A VINDICATION OF THE KING'S Sovereign Rights:  
Together with A Justification of His ROYAL Exercises thereof, in all Causes, and over All Persons Ecclesiastical (as well as by consequence) over All Ecclesiastical Bodies Corporate, and Cathedrals▪ More particularly applied to the KING's Free Chapel and Church of SARUM.  
Upon Occasion of The Dean of SARUM's Narrative and Collections, made by the Order and Command of the most Noble and most Honourable, The LORDS Commissioners, Appointed by the KING's Majesty for Ecclesiastical Promotions.  
By way of Reply unto the Answer of the Lord Bishop of Sarum, Presented to the aforesaid most Honourable LORDS.  
Printed only to save the Labour of Transcribing several Copies, and to prevent the Mistakes thereby apt to be incurred, and merely for the Satisfaction of private Friends, who either Want or Desire a most Impartial Information of that Affair.   

A GENERAL TABLE OF THE CONTENTS.  

THE Dean of Sarum superstructs the Ecclesiastical Rights in Thesi, (to things of humane Establishment) upon the Foundation of the Regal, as upon a Rock which cannot fail them. And also the Rights of the Bishop of Sarum in Hypothesi, upon the only sure Foot which it can possibly stand upon. The Moral Necessity of distinguishing (with the Judicious Bishop Sanderson) between an Original, and Derivative Right: As also (with the famous Chief Justice Coke) between a Subordinate, and the Supreme. The KING in Law is The Founder, Proprietor in Chief, and Advower Paramount, of All Archbishoprics, and Bishoprics, Cathedrals, prebend's, and of All contained in them. The Despotical Exercise of the Regality, as in all Other Churches, so Above All in the Church of Sarum. The Church is never so much Betrayed, as by Them who assert a Church-man's Right, with an Exclusion of the King's; and strive to take down the Stairs, to which they owe their own Advancement. The Dean of Sarum does not ascribe an higher Prerogative to the KING than judge Coke himself, and Bishop Sanderson, the Common, and Statute, and Civil Laws; yea no more than Pope Nicolas to Edward the Confessor, and his Successors Kings of England: And does but distinguish (with the most excellent Paolo Sarpi, That Oracle, Life, and Soul, of the most famous Venetian Senate) between Dominion, and Dispensation. Where any Bishop is Dispensator, the KING is Dominus.   

The Second Chapter.  
THE King's Castle at Old Sarum, and the King's Free-Chappel in it, and the Dean of it, Before a Cathedral Church was built, Before a Chapter was created, Before the Endowments of the Sovereign and Subordinate Founders, and during all Bishop Herman's Time, are made Apparent and Undeniable, by the Best and First Authors printed, by which the Written Registers can be confirmed. And That Register of Registers, which was cited by the Dean, but cheaply slighted by the Bishop, is showed to be as Authentic, as any his Lordship can produce, and for All the same Reasons, which any Ordinary can urge for another Register. Florentius of Worcester, Eadmerus, Will. of Malmsbury, Roger Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis, (All elder than Mat. Paris) and M. Paris Himself, with several others, do all conspire (in antecessum) to prove the Authority of the Deans Register, maugre Those who disesteem it, for appearing too much in the Royal Cause. Truth justified by its Opposers (before they are aware and against their Wills) in the very Act of their Opposition. Two or three Bishops, and many Earls., had the King's Castle only as Keepers, and during pleasure; Thence 'twas an Ambulatory Trust, as is demonstrated by an Induction. The Castle stood on the King's Soil. The Lord Bishop's Margin does only serve to Confute his Text.   

The Third Chapter.  
THE Dean of Sarum's Jurisdiction in his Peculiars, and particularly in That of Salisbury-Close, (which must be distinguished from the City, which is the Bishops under the KING) whereof the Dean is the Sole Immediate Ordinary, was ever Exempted from the Bishop, by the Charter of the Supreme and Subordinate Founder of the Cathedral, the King, and Osmund. In comparison with which, The most unlawful Composition was but a Novelty. Almost Three Hundred years Younger, than the Great Fundamental Statute. That Composition was a Conspiracy of Pope Boniface the Ninth, with the Then Bishop, Dean, and Chapter, against whatsoever is Great, or Sacred. Against the Good Word of GOD. Against the Supremacy and Prerogative of the KING. Against both the Common and Statute Law of the Land. Against the very Foundation, whereupon the whole College and Church are laid; and together with which they must Stand, or Fall. Against the Souls of Them that Made it, and have Acted according to it, both in regard of their own Oaths, and the Founder's Curse. And (by reason of All the Nullities and Inconsistences that are in it) against Common Sense, and against Itself. The Dean of 
1 Dr. Peirce  Sarum's Jurisdiction, exclusively of the Bishop's within the Close, is strongly proved by the Confessions of the present 
2 Dr. Seth Ward  Lord Bishop to the Dean, Before his Lordship had been Incensed by the Dean's Services for the 
3 K. Charles the 2d.  King, and by his dutiful Obedience to the Lords Commissioners Command. 'Tis farther proved by All Decisions of Authority, For the Dean's evident Right, against the Bishop's Invasion of it. An instance of it in the Sentence of the Lord Chancellor of England, and the Archbishop of the whole Province. The Mischievous Effects of the Composition. Of no use to its Observers, unless to make them in danger of incurring a Praemunire. The Absolute Necessity of a Royal Visitation to set all Right,   

The Appendix.  
MR. Yeates, in several Letters to persons of Honour, and lesser Quality, doth strongly assert unto himself his whole design of the Four Heads. He irrefragably proves the Dean of Sarum, not to have had an Hand in, or Assent to, or Connivance at, or Knowledge of his Design, Antecedently to the Command of the Lords Commissioners, or to the First Notice sent him by the Lord Bishop and the Chapter. His Two Inducements to it from his Right Reverend Diocesan; and his None at all from the Dean of Sarum.    

A VINDICATION OF THE King's Sovereign Rights, As in all Cathedral Churches, so especially in the Church both of Old and New Sarum, as asserted in the Dean of Sarum's Narrative, drawn up and presented to the most Noble Lords Commissioners.  
HAving laboured of Late under the Obloquy of Some, and the Ill-will of Others, and the impotent Revengefulness at least of One, for having delivered what I had found of the King's Sovereign Rights, and his Royal Exercises thereof, as well in All Causes, as over all Persons Ecclesiastical, All bodies Corporate and Cathedrals, more particularly applied unto His Majesty's Free Chapel and Church of Sarum; tho' I did nothing of myself as a Volunteer, but by Commission and Command from the most Noble and the most Honourable the Lord's Commissioners, appointed by his Gracious Majesty for Ecclesiastical Promotions, (whom God knows I did believe it my bounden Duty to obey;) I am induced to give the Reasons of my having made so bold with my Master's Enemies and mine own, as to be dutifully Loyal without their Leave. I was loath to ask of them, by whom I was sure to be denied; And▪ did Presume I might as pardonably assert the King's and the Church's Rights, now that the King is on His Throne, and the Church less Militant, as I did safely and with Success, before the Great Year of their Restauration.  
Sect. 1. First I was of an Opinion (before I had it from a most excellent and most Noble Lord Commissioner) That 'tis the Duty of every Subject, and especially of the King's Chaplains, to discover all they know of His Majesty's Prerogative, tho' not Commanded by Authority, as I had been. Which saying of a Judicious and a most Honourable Lord (in the Council Chamber, and elsewhere,) is agreeable to another of two Lord Chancellors in their times, whereof the first was the Lord Bacon; from whom 'twas borrowed by the Second, who used it in his Speech to Sir Edward Thurland when made a Baron of the Exchequer. To wit, That the Subjects of England in General, as well as the judges in particular, (and particularly the Judges of Ecclesiastical Courts, such as is the Dean of Sarum,) are bound to maintain the Prerogative, and not distinguish it from the Law. The King's Prerogative being Law, and (in the words of Chief Justice 
a Coke Instit. Part. 1. Sect. 648 P. 344.  Coke,) The Principal part of the Common Law; as That from which all other Laws are derived, and on which they do depend. With these I compared that famous Saying of a full Parliament, which I found cited by my Lord 
b Inst. Part. 4. c▪ 1. p. 44.  Coke too, That no King or Kingdom can be safe, but where the King has Three Abilities, 1. To live of his own, and defend his Kingdom; 2. To assist his Confederates, and 3▪ To reward his deserving Subjects. From whence I thought it would follow, that to take from the great Number of Ecclesiastical Promotions in the King's Gift, is to act against the safety of King and Kingdom, 'Tis reckoned one of those things which even a King cannot do Lawfully, and which a 
c Rot. Parl. 42. Ed. 3. n. 7. ibid. p. 14.  Parliament cannot consent to. Besides I thought it most unworthy, that he who had not been afraid in the worst of Times, and without a Warrant, and under none but God's Protection, to defend the King's Rights and the whole Church of England, by many Arguments in Print, (when some New Royalists durst not join in a Petition for the Kings wished Return, for fear (as they then said) of setting their Hands to their own Ruin, as having reason to suspect the Restauration would be General, that All Usurpers must be Ejected, and all Ejected for their Loyalty, would have their own, which passed with some for an heavy judgement,) should now descend unto the Meanness of hiding himself behind Another, and behind such another as he knew to be Unqualified for such service, as I was irrationally suspected and most maliciously reported to have engaged Another in. No, the Pretenders to that Suspicion, and the Inventors of that Report, did only design by such Baseness to lessen the merit of my Obedience to the Lords Commissioners Injunction, and of my Dutiful Regard to the King himself, towards whose Service it was my fault, (as 'tis my Apology and Excuse with a sort of men,) that I did not go till I was sent, nor mend my Pace till I was driven.  
Sect. 2. Next I had learned by my perusal of Keble's Statutes at large, and of Chief Justice Coke's Institutes, (to name no more in this Place) 
d 25 H. 8. and 1 Ed. 6. 2.  That the Gift of all Bishoprics, and Nomination of Bishops did ever belong to our Monarches, both before, and since the Conquest, as in Right of the Crown. My Lord Coke gives the Reason from this trite Maxim in the Law, 
e 1 Inst. l. 2. c. 6. f. 94. 97. And l. 3. c. 11. Sect. 648. p. 344.  That all our Archbishoprics and Bishoprics, were and are of the King's Foundation. That at first they were therefore all merely Donative, merely by the Delivery of a Staff, and a Ring. Never Elective till King john, who Reigned not without the Murdering of Arthur of Britain the Rightful Heir. 
f Dr. Burnet's Hist. of Reformation. Part. 1. p. 265. and Part 11. p. 2. 7.  That it was again taken away by Hen. 8. and Ed. 6. in whose Reigns all the Bishops were required to take out New Commissions for their Bishoprics, and so to hold them only as Delegates in the King's Name, and not for Life Absolute, but During Pleasure. And Archbishop Cranmer gave an Example to the Rest. 
g 1 Ed. 6. cap. 2. Rast 9 Wingat. Sect. 15. 25 H. 8. c. 10.  That Elections by Deans, and Chapters are declared by Law to be No Elections, but by a writ of Congee d' Eslire have only Colours and Shadows, or Pretences of Elections serving to no Purpose, and seeming derogatory and Prejudicial to the King's Prerogative Royal, etc. That Bishop 
h See the 14th. Collect. to the 1st part of the Hist. of Refor. p. 184, 185.  Bonner declared under his hand, He held his Bishopric of London, of the King's Bounty alone, during the King's Pleasure only, and that he would again deliver it up, when it should please the King to call for it. That 
i Coke 2. Inst. c. 6. upon Magna Charta p. 15.  all the Temporalities of Archbishoprics and Bishoprics in all Uacancies (which our Kings made when it pleased them) ever came to the King as Founder. He being Patronus and Protector Ecclesiae in so high a Prerogative incident to his Crown, that he cannot part with it, no Subject can have claim to it either by Grant or by Prescription. That 
k C. de Sacrosanct. Eccles. & de Episc. & Clericis.  the Lands of the Church were all at first given by gracious Princes, as may appear from the first Book of Iustinian's Code, where Laws are recorded for the conferring, and also for the Conserving of them. Which is also the Affirmation of the most excellent Paulus Sarpius. That 
l Coke 2 Inst. on Magna Charta. c. 33. p. 68  if the King and a Common Person have joined in a Foundation, the King is the Founder; because it is an Entire Thing. For the Truth of which Maxim that renowned Judge cited 44 Ed. 3. c. 24. from when I inferred within myself, that King Hen. 8. (rather than Wolsey) was Founder of Christ Church in Oxford, tho' its well enough known, that Wolsey was a Co-Founder: Or, Founder Subordinate to the Supreme. So William the Conqueror (rather than Osmund) was the Supreme and Sovereign Founder of the Cathedral Church of Old Sarum; tho' by the King's Bounty, as well as Leave, St. Osmund built, and greatly endowed it with such Revenues, as he 
m Selden. janus' Anglorum. l. 2. c. 1. p. 48.  held of his Lord and Master during Pleasure and by Knight's Service. For the Conqueror's Soldiers (whereof Osmund of Say was one) held all the Lands which he gave them under military Service, not as properly Freeholders, but as Lords in Trust only, and according to the King's Pleasure, thereby hoping to engage them to a close Dependence upon the Crown: as the learned Selden relates of Matthew Paris, and his learned 
n p. 116.  Annotator does give the Reason. I do not say our Monarches have had the same Power ever since, but the same Right by Law which ever any King had. Nor do I say they have a Right to any Saecular Possessions whereof the Subject hath a Feesimple; But a Right to confer on Ecclesiastical Persons such Ecclesiastical Dignities and Revenues, as are in Law of the King's Foundation, Which all are affirmed to be by Keble, referring to the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. p. 121. Where the Holy Church of England is said to have been Founded by Ed. 1. and his Progenitors, etc. as the Lords and Advowers of it. And then by virtue of that other Maxim in my Lord Coke, (who was never more an Oracle, than when he spoke for the King's Prerogative, to which he had never a Partiality,) That 
o 2 Inst. in Statutes of Employment. p. 742.  Successors are included under the Name of King; 'Tis plain that what Right soever was in William the First, and his next immediate Successors, (especially Hen. 1. and Hen. 3. from whom the Church of Sarum had vast Additions of Endowment,) Our King hath now. Hence it is that All our Kings have been not only owned as the Founders, but as Patrons of our Cathedral. For which I cited the Address of the Dean and Chapter to Hen. 7. in whom the two contending Houses were united, wherein they called him their Founder 
p Fol. 46. 47. usque ad Fol. 59  seven times at least. Their Numerical Expressions in their Prayer to God for him, (to whom they could not intend to lie) was Fundator Ecclesiae Sarum. And Hen. 8. was so styled by the famously Learned and Prudent 
q Regist. Harw. p. 66. 125.  Longland, after Bishop of Lincoln, and Lord Chancellor of the University of Oxford, for which I might cite the Exact Register of Harward, the Authenticalness of which was never questioned. So 'tis Notorious that all Members of Christ-Church in Oxford, in their Prayers before their Sermons do Commemorate Hen. 8. (not naming Wolsey) as their Founder. From whence it is that the Dean of Christ-Church is the Sole Governor of that Cathedral, and the Bishop of Oxford not. As the Dean of Westminster, had the Sole Jurisdiction within the Precincts of that Cathedral, when there was Created a Bishop of it. And the Dean there hath more than Episcopal Jurisdiction. Archiepiscopal (saith Dr. Heylin) within all the Liberties, as the Abbots had heretofore. Ever since Sebert King of Essex, Kings and Queens have been Successively, and in the Eye of the Law the Founders of the Church, and of all within it. As it is now a Collegiate Church, Queen Elizabeth was the Foundress, and our King at this day (whom God preserve) is in Law the Founder of it. As for all the same Reasons, He is the Founder of our College and Church of Sarum, as well by several Acts of Parliament, as in our own Books. Our Norman Kings did say of it, as Will. 1. of Battle Abby, 
r Eadmerus l. p. 6. Seld Spic. p. 165. &  Libera sit sicut mea Basilica Capella; and as that was exempted from the Power and Visitation of the Bishops of Chichester, so was ours from the Bishops of Sarum, as shall be shown in its proper Place. I end this Section with that Old Distich in Spondanus of our Salisbury Cathedral, and with a Verse made in those very times.  
s Spond Annal ad A D. 1237.  Rex largitur opes; fert Praesul opem; Lapicidae Dant operam; tribus his est opus ut stet opus. 
t Cambden in Wilt.  Regis enim Virtus Templo spectabitur isto. 
Sect. 3. Thirdly, Although I do not say, with that incomparable Civilian Sir Thomas Ridley, 
t Cambden in Wilt.  That the King himself is instead of the whole Law, yea he is the Law itself, and the only Interpreter thereof, in as much as all those who govern under him, govern by him, and for him; Yet I will and do say with our Acts of Parliament, 
u View of the Civil Law. part. 2. c. 1. Sect. 6. p. 104.  That the Kingdom of England is an Empire; and the King Supreme Head of it; and his Crown an Imperial Crown. He is not a Precarious, but an Absolute Monarch, saith the Learned Camden in his Britannia. Supremam Potestatem, & merum Imperium habet apud nos Rex. And his Sovereign Dominion over all Ecclesiastical Persons, and in all Causes without exception, is confessed to be de jure, by All our Clergy Men in their Pulpits, as well as by All in England who pay him Firsts-fruits and Tenths. Not excepting those very Persons who cannot yet Pardon my most necessary Distinction, (on which doth lie the whole stress of Ours and all Other Cathedrals) 
w 24 H. 8. c. 12. and 1 Eliz. c. 1. 2. 3.  between an Original and Derivative Right; a Right Supreme and one Suburdinate thereunto. Our Proprietaries in the Chief of the Church of Saerum; and so it is with the strictest Propriety of speaking, that in all their Royal Mandates they use that Style, Our Church of Sarum. For as Proprietaries in Chief, & bonae fidei Possessores, and Founders of the Bishopric, as well as of All belonging to it, I find and can prove (against the naked and cheap Denials of such as can easily deny what they cannot Disprove by any Artifices or Strengths) that our Monarches have Acted as Despotically in and over the Church of Sarum, as in any their Mansion Houses. Who but our Monarches did take away the Fourteen prebend's I reckoned up in my Collections, and the Archdeaconry of Dorset, and all the Dorsetshire jurisdiction from the Bishops of Sarum, (not so much as One Parish remaining there unto the Bishop, though about Forty to the Dean,) and conferred them upon others according to their Wills and Pleasures? To begin with the first Times, were to write a Volume. Let it suffice that Hen. 8. gave Four of them at once to the Dean and Chapter of Windsor, as that of Okeborn St. Andrew, that of Okeborn St. George, that of Hungerford, and that of Sherbourn; but did not take from the Dean of Sarum the Episcopal jurisdiction in any one of them: Nor in that which was given by Hen. 8. or Ed. 6. to the Earls of Pembroke, to wit, the Great Prebend of Axford, supposed to have been given by Q. Elizabeth, to her Secretary of State, Sir Francis Walsingham, from whom I know it came by Purchase to Sir Francis Pyles Grandfather; the like to which he has also in the Prebend of Sherbourn in Dorset, which hath been variously disposed of to and fro by our several Monarches, for about Five Hundred Years together, from King Stephen to King james. And tho' Sherbourn was the Seat of so vast a Bishopric, that no fewer than Four Bishoprics were taken out of it. yet the whole Jurisdiction of That, and many round about it, have still been saved entirely by All our Monarches since the Conquest, to Him who was then, and ever since the Dean of their Majesty's free Chapel and Church of Sarum. Then Formaliter, and ever since Virtualiter, in Respect of the Franchises belonging to him. Indeed in the Prebend of Bedwin, given away by Ed. 6. to the Earl of Hertford and his Heirs, the Dean of Sarum has but Episcopal jurisdiction, and a Triennial Visitation; the like to which he has in the Prebend of Faringdon, which is now in Sir Robert Pie, to whom it descended from his Father, by whom it was bought of the Lady Umpton, and given for ever from the Bishop and Church of Sarum, by Ed. 6. to Wm. Hening, Esq. A. D. 1550. The Three good prebend's of Uphaven, Loders, and Horton, were Alienated from us, I know not when, or by which of our English Monarches. The Prebend of Shipton (which was no more in our Monarches to dispose of, than All the rest) was given away by King james I. (as to the Patronage and Advowson) unto the Chancellor and Scholars of the University of Oxford, for the use of a Layman the King's Professor of Law there, and to his Successors for ever, with an Etiamsi Laicus sit, & sacros ordines non susceperit; and this the King gave under the Great Seal of England, wherein the Habendum and the Tenendum, is not of the Bishop of Sarum (of whom there is not the least Notice taken) but of Him the said King, and his Successors for ever: Which Gift and way of giving it, was afterwards confirmed by an Act of Parliament, which I wonder to find alleged by the Right Reverend the Bishop in Derogation to the King's Right of giving prebend's; as if a King's Act were the less Regal, or Legal, for being done by the King twice. First without a Parliament, and a Second time in it. Or as if the King of England had not Acted as the Proprietor, because the Three Estates of Parliament did so esteem Him. Nor hath any Reason been given (that I have ever read, or heard of) why King james might not as easily have given away any other Prebend, which had been founded in that Church, that of Netherbury in Terra for Example, which he really had given to his Divinity-Professor, and to his Successors, but that His Majesty found it too little, and rather chose to give them a Greater Thing. Nor is the King's Act in Parliament (which we may no more distinguish from the King, than we may distinguish the King's Prerogative from the Law) more or less the King's Act, than his Act in Council (although perhaps of more force:) For the Three States which make the Body of a Parliament, whereof the King is the Head (though a most Honourable Body, and a whole Kingdom in Epitome) can but prepare Matter for Law, and humbly propose it to the Sovereign to be ratified or rejected, as his Majesty thinks sit. But the Ratio Formalis of Legislation is fully and solely in the King; whose Fiat or Le veult is the very Soul and Life of every Law made, or to be made. And really if the King of England is not the Founder, the Sovereign Patron, and Proprietary in Chief, as well of the prebend's, as of the Bishoprics; the Bishop of Sarum can have no Right to his Prebend of Potern (though Installed and Admitted by the Dean and Chapter, as other Prebendaries are;) much less can he have Right unto his other Prebend of Blewbery, into which he was never so Installed or Admitted; and which is reckoned in the Choir among the Alienated prebend's, because transferred from the whole Chapter to the Bishop of Sarum, who is indeed one of the Chapter, as he is Prebendary of Potern, but not at all as Prebendary of Blewbery: And so his Lordship cannot have a Right to it, (though he has Possession of it,) unless he hath it from the King, which is Right enough; and yet it is not enough, in case the King is not the jure the Sovereign Patron, and Proprietary in Chief. 'Twas never once held by any Bishop of Sarum, (but was a distinct and good Provision for one of the Simplices Canonici) until the Reign of Hen. 8. by whom 'tis pretended to have been pressed upon Bishop Salcot, alias Capon, and that in Exchange for the Manor of Godalming in Surrey; which could not possibly be the jure (if indeed 'twas so the facto) in case the King had no Right to dispose of that Prebend as he thought fit: I say if it was indeed so de facto, because the Manor of Godalming in Surrey (with the Rectory and the three Copices, and the perpetual Advowson of the Vicarage) was the Gift of King 
x Lib. Stat. ut fol. 38.  Hen. III. and is the Dean of Sarum's Corpse, and held of him by Lease to this very day. Nor could such an Exchange be made (if it ever were) without the King's Fiat, as Proprietary in chief: And I hope 'twill not be said, that the King has only Right to Alienate what he will to the Bishop from any other, but no right to give what Prebend he will to any other. It is against Law and Reason, that one Man in the same Church should have two prebend's at once. And therefore when Hen. II. of England gave two to one Person 
y Conc. Imp. & Sacr. l. 8. c. 22. art. 7.  Pope Alexander the Third complained of it: Not at all questioning his Royal Right to give prebend's, but the Evil Use of it. Hence it follows, that the Right of any Bishop of Sarum to bestow prebend's (which I shall ever assert as the only sure Foot it can stand upon) must needs be Subordinate to the King's, from whose Supreme Right it was derived. For the King (if he would) 
z Coke 1. Inst. l. 1. §. 1. and part 2. in Stat. de Westm. c. 1. p. 501. praesertim. part 4. c. 7. 287.  cannot legally confer a Sovereign Right upon any Subject, much less upon a Bishop, Dean and Chapter, who cannot hold what they have for Term Life Absolute, being many ways subject to Deprivations. Amongst many other Examples which might be easily given of that; Judge 
a Part 4. c. 76. p. 356.  Coke tells us of one Bishop of Exeter, who fell into a Praemunire, for not admitting one immediately, who was presented by the King to the Church of Southwell: And this was done in the prevailing Times of Popery (24 Ed. 3.) much more easily may it be done by a Protestant King (and hath been often) who hath of Right an Ecclesiastical Supremacy, and doth assert it without a Sacrilege, or an Encroachment upon the Church, and that by the Confession of all Loyal Churchmen. I am sure I can name Many, who once allowed much more to Cromwell: And yet by 
b 23 Eliz. c. 1. 3. jac. c. 4.  two Statutes in force, 'tis downright Treason, for any Subject of England, either to Promise or Pay Obedience, to any other than to the King, his Heirs, and Successors. 'Twould be as endless, as it is easy, to Muster up Instances of the Regale over Churches and Churchmen, and their Revenues, even when they were as Great, as the Pope could make them; and at as high a pitch of Pride, as that Usurper of Supremacy could raise them to. The most Assuming Bishop of Rome that ever was, was Pope Hildebrand; against whose Tyrannies and Encroachments, William the Conqueror was a Protestant; yet he apparently so dreaded the growing Power of the then Bishops within this Kingdom, that he Confirmed his own Power (as well as showed it) by lessening Theirs. Our Kings (in a word) are de jure Kings of France: And the French King's Prerogative, or Propriety, cannot be greater in the Gallican Church, than our Kings is in the Church of England. Nor indeed near so great. ('Tis a little thing to say in the Church of Sarum only.) And yet the whole Clergy of the Gallican Church, have lately declared their Opinion by the Mouth of the Archbishop of Rheims (notwithstanding their Pope's Pretensions) That the King hath a clear Title to the Right of the Regale in all the Bishoprics of his Kingdom; That a General Council cannot lessen it, much less a Pope; That no Present King can be deprived of what a former King had; That the King's Collating to prebend's is such an Act of Supremacy (so the Historian does infer) as shows the King to be Lord in Fee; and by the Code made in the Time of Hen. 4. 
c Code Hen. 4. l. 7. Tit. 1. Art. 47.  If a Chapter refuse to Enstall a Regalist, Letters are to go out to compel them to it, or else their Revenues are to be Seized on. Briefly 'twas confessed by the Bishop of Pamiees (the stoutest Assertor of the Pope's Ecclesiastical Supremacy) that The Foundation of Churches does prove the King's Right of Patronage. All which and much more may be Collected out of Dr. Burnet's elaborate History of the Rights of Princes, etc. And if the French Kings Prerogative is such; who does not own an Ecclesiastical Supremacy in all Causes, and over all Persons, as our King does; How much greater is the Regale of our Kings here in England, ever since the Reformation? I will conclude this Comparison of the King of France with the French King, in the words of this King's Procurator General in Parliament, to wit, That the King can no more renounce the Right of the Regale in Ecclesiasticis, either in whole, or in part, than he can destroy the Salic Law, or quit the Sovereignty of any Provinces in France: And further adds, They would all quit their Employments, rather than consent to the least Diminution of that Right. There are some among Us, who do not speak in that Strain, though others do.  
Sect. 4. Fourthly, I observed a Maxim of Law in my Lord Coke, which did Confirm me in my Distinction between a Supreme and Subordinate Right. The Maxim is, 
c 1 Instit. l. 1. c. 5. Sect. 35. fol. 30.  that If the Title of the King, and of a common Person concur, the King's Title shall be Preferred. For the Law (saith he) respecteth Honour and Order: Therefore if the King makes one Man a Resident, whilst the Dean and Chapter is choosing, and have a desire to Choose another; the Dean and Chapter will prefer the King's Clerk, and not dispute with his Majesty de jure Patronatus. Several Instances may be given in several Churches. Those of Sarum, and Wells in especial manner. So if the King presents One to a Prebend without Residence, and the Bishop Another; the Dean and Chapter will Enstall and Admit the King's Man, because by express Statute-Law, 
d 29 Ed. 3. Stat. 6.  The King is the Advower Paramount immediate of all Churches and prebend's. And accordingly our Kings, the Last, and Present in particular, do not only Recommend, but pro Imperio plane Despotico, do expressly Command Obedience to, and Compliance with them; and that sometimes in the very same Line, sometimes two or three Lines lower, sometimes again in the Conclusion. Yes, and in variety of Despotical Expressions (as great as any can be invented in Law to be Imperial. Such as are (for instance) 
e Of many more Instances, These at present may suffice. In the Letters of Ch. I. May 18. in the 9th year of his Reign. And Feb. 8. the same year of Ch. II. jul. 24. 1674. and jan. 11. 1665. and Sept. 10. 1666. and Mar. 8. 1676. and jun. 8. 1680. Besides many more Registered, and many which are not, but aught to be, and to have been.  We will. We command. We will and require. Willing and requiring you. Our pleasure is. Our express will and pleasure is. This We will have done, Any Use, Custom, Prescription, or any other Matter, or Thing to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. Again, We Will, and Our Pleasure is, that You cause these our Letters to be entered in your Register, to the end they may be produced when Occasion requires. What French King did ever Write in a more Decretory, Despotical, and Masterly Style, than Le Roy le veult. Car tel est son plaisir? This was as far as Heaven from Hell, from Expressly Disclaiming a Royal Patronage, and Right, and jurisdiction. I will add but one more, which was both ways Despotical; to wit, by a signal Inhibition, and by a Peremptory Command. For having said, that He had given unto his Chaplain Dr. Drake the Dignity and Office of Chancellor in that his Cathedral Church of Sarum, with the Prebend thereto annexed? His Majesty added these signal words; [We hereby Will and Require, that no Other Person be Admitted or Elected into any Residentiaries Place now vacant, or that shall be vacant, until He (the said Dr. Drake) be received into the Rights and Profits of Residence: And for so doing, This shall be your Warrant.] Much more might be said of the King's Mandate for Dr. Whitby, which yet I forbear, till occasion serves. Only of this I am assured by as Eminent 
f Coke 1. Inst. l. 1. Sect. 31. fol. 27.  a Lawyer, as perhaps ever was, That a false Suggestion in a Petition to the King, does void the King's Grant of the thing Petitioned for: It being a Maxim in My Lord Coke 
g Stat. 14 Ed. 3. cap. 4. ; [The Grant is void, where the King is deceived in his Grant.] Besides all this, I sadly considered with myself, how often Bishops Temporalities have been Resumed by our Kings upon light Displeasures. How often Will. 2. did 
h Daniel in the Life of Rufus. p. 44.  Resume his own Grants. And how he at once took all the Profits of the Bishoprics of Canterbury, Winchester, and Sarum. And how all Bishops were threatened 
i Lord Coke out of the Parliament Rolls. 18 H. 3.  by Hen. 3. With a Seizure of all they had, if they presumed to intermeddle in any thing to the Prejudice of the Crown. Lastly, How 
k V. Cottoni Posthuma, p. 280. 281.  all our Kings and Parliaments (excepting one) even from Hen. 3. until the 6. of Hen. 8. have used Acts of Resumption, whereby to Repair the low Estate of the Crown. The just and frequent way to do it (said the learned Sir Robert Cotton, in his Speech to the House of Commons, 1 Car. 1.) The Dean of Sarum, as much as any Man, is for the Bishop of Sarum's Rights (though not exclusively of the Kings) and would have it stand safely, by standing for ever upon a Rock, to wit, The Prerogative of our Monarches, who, in Law, can never die. They tend to the Ruin of the Prelacy, and all Cathedrals, who labour to make their King Despotical, in the Sense of the Greek Proverb only, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Be a Family never so Great, there is but one Servant in it, and that is the Master of the House. But the Learned Dr. Burnet affirms the King to be Despotical in a much better Sense. For premising an Observation, how frequently Christian Monarches made Penal Laws for Churchmen, the Pains of which were Suspension, or Deprivation (whereof the Instances are many, both in the old Roman Laws, and in the Capitulars) He Infers the King's 
l Hist. of the Rights of Princes, in disposing of Church Lands and Eccl. Promotions. p. 322.  Mastership, and gives a very sound Reason for it. Indeed the Bishops of Rome for several Centuries of Years, even in all their Public Bulls, and till the Death of Charles the Great, did own the Emperors of their Times, as their 
m Guiccard in. Hist l. 4.  Lords and Masters. And Richard Poor, Bishop of Sarum, did own King john as his 
n Regist. ex Annal. Pontif. fol 3.  Master, with greater Reason; however that King de facto made himself the Pope's Vassal. Postulans ab Eo tanquam a Domino suo manus adjutrices. All agree the Monarches of England have power to Suspend, or Deprive a Bishop (as Ours has done an Archbishop, and that for a lesser degree of Gild, than that of opposing the King's Prerogative) as Q. Mary and Elizabeth did: and of our Kings not a few. So 'tis on all hands confessed, That their Royal Visitations, either of All the Churches of England (as Hen. 8. Ed. 6. and Q. Eliz. by their Commissioners) may Abolish Old Statutes, and Order New ones to be made; and this for One (if they please) That No Prebend shall be conferred without the King's express Mandate, or Permission and Consent, in a Congee d'Eslire. This would be at once Despotical, and yet according to Law; however some in the World are willing to make them Inconsistent: And every Statute would begin with a Statuimus, Ordinamus, or Volumus & Mandamus: Which being supposed, I would ask, What hurt would there be in it? Or, What Ill Consequence could therebe of it? Is the King fit to be entrusted with All the greatest Promotions, All the Bishoprics and Deaneries? And is he not fit to bestow the Least? It is convenient, and of good Use, and according to Law, that he should make a Bishop of Sarum, as well as the Dean, and All the Residentiaries, (as at this Day, and in Antecessum for Days and Years yet to come?) And is it Illegal, or of Ill Consequence, that he should sometimes (tho' seldom) bestow some Few of his own prebend's, even on Men of great Learning, and Holy Life, and in full holy Orders, and that for Term of Life only? when his Progenitors gave so many even to mere Laymen, and their Heirs for ever? The World takes Notice, and 'tis to be Written with a Sunbeam, that generally speaking, and taking one with another, no Preferments are so well given as by the King, and by the Lord-Keeper of the Great Seal, and by the advice of the Lords Commissioners, whom His Majesty hath appointed for Ecclesiastical Promotions. 'Tis certain the Bishops, and the Deans, and others, whose Preferments are in the King's sole Disposal (not only in his Supreme, for which certain Bishops have a Subordinate Right derived) are all exactly of this Opinion: This (I say) is as certain, as it is certain they have a competent good Opinion of themselves, and their own Deservings: They would not else have accepted, much less would many of them have sought, what many others had deserved as well as they. And if 'tis true that 
o This in Scriptis was the Assertion of the present Bishop of Sarum Dr. Ward's, in Answer to the Dean's Narrative,  Neither the Bishop, nor the Church of Sarum, did suffer any prejudice at all, by King james his giving a Prebend unto a mere Layman, and to his Successors for ever; (at which saying of a Great Churchman, many good Secular Men have wondered) How much less can his Lordship think it any Prejudice at all to the Bishop of Sarum, or to the Church, or to the whole Order of Churchmen, if another Monarch of England shall confer another Prebend (I do not say upon a Layman, and his Successors for ever, but) upon One in Holy Orders, and (without a Nepotismo) of Holy Life, and of excellent Learning, and for term of Life only, or so long as he is seen, and Notoriously known, to continue to deserve the Enjoyment of it? 'Tis very well known what was the Judgement of Hen. 8. upon his Deathbed, and of all his Executors after his Death (whereof three were Eminent Churchmen, to wit, Archbishop Cranmer, Tonstal Bishop of Durham, and Dr. Wotton, the famous Ambassador, who was at once Dean of Canterbury and York, and humbly refused the Archbishopric of the great Province) and also of All the Privy Counsellors of Ed. 6. when they decreed to the 
p Hist. Reform. Part 2. lib. 1. p. 6. 7, 8, & 9  Earl of Hartford, Six of the best prebend's at once, and Three Hundred pounds per annum out of the Lands of the next Bishopric, which should fall to the King's Disposal. After which 'twas granted also (at the said Earl's Suit) that his Lordship should have a Deanery, and a Treasurership, in lieu of Two of the said six prebend's: But very far was the Dean of Sarum from defending the Alienations of Ecclesiastical Endowments to Saecular Men (as the Lord Bishop of Sarum does;) He was not so little versed in Logic, as to argue a Facto ad Ius. For when he related matters of Fact, and what our Monarches had done in the Church of Sarum, he added, [Quo jure, I humbly leave to the Judgement of my Superiors.] He only demonstrated, that our Monarches had acted as Founders, and Proprietors (which indisputably our Monarches All are) and have a strict Right (as well as Power) to bestow all our prebend's as well as Bishoprics upon God's proper Usu-Fructuaries, deserving Churchmen for term of Life. But whosoever shall consider, what Powers were given to the Lord Cromwell by Commission, as Vicar General to Hen. 8. and also shall consider those famous Parliaments, composed of the clearest and deepest Heads of those Times, both Spiritual and Temporal, who made the known Statutes of 27 Hen. 8. cap. 4. and 13. and 27. 28. and 1 Ed. 6. cap. 14. will at least excuse and pardon any Man living who now believes (and with a much Greater force of Reason) that our King hath a Supreme and Sovereign Right (from which and under which some of our Bishops, as well as Deans, have one Subordinate and Derived) to dispose of Vacant prebend's now and then, when they please, in their own Cathedrals. And as well may he dispose of All our Residentiaries Places (as his now-Sacred-Majesty, and his Royal Progenitors have done) yes, and return them, if he thinks fit, from six to seven, from seven to twelve, and from twelve to fifty-two; and bind them to Residences in their Courses, thirteen every Quarter, according to our several Statutes, both Old and Modern.  
Sect. 5. Besides all this, I find it said to the Lords Commissioners, First by my Brethren of the Chapter, [That His Majesty's Power within the Church of Sarum appears to us to be the same, and no other than it is in All other Cathedral Churches in England.] Next by the King's Attorney General, [I cannot find that His Majesty hath any other Right in That Church, than in any other Cathedral Churches.] These Assertions, but especially the First, because of its important Monosyllable All, do seem at least to me to imply a Grant, That His Majesty hath the same both Power and Right in the Cathedral Church of Sarum, which he hath, and ever had, in the Churches of Worcester, Norwich, Rochester, Bristol, Gloucester, Oxford, Peterborough, Westminster, Windsor, etc. In All which Churches, as well Cathedral as Collegiate, Every one of the prebend's is in the King's Sole (not only Sovereign) Disposal, (by Himself, or Lord-Keeper,) and not one in any Bishop, or Bishops whatsoever. Yea, even in the Archbishop's Metropolitical Church of Cnanterbury, the King has the Sole Disposal of Nine of the Twelve prebend's, and the Archbishop of but Three. Tho' the Primate of all England and Metropolitan, should have as much Power and Right, (a man would think,) within the Cathedral of his own Diocese, as any one Inferior Bishop, both within his Grace's Corrections also; such as the Bishop of Sarum is. And I do sometimes ask myself, what Inconvenience could there be, if the Bishop of Sarum, or any other who is Subordinate to the Archbishop, (as the Archbishop to the King,) had no more prebend's to dispose of than the Archbishop hath? Or if His Majesty now and then (although but rarely, only Fourteen, or Fifteen, in above 500, years,) should give a Prebend at large of Sarum, to a Priest every way qualified with Want and Worth, as well as he gives All the prebend's in All the Churches recited, without Exception? The Church and State might stand firmly as now they do, and Christian Souls might be as salvable as now they are, tho' the King's Power and Right were as much owned by All, as it is by me. The Bishops of London and of Lincoln, and several others, have a most undoubted Right to dispose of prebend's, (such at least as the Bishop of Sarum hath,) and that Right the more unquestionable, by being held of the Supreme, and derived from it, and Subordinate thereunto. A Sole and Sovereign Right wholly exclusive of the King's, (which is all I contend against, and which my Lord Bishop of Sarum, seems to aim at, and effect, or else his Lordship and I agree,) I am verily persuaded, none of those Bishops will pretend to. It cannot be said with any Truth, that All the Bishoprics I have named, wherein the King gives All the prebend's, the Bishops none, are not of Old, but New Foundation. For Worcester, and Norwich are very Old; Canterbury and Rochester two of the Oldest we have in England. Besides that, the King's Power and Right in the Church of Sarum, is greater than in many others; not only because of his Old Free Chapel, which I shall prove in the next Chapter (and cannot be disproved by some Negatives, from some Interested and Passionate Opposers of the Prerogative,) but also because the Kings of England were the Co-Founders of that Cathedral in a Literal Sense, as well as Founders in the Sense of our Common and Statute Law: The Co-Founders at least, because Osmund had his All from the Bounty of Will. 1. and held his All of that King's Favour, under Knight's Service during Pleasure, for which I cited Mr. Selden and Matth. Paris, in the first Sect. of this Chapter. King Hen. 1, in one day gave 20 Churches to that of Sarum, besides the Tithes of New Forest; if the 
q Part. 3. C. 4. Sect. 4. p. 190.  Record which was read by Sir. Tho. Ridley said true, which he mentions in his View of the Civil Law. And (passing by the lesser Bounties of Steph. and K. Hen. 2.) it is confessed, that Hen. 3. gave no fewer than 20 or 21 prebend's, and other things; even All the Tithes of all the King's Forests within Three Counties, Wilts, Berks, and Dorset and the Removal of the Cathedral from Old to New Sarum, is owned by Bishop Spondanus (as well as 
r Bishop God win in his account of Rich. Poor. p. 276. & Spondanus supra.  others) to have been at the King's cost chiefly. Next our Kings were Sole Founders in the Eye and Sense of the Law, according to the Maxim cited before from judge Coke, Instit. Cart 2. Chap. 33. upon Magna Charta, p. 68 & 44 Ed. 3 cap. 24. And our King at this day, according to that other Maxim in Coke 2 Inst. in Statute of Employments, p. 742. Whatever Right our Former Kings had, our King hath now.  
It seemeth strange to most men, (who have considered the matter throughly,) that the King who gets the Right of giving every Ecclesiastical Possession in England, not only where Church men, but where Saecular men are Patrons, by promoting an Incumbent unto a Bishopric, should immediately lose All even in That very Church where he makes the Bishop: Or that the King who hath All in his own Disposal, during the Vacancy of All the Bishoprics in England, should have nothing to dispose of, (without the Bishop's good leave,) as soon as the Vacancies are filled, tho' filled up freely by himself. They are Betrayers of the Churches Rights who go about to undermine and betray the King's; And they tempt the King and his Royal Successors, to let their Bishoprics lie void, as Q. Eliz. and her Ancestors thought fit to do, even as far as for 20, or 30, yea, for 40, years together. Signal Instances of which in the most of our Churches, if not in All, 'twere too easy for me to give, if it would not occasion too great a Length. Alas! we may judge of the King's Regale within the Cathedral Church of Sarum, (supposing there had been never a Royal Chapel in the Old Castle, which yet I shall shortly make apparent,) by the Exercises of it in other Churches. They having (in their Pleasures and Displeasures) Created some Bishoprics, and Suppressed them soon after; (whereof Westminster is an Example:) Dissolved, and Restored; (whereof Durham is an Example:) United two into one, and again Divided into Two; (an Instance of which we have in Worcester and Gloucester:) Taken three out of one, (as Hen. 1. took Ely out of Lincoln. Hen. 8. Oxford and Peterborough out of the same:) Tho' the Diocese of Lincoln is still the greatest, (' its Parishes being no fewer than 1255.) Ordered one Bishopric to be held with Another in Commendam; (as that of Bristol with that of Gloucester for 23 years together:) Gave the Bishopric of Hexam in Augmentation to the Archbishopric of York; (from which it was taken again in the 37. of Hen. 8.) Converted Canons Saecular into Regular, & vice versa made the Prior and Convent of Westminster a distinct Corporation from the Abbot: Conferred the Patronage of a Bishopric upon a Subject; (as Hen. 4. that of Man upon the Family of the Stanleys': Gave Temporalities, and Reassumed them; (as in 14 Ed. 3. cap. 3.) deprived Bishops for very small Failings; (Examples of which are elsewhere given.) Subjected them to the Statute of Praemunire, and to the Judgements of Saecular Men; (As All at once to the Lord Cromwell, and Sir Io. Tregonwel to that of Sarum.) Made Inferior Clergymen to be the Judges of their Superiors; (as the Dean of St. Paul's over Bonner Bishop of London:) Translated Bishops in Displeasure, from the Greater Bishoprics to the lesser; (As Nevil from York to St. Andrews in Scotland; and john Buckingham from Lincoln to Litchfield, which was not then half so good:) Made a Saecular Man a Dean; (as the Lord Cromwell Dean of Wells:) In a word the same Authority which took four Bishoprics out of Sherburn, and added Sherburn (with about 40 Parishes about it) to the Dean of Sarum's jurisdiction; And gave away the Jurisdiction of the Rest of all Dorsetshire from the Bishop of Sarum to that of Bristol, (but never gave away one from the Dean of Sarum,) can give a Prebend of Sarum, or a Residentiaries Place, to any man in full Orders, and that de jure; for to a Layman, and de facto, it has frequently been done. And if the Corporation of Dean and Chapter is not of the King's Foundation, when the Bishopric is by all Confessions, and by the frequent Declarations of the Law; why have our Kings disposed oftener of the Residentiaries places, than of the Canonries at large without Residence? Why should any man dispute against his Kings being his Founder? Can he pretend to have a better? Or will he pretend to have none at all? 'Tis true that Osmund was a Secondary and Subordinate Founder of many prebend's. But His Founder and Royal Master, was worthily reckoned as the Supreme, with which Distinction it is as true, the Dean and Chapter have a Right to choose their Bishops as well as Residents. But both in a subserviency and subordination to the Supreme, wherewith their own must stand, or fall. The Reverend Archdeacon 
s The Established Church. c. 12. p. 144. etc.  Fulwood hath enough, whereby to clear the King's Patronage of the whole English Church; and he citys Archbishop Bramhall, producing several Laws for it. The Assize of Clarendon; the Statute of Carlisle; the Statute of Provisors. All asserting the Power and Patronage to be de jure in the King, which was the facto in the Pope, and by Usurpation 
t 25 Edw. 3. Stat. 6.  The Parliament told the King plainly, That the Right of the Crown is such, and the Law of the Land too, that the King is bound to make Remedies and Laws against Encroachment on his Prerogative.  
Sect. 6. Lastly, I must in my Narrative (in imitation of the most Learned and most Judicious Bishop Sanderson,) assert the Bishops Right, as well as the Chapter's, and mine Own, (both as jointly with them, and as Separate from them) upon what I think the surest and safest Ground. Only I could not find in my heart to take down that Scaffold, or to invalidate those stairs, unto which we all owe our own Advancement. I was really afraid to betray the Church, by asserting the Churchman's Right with an Exclusion of the Kings, as I am sorry some do, to the endangering of the whole Body. For 'tis to Expose her as an Orphan to a very unkind world, sadly stripped of the Patronage, and so the Protection of the King, who is her Guardian, and Nursing Father, to whom the Church owes her Safety, (if not her Being;) and without whose Royal Patronage she cannot comfortably subsist: The Church (in our Laws) being evermore a 
u Coke Inst. Part. 2. upon Magna Charta c. 1. p 3. where Fleta, Bracton, Glanvil and others are cited by him.  Minor, ever a Pupil under Age; as utterly destitute of help, as ever any Expositious and Forsaken Child was, without that Guardianship and Patronage, that Royal Right and Prerogative, which some (who live by it) have lately attempted to Undermine. In this my Sentiment if I have erred, it is with the Great Man I just now mentioned as my Exemplar, in that Book which he composed by the special Command of King Charles the First of Glorious Memory, proving Episcopacy in England not at all Prejudicial to Regal Power, (which some would make Destructive of it,) by the same way of arguing which I have used. 
w See Bishop Sandersons said Book, especially pag. 30. 31. to pag. 34. 35. etc.  The shortest Account which I can render of it is this: All Episcopal Power is either of Order, or jurisdiction; hereof the latter is either Internal, or External; and this last is either Directive, or Coercive; the first is from God, the Second wholly from the King (as is declared by our Laws, and acknowledged by the whole Loyal Clergy.) Yea that Power which is from God, (as that of Preaching, Ordaining, Absolving and the like,) is so subject to be Inhibited, Limited, and otherwise Regulated, in the outward Exercise of that Power, by the Customs of the Land, as that the whole Execution of that Power does still depend upon the Regal. Now 
x In ibid. p. 45 where Bishop Sanderson citys the Statute of 1 Ed. 5. and makes an wholesome use of it, p. 45, which compare with 1 Eliz. c. 1.  All jurisdiction being Confessedly from the King, it seems to follow, that all prebend's, as well as Residentiaries places of the Old Foundation, which have a jurisdiction belonging to them, (as those of Sarum are known to have,) are disposable by the King, when, and as often, as His Majesty sees Good. Pope Nicholas could not deny it, and therefore Granted it very cunningly to Edward the Confessor, with a Vobis & Posteris committimus Advocationem etc. We commit the Advowson of all the Churches of 
y Baronius A. D. 1059. n. 23.  England, to you and your Successors, Kings of England. So that if the Pope's Grants are of any value, (before the Statutes of Provisors and Praemunire, (by which the Composition, in itself Evil, was made much worse, as having been when those Statutes had made it Criminal, for the Subjects of England to petition a Bishop of Rome for a Confirmation; the Regal Right I plead for has a double Title, and is not questionable by the Papalins, much less by the men of the Church of England.  
Now whereas I did distinguish (with the Judicious Bishop Sanderson) between an Original, and Derivative Power of Jurisdiction, (wherewith I have been twitted, in derogation to the King's Honour, to whom it seems I ascribed more, than Malignity will allow, tho' no more than Bishop Sanderson, whose Loyal performance justifies mine,) And after showed the Great Extent, with the greater Intensiveness, of my Derivative Jurisdiction as Dean of Sarum, which had been a most Extravagant and Unaccountable jurisdiction, if the first Deans of Sarum had not been Deans of the King's Free Chapel, (before the Cathedral Church was built, and before Bishop Herman was the first Bishop of it, as well as during all his time, which I shall prove to be as clear as the Sun at Noon in a fair day,) I will justify myself in my so magnifying my Office, out of mere Gratitude to the King, and to show his Royal Bounty as well as Power, in the words of the said meek and most Learned Prelate. The more a Derived Power is extended and enlarged in the Exercise thereof, (so as to be Regular) the more it serveth to set forth the Honour and Greatness of that Original Power which granted it. Since the virtue of the Efficient Cause is best known by the Greatness of its Effect. For— Propter quod unumquodque est Tale, Illud ipsum est magis Tale; as the warmth of the Room doth not lessen the Heat of the fire upon the Hearth, but is a sign of its Greatness, etc. From all which it follows, that the Dean who does as modestly, as he does thankfully distinguish, between his own but derivative and Subordinate Rights, and the Rights of the King which are Original and Supreme, cannot magnify his Office, or defend his Jurisdiction (according to his Oath and bounden Duty) with too much Zeal; whilst they who hate that Distinction, (as by me it hath been used,) and will have the Sole Right to dispose of this or That, Exclusively of the Kings, are neither so modest nor so thankful, as I sincerely wish they were: They maligning their Maker's Power, whereby they are what they are. I will add ex abundanti what may conduce to Their Conviction, (in this great Article of our Religion,) who would be thought of the Church of England 
z Littleton §. 64●. & Coke upon him. p. 344.  It is a Principle in Law, that of every Land there is a Fee simple in some body: But the Fee simple of the Land of a Prebend cannot be in the Bishop, or in the Prebendary, (both being at most for Term of Life, and both Subject to Deprivations, for less than Treason, or Felony,) therefore 'tis in the King, as Original 
a Pa●lo Scarpi, ubi Supra. n. 77. pag. 23.  Founder, whose Royal Right can never die. King Hen. 8. and Ed. 6. did act accordingly and the 
b Stat. 1. Elizab. 1.  same Authority which was made use of by Hen. 8. and Ed. 6. was declared by Parliament to be in Q. Eliz. her Heirs, and Successors. 
c Coke 1. Inst. l. 3. fol. 344.  Nor can any Discontinuance be any prejudice to a King's Right, who therein hath this Prerogative, Quod nullum Tempus occurrit Regi. And 
d Westm. 1. 49. & 3. Ed. 1. Wing. p. 378.  when a King ordains any thing for the Honour of God and the Church, he will not (saith my Lord Coke 
e Coke ubi supra Inst. p. 3.  that it turn to the Prejudice of Him or his Crown; but that his Right should be saved in all Points. Besides the Church is for ever in Law a Minor, (as I observed before) semper in Custodia Domini Regis. And 'tis unnatural that the Guardian should have nothing to dispose of (not so much as a Prebend) in the Minority of his Pupil, to which he is a Nursing Father. The King's Possession and Rights (saith the same 
f 1 Inst. l. 1. Sect. 1. & Stat. de Westm. c. 1. p. 501.  Oracle of the Law) are called Sacra Patrimonia, & Dominica Corona Regis: So that 'tis Sacrilege to invade them. Nor can he so make them away, but that at one time or other they will revert unto the Crown. He is in Law Summus Dominus supra Omnes, (still the words of Chief Justice Coke,) of whom are held either mediately or immediately All the Free Lands of England, much more all Ecclesiasticals for term of Life only, or Quam diu bene se gesserint Possessores. Lastly, The King is not only the Legal Founder and Patron of all the Bishoprics in England, and of all contained in them; (as Causa Causae is ever Causa Causati) But he is himself in Person, the Supreme and Sovereign Bishop of every Diocese in England. It being the true and known saying of Constantine the Great, (an Englishman born, and King of Britain, as well as Emperor of Rome and Constantinople,) in his Speech unto the Fathers of the first Nicene General Council, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And every body knows, that the perpetual Advocation or right Patronage of is a Lay Fee; as peculiar to many Lay Subjects, (much more to the Sovereign, qui intra Ecclesiam potestatis Culmen habet, say the Canonists themselves,) as Institution to a Subordinate Bishop, or other Ordinary, and Induction to an Archdeacon. Especially when the thing presented to is without Cure of Souls, as prebend's are. For where a Parsonage is the Corpse of any Prebendary at large, and demised for three Lives to a Secular man, (as most commonly it is,) the cure of Souls is wholly devolved and incumbent upon the Vicar, if at least there is a Vicarage endowed; and if not, upon the Curate. But the Rector and his Tenent are both Exempt.  
Briefly our Monarch has a Right, as well by Common, as Statute Law (and the Deans of Sarum have ever been largely Partakers of it by Royal Bounty) to 
h Coke 1. Inst. l. 2. c. 11. Sect. 136. f. 96. a. and f. 344.  Exempt what Place he will from every Bishop's Jurisdiction; and (when he will) from the Arch-Bishops; such as Pool, and other places in the possession of Sir john Webb: Every Ordinary in England (such as is the Dean of Sarum in the Close) is an 
i 2 Inst. c. 19 p. 298.  immediate Officer to the King's Courts. And to the King Appeals lie even from the Court of Arches: His Majesty being in Law, Le dernier Resort de la justice; yea, in Places exempt, no Archbishop may intermeddle, according to 25 Hen. 8. c. 19 6. and c. 21. §. 20. 
i 2 Inst. c. 19 p. 298.  And all jurisdiction Ecclesiastical being both derived from, and inseparably annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm, and that for ever, by 
k 1. Eliz. c. 1. § 1.  Acts of 
(g) Eus● in vita Constantini, l. 4. c. 24.  Parliament; from thence it is, that a Convocation cannot meet, without the King's Writ; nor treat at their meeting, without his Commission; nor Establish any thing when Commissioned, without his Royal Assent and Fiat. They who say less than this, Do make Episcopacy Prejudicial to Monarchy (which Bishop▪ Sanderson could not endure) and set up a Papal like Supremacy in a Protestant Kingdom. A Loyal Subject and Son of the Church of England, will conscientiously distinguish, with Padre Paul, and the Canonists 
l Paulus Scarpius ubi supra. n. 85. 86. 87. Tancredus and Lindwood Provin. l. 3. Tit. 2. pag. 125. 126.  between Dominion and Dispensation; and then he will dutifully concede, That where the Bishop is Dispensator, the King is Dominus.  

CHAP. II.  
WHat I said in my (unprinted) Narrative of the King's Castle at Old Sarum, and of the King's Free Chapel in it before the Cathedral Church was built (All which is gainsaid by the present Lord Bishop of Sarum in his Answer to the said Narrative) I take upon me to prove, and to place beyond Dispute, by not a few of the best Historians who have written of those Times, whose printed Writings are extant, and do confirm what was produced out of the Dean of Sarum's Register, which was extracted out of the Registers (for the most important Part of it) of the Ancient Bishops of Sarum; and which I thought had been Sufficient, without the Confirmations of it which now ensue.  
Sect. 1. First, 'Tis plain from William of Malmsbury, 
m W. Malm. Hist. nov. l. 2. Sub initium. Flor. Wig. ad An. 1086. Hoveden ad eundem. An. Daniel in the Life of Rufus. p. 48. Eadmer. p. 55. & 117.  that the said Castle was the Peculium of the King, and stood upon the King's Soil. Castellum Salesberiae Regij juris Proprium erat.  
Sect. 2. Next 'tis Evident from the same, and from other old Authors of greatest Note, such as Eadmerus, Florentius Wigorniensis, Roger Hoveden, Simeon Dunelmensis (All elder than Matthew Paris) and Matthew Paris himself, and several others, that the said Castle was a Place of Usual Resort for the Kings of England, and sometimes for Extraordinary Meetings: As for Example;  
A. D. 1086. 
n Cambden in Wilt. calls them all the States of England and saith that of every penny of the 3d. penny of Sarum the King had 20. s.  Aug. 1. William the Conqueror pointed his Bishops, Barons, Sheriffs, and their Milites, to meet him at Saresbury, where, and when, the said Milites took their Oaths of Fidelity to him. So saith Florentius of Worcester (the Ancientest Writer, who hath mentioned the Church of Old Sarum) and Roger Hoveden.  
This precisely was the Year wherein was compiled the Doomsday-Book; as the same Authors, and the Book itself Witness.  
A. D. 1096. W. Rufus held a Council in his Castle at old Sarum (as the same 
o To whom add Daniel, p. 48. a good Historian, tho' not an old one.  Authors testify) when Osmund was present, and took the Confession of William de Alvery, before he went to Execution.  
A. D. 1100. Henry I le Beauclerc newly Crowned, held his Court in the same Castle. Archbishop Anselm repairing thither to His Majesty among the rest. So saith Eadmer. p. 55 
p A. D. 1133. Dan in his Life. p. 57  He also held an Assembly of the Three Estates at Old Sarum, which had from that Time the Name of Parliament.  
A. D. 1116. The same King called a Meeting of the Bishops and Great Men of the whole Kingdom at the same Place, there to do their Homage to his Son William. So saith 
q Eadmer p. 187. Flor. Wigorn. & Rog. Hoved. ad an. 1116.  Eadmer. pag. 117. Florentius, and Hoveden.  
Hitherto is no mention of City, Town or Village, but of the King's Castle only: Which W. Malmsb. thus describes, 
r W. Malm. de Pontif. l. 2. f. 142. b.  Salesberiam, quodest vice Civitatis Castellum locatum in Edito muro vallatum non exiguo.  
A. D. 1140. 
s Daniel in King Stephen. p. 61.  The Archbishop of Rouen in the Council at Winchester maintained, that by the Canons of the Church, Bishops could have no Right to hold Castles; and that if they were tolerated by the King's Indulgence, they ought in times of Danger to deliver up the Keys. Here the Question then rise (as Camden 
t Camden in Wilt.  tells us) Whether Bishops might be the Governors of such Strong-Holds, which was determined by a great Churchman Against the Bishops in general; and in particular against the then Bishop of Sarum, whose monstrons Avarice, Pride, Perfidiousness, and Ingratitude, are by none so well expressed, as by our excellent 
u Bishop Godwin in Roger, the 3d. Bishop of Sarum.  Bishop of Hereford, de Praesulibus Anglicanis.  
Sect. 3. Thirdly, During the Time, Herman, the first Bishop of Sarum, in point of Time (tho' Osmund was the First in point of Dignity, and Endowment; and the 
w Ego Osmundus notifico, Ecclesiam Sarisb. me construxisse, & in ea Canonicos constituisse, &c Mag. Char. Osmundi in Statut. de Collatione Prebendarum. f. 36. b. 37. a.  First who had any Cathedral Church, or Chapter in it:) It is agreed by All Authors, both Printed, and in Manuscript, That there was not yet any Cathedral Church, or Chapters either within, or without the King's Castle: But only a Chapel, and a Dean, as now there is at Whitehall. For  
No one Author in the World did ever say, that Bishop Herman did build the Church; the most that is said of him, is said by Bishop Godwin, That Herman laid a Foundation; and having so done, he died. 
x What is said by Malmsb. f. 161. (fol. 91. edit. London) is not said of Bishop Herman, but Bishop Roger, who being after Os mund, makes it nothing to the purpose. Besides, that 'twas written when Roger was in Greatness, and flattered for it, De gestis Reg. l. 5.  But his Churches was in the Air, like some men's Castles; a mere Imaginary Church, and the Child of fantasy. Nor indeed could it be more. For by the Command of Will. 1. he had left the two Cathedral Churches of Sunning and Sherburn to the Dean, who then was Formaliter (as virtualiter ever since) Dean of the King's Free Chapel only (without a Chapter or a Church;) And in whom, as their Sole Ordinary, Sunning and Sherburn have ever since been, with many Peculiars belonging to them, in Berks, and Dorset, in Wilts, and Devon; (to which I might have added the County of Oxford, were it not that the said Dean has little Jurisdiction there, tho' there he has some.) Herman's time was too short to build a Church at Old Sarum. He did rather design a Church, than so much as lay the Foundation of it. But All agree, That the Favourite Osmund (a Captain of Say in Normandy, who came in with the Conqueror, from whom he had All he had, and in whose Castle, whereof the King made him the Governor, Conicerge, or Keeper he found no more than a Royal Chapel) both 
y See H. Knighton, apud. Bee. fol. 2351. and Bish. Godwin, p. 272. & Osmund's Chartar. ubi supra.  Built and Repaired the Cathedral Church there, whose Steeple was burnt the next day after its being Finished. How by his MastersMasters great Bounty, as well as Licence, He added a Chapter to the Dean, besides three Dignitaries, four Archdeaconries, etc. hath been expressed in my Narrative, and remains Uncontradicted. What his Lordship citys as the Work of Mr. Bee, Sir Roger Twisden was the chief Designer of, and must not be defrauded of the Honour due to him for that Collection.  
Sect. 4. Fourthly, 'Tis acknowledged by my Lord Bishop himself (so God will have it many times, that Truth shall be justified by its Opposers, even in the Act of their Opposition) that The Church of Old Sarum was Always a Cathedral; which is as much as to say, There was not any Church there, until there was a Cathedral Church. And 'tis as evident as the Sun, that no Cathedral could be there, before the Bishop's Seat was removed thither: Nor then, till it was built by the King and Osmund. And therefore,  
Sect. 5. Fifthly, The King had a Chapel, for Himself, and his Royal Family, and his Great Council to Serve God in (as none in their way were more 
z Will. 1. was so eminent for Devotion, that 'twas confessed by his Haters So saith Daniel in the Life of Will. 1. p. 43. Rad. de. Diceto A. D. 1072. p. 485.  Religious than in those Times) before he had in that Place a Cathedral Church. For besides the Absurdity and Incredibility, that in the King's special Mansion for Strength and Pleasure, wherein he had the Great Conventions of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and a Family in his Absence consisting of Soldiers as well as Servants (sometimes called Ministri Regis, and sometimes Milites) He should not have so much as a private Free-Chappel for public Worship; I say besides This it appears as by others, so by Radulphus de Diceto, that the King's Castles in those Times had Chapels in them, for the King's Honour, as well as Use.— Ventilata autem est haec Causa prius— in Paschali solemnitate in CAPELLA REGIA quae sita est in CASTELLO. This is confirmed by what was said in the Chapter's Accusation of Bishop Erghum to Archbishop Sudbury. 
a Registr. Jo. Davysone. Dec. A. D. 1375. fol. 13.  Infra castrum Domini Regis, & in Ipsius Solo, nullatenus Episcopi Sarum, primitus extitit fundata Ecclesia, ut Libera Capella ejus, ab omni Iurisdictione Diocesani exempta, plena libertate, more aliarum Regiarum Capellarum Angliae, gaudebat, etc. Which Free-Chappel of the King was never denied by Bishop Erghum, and was owned in the Sentence of the Archbishop for the said Chapter Against that Bishop. And as the King's Chapel first, before the building of the Church; so the Church, as soon as built; and the Churchmen, as soon as Founded, were every whit as much within the King's Castle, as the old Bishops of Sarum's Registers were able in Latin to express them. 
b Regist. Davysoni fol. 3.  Continetur in Annalibus Pontificum inter Gesta bonae memoriae Domini Richardi Episcopi Sarum, quod antiquitus Canonici Ecclesiae Sarum residebant infra Septa Castri Veteris Sarum, usque ad tempus Supradicti Pontificis. In cujus Tempore orta erat Persecutio, etc. ratione cujus, Rex Angliae praecepit omnibus Vioecomitibus, & Castellaneis suis, quod curarent, quatenus Loca Regia ubique Regio Usui Custodirent, non obstantibus quibuscunque Privilegiis Ecclesiasticis. Then it follows at large, that the Cathedral Men going out of the Castle in Procession, had the Gates shut against them by the King's Soldiers or Servants at their Return.  
Sect. 6. Sixthly, The Church, after it was built (as well as the Chapel before there was a Church) was evidently situated within the King's Castle, Infra Castrum Domini Regis, as is attested by the Printed and Written Records of those Times, which my Lord Bishop contradicts gratis; but I suppose through their Failures, whom his Lordship entrusted and employed. The Ancientest Writer extant, who mentions that Church, writes thus expressly: 
c Flor. Wig. A. D. 1092. with whom agrees Hoveden; & Simeon Dunelmensis, and Petrus Blesensis cited by Camden in Wilt.  Osmundi Searesbiriensis Episcopus Ecclesiam quam Searesberia in CASTELLO construxerat cum adjutorio Episcoporum Walcelini Wintoniensis, & johannis Bathoniensis, Nonis Aprilis, feria secunda dedicavit. Others who are Ancienter than Matthew Paris, and more Authentic have the same Words: To which agrees that Ancient Distich, which is cited by Bishop Godwin, and by Camden in Wilt. pag. 180.  Quid Domini Domus in Castro, nisi Faederis Arca, In Templo Baalim? Carcer uterque Locus. 
And this with very great Reason. For All the Prebendaries or Canons (two Words for one Thing, not two Things, as the King's Attorney was made believe) and All other Churchmen, except the Dean (who had an House and Demesnes by the River's side, about half a Mile below the Castle, called still the Dean's Court, as Mr. Barker's House in Sunning is to this Day called the Deanery) were but as Prisoners in the King's Castle (compared with what they are now (for above One Hundred Thirty Four Years. And accordingly Bishop Poor made it the Ground of his Complaint both to the King, and to the Pope, as that on which he then built▪ his Petition to Both for a Removal.— Ecclesiam de Castro & de 
d Regist. Jo. Davysoni. s. 3. a. etc. inter gesta Richardi Episcopi Sarum.  Carcere Regalis Potestatis laborabimus aedificare, etc. posthaec autem acccessit ad Regem Angliae, petens ab eo Licentiam, etc.— & postulans ab eo tanquam a Domino suo manus adjutrices. Cui Rex benignissime praebuit assensum, etc. Lastly, 'tis confirmed by those words in the Bull of Pope Honorius the Third. 
e Evidentiarum. Tom. 20. f. 120.  Quod non patet aditus ad Ecclesiam sine Licentia Castellani. Peter of Blois agrees with all these.  
☞ From all the Premises it is clear, That the Church was not only within the Precincts of the King's Castle, which yet is sufficient to prove it stood on the King's Soil (however denied by his Lordship:) But also within the Castle itself, strictly and properly so called.  
Sect. 7. Seventhly, As the Castle and the Guard of Soldiers in it, and the Ground in which it stood, have been evidently proved to have been the King's; so 'tis evident that the Bishop held the Castle but as a Keeper, or as a Maistre d' Hostel, or as a Tenant to the King, or at most as All Governors of Garrison-Towns and Castles, do hold them pro Tempore for the King; and even so both the Bishops, and Earls of Sarum (the Earls longer; very much longer than the Bishops) held it only in Trust, and during Pleasure. Whence it was they were so 
f Camden in Wilt. names but one or two Bishops, whoever had it, But a Long Train of Earls, who had part of the Old Castle for a dwelling House a long time after the removal of the Cathedral & Townsmen.  often put in, and out, as our Kings saw good; and as I shall hereafter show at large, even out of such Public Monuments as are confessedly the Best. This appears by the Grant of it to Bishop Roger, as Great a Man with Hen. 1. as Osmund was with his Father William, tho' of a far more contemptible and Base Beginning, and one who grew Great by the basest means. Malmsbury sets it forth thus.  
Castellum Salesberiae (or Sedberiae, as Eadmer calls it) Quod Regij juris proprium esset, ab Henrico Rege impetratum muro cinctum, Custodiae suae attraxerat. Thus Osmund held it as a Custos, of Will. 1. and Will. 2. and Roger as a Custos, from H. 1. who found it encompassed with a Wall, which Wall about the Castle seems to be all, which gives any Colour for that saying of my Lord Bishop, That Roger encompassed the City with a strong Wall. Whereas the Castle so encompassed was not Civitas, but only vice 
y De Pontif. ubi Supra.  Civitatis, as Will. of Malms. precisely words it: Thus the word Tenet is explained in Doomsday-Book, Episcopus Tenet Saresberry. And thus what follows aserted by my Lord Bishop's, [That the Castle itself did belong to the Bishop] does of itself fall to the Ground, without any stricter Examination of the Proofs, which do not say any such thing, as that for which they are pretended to appear: But the contrary rather is from thence to be inferred. Nor do I see to what purpose those words are added by my Lord Bishop in the Margin, [vid, Bee. fol. 2351.] unless it be to confute the Text. The Place is in Henry Knighton Leycestrensis, who did not write till 300. years after, reaching to the Death of Rich. 2. about 1400. and who speaking of the King in Council, commanding the removal of Bishops Sees, does add these words— Hoc anno Hermannus Episcopus Primus Sarisburiensis Obiit. Cui Successit Osmundus Regis Cancellarius 24 annis, Qui Ecclesiam Novam, not Renovatam ibidem construxit. Thus his Lordship's 
Malm. Novel. l. 5.  Citation makes quite against his own Pretensions. Osmund did not only repair, but first built the Church, which Herman at most did but design. So Matth. Paris in the place cited, calls it (not the Bishops, but) the Earl of Sarum's Castle. For Will. 1. gave it to Walter d' Evereux 
z Castrum Comitis, (non Episcopi) Matth. Paris fol. 439. Camden in Wilts. Bishop God win p. 280.  Earl of Rosmar in Normandy, as to a Keeper; so Hen. I. gave it to Bishop Roger, from whom it was taken by King Stephen, as from a Monster of Ingratitude, and as from a Perjured Rebel. Then the Custody of it was given (not to the Bishops, but) Earls of Sarum, and was continued in them by Caeur de Lion R. 1. and King john; after whom it was taken by Hen. 3. from the Grandson of Will. Longespee, and given to Margaret Countess of Sarum, whose husband being attainted, 'twas resumed by Ed. 2. and after given by Ed. 3. to Will. Montacute, of whom though bought by Bishop Wivil for 2500 Marks, (not recovered by Law, nor won by Combat,) 'twas yet soon resumed; and given by Hen. 4. to Rich. Nevil, whom he made Earl of Salisbury. 'Twas after given by Ed. 4. to his Brother Richard Duke of Gloucester. At last Hen. 8. restored the blood of Margaret, and made her Countess of Salisbury. After whose Attainder and Decapitation, (when she was 70 years old,) in the year 1605. King james gave it to Sir Robert Cecil, and his Heirs, in whom it is at this day, and is rent by the Good Relict of the most excellent Bishop Earl.  
Thus we see to how few Bishops, and to how great a Number of Earls, the Custody of the said Castle was Concredited by our Monarches from time to time, as its Keepers were esteemed more or less worthy to be entrusted. And to argue it was the few Bishop's Soil (two or three at the most,) or the Soil of the many Earls, because our Monarches made them Governors during Pleasure; is as if a man should argue, that the City of Oxford (when it was Garrisoned) was not the Kings, but Colonel Leg's, Sir Arthur Aston's, Sir Thomas Glenham's, &c. because they were the Governors, unto whose Custody 'twas committed. Or that the Castle of Windsor is the Earl of Arrundel's, exclusively of the King, because the King gave him lately the Honour of it.  
Now having proved that the Castle of Old Sarum was the Kings; and that the King's Servants 
a Minist●●. D. Regis,  were in it, for more than 130 years; and that the Cathedral Church of Sarum was 
b Inf●a Castrum Domini Regis.  within the King's Castle; (which yet was confidenly denied to the Lords Commissioners;) and that our Kings from the Beginning have Acted in as Absolute and as Despotical a manner in and over the Church of Sarum, as in any of their own Mansion Houses within these Realms; Common Sense will infer, and inform the most indocile, That where the King (William the First) had a Castle and Family in it, he had a Chapel for God's Service, and his Chapel was Free. How strange a thing therefore is it, for men to lessen that Monarch in his Prerogative, who did not only make them, but does still keep them Great. How often had the Hierarchy been trodden utterly under foot, if the King singly had not Sustained them? How many Parliaments may be convened, who will Vote down All Bishops, and Deans, and Chapters, (ab Actu ad potentiam optime valet Argumentum,) if the King will prompt them to it, or but Consent when it is done? They who look downwards upon themselves, but neither backwards, nor forwards, on the years that are passed, and the years to come, do not consider what Protections they have received from the King (at the King's great cost,) or what Protections for the future they may have a sad Occasion to wish and pray for.  
And here I should have ended this 2d. Chapter, but for a Passage out of the Annals of Burton Abby, MS. 1245. Which shows that even then, in the Time of Hen. 3. (long enough after Osmund, and Will. 1.) the King of England had Many Free Chapels, and was resolved to keep them Free. Indeed so many, that divers Parish Churches which did but Neighbour on the King's Castles, were apt to pretend to that Privilege. Yea the Chapels in the King's Castles were Confirmed in their Immunities, Exemptions, and Liberties, by Popes themselves: As appears by that King's Proclamation Dated, at Westminster March the 3d. in the 30. Year of His Reign. Wherein he strictly Commanded, that the said Freedom of his Chapels should be 
c Volentes Privilegium Illud in perpetuá firmitate manere.  Perpetual. Et ne Aliquis contra praedictum Privilegium aliquid audeat attemptare. Nor hath any of our Monarches taken away or surrendered that glorious Branch of their Prerogative; whatever Subjects have attempted by joining with Boniface the 9th. 
Burton de Libertate Capellarum Domini Regis, 1245    

CHAP. III.  
WHereas 'twas affirmed by the Bishop of Sarum to the Lords, That there never was a Time when either the Dean and Canons were exempt from all jurisdiction of the Bishop of Sarum. The contrary to it is confessed and strongly proved by his Lordship himself in the very next Words following, wherein his Lordship citys The Composition that was made between Bishop Waltham, Dean Montacute, and the Then Chapter of the said Church, which was no longer since than in the Year 1391. whereas the Absolute Exemption of the Dean and All the Canons from the Bishop's Jurisdiction, was in the Year 1095. Between which two Dates, there was an Interval of almost 300 Years.  
Which Composition, so called, was indeed a Conspiracy of the said Bishop, Dean and Chapter with Pope Boniface the Ninth, by whom it was confirmed, and for which by the Laws of England (even (c) Then in force) they did incur a Praemunire: Which All the Bishops ever 
d Judge jenkin's, p. 24. say, 'Tis Treason to pay Obedience to the Pope, or to any other than to the King. For which he citys 23 Eliz. cap. 1. and 3 Jac. cap. 4. §. 22, 23.  since are humbly conceived to have incurred, who have presumed to Act according to That Conspiracy, I. Against the Supremacy, and Prerogative of the King; II. Against the Common, and Statute Law of the Land; III. Against the Fundamental Statute of our Subordinate Founder Osmund; IV. Against their own Souls in two respects, first in respect of the Several Oaths, which 
b 25 Ed. 3. c. 22. 7 Rich. 2. c. 12.  have severally been Sworn by all the Bishops, Deans and Chapters. That they would keep, and cause to be kept (as much as in them lay) that Fundamental Statute of Osmund, with all the Privileges, Dignities, Immunities, and Exemptions therein contained; of which Oaths the said Conspiracy or Composition is a Professed Violation, as shall be shown in its proper place. Secondly, in respect of the heavy Curse, which Osmund denounced against All those who should dare to pervert the said Fundamental Constitutions in any kind. V. Against its own Being, by reason of its several Inconsistences with itself, and of the several Nullities contained in it. Lastly, Against the Wellbeing, if not against the very Being of the whole College within the Cathedral Church of Sarum, by reason of its most scandalous and most mischievous Effects. But of each in its Order.  
§. 1. First, It was a Conspiracy against the King of England and his Prerogative, who is in Law declared to be the Founder as well as Patron of all the Archibishopricks and Bishoprics in England, but took care in his Original Charter granted to his Favourite Osmund, (sealed first with the Seal of Will. I. and then with the Seal of Will. II.) to exempt his Dean and All his Prebendaries or Canons from the Bishop's Jurisdiction in as full and as plain a manner, as Latin words could express an Exemption by. In words so carefully contrived against all possible Affectation of Jurisdiction over the College of Dean and Chapter in any succeeding Bishop of Sarum that what the present Lord Bishop of Sarum would make an Argument for himself and his Affected Jurisdiction, makes quite against him. For the Voice and the Place which the Bishop has in Chapter (common to him with all the 52 Canons) he has as Prebendary of Pottern, not as Bishop of Sarum; nor has he so much as a Second Voice as he is Prebendary of Blewbery, because he was never admitted to it by Installation, nor lawfully could be. For when Hen. 2. had given two prebend's to One man in one Church, Pope Alexander the Third complained of it in his Letter, as Unlawful, and Uncanonical. (Not denying the King's Right of conferring prebend's, but the Evil use of it.) So that the Bishop in Capitulo has but one single Vote, and the liberty to propose what he thinks may tend to the good of the Church, or to complain of what he takes to be amiss, (as every other Prebendary has as free liberty to do,) and to be punished or amended by the Authority of Dean and Chapter. Nor is it said to be the Duty, but the 
e Dignitas est Decani, & omnium Can●nicorum, etc.  Dignity of the Dean and of all the Canons, ut Episcopo in nullo respondeant, nisi in Capitulo. To which 'tis added in the next words, (what his Lordship does not mention) & judicio Tantùm Capituli pareant, where the word Tantum excludes the Bishop's judgement or definitive Sentence of any matter, & limits it wholly to the Body of the Great Chapter (consisting of All the Canons Non-Resident and Resident) whereof the Dean is the Head, and the Prebendary of Pottern, a worthy Member; but the Bishop as Bishop is neither of them. Nor was this Signal Exemption only in the Foundation of the Cathedral, made at once by the Supreme and the Subordinate Founder; but it was Repeated and Confirmed by Hen. III. and Bishop Poor, in the Removal of the same from Old to New Sarum, in the years 1220. And the same Oaths for the due observance of it, have been ever since Sworn by all the Bishops, Deans, and Chapters without Exception. All which was alleged with effect in the Chapters Accusation of Bishop Erghum to Archbishop Sudbury (1375,) whom they charged before his Grace at once with Perjury and Usurpation, for affecting a Jurisdiction over the Canons when the Dean was Dead, and the Deanery Vacant, at a Time wherein the Bishop had a little colour for it, which might excuse his Sin a Tanto. Much more might they have done whilst the Dean was yet Living, if such an Encroachment had been attempted. Besides it was against the Imperial Crown of this Realm, by being against the Decanal Jurisdiction, which is 
e Dignitas est Decani, & omnium Can●nicorum, etc.  for ever and inseparably thereto annexed, and granted unto the Dean under the Great Seal of England.  
§. II. Next it was against the Common and Statute Law of the Land. Against the first, because the King's Prerogative is Law, and the Principal part of the Common Law, as that from which our Statute Laws are derived; and 'tis a Principle with my Lord Coke, The 
f 1 Ed. 6. cap. 2. §. 3. 1 Eliz. cap. 1. §. 17, 18, & 8 Eliz. cap. 1.  Common Law disallows Acts done to the prejudice of any Subject of this Realm (much more of the Sovereign) by any Foreign Power out of the Realm, as things not Authentic. Such was the Power of Boniface the Ninth merely Foreign, and Prohibited as such by several Statutes then in force, and ever since. 
(g) Cok● 1. Inst. l. 2. cap. 11. 134.  Against the second, because there were ab Antiquo (before the Petition made to the Pope by the then Bishop, Dean and Chapter for the Papal Confirmation of the Conspiracy aforesaid,) Acts of Parliament in force, against Appealing to, or Petitioning the Bishop of Rome, or any other foreign Power, either for Grants or Confirmations of any Acts, or Combinations, or Associations whatsoever, within these Realms; and therefore one Abbot Moris in the 46 of Ed. 3. incurred the Pain of Praemunire, for sending to Rome to 
h 27 Ed. 3. Cit Praem. cap. 1. With which Statute compare 25 Ed. 3. cap. 22. and 7 Rich. 2. cap. 12. where that King delares● against his granting any such Licence as is pretended.  be confirmed by the Pope in his Election to his Abbey, which the Pope (forsooth) gave him of his Spiritual Grace, and at the Request of the King of England, as he fictitiously pretended. The Bull was considered of in Council, before all the Judges of England, and by them All it was resolved, that this Bull of the Pope was against the Laws of England; and that the Abbot, for obtaining it, was fallen into the King's Mercy; whereupon All his Possessions were seized into the King's Hands. The same Penalty was deserved by them who made the Composition we are upon, and petitioned the Pope for his Confirmation. And though 'tis pretended to have been done at Rich. 2. his Intercession; yet it is but pretended, according to the Usual Trick, the Practice and Policy of the Popes, to feign Requests from the Kings of England, who scorned to make them; as they did often pretend to Give, what they could not deny, or durst not offer to withhold, and knew they had not either a Right to confer, or a Power to hinder. Choice Examples of which are given by the Learned and Reverend Archdeacon Fullwood, in his Subversion of the Romanists Pleas for the Pope's Supremacy in England; and though Rich. 2. was so incomparably careless of his every thing that was his, even to his Kingdom, Crown and Dignity, which brought upon him his Deposition, as Historians are wont to call it. And although such an Act of Intercession to the Pope, as is pretended, had had an absolute Nullity in itself, had it been True; yet hardly any man can believe it, who shall consider the Statute made in the 
i 16 R. 2. cap. 5. Hist. Concil. Trident. l. 5. pag. 101. An. 1551.  same King's Time against all Papal Usurpations, which to own, and to use as things of Right, is to incur a Praemunire. Besides that Rich. 2. had acted against other Parliaments also, as well as against his own, and against his Declaration, in case he had done, as is pretended. But that the Trick I now mentioned was often used by the Popes, we cannot prove by a better Testimony than that of the most Learned and most sincere Padre Paul, who speaking of the Times of Paul the Fourth, in giving that to Queen Mary which was her own long before, and inherited from her Father, King Hen. 8. concludes with this signal Observation: Cosi spesso i Papi hanno donato quello, che non hanno potuto levare a possessori; & questi per suggire le contentioni, parte hanno ricevuto le Cousin proprie in dono, & part hanno dissimulate di saper' il dono, & la pretensione del Donatore. Add to all this, that the said Conspiracy was expressly against Magna Charta, by which the Deans and Chapters Liberties, Exemptions, and Jurisdictions, were confirmed and secured, and that by no fewer than 
k Of the 32 Acts are those of 50 Ed. 3. cap. 1. & 2. A. D. 1376. & 1 Rich. 2. cap. 1. & 34 Ed. 1. St. 4. cap. 4. & 4 H. 4. cap. 3.  32 Acts of Parliament. And Magna Charta is not only a Statute Law, as old as since the 17th year of King john, though made more full and with more Solemnity in the 9th Year of Hen. 3. But moreover by the Act of 25 Ed. 1. 'twas adjudged in Parliament to be taken and held as The Common Law. (They are the Words of Chief justice Coke, in the Preface to his Comment on Magna Charta.) In a word, The Application made to the Pope at that Time against the Laws of this Realm, was a strong proof of its Corruption. For 'twas the Observation of the most wise Padre 
l Paolo Sarpi. N. 74. p. 22.  Paolo, that None went to Rome out of Devotion, but only out of some Design against the Canons and Customs of the Church, which being unable to get approved in their own Country, they fled to Rome, where Dispensations were vendible for every thing, and the Avarice or Ambition covered over with an Apostolical Dispensation or Confirmation. So he in his Treatise of the Alms of the Faithful in the Primitive Church.  
§. III. Thirdly, The foresaid Composition was even knowingly and professedly against The great Fundamental Statute (commonly called in our Books Magna Charta Osmundi,) of the Subordinate Founder Osmund, and by a Consequence unavoidable against the Sovereign Founder also, whose Royal Seal alone was affixed to it. That 'twas against the said Charter and Fundamental Statute, and against the Exemption of the Dean and Canons, and all Inferior Members also belonging to the King's Free Chapel, (which any man may deny whose Tongue is his own, but no Man living can disprove,) hath already been evinced, and shall be further, as Occasion shall be offered. But that 'twas knowingly and professedly against the same, is moreover to be proved from the Conclusion of the Conspiracy. For as there is a Contradiction to the Fundamental Statute and Charter both Legal and Episcopal, fol. 76. so in the next page of that Leaf there are these bold and unexcusable Words— Non obstante Statuto, & Chartapraedicta, The King himself in Parliament could not have spoken in a more Imperial strain. Archbishop Boniface on the contrary, A. D. 1262. had most tenderly provided for the Liberties of all in the Church of Sarum, according to the Tenor of 
m Lib. Statut.  Osmund's Statute; though he was in all his time the most assuming Archbishop of Canterbury, even from that to this day. Whereas in the Conspiracy of the aforesaid Pope Boniface with the then Bishop, Dean and Chapters, there is this aggravation of the astonishing design against the King; that it hath a special Salvo for the Popes and his Cardinals, and the Dean of Sarums Rights, but none at all for the Kings: Yea, as if that were not enough to affront the King by, it takes upon it to decree the whole Revenue of the Deanery, Decanatu vacant, to the Chapter; which, (as well as the Revenues of all the void Bishoprics in England,) belong by Law to The King alone. Lastly, The Goods of the Church (as the Chapter words it) which Osmund gave to the Dean and Canons, he gave them even so, as he had received them of the King, with a Libere, prout Ipse obtinueram; (meaning his Master Will. I.) and adds a little after, in his repeated Exemption of all the Prebendaries or Canons from all intermeddlings of any Bishop who should succeed him, Habeant etiam Curiam suam in omnibus Praebendis suis, & Dignitatem Archidiaconalem, ita ut nulla omnino Exigentia vel in Dono, vel in Assisa, aut aliqua alia Consuetudine ab Episcopo vel aliquo alio fiat, etc. Sed (● contra) omnes Dignitates, & omnes Libertates plenary & pacifice habeant, quas Ego Osmundus Episcopus in iisdem Praebendis habui, aut aliquis 
n That is, The Conqueror himself, from whom Captain Osmund had all he had in the World, and did hold by Knight's Service, or any whom ●he said Osmund might have entrusted or employed.  alius, cum ●as in Nostro Dominio haberemus. 'Twas in contempt and relation to this Emphatical Exemption, as well as that which was instanced in before, That the Bishop, Dean and Chapter, conspired with Boniface the Ninth against the Statute they were sworn to keep inviolate, with a prodigious Non obstante Statuto, and Charta pradicta. And therefore.  
§. IU. Fourthly, It was against their own Souls. For it follows in the same Charter, or the great Fundamental Statute, (wherewith all after Statutes must stand or fall,) that every one of the Foundation must take an Oath at his Admission, Se Dignitates & Consuetudines Ecclesiae Sarum inviolabiliter observaturum. And if any one shall presume to violate or pervert the said Statute of the Foundation, perpetuo Anathematizetur, is the Form of the Curse used by the King and Bishop Osmund on the Transgressor. Nor is it meant of the Lesser, but Greater Cursing, which the Old English Festival and the Articles found in St. Paul's Church at Canterbury, A. D. 1562. 
o Sir T. Ridley's View of the Civil Law, part 3. cap. §. 2. pag. 172, 173.  do define to be Such a Cursing, or Vengeance-taking, that it departeth a Man from the Bliss of Heaven; from Housel, Christ, and all the Sacraments of Holy Church; and betaketh him to the Devil, and to the Pains of Hell without end. Such was the force of the word Perpetuo, when such Cursings were in use. In a due fear, and for the prevention of such a Curse upon such a Perjury, the Chapter of Sarum in their Complaint to Archbishop Sudbury against Bishop Erghum, for violating his Oath by usurping a Jurisdiction, and by presuming to visit certain prebend's whilst the Deanery lay void, did present how All the Privileges which had been settled in the Foundation, were continued and confirmed in the Removal of the Cathedral, and that by a Bull from Pope Honorius, cum hac clausula in Literis Apostolicis inserta, [Salvis ipsius Ecclesiae Sarum Privilegiis, Dignitatibus, & Consuetudinibus.] Ad dictas etiam Ordinationes, Consuetudines, Libertates & Dignitates fideliter tenendas & inviolabiliter observandas Episcopi, Decani & Canonici Sarum Praebendarii, eorum temporibus successivis, omnes & singuli, juramentis Corporalibus ad Sancta Dei Evangelia, praestitis, realiter fuerunt & sunt astricti. Whereupon they prayed the Archbishop of the Province, so to interpose his Metropolitical Power as that the said Bishop of Sarum, for the salvation of his Soul, might revoke and retract the Visitation he had begun, and the Chapter enjoy their own without disturbance. Place at igitur Paternitati Vestrae taliter interponere Partes Vestras, ut dictus D. Episcopus Sarum omnia praemissa illicite attentata, & praecipue Visitationem sicut praemittitur Decanatu vacante de facto inchoatam, pro Salute animae suae revocet, & praefatum Capitulum & Prebendarii omnes & singulos commodo Fundationis, etc.— libere gaudere, in solidum exercere, quoad omnia praemissa in Pace permittat in futurum. Lastly, The Fundamental Statutes and Customs of our Church were so confirmed By Hen. 8. in his Regal Visitation of it, An. Dom. 1535, that the Bishops of Sarum for ever are as much subject to them, as any other. The Bishop there by Name is the first bound up; and bound up to the observance of no other Statutes and Customs, than do agree with the Word of God, and with the Laws of the Land, with which the said Papal Composition hath been proved to disagree; and as it professedly does oppose the Royal Charter, and the Fundamental Statute, on which our whole Endowment stands; so I set This against That, the Fundamental Charter and Statute, against the Novel Composition or Combination.  
§. V. Add to this, that the Composition hath several other Nullities in it, arising from its several Inconsistences with itself. 'Tis inconsistent with an Episcopal Jurisdiction, 1. Not to be impowered to Visit Triennially, and 2. To be interdicted a Procuration; 3. 
p De Septe●nio in Septennium dunta●at.  Only once in Seven years; 4. And then 
q Fol. 67. 2.  without any Regard; 5. And in the 
r Fol. 65.  Chapter House only; not where he will, excepting the Archdeacon's, whom 'tis said he may Visit 
s 65.  elsewhere: 6. A fault or default in a Prebendary at large to be corrected, (not by the Bishop, but) by Dean and Chapter, or by the Dean alone, as is usual without a Visitation; (fol. 66. b.) 7. 
t Folly 63.  A Power is pretended, to inquire what is amiss among all the Secular Inhabitants of the Close, and to reform, or correct, if the Dean does not; (f. 66.) which hath an absolute Inconsistence with the Salvo made before for the Rights of the Dean, in these words, [Visitatione & jurisdictione 
u Folly 63.  Decanali in omnibus, & per omnia Decano & Successoribus suis semper salvis.] Now when it shall be made to appear, not only by immemorial Practice, but by Decisions of Authority, and by the Confessions of this present Bishop, (yes, and by his earnest Contentions for the Dean against himself,) that the Close is the Dean's Peculiar, and not the Bishops; that the Dean has All the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, and the Bishop none at all; that all Persons and Causes of Ecclesiastical cognizance within the Close, yea, within the Bishops own Palace, are to be Tried and adjudged in the Deans Court alone, not at all in the Bishops; Then I trow 'twill be granted to be a monstrous Absurdity and Inconsistence, for One Ordinary to be the Visitor of Another, who hath a coordinate Jurisdiction with himself in many other places of Wilts and Berks, and a Superior to him in One, and a sole Jurisdiction in that very Close wherein the Bishop pretends to be the Deans Visitor; which is to take upon him a Regal, or Metropolitical Authority, to which two alone the Dean of Sarum is subordinate in his Peculiars, as all others are who have Episcopal Jurisdiction within the Province; even abstracting from the Relation the Deans of Sarum ever had to the King's Free Chapel, whereof the Privileges remain, and were ever reserved, though the Formality is obscured in a Great Cathedral Church. This last Absurdity spoken of, may be made to appear by these following Degrees.  
N. I. First, There never was a Time since the Foundation of the Cathedral within the King's Castle of Old Sarum, or since its Removal to the Close of New Sarum, (which Close must be distinguished in all our Discourses from the City, which no body denies to be in the Bishop's Jurisdiction, and in the Sub-Deans two Years in three,) wherein the Bishop was, or wherein the Dean of Sarum was not Immediatus Loci Ordinarius. Let them name it, and prove it, who were bold enough to say there was such a Time, as the Dean has named plainly, and also proved the Space of Time of almost 300 Years, between the Kings and Osmund's Charter on one side, and the Infamous Composition on the other side, by which the Bishop hath pretended some Jurisdiction over the Close, five days in seven years, though none at all before or after so great a space as seven years: Which (by the way) is another Absurdity and Inconsistence. No Instance can be given of any Will proved within the Close by any Bishop, or any Letters of Administration granted, or any matter of Instance tried, or any Fornication punished by any Bishop since the Foundation: but only by the Dean of Sarum, who is confessedly in the Statute of Bishop Roger himself (though an highflying Bishop) Loci Ordinarius Immediatus. See the Statute De Testamentis Decano insinuandis. Now that is clearly an Immemorial Practice and Possession of the Dean which has been a Tempore, & per Tempus, cujus contrarii memoria hominum non existit. Which Allegation to the Archbishop, for the Chapters Exemption from the Bishop's Jurisdiction, Bishop Ralph Erghum could not deny, and thereupon was decreed against. 2. Next, the Decisions of Authority have been for the Dean, and against the Bishop, as often as Authority hath been appealed unto, which has been seldom.  
1. In the Year 1301, when the then Bishop Simon de Gaunt endeavoured to invade the Decanal Jurisdiction over the Canons and other Members of the Cathedral Church of Sarum, Petrus de Sabaudia then Dean of Sarum, did by his Instrument in Writing, on the Third of October, Prohibit the Prebendaries or Canons, and all other Members of the said Church, and discharge them from submitting to the said Bishop's Visitation.  
N. II. No longer since than in the Year 1665, john eliot, LL. Doctor, Chancellor then to Dr. Alexander Hyde Lord Bishop of Sarum, cited one john Wickham, Servant to Mr. Chafin, living then in the Close of Sarum, unto the Bishop's Consistory for Incontinency, etc. Wickham not obeying the Summons, was by the said Chancellor de facto Excommunicated. Whereupon Mr. Richard Kent, then Prebendary of Sarum and Surrogate to the Reverend Dr. Richard Baily, Dean of Sarum, perceiving the Invasion committed upon the Dean's peculiar Jurisdiction, by Dr. eliot the Bishop's Chancellor, in citing Wickham within the Close, Absolves the said Wickham. Whereupon the Bishop makes his complaint to the Archbishop Dr. Gilbert Sheldon. The business came to an Hearing in St. John's College Gallery in Oxford, before the said Archbishop, and Edward Earl of Clarendon, Lord Chancellor of England; (the King then residing in Oxford.) And the Issue was this; That the Bishop should not intermeddle with any Ecclesiastical Censures, things, or Persons, out of his own Palace and Family; but that the whole decision of Ecclesiastical Matters within the said Close, did, and do purely, wholly and solely belong unto the Dean.  

This is a True Copy of the whole Relation of the Matter from the Reverend Dr. Richard Baily, received by me the Surrogate to the said Dr. Richard Baily, Dean of Sarum. It a testor Ricard. Kent, primo Jun. A.D. 1678. Sub-Dec. Sarum.  
N. III. Yea, since the present Lord Bishops, and the present Dean's Time, there was a Crime committed within his Lordships own Palace, and by his Lordship's chief Domestic; which being a Crime of Ecclesiastical cognizance, was by consequence to be punished by the King's Ecclesiastical Laws. The Bishop applied himself first by Letters to the Dean and Chapter conjunctim, for the Punishing of the chief Party in that Commission; proposing the Composition to them, whereby his Lordship was in hopes a Correction de bene esse might be favourably inflicted. The Dean and Chapter met on purpose in Dr. Drake's House, to Read and to consider of the said Composition. Which having done, They unanimously agreed in this Judgement, (of which they sent his Lordship word,) That the whole Composition (supposing it to be valid,) was wholly impertinent to the Matter in hand: And that none but the Dean alone, as the Sole Ordinary of the Close, could Summon both Parties into his Consistory Court, and put the Law in Execution. The Dean however made a delay, because the Principal Offender had committed the Fact in the Bishop's Palace, which he was willing to esteem a place Exempted from the Decanal Jurisdiction. And this he pleaded to the Lord Bishop, whom he desired to correct his own Domestic in his own Family, or in his own Court, which the Dean said, he would warrant his Lordship the doing of by Letters Dimissory, or Licence under the Seal of his Decanal Office. But his Lordship urged with great strength of Reason, as well as Earnestness; (1.) That such a Liberty in the Close, was more than either the Dean could give away lawfully, or the Bishop receive. (2.) That the Party cited into his Court might appeal to the Arches from the Bishop tanquam a non judice, and make the very judge of that Court a Criminal. (3.) That the Dean might Summon a Prebendary to appear in his Court by a certain day from any part of the Kingdom; but (4.) That the Bishop could not cite him into His, however nearly an Inhabitant. Whereupon the Dean of Sarum, acknowledging the Bishop too hard for him in the Contest, was forced to own his Unavoidable Authority in the Close, as inseparably annexed to the Imperial Crown of these Realms, (which is the language of 
w See 25 Hen. 8. 20. & 26 Hen. 8. 1. & 1 Eliz. 1. §. 17. n. I. & §. 18. n. 1. and other Statutes recited 8 Eliz. cap. 1.  several Acts of Parliament,) and not without Trouble and j denial, did satisfy the Law upon both the offending Parties.  
N. IU. Since which time also, no longer since than on the 15th of September 1681. the present Dean was desired by Mr. Archdeacon Woodward, than the Bishop of Sarum's Surrogate, (Now the Chancellor of this whole Diocese,) to permit and allow the People of Broadchalk in Wiltshire, to ask the voluntary Benevolence of Persons living within the Close of Sarum. To whom the Dean gave his leave, or permission rather, in these words following: As far as the Laws of this Realm permit, and being earnestly requested, as well as moved with the Resentment of so many men's Losses within the Parish of Broadchalk, I do allow the said Sufferers to try the Charity of the Inhabitants within my Peculiar of the Close of New Sarum, though not in any other Place under the Decanal jurisdiction of  
Tho. Pierce, Decan. Sarum.   
Now it is to be noted, that the Parish of Broadchalk, is under the Bishop's Jurisdiction; and that the Lord Bishop was then at home, in his Palace within the Close; and that his Leave had been sufficient without the Deans, had he had any Jurisdiction within the Close; much more had his Jurisdiction been Archiepiscopal, or Regal, and so Superior to the Deans. Lastly, That the Bishops Surrogate, knowing well that his Lordship had none at all within the Close, (though his Lordship and the Subdean have all between them in the City,) did therefore make his Application, to the Dean, and the Dean only. In like manner the Collection which was made within the Close for the rebuilding of St. Paul's London, the Redemption of Captives, and the like, was made and returned by the Dean only and his Officers, according to the King's Order and Direction.  
N. V. If we step as far back as to the Year of our Lord 1584. we shall find the great difference between a Bishop of Sarum, who was first Dean of Sarum, and a Bishop who never was Dean of the same Church. For Dr. john Pierce, whilst Dean of Sarum, did in conjunction with his Chapter, and by Command of Queen Elizabeth, (to whom he was Almoner many years,) upon the 17th of October, 1573. 
x Testante Blacker Notar. Publ. f. 89.  begin the good work of abolishing Superstitious and Popish Statutes, without the consent or the assistance of the then Bishop Edmund Guest. (Though he so swept the Church, as to leave some Dust behind the Door.) But being afterwards Bishop of Sarum, (as after that, Archbishop of York,) he got a Commission from the Archbishop of the Province to visit the Church upon occasion of the Case of Dr. Zouch, and said, he was fultus Iurisdictione Metropolitana; knowing well, and confessing, that, as Bishop of Sarum, he had no right to Visit the Choral Vicars, much less the Chapter, much less the Dean; for if he had, he would not have needed any Commission from the Archbishop of the whole Province.  
N. VI The said Exemption of All the Canons of the greater and lesser Chapter, who make a Superior Corporation whereof their Dean is the Head, may be yet farther proved by the Exemption of All the Vicars, who are an Inferior Corporation, from the Bishop of Sarum's Power and Jurisdiction. For it appears by the Vicar's Charter, which they enjoy from the Crown of England, (as the Dean and Chapter do Theirs,) that they are only subjected to the correction of Dean and Chapter, not at all to the Bishops, who can neither put in, nor punish; much less, put out a Vicar, or a Lay Clerk, however criminal. And accordingly the Vicars, (as well as the Lay Clerks) take an Oath at their Admission of paying Obedience unto the Dean, and to the Dean only whilst he is present, and in the Dean's Absence to the Deans Locumtenens, authorized under the Seal of the Decanal Office: But none at all to the Bishop, whether Present, or Absent; which was eminently acknowledged by this present Bishop in his own Palace, when in the presence of the Dean and Chapter, and all the Vicars, his Lordship protested three several times to Mr. Hardwick, the Vicar's Procurator, and Prolocutor, and to his Brethren then present, That if it were in his Power, he would expel them every one, for their then Recalcitration and Opposition, both to the Bishop and to the Chapter, when good Lawyers told the Vicars, they had the Law on their Side. The Vicars were not a little pleased at his Lordship's Brutum Fulmen, and confession of his Nopower over the Vicars within the Close, three times repeated. Nor could any but the Dean bring those Vicars to a Submission and full compliance, which he soon after did with the best effect.  
N. VII. Even since my coming to keep my Residence at Sarum, the 20th. of this instant june, I find two Notorious and Public Confessions in effect, of the Lord Bishop of Sarum his having no Power to Visit within the Close, whether the Dean will or no, or without the Dean's Leave, Concurrence, and Consent, under the Seal of his Decanal Office, as well as under his own Hand; which being sought, but refused (very honestly and prudently) by the Dean's Surrogate in his absence, and without his knowledge; the Dean's Locumtenens, for the Chapter, (as the Sub Dean Mr. Kent▪ is the Dean's Surrogate for his Court and his peculiar Jurisdiction, wherewith the Chapter hath nothing to do, nor any mortal Besides the King, and the Archbishop of the Great Province,) did as absurdly, as unfaithfully, clap the Common Seal of the Dean and Chapter, (of the Dean chiefly as the Head, and of the Chapter as his Members,) by usurping my Name in it, and by counterfeiting my Will, against my Will, my Interest, my Jurisdiction, without ask my Consent or Permission, without so much as saying, By your Leave Sir, yea studiously and in haste without my knowledge, even when He and the Rest knew I was but few Miles from them, and even then coming (tho' not yet come) to my House at Sarum. Being come, I soon found Two Citations in the Choir, made by a Fiction of my Name, and of my Name only, beginning Thus, Thomas Pierce Sancta Theol. Professor, Ecclesiae Cathedralis Sarum Decanus, & ejusdem Ecclesiae Capitulum, Universis & Singulis, etc. Finding This to be done 1. Without my knowledge; and 2. With my very great Abhorrence; 3. Against my Judgement; 4. Against my Right of Jurisdiction; 5. Against the King, of whom I hold my Jurisdiction under the Great Seal of England, (and unto whose Imperial Crown my jurisdiction is annexed by 32 Acts of Parliament; 6. Against myself in mine own name, and Poetically brought in upon the stage, Citing myself, and the Bishop, as the Prebendary of Blewbery, but not as Prebendary of Pottern, (which the Bishop is also) Comically personated whether I will or no, like a Puppet 
y St. fol. 44. b.  moving by Wires; 7. Against Express Statute to the contrary; 8. Against the Oaths of the Members of the Chapter, who had an Hand in the usurpation (which I am sure but few had;) 9 Against the Trust reposed in my Deputy; and 10. Against the very Licence or Constitution, whereby I had enabled him in my Absence to call Chapters for the taking care of God's worship, the keeping of Statutes and Laudable Customs of the Church, as far as they agree with the Word of God, and with the Law of the Land, and for the Correction of the Canons and Members, but so limited, as I have said, not for the using the Common Seal at all, much less at his Pleasure, without my knowledge, and consent, and against myself; I say finding This, and a world of Absurdities (too many, and too great to be recounted in this Pinch of Time;) I inferred their Conviction of my sole Right, as Dean, to cite the 52 Prebendaries and all other members who had sworn obedience to me, from their conceiving themselves forced to run so great a Risque, as that of 
z D. D. Longland. Harwards Acts. pag. 61. 125.  Crimen Falsarii, Rather than set up such a Citation without▪ my Name, or in Any man's Name but Mine; and for their false using the Common Seal of Dean and Chapter, for want of the Decanal Peculiar Seal, which Alone had been Authentic. Therefore under my Seal of Office belonging to me, and me only, as an Ordinary, and Judge, of the King's Ecclesiastical Court within my Peculiar the Close of Sarum, and elsewhere, I made my 
a Dated Jun. 20. 1683.  Protestation against That usurpation of my name, declaring it unlawful, Null, and Void, as shall be set forth at Large in the Second part of my Defence, if Occasion shall serve, or Need require.  
§. 6. Having showed the Inconsistencies of the Conspiracy with itself, and the monstrous Absurdity of a Bishop's taking upon him a Regal Power, or at least an Archiepiscopal, whereby to visit the Dean of Sarum within that Close which is the Peculiar of the Dean, not of the Bishop, and whereof not the Bishop, but the Dean is the Sole Immediate Ordinary, and wherein the Dean has the whole Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction, the Bishop none, and where the Dean's Jurisdiction which was derived from the Crown is united thereunto by Acts of Parliament, which the said Composition does grossly violate: I come to show in the last place, that 'tis against the Wellbeing, if not against the very Being of the whole College within the Close and the Church of Sarum, by reason of its most scandalous and most mischievous Effects.  
N. I. First, The Statutes which have been made by Deans and Chapters without the Bishops, and others made by several Bishops with the Permission or Consent of Deans and Chapters, being no way obliging beyond the Time of the Contrivers, (nor even Then but by our Monarches having no notice of them,) succeeding Sets of Legislators, as good as Those who went before them, and as destitute of Authority to take upon them a Legislation, made other Statutes at their Pleasure, as inconsistent with the former as Light with Darkness. Insomuch that they who swear to keep the Statutes, as they are now, (without any distinction of Good or Evil, Valid or Invalid, Loyal or Disloyal, Protestant or Popish, made by Sovereigns or by Subjects without Commission, Obsolete or in use,) do take an Oath they will be perjured, so far forth as they are not saved by a Quatenus conveniunt cum verbo Dei & cum Statutis hujus Regni; which is a necessary help, but not sufficient, because there is not added to it another Quatenus or Qousque conveniunt Statut● inter se, & sibi invicem non repugnant. For standing All as they do, partly lawful but laid aside, partly unlawful but yet observed and in use, and flatly repugnant to one another, (as shall be demonstrated by and by) it plainly follow's that for a man of the Church of Sarum to keep one Statute, is ipso facto to break and violate another.  
N. II. Before I come to prove This, by descending to some Particulars, I think it useful to premise this General Observation, to wit, that the Statutes which are Authentic, both by Law, and in themselves, as having been made by our Founders, the King and Osmund, and by our Later Monarches of England, Hen. 8. Ed. 6. and Q. Eliz. which alone are obliging both to the Bishop, Dean and Chapter, are of All other Statutes the most neglected and out of Use, (to say no more at this time) whilst the Statutes of several Popes, and of several Popish Bishops and Deans and Chapters of Sarum, however selfish and presumptuous, against the Law of the Land, and the Canons of the Church, and very oppressive to Posterity, and therefore fit to have perished with Those that made them, have been hitherto observed (to the hazarding of Souls) with too much strictness.  
N. III. Now to demonstrate the Contradictions, and other Mischievous effects, which have been principally caused by the Infamous Composition of the said Boniface the Ninth, with the then Bishop, Dean and Chapter (Birds of a Feather every one at that Time, during the loose and weak Reign of the most careless Rich. 2. of whom Historians give This Character, That of All Counsellors and Councils he did constantly take the Worst,) I cannot better begin than with the Words of Bishop Henchman, once the Chantor, and a Residentiary, and after Bishop of Sarum, and at last Bishop of London; when being consulted by Dean Brideoak about the compelling of certain Prebendaries at large to confirm their Leases by the Common Seal of Dean and Chapter, and also to pay the Fifth part of their prebend's for their Nonresidence Thirteen Weeks in the Year, according to Osmund's Constitution, and the Statute of Bishop jewel with the concurrence and combination of the then Dean and Chapter, sent his 
b From London House, May 7. 1668.  Answer in these Words following. You must also understand, that the great Vicissitudes and Changes which Those 
c H. 8. Ed. 6. and Q. Eliz. Of whose Visitations the Bishop had written a little before.  Princes applied themselves unto, did require Rules and Statutes, fitted to the disturbed Condition of Church Affairs Then. And you may observe in your Books, that Continual Controversies did arise, partly because they did enjoin Things Contrary to each other, and partly because they were adapted to Those Times only, and were not practicable in after times. I will give an Instance. Do you think that now a Prebendary not admitted into Residence may be mulcted at Quinta parte Praebendae, because he doth not Reside in the Close of Salisbury Thirteen Weeks in every Year? Yet this is the Statute of Bishop jewel. Rogatu Fratrum nostrorum cum consensu Capituli (the Dean was absent) statuimus veterem Antecessoris nostri Osmundi Constitutionem, quam de ea retulit, in integrum esse restituendam; hoc est Canonicos hujus 
d Subaudi Residentiâ.  Ecclesiae nostrae Omnes & Singulos, nisi juxta formam Veterum Statutorum, adsint & resideant, Quinta parte Praebendae suae mulctandos esse; Pecuniam autem omnem ita collectam ad Fabricam Ecclesiae nostrae Cathedralis conferri volumus. What think you? Can a Prebendary not Residentiary be compelled now so to Reside? Indeed he that lives upon his own Land, or Farm, and not in his Parsonage with Cure; nor where his Residence is by Law allowed, is a great Offender. But if an Archdeacon or Prebendary take upon him to Reside in Sarum (being no Residentiary) he is liable to a Sore Mulct upon an Information in the Exchequer. Will you admit every one into Residence that shall offer himself, and protest de Residendo? You will soon be weary of that. Or will you tax a man at Quinta parte Prebendae, because he doth not Reside, and yet you will not admit him to Reside? Thus far Bishop Henchman exposed those Statutes to ridicule, by which All the Canons (in number 52) are obliged to Residence, yet not allowed to Reside; Have a Right to be Residents, yet no permission to enjoy it. 'Tis their Duty and their Crime, to Reside in the Close and the Cathedral Thirteen weeks every Year. They must, and yet they may not perform the Will of the Founder, confessed by Bishop jewel to be expressly the Subordinate Founder's Will, and by consequence the Will of the Sovereign Founders, Will. 1. and Will. 2. whose Seals were set to Osmund's Charter. Men are punishable for That, for which they ought to be rewarded. Not permitted to keep a Residence, to which by Statute they are compelled, and compelled to pay money for Not doing That which they must not do. The work is incumbent on 52 Canons or Prebendaries; but Six of their Number engross the Wages unto themselves. This Absurdity is so great, that hardly any can be greater, unless it be That which follows. For  
N. IU. In flat contradiction to the Fundamental Statute, and Oath of Residence, and to the late repeated Statute of Bishop jewel with the then Chapter, the present Bishop and the than Chapter made a New Statute (Octob. 3. 1672, Sethi Anno sexto) to this effect, That if they who have taken the Oath of continual Residence, keep not so much as Three months' Residence, they shall pay Five Pounds for each Month's Nonresidence, or 15 l. for the Nonresidence of the Year: so that for 15 l. per annum they may be Residents good enough without Residing, and save 100 l. per annum (which any man's Residence will cost him,) by paying only Fifteen Pounds. So as the Residentiaries are tempted, (not to keep, but) to violate their Oath of Residence, (if such a Titulary Statute can have any force in it,) by Compounding or Commuting for breach of Oath, the Price of which Sin is but Fifteen Pounds. I do not know if Men are Taxed for the Sins by them committed at so favourable a Rate in the Court of Rome. Now considering, that the Residents were shrunk and reduced long before, from 52 or 53, (for the Prebendary of Pottern was 
e Per Stat. Decani Richardi & Capituli, à Rogero de Mortival Episcopo confirmati. 1214.  bound to Residence at first,) to the Dean and 12, and after that to the Dean and 6, and now at last by this last Statute (so called) to None at all, if each of the Residents will redeem himself from that Duty, or buy out his Residence for the said Sum of 15l. (as some have done, and all may do,) here seems to be a way made to the very Dissolution of the whole College, if not in Time of the whole Cathedral Church of Sarum, notwithstanding his Majesty's Ecclesiastical Laws, which do oblige unto the Residence of 90 Days, or 3 Months. And all Local Statutes have a Nullity in the making, which are repugnant to the 
f Modò Verbo Dei, aut Praerogativae Regiae non repugnent, Can. 42.  Prerogative of the King, to the Law of the Land, or the Word of God.  
N. V. Another Statute has been made since his Majesty's Restauration, enjoining Prebendaries to bring their Leases to be Confirmed by the Common Seal of the Dean and Chapter, to which they cannot be compelled, unless by the King, or an Act of Parliament. Of whieh the aforesaid Bishop Henchman in his Letter to the said Dean, did write these words— [And I must add, That since Prebendaries and their Tenants have understood, that Leases Demised by Sole Corporations (according to the Statutes of the Realm) receive no strength by Capitular Confirmation, you shall do well to persuade and invite the Members of your Church to observe the good Rules lately made concerning Leases; but be not hasty to compel by Censures or Penalties, etc.— A little after, touching the Statute enjoining Prebendal Contributions, by way of Tax towards the Repairing of the Church, the Reverend Bishop adds thus,— Take the best and surest course you can to have the Help of the Prebendaries; but take heed you adventure not to compel them, lest you meet with Consequences which may to a good degree frustrate a Work of so high Importance.]  
N. VI All the Oaths which have been Administered, much more those which have been imposed, by Bishop, Dean and Chapter upon Prebendaries or Vicars, in any Matter not belonging to their Spiritual Jurisdictions, or not in a way of Administering Justice, have been against Law, and the King's Prerogative. The power to give and impose Oaths being so peculiar to the Prerogative Royal, that 'tis punishable to do it, without, or beyond the bounds of the King's Commission, by way of Indictment or Information, as an high Misdemeanour: Nor can any Custom legitimate such an invented Oath, unless it had a Lawful and just beginning. The House of Commons are so sensible of the want of this Power, not only to impose, but administer Oaths to Witnesses, (who, being voluntary, are as ready to Swear, as to appear,) that they often accept of Evidence upon bare Averments. Nor can the Voluntary Submission of the Prebendaries or Vicars create unlawful Power in the Bishop, Dean and Chapter conjoined, which otherwise by Law they have not, either to impose or to administer an Oath, nor excuse them in so doing. For however such Oaths so administered and taken, not to let a Lease upon such or such Terms as the Law allows, (as for Example for Three Lives without Licence,) do bind the Takers of them in Conscience, yet in Law they are illegal, null, and void. And so 'twas declared by the late Lord Chancellor upon occasion of a Suit in that Court depending.  
N. VII. By a Statute or a Decree of the Bishop, Dean and Chapter of Sarum, made in October 1671. no Lease is to be Let by any Prebendary (however he is singly a Corporation,) without three Conditions, (by Law allowed, but prohibited by them,) and all Three under the pain of Excommunication; which yet ('tis well known) cannot lawfully be inflicted for any matter or crime which is not made to be so punishable by some Statute of the Land: Nor can any thing less than the King or Parliament de novo create, or make a thing criminal. And though the breach of such Conditions in the letting of a Lease (which Conditions are wholesome) be supposed to be a Crime in such as have consented to them, yet the Matter being Temporal it is not punishable in Law by an Excommunication. Yet this is another of the sore Mischiefs, whereof the aforesaid Composition hath been the Occasion of the Cause.  
N. VIII. But there are other effects of it, whereby Simony seems plainly not only to be allowed, but even established by a Law, (such as a Bishop and the Chapter can make de facto by the aforesaid Composition, which owes its chief force to Pope Boniface the Ninth;) whilst men are made to pay dearly for their Places of Preferment, which by the King are freely granted. For no sooner have the Residents in the Church of Sarum taken their Oaths, That they neither have given, nor will give any Sum or Sums for those Places unto which they are admitted; but presently, by the 
g De Finibus Canonicorum ad Residentiam Receptorum. St. fol. 58, 59  Statute of Pope Eugenius the Fourth, even after he was deposed by the Council of Basil (when for Money he would do any thing,) there is (besides all other payments by way of customary Fees) a great Fine for Entrance, Finis pro Introitu, to be paid in ready Money, or well secured by Obligation. And though at first no more was paid than Forty shillings to the Fabric, (A. D. 1319.) yet by the Statute of Dean Sydenham, and his then Chapter, (1428.) Authorized at Florence by the said Titular Pope, (1442.) each Resident with Dignity is to pay for his Entrance 105 l. and each without Dignity is to pay for the same 71 l. 13s. 4d. (besides a greater Sum required by a much younger Statute, of which hereafter.) This Statute is bad enough; but the Custom is worse: For besides that the Fines for Entrance are diverted from the Fabric, and divided among the Residents of the Chapter; the Custom hath violated the Statute, in exacting no more from men with Dignity, than without it; so that the latter pay too much (though less than the Statute does require,) and the former too little, because much less than is due by Statute, which yet they pretend (and that with Contention) to be in force. Only the Dean of all four Dignities must be excepted, who pay by Custom to the height of what the Statute does enjoin, and by Custom much more. Nor is this all: For Tyrant Custom which keeps up that Statute, does beat it down at the same time in five remarkable degrees, for which no Creature was ever yet able to give a Reason. Yet these are Customs and Statutes, which they who take to be Obliging do Swear to keep. But as if this were not enough, for a Learned poor man to be beggared by in his Advancement, (as how many the most deserving have the least Portion of Money, and none to spare, and often die without Reimbursement?) there was another Statute made by a Bishop, Dean and Chapter, as well without the King's as the Pope's concurrence, and without the concurrence of Common Sense: For by force of that Statute (another effect of the Composition) every Resident who is living, must fast a Year from all Commons; and every Resident when he is dead, must eat a Years Commons in his Grave. At least in Aristotle's sense, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for what he does by his Executor, he interpretatively does; and accordingly 'tis said (with as much Pithiness, as Impropriety,) to be the Dead Resident his Annus post Mortem; that is, his Unius anni proficua undecunque Provenientia. 'Twas not the Christian Self-denial of those Usurping Legislators, who first invented this Law in their own behalf. A Law resented very deeply by some public-spirited Bishops of other Churches, who have expressed their Resentments to the now Dean of Sarum, with a great deal of holy Indignation; and heartily wished for a Remedy of this and other Impositions.  
N. IX. But hardly can a Remedy be brought about, but by the long and mighty Arm of Sacred Majesty, which in a Royal Visitation can abolish Old Statutes, and make us New Ones; Statutes suitable to our Religion, by Law established. Statutes not repugnant to the King's Honour and Prerogative. Statutes agreeable with themselves, and to be sworn to the safety of all men's Consciences and Souls. Lastly, Statutes not expiring with the Breath of them that make them, like those Royal Statutes which were made heretofore for the Church of Sarum: For those of Edw. 6. and Q. Elizab. were never yet so much as entered into the Statute Book; insomuch that the former and present Dean could never get a sight of them. And those of King Hen. 8. by one of his Masters of Requests, Sir john Tregonwell, (Commissioned under the Great Seal of England,) were only entered like an Old Almanac, and stand as a Monument of Contempt, which for many years past have been put upon them; no more regarded than the Great Charter both of the Sovereign and Subordinate Founders. Notwithstanding our Monarches are declared by Acts of Parliament to have all such 
h This is a short account of the Statute at large 1 Eliz. cap. 1. §. 17, & 18. compared with 25 Hen. 8. cap. 19 & 26 Hen. 8. cap. 1.  jurisdictions, Privileges, Superiorities, and Preeminences Spiritual and Ecclesiastical, as by any Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Power or Authority hath heretofore been, etc. And have full Power by Law to Commission whom they please, and for so long time as they please, to Visit Reform, Redress, Order, Correct, and Amend whatsoever is amiss in any Ecclesiastical State or Persons, and over All to exercise all manner of jurisdictions, Privileges, and Preeminences, which by any manner of Spiritual or Ecclesiastical Power, Authority or jurisdiction, can or may lawfully be Reform, Redressed, Corrected, Restrained, or Amended. Which Right and Power being united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm, and that for ever, may be extended unto the Visiting even the Visitors themselves, (and that with an endless Visitation, and by any mean Subject commissioned under the Great Seal of England,) especially such as take upon them to Visit the Ordinaries themselves, and that within the jurisdictions which are exempt and peculiar to them, which none can Visit by Law in a Protestant Kingdom, who is not a King, or a Metropolitan.  
N. X. Now because the Dean of Sarum's Ecclesiastical Court and Jurisdiction over the Close of New Sarum and the Liberties thereof, and elsewhere in four Counties, is for ever united and annexed to the Imperial Crown of this Realm, even as firmly and as fully, as the Courts and Jurisdictions of any Bishops. (those of Sarum, Exeter, and Bristol in particular;) it concerns the Bishop of Sarum, as much as all he hath in the World is worth, not to usurp the King's Authority, nor to invade the Metropolitan's Right, by invading the Dean's; nor to attempt a New Dominion (from Pope Boniface the Ninth) without a new Act of Parliament, which none were ever yet able (in almost 600 years) to prevail with any King, or any Parliament to endure.  
N. XI. upon the whole matter, All the Premises being considered, there can be nothing more desirable, if 'tis not absolutely necessary, than that His MAJESTY now in being, will be graciously pleased with the Assistance and Advice of the Archbishop of the Province, (if His Majesty thinks fit) to make and Authenticate such a Body of Statutes for His Majesty's Free Chapel and Cathedral Church of Sarum, as King CHARLES the First, of Glorious Memory, did make and constitute for the Cathedral Church of Canterbury, with the Assistance and Advice of Archbishop Laud. The Church of Sarum having as much, if not a much greater need. For,  
The Statutes there at present are partly 
i Stat. fol. 62, 63. bought at Rome of P. Boniface the IXth, 1392. and Stat. fol. 59, 60. bought of a Pope and no Pope, Eugenius the IVth, 1442.  Popish; partly Injurious to 
k See §. 1.  the King's Prerogative and Supremacy; partly inconsistent with the 
l §. 2.  Laws of the Land, and common Honesty; partly Repugnant to one 
m §. 6, n. 3.  another, and so a snare to their Souls who are Sworn to keep them; partly impertinent and impracticable, as the state of the Church now stands; partly impossible to be observed, without a very great detriment to the Service of God, and the credit of the Choir, or else without a most grievous and most scandalous Violation of the King's Ecclesiastical Laws, to wit, the Canons of the Church. Besides that such as they, they are Tumultuary, and Immethodical, according to the different Times wherein, the different Occasions whereupon, and the different Authorities whereby they were made. 
n E. g. those of Hen. 8. Stat. fol. 72, 73, 74. which compare with fol. 12 & 13. and with that made lately, An. Dom. 1672.  Some are antiquated and grown out of use, by the Deans and Chapters ceasing to live together, as in a College, to eat and drink together upon the Common Revenue, in one common Refectory, or Hall, (as in Oxford and Cambridge those of Colleges do still,) and by converting Meat and Drink into Money, whereof all have their Proportions, and wherewith they keep their Families apart. The like Change is made in the Corporations of Vicar's Choral. All occasioned (as I suppose) by Marriage permitted to the Clergy. None of our Statutes can be obliging to any beyond the Contriver's Time, unless as made or confirmed by the Law of the Land, or the Kings of England. But our Royal Statutes, which alone are Authentic, are most despised, as hath been showed.  
N. XII. Without a Body of Authentic and Reasonable Statutes, such as may be agreeable to the Word of God, the King's Right of Prerogative, the Law of the Land, the Church of England as it is by Law Established, and our present Metropolitans Provincial Letter, Aug. 23. 1678, (the Vindication of which hath cost the present Dean great Pains and Trouble, to say no more,) it will be hard, if not impossible to break the Old Popish Custom of thrusting the most unqualified and most scandalous Singing-men, (not so much into Holy, as) unholy Orders, because unlawfully conferred, and sacrilegiously received. The mischievous consequences of which are too many and too great, within these last Twenty years, to be expressed without a Volume. Whereas our Two Universities can furnish us with men of very good Learning and Degrees, who have much better Voices and greater Skill in Music, than our Illiterate and Ungraduated Songsters. And it is but too evident, how sadly the Church is overstocked with men of Learning and Degrees: the Universities sending out yearly many more of such Men, than the Church hath Employments, (I do not say Preferments) to entertain.  
N. XIII. We need say no worse of the Composition, made on purpose to overthrow the Fundamental Charter and Statute, than what was said by Paolo Sarpi of the Concordat, purposely made by Leo the Tenth to overthrow the Pragmatic Sanction. If the Bishop of Sarum had no Jurisdiction within the Close, without, or before that Composition, why was it not Invented almost 300 years' sooner? And if he had it from the Foundation, or at any time after, before and without that Composition, to what purpose was the Invention? and why was it ever made at all? and why with a Salvo to the Dean's Right, whereof it is a Violation? And why with no Salvo to the King's Right, to which it is an Opposition? and why with a Non obstante Statuto & Charta Praedicta? These were evident Confessions, that what it sought to legitimate, was illegitimate till then, and utterly unlawful for almost 300 Years. Lastly, Why was it called a Composition, or a Compromise, a Concord made between Parties Litigant? A Superior having a clear Right of Jurisdiction, treats his Inferiors as a judge, by executing Law; not as a Party, Compounding for a Law, and a Jurisdiction, which before he had not, The very word Composition confesses Novelty, and Gild, and Usurpation; from which, according to his Oath, his bounden Duty, and Allegiance, appellat Caesarem Decanus; in imitation of St. Paul, and a Case like his, the Dean appealeth unto Caesar; and immediately after Caesar, to the Archbishop of the Province, whose Metropolitical Prerogative and Jurisdiction, as well as that of the 
o Nullus alius, praeter Regem, potest habenti jurisdictionem Episcopalem, demandare Inquisitionem. A Maxim somewhere in my Lord Coke.  King himself, the Bishop of Sarum (whilst I am writing) is Now presuming to Usurp; which I can prove he does wilfully, and against his own Light, because he knows he hath earnestly, and to my Face, disclaimed all Pretences of Jurisdiction in the Close, and cast it wholly upon Me, as on the 
p Stat. fol. 21, & fol. 86. Rog. St. de Test. Dec. insinuandis.  Ordinary of it, (and as having within it solely the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction,) when he refused perseveringly to punish a Fornication committed in his own Palace, the Correction of which I sought to cast upon his Lordship. His Lordship knows the Determination of my Lord Chancellor Hyde Earl of Clarendon, and of Archbishop Sheldon, for Dean Baily, against the then Lord Bishop of Sarum. He knows that none but the Deans Court could ever Try or Condemn any One Person within the Close, in any one Case or Cause of Ecclesiastical cognizance. He knows, 
q St. de Admissione & Residentiâ Canonicorum. cap. 2.  an Oath of Obedience to the Dean is ever Sworn, and to be Sworn, by every Prebendary or Canon at his Admission; and this according to the Statute, (not only of the King and Bishop Osmund, but) even of Bishop 
r Stat. Com. fol. 9  Roger Himself. But no such Oath unto the Bishop (throughout the whole Statute-Book) is to be taken by any Member of our Cathedral. His Lordship knows, that All are liable to the Corrections 
s Vet. Charta Osmundi ubi supra.  of the Dean within the Church, but not One unto the Bishop. Decanus omnibus Canonicis & Vicaries praeest, quoad Regimen Animarum, & Correctionem Morum. His Lordship knows, that at Morning and Evening Prayers, after the Tolling of the Bell, no 
t Fol. 12. b.  Person is to be stayed for, (ne Episcopus quidem Ipse) except the Dean. His Lordship knows, in defect of Residence, the Canons were to be Mulct or Fined 
u Fol. 13. 2.  secundum Consilium Decani, (not Episcopi,) and that by a Statute which was confirmed ('tis an Argument ad hominem) Autoritate Apostolica. His Lordship knows, that the Dean (as 
w Fol. 8. fol. 12. fol. 21. & fol. 25. b. & alibi passim.  Petrus de Subaudia) made Statutes of himself, approved of, and ratified, by the Bishop and the Chapter ex Parte Post. But never any Bishop presumed to make any Statute, without the Concurrence of Dean and Chapter. His Lordship knows, the Dean's Power 
x Vet. Regist. fol. 3. & Antiqu. St. 89. & Prancisc. D. Bridges, p. 175.  to give leave of Absence, or to deny it, without the least notice ever taken of the Bishop. His Lordship knows, or should know, that the Dean was acknowledged by Bishop 
y Stat. de M●niis Clausi reparand. p. 60.  jewel, to be Totius Collegii Pater, & Sanctae Societatis vinculum; that the Dean, (not the Bishop) has Power by Statute, to admit the Clergy of the Church of the higher and lower Degree, to Possession and Commons, 
z Reg. Bridg. 172.  suo jure, in one place, and (in another) sua sola Autoritate; and to receive 
a Ibid. pag. 175. & in Cod. Originali fol. 3. Stat. Rog. fol. 9 b. 1319.  an ounce of Gold from every Canon whom he Installs, though now 'tis dwindled into a Mark; and to challenge for Himself and his Retinue 
b St. Com. fol. 47. a. Lib. Statut. Nigr. pag. 93. , de jure & Dignitate sua, from every Prebendary or Canon, by whose Corpse he shall pass in any Journey, one days plentiful Entertainment, with a laute percipiet, & ad Libitum. Briefly, Our Statutes give more respect unto the Dean, than the Dean can desire, or look for; and such as I am loath to mention. But it 
c Pag. 89  appears by the Old Statute-Book, lent by Dean Brideoak to the present 
d Bishop Ward.  Lord Bishop, july 10. 1672, by whom it is not yet restored, as D. Brideoak left it under his hand, when he went hence to the See of Chichester. That, and Bishop Poor's Register are to this day concealed from me.  
I will Conclude with this one signal Observation, That of All the Monarches of England, who have deprived the Bishops of Sarum of many Jewels in their Mitres; not any One of them ever took any thing from the Deans, because Originally the Deans of their Royal Chapel, and Virtualiter ever since.    

AN APPENDIX TO THE PREMISES.  
Showing the Dean of Sarum's Innocence (if not his Merit) in his Services for the King, by the Lords Commissioners special Order; and in his Obedience to their Lordship's express Command; and also in his perfect Ignorance of Mr. Yeats his Address to the said great Lords with his Four Heads of Information, until the Lord Bishop and the Chapter of Sarum gave the Dean his First knowledge and notice of it. So that the Controversy, ensuing it, might possibly have been Raised by the said Bishop and his Adherents, Before it was so much as possible to have been Raised by the Dean, without his knowing any thing of it, till so informed. But seeing All men are subject to be Mistaken and Abused by men of Malice; it is the honour and the duty of All the Dean of Sarum's Friends (in the number of whom I profess myself) to convert, or to shame those Fanatical Enemies to the Government, who do pretend to suspect him, though indeed they do not, and cannot suspect him in Reality, of having dealt underhand in the Design of Mr. Yeats, or of having acted otherwise towards any the least Occasion of any Controversy or Difference with any Creature Antecedently to the Command of the Lords Commissioners, the Evidence of the contrary is so manifold and convincing. But yet they hitherto Resolve to pretend suspicion, (when they have None) whereby to justify, or excuse, their Diabolical Defamation of an innocent Man. (If yet it is a Defamation or a Crime, to prompt a Pious and Learned Person to serve his Sovereign as he is able.) The Real cause of their Malignity, being too Criminal to be owned; to wit, the Dean of Sarum's Loyalty, and Love of Truth, and Compliance with the Commands of the most Noble Lords Commissioners, who are impowered by the King to command us All. This alone is the True Ground of some men's Pretending to a Suspicion, whereby to revenge themselves on the said Dean, for having dared to be Dutiful to his Superiors. These Artificers and 
e 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Rom. 1. Cap. 30. Comm:  Inventors of Evil Things having not at all either the Grace, or even Humanity to consider, that They Themselves must have obeyed, (as illaffected as they are to Any Commissioned by the King,) had they been so commanded, as the Dean of Sarum was. But I will no longer detain the Reader (in this Preface to an Appendix) from Mr. Yeat's his own Letters, sent to several Persons of Honour, and to some others of lesser Quality, strongly asserting unto Himself the whole Design of the Four Heads, which he addressed to the Lords Commissioners; and confuting those Malignants, who out of Envy to his Performance, would have him taken (to his Disparagement) for Another man's Tool. Nothing is added to the said Letters, besides a few Deductions Thence, and some Reflections thereupon.  

An APPENDIX to the Three foregoing Chapters.  
§. 1. MR. Yeats was so unwilling, that either the Dean of Sarum, or any other of that Church, should have any share with him in the Honour or in the Blame of his Project of the Four Articles, that he writ an honest Letter to a Person of Quality in the Country, (as before to some at Court, and to the Lord Bishop himself) who permitted the Dean's Son to transcribe as much of it, as he thought would conduce to his Father's Service and Satisfaction: And 'tis as follow's.  
[I am heartily sorry that any should be so Atheistical, as still to suspect the Dean's privity to my design, after so much evidence and conviction to the contrary; and therefore to shame them, I am ready to undergo whatever Test shall be put upon me, to declare that the Dean was neither directly nor indirectly, nec per se, nec per alium, acquainted with my design, but every way as ignorant thereof, as the Child unborn; and much less abetting me therein, than the Bishop himself from whom I had indeed two Inducements, but from the Dean none, nay less than none; this being the only way I had to incur the Dean's Displeasure, but withal to procure a Favour from the Bishop, or at least from the King himself. The only offence that I Can charge myself herein to be guilty of, and for which I do, and must ever beg the Pardon of Mr. Dean, is not only that I drew up those Articles without his Privity, or Assistance, but also without his knowledge or consent, referred myself for Proof of them to Books and Papers in his Hands. Truth is, the knowledge I had of the chief things suggested by me to the Lords Commissioners, was principally from a Sheet of Reasons whereof Copies had been dispersed into several men's hands, as well of both Houses of Parliament, as private Persons, One of which Copies I have here with me, penned by the Dean about Six Years since, which Sheet was Entitled,— Certain Memoirs of things pleadable against a Bill then prepared for the taking away of all Peculiar Jurisdictions, etc. wherein among others, I found this very observable Passage.  
The Dean and 
f Note that this was an error in those Memoirs. For the Dean was Alone before the Conquest, and some while After without any Chapter, as now the Dean of the King's Chapel at White-Hall is.  Canons of Sarum had their abode before the Conquest in Old Castle called Caesar's Burg, and corruptly Sarisberg, by the Britain's, Sorbiodunum. It was at the first the King's Free Chapel, as Windsor is at this day, wherein the Dean (under the King) had more than Episcopal Jurisdiction. Vide Vetus Registr. Miscell. & Registr. Dom. Richardi Episc. Sarum.  
['Twas from this, and certain other Passages there following, (seconded by what I heard from some 
g N. B. He consulted with others, though not with the Dean.  Persons better known, as I thought, in the Affairs and Records of that Church, than I can be supposed to be,) that I thought I had reason enough humbly to tender those Four things to be inquired into by their Lordships. But for the Reverend Dean of Sarum, he had no manner of knowledge of my Design, or of my Two Inducements ●o it, nor of the Petition of the Mayor and Magistrates of Marlborough, nor of those Noble Persons who did promote it; and therefore as I have highly though undesignedly disobliged him, by acting as I did, without his Privity, and (as I found since) against his Will; so I have, and do, and ever will beg his Pardon; which whether I ever obtain, or not, I will be ever his Vindicator in the bottom of my Heart, from his having had the least share, or so much as knowledge of my Rashness and Precipitancy.  
§. II. Thus far Mr. Yeats word for word; and as truly as ever any man spoke: He offered also to confirm it in open Court upon Oath, which makes me say, that those men are unworthy, and must not expect to be believed upon their Oaths, much less upon their Words, who will not believe the Dean of Sarum, and Mr. Cornelius Yeats of Marlborough either upon their Words, or upon their Oaths. Mr. Yeats his Character is no where fitter to be seen, than in the famous Petition of the Mayor and Magistrates of Marlborough to the King, Presented by the hands of the Lord Bruce in his behalf, whose great Parts and greater Piety are celebrated by Them, (both to the King, and the Lords Commissioners,) who have the best experience and knowledge of him. And not yet to mention those Horrid and Scandalous Reports, which Mr. Yeats his bitter Enemies have laboured under, and still do labour.  
There are not any either of his, or of the Dean of Sarum's Enemies, who can prove so convincingly that they had not any hand in, or Assent to, or Connivance at, or Knowledge of the most execrable Murder of Sir Edmundbury Godfrey, (until they had it by report,) as the said Dean hath proved, and can prove, that he had no hand in, or Assent to, or Connivance at, or Knowledge of, Mr. Yeats his Project of the Four Articles, until he was informed of it by the Lord Bishop of Sarum, and by the Chapter of the same, in a Letter from Mr. from. For Sir Edm. Godfrey being dead, can attest nothing on their behalf; and they have nothing but their own Oaths whereby to clear their own Innocence, to which they have forfeited all Belief with considering men. But Mr. Yeats is still living to clear the Dean of Sarum upon his Oath, the which he offered in open Court, and will be ever ready to take, and who will ever find Belief from All who are acquainted with his unblameable Conversation, which will every where have credit, where his Enemies have None. Nor hath he, or the Dean of Sarum any Enemies they know of, who are not Enemies at the same time, both to God, and the King, and the Church of England. 'Tis the Nature of Christian Charity, not to suspect others hastily, of any ill thing which it abhors; whilst they who are wont to do Injuries, suspect others of the like. Nothing hitherto can be said to clear the Regular and Episcopal Clergy from a suspicion of being Papists, or Popishly affected, with the whole Dissenting and Schismatical Party; and they who suspected, or rather pretended to suspect the Dean of Sarum of a Plot to deprive the Bishop of a Right to give prebend's, even immediately after the Bishop had promised a Prebend to the Dean's Son, (of his own accord, and undesired, which added most of all to the Obligation,) are like those most Malicious, and Unexcusable fanatics, who pretended to suspect the King himself, not only of contriving the Fire of London, but also of being in the plot against his own Life and Kingdom. See the excellent Address to all the Freeholders and Freemen of England; part. 1. pag. 45, and 50. and part. 2. pag. 2, 3, 5, 6.  
§. 3. But now suppose the Dean of Sarum had not only permitted, but persuaded Mr. Yeats and the Magistrates of Marlborough, to apply themselves unto the King for a Prebend of Sarum, and to plead, that the Supremacy of Right to give prebend's is in the King, from whose Original Right, the Bishops Right to give them is but derivative, (and therefore only a good and undoubted Right, because derived from the Crown,) he had not abjured the doing of it, but rather had owned it with Ambition. The only Reason why he denies it, is because it is a Lie; and because he is a lover of Truth and Justice; and because he will not willingly fully the Merit of his Obedience to the very express Commands of the Lords Commissioners; who finding him averse from his being a Volunteer, were therefore pleased to press him for his Majesty's Service, wherein he had not been else employed.  
§. 4. In compliance with the said Order and peremptory Command of the Lords Commissioners, (to which no Churchman could refuse to pay Obedience,) the Dean of Sarum drew up a Narrative of Matters of Fact▪ which he had found in Old Registers; wherein he took occasion to censure Mr. Yeats, §. 9 and to assert the Lord Bishop of Sarum's Right to dispose of Dignities, Sub-Dignities and prebend's at large, §. 10. as well as the Right of the Dean singly, together with the Rights of Dean and Chapter in conjunction. And all upon the same principle or ground, on which he humbly did conceive the several Rights were all held: He did conceive, that all Rights are either Subordinate or Supreme: He thought it dangerous to assert the Subject's Rights to be Supreme, and therefore called them Subordinate: And lastly, He thought their Rights the Firmer, for being derived from, and depending on, and standing upon so sure a Bottom as the Supreme. He showed what our Monarches had done de facto in and over the Church of Sarum, which was not to reveal a Secret; for some of the Alienations of several prebend's, and one Archdeaconry, from that Church, are publicly written in Letters of Gold on the several Stalls, and exposed to the Reading of all Mankind. But whether such Alienations were, or could be de jure, the said Dean left humbly to the Consideration of his Superiors.  
What more or less could have been said to that purpose, by any of the Chapter, or by them All, or by my Lord Bishop himself, if either of them had been so commanded to speak his Knowledge, or his Sense, as the Dean of Sarum was, they themselves can best tell; but the Dean of Sarum is yet to learn.  
§. 5. One thing is fit to be considered by those Pretenders to a suspicion of Persons more credible than themselves; which suspicion 'tis thought they have not, and cannot have in good earnest, against the Evidence and Conviction they have several times met with; if at least they have Faith and Charity, and do really believe there is a God, and a Devil, and Heaven and Hell. Suppose that two of their Number shall be pretended to be suspected of two grand Crimes, the one of Simony, and the other of Incest; and that the Whispers of those Suspicions shall be disseminated and spread into public Fame. Will not those Persons be glad to be allowed to prove the Negative upon their Oaths? Will they not take it extremely ill, to get no more by their Vindication, than to have the Fame of Perjury, superadded to the suspicions both of Simony, and Incest? Will they not expostulate, si accusasse suffecerit, Quis erit Innocuus? Will they not probably break out into the Learned Diatribist's Exclamation, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉! They cannot hope to be believed upon their own single Oaths, who dare pretend not to believe honester Men upon their double ones. Besides that Simony and Incest will be accounted more scandalous, even by the Whigs in these worst of Times, than to be zealous for the King's Rights, or to obey the Lords Commissioners. And therefore, if the Inventors of silly Jealousies and Lies, shall at any time chance to suffer the heinous things which they have done, they will learn for the future to deal with their Neighbours and their Friends, as they would that their Enemies should deal with Them.  
Part of Mr. Cornelius Yeats his LETTER to a Person of Great Honour, an Eminent Officer at Court, and afterwards to another of lesser Quality; giving an Account of his Undertaking, after the Petition of the Mayor and Magistrates of Marlborough to the KING in his behalf.  
BEsides my appearing for the King's Prerogative and Right, which was a principal Motive to this so strange Attempt of mine, I had likewise two other Inducements, which I hope may in some measure take off the blame, and very tolerably account for a Procedure of this Nature.  
The One, that the Bishop of Sarum some years since voluntarily promised, and that with repeated Asseverations, (I do not say the next Prebend, but) whatever lay in his Power to do for me; though being since that time, again and again Requested by me, and by many Others, (not considerable Persons) on my behalf, at what time there were vacant prebend's many in one Year, yet he never did any thing towards the Augmentation of my Poor Maintenance: so that indeed I was weary of depending any longer upon Compliments.  
Next, I did but follow (as I was led,) the Bishops own Example; for having observed, that his Lordship applied himself to the King for a Royal Mandate, whereby to over Rule the Dean and Chapter of Sarum to Praeelect his Nephew Mr. Seth Ward into the next Place of Residence which should be void, (the only Good Thing which is in the Gift of the Dean and Chapter, when the King does not oppose his Original Right to their Derivative,) I thought I might with greater Reason apply myself (in such a way as I did, viz. by asserting the King's Original Right,) to obtain from His Majesty a Prebend at large of a lesser Value (not the only Good Thing in the Bishop's Gift, by a Derivative Right, whereof the Original is in the King,) because that Nephew had been before provided for by two Uncle-Bishops, with as much as would have served five or six Worthy men, and did not want an Augmentation; as I evidently did; nor was his Task so great, as mine is very well known to have always been; nor did his Uncle want Things in his particular Disposal, as most of my Patrons did, and do; nor had the Bishop more Right Derivative to bestow a Prebend at large, than the Dean and Chapter to bestow the Places of Residence: and his Lordships applying himself to the King for such a Canonry was (accoring to the Rules of all the Logic that I ever have been acquainted with) a Confession of his judgement, that All Promotions in the Cathedral Church of Sarum are in the King by an Original Right, though by a Derivative in the Bishop partly, and partly in the Dean and Chapter; and truly Sir, I had a fairer Opinion of his Lordship than to think he would blame that in me, which he approved of in himself: Nor did I imagine, but that a Poor Vicar might beg what he wanted of his King, as well as a Great and Rich Bishop, who wanted nothing.  
Sir, I have here freely and fully discovered the very sense and thoughts of my Heart to you, and do humbly hope, that I may from You at least obtain a merciful and candid Opinion of my Proceedings. But I am afraid I have wearied you with the unusual length of this Letter; I am sure I have wearied myself in writing it, having already preached twice this day, and being also to prepare another Sermon at a Funeral to Morrow Night, which may serve to excuse what slips may have here fallen from my Pen. I hope I shall always deport myself, as become him who is  
Your most, etc.  
Part of Mr. Yeats his Letter of Dec. 14. 1682. to the Lord Bishop of Sarum, in Vindication of the Dean.  
My Lord,  
NO Person can be more highly displeased with me, than I am with myself, for having (under the impatience of some disappointments) attempted a thing so far above my reach in that Paper delivered to the Lords Commissioners; especially since I find, that hereby I have not only provoked your Lordship, but also my Worthy Patron the Dean of Sarum, (once my Friend, but now I fear made my Enemy,) as being hereby wrongfully drawn under the most unjust Suspicion of his having been privy to my Design: when as the Truth is, (which merely to do him right I think myself bound to declare, and if your Lordship require, I will affirm it upon Oath,) He had no hand in, or knowledge of, those Informations, nor (as I verily do believe) of any my proceedings thereabout, till my Letter to him at Canterbury in Nou. last, which he answered with sharp Reproofs, and a Declaration of his Absolute Refusal to assist me in any thing, or to deliver what he might know of that matter: so that I was forced (seeing myself Summoned into your Lordship's Consistory) to use my utmost endeavours with all my Friends, to procure a peremptory Command to him from the Lords Commissioners, which I hear is now sent; but with what effect I do not as yet understand; only that it hath brought him to White-Hall. Besides, my Lord, the thing speaks itself. Articles so unskilfully penned, and with so many disadvantages to the Cause undertaken, can never be supposed to have been drawn up by his Advice, or so much as Connivance, or Permission, etc.  
This is all of that Letter wherein the Dean is concerned.   
FINIS.   

Connubium Regiae Praerogativae, cum Magnâ Chartâ Anglorum.  
AN Compositio (quae vulgo dicitur) à Papa Romano Confirmata, A D. 1392. Ecclesiae Sarum Fundamenta convellat penitus evertatque, An cum ijsdem nequaquam pugnet, Quae sequuntur perlecturis liquidò admodum Constabit.  
§. 1. Osmundi Charta in ipsa Fundatione edita, ac 
a Dugd. Mon. Angl. vol 3. pag. 378.  Sigillo Regis Willielmi communita, 
b Id. ib.  ex cujus Dono & Concessu de Dominio suo Regali tam in Ecclesiis quam in Terris, Ecclesia Cathedralis Sarum Originem duxit & Incrementum, inter caetera, Haec habet.  Dignitas 
c Lib. 〈◊〉 Eccl. Sar. fol. 86. a & b. Quicum Confer. c. 39 f. 36, 37.  est Decani, & omnium Canonicorum, ut Episcopo in nullo respondeant nisi in Capitulo, & judicio tantum Capituli pareant. Habeant etiam Curiam suam in omnibus Praebendis suis, & Dignitatem Archidiaconi ubicunque Praebendae fuerint assignatae in Parochia nostra, sive in Ecclesiis, vel Decimis, vel Terris. Ita quidem quòd Nulla omnino Exigentia, in dono vel in Assisa, aut aliqua alia Consuetudine, ab Episcopo, vel a quolibet Alio fiat in Praebendis eorum; Sed Omnes Libertates & omnes Dignitates Plenarie & Pacifice habeant, Quas Ego Osmundus Episcopus in eisdem Praebendis habui, Aut Aliquis Alius, cum eas in nostro Dominio haberemus. Quando verò aliquis constituitur Canonicus, debet coram Fratribus in Capitulo jurare, praesente Evangelio, se Dignitates & Consuetudines Ecclesiae Sarum inviolabiliter observaturum. Decanus omnibus Canonicis, & omnibus Vicarijs praeest, quoad Regimen Animarum & Correctionem Morum. Testes sunt High; Willielmus Rex Anglorum, Thomas Archiepiscopus, & Alij multi Episcopi. 
§. 2. Virtute Hujus Exemptionis Fundamentalis, à Regibus Angliae per 
d V. Dugd. ubi supra, & Lib. Stat. cap. 40. f, 38, 39, 40,  Chartas suas Confirmatae, Decanus solus cum Capitulo Statuta Authentica 
e Confer. Praes. Rogeri de Mortival, cum cap. 41, 46, 47, 48, 49, 51, 52.  Confecit, quae Episcopi deinde cum Decanis & Capitalis assistentibus conjuncti, grata & rata habuerunt. Hujus rei sunt Exemplis Richardus Poor, cum adhuc esset Decanus Sarum, A. D. 1213. Nec non Petrus de Sabaudia A. D. 1305. Episcopis tunc temporum nequaquam adhibitis in Concilium. Denique Rex Henricus Tertius in Charta sua apud 
f In Mon. Angl. vol. 3. p. 376.  Dugdallum, Translationem Ecclesiae Sarum de Castro suo Saresberiae, etc. ratam habuit, & Canonicis ejusdem Ecclesiae & hominibus suis Omnes Libertates & liberas Consuetudines quas habuerunt Temporibus Praedecessorum suorum, etc. sicut Cartae ipsorum testantur.  
§. 3. Ind est quod Decanus (non Episcopus) ab ipsis Episcopis Declaratur 
f In Mon. Angl. vol. 3. p. 376.  Immediatus Loci Ordinarius. Testamenta Decano sunt insinuanda, Bona tam in Clauso Sarum quam in Praebendis sequestrari possunt per Decanum. Admissus Canonicus per Decanum, vel per ejus Locumtenentem, 
h Cap. 1. f. 9 b.  jurabit, quod exit obediens Decano. 
g Lib. Stat. c. 23. fol. ●1.  Dominus Decanus, seu alius ab eo missus Visitationem faciet, Errata corriget,— Correctionis stimulum apponet, Dispersa recollige●, etc.— Et ad libitum ipsius, unius diei procurationem laute recipiet.  
§. 4. Jurisdictionis Decanalis in Clauso Sarum mature habita Contemplatione, Aegidius Brideport Episcopus Sarum Integerrimus (Is qui Ecclesiam Cathedralem consecravit dedicavitque) omne Jus jurisdicendi Visitandive in Clauso Sarum, Sibi Suisque Successoribus ex tote Corde Abjudicat; idem Jus Decano Sarum disertè asserit vendicatque; Visitationem Designatam ex certa Conscientia Retrectat illico, damnatque; nec non in omnem Rei memoriam, Dictus Praesul 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (ceu Cygneam Probitatis Pietatisque suae Vocem) seris Posteris infra scriptam dulcissimè canit Palinodiam. 
i Cap. 52. f. 46. a,   
☞ Universis 
h Regist. Burg. Evident. Tom. xi. fol, 79. Anno 1264.  Christi Fidelibus praesentes Literas visuris vel audituris Aegidius Dei patientia Sarum Ecclesiae Minister humilis salutem in Domino sempiternam. cum nos visita tionem faciendam in Capitulo nostro Sarum tàm in Capite quam in Membris dicimur demandasse; Ad certam & 1. plenariam deliberationem supra his revertentes; 2. Inspectis Institutis Beati Osmundi Sarum Ecclesiae Fundatoris, & 3. Libertatibus & Immunitatibus quas idem Fundator in dicta Ecclesia stabilivit; 4. Consideratis consuetuetudinibus quibus Sarum Ecclesia usque ad nostra tempora regebatur & usa fuit, tam temporibus vacationis quam Sedis Ordinatae; 5. Intellecto etiam quòd nullus Antecessorum nostrorum hujusmodi visitationen exercuerit, nec demandaverit; Nos dictum mandatum sub quocunque genere verborum factum ex certa Conscientia penitùs 1. Revocamus, & ex ulteriùs ob id quicquid sequitur 2. Pronunciamus, & 3. Decernimus non valere. 4. Protestants, & 5. Statuentes, pro nobis, & Successoribus Nostris Episcopis in Ecclesia Sarum, quantum ad nos pertinet, quod dictum Capitulum Sarum, tam in Parsonis Canonicis, Vicariis, Rebus, & Familiis ipsorum, tam in Clauso Sarum, quam in Praebendis Sarum Ecclesiae, a Visitatione Episcoporum Sarum perpetuis temporibus existunt 6. Liberi, & Immunes. Maximè cum hoc ad Decani 7. Officium & Dignitatem ipsius Statuimus pertinere. Praeterea vacantes Vicarias Praebendarum Sarum & Ordinationes ipsorum tam in taxationibus faciendis, quam in Parsonis praesentandis, admittendis, & instituendis, simul & correctiones Vicariorum Praebendarum, nec non & ipsorum Vicariorum qui in Ecclesia Cathedrali deserviunt, plene 8. & totaliter ad dictum Decanum & Capitulum 9 Recognoscimus pertinere; 10. absque omni jurisdictione & Potestate Episcoporum Sarum pro tempore existentium. 11. Salvis nobis & Successoribus nostris praesentationibus Vicariorum per Canonicos Praebendarum faciendis in Nostris duntaxat Maneriis. IN HUJUS REI fidem praesentes Literas Sigillo Nostro fecimus communiri. Dat Sarum Die Martis Proximè post Festum Sancti Michaelis Anno Domini Millesimo Ducentesimo Sexagesimo Secundo.  
Hujus Chartae Confirmatio per Decanum & Capitulum capitulariter Congregatos in haec verba sequitur.  
Omnibus Christi Fidelibus praesentes Literas inspecturis vel audituris R. Decanus & Capitulum Ecclesiae Sarum salutem in Domino. sempiternam. Cartam Venerabilis Patris Aegidij Dei gratia Sarum Episcopi inspeximus in haec verba.  
[Universis Christi Fidelibus, etc. ut suprà.] Nos igitur proescriptas Revocationes, Pronuntiationes, & Decreta, Protestationes, Recognitiones, & Statuta habentes & grata, unanimi Consensu ea duximus confirmanda. Et ad majorem rei fidem & firmitatem, Sigilli nostri communis Impressione praesens Scriptum duximus roborandum. Hiis Testibus, Domino [Roberto de 
i Exceptio firmat regulam in Non exceptis. Ibid.  Hartford] Decano Sarum. Domino R. de Hengam Cancellario. Domino R. de Warmill Thesaurario. Domino Simone Archidiacono Berks. Domino Nicolao Archidiacono Sarum. Johanne Subdecano. D. Waltero Succentore. Nicolao Longespe. D. Waltero de Merton. D. Martino de Halebury. Roberto Deswood. Rho. de Ripton. Roberto Foliat, & aliis. Dat. Sarum die Mercurii prox. post Festum S. Michaelis A. D. 1262.  
§. 5. Porrò in Registro vocato Hemings by conceptis verbis sic Scriptum legimus. Huc usque visum non extitit, quod Alius quam Decanus Sarum offlcium Visitationis exercuit in Praebendarios, fol. 77. Constabat enim ex Statuto Richardi Poor, quod 
k Lib. Stat. cap. 41. fol. 41. A. D. 1222.  quandocunque facienda fuerit generalis Convocatio Canonicorum, tradet Decanus Literas Vicariis Canonicorum Vocandorum, & injungent iis in Virtute obedientiae, quod Dominis suis transmittant ad Praebendas, a quibus Sumptus propter hoc faciendos percipiant. Neque aliter hoc fiebat, quam per Mandatum Dccani, 1355. in Registro Corf. p. 111. & in Coman. p. 73. A. D. 1387. & in Pountney p. 29, 30. A. D. 1413.  
§. 6. Notatu dignissima est 
l Regist. D. Davyson, fol. 13.  Querela Archiepiscopo Cant. oblata contra Radulphum Ergham Episcopum Sarum Visitatorem Praebendas Decanatu Vacante circa An. 1375. 
A. D. 1346,   

Ex parte Praesidentis & Capituli.  
Infra Castrum Domini Regis, & in ipsius solo, (nullatenus Episcopi Sarum,) primitùs extitit fundata Ecclesia, ut Libera Capella, ejus, ab omni Iurisdictione Dioecesani Exempta; plena Libertate, more Aliarum Regiarum Capellarum Angliae, gauderet. Quam Beatus Osmundus, tunc Sarum Episcopus, Consensu Willielmi Regis Patroni praedicti tunc praesentis, solenniter de certis Praebendis fundavit, ac Canonicas Dignitates & officia Primus constituit in eadem. Ac per sua Statuta in ipsa Fundatione edita, de consensu ejusdem Regis Ecclesiae Patroni, tam Deeanum quam Canonicos Sarum Omnes & ab omni Iurisdictione Episcopi Sarum Exemit Totaliter in haecverba. [Dignitas est Decani & omnium Canonicorum, ut Episcopo in Nullo respondeant, etc. ut suprà §. 1. p. 1.]— ac omnes Libertates & Dignitates, quas Idem Osmundus in dictis Praebendis habuit. Item translata est Ecclesia à dicta Castro per Rlchardum Episcopum de Consensu & Licentia Regis Angliae Patroni ejusdem cum omnibus suis Dignitatibus, Libertatibus, Statutis, Exemptionibus, & Consuetudinibus, Autoritate Apostolica.— Ad dictas etiam Ordinationes, Consuetudines, Libertates, ac Dignitates fideliter tenendas, & inviolabiliter observandas, Episcopi, Decani, & Canonici Sarum Praebendarii, qui pro tempore fuerunt & sunt, eorum temporibus Successivis, omnes & singuli Juramentis Corporalibus ad Sancta Evangelia praestitis, realiter fuerunt & sunt astricti. Verum quòd (Reverendissime Pater) post & contra omnia praemissa, Reverendus in Christo Pater & Dominus Radulphus Dei gratia Sarum Episcopus sciens se ad praemissa omnia & singula sui juramenti Debito observanda, ut praedicitur, obligatum fore & esse, Praebendas nostras nonnullas de facto, cum de Fundationis Statutis & Consuetudinibus praetactis non deberet, Visitavit, & pet alios Visitare fecit, & mandavit, & à quibusdam Canonicis & Vicariis Canonicorum in Praebendis, Decanatu Sarum Vacante, asserens eos Subditos suos immediatos, cum non erant, neque sunt, obedientiam juratoriam extorsit injuste, & Nonnulla alia Gravamina circa Praemissa dicto Capitulo & Praebendariis, Decanatu hujusmodi vacante, intulit, & inferre minatur. Placeat igitur eidem Paternitati vestrae, intuitu Charitatis, taliter interponere partes vestras, ut dictus Dominus Episcopus Sarum omnia praemissa illicite attemptata, & praecipue Visitationem, sic ut praemittitur, Decanatu vacante, de facto inchoatam, pro salute Animae suae revocet, & praefatum Capitulum & Praebendarios omnes & Singulos, commodo Fundationis & Liberatatem Statutorum & Consuetudinum praehabitarum liberè gaudere, & in solidum exercere, quoad omnia praemissia, et in pace permittat in futurum.  
Post hanc factam Apellationem & Querelam, Ita praefatus Archiepiscopus (Simon Sudbury) partes suas interposuit, ut Radulpho Episcopo Visitatione attemptata interdixerit; & deinceps Ecclesia Sarum usque ad Tempora atque Tyrannidem Bonifacii Noni 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Beneficio Fundationis gavisa sit.  
§. 7. Pari modo Provisum fuerat à Reverendissimo Bonifacio Archiepiscopo Cantuariensi (ex Nobilissima nascendi Prosapia oriundo) de Libertatibus Decani & Canonicorum Ecclesiae Sarum. 
n Lib. Stat Eccles. Sar. cap. 55. De Ordinatione Bonifac. Archi●p. Cant. p. 50. b. 51. a.  Maxime quantum ad Ltbertates, Instituta, & Statuta, quae Beatus Osmundus & Successores sui in eadem Ecclesia statuerunt & concesserunt. jurabit etiam [Officialis Archiepiscopi] coram Canonicis in Civitate Sarum praesentibus, quod Libertates & Consuetudines Ecclesiae Sarum pro posse suo in omnibus officium suum & jurisdictionem suam tangentibus servabit Illaesas, & quod fidelis erit Ecclesiae Sarum, & in executione jurisdictionis fideliter se habebit, ut superius est expressum. Acta est autem Ordinatio verè Metropolitana A. D. 1362. praesentibus Waltero Dei gratia Wigorn. Episcopo. Thoma de Cantelupo D. Decano. D. Cancellario & Thesaurario Sarum. Waltero Scamell, Galfrido de Mileburn Canonicis Sarum, & post Alios Complures Testes; in plenius rei testimonium & munimen, praesenti Instrumento in modum Chirographi Confecto Sigilla nostra alternatim apposuimus. Et ut praesens Compositio firmior habeatur, Prior & Capitulum Cant ' ipsam expresso ratificantes consensu, presens Instrumentum Sigilli sui munimine roborarunt.  
§. 8. Neque aliter Res stetit dum Cardinalis 
o Regist. Hemingsby p. 42, 43.  Raimundus Decanus Sarum audiebat, & Cardinalis Arnoldus ejusdem Ecclesiae Thesaurarius. Uterque A. D. 1330. His horumque Successoribus salvae semper & integrae Libertates praedictae permanserunt. Tandem vero Compositio 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, non in alium duntaxat sensum, verum etiam in Contrarium confecta est, Quam 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (proh dolor!) vocare licet. Ind enim videtur ingens Malorum Ilias effluxisse. Ind Regum Decreta contemptim habita. Ind Osmundi nec Institutio, nec Execratio aut cordi aut Curae est. Ind Statuta (nomine tenus) sibi invicem adversantia, ab Episcopis, Decanis, & Capitulis Sarum emanarunt. Spretis Legibus Anglicanis jam 
p Praesertim 16 Rich. 2. c. 5. A. D. 1392.  tum latis fixisque; & in super habita Magna Charta, ut ut per Acta Parliamentorum (Triginta ad minimum) corroborata, Ipsa praefatas Immunitates ab Osmundo fundatas 
q Vide Stat. 25 Ed. 1. cap. 4.  sub ultima poena corroborante.  
§. 9 Summatim dico. Quod Episcopo Aegidio ejusque Antecessoribus nequaquam licuit per juramentum, per statutum Fundationis, per Consuetudinem Ecclesiae, per Magnam Chartam totius Angliae Compluribus Actis Parliamentorum Confirmatam; Qui fieri potest, ut ejusdem Aegidii Successoribus (non obstantibus Praemissis) Id ipsum liceat? Quaecunque dedit, dedit 
s Lib. St. C. 39 f. 36.  Libere Osmundus, Ita nimirum prout Ipse eadem obtinuerat a Domino Rege Willielmo. Concessitque Libertates quas 
t Ibid. fol. 86.  Ipse habuit in Praebendis, cum adhuc in suo Domino essent. Et Coronidis loco edixit— 
u c. 39 f. 37.  Quisquis haec pervertere voluerit, perpetuo Anathematizetur.  
Quod Anathema reformidas Episcopus Sarum johannes 
w Regist. Holt. fol. 76.  Iewel, existimavit statuitque, non tantummodo consensu, sed et rogatu suorum Fratrum, (ab eodem Anathemate sibi pariter metuentium) ☞ Veterem Constitutionem Antecessoris sui Osmundi in integrum esse Restituendam.  
§. 10. Praemissis 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 hoc unum addo;  
Quòd sicut Papa Honorius Tertius non approbavit Translationem Ecclesiae Sarum de Castro Regis ad locum Inferiorem, nisi clausula hac addita Apostolicis Literis inserta, 
x Regist. Davyson f. 13.  [Salvis ipsius Ecclesiae Sarum Privilegiis, Dignitatibus, & Consuetudinibus,] Ita Bonifacius Nonus non omnino confirmavit ipsam Compositionem toties à nobis decantatam, nisi solenniter interposita hac notabili Cautione & Conditione insignissima, 
y Lib. Stat. cap. 63. fol 68  [VISITATIONE & jurisdictione Decanali in 1. OMNIBUS & per 2. OMNIA, Decano & Successoribus suis 3. SEMPER salvis.] Si in omnibus, tum in Clauso, cujus Decanus est Ordinarius in confesso. Si per omnia. tum per Ecclesiam, quae pars est Clausi Eminentissima. Denique si Semper, tum in quolibet Septennio, & de septennio in septennium, sed non Duntaxat.  
Hinc aut probatur Decanum eximi ab omni Visitatione Episcopali in Ecclesia & Clauso, aperta vi & virtute Ipsius Compositionis, aut ipsam Compositionem Sibi ipsi repugnare; contra se ipsam militare; gravissime propriis perire Pennis; & si Homerico Hemestichio hic uti liceat, — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉—  
§. 11. In the Statute of 25 Edw. 1. A. D. 1296▪ in Confirmation of Magna Charta 
z Compare the Statute of 16 Rich. II. c. 5. A. D. 1392. with 25 Edw. I. A D. 1296. aud both with the Composition which made against both, 1392.  All things done and Judgements given contrary to the Points of the said Charter, shall be undone, and holden for nought. Cap. 2. The said Charter is to be sent under the King's Seal to Cathedral Churches throughout the Realm, there to remain, and is to be read before the People two times by the Year. Cap. 3. (with which compare Coke Inst. 2. Parag. 527.) All Archbishops and Bishops shall pronounce the Sentence of Excommunication against all Those that by Word, Deed, or Counsel, do contrary to the aforesaid Charter, or in any Point break or undo it. And the said Curses twice a year are to be Denounced and Published by the Prelates aforesaid. And if the same Prelates, or any of them, be remiss in the Denunciation of the said Sentences, the Archbishops of Canterbury and York for the Time being, shall compel and distrain them to the Execution of their Duties in Form aforesaid, Cap. 4.   

This is over and above the Curse of Osmund.  
§. 12. In the Statute of 16 Rich. 2. Cap. 5. The Pope's Assume then in England are said to have a Tendency to the open Disherison of the Crown, and Destruction of our Lord the King, his Law, and all his Realm, if Remedy be not provided. For want of which Remedy then made, 'tis there added, that) the Laws and Statutes of the Realm would be avoided at the Pope's Will, in perpetual Destruction of the Sovereignty of the King our Lord, his Crown, his Regality, and of All his Realm, which God defend. This repeated Assertion of the Then House of Commons (§. 1.) was assented to, and repeated twice by the Then House of Lord (§. 2.), and All in Reference to Pope Boniface the 9th, who then presumed to intermeddle in the Cathedral Church of Sarum, and took upon him to Authorise the Composition there made, even the very same Year wherein the said Statute was made against him. Unto which Papal Authorization King Richard II. did either consent, or he did not. If he did not, the Pope helyed him: If he did, he therein acted to the open Disherison of his Crown, and contributed too much to his Deposition.   


1 This was prefixed in Writing to this Piece by some one of its former Readers.  The Sum and Upshot of the Difference between the Bishop and Dean of Sarum, is briefly This, if there is Any.  
THE Dean is of Opinion, That the King and the Bishop have both a Right to give prebend's, with this Distinction.  
The King's Right to give them is Original and Supreme; the Bishop's Right to give them is Derivative and Subordinate.  
Of this Distinction his Lordship does, or does not allow. If he does, his Lordship is of the Dean's Mind, and the Difference is at an End: If he does not, the Dean wonders at it; and the more, because the Greatest of Lawyers, and the Greatest of Divines, do all agree in the said Distinction.  
Which is proved in the First Chapter of the Dean's Vindication of the King's Sovereign Rights. And all besides that, may stand or fall with that Distinction; or be as if it had never been.    

AN INDEX To this BOOK.  

AAron, Page 304  
Abbendone, Edmund de, Page 291  
Abendon, Richard de, Page 331  
— William de, Page 285, 326  
Abingdon, John de, Page 311  
— William de, Page 298  
Abney, John, Page 244  
Abbot, Robert, Page 276  
Abraham, Page 291  
Abyndon, John de, Page 327  
Adam, Page 288, 304  
Addison, Lancelot, Page 332  
Adelelmus, Page 304  
Aermyn, Richard de, Page 289  
Aiscough, William, Page 274  
Akkeburne, Laurence de, Page 273  
St. Albano, Elias de, Page 289  
Alchmund, Page 270  
Alcock, John, Page 310  
Alchorn, Edward, Page 236  
Aldhelm, Page 269  
Alexander, Page 294  
Alfar, Page 271  
Alfius, Page 270  
Allfftan, Page 271  
Alfred, Page 270  
Alfrick, Page 271  
Alfwold, Page 270  
Allix, Peter, Page 294  
Alleston, Robert de, Page 301  
Alnewyke, William, Page 294  
Albert, Joseph, Page 138  
Andrews, Nicholas, Page 328  
Andrew, Ric. Page 296, 321  
Arch, Richard, Page 293  
Arena, Andreas Ammonius de, Page 322  
Arundel, Francis, Page 258  
... John, Page 312, 314  
Ashley, Anne, Page 57  
... Francis, Page ibid.  
... Gabriel, Page ibid.  
... Gertrude, Page 54  
... Margaret, Page 55, 58  
Asser, .... Page 270  
Atwater, William, Page 281  
Atwood, Thomas, Page 186  
Aubrey, Thomas, Page 332  
St. Aubyn, Anne, Page 213  
Audley, Edmund, Page 274  
... Richard, Page 287  
... Robert, Page 303  
Axford, John, Page 203  
... Margery, Page 203  
... Marry, Page 203, 204  
Ayleston, Robert, Page 298, 316, 330  
Ayscough, Robert, Page 305, 318, 319  
... William, Page ibid.   

B.  
BAber, Benjamin, Page 245  
... Elizabeth, Page ibid.  
Babyngton, Henry, Page 329  
Backs, Peter, Page 223, 224  
Bailul, Josceline de, Page 272  
Bainbridge, Christopher, Page 317, 324, 327  
Balgay, Nicholas, Page 307, 333  
Baldock, Robert de, Page 298  
Baldwin, ... Page 288  
Banqueto, William Raymond, Page 314  
Barbo, Peter, Page 296  
Bardus, Adrian de Page 327  
Barford, Tho. Page 151  
Barkesdale, William, Page 324  
Barlow, William, Page 297  
Barnaby, Jeremy, Page 333  
... John, Page 315  
Barn, John, Page 299  
Barnes, Bartholomew, Page 210  
... Hesther, Page 191  
... Robert, Page 332  
Barnston, J. Page 91  
... Marry Page 90  
Basin, Richard's Page 322  
Bassingborne, Humphrey de, Page 294  
Bates, Roger, Page 329  
Bath, Abbey Church of, Page 162  
... Library, Page 199, 200  
Bave, Hesther, Page 196  
... John, Page 202  
Bauf, Samuel, Page 194, 195  
Bailiff, Richard, Page 282, 283  
Beach, Edmund de la, Page 301  
Beard, William, Page 206  
Beauchamp, Richard, Page 274  
Beaufort, Henry, Page 326  
Beaumond, Robert, Page 314  
Beck, Thomas de, Page 304  
Belingham, Edmund, Page 311  
... John, Page 201  
Bello, Richard de, Page 301  
Bellomont, Lewis de, Page 291  
Bellot, Renatus, Page 227  
... Thomas, Page 217  
Bennet, Patience, Page 46  
.... William, Page 305  
.... Walter, Page 287, 300  
.... William, Page 305  
Bear, John de la, Page 327  
Berghes, William de, Page 305  
Bertrard, .... Page 305  
Bevile, Elizabeth, Page 227  
Bicovil, William, Page 321  
Bigge, John, Page 206  
Billesdon, Nicholas, Page 280  
Bilson, Leonard, Page 339  
Bingham, Robert de, Page 272  
Bird, Elizabeth, Page 58  
Birkhead, Daniel, Page 314  
Bisse, Robert, Page 317  
Bishopston, Henry de, Page 279  
Blackborow, Frances, Page 24  
Blanchard, James, Page 183, 185  
Blithe, Daniel, Page 328  
Bluntesdon, Henry, Page 304, 305  
.... Robert, Page 306  
Blythe, Godfrey, Page 292, 296  
.... John, Page 110, 274  
Bocton, Thomas de, Page 307  
Bone, Robert, Page 329  
Bosco, William de, Page 288  
Boteler, Thomas, Page 312  
Bottiler, Thomas, Page 295  
Bourchier, James, Page 337  
.... Thomas, Page 337  
Bowls, John, Page 282  
Bower, Robert, Page 330  
Bowsheld, Thomas, Page 324  
Boxall, John, Page 322  
Boxton, Thomas de, Page 331  
Boy, Bishop of the Choristers, Page 70, 71, 72, 73, etc.  
Bradbridge, Augustin, Page 322  
.... William, Page 281, 329  
Brandeston, Henry de, Page 273, 279, 304  
Braybrooke, Robert, Page 280  
Bremsgrove, John, Page 314  
Brent, Thomas, Page 27  
Brereworth, Stephen, Page 302  
Bretton, Thomas, Page 151  
Brewer, Lydia, Page 57  
.... Thomas, Page 209, 250  
Brideoake, Ralph, Page 284  
Bridges, John, Page 282  
Bridport, Giles de, Page 272, 301  
.... Simon, Page 301, 304  
Brightwell, Ralph de, Page 285  
Brither, Henry, Page 309  
Brithrick, .... Page 270  
Brithwin, .... Page ibid.  
Brithwold, .... Page 271  
Bromwich, James, Page 296, 327  
Browne, Thomas, Page 280, 302  
Brygon, William, Page 321  
Bubbewith, Nicholas, Page 274, 315, 318  
.... Thomas, Page 316  
Buckingham, William de, Page 334  
Buckno, William, Page 297  
Budden, John, Page 337  
Burbach, Thomas, Page 314  
Burbank, William, Page 324  
Burchet, Thomasina, Page 215  
Burd, William, Page 211  
Burdon, Walter, Page 326  
Burnell, William, Page ibid.  
Burnet, Gilbert, Page 277  
Burton, John de, Page 285  
Burton, John, Page 326  
Burwardescot, Roger de, Page 298  
Bury, Richard de, Page 314  
Bush, Anne, Page 268  
.... John, Page ibid.  
.... Judith, Page 181  
bushel, Agatha, Page 266  
.... Edward, Page 262, 266  
.... John, Page 267  
.... Susan, Page 266  
.... Tobias, Page 262   

C.  
Camden, William, Page 328  
Campegius, Laurence, Page 275  
Capella, Stephen de, Page 295  
Carew, George, Page 287, 328, 332  
Carne, Berkeley, Page 235  
.... Marry, Page ibid.  
Carpenter, Henry, Page 342  
Carr, Edward, Page 218  
Carse, John, Page 313  
Carsidony, Anthony, Page 332  
Cartwright, William, Page 309  
Case, John, Page 311  
Cassineto, William Ruffatus de, Page 279  
Castle, John, Page 302, 318  
Castleton, Philip, Page 258  
Caunton, Richard, Page 296  
Cergeaux, Michael, Page 305  
Chabaum, Thomas de, Page 306  
Chadderton, Edmund, Page 296  
Chaddleshount, William de, Page 298  
Chambers, John, Page 320, 333, 338  
Chambre, John de la, Page 285  
Chapman, Anne, Page 263  
.... George, Page 264  
.... John, Page 258  
.... Peter, Page 264  
.... Richard, Page 265  
.... Robert, Page 261  
.... Susannah, Page ibid.  
.... William, Page 262, 263  
Chapel, John, Page 320  
Chaundeler, John, Page 274, 280, 292  
Chandler, Richard, Page 297, 329  
Chedworth, John, Page 299, 312, 326, 333, 343  
Cheston, Stephen, Page 313  
Cheyne, Edward, Page 281  
Chichele, Henry, Page 289, 294, 305, 312  
Chichester, John, Page 214  
.... Robert, Page 278  
Chickwell, Robert, Page 329  
Child, William, Page 264  
Childrey, Joshuah, Page 297, 342  
Chillingworth, William, Page 290  
Chittern, John, Page 295, 299, 326  
Clerk, Roger, Page 316  
Clayton, Richard, Page 110  
Clement, Vincent, Page 299  
Clerk, Thomas, Page 343  
Cleyton, Richard, Page 332  
Cloterbooke, Giles, Page 135  
.... Rachel, Page 136  
Clown, Richard de, Page 295  
Clungeon, Elizabeth, Page 69  
Cobham, Thomas, Page. 306  
Cockerell, Edmund, Page. 307  
Codeford, Philip, Page. 285  
.... John de, Page. 299  
.... Ralph de, Page. 334  
Coldwell, Thomas, Page. 307  
Cole, Henry, Page. 343  
.... Thomas, Page. 281  
Coals, Dolly, Page. 66  
.... Dorothy, Page. ibid.  
.... Margaret, Page. 65  
.... William, Page. ibid.  
Collibee, Edward, Page. 203  
Collins, Susannah Maria, Page. 91  
Colman, Anne, Page. 30  
.... Edward, Page. 32  
.... Elleonora, Page. 39  
.... Frederick Page. ibid.  
Coleshull, William de, Page. 335  
Colet, John, Page. 321  
Combs, Sarah, Page. 228  
Cook, Mary, Page. 29  
Cooth, John, Page. 325  
Corbet, Richard, Page. 315  
Corner, William de, Page. 273  
Coryndon, John, Page. 310  
Cotterell, John, Page. 306, 322  
Cottington, Dorothy, Page. 251  
Cotton, Henry, Page. 276, 287, 317, 322, 326  
Coveney, Thomas, Page. 329  
Coverham, Abraham, Page. 323  
Court, Mary à, Page. 186  
Courtney, Peter, Page. 299, 318, 333  
Cranfeild, Edward, Page. 262  
Craven, Sir Robert, Page. 216  
Crawley, Thomas, Page. 325  
Crayford, John, Page. 290, 303, 311, 318  
Creed, William, Page. 300, 329  
Creting, William, Page. 320  
Crew, Philip, Page. 157  
Crofts, Herbert, Page. 332  
Crull, Robert, Page. 324  
Crump, Thomas, Page. 309, 324  
Culpepper, Martin, Page. 303  
Curll, Walter, Page. 329  
courteous, John, Page. 313  
Cusacke, Robert, Page. 244   

D.  
DAniel, Nicholas, Page. 326  
Davenant, Edward, Page. 125, 303, 319, 328  
... John, Page. 126, 276, 293  
Davison, John, Page. 315  
Dauntsey, Dr. John, Page. 257  
Davie, Henry, Page. 206  
Davyson, John, Page. 281  
Deane, Henry, Page. 274  
Deel, Francis, Page. 290  
Denefrith, .... Page. 269  
Denys, Anthony, Page. 342  
Derby, John, Page. 311  
Dilworth, Thomas, Page. 307, 322  
Dogett, John, Page. 289  
Domerham, Nicholas, Page. 318  
Dove, Francis, Page. 158  
Douglass, Anne, Page. 219  
.... Charles' Page. ibid.  
Dowke, John, Page. 336  
D'Oyly, Edmund, Page. 206  
Drake, John, Page. 61  
.... Margaret, Page. 61  
.... Richard, Page. 60, 62, 291, 311  
Drokensford, John de, Page. 320  
Druce, Alice, Page. 202  
.... Richard, Page. ibid.  
Duck, John. Page. 296  
Dudley, Richard, Page. 331  
.... William, Page. 343  
Duke, James, Page. 64  
.... Marry, Page. 63  
Duppa, Bryan, Page. 276, 290  
durel, John, Page. 311  
Dyer, Elizabeth, Page. 138  
.... Genevera, Page. 137   

E.  
EAlshstan, .... Page. 270  
Earl, John, Page. 277, 291  
Eboraco, Radulphus de, Page. 288, 307  
Eborard, ... Page. 294  
St. EDMUNDS, Church in SALISBURY, Page. 141  
Edmunds, John, Page. 290  
Eedes, Richard, Page. 342  
Effington, Thomas, Page. 310  
Elmar, .... Page. 270  
Elwold, ... Page. ibid.  
Ely, Thomas, Page. 332  
Elyon, William, Page. 316  
Elyot, Robert, Page. 307  
Ellyott, William, Page. 289  
Embleburne, Thomas, Page. 306  
Emwell, John, Page. 287  
Ergham, Ralph de, Page. 305  
Erghum, Ralph, Page. 273  
Ernele, Walter, Page. 253  
Estmond, John, Page. 331  
Ethelbald, ... Page. 270  
Etheleage, ... Page. ibid.  
Ethelnold, ... Page. 269  
Ethelricke, .... Page. 270  
Ethelsius, .... Page. ibid.  
Ethelstane, .... Page. 271  
Ethelward, ... Page. 270  
Evans, Anne, Page. 247  
.... Lewis, Page. 340  
Eustachius, .... Page. 278  
Ewer, William, Page. 296  
Eyre, Sir William, Page. 93  
Eyton, James, Page. 230   

F.  
Fargiss, Betrand de Page. 279  
Farley, William Page. 327  
Farmer, Edward Page. 290  
Feak, John Page. 154  
Ferdinandus, Gondesalvus Page. 322  
Finch, Anne Page. 221, 222  
... Edward Page. 300, 318, 322  
Fi●er, Samuel Page. 309  
Flower, Alice Page. 146  
.... George Page. 145  
.... John Page. 146  
Fodering, William de Page. 335  
Foliot, Hugh Page. 294  
Ford, Jane, Page. 191  
.... John, Page. Ibid.  
Fordhere, .... Page. 269  
Fotherbie, Martin, Page. 276  
Fountney, John, Page. 333  
Fox, Edward, Page. 305  
..... John, Page. 335, 336  
.... Richard, Page. 315, 324  
Frampton, Mary, Page. 248, 249  
... Robert, Page. 339  
Frank, Thomas, Page. 286  
Freke, Edmund, Page. 281  
from, Jane, Page. 61  
Frowde, Sir Philip, Page. 245, 246  
Fullborne, William, Page. 315  
Fuller, John, Page. 319  
.... Nicholas Page. 340  
.... Thomas Page. 327, 332   

G  
GAndavo, Iswyn de, Page. 285, 298  
.... Simon de, Page. 273  
Ganstead, Simon, Page. 299  
Gandy, John, Page. 339  
Garbrand, John, Page. 319, 331, 344  
Gardiner, Dorothy, Page. 115  
... Francisca, Page. Ibid.  
... James, Page. 338  
... Margaret, Page. 117  
... Thomas, Page. Ibid.  
Garrard, Edward, Page. 116  
.... Elizabeth, Page. Ibid.  
.... Florentia, Page. 116  
Geddes, Michael, Page. 291  
Geldewin, Savaricus Fitz, Page. Ibid.  
Geoffrey, William, Page. 290  
Geoffry, .... Page. 294, 301  
Geraldus, Page. 285  
Geste, Edmund, Page. 97  
Gheaste Edmund, Page. 275  
Gibbes, Walter Page. 254  
Gilberd, Robert, Page. 286  
Giliis, Silas de, Page. 319  
Gilbert, Robert, Page. 318  
Glanvill, Joseph, Page. 247  
Glass, Elizabeth, Page. 228  
.... William, Page. ibid.  
Glover, Thomas, Page. 134  
Glynn, William, Page. 292  
Godfrey, Charles, Page. 180, 218  
Godewyke, John, Page. 316  
Goldwell, James, Page. 280  
.... John Page. 276  
.... Nicholas Page. 336  
Good, Henry, Page. 135, 342  
.... Margaret Page. 135  
.... Marmaduke Page. 332  
.... Thomas Page. 134  
Goodwin, William, Page. 337  
Gordon, John, Page. 99, 107, 282  
Gorges, Sir Thomas, Page. 83  
.... Thomas Page. 342  
Goth, Reymund de la, Page. 279  
Grace, John de la, Page. 330  
Grece, Roger de la, Page. 298  
Greensil, Edward, Page. 233  
Gregor, Thomasina, Page. 226  
Gregory, John, Page. 70, 341  
Gresley, Henry, Page. 64  
Grey, William, Page. 303, 327  
Grosthead, Robert, Page. 298  
Groves, William, Page. 323  
Gunterius, ... Page. 294  
Gunthorp, John, Page. 310, 316  
Gurganny, John, Page. 341  
Gwynn, Thomas, Page. 287  
Gyare, Elizabeth, Page. 187, 188 189   

H.  
HAckluyt, Giles, Page. 307  
Hadsy, Gracia, Page. 153  
.... John, Page. 152  
Hakeney, John de, Page. 321, 322  
Hales, Christopher, Page. 342  
halum, Robert, Page. 274, 316  
Hamilton, William, Page. 227  
Hanborough, Henry Page. 286  
Harburgh, Henry, Page. 292, 318  
Harda, Henry de, Page. 335  
Harding, Thomas, Page. 293  
Hardwick, Charles Littleton, Page. 48  
.... Edward, Page. 99, 338  
Harewell, Robert, Page. 316  
Harris, Catherine, Page. 52  
.... Dorothy Page. 53  
.... Gertrude, Page. ibid.  
.... James, Page. 56  
.... Thomas. Page. 54  
Harrison, William, Page. 233  
Harwell, John, Page. 301  
Harvey, Catherine, Page. 24  
.... Edward, Page. 25  
Hawkins, George, Page. 114  
Hawkyns, Robert, Page. 341  
.... Thomas, Page. 287  
Hawles, Anne, Page. 44  
.... Anthony Page. 317  
.... Elizabeth Page. 42  
.... Frances, Page. 49  
.... Thomas, Page. 42  
Hawthorne, Adrian, Page. 340  
Hay, Robert, Page. 42  
Hayman, Richard, Page. 315  
Hayward, Elizabeth, Page. 241  
.... Henry, Page. ibid.  
.... Robert, Page. ibid.  
.... Samuel, Page. ibid.,  
Hearst, Edward, Page. 50  
.... Elizabeth, Page. 52  
.... Margaret, Page. 51  
.... Marry, Page. ibid.  
.... Robert, Page. 52  
.... Sarah, Page. 51  
.... William, Page. 50  
Heath, John, Page. 208  
.... William, Page. ibid.  
Hedges, Henry, Page. 103  
Hernerford, William Page. 337  
Henchman, Eleonora, Page. 150  
..... Humphrey, Page. 277, 287, 325, 339, 344  
.... Thomas, Page. 300, 332, 337  
Hennage, George, Page. 213, 318  
Henry, Walter, Page. 295  
Henry, ..... Page. 278, 284  
Herbert, .... Page. 304  
Herbert, The Dormitory, of the Family of the Earls of Pembroke. Page. 107  
Herford, Robert, Page. 288  
Herman .... Page. 271  
Hertford, Edward Earl of, Page. 86, 87, 88  
... Richard, Page. 89  
.... Thomas, Page. 90  
Hertford, Robert de, Page. 279  
Hernewald, ... Page. 269  
Herny, Walter, Page. 314  
Heron, Anne, Page. 267  
Heskins, Thomas, Page. 290  
Hethcott, Ralph, Page. 327  
Hethe, John, Page. 315  
Heytham, Kalph de Page. 288  
Hicks, Anne, Page. 225  
.... Walter, Page. ibid.  
.... William, Page. 339  
Hilley, Richard, Page. 292  
Hill, Adam, Page. 287, 309, 325  
.... Gartrudis, Page. 152  
.... Martial, Page. 148, 149, 150  
.... Richard, Page. 314  
.... Thomas, Page. 317  
........ Page. 26  
Hinton, John, Page. 340  
.... William, Page. 43  
Hispania, James de, Page. 329  
Hobart, Henry, Page. 219  
Hobbes, William, Page. 315  
Hobbs, Anne, Page. 266  
.... Emanuel, Page. 265  
Hody, John, Page. 305  
Holes, Andrew, Page. 289  
Holland, John, Page. 295  
.... Thomas, Page. 341  
Holles, Thomas, Page. 316  
Hollinsworth, John, Page. 218  
Holmes, Rebecca, Page. 100  
.... Richard, Page. 315  
.... William, Page. 101  
Holt, Catherine, Page. 49  
.... John, Page. ibid.  
Hooker, Richard, Page. 307, 334  
Horton, Francis, Page. 311, 313  
Hoskyn, Charles, Page. 183  
.... Lydia, Page. ibid.  
Hottest, Thomas de, Page. 305  
Hotman, John, Page. 328  
Houghton, Edward, Page. 46  
.... John, Page. 325  
Hubert, ..... Page. 284  
Hulling, John, Page. 307  
Hulton, Ralph, Page. 311  
Humbald, .... Page. 294  
Humphrey, ... Page. 294, 298, 304  
Hungerford, Sir Giles, Page. 159  
..... Margaret, Page. 60  
Hunt, Durantius, Page. 70  
.... Edith, Page. 137  
.... Thomas, Page. 136  
Hutchins, Edward, Page. 319  
Hyde, Alexander, Page. 31, 277, 307, 325  
.... Barbara, Page. 37  
.... Catherine, Page. 36  
.... Edward, Page. 35  
.... Elizabeth, Page. 30, 33  
.... Henry, Page. 34, 35  
.... Laurence, Page. 37  
.... Richard, Page. 307, 340  
.... Robert, Page. 37, 38  
.... Thomas, Page. 288, 328, 338, 339, 343   

I.  
JAmes, Charles, Page. 235  
... John, Page. 307  
.... Thomas, Page. 293  
Iden, Henry, Page. 328  
Jecock, Samuel, Page. 66  
Jewel, John. Page. 275, 319  
Joceline, Reginal Fitz, Page. 294, 298  
John, .... Page. 288, 291, 306  
Johnson, Benjamin, Page. 317  
Johnston, Father, Page. 224  
Jordan, .... Page. 278, 291, 294  
joiner, Robert, Page. 309  
Ivelcestre, Adam, de, Page. 279  
Ivy, Sir George, Page. 179  
.... Susannah, Page. ibid.  
.... William, Page. 289   

K  
KEeling, Jane, Page. 151  
Keigwin, James, Page. 190  
Kelsey, Joseph, Page. 118, 297  
Kenion, Thomas, Page. 235  
Kent, Elizabeth, Page. 52  
... Richard, Page. 308, 330  
Kenton, Herbert, Page. 100  
... Susannah, Page. 99  
Kerevil, Robert de, Page. 291  
Key, Thomas, Page. 338  
Keymer, Gilbert, Page. 292  
Killingworth, John, Page. 205  
King, Oliver, Page. 302  
Kingston, Anthony, Page. 246  
.... R .... Page. 318  
Kinnamon, Henry, Page. 316  
Kington, Roger de, Page. 295  
Kirkeby, John de, Page. 305  
Kirkby, William, Page. 331  
Kirkham, Robert, Page. 287  
Mr. Knill, .... Page. 185  
Dr. Kymer, .... Page. 124  
Kymer, Gilbert, Page. 280   

L.  
LAder, Anne, Page. 205  
Laking, Nicholas de, Page. 306  
Lambert, Anne, Page. 32  
.... Ruth, Page. 112  
.... Thomas, Page. 93, 297, 30  
.... Dionys, Page. 105  
Lancaster, Thomas, Page. 293  
Lane, Elizabeth, Page. 217  
Langford, Charles, Page. 47  
Langrith, Robert, Page. 321  
Langton, Ralph, Page. 316  
.... Robert, Page. 305, 318  
.... Thomas, Page. 274  
Lapworth, Edward, Page. 250  
Larmer, Herbert, Page. 146  
.... Rebecca, Page. 147  
Lathom, Paul, Page. 341  
Latimer, William, Page. 342  
Laugharne, Rowland, Page. 25  
Laurence, Giles, Page. 300  
.... John, Page. ibid.  
.... Thomas, Page. 328  
Laws, Thomas, Page. 58  
Leach, Thomas, Page. 300, 317  
Lee, Edward, Page. 290, 336  
.... John, Page. 293  
Leman, Dorothy, Page. 197  
Lentwarden, Richard, Page. 335  
Lenyton, Edward, Page. 296  
Lexington, Henry de, Page. 291  
Leyett, Richard, Page. 280  
Leyott, Richard, Page. 325  
Light, Susannah, Page. 114  
Lily, Peter, Page. 325  
Lily, Edmund, Page. 300  
Lincoln, John, Page. 312, 330  
Lineden, John, Page. 299  
Lloyd, William Page. 342  
Lobenham, William de, Page. 306  
Lockey, Thomas, Page. 310, 313  
London, Barbara, Page. 67  
Louthorp, George, Page. 292  
Lowe, Helena, Page. 33  
.... John, Page. 109  
Loyd, Roger, Page. 234  
Luffenham, Robert, Page. 295  
Lulbenham, Will. de, Page. 306  
Lundon, John, Page. 336  
Lupset, Thomas, Page. 335  
Lupton, Roger, Page. 336  
Lushington, Thomas, Page. 315  
Luttrell, John, Page. 311  
Lynch, Aylmer, Page. 338  
.... John, Page. 311  
.... Stephen, Page. 218  
Lynewood, William, Page. 315   

M.  
MAckay, Aeneas, Page. 214  
Mackworth, John, Page. 305  
Maggot, Richard, Page. 299  
Mallet, Francis, Page. 275  
Manning, Thomas, Page. 292  
Marshfeild, Hugh, Page. 325  
Maplet, Anne, Page. 254, 256  
Mardefeld, Michael de, Page. 307  
Marler, Thomas, Page. 297  
Marsh, Samuel, Page. 335  
Marshal, George, Page. 148  
Martinus, Francis Stus Page. 292  
Martin, Edmund, Page. 314  
.... John, Page. 334  
.... Nicholas, Page. 309  
.... Richard, Page. 302  
Martival, Roger de, Page. 273, 333  
Martin, Thomas, Page. 196, 313  
Masham, Damaris, Page. 212, 216  
Mason, Edmund, Page. 282  
.... Charles, Page. 313  
.... Robert, Page. 242, 243  
.... Thomas, Page. 310  
Masters, Elizabeth, Page. 267  
.... John, Page. ibid.  
Matrevars, Alice, Page. 202  
Matthews, Tobias, Page. 287, 339  
May, Francis, Page. 308  
Medeford, Walter, Page. 289, 295, 302, 330  
Mepham, William de, Page. 314  
Merick, William, Page. 331  
Merrick, Thomas, Page. 219  
Merton, William de, Page. 301  
Metford, Richard, Page. 273  
Mews, Peter, Page. 303  
Micham, Simon de, Page. 279  
Middelton, Gilbert de, Page. 326, 333  
Migfred, .... Page. 270  
Migliorveccio, James Anthony, Page. 192  
.... Peter Joseph, Page. ibid.  
Millbourne, John de, Page. 329  
Miphin, Will de, Page. 331, 335  
Mitchell, Edward, Page. 309  
Moleynes, Adam, Page. 280, 296  
Mompesson, Barbara, Page. 127  
.... Charles, Page. 128  
.... Katherine, Page. ibid.  
.... Sir Richard, Page. ibid.  
.... Sir Thomas, Page. ibid.  
Monte Sancti Sylvestri, Arnoldus de, Page. 280  
Montacute, Thomas, Page. ibid.  
Moreland, William, Page. 313  
Moreton, Robert, Page. 327  
Morgan, Elizabeth, Page. 182  
.... Meredith, Page. 317  
.... Richard, Page. 182  
Morris, Stephen, Page. 67  
Morton, John, Page. 302, 322, 330, 343  
Morysyn, Richard, Page. 343  
Mot, Samuel, Page. 331  
Mottrum, Adam de, Page. 286  
Montague, James, Page. 238, 239  
.... Sir Henry, Page. 217  
Mulcaster, Richard, Page. 344  
Mullens, Thomas, Page. 25   

N.  
NAish, Hugh, Page. 341  
Nassington, William de, Page. 310  
Nevil, Robert, Page. 274  
Nicholas, Matthew, Page. 324  
nicols, Mary, Page. 252  
Norman, Thomas, Page. 312  
Normanton, William, Page. 315, 321, 340, 344  
Northborow, Michael de, Page. 329, 332  
Northburgh, Ralph, Page. 343  
Norton, John, Page. 289, 295, 302, 314, 326  
Noyes, Nathaniel, Page. 158   

O.  
ODo, Severus, Page. 271  
Oking Robert, Page. 296  
Oldham, Hugh, Page. 310  
Oliver, John, Page. 339  
Onslow, Edward, Page. 322  
Osbert, .... Page. 278  
Osborne, William, Page. 317  
Osmund, .... Page. 271  
Osulf, .... Page. ibid.  
Overton, William, Page. 344  
Owen, Richard, Page. 302  
Oxeneford, Henry de, Page. 278   

P.  
PAce, Richard, Page. 305, 320,  
Pade, Reymund, Page. 281  
Pain, William, Page. 317  
Parker, Thomas, Page. 290  
Parry, Henry, Page. ibid.  
.... Hugh, Page. 299  
Pasch, Thomas, Page. 331  
Paslew, John, Page. 315, 319  
Paseley, John, Page. 331  
Pate, Robert, Page. 229  
Pays, Thomas, Page. 305  
Pearce, Dorothy, Page. 260  
.... Hester, Page. ibid.  
.... John, Page. 259  
.... William, Page. 260  
Pearson, John, Page. 334  
Peirce, Anne, Page. 187  
.... Charles, Page. 188  
.... Elizabeth, Page. 186, 187  
.... Robert, Page. 187, 188, 317  
.... Susannah, Page. 186  
.... Thomas, Page. 284  
Pelling, John, Page. 237  
Percy, William, Page. 312  
Perin, Christopher, Page. 340  
Periton, Peter de, Page. 304  
Petow, Peter, Page. 275  
Phelps, Richard, Page. 155  
Phelips, Robert, Page. 178  
Phillips, Joseph, Page. 182  
.... William, Page. 328  
Philip, .... Page. 288  
Pickenham, William, Page. 335, 343  
Pickering, Charles, Page. 323, 328  
Piers, John, Page. 276, 281  
Pickeover, Ralph, Page. 297  
Pinnock, John, Page. 321  
Pitman, Alicia, Page. 150  
.... Edmund, Page. 151  
Pocock, Edward, Page. 321, 331, 341  
.... John, Page. 254  
Pole, Edward, Page. 287  
.... Reginald, Page. 335, 343  
Pollard, John, Page. 300, 328  
Polton, Thomas, Page. 325  
Poole, Hannah, Page. 181  
.... John, Page. ibid.  
.... Marry, Page. ibid.  
.... Nicholas, Page. 309  
Poor, Herbert, Page. 272  
.... Richard, Page. 272, 278  
Potyn, William, Page. 295  
Pouldon, Richard, Page. 210  
powel David, Page. 328  
.... Edward, Page. 312, 329  
.... Susannah, Page. 133  
Pretty, Richard, Page. 289  
Prentys, Edward, Page. 286  
Preston, William de, Page. 301  
Priaulx, Anne, Page. 111, 112  
.... John, Page. 110, 111, 297, 333.  
Price, John, Page. 327  
Prior, Christopher, Page. 337  
Proast, Ionas, Page. 303  
Proctor, George, Page. 336  
.... James, Page. 323  
.... Samuel, Page. 339  
Pie, William, Page. 303  
Pyle, Philadelphia, Page. 98  
Pyper, Granville, Page. 229   

Q.  
QUeendon, Ralph de, Page. 299  
Querendon, Ralph de, Page. 307   

R.  
RAndolph, Joan, Page. 207  
.... Robert, Page. ibid.  
Ranulfus, .... Page. 291  
Rashleigh, Nathaniel, Page. 154  
Ratcliff, Roger, Page. 296  
Rawlins, Henry, Page. 296, 320, 321, 327  
Rawlinson, John, Page. 332  
.... Thomas, Page. 348  
Rawson, Richard, Page. 321  
Raynsford, Robert, Page. 332  
Read, Innocent, Page. 317  
Reed, John, Page. 257  
Reeve, Catherine, Page. 223  
.... George, Page. ibid.  
.... Henry, Page. 222  
.... Marry, Page. ibid.  
.... Spencer, Page. ibid.  
Richard, .... Page. 298  
Richards, Prudentia, Page. 156  
.... Thomas, Page. ibid.  
... William, Page. 157, 297, 303  
Ridley, Mary, Page. 201  
Robert, .... Page. 278, 284  
Robertes, Christian, Page. 28  
.... Francis, Page. 28, 29  
.... Jane, Page. 28  
.... Punchardon, Page. 29  
Robertson, Thomas, Page. 293  
Robinson, Charles, Page. 338  
.... John, Page. 307  
Rochefoucauld, Frederick, Page. 215  
Rodeburne, Thomas, Page. 327  
Roger, ... Page. 272, 278, 298, 301  
Rogers, John, Page. 319  
.... Samuel, Page. 328  
Rope, Thomas, Page. 319  
Rotherham, Thomas, Page. 333  
Roucliffe, Guido, Page. 326  
Rowthall Thomas, Page. 281  
Ruggenhall, Robert, Page. 305  
Russel, John, Page. 327  
.... R .... Page. 338  
.... William, Page. 312  
Ryves, John, Page. 303, 323  
.... Robert, Page. 316   

S.  
SAdler, Elinor, Page. 40, 41  
Saddler, Ursula, Page. 45  
Salernitanus, Gulielmus de, Page. 302  
Salladin, Anne, Page. 147  
.... Herbert, Page. ibid.  
sal, Arthur, Page. 312  
Salutus, Boniface de, Page. 285  
.... George de. Page. ibid.  
Sambrooke, Elizabeth, Page. 70  
.... Francis, Page. 69  
.... John, Page. ibid.  
●ampson, Richard, Page. 293  
Sandys, Milo, Page. 44  
Sarisburiensis, Goodwin, Page. 285  
Sarum, Roger de, Page. 284  
SARUM Prebendal Corpse in that Church. Page. 310  
... Aulton,.. South, Page. 310  
... Aulton,.. North, Page. ibid.  
... Axford, .... Page. 311  
.... Bedminster & Radeclyve, Page. 312  
.... Bedwynd, ... Page. 313  
... Bedmister,.. Prima, Page. 313  
.. Bedmister,.. Secunda, Page. 314  
... Bishopston, .... Page. 315  
.... Bytton, ... Page. 316  
.... Chardstock, ... Page. 317  
... Cherminster & Bear, Page. 318  
... Chute & Chesenbury, Page. 319  
... Combe & Harnham, Page. 320  
... Durneford, .... Page. ibid.  
... Faringdon, ... Page. 321  
... Fordington & Writhlington. Page. 322  
... Grantham,.. North, Page. 323  
... Gillingham,.. Major, Page. 323  
.. Gillingham,.. Minor, Page. 324  
... Grantham,.. South, Page. 324  
... Grimston & Yatminster, Page. 325  
... Highworth, ... Page. 325  
... Horn, ... Page. 326  
... Husborn & Burbach, Page. 327  
... Ilfracombe, ... Page. 328  
... Lyme & Halstock, Page. 329  
... Major pars Altaris, Page. 330  
... Minor pars Altaris, Page. 331  
... Netherbury, in Ecclesia, Page. 332  
.... Netherbury in Terra, Page 333  
.... Netherhaven, Page 333  
.... Preston, Page 334  
.... Ramesbury, Page 334  
.... Roscombe, Page 335  
.... Rotesfen, Page 335  
... Shipton subtus Whichwood, Page 336  
.... Slape, Page 337  
.... Strafford, Page 338  
.... Stratton, Page 338  
.... Teynton-Regis cum Yalmeton, Page 339  
.... Torleton, Page 339  
.... Ulfcomb, Page 340  
.... Warminster, Page 340  
.... Winterborn-Earles, Page 341  
.... Woodford & Willsford, Page 342  
.... Yatminster prima, Page 342  
.... Yatminster secunda, Page 343  
.... Yatesbury, Page 343  
St. Barbe, Francis, Page 27  
.... John, Page 28  
.... Thomas, Page 102  
Saunders, Anne, Page 204  
.... John, Page ibid.  
.... Marry, Page 205  
Savoy, Peter de, Page 279  
.... Thomas, Page 298  
Sayer, Joseph, Page 315  
Sayntlesse, Thomas, Page 286  
Sayward, John, Page 155  
Scammell, Walter, Page 272, 279, 285, 291, 301  
Scarborough, Edmund, Page 326  
Seaward, Hen. Page 343  
Securis, Thomas, Page 314, 343  
Sedgwick, John, Page 150  
Selby, Nicholas de, Page 298  
Selton, William de, Page 343  
Serlo, .... Page 278  
Seward, Henry, Page 309  
Say, Edmund, Page 112  
Seymore, Anne, Page 43  
Sharpe, Lionel, Page 303  
.... John, Page ibid.  
.... Richard, Page 63  
Shaxton, Nicholas, Page 275, 293  
Shellick, John, Page 335  
Shepley, Bartholomey, Page 341  
Sheppard, John, Page 309  
Sheriff, William, Page 331  
Sherman, John, Page 297  
Sherwood, Henry, Page 192  
.... John, Page ibid.  
.... Marry, Page ibid.  
Shireburne, .... Page 270  
Sidenham, Simon, Page 295, 302  
Sigelm, .... Page 270  
Singewike, William, Page 132, 306  
Siricius, .... Page 271  
Sketley, John, Page 334  
Skypp, John, Page 306  
.... William, Page 306  
Sloan, William, Page 154  
Slye, Edmund, Page 321  
Smedmore, Johanna, Page 131  
Smith, Andrew, Page 226  
.... Eleanor, Page 227  
.... John, Page 331  
......... Page 330  
Snachenburgh, Helena, Page 84  
Sommerhull, William, Page 307  
Sotwell, William de, Page 298  
South, John, Page 288  
Southam, John, Page 302  
.... Thomas, Page ibid.  
Southouse, Henry, Page 230  
.... Thomas, Page 231  
Sparrow, Alexander, Page 295 302  
.... Anne, Page 203  
Spencer, Edward, Page 101  
.... Prudentia, Page ibid.  
Spinckes, Nathaniel, Page 330  
Sprint, John, Page 293, 300, 316  
Stacey, Richard, Page 220  
Stafford, John, Page 289, 295, 318  
Stallworth, Simon, Page 287  
Stanbridge, Giles, Page 307  
Stanford, Ralph, Page 330  
Stanley, James, Page 287, 313  
.... Marry, Page 113  
Stanton, Richard, Page 333  
Staunton, Thomas de, Page 285 306  
Stephen, .... Page 295  
Stephens, Jeremy, Page 328  
.... John, Page 309  
Stevens, Thomas, Page 293  
Steward, Richard, Page 311  
Stibbs, Alice, Page 260  
.... John, Page ibid.  
Still, John, Page 323, 342  
Stillingdon, Robert, Page 302  
Stokesley, John, Page 305  
Stokies, John, Page 286  
Stopyngdon, John, Page 305  
Stratford, Ralph de, Page 292  
Straytbarret, James, Page 310  
Stretton John, Page 312  
Stubbs, Henry, Page 239, 240  
.... John, Page 324  
Sudbury, Simon de, Page 289  
Sugden, William, Page 224  
Sutton, Henry, Page 292, 319, 336  
Swanton, Anne, Page 56  
.... Dulcibella, Page 104  
.... Elizabeth, Page 105, 113  
.... Francis, Page 104, 259, 260  
.... Jane, Page 104, 259, 261  
.... Laurence, Page 105  
.... William, Page 104  
Swayne, Robert, Page 185  
Sweit, Sir Giles, Page 337  
Swindon, Thomas, Page 310  
Swineley, Christopher, Page 303  
Swithelm, .... Page 270  
Swymmer, Aune, Page 233  
Sydenham, George, Page 296  
.... Simon, Page 280  
Sylvester, John, Page 299  
Symondsburgh, John, Page 292, 299.   

T.  
TAlbott, Edward, Page 304  
.... William, Page 277  
Tanner, Thomas, Page 159  
Tatham, Robert, Page 335  
Taunton, Richard, Page 299  
Taylor, John, Page 232  
Terrant, Jeremiah, Page 334  
Terry, .... Page 330  
Teshmaker, William, Page 220  
Thatcher, Peter, Page 159  
Thistlewayte, Gabriel, Page 339  
Thomas, .... Page 299  
Thomson, John, Page 331  
Thornborough, Edward, Page 334  
.... Giles, Page 307  
Thorp, John, Page 319  
Tichborne, Michael, Page 244  
Tilheto, Gerald de, Page 298  
Tingwick, Nicholas, Page 330  
Tofte, William, Page 308  
Tonstall, Cuthbert, Page 281, 320  
Tookie, Bartholomew, Page 140  
Tooker, William, Page 331  
Tounson, Margaret, Page 125  
.... Robert, Page 276  
Townsend, Roger, Page 290  
Townson, John, Page 326  
.... William, Page 331  
Triplet, Thomas, Page 334  
Tryme, Anne, Page 197  
.... Elinor, Page ibid.  
Tucker, John, Page 68  
.... Joseph, Page 319  
Turberville, Anne, Page 24, 252  
.... Dawbigny, Page 22, 23  
Tutt, Robert, Page 308   

V.  
Valeyns', Theobald de, Page 294  
Vannes, Peter, Page 281, 313, 324, 336  
Varesio, Tydo de, Page 301  
Vavasour, John, Page 257  
.... Katherine, Page 258  
Vaughan, Francisca, Page 44  
.... Frederick, Page ibid.  
.... Walter, Page 48, 49  
Vause, Nicholas, Page 331  
Vennard, Anne, Page 145  
.... George, Page 144  
.... Marry, Page 144  
.... Richard, Page ibid.  
Venner, Dr. Tobias, Page 198 199  
Vesey, John, Page 311  
.... Robert, Page 310  
Villers, Betty, Page 221  
Vincent, John, Page 334  
Ullerston, Richard, Page 312  
Upton, Nicholas, Page 286  
Ursini's, Marinus de, Page 299  
Ursinus, Reynald, Page 280  
Urswyke, Christopher, Page 300, 313   

W.  
WAde, Richard, Page 314  
Wakeman, Richard, Page 240  
.... Theodore, Page 241  
Walden, Roger, Page 315, 326  
Walesby, William, Page 322  
Walker, William, Page 309  
Waller, Jane, Page 193  
Wallis, Mary, Page 183  
.... William, Page ibid.  
waly, John, Page 209  
Walter, .... Page 284  
Walter, Hubert, Page 272  
Waltham, John, Page 273  
.... Robert, Page 286  
Ward, Seth, Page 118, 119, 120, 121, 122, 123, 124, 277, 291, 294, 300, 320  
Warlewast, Robert, Page 278  
Warner, John, Page 340  
Warton, Mary, Page 153  
wastel, Margarett, Page 64  
Watson, Richard, Page 317, 341  
Webb, William, Page 207, 321  
Welewick, Thomas de, Page 285  
Wellborn, John, Page 286  
Wenda, William de, Page 279 284  
.... Francisca, Page 133  
Wentworth, Lady, Page 212  
Westby, George, Page 292, 313  
West, Richard, Page 303  
.... William, Page 309  
Wetenhall, Anne, Page 228  
Whitby, Daniel, Page 288, 328, 334, 344  
.... Richard, Page 292  
White, Samuel, Page 214  
.... Thomas, Page 98, 290, 293, 303, 340, 344  
Whitechurch, John, Page 299, 311, 327  
Whitwell, Francisca, Page 100  
.... Dulcibella, Page 102  
.... Jana, Page 103  
Wibert, .... Page 269  
Wickham, Nicholas, Page 299  
William, .... Page 289, 304  
Williams, Henry, Page 312  
.... John, Page 282  
Wilson, Elizabeth, Page 139  
.... Stephen, Page 296  
Wilton, Stephen, Page 315  
Wimundus, .... Page 306  
Winchelsey, John de, Page 316 330  
Winter, Thomas, Page 289, 313  
Winterborne, Thomas, Page 321  
Winton, Richard de, Page 316  
Wise, Jane, Page 132  
Witherig, William, Page 214  
Wocumb, Giles de, Page 301  
Woodville, Lionel, Page 274, 319  
Woodward, Robert, Page 284, 291, 300  
Worth, Richard de, Page 306, 310  
.... Robert de, Page 321  
Wotton, Matthew, Page 293  
Wright, Walter, Page 323  
Wyatt, Thomas, Page ibid.  
Wyke, Nicholas de, Page 307  
Wykeham, Nicholas, Page 289  
.... William de, Page 312  
Wykehampton, Robert de, Page 272, 279  
Wile, Henry de la, Page 288, 320, 322, 331  
.... Nicholas de la, Page 285  
.... Walter de la, Page 141, 160, 272, 304, 306  
Wylton, William, Page 289  
Wyvill, Robert, Page 96, 273  
.... Walter, Page 292   

Y.  
YEate, Cornelius, Page 300  
York, William, Page 223, 272  
Young, Edward, Page 117, 284, 324  
Younger, John, Page 284, 342   

Z.  
ZOuch, Richard, Page 322  
.... William, Page 337   
FINIS.