of their Defilements, but by their Harmony with Us in our being Clean.  
On this 
* Ab Ecclesia Romana non alio discessim●s animo, quam ut, si cor●ecta ad Priorem Ecclesiae formam redeat, ●os quoque ad Illam reverta. mur, & Communionem cum Illa in suis porrò Coetilus habeamus. Zanch in Confess. Art. 19 de Ecclesiâ militante Tom. 8. p. 540. Edit. 1595.  Condition and Supposal; Our Church is open to receive the bitterest Enemies of our Church. Our Arms are open to embrace them, with Love, and Honour. Our Hearts and Souls are wide open in fervent Prayers and Supplications to the God of Purity and of Peace, that (in his own good time) he will bind up the Breaches, and wipe off the stains, and raise up the lapsed Reputation, of his divided, defiled, disgraced Spouse; And all for the Glory, as well as Merits, of the ever-blessed Bridegroom of all our Souls,  
To whom, with the Father, in the Unity of the Spirit, be ascribed by Us, and by all the World  
Blessing, and Glory, and Honour, and Power, and Wisdom, and thanksgiving, from this time forward for evermore.  
FINIS.   

A PARAENESIS TO THE READER, Touching the SERMON Going Before, and the DISCOURSE Which follows after of ROME'S PRETENDED INFALLIBILITY.   

A Paraenesis to the Reader, touching the Sermon going before, and the Discourse which follows after of Rome's pretended Infallibility.  
§. 1. SInce the Time wherein this Sermon was first commanded into the light, It has been scoffed at by some, and easily railed at by others, and by a third sort complained of, as the Concause at least of a Persecution. But so far has it been from being enfeebled, or refuted, that 'tis more than I know if it has manfully been opposed. So that to Vindicate my Sermon, I need no more than to Reprint it, (as I was told by an Acute and Learned Prelate,) If equal Readers will but have patience both to examine what I have said, and to compare it with the All that is said against it. Which if they will not do Now, whilst the Dispute is at the shortest, and whilst they may do it with greatest Ease; how much less would they have patience for such a due examination, if an Enlargement of the Contention should make their Task the more tedious? And if they will; All the stones which certain Enemies have hurled at it in the Dark, will (being happily laid together) make but a Monument of the Truth of that well-meant-Sermon. That famous saying of Callimachus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, I have found to be as True, as it was long ago Notorious. And when Controversies especially are improved into Volumes both Great and Many, Men of Poverty cannot buy, and men of Business cannot read them; and even men of most leisure cannot so grasp them as they ought, unless their Memories are as strong as their Attentions are to be steady, and the stock of their Patience as great as either. This the oftener I observe, and the longer I lay to heart, the more I am fixed in my choice, to serve and satisfy my Readers (as far at least as I am able) touching the Business I am about, at the least expense possible of Time, and Mony. For if my Essay is Convincing, It is the better for being short; And if it is otherwise, 'twould be the worse if it were longer.  
§. 2. If the Citations of my Sermon, in which I was engaged by just Authority, (by the Dean of the King's Chapel, for the Penning, & Preaching, as well as by the King Himself, for the Printing of it,) are but as free from all fraud as I say they are, and as every willing Reader has been enabled by me to prove with the least pains possible, I have attained my whole end, and my work is done. For as my end was to discover the real Novelty of the Doctrines, and the depravedness of the Practices, in which our Church cannot join with the Church of Rome, and which have made the Separation 'twixt Us, and Them; So my work was to prove it by the Confession of Themselves; I mean of such as are their Learned'st and Partial'st Writers. Who would not certainly have published the several Dates and Introductions of the New Articles of their 
* Vide Formulam Professionis Fidei Catholicae à pio IU. decretal, apud Laertium cherubinum in Bullario. Tom. 2. p. 129 Edit. Rom. 1617. Q●am confer cum Canonibus Concil. Trident. ci●atis in Concione de quâ agitur, p. 13. & cumduabus Citationibus in ejusdem paginâ 35.  Faith, much less would they have Printed the Scandalous Tenor of their Lives, had they not thought them too clear, to be either dissembled, or denied. If some are found to be so passionately transported, as to affirm either without, or against their own Knowledge, that the Citations I insist on are false, or frivolous, there needs no other vindication than my Affirming them to be True, and Material also. And this is ready to be attested by several Witnesses of Fact who have made exact Searches, at my Entreaty.  
§. 3. Indeed there is one of my Citations, (and but one that I know of,) which though as innocent, and as exact, as any Citation ever was, does seem to stand in some need of a Vidication. Not for the satifying or shaming a wilful Papist, who for want of due Knowledge, or of sufficient Ingenuity, shall at any time accuse both It, and Me; But for the sake of some weak and unwary Protestants, whose great unkindness to my Person has made them Maligners of my Cause too; And who had rather their own Religion should some way suffer, than that a Person whom they envy should any way prosper in its Defense. The one Citation I am to vindicate is in the sixth Page of my Sermon, 
See Joh. Sarisbur. Polycrat. Either printed at Leyden A. D. 1595. Or in Biblioth. Patr. Colon. Agrip. 1622. p. 427. Col. 1.  and 'tis out of the Polycraticum of johannes Sarisburiensis, (a learned Bishop who did flourish almost 500 years ago,) l. 6. c. 24 p. 329. Edit, Lugd. Bat. 1595. Where though 'tis granted The Church of Rome was said to show Herself a Stepmother, and Scribes and Pharisees were also said to sit in her; Yet I am branded with unsincere and unhandsome dealing, because the words were not spoken by the good Bishop to the Pope, as from Himself, or as his own sense and meaning, But as received from many others, and which himself had heard spoken in divers Provinces. To which I answer by these degrees. First that I never did once pretend the words were spoken by the Bishop, much less that they were spoken as his peculiar sense and meaning. But having used the word Pharisees in the Body of my Discourse, and applied it to the men of the Roman Church, I only noted in the Margin, where the word might be found in the sense I gave it. Meaning no more by it than This, That I was not the first who had so applied it, but that I had it from the men of their own Communion, and such as used such language long enough before Luther. Next 'tis clear that my Citation was not brought by way of proof, (though 'twas a proof of my Candour in the use of that word,) but rather by way of Accommodation. Else I had noted both how commonly, and how loudly the word was used; it being most for my Interest, and for the Credit of my Cause, to make it appear that it was used rather by many, than by one; nor only in one, but in many places. So that mine Enemies should have thanked my love of Brevity in a Margin, which would not suffer me to be fond of my whole Advantage. For (Thirdly) had I pursued it, as very prosperously I might, I might have added that That Censure (fixed on the Pope and the Cardinals, and the Roman Church in general,) was not only Vox 
* Haec inquam Pater, loquitur Populus, etc.  Populi, (which of itself had been enough,) but too agreeable besides with his 
* Vereor ne mendacii vel Adulationis contraham notam, si solu● Populo Contradixero. p. 330. Edit. Lugd. p. 427. edit. Colon.  own opinion; as also with the opinion of Cardinal 
* Veruntamen quia Populo testimonium perhibet [Cardinalis] ei usquequaque Contradi●ere non praesumo, etc. ibid.  Guido, whom the plainhearted Bishop thought it presumption to contradict. And though he made a due exception of some particular good men, (which in the worst Times and Places were never wanting,) yet, That Justice being done, and other Civilities being premised, He told 
*— quia Roma Corrupta apud Deum reperitur indigna. Tu ergò quia id habes officii, quaere, etc.— Sed timeo ne dum pergis quaerere quae vis, ab imprudente audias quae non vis. & caet. ubi supra.  the Pope to his Teeth, (as Guido had done in a public Synod, in which the Pope himself presided,) some Enormities which his Holiness both did, and winked at.  
§. 4. This is all the Vindication of that whole Sermon, which I have ever thought needful for my Protestant Readers; or have looked upon myself as concerned to make. (For did I know any thing else at which a weak-sighted Brother had ever Stumbled, I would take the like care to put the Block out of his way.) And for such of my Readers as are not Protestant, who are Afraid of being satisfied, and scorn Conviction, I think it most proper to say but This; That if 'tis matter of any moment to be allowed the last word on any Controverted Subject, Then Mr. Whithy's full Answer to the Attempt of Mr. Cressy must needs be happy in its Privilege of having not met with a Reply.  
§. 5. And such a Privilege has been enjoyed by what I writ some years ago▪ in way of Preface to Dr. Sherman, touching the Church of Rome's Pretensions to an Infallibility. The Confutation & Discovery of which One Error, (be it never so short, so it be plain, and perspicuous,) does make it absolutely needless to be Voluminous on the Rest, just as the grubbing up the Root of a noxious Tree, makes it vain and superfluous to spend a richer Treasure of Time, about the mortifying and killing its several Branches.  
§. 6. For the point of Infallibility must needs be one of the two Pillars, (whereof the Pope's pretended Headship or Universal Pastorship is the other,) wherewith the Tromperies superstructed must stand, or fall. And as it is skilfully contrived by the Roman Champions, to spend their strength in securing that Saving Error, [The Church of Rome cannot Err, because it gives the the best security to whatsoever other Errors their Church can own; and under which, as an Asylum, the grossest Follies they can get-by do live in safety; so by consequence 'tis as happily resolved by us, (upon so good an occasion given) to show the Feebleness, and Defects, even of That which does hold up the Papal Grandeur; and cannot choose but be acknowledged even by men of both sides, to be their first (or their second) most Helpful Engine.  
§. 7. This does bring into my mind, what I was told many Years since by an honourable Friend, 
* Mr. Patrick Carew.  (then when newly come out of Italy, wherein from his childhood he had been bred,) That having first been convinced by the little Treatise, which had been penned on that point by his Brother Falkland, That his beloved Roman Church was not-unerrable; He could not hinder his own Discovery, how very grievously she had Erred. Nor by consequence could he hinder his own Conversion from a Church, still pretending to a privilege of not being able to be deceived, as soon as he found 'twas even That, which had most deceived him. And truly had I been tempted but with a little of that leisure I once enjoyed, whereby to have written more at large to Serenus Cressy, (who pretending to Confute, has Escaped my Sermon, and only fought like a Parthian, by certain dexterous Tergiversations, though unlike a Parthian in point of mischief; neither denying, nor disproving, but still evading my Citations, and taking very great care to obscure his own; as well by making both the Greek and the Latin Fathers to hold their peace in Greek and Latin, and only speak in that English which He affords them, as by concealing both the Pages and the Editions of his Authors, for fear a Protestant should have leisure and patience too, whereby to bring them to a strict and a speedy Trial:) I say, had I the leisure, and could think it worth while to employ that leisure, in examining all his Book, as some have thought fit to do, I should not enlarge on any point with greater contentment to my Self, or greater hope of convincing both Him, and His, than that on which he hopes most to guard his obstinacy by.  
§. 8. For when the Romanists contend for the Church of Rome's being Infallible, they mean by the Roman, the whole Church Catholic; and by the whole Church Catholic, they 
* Father johnson, pag. 350.  mean as many as own the Pope for their Sovereign Pastor. This is called (by a plainer phrase,) 
* Father Cressy, p. 95.  The present Visible Church, to which (for all the General Councils,) the last Recourse is to be had. But why rather to the Present, than to the Primitive Church? or why to the present Church Visible, rather than to the first General Councils? Even because (saith 
* Ibid.  Mr. Cressy) Universal Experience doth demonstrate it impossible, that any Writing can end a Debate between multitudes of persons interessed, and therefore not impartial, or indifferent. Thus still there is something, not only fallible, but false, whereby a Romanist is to judge where to find Infallibility; (for wheresoever That is, the last Recourse is to be made;) Because an Experience as Universal, as that whereof Mr. Cressy speaks, doth also demonstrate it as impossible, That Any present Church Visible (much less that His) should put an end to a Debate between multitudes of persons, whose Interest and Byass is multifariously divided, as well as They. Men must equally agree (which they never will) first what is to be meant by the present Visible Church; and after That, that she is Infallible; before she can possibly put an end to all their Dissensions in their Debates.  
§. 9 But what does he mean by the present Church Visible? Does he mean all the Churches that do submit unto the Pope as their Sovereign Pastor, either IN, or OUT of a General Council? If the first; he must mean either a written, or speaking Council. If the former, Then he should not have distinguished it from the present Church Visible, as here he does. Then there needed no more than One, but That (by all means) must be a standing General Council, from the beginning of the Church till the Day of judgement. And then the Church was never able to make her Members a jot the better for her Infallibility, or to prove she had such a privilege, by being able to put an End to a Debate between Multitudes of different Interest and Judgement in several Nations, either before the Nicene Council, which was the first that was General, or since the Council held at Trent, which they avow to be the last. But if he mean's only a speaking Council, than he confesses that at present there is no such present Visible Church, as can Infallibly put an end to the Debate above mentioned; even because there is no such General Council. Which things being so; where is the boasted Infallibility? How shall we find, or comprehend it? or how is any Creature the wiser for it? And if he means (what was said in the second Branch of my first Dilemma,) All the Churches which own the Pope as their Sovereign Pastor, not IN, but OUT of a General Council; Then the Pope in his Conclave, or College of Cardinals, (which, by the way, is a Conventicle, though not a Council, not Concilium, but Counciliabulum,) must be the sole and proper speaking judge, who can end such a Debate as before we spoke of; so that in Him, as in her Head, the present Visible Church does entirely lodge; at least in respect of her Infallible judgement; which none but the Pope (out of a Council) can have, or utter. But thus the Romanists Absurdities will be more notable than before. For the Pope may be an Heretic, if not an Heathen. Pope Marcellinus was the first, and Pope Liberius the second. And there is no better arguing, than to the Aptitude from the Act. Nay, in some of the 30 Schisms which 
a Onuph. in Chron. p. 50.  Onuphrius reckons up in the Church of Rome, (before the word Protestant was ever heard of,) when two or three Popes did sit at once, 'twas even impossible to determine, which Pope was the true, and which the false. The Councils of 
b Concil. Constaniense praecipuè congregatum extinguendi schismatis Causâ, quis esset verus Pontifex, vix agnoscebat. V. Hist. Concil. à Paulo V. Edit. Tom. 4. p. 127.  Constance and 
c Statim illud in Controversiam venit, Nam Synodus Pisana in Illos potuerit animad●ertere, cum eorum al●●uter verus esset Pontif●●. sed interis esse● non co●●●aret. ib. p. seqq.  Pisa (whereof the former, by the way, was a General Council, in the Catalogue set forth by Pope Paulus Quintus,) were utterly at a Loss in their Debates of this matter. From whence it follows avoidable, that Mr. Cressy must not dare to avow this last notion of The present Visible Church; as well because it is not That, to which he dares say the last Recourse is to be had, as because she can too easily declare her sense in another way, than as she was ever represented by her Pastors out of all Nations, that is to say, by a General Council, which yet the present visible Church can never do, saith Mr. Cressy, chap. 9 p. 95. But when I say, he must not dare to avow this last notion of the present visible Church, to which he gives the last Recourse, and to which he ascribes Infallibility: I mean, he must not for the future, not but that for the present he dares to do it; Because he tells us expressly, p. 97. (& as dogmatically too, as without all proof,) That the present Superiors living and speaking must conclude all controversies, their Interpretation of Scripture and Fathers, their Testimony of Tradition, must more than put to silence all contradiction of particular persons, or Churches; it must also subdue their minds to an Assent, and this under the penalty of an Anathema, or cutting off from the body of Christ.  
§. 10. This is said by M. Cressy concerning the living and speaking judges of his Church, Judges for the time being in every Age. Quite forgetting what he had said not long before, p. 95. That Reason, Inspiration, and Examples of Primitive Fathers, must jointly make up the only Guide, which He affirms to be Infallible. For, unless they all concur, (as he had said before that, p. 93,) together with the present visible Governors, (to whom he there gives a judging determining power,) That which we take to be Reason, and Inspiration, and the sense of the Primitive Church, may deceive and misguide us. Now besides that This saying destroys the former, where no less was ascribed to the present visible Superiors living and speaking, than here is attributed to All four Requisites in conjunction; we know that Reason may be deceived, Inspiration be counterfeit by some unclean spirit, (which fallible Reason must be the Judge of,) primitive Fathers subject to Error, and present Superiors much more than Primitive: And, many fallible Guides can never make up one Infallible, any more than many Planets can make one Sun, or many Acts of finite knowledge one true omniscience. For as Mr. Cressy does confess, that Infallibility and Omniscience, are incommunicable Attributes of God Himself, (p. 98.) so he implies a contradiction, when he saith they are communicable to any creature, such as is his present visible Church. And another contradiction as bad, or worse, when he saith that a man, although of much Ignorance, may in a sort be Omniscient within his sphere, (p. 99) which is as if he should have said, That a man may be able to have a knowledge of All things, because he may so know them All, as to be Ignorant of Some. But then, with the help of that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the meanest man is as omniscient, as is his Roman Catholic Church; because (within his determinate sphere) he must needs have a knowledge of All he knows; and of more than she knows the Roman Church hath no knowledge. So again when he would show how a creature may be Infallible, though he had said that God Himself is incommunicably such, (p. 98.) he has no better a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, than an implicit explication of an Affirmative by a Negative. The immutable God can preserve mutable creatures from actual mutation; [ibid.] thereby implying, that the Immutable cannot communicate his incommunicable Attribute of Immutability to any creature, even because he cannot possibly perfect a creature into Himself. But from actual mutation he can preserve any Creature, as well an Ignorant single man, as a whole Church Catholic. Thus by endeavouring to uphold, Mr. Cressy does throughly Destroy his Doctrine: All he saith coming to this, That however God only is Undeceivable, yet he is able to preserve his deceivable creatures from being actually deceived. Sed quid hoc ad Iphicli Boves? The Question is not, Whether God can preserve a Church from being actually in error, (for so he can, and often does, particular Members of his Church,) But whether de facto he hath granted an Inerrability, or an Impossibility of erring, unto that which they call the Roman Catholic Church. Not whether the Church is actually false in her opinions, but whether or no she is Infallible, or exempted by God from the passive power of giving false Judgement in points of Faith. Will Mr. Cressy so confound an Adjective in Bilis, with a Participle derived from the passive preterperfest Tense, as either to argue à non actu ad non potentiam, or else to pass over from the one unto the other? Will he argue that Adam before his fall was Impeccable, because he yet was preserved from actual sin? or, that the Church was Infallible in the Apostles own Times, because she was not erroneous until she was? He cannot sure be so destitute either of Logic or Grammar skill. I think it rather his skill to dissemble both; as finding no other way to dispute a whole Chapter for such a Doctrine, unless he either begs, or forsakes the Question.  
§. 11. But now to give him more Advantage than he is mindful to give himself, when he allows so great a privilege to the present Governors of the Church in every Age, 
Ubi supra. p. 97.  whom he will have to be the living and speaking judges, to whom (without contradiction) all particular Churches as well as persons, must meekly yield up their Assent; Let us allow it to be his meaning, not that These are undeceivable, but that God doth still preserve them from being actually deceived. Was not Pope Hildebrand himself the supreme speaking judge, when yet the 
* Imperial. Statut. apud Goldast. Tom. 1. p. 74. Conc. Constantien. A. D. 1414. Sess. 11. Edit. Bi●. To. 7. p. 1036. Notoriè criminosus de homicidio, veneficio, pertinax Hzreticus, Simoniacus, contra ●rtic●lum de Resurrectione mortuorum dogmatizavit. Et paulò supertius,— cum Vxore fratris sui & cum sanctis monialibus Incestum commisit, pag. 1035.  Council at Worms did set him out as a Brand of Hell? Was not john the 23. the supreme speaking judge of Mr. Cressy's then present visible Church, when yet he openly denied the Immortality of the soul, and for That (with other crimes) was condemned by the Council then held at Constance? Were not john the 22. and Anastasius the 2. the supreme speaking judges in their several Times, who yet were both stigmatised for the Crime of Heresy? Let Mr. Cressy now speak like an honest man; Were such superiors as these, then living and speaking, to conclude all controversies? to Interpret Scripture and the Fathers? to put to silence all particular Churches? to subdue men's minds to an Assent? and this under the penalty of their being cut off from the body of Christ? (Let him read his own dictates, p. 97.) It will but little mend the matter, to say the Pope is but One, and that He spoke of All Superiors: Because, besides that they may All have their Byasses and Errors, as well as He, in case they are All consulted with, (as they never are, 
— In quantum est Caput Ecclesiae errare non potest. Et tunc est caput Ecclesiae cum facit quod in se est; nempe cum Consilio Cardinalium & doctissimorum Virorum definiendo, ubi errare non potest. Stella in Luc. 22. 31. page. 280. ) 'Tis very evident that the Pope (like the Sun among the Stars) is more than All, in all Cases. The greatest part of those Councils which they are pleased to call General, have been indeed little better than the mere Properties of their Popes: which that I may not seem to say, as one that loves to speak sharply, but rather as compelled by their own Accounts of them, I shall here give an Instance in One, or Two.  
§. 12. In the last Lateran Council under Julius the 2. and Leo the 10. 
A brief Account of the last Lateran Council.  The Holy Scriptures (at the first Session) are humbly laid down at his Holiness' feet; And, an Oath being administered, are formally touched by the Officials. The Pope (in that Session) is called The Prince of all the world; and (in the next) The Priest and the King to be adored by all the People, as being most like to God Himself. Accordingly (in the 3d) The Kingdom of France by Pope julius is subjected to an Interdict, and the Mart held at Lions transferred to Geneva. The Pragmatic Sanction is rescinded in the fourth, for the improving of the Trade of Ecclesiastical Hucksters, the buying and selling of Church-Preferments. The Pope is asserted as God's Lieutenant upon Earth, though not of equal merits. (A very signal Condescension! and to be kept in everlasting Remembrance! 
Ne fleveri● Filia Zion (ut Episcopus Modrusiensis affatur Papam) quia Ecce●venit Leo de Tribu Juda, Radix David. Ecce Tibi suscitavit Deus Salvatorem, etc. Te, Leo Beatissime, Salvatorem, expectamus, Te Liberatorem ventu●●● speravimus. Concil. ●a●e●ran. ult. Sess. 6. Bin. To. 9 pag. 74.  God is meekly acknowledged to be superior to the Pope.) In the fifth Session, julius dies, (another great Condescension!) And Leo his Successor is saluted, as no less than the Lion of the Tribe of judah, the Root of David, the Saviour and Deliverer that was to come. (A pretty clintch, but a blasphemous compliment, and unworthy a Bishop's mouth.) In the eighth and ninth Sessions, This Lion Roar's first against them that shall violate his Decrees in the present Council, to whom he threatens such a Sentence of Excommunication, as none but Himself could absolve them from. Next against the Emperor, Kings, and Princes, whom he chargeth not to hinder such as were coming to the Council, under the penalty of incurring God's Displeasure and his own. In the last of those two Sessions, 
Divinae Majestatis tuae conspectus, rutilanti cujus fulgore imbecilles oculi mei caligant etc. Et paulo post, In te uno legitimo Christi & Dei Vicario, propheticum iuud debuerit rersus impleri, Adorabunt ●um omnes Reges Terrae, omnes Gentes servient ei. Ibid. Sess. 9 p. 114, 116.  Antonius Puccius tells Leo, how his Eyes are darkened by the rutilant Brightness of his Divine Majesty.— in him alone as the Vicar of God and of Christ, That saying of the Prophet ought again to have its completion, All the Kings of the Earth shall come and Worship, All the Nations under Heaven shall do him Service. In a word, throughout the whole Council, nothing is carried by the counsel, or consultation of Assessors, (for Assistants I cannot call them,) nothing by suffrages, or votes, from them that make it wear the name of a General Council; But, the supreme present judge (to use the phrase of Mr. Cressy) as an Infallible Dictator, ordained All▪ This is constantly the Preface to each Decree in That Council, Leo Episcopus, servus servorum Dei, ad perpetuam rei memoriam, approbante Concilio, etc.  
§. 13. So again in their last and best beloved General Council, 
Of the Council at Trent.  All the Fathers do but prepare convenient matter for Decrees, whereunto the Pope's Fiat does give the life. Their two and twenty years' contrivances do end at last in a 
* Humiliter p●timus nomine dicti Concilii Oecumenici Tridentini, 〈◊〉 Sanctitas vestra dignetur confirmare omnia & singula, etc. Edit. Bin. Tom. 9 pag. 442.  meek Petition, That his Holiness will vouchsafe to confirm what they had done; (that is,) to inform the lifeless matters they had prepared; which could not have the nature and force of Articles, or Decrees, until the Pope had breathed on them the Breath of Life. So a little before That, 
* Si in his recipiendis aliqua Difficultas oriatur, aut aliqua inciderint quae Declarationem aut Finitionem postulent,— confidit sancta Synodus Pontificem curaturum.— etc. viderit expendire— etc. Si necessarium judicaverir, etc. Si ei visum fuerit, etc. Ibid. p. 434.  The General Council does humbly hope, That if any Difficulty arise in the receiving of the Canons, or if any things Doubtful shall require a Definition, or Declaration, His Holiness will provide for the Necessities of the Provinces, for the Glory of God, and the Tranquillity of the Church, either by calling a General Council, if He shall judge it to be needful, or by committing all the Business to such as He shall think fit, or by what way soever He shall judge more commodious. All, upon the matter, both is, and must be, as He pleaseth; and when the Council is dissolved, He is himself Tantamount to a General Council. Indeed much more. For the Council did but propose, But He 
a Apostolicâ Auctoritate declaramus & definimus p. 444.  declares, and defines, by Apostolical Authority. He 
b Fidem sine ullâ Dubitatione haberi mandamus atque decernimus, p. 443.  commands, and decrees, by somewhat more than Apostolical, That Faith without the least Doubting, be had by all to his Creed; and all under the penalty of being cut off from the Body of Christ; notwithstanding some part of his Creed is 
* Vide Concil. Trident. Edit. Bin. excus. Genev. A. D. 1612. Tom. 9 Sess. 4. p. 354.  This, That Apocryphal writings, and mere Traditions, concerning Faith, as well as Manners, are by all to be received with as much Reverence and Affection, as things proceeding from God the Holy Ghost, or from the mouth of our Lord jesus Christ.  
Now if a Council (as the Lateran) does only Read a Decree in Fieri, And a Pope (as the Tenth Leo) by saying Placet, does make it one in Facto esse; If a Council cannot be currant, unless it be called by the Pope, and by the Pope presided in; yea if nothing done in it can pass for currant, until the Pope hath approved of it, or until he hath made it become Authentic by an Act of his Will, or by a word of his Mouth; Mr. Cressy, and Father johnson, who do so earnestly contend for a subcoelestial infallibility, cannot choose but believe, (if at all they believe, as well as plead it,) That its real Inherence is in the Pope, and only said to be in the Church, because it does more become the Error, and set it off to the People with better Grace. The Reason of what I say is very cogent in itself; and that it may be so to others, I thus endeavour to make it plain. They say that Councils are not currant, unless approved of by the Pope. Nor does he give his Approbation, until the Council is at an end. His Approbation is after; and not before it. From whence 'tis natural to Infer, That he approves not of the Council, because Infallibly good and therefore currant; (it would not then need his Approbation:) But the Council is good and currant, because He approves it. And why should That be said, unless because He is Infallible with Them that say it? Thus (I say) it is to Them, not Thus in Itself. For then there would follow this other Absurdity, That if The Council hath erred, it is because the Pope hath not approved it. For let him but approve, and It hath not erred, because it hath every thing required to its Infallibility. If not, let them speak; for I argue only ad homines, and (out of very great charity) try to make them ashamed with their own Devices.  
§. 14. Now (to speak a gross Truth,) The Approbation of a Pope, when a Council hath done with its Consultations, cannot possibly have the virtue to effect that such a Council shall not have erred. For if it hath erred it is erroneous, though He approves it. If not, it is orthodox, though He rejects it. The Emperors who called the first and truest General Councils, did either not care for, or not expect his Approbation. Yet Those were the Councils, either not erring at all, or at least the least erring of any other.  
§. 15. But let us yield Mr. Cressy yet more Advantage, and suppose him only to mean what once he saith, (for he saith so many things, that he seems to have many, and even contradictory meanings,) 
* Ch. 9 p. 95. Sect. 7.  A Church represented by her Pastors out of All Nations, which Pastors out of All Nations make a 
* Concilia Generalia dicuntur ea, quibu● interest possunt & debent Episcopitotius Orbis, (nisi legitimè impediantur) & quibus nemo rectè praesidet nisi Summus Pontifex, aut alius ejus nomine. Ind n. dicuntur Oecumenica, i. e. Orbis Totius Terrae Concilia. Bellarm. Controu. To. 1. l. 1. de Concil. c. 4. p. 1096.  General Council; And that This only is the Church, to which he ascribes Infallibility. To which I answer, by two Degrees. First by observing, that he takes for granted what is false. For there was never such a Council, as to which All Nations did send their Pastors, and by consequence The Church was never so Represented; and by consequence never Infallible, if She can only be Infallible when so Represented, to wit, by the Pastors of All Nations which have Christian Churches in them. For, the first four General Councils were not such in That sense; And only were called Ecumenical, not for Bellarmine's Reason, but because they consisted of all the Pastors who were sent from Those Nations which made up all the Roman Empire, whose Emperors (by a figure) were called the Masters of the world. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Concil. Chal. Act. 1. Bin. To. 3. p. 50.  Beyond the limits of the Empire, None of those, or after- Councils, did ever reach. None went thither out of Persia, India, the Inmost Arabia, and Aethiopia, wherein the Churches were never under the Roman Empire; Nor yet out of Britain, France, and Spain, when, being parted from the Empire, They became the Peculiar of other Princes. And as the Empire grew scanty, so the Councils in proportion did grow less General. Whose Greatness is to be measured, not by the number of the Bishops, but by the multitude of the Churches, and by the Greatness of the Regions from which they come. But since the Bishops of Rome, with other Rights of the Roman Empire, have invaded This also, of calling and praesiding in General Councils, they have been only called General, for being a Confluence of Pastors out of all the Papal Empire. And therefore, according to Mr. Cressy, They could not possibly be Infallible, because not such, as to which All Nations did send their Pastors.  
§. 16. Next I answer by observing that the learned'st Romanists cannot agree, about the Nature, or Number, of General Councils. For, first as to the Nature, The General Councils of the Romanists are 
* Quaedam sunt ab Apostolica sede approbata, atque ab Ecclesiâ universâ recepta; quaedam omnino reprobata; quaedam partim reprobata, partim approbata; quaedam nec approbata, nec reprobata; Bellarm. ubi sup. p. 1097.  thus divided by themselves; Some (say they) are approved by the Sea Apostolical, and received by the Catholic Church. ² Some are absolutely reprobated. ³ Some are reprobated in part, approved. ⁴ Some are neither reprobated, nor approved. Now since each of these sorts is said by Romanists to be General, and General Councils in the general are also said by the same to be Infallible; What else do they say, in effect & substance, but that the Church represented in General Councils is either absolutely Infallible, (as in the first species of General Councils,) or altogether fallible, (as in the second;) or partly Infallible, and partly fallible, (as in the third;) or neither fallible, nor infallible, (as in the fourth.) If General Councils cannot err, Why then do they reprobate, or doubt any of them? If they have sufficient reason both to reprobate some, and to doubt of others, Why do they call 
a pag. 1105, 1107, 1109. Et inde constat, locutum esse Bellarminum ex sententia suâ, quia sic claudit Partitionem, Quod membrum postremum in Confiliis particularibu● potissimum locum habet. p. 1097. Ergo membra priora in Generalibus, ut & postremum aliquatenus, etiamsi non potissimum.  Them General Councils? or, if General Councils can be doubted of at all, and that by Them too; By what Infallible Token shall they know, either that the Councils are truly General, and Genuine; or at least, that being such, they are Infallible? Of Bellarmine's 18 General Councils, which are his first and best species, he proves the Approvedness and validity by the Pope's praesiding in, or approving of them. His General proof is but this, [They are approved of by the Pope, and received by Papists.] And what is this but to beg the Question? The first 8 Councils he proves to be such, by the 
b Dist. 16. Can. sancta octo. apud Gratian. p. 60, 61.  Decree of the Pope. The Nine that follow he proves to be approved, Because the Pope presided in them. And the last was confirmed by Pius Quartus. So that a Council's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 is derived from the Pope, and depends upon his Pleasure. But now of those 18. there is a very great difference. For the first four only were received and revered by Gregory the Great, as were the four 
c Gratian. Decret. par. 1. Dist. 5. Huc spectat Epist. Vi●ilii Papae ad Eutychium, apud Concil. Edit. Bin. To. 8. p. 593.  Gospels of jesus Christ. Which Reverence would have been due to the other fourteen, had they been of as great Authority; as they needs must have been, had all been equally Infallible, in their opinion who own them All. And yet the later Councils had been more valid than the former, if 'tis not 
d Absque Romani Pontificis Authoritate Synodum a●iquibus congregare non l●cet. Ibid. Dist. 17.  lawful to call a Council, without the Authority of the Pope, as Marcellus his Decretal affirms it is not. Secondly for the Number of their approved General Councils, I see not how it can be agreed. For besides that the 
e Concil. Elorent. Sess. 5, & 6.  Greeks receive no more than the first seven, The 
f Magdeburg. Cent. 8. c. 9 & Cent. 9 c. 9  Lutherans but six, The Eutychians in Africa no more than three, The Nestorians in the East no more than two, and the Polonian Trinitarians no more than one, (which Difference is acknowledged by Bellarmine Himself,): I say, besides This, I wonder when Bellarmine will be ever agreed with Pope Paul the fifth; The former rejecting the Council at Constance from the number of the Approved, which yet the 
g V. Concil. Gen. à Paulo V. Edit. Tom. 4.  Later does admit of with equal Reverence. It was reprobated indeed by a worse than itself, to wit the Council at Florence next following after; but 'twas only for decreeing, that a Council was above the Pope, for which it ought to have been approved. And abating those things which consist not with the Haughtiness (but the just Dignity) of the Popes, It is as generally received as any other. Yet we need no better Argument to prove such a Council above a Pope, and the gross fallibility of both together, than an Historical Account of That one Council, as we find it set down by Pope Paul the fifth. The Third at Constantinople, which is commonly reckoned the sixth General Council, was by the 14th at Toledo (Can. 7.) esteemed the fifth. Implying the former under Vigilius, not to have been one of the General Councils, which yet with other Councils does pass for such without Question. And so much for the Number of general Councils, as well as for the Nature of them.  
§. 17. Last of all let Mr. Cressy be allowed to mean at the most Advantage, That his General Councils are said to be Infallible, not because they cannot, but do not err; for so he most improperly, but yet most kindly helps out himself, chap. 9 pag. 98. 
Socrat. Hist. Ecc. l. 1. c. 8. Sozomen. l. 1. c. 23. Niceph. l. 8. c. 19  But does he not think it was an Error in the first Council of Nice, (as in the third of Constantinople) to assent to Paphnutius his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and patronising the Marriage of Priests, as both Socrates, and Sozomen, and the Roman 
* Dist. 32. Can. Nicen. V. Concil. Constantin. III. Can. 13. To. 5. p. 326. Concil. Elib. Can. 36.  Decree do alike affirm? At least the Council of Eliberis (which was contemporary with That) Mr. Cressy will say was in an Error, for declaring it unlawful, to paint in the windows or walls of Churches, what is the object of Adoration. 
Concil. Nic. 2. Act. 4. Concil. Constant. quartum decrevit e●ndem Imaginū cultum. Edit. Bin. Tom. 7. p. 1046.  And so much the rather will he believe it to be an Error, because the second Nicene General Council decreed that Images are to be worshipped, and denounced an Anathema to all that doubt the Truth of it. Does he not think it was an Error in the Council of Chalcedon, 
Concil. Chalced. Act. 15. Can. 28. Qui Canon ●enuinus est, non obstante Binii subterfugio pudendo. Tom. 3. pag. 446.  to Decree unto the Bishop of Constantinople, even in causes Ecclesiastical, an equality of privileges with the Bishop of Rome? Or does he not think it was an Error in the 
* Concil. Constantinop. III. Act. 13. Tom.. 5 lib. 211. Vide Notas in vitam Honor. Edit. Bin. Tom. 4. pag. 572. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Concil. Flor. definite. Edit. Bin. To. 8. p. 854.  sixth General Council, to condemn Pope Honorius as a Monothelite, and to decree that his Name should be razed out of the Church's Diptyches; seeing another General Council, since held at Florence, hath defined the Pope to be the Highpriest over all the world, the Successor of St, Peter, Christ's Lieutenant, The Head of the Church, The Father and Teacher of all Christians, and one to whom in St. Peter our Lord jesus Christ did deliver a full Power, as well to GOVERN, as to feed the Universal Church? And did accordingly exauctorate the Council at Constance, for seating a Council above a Pope? Or is it not thought by Mr. Cressy, that This Florentine Council was in an Error, in Granting the Roman Church a Power of adding to the Creed, which the General Council of Chalcedon had forbidden to be done under the Penalty of a Curse? as was 
* Ibid. Sess. 5. p 593.  observed and urged by Pope Vigilius Himself, to Eutychius the Patriarch of Constantinople? Let Mr. Cressy but compare the sixth General Council (whose famous Canons were made in Trullo,) with the Tridentine Canons, and the General Practice of his Church, And (sure I am) he will acknowledge, that the one or the other hath foully erred. It was decreed in the sixth, 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. Conc. Constant. III. Can. 13. To. 5. Edit. Bin. To. 5. p. 326.  That married men without scruple should be admitted into the Priesthood, and this without any condition of abstaining thence-forwards from cohabitation, lest men should seem to offer Contumely unto God's holy Institution. Yea (which is most to be observed) This was a Canon made professedly 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, etc. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc. ibid. p. 325, 326.  against the Canon of the Church of Rome, whereunto is confronted the ancient Canon, which is there said to be of Apostolical Perfection. Here the Doctrine and Practice of the Church of Rome is condemned by a Council, which is owned to be General by the same Church of Rome. The Church of Rome is also condemned by the same General Council (in its 55 Canon,) and commanded to conform to the 65 Canon of the Apostles (from which they had scandalously departed) under two great Poenalties therein expressed. 
c Ibid. p. 338.  To all which if I shall add, How the 8th General Council made a peremptory Decree, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Concil. Constant. IU. Act. 9 Can. 3. Edit. Bin. To. 7. p. 977.  That the Image of Christ is to be worshipped as the Gospel of God, That whosoever adore's it not, shall never see his Face at his second coming, (never at least by their good will,) That the Pictures of Angels and all the Saints are in like manner to be adored, And that all who think otherwise are to be Anathematised; I hope Mr. Cressy and Father Johnson are not such Lovers of Idolatry and Contradiction, as not to know and to acknowledge the Fallibility of their Church in a general Council.  
§. 18. I have the rather made it my choice to use the Canons and Decrees of Popes and Councils, (especially of such as by the Romanists themselves are accounted General,) Because for want of a better Refuge, when they are pressed with many things which cannot be justified, or denied, They have evermore recourse to This one Catholic evasion, That they are but the sentiments of private Doctors, whose ill opinions or mistakes are not chargeable on the Church. Now though we cannot but believe their Private 
* Such as Bellarmin, Baronius, Onuphri●●, Vasques, Maldonat, Stella, Ly●a, Stapleton, Pamelius, Petavius, Vi●es, Rubanus Maurus, and others. Yea Scotus, Aquinas, Pope Gregory the Great. The Bishops of Germany in the Council at Worms, etc.  Doctors (as they call them) when they are men of great Learning, and greater Zeal to That Cause, and only speak as Narrators touching matters of Fact, and such as of which they might be silent with more advantage unto themselves; Yet I hope 'twill not be said, That the present superiors living and speaking, to whom 
* Ch. 9 97.  Mr. Cressy ascribes the power of Concluding all Controversies, are no better than private Doctors; much less will they say it of their General Councils unto which they do 
* Ib. p. 95.  acknowledge the last reeourse is to be had. And here if any man shall ask what may be probably the Reason, why when the Tenet of Infallibility is so far a Doctrine of their Church, as it is taught and maintained by their 
* Ib. p. 93.  Present visible Governors or their present Superiors living and speaking, 
* Ib. p. 97.  (unto whom is ascribed the power aforesaid,) It hath not yet been thought fit to be credited by the Decree of a General Council, (nor indeed of any Council that I am able to allege;) I know not what Reason to render of it, unless I may say that they distinguish between their Doctrines, and their Opinions; or between Things pretended, and Things Believed by their Superiors; As if the Governors Themselves (whom 
* Ubi supra. praesertim pag. 97.  they make Tantamount to a General Council) were not able to believe the Infallibility they pretend to, But only thought fit that The People should. If any other man Can give any better reason, I do earnestly desire that what I have given may go for None.  
§. 19 And as, on the one side, Their steadfast Belief That She cannot err, is enough to confirm them in all their Errors; So, to convince them on the other side of that one Error, will make them ready both to see, and renounce the Rest. That it may seem to be a vain, or a needless Thing, for any man to be lavish of Time, or Labour, in a particular Ventilation of other controverted Points, whilst This of Infallibility remain's untouched, or undecided. For if we show them the Absurdities of Bread and Wine being transmuted into the Body and Blood of Christ; or of being so transmuted into Human Flesh and Blood, as to retain both the Colour, Touch, and Taste, and all other Adjuncts of Bread and Wine; or of its so beginning now to be (in the Act of Consecration) the numerical Body of a crucified jesus, as to have been the very same under Pontius Pilate, as well as in the Virgin's Womb; or of its beginning to be as often, and of as many several Ages, as the Priests as their Altars shall please to make it; or of its being the same Body, whether eaten by a Christian, or by a Dog: They will defend themselves with This, That though 'tis Absurd, and Impossible, yet it is necessarily True, because 'tis taught by that Church which cannot deceive, or be deceived. Whereas, if once we can convince them that she is able to be deceived, who had taught them to believe she is undeceivable, (and that in matters of greatest moment,) They cannot choose but disapprove and forsake her too, as the greatest Deceiver in all the world.  
§. 20. That She is Able to be deceived, cannot better be evinced than by the Evidence that She Is. And 'tis evident that She Is, by her own Confession. For she is no where more seen than in her General Councils, whereof when any one does condemn what She asserts as no Error, or when one does contradict and accuse another, (of which I have given sufficient Instance,) she does confess herself Fallible, by so declaring She has been False. And accordingly Mr. Cressy could not righteously be blamed by the Roman Partisans, for having confessed (as he did) in his Exhomologesis, 
* See the use which is made by Dr. Pearson in his Preface to the Reply of the Lord Viscount Faulkland.  That this Infallibility is an unfortunate word; That he could wish it were forgotten, or at least laid aside; That Mr. Chillingworth fought against it with too great success; That it is not to be met with in any Council; And That the Authority of the Church (meaning the Church undepraved) was never enlarged by Herself to so great a wideness. And as They cannot blame him, much less can I, for confessing a Disadvantage he could not conveniently deny. That which I blame him for is This, (and for This he can never be blamed enough,) That having 
* Rom. Cath. Doct. no Nou.  confessed Infallibility to be one of God's peculiar 
* Cap. 9 Sect. 11. p. 98.  Incommunicable Attributes, and by consequence that the Church which he calls the Roman Catholic, can no more be Infallible, than Omniscient, He has yet been so transported with Partiality to a Church he has resolved to assert, (whether right, or wrong,) as to 
* Ubi supra, pag. 89.  communicate That to Her, which he confesseth 
* Pag. 98.  Incommunicable; and to affirm that That is Necessary, which he confesseth to be Impossible; and so to espouse in a Fit of Kindness, what in a Fit of Discretion He cannot Own.  
§. 2. Having thus cloyed my Reader with but a Taste of Mr. Cressy, I persevere in my purpose not to spend or lose time upon all the Rest; partly for the Reason already mentioned, because 'twould be as well a thankless, as needless office. Partly becasue 'tis undertaken (without my Care or procurement) by other men. Nor only undertaken, But elaborately done too; not only by Mr. Whitby, (and by Him very sufficiently,) But by a Person of greater Eminence; after whom to set about it, would at least be superfluous, if not Immodest. Partly because I am still dissuaded both by the Virulence of mine Enemies, and by the Kindness of my Friends, as well as by many my more peculiar and lessedispensable Employments. Lastly because by a little Pattern of any strong or slight Stuff, 'Tis both the cheapest and easiest way whereby to Judge of the whole Piece. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
FINIS.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. OR THE LIFELESNES of LIFE On the hither side of IMMORTALITY. With a Timely Caveat against PROCRASTINATION. Briefly expressed and applied in a SERMON Preached at the Funeral of EDWARD PEYTO of Chesterton in Warwickshire Esq  
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Sophocles 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   

To my ever Honoured Friend Mrs. Elizabeth Peyto of Chesterton.  
MADAM,  
TO speak my sense of your many Favours, with my reverend esteem of your Approbation, and how inclinable I have been to yield obedience to your Commands, the greatest expression that I can make, hath been hitherto the least that I think is due. And now I am sorry I can prove by no better Argument, (at the present,) how great a deference and submission I think is due to your Judgement, than by my having preferred it before mine own, in permitting that Sermon to lie in Common, which I had only intended for your Enclosure. For though the thing hath been desired by several persons of Quality, besides yourself; yet the principal end of my Publication, is not to gratify their desires, whom I could civilly deny, but to comply with your reasons, which I cannot pardonably resist. The very piety of your Reasons having added to them so great a power, that what was skill in Aspendius, in me would certainly be guilt, should I (through Avarice or Envy) reserve any thing to my self, by which your charity doth 
* 1 Cor. 13. 7.  believe I may profit others.  
Indeed considering we are fallen, I do not only say, into an iron age, but into an age whose very iron hath gathered rust too, wherein the most do so live, as if they thought they should never die, (at least had forgotten that they are dying, and being dead, 
2 Cor. 5. 10.  must be accountable for what is done whilst they are living,) it may be labour well spent, to trig the wheels of their sensuality; and that by thrusting into their eyes such sad and seasonable objects, as may make them consider their latter end. It was a custom with some of old, 
Deut. 32. 29.  whensoever they intended a sumptuous Feast, to put a deaths-head into a dish, and serve it up unto the Table: which being meant for a significant, though silent Orator, to plead for temperance, and sobriety, by minding the men of their mortality, and that the end of their eating should be to live, and that the end of their living should be to die, and the end of their dying to live for ever, (for even the Heathens who denied the resurrection of the body, did yet believe the immortality of the Soul,) was looked upon by all sober and considering guests, as the wholesomest part of their Entertainment. And since 'tis true, 
Eccles. 7. 3.  (what is said by Solomon) that sorrow is better than laughter, for by the sadness of the countenance the heart is made better; whereupon the Royal Preacher concludes it better of the two, 
Verse 2.  for a man to go into the house of mourning; I cannot but reason within myself, that when 
* Verse 4.  the heart of fools is in the house of mirth, whose customary language is such as this, [
* Wisd. 2. 6, 7, 8, 9, 10.  Come on, let us enjoy the good things that are present, let us crown ourselves with Rosebuds before they be withered, let none of us go without his part of voluptuousness, let us leave tokens of our joyfulness in every street, let us oppress the poor man that is righteous, and let our strength be the law of justice,] there can be nothing more friendly, or more agreeable to their wants, than to invite such men to the house of mourning, and there to treat them with the character of the most troublesome life of man, (which being impartially provided, will serve as well as a Deaths-head,) during the time of his floating in a valley of Tears.  
For this is useful to teach us all, not to be amorous of a life, which is not only so short, as that it cannot be kept long, 
Joh. 14. 1.  but withal so full of trouble, as that 'tis hardly worth keeping. Nor by consequence to dote on a flattering world, which is so little to be enjoyed, and its Enjoyments also so full of vexatious mixtures. 
Eccles. 2. 12.  Again 'tis useful to encourage us, not to be afraid of a man that must die, 
Isa. 51. 12. Mat. 10. 28.  and whilst he lives can but kill the body. Nor to scruple at the paying that common debt, which we owe to Religion, as well as Nature; that God may give us an 
* Mat. 25. 21.  acquittance, as well as nature: we having received an insurance from the infallible undertaker, that the way both to save, and prolong a life, 
Mat. 16. 25. Mark. 8. 36.  is religiously to lose it, or lay it down. Again 'tis useful to admonish us, (after the measure that we are negligent,) to 
* Mat. 25. 16. Luk. 19 15.  trade with the talon of our time, for the unspeakable advantages of life eternal; and to do all the work we can, because the night cometh, 
Joh. 9 4.  when we shall be able to work no more. Lastly it mindeth us, as to be doing, because our Lord cometh, and is at hand, so to be vigilant and watchful, 
Phil. 4. 5.  because we know not 
* Mat. 24. 42.  what hour. In a word; the more transitory, and the more troublesome, the life of men shall appear to be, by so much the better will be the uses, which we are prompted to make of its imperfection.  
And here it comes into my mind, to give you my thanks by my observance of the seasonable counsel you lately gave me, not to lavish out my time in shaming the adversaries of truth, (by way of answer or reply to their mere impertinencies and slanders,) but rather to spend it in such practical and peaceable meditations, as are likelier to forward their Reformation. And though it was not your opinion that I could not use my time ill, in writing continual vindications of the lately persecuted doctrines of jesus Christ, but only that you thought I might use it better; yet my opinion doth so fully concur with yours, that even as soon as my leisure serves me to pay my Readers what I have promised, (that men may learn to love God, by thinking him free from their Impieties, and may not reverence their Impieties, so far forth as they think them the works of God,) I shall direct my whole studies, as you have charitably advised. And indeed I am the fitter to take your Counsel, because I want a fit enemy with whom to combat; since three or four of the ablest have quit the field, and as it were bowed to the truth of the things in question. For though they have lately sent out a Teazer, who (they hoped) might tempt me to loss of time, not by disputing in any measure against a line of what I have published, but only by opening a noisome mouth, in a very wide manner against my person, and (which is infinitely sadder) against my 
* He saith expressly, 1. That whatever God foresees, and doth not prevent, (which is all the wickedness in the word) he may be justly said to Cause. (p. 9) 2. That Gods absolute will is the prime cause, and necessarily productive of every action of the creature, p. 10. (and so no less of our worst, then of our best actions.) 3. That God cannot be freed from being the author of sin, by such as acknowledge his prescience, p. 9 (so that either he cannot believe God's prescience, or cannot but believe him the Author of sin.) 4. That he cannot deny God to be the author of sin, or to will the event of sin, p. 2.  God too; yet this does signify no more, than that they are stomackful in their afflictions, and like the mettlesom Cynaegyrus in no particular but this, that when his Hands were cut off, he pursued the enemy with his Teeth. A Printed Pamphlet comes to me, subscribed and sent by Edward Bagshaw, (with your pardon be it spoken, for 'tis not handsome in your presence, to mention the name of so foul a thing,) which neither the gravity of my Calling, nor the price I put upon my time, nor the reverence I bear to your advice, will permit me to answer in more than two words. (and in these I shall imitate the most judicious Mr. Hooker.) For whereas it amounteth to these two things, to wit, his railing against God as the 
* P. 2. l. 19, 20 & p. 9 l. 18. to l. 22. p. 10. l. 23, 25. to be compared with l. 32.  Author of sin, and his railing against me as a grievous sinner, (without the offer of any proof, for the one, or the other,) To the first I say, No, to the second, Nothing. As for his blasphemies at large, his inconsistencies with himself, his frequent confessions that he is ignorant of what he presumeth to affirm, his impotent slanders, his most unsavoury scurrilities, his pique at my cassock and my cap, his evil eye upon my Rectory, and female Readers, (to the honour of your sex, and shame of ours,) last of all for his impenitency and resolutions to persevere in his crying sins,) against That person of all the world, whom, next to God, and his Parents, he ought to have had in the greatest reverence,) I shall leave him to the mercy of one or other of my Disciples; who being as much his juniors, as he is mine, may have youth enough to excuse, if not commend them, for cooling the courage of so prurient and bold a Writer. But for myself, I have determined, so to profit by what I Preach in the following Sermon, as not to leave it in the power of every petulant undertaker, to dispose of my hours in altercation. They that look to live long before they 
* Psal. 16. 10.  look upon the grave, may trifle out their time with better pretensions to an excuse; but I who have lost so much already, and have had (as I may say) so many Trials for my Life, (at that Bar of Mortality, the Bed of Sickness,) which makes me consider it as a perishing, and dying life, cannot think it so much as lawful, to dispute it away with an itching adversary; who, however insufficient to hold up his quarrel, is yet too restless to lay it down.  
But I proceed to that Subject (from which my thoughts have been kept by a long parenthesis) of which I love to be speaking on all occasions that can be offered, because I find so much in it, of which I cannot but speak well; and no less to the honour of his memory, than to the profit and pleasure of his survivers. He was certainly a person, who lived a great deal of life in a little time; especially dating it (as he did) from the memorable point of his renovation. When I consider him in his Childhood at the University of Oxford (I am sure some years before you knew him) exciting others by his Example, to mind the end of their being there; how strict and studious he appeared throughout his course; how much farther he went before, (in point of standing and proficiency,) than he came behind others, in point of years; how much applauded he was by all, for his public Exercises in Lent, both as an Orator at the Desk, and as a Philosopher in the Schools; how (like the brave Epaminondas) he added honour to his degree, which yet to us (of his form) was all we were able to attain; when I reflect upon his progress through much variety of Learning, through every part of the Mathematics, especially through Algebra, the most untrodden part of them; and when I compare with all this, the great sobriety of his temper, his unaffected humility, and (after a public aberration) his perfect return into the way, out of which (for some years) he had unhappily been seduced; last of all when I rememember, how whilst nothing but prosperity made some in the world to hug their error, he hated his so much the more, the more he had prospered by its delusion, (which was an argument of the most generous and Christian temper,) I think I may fitly affirm of him, what was said by Siracides concerning Enoch, 
Wisd. 4. 13.  that being made perfect in a short time, he fulfilled a long time.  
I do the rather think it a duty, to praise him after his decease, the less he was able to endure it, whilst yet alive. And I conceive myself the fitter, to speak a little in his absence of his perfections, because so long as he was present, I only told him of his faults. (Never leaving him as a Monitor, until I thought he left them.) For having found him my noble Friend, and (which in honour to his memory, I think it my duty to acknowledge) my very munificent Benefactor, I could not be so unkind a thing, as not to afford him my reprehensions, (yet still attended with respect,) in whatsoever regard I could think them useful. And 'twas the mark of an excellent judicious spirit, that he valued me most for my greatest freedom in that particular. Even then when our heads were most at enmity, (by the over great influence of his Father's persuasion upon his own) there still remained in both our hearts a most inviolable friendship. And yet the chiefest instance of mine, was only my often having been angry with what I conceived to be a sin; against which (by God's goodness being sufficiently convinced) he grew at last to be as angry, as Friends or Enemies could have been. He had impartially considered that sacred Aphorism, that to refuse instruction, is to despise ones own soul. And he who could not be thankful for being chid, was judged by him to be unworthy of any honest man's anger. Nor can I imagine a solid reason, why he was careful in time of health, to bespeak my presence in time of Sickness, (of which you are able to be his witness,) unless because he did esteem me the most affectionate person of his acquaintance, by his having still found me the most severe. To conceal his great failing, (which was so far scandalous, as it was public, and apt to be hurtful by the reverence which many men had to his example,) and only to speak of the best things in him, were rather to flatter, then to commend him. But yet as the Scripture hath said of David, that he did what was right in the eyes of the Lord, 
1 King. 15. 5.  save only in the matter of Uriah the Hittite, so I think I may say of your self-departed, that unless it were in that one unhappiness, of engaging himself in an ugly Cause, (which yet he seriously repent, and so was fitted for that early, but most exemplary death, which happily opened a door to his Immortality,) his greatest Vice was but this, that he modestly concealed too many Virtues.  
The remarkable manner of his departure did most remarkably resemble Sir Spencer Compton's (a person so singularly qualified, by Grace, and Nature, and Education, that however his extraction was highly Noble, I may confidently say it was the lowest thing in him,) who died at Bruges about the time, wherein the man of our desires expired at Compton. Never did I hear of a more heavenly Valediction to all the contentments of the earth, than was given by these two at their dissolutions. Never yet did I hear, of any two farewells so much alike. Never were any more admired, by those that saw them whilst they were going; or more desired, when they were gone. How your excellent Husband behaved himself, I have but partly related in the conclusion of my Sermon. For though I may not dissemble so great a Truth, as my strong inclinations both to think and speak of him to his advantage; yet in my last office of friendship, I did religiously set so strict a watch over my tongue, as that I rather came short in many points of his commendation, than went beyond him in any one. And could I have had the possibility to have kept him company in his sickness, which I as earnestly endeavoured as He desired it, (but his sickness was too short, and my journey too long, for either of us either to give, or to receive that satisfaction,) I might have perfected that account, which many witnesses enabled me to give in part.  
Having thus far spoken of him to you, I must only speak of you to others. For such as reject what they deserve, I think it a Panegyric sufficient, to make it known they will have none. Having dedicated my papers to a person of your Endowments, for whom to approve, is to patronise them, I also dedicate your person (with the hopeful particles of yourself) to the peculiar protection and grace of God. And as the Heirs of that Family, which you were pleased by adoption to make your own, have already been Lords of that seat for more than eighteen Generations, (which I can reckon,) so that the person whom I commemorate may inherit also that other blessing, (as an addition to that blessing which God hath given Him in yourself,) conferred in favour upon Jonadab the son of Rechab, 
Jer. 35. 19  [Not to want a man to stand before him for ever,] is no less the hope, than the prayer, of him who thinks himself obliged, as well to be, as to Write himself,  
Your most importunate Servant at the Throne of Grace, THOMAS PIERCE.   

THE LIFELESNES of LIFE on the hither side of IMMORTALITY. A SERMON Preached at the Funeral of Mr. EDWARD PETTO.  JOB XIV. 1. Man that is born of a Woman, hath but a short time to live, and is full of Trouble. 
NOw ye have listened unto the Text, Cast your Eyes upon the shrine too. For that does verify This, by no less than an Ocular Demonstration. You see the Relics of a Person, full of honour indeed, but not of years; he having had his December (I may say) in june; and reaching the end of his Journey, (as 'twere) in the middle of his Course. So that if I should be silent upon the mention only of this Text [Man that is born of a Woman hath but a short time to live,] That very Hearse would present us with a visible Sermon.  
Yet something I must say, in Honour and Duty unto the Dead; and something too, for the use and benefit of the Living; that as Death already hath been to Him, 〈◊〉 it may be also to Us Advantage; That some at lest who here are present, may go from Hence (when I have done,) if not the wiser or more intelligent, yet at least the more considerate, and the better Resolved for coming hither. I need not be teaching my weakest Brethren, (what common Experience hath taught us All,) either the Misery, or the shortness, or the uncertainty of our Days. But yet recounting how many Souls do perish for ever in their Impieties, not so much by wanting Knowledge, as by abounding in the Thoughtlesness of what they know, I shall not su●e be unexcusable (having S. Peter for my example) if I tell you those things which you know already. 
2 Per. 1. 12. 13. 15.  An Honest Remembrancer is as needful, as the most Eloquent Instructor to be imagined, because we do less want the Knowledge, than the consideration of our Duties. S. Peter hath magnified the office no less than three times together in that Epistle which he composed a 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ver. 14.  little before his Dissolution. I will not (saith he) be negligent to put you always in Remembrance, though ye know these things, and be established in the Truth. Yea I think it meet, as long as I am in this Tabernacle, to stir you up, by putting you in Remembrance. Again (saith he) I will endeavour that ye may be able, after my Decease, to have these things always in Remembrance. When I consider that these words were by 
* 2 Tim. 3. 16.  Divine Inspiration, and that they were written for our Instruction, yea and inculcated upon us no less than thrice in one breath; methinks they tacitly reprove us, for having such wanton and Itching Ears, as will be satisfied with nothing but what is New. Whereas the Thing that is to us of greatest moment, is not the study of more Knowledge, but the making good use of the things we know. Not the ●urnishing of our Heads with a Richer Treasure of Speculations, but the laying them up within our Hearts, and the drawing them out into our Lives. Men would not live as they are wont, were they sufficiently 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Isocrat. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  mindful that they are men. Did they but often enough consider, how short a time they have to live; how very 
b 2 Cor. 11. 23.  often they are in Deaths, before they die; how much their short time of life is more 
c Mat. 24. 42.  uncertain than it is short; how very shortly they are to render a strict Account unto the judge, (I say not of every evil work, but) even of every 
d Mat. 12. 36.  idle word, and of each unprofitable hour; they would not make so many Demurs in the important work of their Reformation. 
Luk. 21. 36.  The uncertainty of their Time would make them watchful over their ways; that how suddenly soever they may be Caught, (by the common Pursuivant of Nature) it may not be by a surprise. That they may not die with the Fool's Motto, [Non 
e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Polyb. l. 10. p. 603.  putâram] in their mouths.  
Now to consider my present Text in the most useful manner that I am able, I must bespeak your best Attention, not so much to the Dogmatical, as to the Applicatory part of my Meditations. It being chiefly in my design, to show what Profit we are to reap from all such melancholy Solemnities, as by many deep Mourners are sown in Tears. What kind of Influences and Virtues, from the great brittleness of our Lives, are to be shed upon the Practice and Conduct of them. What kind of Consectaries and Uses should flow from the one, upon the other.  
I shall not therefore wear out my little Time in any such accurate and logical Analysing of the words, as would but serve to divert you from the scope and drift, for which the holy man job did make them a part of his Preaching, and for which I have chosen them to be the subject of mine own; but shall immediately consider them as an entire Doctrinal Proposition, exhibiting to us both the frailty, and frame of man, and the reason of the one implicitly rising out of the other. Man is born of a Woman; there's his Frame. Hath but a short time to live, there's his Frailty. Hath but a short time to live, because he is born of a Woman; there is the Reason of his Frailty, from the condition of his Frame. Nor is he attended only with vanity, but vexation of spirit. As jacob said unto Pharaoh, His Days are Evil, as well as Few. However empty of better Things, yet from the Bottom to the Top, (I mean from his Birth unto his Burial,) he is Repletus miseriis, filled full of Trouble.  
And yet by way of Application, we may reflect upon the Text in a threefold Antithesis. For  
To Man as born of a Woman, we may oppose the same Man, as being Regenerate, and born of God.  
To the very short life he hath by Nature, we may oppose the life Eternal he hath by Grace.  
And to his fullness of misery whilst he is here in the body, we may oppose his fullness of Bliss and Glory.  
But first let Man be considered in his Hypogaeo, that is, his state of Declination, as he is born of a Woman, and having a short time to live; and that for this reason, because he is born of a Woman. For 'tis a Maxim in Philosophy which never fails, That Generable and Corruptible are Terms Convertible. It is demonstrably proved we must one day Dye, because we did one day begin to Live. All that is born of a Woman is both mixed, and compounded, after the Image of the Woman of whom 'tis born; not only mixed of the four Elements, but also compounded of Matter and Form. And all things Compounded 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Arist. Eth. lib. 10. cap. 3.  must be dissolved, into the very same Principles of which at first they were composed. Hence are those pangs and yearnings of the flesh and the spirit, of the Appetite and the Will, of the law in the members, and the law in the mind; 
b 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Id. l. 9 c. 4.  the one inclining towards Earth, from whence 'twas taken, and the other towards Heaven, from whence 'twas sent. The truth of this had been apparent, if it had been only taken out of Aristotle's Lyceum; but we have it confirmed out of Solomon's Portch too: for in the Day when man goeth to his 
a Eccles. 12. 5. 3, 4, 5, 6, 5.  long home, when the grinders cease, and the windows be darkened, and all the Daughters of Music are brought low, when the silver cord is once loosed, and the golden Bowl broken, so as the mourners are going about the streets; 
b Vers. 7.  Then the Dust shall return to the earth as it was, and the spirit shall return to God who gave it. When God himself was pleased to be born of a Woman, he submitted to the conditions of Mortality, and had (we know) but a short time to live; for He expired by Crucisixion before he was full thirty four, as his younger 
c Heb. 2. 17.  Brother, whom we commemorate, before he was full thirty three.  
Man hath a short time indeed, as he is born of a Woman, because he is born of a Woman; for (as it presently follows in the verses immediately after my Text) He cometh forth as a 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Homer.  flower, and (as a flower) he is cut down. He flieth also is a shadow, and continueth not. And therefore Epictetus did fitly argue the very great fickleness and frailty of worldly things, first because they were 
e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  made, and therefore had their beginning; next because they are made 
f 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epict. Ench. cap. 21.  ours, and therefore must have a speedy End. For if we will be but so just, and so Impartial to ourselves, as to arraign our Bodies at the tribunal of our Reason, they shall be found, by composition, no more than well complexioned Dust. 
a Gen. 3. 19  Dust thou art, said God to Adam. 
b Gen. 18. 27.  Dust and Ashes I am, said Abraham to God. He knoweth (saith the 
c Psal. 103. 14  Psalmist) whereof we are made, he remembreth we are but Dust. Were it not that the 
d Eccl. 3. 21.  spirit of man goeth upward, whilst the spirit of a Beast goeth downward to the earth, there would be 
e Vers. 19  no preeminence of the one over the other; for 
f Vers. 20.  all go unto one place, (as to the Centre of the Body,) All are of the Dust, and all turn to Dust again: which shows the vanity and sickness of those men's souls, who erect such strong and stately Sepulchers for their Bodies, for fear the poor man's Dust should sully theirs; as if they did not remember, that Man is born of a Woman, and that his very 
g Job 4. 19  foundation is in the dust. Well he may have the more vanity, but not the more 
h Psal. 49. 12.  understanding for being in honour, and may the sooner be 
i Ibid.  compared to the Beasts that Perish. The Protoplast was 
k Gen. 2. 7.  form of the Dust of the ground. And however his posterity hath been distinguished, by issuing out from that Fountain through several channels, yet their original extraction must needs be 
l 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Epist. loco super cit.  equally vile; (if any thing can be vile which is of God's own making.) For All men descended out of the very same Eve; and so, by Her, out of the very same Adam; and so, by Him, out of the very same Earth.  
The days of Man are but few then, on supposition they are as many as Nature meant him; and that his glass is run out without being broken, unless it be by the hand of Time. The whole duration of Time itself, is but the Nonage of Eternity. And therefore Moses (as a Psalmist) spoke very fitly, when he addressed his speech to God; 
a Psal. 90. 4.  A thousand years in thy sight are but as yesterday, when it is past; which is infinitely less than was yesterday when it was present. And 'tis the same in effect with that expression of David, the Psalmist Royal; who said his Age was as 
b Psal. 39 5.  Nothing, in respect of Him who is All in All; And that (as great as some men do seem to be to themselves and others,) Every man is but vanity at his 
c Ibid.  best estate. What he is at his worst, 'twill be impossible to express, unless we shall say with David too, that he is altogether 
d Psal. 62. 50.  lighter than Vanity itself. Now if a thousand years are but as yesterday, and as yesterday when it is passed too, how short a thing is the life of man in comparison? how short, when compared with the long line of Time? how nothing, when compared with the Circle of Eternity? Threescore and Ten are all the years which are allowed by 
a Psal. 90. 10.  Moses to a Natural Man's life. And though some are so strong as to arrive at fourscore, yet that Overplus of years is but 
b Ibid.  labour and sorrow. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Moschion.  They do not live, but linger, who pass that Tropic of their Mortality. From after Threescore years and Ten, they are but survivers to themselves; at least they feel themselves dying; and their Bodies become their Burdens, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Sophocl. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  if not the Charnel Houses or Sepulchers, wherein their Souls as 'twere lie Buried. The Septuagint Translators thought fit to call it, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the Vulgar Latin, Eorum Amplius, which we cannot better express in English, than if we call it, their Surplusage of Life; when Nature in them is so strong, as to shoot beyond her own Mark. Her Mark is Threescore and Ten, if Moses himself hath set it right. Or place it further, at fourscore; farther yet, at an hundred; the life of man (we see) is short, though it should reach the very utmost that Nature aims at.  
But how many ways are there, whereby to frustrate the Intentions and Ends of Nature? How many are there buried, before their Birth? How many men's Cradles become their graves? How many rising Suns are set, almost as soon as they are risen? and overtaken with Darkness in the very Dawning of their Days? How many are there (like the good King josias, like righteous Abel, and Enoch, and that laudable Person whom now we celebrate,) who are taken away 
* Wisd. 4. 11.  speedily from amongst the wicked, as it were in the Zenith or Vertical Point of their strength and lustre? It is in every man's power to be Master of our Lives, who is but able to despise his own. Nay 'tis in every one's power who can but wink, to turn our beauty into Darkness; and in times of Pestilence, how many are there can look us dead, by an arrow shot out of the Eye into the Heart? For one single way of coming into the world, how many are there to go out of it before our Time? (I mean, before Nature is spent within us.) Many are sent out of the world, by the Difficulties and hardships of coming in. We are easily cut off, even by eating and drinking, the very Instruments, and Means of Life. Not to speak of those greater slaughters, which are commonly committed by Sword, and Famine, (which yet must both give place to surfeit,) Death may possibly fly to us, as once to Aeschylus, in an Eagles wing. Or we may easily swallow Death, as Anacreon did, in a Grape. We may be murdered, like Homer, with a fit of Grief: Or fall, like Pindarus, by our Repose: we may become a Sacrifice, as Philemon of old, to a little jest. Or else, as Sophocles, to a witty Sentence. We may be eaten up of worms, like mighty Herod. Or prove a Feast for the Rats, like him of Mentz. A man may vomit out his Soul, as Silvius did in a fit of Rage. Or else like Coma, may force it backwards. He may perish by his strength, as did Polydamas and Milo. Or he may die, like Thalna, by the very excess of his Enjoyment. He may be Provender for his Horses, like Diomedes. Or provision for his Hounds, like Actaeon and Lucian. Or else like Tullus Hostilius, he may be burnt up quick with a flash of Lightning. Or if there were nothing from without, which could violently break off our Thread of Life, (and which being a slender thread is very easily cut asunder) we have a thousand Intenstine Enemies to dispatch us speedily from within. There is hardly any thing in the Body, but furnisheth matter for a Disease. There is not an Artery, or a Vein, but is a Room in Nature's Workhouse, wherein our Humours (as so many Cyclops') are forging those Instruments of Mortality, which every moment of our Lives are able to sweep us into our Graves. An ordinary Apoplexy, or a little Impostume in the Brain, or a sudden rising of the Lights, is enough to make a man Dye in Health; and may lodge him in Heaven or in Hell, before he hath the leisure to cry for Mercy.  
Thus our 
* Job 4. 19 Poma oculis tenus, contacta cinerescunt. Tertul. Apol. c. 40. p. 70.  Houses of Clay (as Eliphaz the Temanite did fitly call them) do seem as false, and as frail, as the Apples of Sodom; which being specious to the Eye, did fall to crumbles by every Touch. The frame of our building is not only so frail, but (as some have thought) so ridiculous, that if we contemplate the body of man in his condition of Mortality, and by reflecting upon the soul, do thereby prove it to be Immortal, we shall be tempted to stand amazed at the inequality of the Match, but that to wonder at our Frailty, were but to wonder that we are Men. Yet sure if We, that is, our Souls, (for our bodies are so far from being Us, that we can hardly call them Ours,) are not capable of corruption, our Bodies were not intended for our Husbands, but for our Houses; whose Doors will either be open, that we may go forth, or whose Building will be ruinous, that needs we must; we cannot, by any means possible, make it the place of our Continuance; for though our bodies (as saith our Saviour) are not so glorious as the Lilies, yet (saith job) they are as frail. And by that time (with David) they wax old as doth a garment, how earnestly (with S. Paul) shall we groan to be clothed upon? 
2 Cor. 5. 2.  to be clothed with New apparel, whilst the old is as 'twere turning? for when Christ shall come in the clouds with his holy Angels, at once to restore, and reform our Nature, he shall change our vile bodies, that they may be fashioned like unto his glorious body. But here I speak of what it is, not what it shall be; though it shall be glorious, yet now 'tis vile; though it shall be immarcescible, yet now 'tis fading; though it shall be a long life, 'tis now a short one.  
It is indeed so short, and withal so uncertain, that 
a Psal. 90. 9  we bring our years to an end like as a Tale that is told. Death comes so hastily upon us, that we never can 
b Psal. 89. 48.  see it, till we are blind. We cannot but know that it is short, for we 
c Psal. 90. 5.  fade away suddenly like the grass; And yet we know not how short it is, for we pray that God will teach 
a Vers. 12.  us to number our days. This we know without teaching; 
b Wisd. 5. 13.  that even then when we were born, we began to draw towards our End. Whether sleeping, or waking, we are always flying upon the wings of Time; And even this Instant, whilst I am speaking, doth set us well on towards our Journeys end; whether we are worldly, and therefore study to keep Life; or Malcontents, and therefore weary of its possession; the King of Terrors will not fail, 
Job 18. 4.  either to meet, or overtake us. And whilst we all are 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Philo jud. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Travelling to the very same Country, (I mean the Land of forgetfulness, without considering it as an Antichamber to Heaven or Hell,) although we walk thither in 
d Hunc diverso tramite Mortales Omnes conantur adipisci. Both. de Consol. Philos. l. 3. p. 98.  several Rhodes; 'tis plain that he who lives longest, goes but the farthest way about, and that he who dies soon, goes the nearest way home.  
I remember it was the humour, I know not whether of a more Cruel, or Capricious 
e Leo Isaurus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Emperor, to put a Tax upon Childbirths; to make it a thing excizable, for a man to be born of a Woman. As if he had farmed Gods Custom-house, he made every man fine for being a Man; a great Instance of his Cruelty, and as good an Emblem of our frailty, our state of Pilgrimage upon Earth. For we arrive at this World, as at a foreign and strange Country; where I am sure it is proper, although not just, that we pay Tole for our very landing. And then being landed, we are such transitory Inhabitants, that we do not so properly dwell here, as 
a Psal. 39 14.  sojourn. All the meat we take in, is at God's great Ordinary; and even the breath which we drink, is not ours, but His; (which when he taketh away, we die, and are turned again into our Dust.) Insomuch that to expire, is no more in effect, then to be honest: to pay back a Life, which we did but borrow.  

b E●●ipides in Phaenissis.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
And well it were, if it were no worse: for if the life of man were pleasant, it would the less disgrace it, that it is short. A short life and 
c 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eurip. in Alcestide.  a Merry, is that which many men applaud. But as the son of a woman hath but a few days to live, so it follows in the Text, that even those few days are full of Trouble. And indeed so they are, in whatsoever Condition a man is placed: for if he is poor, he hath the trouble of pains, to get the goods of this world. If he is rich, he hath the trouble of Care, to keep his Riches; the trouble of Avarice, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Socrat. in Epist. ad Anonym. p. 8.  to increase them; the trouble of fear, to lose them; the trouble of sorrow, when they are lost. And so his Riches can only make him the more illustriously unhappy. If he lives as he ought, he hath the trouble of self-denyals; the trouble of 
a Col. 3. 5. Rom. 8. 13.  mortifying the flesh, with the affections and lusts; the trouble of being in 
b 2 Cor. 11. 23.  Deaths often; the trouble of 
c Rom. 6. 6. Gal. 6. 14.  crucifying himself, and of 
d 1 Cor. 15. 31.  dying daily. If to avoid those Troubles, he lives in pleasure, as he ought not, he hath the trouble of being told, that he is 
e 1 Tim. 5. 6.  dead whilst he lives; the trouble to 
f Eccl. 41. 1.  think that he must die; the trouble to fear (whilst he is dying) that he must live when he is dead, that he may die eternally. Not to speak of those troubles which a man suffers in his Nonage, by being weaned from the breast, and by breeding teeth; in his boyage and youth, by bearing the yoke of subjection, and the rigid discipline of the Rod; in his manhood and riper years, by making provision for all his Family, as servant General to the whole; Not to speak of those Troubles which flow in upon him from every quarter, whether by Losses, or Affronts, Contempts, or Envyings, by the anguish of some Maladies, and by the loathsomeness of others; rather than want matter of trouble, he will be most of all troubled that he hath 
a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Herodo●. in Thalia. c. 43. p. 179.  nothing to vex him. In his sober intervals and Fits, when he considers that he must die, and begins to 
b Wisd. 4. 20.  cast up the accounts of his sins, it will be some trouble to him that he is without chastisement, whereby he knows he is a 
c Heb. 12. 8.  Bastard, and not a Son. It will disquiet him not a little, that he lives at rest in his possessions; and become his great Cross, that he hath prosperity in all things. Not only the sting, and the stroke, but the very Remembrance of Death will be bitter to him; so saith Jesus the Son of Sirach, chap. 41. vers. 1.  
Thus (we see) the Child of man, or the man who is born of a woman is so full of Trouble to the brim, that many times it overflows him. On one side, or other, we all are troubled; but some are troubled on 
d 2 Cor. 4. 8. Occidere est, ve●are cupientem mori. Sen. in Thebaide.  every side. Insomuch that they themselves are the greatest Trouble unto themselves; and 'tis a kind of death to them they cannot die. We find King David so sick of Life, as to fall into a wishing for the wings of a Dove, that so his Soul might fly away from the great Impediments of his Body. 
Psal. 54.  He confessed that his Days were at the longest but 
e Psal. 39 5.  a Span, and yet complained they were no shorter. It seems that Span was as the span of a withered Hand; which the farther he stretcheth out, the more it grieved him. He was 
a Psal. 6. 6.  weary of his groaning. His Soul did 
b Psal. 42. 1.  pant after Heaven, and even 
c Vers. 2.  thirsted for God. And he might once more have cried (though in another sense) Woe is me, that I am constrained to dwell with Meseck, and to have mine habitation among the Tents of Kedar! I remember that Charidemus in Dio Chrysostom, 
Dio Chryso●t. Orat. 30. pag. 305. D.  compared man's Life to a Feast, or Banquet. And I the rather took notice of it, because the Prophet Elijah did seem (in some sense) to have made it good. Who after a first or second Course (as I may say) of living, as if he had surfeited of Life, cried out in haste, It is enough; and with the very same breath, desired God to take away; for so saith the Scripture, 1. Kings 19 4. He went into the Wilderness (a solitary place) and there he sat under a juniper (in a melancholy posture) and requested of God that he might die, 
1 King. 19 4.  (in a very disconsolate and doleful manner,) even pouring forth his Soul in these melting Accents, It is enough now, O Lord, take away my life, for I am no better than my Fathers. And if the Days of Elijah were full of trouble▪ how was job overwhelmed, and running over with his Calamity? when the 
a Job 6. 4.  Terrors of God did set themselves in array against him, how did he 
b Vers. 8, 9  long for destruction? O (saithe he) that I might have my request, that God would grant me the thing that I long for! Even that it would please him to destroy me, that he would let loose his hand, and cut me off. How did he 
c Job 3. 1, 3, 4, 5, etc.  Curse the Day of his Birth, and the Night where in he was conceived? Let that Day be darkness, let the shadow of Death slain it, let a cloud dwell upon it, let blackness terrify it. And for the Night, let it not be joined to the days of the year. Let the Stars of the twilight thereof be dark; neither let it see the dawning of the day. And what was his reason for this unkindness to that particular Day and Night, save that they brought upon him the trouble of being a Man born of a Woman: for we find him complaining a little after, 
Vers. 11. 12.  Why died I not from the Womb! why did I not give up the ghost, when I came out of the Belly? And then for the Life of our blessed Saviour, who is called by way of Eminence, The Son of Man; as I observed before, that it was short, so must I here put you in mind, it was full of Trouble. He was therefore called by way of Eminence, Vir Dolorum, 
d Isa. 53. 3.  A Man of Sorrows. The Prophet adds, he was 
e Ibid.  acquainted with Grief. For the whole Tenor of his Life was a continuation of his Calamities.  
The Time would fail me should I but mention the hundreth part of those men, whose short time of life hath seemed long to them, even because they have felt it so full of Trouble. But enough hath been said concerning the Doctrine of the Text. And it lies upon us now to make some Use.  
First then let us consider, 
The Application.  that if man (as born of a woman) hath but a short time to live, It concerns us to take up the prayer of David, 
Psal. 39 4.  that God will teach us to know our End, and the number of our Days, 
2 King. 20. 6.  that we (like Hezekiah) may be fully certified how short our Time is. It concerns us to take up the resolution of job; All the days of our appointed time, 
Job 14. 14.  incessantly waiting till our change cometh. It concerns us, not to say, with the rich man in the Parable, we will pull down our Barns and build greater, 
Luk. 12. 18.  and there we will bestow all our fruits and our goods: much less may we say, with that other Worldling, Souls take your ease, 
Verse▪ 19  eat, drink, and be merry, for ye have much goods laid up for many years: for (alas!) how can we know, (s●lly creatures as we are,) but that this very Night, yea this very minute, either they may be taken from us, or we from them? there is such a fadingness on their parts, and such a fickleness on ours. But rather it concerns us to say with job, 
Job 1. 21.  Naked came we into the world, and naked shall we go out of it. Or it concerns us rather yet to say with David, 
Psal. 39 12.  that we are strangers upon Earth, and but so many sojourners, as all our Fathers were: for wihlst we consider we are but strangers, we shall, as 
* 1 Pet. 2. 11.  Strangers and Pilgrims, 
Heb, 11. 13.  abstain from fleshly lusts, which war against the soul. And so long as we remember we are but sojourners upon earth, we shall pass the time of our sojourning here in fear. And behaving ourselves among the Gentiles, as a chosen Generation, 
1 Pet. 2. 9 12.  a Royal Priesthood, an holy Nation, a peculiar People, we shall show forth his praise, who hath called us out of Darkness, into his marvellous Light.  
Secondly let us consider, that since our Life is uncertain, as well as short, (inasmuch as we know not how short it is) it concerns us immediately, to labour hard in the Improvement of this our span into Eternity; to employ our very short and uncertain time, in making a seasonable provision against them both; I mean, its shortness, and its uncertainty. For shall we be lavish even of that, which is so easily lost, and of which we have so very little, and every minute of which Little does carry such a weight with it, as will be either a kind of Pulley to help raise us up to Heaven, or else a Clog to pull us down to the lowest Hell? Of whatsoever we may be wasteful, we ought to be chary of our Time, which doth incontinently perish, and will eternally be reckoned on our account. Pereunt & imputantur, the Epigrammatist could say of his precious hours.  
Now the way to provide against the shortness of our Life, is so to live, as to die, to the greatest Advantage to be imagined; and so to die, as to live for ever. 
Tobit. 4. 21.  What Tobit said to Tobias, in respect of wealth, [Fear not, my son, that we are made poor, for thou hast much wealth, if thou fear God, and depart from all sin, and do that which is pleasing in his ●ight.] He might have said as well in respect of wisdom, and by consequence as well in respect of long life. 
Job 28. 28.  For as the fear of the Lord is solid wisdom, and to depart from Evil is understanding; so honourable Age is, not that which standeth in the length of Time, 
Wisd. 4. 8, 9  nor that is measured by number of years, but Wisdom is the grey hair unto men, and an unspotted life is old age. To be devoted (like Anna) to the House of God, so as to serve him night and day with fasting and prayer, 
Luk. 2. 37.  and not to content ourselves with that which is merely lawful, or barely enough to serve turn, (as men do commonly reason within themselves,) but to study the things that are 
* Rom. 2. 8.  more excellent, to strain hard towards 
* 2 Cor. ●. 1.  perfection, to forget those things that are behind, and to reach forth unto those things that are before, pressing on towards the mark, 
Phil. 3. 13, 14  for the prize of the high calling of God in Christ jesus, this is to amplify our lives, and to frustrate the malice of our mortality; and as the want of stature many times is supplied in thickness, so this is to live a great deal in the little time of our duration.  
Ampliat Aetatis spatium sibi Vir bonus, hoc est  
Vivere bis, Vita posse priore frui.  
As we are thus to provide against the shortness, so in like manner we must provide against the uncertainty of our time. And the way to do that, is to distrust the future, and to lay hold upon the present; so to live every hour, as if we were not to live the next. Having a short time to live, our time to repent cannot be long. And not assured of the 
* Nemo tam Divos habuit ●aventes, crastinum ut possit sibi polliceri.  morrow, 'tis madness not to repent today: when we see many persons of the most promising countenance, and the most prosperous constitution, not only ●na●ch'd by an early, but sudden death, why should we not seriously consider, that we may be of their number, having no promise of the contrary, either within, or without us? 
* Cuivis potest accidere quod cuiquam potest. Publi●●.  What happens to any man, may happen to every man; every man being encompassed with the same conditions of mortality. 'Tis true indeed, that we may live till we are old; but 'tis as true, that we may die whilst we are young; and therefore the later possibility should as well prevail with us for a dispatch of our repentance, as the former too too often prevails upon us for a delay. Nay if we procrastinate our repentance, in hope of living till we are old, how much rather should we precipitate it, for fear of dying whilst we are young? (if yet it were possible to precipitate so good and necessary a work, as a solid impartial sincere repentance.) For as to repent whilst we are young, can never do us the least harm; so it may probably do us the greatest, to post it off till we are old. Nay it may cost us the loss of Heaven, and a sad eternity in Hell, if we defer our repentance (I do not say till we are old, but if we d●●er it) being young, till one day older than now we are. And shall we defer it beyond today, because we may do it as well to morrow? This is madness unexpressible. For as 'tis true that we may, so 'tis as true that we may not. Our knowledge of the ●ne, is just as little as of the other. (Or rather out ignorance is just as much.) And shall we dare to tempt God, by presuming upon that which we do not know? Are Heaven and Hell such trivial things, as to be put to a bare adventure? Shall we play for salvation, as 'twere by silliping, cross or pile? implicitly saying within ourselves, if we live till the morrow, we will repent and be saved; but if we die before night, we will die in our sins, and be damned for ever: shall we reason within ourselves, that though we know our own death may be as sudden as other men's, yet we will put it to the venture, and make no doubt but to far, as well as hitherto we have done? what is this but to dally with the day of judgement, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉— Sophocl. in Trachiniis.  or to bewray our disbelief that there is any such thing? It's true we may live until the morrow, and so on the morrow we may repent. But what is this to the purpose, that 'tis certain enough we may, whilst 'tis as doubtful whether we shall? Is it not good to make sure of happiness, by repenting seriously at present, rather than let it lie doubtful, by not repenting until anon? Methinks we should easily be persuaded to espouse that course, which we are throughly convinced does tend the most to our Advantage.  
When the rich worldling in the Parable was speaking placentia to his soul, [
* Luk. 12. 22.  soul take thine ease,] alleging no other reason, than his having much goods for many years; nothing is fitter to be observed, than our Saviour's words upon that occasion, Stulte, Thou Fool, this night shall thy soul be required of thee; than whose shall those things be which thou hast provided? However the men of this world have quite another measure of wit, and do esteem it the greatest prudence to take their pleasure whilst they are young, reserving the work of mortification for times of sickness, and old age, (when 'twill be easy to leave their pleasures, because their pleasures leave Them,) yet in the Judgement of God the Son, (the Word and Wisdom of the Father) 'tis the part of a blockhead, and a fool, to make account of more years, than he is sure of days, or hours. He is a sot, as well as a sinner, who does adjourn and shift off the amendment of his life, perhaps till twenty, or thirty, or forty years after his death. 'Tis true indeed that Hezekiah, whilst he was yet in the confines and skirts of death, had a 
* 2 King. 20. 6.  lease of life granted no less than fifteen years long; but he deferred not his repentance one day the longer. And shall we adventure to live an hour in an impenitent estate, who have not a lease of life promised, no not so much as an hour? shall we dare enter into our beds, and sleep securely any one night, not thinking how we may awake, whether in Heaven, or in Hell? we know 'tis timely repentance which must secure us of the one, and 'tis final impenitence which gives us assurance of the other. What the Apostle of the Gentiles hath said of wrath, may be as usefully spoken of every other provoking sin, 
* Eph. 4. 26.  Let not the Sun go down upon it. Let us not live in any sin until the Sun is gone down, because we are 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Soph. ubi supra.  far from being sure we shall live till Sunrising. How many Professors go to sleep, (when the Sun is down, and the curtain of the night are drawn about them,) in a state of drunkenness, or adultery, in a state of avarice, or malice, in a state of sacrilege, or rebellion, in a state of deceitfulness, and hypocrisy, without the least consideration how short a time they have to live, and how very much shorter than they imagine? Yet unless they believe they can dream devoutly, and truly repent when they are sleeping, they cannot but know they are damned for ever, 
1 Thes 5. 2. 4. 2 Pet. 3. 10.  if the day of the Lord shall come upon them as a thief in the night, and catch them napping in their Impieties.  
Consider this all ye that forget God, lest he pluck you away, 
Psal. 50. 22.  and there be none to deliver you. Consider it all ye that forget yourselves. That forget how few your days are, and how full of misery. Consider your bodies, from whence they came; and consider your souls, whether is it that they are going. Consider your life is in your breath, and your breath is in your nostrils; and that in the management of a moment, (for the better, or for the worse,) there dependeth either a joyful, or a sad Eternity. If our Time indeed were certain, as well as short, (or rather if we were certain, how short it is,) there might b● some colour, or pretence, for the posting off of our Reformation. 
Mat. 24. 42, 43, 44.  But since we know not at what hour our Lord will come, this should mightily engage us, to be hourly standing upon our 
* Haba●. 2. 1.  watch. And this may suffice for the subject of our second consideration.  
Thirdly let us consider, that if our days, which are few, are as full of trouble, it should serve to make us less fond of living, and less devoted to self-preservation, and less afraid of the Cross of Christ, when our Faith shall be called to the severest Trials. 
a Eecl. 41. 2.  O Death (saith the son of Sirach) acceptable is thy sentence unto the needy, and to him that is vexed with all things. The troubles incident to life have made the 
b Job 3. 20, 21.  bitter in Soul to long for Death, and to 
c Vers. 22.  rejoice exceedingly when they have found the grave. If the Empress 
d Cuspinianus in vita Sigismundi, p. 498.  Barbara had been Orthodox, in believing men's Souls to be just as mortal as their bodies, death at least would be capable of this applause and commendation, that it puts a conclusion to all our troubles. If we did not fear Him, 
e Mat. 10. 27, 28.  who can cast both body and soul into Hell, we should not need to fear Them, who can destroy the body only; because 
f Ecclus. 41. 4  there is no Inquisition in the grave. 
g Job 3. 17, 18, 14, 19 18.  There the wicked cease from troubling: and there the weary are at rest. There the Prisoners lie down with Kings and Counsellors of the Earth. The servant there is free from his Master. There is sleep, and still silence, nor can they hear the voice of the Oppressor.  Mors Bona si non est, Finis tamen Illa Malorum. 
But we have farther to consider the threefold Antithesis, which we ought to oppose to the three Clauses in the Text: for as man, who is born of a woman, hath but a short time to live, and is full of trouble; so man, as regenerate, and born of God, hath a long time to live, and is full of bliss. A life so long, that it runs parallel with eternity; and therefore (without a Catachresis) we cannot use such an expression, as length of time. It is not a long, but an endless life; it is not time, but eternity, which now I speak of. Nor is it a wretched eternity, of which a man may have the privilege, as he is born of a woman; but an eternity of bliss, which is competent to him only, as born of God. And of this bliss there is such a fullness, that our heads are too thick to understand it. Or if we were able to understand it, yet our hearts are two narrow to give it entrance. Or if our hearts could hold it, yet our tongues are too stammering, to express and utter it. Or if we were able to do that, yet our lives are too short, to communicate and reveal it to other creatures. In a word, it is such, as not only eye hath not seen, nor ear heard, but it never hath entered into the heart of man to conceive. Incomprehensible as it is, 'tis such as God hath prepared for them that love him, 1 Cor. 2. 9  
If we compare this life, with the life described in the Text, it will several ways be useful to us; for it will moderate our joys, whilst we possess our dear friends; and it will mitigate our sorrows, when we have lost them; for it will mind us that they are freed from a life of misery, and that they are happily translated to one of bliss. Nay if we are true lovers indeed, and look not only at our 
* Philip. 2. 4.  own interest, but at the interest of the parties to whom we vow love, we even lose them to our advantage, because ●o theirs. Lastly it sweetens the solemn farewell, which our souls must take of our mortal bodies; we shall desire to be dissolved, when we can groundedly hope we shall be with Christ; we shall groan, and groan earnestly, to be unclothed of our bodies with which we are 
* 2 Cor. 5. 23, 24.  burdened; if we 
* Vers. 7.  live by this faith, that we shall shortly be clothed upon with our house from Heaven. We shall cheerfully lay down our bodies in the dust, when 'tis to rest in his peace, who will certainly raise us by his power, that we may rest and reign with him in glory.  
THus have I done with my Text, though but in the middle of my Sermon; and but briefly considered it in its Antithesis, because not pertinent any otherwise, then by affording unto Mourners an use of comfort. And because I am confident, that there are many such here, (when I consider how many losses lie wrapped in one,) not only wearers of black, but serious Mourners, whose very souls are hung with sable, and whose unaffected sorrow do call for comfort; I shall furnish you with matter of real joy, from the ground and occasion of all your sorrows.  
For there is yet another Text, upon which I must give you another Sermon. A Text, I say, whose matter and form have been divided by God and Nature. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Alexis in Olympiodoro.  The inward form is ascended, to him from whom it came down; but the outward matter still lies before us. And well may that person become our Text, who was himself a living Sermon; since the integrity of his Life was truly Doctrinal, and the resplendent piety of his Death a very pertinent Application. I am sure 'tis well known in another place, and therefore I hope 'tis believed in this, that I am none of their number, who use to scatter abroad their Eulogies upon every man's Hearse, merely as customary offerings, or things of course. Those alone are my seasons wherein to make narratives of the dead, when it may righteously be done for the use and benefit of the living. Ye know that Jesus the Son of Sirach does set himself solemnly to the work: and that with an 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 
Ecclus. 44. 1, 2, 3, etc.  Let us now praise famous men. Men renowned for their power; men of knowledge and learning; wise and eloquent in their instructions. Rich men furnished with ability, and living peaceably in their habitations. There be of them that have left a name behind them, that their praises might be reported. And some there be who have no memorial, who have perished as though they had never been, and are become as though they had never been born, and their children after them. But these were merciful men, whose righteousness hath not been forgotten; 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Eurip in He●ubâ.  their bodies are buried in peace, but their name liveth for evermore; for the people will tell of their wisdom, and the congregation will show forth their praise.  
Our honoured Brother now departed (I will not say the unhappy, but) the now-blessed Subject of this solemnity, as he deserves a noble Eulogy, so he needs none at all: He being one of those few of my particular acquaintance, of whom I have seldom or never heard an ill word spoken. But in this one thing, he had the least resemblance unto his Saviour, who was hated by many, despised by more, and basely forsaken almost by all. This is therefore no commendation, on which our Saviour proclaims a Woe▪ Woe be to you when all men speak well of you. Nor do I say that this worthy Gentleman was ill spoken of by none, (he was sure too worthy to be so befriended by the world,) I only say that I have seldom or never heard it. 
James 4. 4.  And he was so much the less obnoxious to the dishonesty of the Tongue, because (as far as his Quality would give him leave) he ever delighted in that obscurity, which most young Gentlemen are wont to shun. For although his extraction (we know) was noble, and his fortune extremely fair; though his natural parts and abilities were truly great, as well as greatly improved by Art and Industry, (he having been Master of many Languages, and (I am sure) well versed in great variety of Learning,) yet still his modesty and his meekness were so much greater than all the rest, that (in a perfect contrariety to the vainglorious and hypocritical) he never turned his worst side outwards. The late retir'dness of his life made him so blameless and inoffensive, that I suppose it hath ditted the mouth of envy.  
It was no doubt an effect of those two virtues, (I mean his modesty, and his meekness,) that he so constantly observed that Apostolical Precept, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.— Hom. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  James 1. 19 For He, if any man living, was swift to hear, but slow to speak. And when he thought it his turn to speak, it was rather much, than in many words. As the speech of Menelaus described by Homer, so perfectly free were his discourses, from the fault of impertinence, or superfluity.  
So far was He from sitting down in the chai● of the scornful, (as too many of his quality are wont to do,) nay so far from walking in the counsels of the ungodly, (from the time that he found them to be such,) that he made it his care and chiefest caution, (in his later years more especially,) not so much as to stand in the way of sinners.  
For as much as I could judge of him, (who had the happiness to know him for many years) he was a true Nathanael, 
* Joh. 1. 47, 48.  an Israelite indeed; who, though he had many Imperfections, as one who was born of a Woman; yet he had sure no guile, as being also regenerate, and born of God. Methinks I hear him now speaking to all that knew him, 
1 Sam. 12. 2, 3.  as Samuel did to all Israel; I have walked before you from my childhood to this day. Behold here I am, witness against me before the Lord; whose Ox have I taken; or whose Ass have I taken? or whom have I defrauded? whom have I oppressed? or of whose hand have I received any bribe, to blind mine eyes therewith, and I will restore it? To which methinks I here the Answer which was made to Samuel in the next verse, thou hast not defrauded, 
Vers. 4.  nor oppressed us.  
'tis this that speaks a man right honest, which is a nobler Title, than right▪ honourable; though I may say very truly, that he had many due titles of honour too. For not to speak of his Ancestors, who came in hither with the Conquest, and that from the City Poitou in France, (from whence they derived the name of Peyto,) I think it more for his honour, to have been many ways 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Ch●y●●st. Hom. (in Gen). 3.  good; to wit, a good Husband, and a good Father; a good Master, and a good Friend; a good Neighbour, and a good Landlord; a good Christian, and a good Man. And, which is a sign of more goodness than all the rest, he never thought he was good enough; especially in the first, and the two last particulars.  
It is an excellent ingredient in that religious composition, which he had sent before him to bless his soul, and left behind him in memory to perfume his Name too, that having been charged with a debt, (whether by his Father's last will and testament, or by the condition of the times, or by both together,) he was ever in some pain till he had paid that debt, or at least had made provision for it; because until he had done justice, he knew he could not so well show works of mercy; and that was doubtless a pregnant token of walking humbly with his God. The three grand Duties which God requires, in the sixth Chapter of Micah, at the ninth verse.  
The end of Christ's coming into the world, was to make us live soberly, righteously, and godly in this present world. (Tit. 2. 13.) the first implying our whole duty towards our selves, the second towards our neighbour, the third towards our God. That extraordinary person, of whom I speak, doth seem to me, as well as others, to have reached those ends. He was so eminently sober, that I believe he was never known to have sinned against his own body in any kind; so eminently righteous, that (as I said) he was in pain, till he had rendered to every man his due. Being so sober, and so righteous, he is inferred to have been so godly too, as to have lived in opposition to those professors of Christianity, who having a form only of godliness, deny the power of it; for give me leave to tell you, what is not every day considered, The most material part of godliness, is moral honesty. Nor was there any thing more conspicuous in the holy life of our blessed Lord. The second Table is the touchstone of our obedience unto the first. And to apply what I say unto the honourable person of whom I speak, we may conclude him to have lived the life of faith, 
Gal. 3. 11.  because we find him to have died the death of the righteous. 
Num. 23. 10.   
To pass on therefore towards his death, as the fittest transition unto his burial; I am enabled to say of him, (by such as were eye and ear witnesses,) that he abundantly enjoyed [that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] that happy calmness of death, which the Emperor Augustus was wont to pray for. I say he enjoyed it in both acceptions of the word▪ For first however he was sick of a burning Fever, (which carried him up, like Elias, in a fiery Chariot,) yet he had this rare happiness which is the privilege but of few, that he even enjoyed his whole disease, without the least taint of deliration. That knot of union betwixt his body and his soul, was not violently broken, but very leisurely untied; they having parted like two friends, not by a rude falling out, but a loving farewell. Thus was his Euthanasia in the first acception of the word. But he had it much more, as to the second. For  
Two things there are, which are wont to make death terrible. The first is suddenness, the second, sin. He was so armed against the first, that he did not only take care for the setting his outward house in order, 
King. 20. 1.  that nothing in this world might trash his flight towards a better; but also sent for the Divine, to imp the wings of his devotion; and farther told his Physician, that God had sent him his summons; so well was he armed against the first of those Phobera, and that by the help of our English Litany, which prompts us to pray against sudden death; and which he commanded one of his servants to assist him with upon his deathbed, bestowing upon it (when he had done) a great deal of holy admiration.  
Again, so well was he prepared against the second, that for the tenderness of his conscience, and his deep resentment of all his sins, those of the times more especially, in which he deplored his unhappiness that he had had a great share (till God was pleased in much mercy to show him that error of his judgement, by which the error of his practice was bred and cherished;) Next for his hatred of himself in remembrance of them, (though we may say, that in comparison with many others alive and dead, he had kept himself unspotted from the world;) 
Jam. 1. 27.  Then for his steadfast resolutions of better life, of making ample satisfaction for every ill that he had done, and so of bringing forth fruits 
* Luk. 3. 8. Act. 26. 20.  worthy of repentance, (if God should be pleased to enlarge his time;) and last of all for his solicitude, that all his 
* Josh. 24. 15.  family might live in the fear of God, and redeem those opportunities, which he seemed (unto himself) to have sometimes lost, or neglected; I say, in all these respects, he appears to me, (as well as to others,) a more than ordinary Example.  
But some may say, 
Object.  that sick persons are ever sorry for their sins; but it is many time a sorrow squeezed out by sickness. And as soon as they recover, they do relapse too.  
To which I say, 
Answ.  that though 'tis often so in others, yet in this exemplary Christian it could not be so. For  
First it was a mark of his sincerity, that he looked upon his failings, as through a Microscope; which made them seem nearer, and very much greater than they were. He warned all those who stood about his sick bed, to beware of those sins which the world calls little; and of the n●-little sins which the world calls none; yea from the very least 
* 1 Thes. 5. 22  appearances and opportunities of sin. It was his own expression, that all the sins of his former life did even kick in his very face; 
Prov. 5. 8.  yet he remembered the 
* Mat. 20. 9  labourer, who went late into the Vineyard, and was rewarded▪ He also made some reflections upon the 
* Cito ignoscit Dominus quia cito ● ille convertitur. A●bro●. in Luc. 23. 43.  thief on the cross; that his faith might steer an even course, betwixt the Scylla of despair, and the Charybdis of presumption.  
Secondly, It was another good token of his sincerity, that he was not merely a deathbed penitent, whose repentance too too often is but [a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] a sorrow according to the world; but (as divers persons can witness) he began the great work in his time of health; so as his sickness did but declare his having been a 
a 2 Cor. 5. 17.  new creature by 
b 2 Cor. 7. 9  change of mind, and that he did not fall back, but 
c Phil. 3. 14.  press forwards towards the mark, and persevere in so doing unto the 
d 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Mat. 24. 13.  end.  
Thirdly, 'Twas another mark of his sincerity, that he insisted on the nature of true repentance, which still importeth an amendment, and reformation of life. Nor had he a willingness to recover his former health, unless to the end he might demonstrate his renovation, by that carefulness, that fear, that indignation, that vehement desire, that zeal, yea that revenge, which S. Paul hath recorded as the effects of a godly sorrow in his Corinthians. 
2 Cor. 7. 11.  Abhorring and deploring those desperate notions of Repentance, which the world is so commonly mistaken in.  
Fourthly, 'Twas a comfortable token of his sincerity, that he was obstinate in his Prayers, against the precept of his Physician; and resolved to pour out his soul, though to the prejudice of his body. As if he were piously ambitious of being too strong for his own infirmities; when a reverend Divine (who was standing by) would fain have done that office for him, at least as a Deputy to his lungs only, that he might not spend his few spirits as yet left in him; he made him this resolute, and hasty, but pious answer, that whilst a Tongue was in his head whereby to speak, and whilst he had breath in his body to move and animate his Tongue, and whilst he had lungs in his breast to supply his breath, he would show forth the goodness and the glory of God, who had been pleased to do so great thing for him. And in a merciful Answer to all his Prayers, which he continued to the amazement of all that heard him, (after some conflicts which he had had with the ghostly enemy, to make him happier in a victorious, than he could possibly have been in an untried innocence,) God was pleased (very signally) to reveal himself to him, to speak peace unto his Conscience, to fill him inwardly with joy in the Holy Ghost, to give him some glimmerings and fore-tasts of the glory to be revealed. That I may use his own words, (which, as he came out of a Trance, he was heard to speak,) he had a ravishing glimpse of the Beatific Vision; meaning thereby (as I interpret) that God had refreshed his drooping spirits with his unspeakable comforts; saying unto his soul, I am thy salvation, or this day salvation is come to thy house. So that now being placed above the level of temptations, and exempted from the fear of what the * red Dragon could do unto him, he cheerfully lifted up his head, and fixed his eyes upon Jesus, the author and finisher of his faith, and for the joy that was set before him, expected the Advent of his death, as of a very dear friend.  
Fifthly, It was another great sign that his heart was right towards God, and therefore not treacherous to himself, that he extended his care to the souls of others, with as true a charity, as to his own; exhorting one in particular against the love of this world; charging another to be watchful against intemperance, and debauch; exciting a third unto frequent and fervent prayer. I do but mention the several subjects, on which he treated like a Divine. To all his servants in the general, and to three of them in special, (for his words like 
* Exod. 16. 18.  Manna in the wilderness, and the Apostles 
* Act. 2. 45.  doal, were discreetly proportioned to every one as he had need; so as they who had most of his Deathbed instructions had nothing over, and they who had lest had no lack,) I say, in general, and in special, he was by his precepts, as well as practice, (even as righteous 
* 2 Pet. 2. 5.  Noah) a true Preacher of Repentance. Nor did his care end here. But  
As it were in imitation of good old jacob, 
Gen. 49.  before he was gathered to his fathers, he gave a blessing to all his children. And farther gave it in charge to his virtuous Consort, whom he worthily esteemed his dearer self, (and of whom he also requested pardon, if by any cross word he had ever grieved her,) not to educate his children, so much to learning and other accomplishments, as to the knowledge, and service, and fear of God. Nor was it a little to his advantage, that he was careful to have them seasoned with those his last Principles, which by his later experience he found the best.  
Not to be endless upon the subject, (on which it is difficult not to be long, and yet impossible to be tedious,) he was briefly all that, which I pray God of his mercy to make us all. That whensoever he shall appear unto us, in death, or in judgement, we may be found, like wise 
* Mat. 25. 7, 8.  Virgins, with oil in our lamps. And that together with this our Brother, (whose remembrance (like that of 
* Eccl. 49. 1.  josias) will ever be sweet unto us as music at a banquet of Wine,) we may be joined in Consort with the choir of Angels, 
Heb. 12. 22, 23.  and with the general Assembly of the Firstborn which are written in Heaven, and with the souls of just men made perfect, singing Hosannas and Hallelujahs, 
Rev. 5. 13.  to him that sitteth upon the Throne, and unto the Lamb for evermore.  
FINIS.   

VIR Explorata Integritate, Gravitate morum Primaeva Annumerandus Patribus; Scientiarum lumen omnium, Supraque scientias eminens Humilitate summa: Innocenter doctus, & 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 EDOARDUS PEYTO De Chesterton in Agro Warwicensi ARMIGER, Ex Antiquo PICTAVORUM stemmate oriundus, EDOARDI PEYTO Equitis Aurati Filius Unigenitus: Uxorem duxit ELIZABETHAM GREVILLI VERNEY De Compton-Mordake in eodem Agro Equitis Aurati Filtam Unigenitam: Lectissimam pariter & Dilectissimam foeminam.  
Compar Conjugium!  

Cujus ex felici Copula  
Manavit sexus utriusque Trias,  
Altera Filiorum, Edoardus, Guilielmus, Franciscus,  
Alteza & Filiarum, Elizabetha, Catharina, Margareta,  
Patris simul; & Matrus Ectypa:  
Virorum & Foeminarum olim Exemplaria.   

Proh Dolor!  
Tantae Familiae & Virtutis Instauratorem brevem,  
Primo velut in Molimine fatiscentem;  
In ipso aetatis store decussum,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉!   

Tamen Querelarum desine.  
Quip saeculi pertaesus, Maturus Coelo,  
Et praeproperâ laborans Maturitate,  
Perfectionem vitae cum Immortalitate commutavit,  
Anno Aetatis supra XXXm m currente Tertio,  
Salutis Reparatae MDCLVIII.  
VIIIo. Calendas VII bres.   

Anima, Christi appetentissima, in Christi gremium evolavit;  
Coelorum, quò dudum ascenderat, tandem Incola:  
Corpus reclinavit in Pulveris Dormitorium;  
Sic etiam Christum in sepulchro quaeritans.  
Telluris sarcina subter tellurem deposita;  
Incolumes reliquiae sub Domini custodiâ.   

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
FINIS.   

THE TABLE OF PARTICULARS.  

A  
A Dam, Subjected even in Innocence to a threefold Law. Pag. 204.  
Affliction, Necessary to all, p. 93, 94. A Mark of God's Favour, p. 102, etc. 107. 129, etc. They lie the heaviest on Gods own people, 134, 137, 139, 140, etc. 468.  
Antiquity, Courted in Art and Nature, p. 349, 50. In Policy, and Religion, 351, 352. The pretence of most heretics, 355, 456. that to be preferred which is nearest the beginning, ibid. proved by Instances, 360, 361. The only reason of the Secession of the Church of England from the Church of Rome, 362, 363. etc.  
Apostles, Described in their basest, and best estate, p. 314, 315. Their equality, 368.  
Authority, Divine in the profanest, p. 211, 212, 240. Not to be censured by the People, 213. How it differs from Power, 248. To be reverenced in the worst, as in the best of Mankind, 248, 249. Submitted to by Christ, p. 293, 294.   

B  
Bishops, Necessary to Monarchy, p. 18, 19, 20. Chief in their own Dioceses, 368, 369.   

C  
Ceremonies, Their use, and Innocence, asserted by all Protestant Churches, and Mr. Calvin, p. 205, 206.  
Councils, Their dependence on the Pope, p. 412, etc. One out of all nations never was, 418, 419. Many of them reject each other, 420, 421, etc. The Doctrines, and Practices of the Papists condemned by not a few of them, 423, 424, etc.  
Clergy, Their Prosperity the Layman's Privilege, p. 17, 18.  
Charity, To enemy's npon the Motives of generosity, p. 28, 29.  
Christ, why he needed a Conformity to the law for uncleanness, p. 275, 276, etc. his presentation, 278, etc. How to be presented by us, 286, 287.  
Christian, Wherein his Bravery consists, p. 63, 64. how a disgrace to Christianity, p. 153, 154. and how a Glory, p. 165, 166. should press after Perfection, 323, 324.  
Church, The rightful Power reduced to four heads, p. 196, 197, etc. The necessity of its Authority, 199, 200, etc. For the ending of strife, 216, 217.  
Conscience, unaffectedly tender, p. 89, 90.  
Consideration of how great use, 451, etc.  
Controversies, Their unseasonableness, 439, etc.  
Custom, How the same from God, and Belial, p. 262.   

D  
Death, often to be thought of, p. 436, 437, etc. desirable, p. 467, etc. 478 An Instance of an happy calmness of Death, p. 487, 488.  
Deliverance, Compared to the day, p. 16, 17, etc. should be an enforcement to change of life, p. 23.  
Despair, Good, and Evil, p. 88, 89, etc.  
Devil, How Instrumental to our Good, p. 104, 105, etc.  
Divorce, Why only permitted by Moses, p. 353, 354. Allowed by the Papists, contrary to the Law of Christ, p. 381, 382.  
Drollery, It's dangerous Tendency to Profaneness, p. 335, etc. 338, 339.   

E  
Enemies, Not to be Insured over, p. 10, 11. but rather obliged, p. 27, 28.  
England, Characters of its state before his Majesty's Restauration, p. 12, 13, etc. p. 43, 44, etc. p. 58, 59 p. 149. The Kings thereof Absolute, 385. How by degrees encroached on by the Pope, 386, 387.   

F  
Faith, How in many who think they want it, p. 90. It's Victory over our sufferings, p. 165, 166, 167.  
Fortitude, Wherein it stands, p. 64, 65.  
Fear, How useful, p. 83, 84, etc.   

G  
God, How the Author of all our sufferings, and the sole support in them, p. 161, 162, etc. To be served with the best of what we are or can, p. 281, 282, etc.  
Gospel, How spread through the world, p. 315, 316, etc.  
Gratitude, Its Generosity, p. 31, 32. Motives to it in England, p. 58, 59   

H  
Half-Communion, Its Rise, p. 358, 376, 377. How contrary to Scripture, ibid.  
Hierarchy, Twofold, Civil as well as Ecclesiastical, p. 212, & p. 233, 234, etc.  
Humility, It's proper season, p. 36. Motives to it, p. 266, 270, etc.   

I  
Ignorance, aggravates as well as excuses, p. 37, 38.  
Impunity, the greatest punishment, p. 132, 133.  
Impurity, Legal a Type of Original Sin, 265, 266.  
Infallibility, The chief Foundation of all Popish Errors, 357, 401, 402. Acknowledged to be Incommunicable to any Church, 429, 430.  
Ingratitude, It's chief Aggravation, p. 66, 67, etc.  
Indifferent things, what kind of necessity they acquire to themselves, and how, 202, 203, etc. 289, 290, etc.   

K  
King, His Prerogative the People's Privilege, p. 16, 17. His right of calling Synods, 197, 198, etc. His presiding in, and over them, 209, 210. His Divine Institution, and Supremacy, p. 223, 224, etc. ad p. 258.   

L  
Laws, Their Original Institution threefold, p. 203, 204, etc. Bind the Conscience though of Humane Institution, p. 208.  
Learning, The usefulness and Necessity of that which is but Humane, p. 304, 305, etc. It's Insufficiency without the help of the Divine, p. 313, 314, etc. It's right employment, p. 331, 332, 333, etc.  
Light, Its shortness, p. 457, 458, 462, 463. It's uncertainty, 459, 473. and Frailty, 461. It's vexation, 464, 465, etc. Motives to, and the Method of Improving it, 470, 471; etc. This life compared with Eternity, p. 479, 480.   

M  
Magistrates, Their Ordination, p. 232, 233, etc. ad p. 244. Their Subordination, p. 245, 246, etc.  
Man, Motives to his Humility from the baseness of his Matter, p. 267, 268, etc. All equal in what respects, p. 270, 271, etc. His twofold Original, 454, 455, etc.  
Marriage, It's Primitive Institution Vindicated, p. 352, 354. When first denied to the Clergy, p. 358, 379. Contrary to Scripture, and the practice of the Apostles, 380.  
Mercy, How God's chiefest Attribute, p. 77, 78, etc. 116, 117.   

O  
Oath, How it differs from God's Word, p. 110, 111.  
Obedience, to Magistratee a good work of the first rank, p. 211, 212. In things indifferent, p. 293, 294.  
Obligations, cease to bind in three Cases, p. 115.   

P  
People, Not the Original of Government, p. 233, etc. and p. 243, 244, etc.  
Persecution, Compared to the night, p. 12, 13. etc.  
Pestilence, How much worse than War, p. 149, 150, 151. Tends the most to Humiliation, p. 157. Ever laid on by an hand from Heaven, p. 162, 163.  
Popes, Many of them confessedly Heretical, p. 371, 372, 406, 411, 412. The Original of their Supremacy, p. 359, 366, 367, etc. Primacy of order allowed to them, 367, 369.  
Prayer, in an unknown Tongue, contrary to Scripture, and the practice of the Primitive Church, p. 378, 379.  
Preaching, It's Different Effects, p. 320, 321.  
Precepts, Difference 'twixt them, and a bare Permission, p. 353.  
Pride, How inexcusable in man, p. 268, 269.  
Priest, His Duty, p. 325, 326, etc.  
Promises, of God Conditional as his Threats, p. 113, 114.  
Prosperity, It's proper use, p. 25, 26, etc. It's danger, p. 33, 34, 35. It's proper season, p. 50, etc. It's mischief, p. 51, 52, etc. It's dignity, p. 60, 61.  
Punishment, It's threefold End, p. 128, 129, etc. For the Amendment of Offenders, p. 130, etc. For the benefit of others, p. 134, etc. For the satisfaction of the injured, p. 139, etc. significant of the sin, which it revengeth, p. 147, 148.  
Purgatory, It's Original, p. 358.  
Purification, of the Virgin, p. 259, 260, etc.   

R  
Rebellion, A species of Sacrilege, p. 241.  
Reformation, It's proper Season, and Reasons of it, p. 31, 32, etc. 61, 62. The Moderation of ours from Rome, p. 212, 213. From the Court of Rome, p. 388. Its causes, p. 382, 383. Justified, p. 387.  
Repentance, In what sense applied to God, p. 109. Even in men it works Miracles, p. 116, 117. Not to be deferred, p. 284, 472, etc. With the danger of deferring it ibid. ad p. 478 Five Tokens of a sincere Repentance, p. 490. 491, 492, etc.  
Rome, Its Church a particular Church, and younger than Jerusalem, etc. p. 365. Confessed by its Champions to be corrupt in point of Doctrine, p. 373. And Practise, p. 382, 383, 399, 400, 406. Is in no sense Infallible, p. 403, etc. ad p. 407.   

S  
Schism, On whom to be charged, 384.  
Scripture, Translated into Mother-tongues, p. 377, 378.  
Sermons, The Danger of Idolising them, p. 321, 322.  
Severity, The mercy of it, p. 100, 101, etc. p. 107, 131, 132, etc. 146.  
Sin, Worse than the sufferings, which it produceth, p. 131, 132, etc. p. 158, 159. How vile it makes us, p. 267. 268.  
Subjects, Their Obligations to obey Magistrates especially the Supreme, p. 233, 234, etc. Ad p. 258.  
Sufferings, How comforts, p. 160. etc. 164. 165.  
Synod, Its power, and proper work, p. 173, etc. ad p. 218.   

T  
Thanksgiving, Wherein it Consists, p. 24. 25. 70.  
Threats, In all times needful, p. 83. 84. etc. Two sorts, under oath, and word only, p. 108. 109, etc.  
Tongue, Of what Importance in Religion, p. 333. 334, etc.  
Tradition, Universal the Rule for synods to make Canons by, p. 214, 215, etc.  
Transubstantiation, When it began, p. 358. 374. Impossible, 375. 428.   

V  
Victory, The End of it is to oblige p. 11. 27. 28. 29.  
Virgin, How Mary could need a Purification, p. 272. 273. 275.  
Universities, Their use, and abuse p. 337. 338.   

W  
Wit, Being Vnsanctifyed is Mischievous, p. 338. 339.   
FINIS.