Touroude de Vandrebanc fe.   

PLUTARCH'S LIVES.  
Translated From the GREEK BY SEVERAL HANDS.  
To which is prefixed the LIFE of PLUTARCH.  
The First Volume.  
LONDON, Printed for Jacob Tonson, at the Sign of the Judges-head in Chancery-lane near Fleetstreet, 1683.   


MANUS JUSTA NARDUS  
Charles Lord Maynard   blazon or coat of arms   

TO HIS GRACE THE DUKE OF Ormond, etc.  
My Lord,  
LVcretius, endeavouring to prove from the principles of his Philosophy, that the world had a casual beginning from the concourse of Atoms; and that Men, as well as the rest of Animals, were produced from the vital heat and moisture of their Mother Earth; from the same principles is bound to answer this objection, why Men are not daily formed after the same manner, which he tells us is, because the kindly warmth, and procreative faculty of the ground is now worn out: The Sun is a disabled Lover, and the Earth is passed her teeming time.  
Though Religion has informed us better of our Origine, yet it appears plainly, that not only the Bodies, but the Souls of Men, have decreased from the vigour of the first Ages; that we are not more short of the stature and strength of those gygantick Heroes, than we are of their understanding, and their wit. To let pass those happy Patriarches, who were striplings at fourscore, and had afterwards seven or eight hundred years before them to beget Sons and Daughters; and to consider Man in reference only to his mind, and that no higher than the Age of Socrates: How vast a difference is there betwixt the productions of those Souls, and these of ours? How much better Plato, Aristotle, and the rest of the Philosophers understood nature; Thucydides, and Herodotus adorned History; Sophocles, Eurypides and Menander advanced Poetry, than those Dwarves of Wit and Learning who succeeded them in after times? That Age was most Famous amongst the Greeks, which ended with the death of Alexander; amongst the Romans Learning seemed again to revive and flourish in the Century which produced Cicero, Varro, Sallust, Livy, Lucretius and Virgil: And after a short interval of years, (wherein Nature seemed to take a breathing time for a second birth,) there sprung up under the Vespasians, and those excellent Princes who succeeded them, a race of memorable Wits; such as were the two Pliny's, Tacitus, and Suetonius; and as if Greece was emulous of the Roman learning, under the same favourable Constellation, was born the famous Philosopher and Historian Plutarch. Then whom Anquity has never produced a Man more generally knowing, or more virtuous; and no succeeding Age has equalled him. His Lives both in his own esteem, and that of others, accounted the Noblest of his Works, have been long since rendered into English: But as that Translation was only from the French, so it suffered this double disadvantage, first that it was but a Copy of a Copy, and that too but lamely taken from the Greek Original: Secondly that the English Language was then unpolished, and far from the perfection which it has since attained: So that the first Version is not only ungrammatical and ungraceful, but in many places almost unintelligible. For which reasons, and lest so useful a piece of History, should lie oppressed under the rubbish of Antiquated words, some ingenious and learned Gentlemen, have undertaken this Task: And what would have been the labour of one Man's Life, will, by the several endeavours of many, be now accomplished in the compass of a year. How far they have succeeded in this laudable attempt, to me it belongs not to determine; who am too much a party to be a Judge: But I have the honour to be Commissioned from the Translators of this Volume, to inscribe their labours and my own, with all humility, to your Grace's Name and Patronage. And never was any Man more ambitious of an employment, of which he was so little worthy. Fortune has at last gratified that earnest desire I have always had, to show my devotion to your Grace; though I despair of paying you my acknowledgements. And of all other opportunities I have happened on the most favourable to myself; who, having never been able to produce any thing of my own, which could be worthy of your view, am supplied by the assistance of my friends, and honoured with the presentation of their labours. The Author they have Translated, has been long familiar to you: Who have been conversant in all sorts of History both Ancient and Modern; and have formed the Idea of your most Noble Life from the instructions and Examples contained in them; both in the management of public affairs, and in the private Offices of virtue; in the enjoyment of your better fortune, and sustaining of your worse; in habituating yourself to an easy greatness; in repelling your Enemies, in succouring your Friends, and in all traverses of fortune, in every colour of your Life, maintaining an inviolable fidelity to your Sovereign. 'tis long since that I have learned to forget the art of praising; but here the heart dictates to the pen; and I appeal to your Enemies, (if so much generosity and good nature can have left you any) whether they are not conscious to themselves that I have not flattered.  
'tis an Age indeed, which is only fit for satire; and the sharpest I have shall never be wanting to lance its Villainies, and its ingratitude to the Government: There are few Men in it, who are capable of supporting the weight of a just and deserved commendation: But amongst those few there must always stand excepted the Illustrious Names of Ormond and of Ossory: A Father and a Son, only Worthy of each other. Never was one Soul more fully infused into another's breast: Never was so strong an impression made of virtue, as that of your Graces into him: But though the stamp was deep, the subject which received it was of too fine a composition to be durable. Were not priority of time and nature in the case, it might have been doubted which of you had been most excellent: But Heaven snatched away the Copy to make the Original more precious. I dare trust myself no farther on this subject; for after years of mourning, my sorrow is yet so green upon me, that I am ready to tax Providence for the loss of that Heroic Son: Three Nations had a general concernment in his Death, but I had one so very particular, that all my hopes are almost dead with him; and I have lost so much that I am passed the danger of a second Shipwreck. But he sleeps with an unenvied commendation: And has left your Grace the sad Legacy of all those Glories which he derived from you. An accession which you wanted not, who were so rich before in your own virtues, and that high reputation which is the product of them. A long descent of Noble Ancestors was not necessary to have made you great: But Heaven threw it in as overplus when you were born. What you have done and suffered for two Royal Masters has been enough to render you Illustrious; so that you may safely wave the Nobility of your birth, and rely on your actions for your fame. You have cancelled the debt which you owed to your Progenitors, and reflect more brightness on their memory than you received from them. Your native Country, which Providence gave you not leave to preserve under one King, it has given you opportunity under another to restore. You could not save it from the Chastisement which was due to its Rebellion, but you raised it from ruin after its repentance: So that the Trophies of War were the portion of the Conqueror, but the Triumphs of peace were reserved for the vanquished. The misfortunes of Ireland were owing to itself, but its happiness and Restoration to your Grace. The Rebellion against a Lawful Prince, was punished by an Usurping Tyrant: But the fruits of his Victory were the rewards of a Loyal Subject. How much that Noble Kingdom has flourished under your Grace's Government, both the Inhabitants and the Crown are sensible. The riches of Ireland are increased by it, and the Revenues of England are augmented. That which was a charge and burden of the Government is rendered an advantage and support: The Trade and Interest of both Countries are united in a mutual benefit; they conspire to make each other happy; the dependence of the one is an improvement of its Commerce, the preeminence of the other is not impaired by the intercourse, and common necessities are supplied by both. Ireland is no more a Cyon, to suck the nourishment from the Mother Tree; neither is it overtoped, or hindered from growth by the superior branches; but the Roots of England, diving (if I may dare to say it,) underneath the Seas, rise at a just distance on the Neighbouring Shore; and there shoot up, and bear a product scarce inferior to the Trunk from whenee they sprung. I may raise the commendation higher, and yet not fear to offend the truth: Ireland is a better Penitent than England: The Crime of Rebellion was common to both Countries; but the repentance of one Island has been steady; that of the other, to its shame, has suffered a relapse: Which shows the Conversions of their Rebels to have been real, that of ours to have been but counterfeit. The Sons of Guilty Fathers there have made amends for the disloyalty of their Families: But here the descendants of pardoned Rebels have only waited their time to copy the wickedness of their Parents, and if possible to out do it: They disdain to hold their Patrimonies by acts of Grace and of Indemnity: and by maintaining their old Treasonable principles, make it apparent that they are still speculative Traitors. For whether they are zealous Sectaries or profane Republicans, (of which two sorts they are principally composed) both our Reformers of Church and Sat, pretend to a power superior to Kingship. The fanatics derive their Authority from the Bible; and plead Religion to be antecedent to any secular obligation: By virtue of which Argument, taking it for granted that their own Worship is only true, they arrogate to themselves the right of disposing the Temporal power according to their pleasure; as that which is subordinate to the Spiritual: So that the same Reasons, and Scriptures, which are urged by Popes for the deposition of Princes, are produced by Sectaries for altering the Succession. The Episcopal Reformation has manumised Kings from the Usurpation of Rome; for it preaches obedience and resignation to the lawful Secular power: but the pretended Reformation of our Schismatics, is to set up themselves in the Papal Chair; and to make their Princes only their trusties. So that whether they or the Pope were uppermost in England, the Royal Authority were equally depressed: The Prison of our Kings would be the same; the Gaolers only would be altered. The broad Republicans are generally Men of Atheistick principles, nominal Christians, who are beholding to the Font, only that they are so called, otherwise Hobbists in their politics and Morals: Every Church is obliged to them that they own themselves of none; because their Lives are too scandalous for any. Some of the Sectaries are so proud, that they think they cannot sin; those Commonwealth Men are so wicked, that they conclude there is no sin. Lewdness, Rioting, Cheating and Debauchery, are their work a day practise: Their more solemn crimes, are unnatural Lusts, and horrid Murders. Yet these are the Patrons of the Nonconformists; these are the Swords and Bucklers of God's cause; if his cause be that of Separatists and Rebels. 'tis not but these Associates know each other at the bottom, as well as Simeon knew Levi: The Republicans are satisfied that the Schismatics are Hypocrites, and the Schismatics are assured that the Republicans are Atheists: But their common principles of Government are the chains that link them: For both hold Kings to be Creatures of their own making, and by inference to be at their own disposing. With this difference, notwithstanding, that the Canting party face their pretences with a call from God, the debauched party with a Commission from the people. So that if ever this ill contrived and equivocal association should get uppermost, they would infallibly contend for the supreme right; and as it was formerly on their money, so now it would be in their interests; God with us would be set up on one side, and the Commonwealth of England on the other. But I the less wonder at the mixture of these two natures, because two Savage beasts of different species and Sexes shut up together, will forget their Enmity to satisfy their common lust; and 'tis no matter what kind of Monster is produced betwixt them, so the brutal appetite be served. I more admire at a third party, who were Loyal when Rebellion was uppermost, and have turned Rebels (at least in principle,) since Loyalty has been Triumphant. Those of them whose services have not been rewarded, have some pretence for discontent; and yet they give the World to understand, that their Honour was not their principle, but their Interest. If they are old Royalists, 'tis a sign their virtue is worn out; and will bear no longer; if Sons to Royalists they have probably been grafted on Whig stocks, and grown out of kind; like China Oranges in Portugal: Their Mother's part has prevailed in them, and they are degenerated from the Loyalty of their Fathers.  
But if they are such, as many of them evidently are, whose service has been, not only fully but lavishly recompensed, with Honours and preferment, theirs is an ingratitude without parallel; they have destroyed their former merits, disowned the cause for which they fought, belied their youth, dishonoured their age; they have wrought themselves out of present enjoyments, for imaginary hopes, and can never be trusted by their new friends, because they have betrayed their old. The greater and the stronger ties which some of them have had, are the deeper brands of their Apostasy: For Arch-Angels were the first and most glorious of the whole Creation: They were the morning work of God; and had the first impressions of his Image, what Creatures could be made: They were of kin to Eternity itself; and wanting only that accession to be Deities. Their fall was therefore more opprobrious than that of Man, because they had no clay for their excuse: Though I hope and wish the latter part of the Allegory may not hold, and that repentance may be yet allowed them. But I delight not to dwell on so sad an object: Let this part of the Landscape be cast into shadows, that the heightenings of the other may appear more beautiful. For as Contraries the nearer they are placed are brighter, and the Venus is illustrated by the Neighbourhood of the Lazar, so the unblemished Loyalty of your Grace, will shine more clearly, when set in competition with their stains. When the Malady which had seized the Nobler parts of Britain threw itself out into the limbs, and the first sores of it appeared in Scotland, yet no effects of it reached your Province: Ireland stood untainted with that pest: The care of the Physician prevented the disease, and preserved the Country from infection. When that Ulcer was rather stopped than cured, (for the causes of it still remained) and that dangerous Symptoms appeared in England; when the Royal Authority was here trodden under foot, when one Plot was prosecuted openly, and another secretly fomented, yet even then was Ireland free from our contagion: And if some venomous Creatures were produced in that Nation, yet it appeared they could not live there: They shed their poison without effect: They despaired of being successfully wicked in their own Country, and transported their Evidence to another, where they knew 'twas vendible: Where accusation was a Trade, where forgeries were countenanced, where perjuries were rewarded, where swearing went for proof, and where the Merchandise of Death was gainful. That their Testimony was at last discredited, proceeded not from its incoherence: For they were known by their own party when they first appeared; but their folly was then managed by the cunning of their Tutors; they had still been believed, had they still followed their Instructors: But when their witness fell foul upon their friends, than they were proclaimed Villains, discarded and disowned by those who sent for them; they seemed then first to be discovered, for what they had been known too well before; they were decried as inventours of what only they betrayed: Nay their very wit was magnified lest being taken for fools, they might be thought too simple to forge an accusation. Some of them still continue here detested by both sides, believed by neither: (for even their betters are at last uncased,) and some of them have received their hire in their own Country: For perjury, which is malice to Mankind, is always accompanied with other Crimes: and though not punishable by our Laws with death, yet draws a train of vices after it: The Robber, the Murderer and the Sodomite, have often hung up the forsworn villain: And what one sin took on trust, another sin has paid. These travelling Locusts are at length swallowed up in their own Red-Sea. Ireland as well as England is delivered from that flying Plague; for the Sword of Justice in your Grace's hand, like the Rod of Moses, is stretched out against them: And the third part of his Majesty's Dominions is owing for its peace to your Loyalty and vigilance.  
But what Plutarch can this age produce to immortallize a life so Noble? May some excellent Historian at length be found, some Writer not unworthy of his Subject, but may his employment be long deferred: May many happy years continue you to this Nation and your own; may your praises be celebrated late; that we may enjoy you living rather than adore you dead. And since yet, there is not risen up amongst us, any Historian who is equal to so great an undertaking, let us hope that Providence has not assigned the workman, because his employment is to be long delayed; because it has reserved your Grace for farther proofs of your unwearyed duty, and a farther enjoyment of your fortune. In which though no Man has been less envied, because no other has more Nobly used it, yet some droppings of the Age's venom have been shed upon you: The Supporters of the Crown are placed too near it, to be exempted from the storm which was breaking over it. 'Tis true you stood involved in your own Virtue, and the Malice of your Libelers could not sink through all those folds to reach you. Your Innocence has defended you from their attacks, and your pen has so Nobly vindicated that Innocence, that it stands in need of no other second. The difference is as plainly seen, betwixt Sophistry and truth, as it is betwixt the stile of a Gentleman, and the clumsy stifness of a Pedant. Of all Historians God deliver us from Bigots; and of all Bigots from our Sectaries. Truth is never to be expected from Authors whose understandings are warped with Enthusiasm: For they judge all actions and their causes by their own perverse principles; and a crooked line can never be the measure of a straight one. Mr. Hobbs was used to say, that a Man was always against reason, when reason wasagainst a Man: So these Authors are for obscuring truth, because truth would discover them. They are not Historians of an Action, but Lawyers of a party: They are retained by their principles, and bribed by their interests: Their narrations are an opening of their cause; and in the front of their Histories, there ought to be written the Prologue of a pleading, I am for the Plaintiff, or I am for the Defendant. We have already seen large Volumes of State Collections, and Church Legends, stuffed with detected forgeries in some parts, and gaping with omissions of truth in others: Not penned I suppose with so vain a hope as to cheat Posterity, but to advance some design in the present Age: For these Legerdemain Authors, are for telling stories, to keep their trick undiscovered; and to make their conveyance the more clean. What calumny your Grace may expect from such Writers, is already evident: But it will far with them, as it does with ill Painters; a Picture so unlike in all its features and proportions, reflects not on the original, but on the Artist: For malice will make a piece more unresembling than ignorance: And he who studies the life, yet bungles, may draw some faint imitation of it; But he who purposely avoids nature, must fall into grotesque, and make no likeness. For my own part I am of the former sort: And therefore presume not to offer my unskilfulness for so excellent a design as is your illustrious life: To pray for its prosperity and continuance is my duty; as it is my Ambition to appear on all occasions,  
Tour Graces most obedient and devoted Servant, JOHN DRYDEN.   

THE Publisher to the Reader.  
YOU have here, the first Volume of Plutarch's Lives, turned from the Greek into English; And (give me leave to say) the first attempt of doing it from the Originals. You may expect the Remainder, in four more; One after another as fast as they may conveniently be dispatched from the Press. It is not my business, or pretence, to judge of a work of this quality, neither do I take upon me to recommend it to the world any farther, then under the Office of a fair, and a careful Publisher, and in discharge of a trust deposited in my hands for the service of my Country, and for a Common good. I am not yet so insensible of the Authority and Reputation of so great a Name, as not to consult the Honour of the Author, together with the benefit, and satisfaction of the Bookseller, as well as of the Reader, in this undertaking. In order to which ends, I have with all possible Respect, and Industry, Besought, Solicited, and Obtained the Assistance of persons equal to the enterprise, and not only Critics in the Tongue, but Men of known fame, and Abilities, for style and Ornament, but I shall rather refer you to the Learned and Ingenious Translators of this first part, (whose Names you will find in the next page) as a Specimen of what you may promise yourself from the Rest?  
After this Right done to the Greek Author, I shall not need to say what profit, and delight will accrue to the English Reader from this version, when he shall see this Illustrious piece, in his own Mother Tongue; and the very Spirit of the Original, Transfused into the Traduction. And in one word; Plutarch's Worthies made yet more famous, by a Translation that gives a farther Lustre, even to Plutarch himself.  
Now as to the Booksellers Part; I must justify myself, that I have done all that to me belonged: That is to say, I have been punctually Faithful to all my Commissions toward the Correctness, and the Decency of the Work, and I have said to my self, that which I now say to the Public;  
It is impossible, but a Book that comes into the World with so many circumstances of Dignity, usefulness, and esteem, must turn to account.   

A Table of the Lives contained in this first Volume.  

Plutarch, Written by Mr. Dryden.  
Theseus' Translated by Mr. Duke, pag. 1.  
Romulus, Mr. Smallwood, p. 63.  
Lycurgus, Mr. Chetwood, 129.  
Numa Pompilius, Mr. Rycaut, 205.  
Solon, Mr. Creech, 275.  
Poplicoca, Mr. Dodswell, 329.  
Themistocles, Dr. Brown, 367.  
Furius Camillus, Mr. Pain, 427.  
Pericles, Dr. Littleton, 501.  
Fabius Maximus, Mr. Carryl, 601.    


PLUTARCH   portrait  
THE LIFE OF PLUTARCH.  Written by Mr. DRYDEN. 
I Know not by what Fate it comes to pass, that Historians, who give immortality to others, are so ill requited by Posterity, that their Actions and their Fortunes are usually forgotten; neither themselves encouraged, while they live, nor their memory preserved entire to future Ages. 'Tis the ingratitude of Mankind to their greatest Benefactors, that they, who teach us wisdom by the surest ways, (setting before us what we ought to shun or to pursue, by the examples of the most famous Men whom they Record, and by the experience of their Faults and Virtues,) should generally live poor and unregarded; as if they were born only for the public, and had no interest in their own well-being; but were to be lighted up like Tapers, and to waste themselves, for the benefit of others. But this is a complaint too general, and the custom has been too long established to be remedied; neither does it wholly reach our Author: He was born in an Age, which was sensible of his virtue; and found a Trajan to reward him, as Aristotle did an Alexander. But the Historians, who succeeded him, have either been too envious, or too careless of his reputation; none of them, not even his own Countrymen, having given us any particular account of him; or if they have, yet their Works are not transmitted to us; so that we are forced to glean from Plutarch, what he has scattered in his Writings, concerning himself and his Original: Which (excepting that little memorial, that Suidas, and some few others, have left concerning him) is all we can collect, relating to this great Philosopher and Historian.  
He was born at Chaeronea a small City of Boeotia in Greece, between Attica and Phocis, and reaching to both Seas. The Climate not much befriended by the Heavens; for the air is thick and foggy; and consequently the Inhabitants partaking of its influence, gross feeders, and fat witted; brawny, and unthinking, just the constitution of Heroes: Cut out for the Executive and brutal business of War; but so stupid in the designing part, that in all the revolutions of Greece they were never Masters, but only in those few years, when they were led by Epaminondas, or Pelopidas. Yet this foggy air, this Country of fat weathers, as Juvenal calls it, produced three wits, which were comparable to any three Athenians: Pyndar, Epaminondas, and our Plutarch, to whom we may add a fourth, Sextus Chaeronensis, the Praeceptor of the learned Emperor Marcus Aurelius; and the Nephew of our Author.  
Choercnea, (if we may give credit to Pausanias, in the ninth Book of his description of Greece) was anciently called Arnè; from Arnè the Daughter of Aeolus; but being situated to the west of Parnassus in that low land country, the natural unwholsomness of the Air was augmented by the evening Vapours cast upon it from that Mountain, which our late Travellers describe to be full of moisture and marshy ground enclosed in the inequality of its ascents: And being also exposed to the winds which blew from that quarter, the Town was perpetually unhealthful, for which reason, says my Author, Chaeron, the Son of Apollo and Thero, made it be rebuilt, and turned it towards the rising Sun; From whence the Town became healthful and consequently populous; in memory of which benefit it afterwards retained his name. But as Etymologies are uncertain, and the Greeks, above all Nations, given to fabulous derivations of Names, especially, when they tend to the Honour of their Country, I think we may be reasonably content to take the denomination of the Town from its delightful or cheerful standing; as the word Chaeron sufficiently implies.  
But to lose no time, in these grammatical Etymologies, which are commonly uncertain ghesses, 'tis agreed that Plutarch was here born; the year uncertain; but without dispute in the reign of Claudius.  
Joh. Gerrard Vossius has assigned his birth in the latter end of that Emperor: Some other Writers of his Life, have left it undecided, whether then, or in the beginning of Nero's Empire: But the most accurate Rualdus (as I find it in the Paris Edition of Plutarch's Works) has manifestly proved him to be born in the middle time of Claudius, or somewhat lower: For Plutarch in the inscription at Delphos, of which more hereafter, remembers that Ammonius his Master disputed with him and his Brother Lamprias concerning it, when Nero made his progress into Greece; which was in his twelfth year; and the Question disputed could not be managed with so much learning as it was, by mere Boys; therefore he was then sixteen, or rather eighteen years of age.  
Xylander has observed that Plutarch himself, in the Life of Pericles, and that of Anthony, has mentioned both Nero and Domitian, as his Contemporaries. He has also left it on Record in his Symposiaques, that his Family was ancient in Chaeronea; and that for many descents, they had born the most considerable Offices in that petty Commonwealth. The chiefest of which was known by the name of Archon amongst the Grecians; by that of Praetor Vrbis among the Romans; and the Dignity and Power was not much different from that of our Lord Mayor of London. His Great Grandfather Nicarchus perhaps enjoyed that Office in the division of the Empire betwixt Augustus Caesar and Mark Anthony. And when the Civil Wars ensued betwixt them, Chaeronea was so hardly used by Anthony's Lieutenant or Commissary there, that all the Citizens without exception, were servilely employed to carry on their shoulders a certain proportion of Corn from Chaeronea to the Coast over against the Island of Antycira, with the Scourge held over them, if at any time they were remiss: Which duty after once performing, being enjoined the Second time with the same severity, just as they were preparing for their journey, the welcome news arrived that Mark Anthony had lost the Battle of Actium, whereupon both the Officers and Soldiers, belonging to him in Chaeronea, immediately fled for their own safety; and the provisions thus collected, were distributed among the Inhabitants of the City.  
This Nicarchus, the Great Grandfather of Plutarch, among other Sons, had Lamprias, a Man eminent for his Learning; and a Philosopher, of whom Plutarch has made frequent mention in his Symposiaques, or Table Conversations, and amongst the rest, there is this observation of him, that he disputed best, and unravelled the difficulties of Philosophy with most success when he was at Supper, and well warmed with Wine. These Table Entertainments were part of the Education of those times, their discourses being commonly the canvasing and Solution of some question, either Philosophical or Philological, always instructive, and usually pleasant; for the Cups went round with the debate; and Men were merry and wise together, according to the Proverb. The Father of Plutarch is also mentioned, in those Discourses, whom our Author represents as arguing of several points in Philosophy; but his name is no where to be found in any part of the works remaining to us. But yet he speaks of him, as a Man not ignorant in Learning and Poetry, as may appear by what he says, when he is introduced disputing in the Symposiaques; where also his prudence and humanity are commended, in this following Relation. Being yet very young (says Plutarch) I was joined, in Commission with another in an Embassy to the Proconsul, and my Colleague falling sick was forced to stay behind, so that the whole business was Transacted by me alone. At my return, when I was to give account to the Commonwealth of my proceedings, my Father, rising from his Seat, openly enjoined me not to name myself in the singular Number, I did thus, or thus, I said to the Proconsul, but thus we did and thus we said, always associating my Companion with me, though absent in the management: this was done to observe, as I suppose, the point of good manners with his Colleague, that of respect to the Government of the City, who had commissioned both, to avoid envy, and perhaps more especially, to take off the forwardness of a pert young Minister, commonly too apt to overvalue his own services, and to quote himself on every inconsiderable occasion. The Father of Plutarch had many Children besides him; Timon and Lamprias, his Brothers, were bred up with him, all three instructed in the Liberal Sciences, and in all parts of Philosophy. 'Tis Manifest from our Author that they lived together in great friendliness, and in great veneration to their Grandfather and Father. What affection Plutarch bore in parricular to his Brother Timon may be gathered from these words of his. As for myself, though fortune on several occasions has been favourable to me, I have no obligation so great to her, as the kindness, and entire friendship, which my Brother Timon has always born, and still bears me: and this is so evident that it cannot but be noted, by every one of our acquaintance. Lamprias, the youngest of the three, is introduced by him in his Morals, as one of a sweet and pleasant Conversation, inclined to Mirth and Raillery; or, as we say in English, a well humoured man, and a good Companion. The whole Family being thus addicted to Philosophy, 'tis no wonder if our Author was initiated betimes in Study, to which he was naturally inclined. In pursuit of which he was so happy, to fall into good hands at first; being recommended to the care of Ammonius an Egyptian, who, having taught Philosophy with great Reputation at Alexandria, and from thence travelling into Greece, settled himself at last in Athens, where he was well received, and generally respected. At the end of Themistocles his Life, Plutarch relates, that being young, he was a Pensioner in the house of this Ammonius; and in his Symposiaques he brings him in disputing with his Scholars, and giving them instruction. For the custom of those times was very much different from these of ours, where the greatest part of our Youth is spent in learning the words of dead languages: The Grecians, who thought all Barbarians but themselves, despised the use of Foreign tongues; so that the first Elements of their breeding was the knowledge of Nature, and the accommodation of that knowledge by Moral precepts, to the service of the public, and the private offices of virtue. The Masters employing one part of their time in reading to, and discoursing with their Scholars, and the rest in appointing them their several Exercises either in Oratory or Philosophy; and setting them to declaim and to dispute amongst themselves. By this liberal sort of Education, study was so far from being a burden to them, that in a short time, it became a habit, and Philosophical questions, and criticisms of humanity, were their usual recreations at their Meals. Boys lived then, as the better sort of Men do now; and their conversation was so well bred and Manly, that they did not plunge out of their depth into the World, when they grew up; but slid easily into it, and found no alteration in their Company. Amongst the rest, the Reading and Quotations of Poets were not forgotten at their Suppers, and in their Walks; but Homer, Euripides, and Sophocles, were the entertainment of their hours of freedom. Rods and Ferula's were not used by Ammonius, as being properly the punishment of slaves, and not the correction of ingenuous freeborn Men. At least to be only exercised by parents, who had the power of life and death over their own Children. As appears by the Example of this Ammonius, thus related by our Author.  
Our Master (says he) one time, perceiving, at his afternoon Lecture; that some of his Scholars had eaten more largely than became the moderation of Students, immediately commanded one of his Freemen to take his own Son, and Scourge him in our sight; because, said the Philosopher, my young Gentleman could not eat his Dinner, without Poignant sauce, or Vinegar; and at the same time he cast his eye on all of us: So that every Criminal was given to understand, that he had a share in the reprehension, and that the punishment was as well deserved by all the rest, had the Philosopher not known, that it exceeded his Commission to inflict it.  
Plutarch therefore having the assistance of such a Master, in few years advanced to admiration in knowledge: And that without first Travelling into Foreign parts, or acquiring any Foreign tongue; though the Roman Language at that time was not only vulgar in Rome itself, but generally through the extent of that vast Empire, and in Greece, which was a Member of it, as our Author has remarked towards the end of his Platonic questions. For like a true Philosopher, who minded things, not words, he strove not even to cultivate his Mother Tongue with any great exactness. And himself confesses in the beginning of Demosthenes his life, that during his abode in Italy, and at Rome, he had neither the leisure to study, nor so much as to exercise the Roman language; (I suppose he means to write in it, rather than to speak it,) as well by reason of the affairs he managed, as that he might acquit himself to those who were desirous to be instructed by him in Philosophy. In so much that till the declination of his age, he began not to be conversant in Latin books; in reading of which it happened somewhat oddly to him, that he learned not the knowledge of things by words; but by the understanding and use he had of things, attained to the knowledge of words which signified them. Just as Adam (setting aside divine illumination) called the Creatures by their proper Names, by first understanding of their natures. But for the delicacies of the Tongue, the turns of the Expression, the figures and connexion's of words, in which consist the beauty of that language, he plainly tells us, that though he much admired them, yet they required too great labour for a Man in Age, and plunged in business to attain perfectly. Which Compleplement I should be willing to believe from a Philosopher, if I did not consider, that Dion Cassius, nay even Herodian, and Appian after him, as well as Polybius before him, by writing the Roman History in the Greek language, had shown as manifest a contempt of Latin, in respect of the other, as French Men now do of English, which they disdain to speak, while they live among us: But with great advantage to their trivial conceptions, drawing the discourse into their own language, have learned to despise our better thoughts, which must come deformed and lame in conversation to them, as being transmitted in a Tongue of which we are not Masters. This is to arrogate a superiority in nature over us, as undoubtedly the Grecians did over their Conquerors, by establishing their language for a Standard; it being become so much a mode to speak and write Greek in Tully's time, that with some indignation I have read his Epistles to Atticus, in which he desires to have his own consulship written by his friend in the Grecian language; which he afterwards performed himself; a vain attempt in my opinion, for any Man to endeavour to excel in a Tongue which he was not born to speak. This, though it be digression, yet deserves to be considered at more leisure; for the honour of of our Wit and Writings, which are of a more solid make than that of our Neighbours, is concerned in it. But to return to Plutarch, as it was his good fortune to be moulded first by Masters the most excellent in their kind, so it was his own virtue, to suck in with an incredible desire, and earnest application of mind, their wise instructions; and it was also his prudence so to manage his health by moderation of diet and bodily exercise, as to preserve his parts without decay to a great old age; to be lively and vigorous to the last, and to preserve himself to his own enjoyments, and to the profit of Mankind. Which was not difficult for him to perform, having received from nature a constitution capable of labour; and from the Domestic example of his Parents, a sparing sobriety of diet, a temperance in other pleasures, and above all an Habitude of commanding his passions in order to his health. Thus principled, and grounded, he considered with himself, that a larger Communication with learned Men was necessary for his accomplishment; and therefore, having a Soul insatiable of knowledge, and being ambitious to excel in all kinds of Science, he took up a resolution to Travel. Egypt was at that time, as formerly it had been, famous for learning; and probably the Mysteriousness of their Doctrine might tempt him, as it had done Pythagoras and others, to converse with the Priesthood of that Country, which appears to have been particularly his business by the Treatise of Isis and Osiris, which he has left us. In which he shows himself not meanly versed, in the ancient Theology and Philosophy of those wise Men. From Egypt returning into Greece, he visited in his way all the Academies, or Schools of the several Philosophers, and gathered from them many of those observations with which he has enriched Posterity.  
Besides this, he applied himself, with extreme diligence, to collect not only all books which were excellent in their kind, and already published, but also all sayings and discourses of wise Men, which he had heard in conversation, or which he had received from others by Tradition. As likewise the Records and public Instruments, preserved in Cities, which he had visited in his Travels; and which he afterwards scattered through his works. To which purpose he took a particular Journey to Sparta, to search the Archives of that famous Commonwealth, to understand throughly the model of their ancient Government, their Legislators, their Kings, and their Ephori, digesting all their memorable deeds and sayings, with so much care, that he has not omitted those even of their Women, or their private Soldiers; together with their Customs, their Decrees, their Ceremonies, and the manner of their public and private living, both in peace and war. The same methods he also took in divers other Commonwealths, as his Lives, and his Greek and Roman Questions sufficiently testify. Without these helps it had been impossible for him to leave in writing so many particular observations of Men and manners, and as impossible to have gathered them, without conversation and commerce with the learned Antiquaries of his time. To these he added a curious Collection of Ancient Statues, Medals, Inscriptions, and Paintings, as also of proverbial sayings, Epigrams, Epitaphs, Apothegms, and other Ornaments of History, that he might leave nothing unswept behind him. And as he was continually in Company with Men of learning, in all professions, so his memory was always on the stretch, to receive and lodge their discourses; and his Judgement perpetually employed in separating his notions, and distinguishing which were fit to be preserved, and which to be rejected.  
By benefit of this, in little time he enlarged his knowledge to a great extent in every Science; himself in the beginning of the Treatise which he has composed of Content, and Peace of mind, makes mention of those Collections, or Common places, which he had long since drawn together for his own particular occasions: And 'tis from this rich Cabinet that he has taken out those excellent pieces, which he has distributed to Posterity, and which give us occasion to deplore the loss of the residue, which either the injury of time, or the negligence of Coppiers have denied to us. On this account, though we need not doubt to give him this general commendation, that he was ignorant of no sort of learning, yet we may justly add this farther, that whoever will consider through the whole body of his Works, either the design, the method, or the contexture of his Discourses, whether Historical or Moral, or Questions of natural Philosophy, or SoSolutions of Problems Mathematical, whether he arraigns' the opinions of others Sects, or establishes the Doctrines of his own, in all these kinds there will be found, both the harmony of order and the beauty of easiness. His reasons so solid and convincing, his inductions so pleasant and agreeable to all sorts of Readers, that it must be acknowledged he was Master of every Subject which he treated, and treated none but what were improveable to the benefit of Instruction. For we may perceive in his Writing the desire he had to imprint his Precepts in the Souls of his Readers; and to lodge Morality in Families, nay even to exalt it to the Thrones of Sovereign Princes, and to make it the Rule and measure of their Government. Finding that there were many Sects of Philosophers then in vogue, he searched into the foundation of all their principles and opinions; and not content with this disquisition, he traced them to their several fountains. So that the Pythagorean, Epicurean, Stoic and Peripatetic Philosophy were familiar to him. And though it may be easily observed that he was chiefly inclined to follow Plato (whose memory he so much reverenced, that Annually he celebrated his Birthday, and also that of Socrates;) yet he modestly contained himself within the bounds of the latter Academy, and was content, like Cicero, only to propound and weigh opinions, leaving the Judgement of his Readers free without presuming to decide Dogmatically. Yet it is to be confessed, that in the midst of this moderation, he opposed the two extremes of the Epicurean and Stoic Sects: Both which he has judiciously combated in several of his Treatises, and both upon the same account, because they pretend too much to certainty, in their Dogmas; and to impose them with too great arrogance; which he, who (following the Academists,) doubted more and pretended less, was no way able to support. The Pyrrhonians, or grosser sort of Sceptics, who bring all certainty in question, and startle even at the notions of Common sense, appeared as absurd to him on the other side; for there is a kind of positiveness in granting nothing to be more likely on one part than on another, which his Academy avoided by inclining the balance to that hand, where the most weighty reasons, and probability of truth were visible. The Moral Philosophy therefore was his chiefest aim; because the principles of it admitted of less doubt; and because they were most conducing to the benefit of human life. For after the Example of Socrates he had found, that the speculations of Natural Philosophy, were more delightful than solid and profitable; that they were abstruse and thorny, and much of Sophism in the solution of appearances. That the Mathematics indeed, could reward his pains with many demonstrations, but though they made him wiser, they made him not more virtuous, and therefore attained not the end of happiness: For which reason though he had far advanced in that study, yet he made it but his Recreation, not his business. Some Problem of it, was his usual divertisement at Supper, which he mingled also with pleasant and more light discourses. For he was no sour Philosopher; but passed his time as merrily as he could, with reference to virtue: He forgot not to be pleasant while he instructed; and entertained his friends with so much cheerfulness and good humour, that his learning was not nauseous to them; neither were they afraid of his Company another time. He was not so Austere as to despise Riches, but being in possession of a large Fortune, he lived though not splendidly, yet plentifully; and suffered not his friends to want that part of his Estate, which he thought superfluous to a Philosopher.  
The Religion he professed, to speak the worse of it, was Heathen. I say the Religion he professed; for 'tis no way probable, that so great a Philosopher, and so wise a Man, should believe the Superstitions and Fopperies of Paganism: But that he accommodated himself to the use and received Customs of his Country. He was indeed a Priest of Apollo, as himself acknowledges, but that proves him not to have been a Polytheist.  
I have ever thought, that the Wisemen in all Ages, have not much differed in their opinions of Religion; I mean as it is grounded on human Reason: For Reason, as as far as it is right, must be the same in all Men; and Truth being but one, they must consequently think in the same Train. Thus it is not to be doubted, but the Religion of Socrates, Plato, and Plutarch was not different in the main: Who doubtless believed the identity of one Supreme Intellectual Being, which we call GOD. But because they who have written the Life of Plutarch in other languages, are contented barely to assert that our Author believed one God, without quoting those passages of his which would clear the point; I will give you two of them, amongst many, in his Morals. The first is in his Book of the Cessation of Oracles; where arguing against the Stoics (in behalf of the Platonists,) who disputed against the plurality of Worlds with this Argument; That if there were many Worlds, how then could it come to pass, that there was one only Fate, and one Providence to guide them all? (for it was granted by the Platonists that there was but one:) and why should not many Jupiter's or God's be necessary, for Government of many Worlds? To this Plutarch answers, That this their captious question was but trifling: For where is the necessity of supposing many Jupiter's, for this plurality of Worlds; when one excellent being, endued with mind and reason, such as he is, whom we acknowledge to be the Father and Lord of all things, is sufficient to direct and Rule these Worlds; whereas if there were more Supreme Agents, their decrees must still be the more absurd and contradictious to one another. I pretend not this passage to be Translated word for word, but 'tis the sense of the whole, though the order of the Sentence be inverted. The other is more plain: 'Tis, in his Comment on the Word EI or those two Letters inscribed on the Gates of the Temple at Delphos. Where having given the several opinions concerning it, as first that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies if, because all the questions which were made to Apollo began with If; as suppose they asked, if the Grecians should overcome the Persians; if such a Marriage should come to to pass, etc. And afterwards that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 might signify thou art, as the second person of the present tense of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 intimating thereby the being or perpetuity of being belonging to Apollo, as a God; in the same sense that God expressed himself to Moses, I am hath sent thee; Plutarch subjoins, (as inclining to this latter opinion) these following words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 says he, signifies thou art one, for there are not many Deities; but only one. Continues, I mean not one in the aggregate sense, as we say one Army, or one Body of Men, constituted of many individuals; but that which is, must of necessity be one; and to be, implies to be One. One is that which is a simple being, uncompounded, or free from mixture: Therefore to be One in this sense, is only consistent with a Nature, pure in itself, and not capable of alteration, or decay.  
That he was no Christian is manifest: Yet he is no where found to have spoken with contumely of our Religion, like the other Writers of his Age, and those who succeeded him. Theodoret says of him, that he had heard of our holy Gospel; and inserted many of our Sacred Mysteries in his Works, which we may easily believe, because the Christian Churches were then spread in Greece; and Pliny the younger was at the same time conversant amongst them in Asia, though that part of our Author's Works is not now extant, from whence Theodoret might gather those passages. But we need not wonder that a Philosopher was not easy to embrace the divine Mysteries of our Faith. A modern God, as our Saviour was to him, was of hard digestion to a Man, who probably despised the vanities and fabulous Relations of all the old. Besides a Crucfyed Saviour of Mankind, a Doctrine attested by illiterate Disciples, the Author of it a Jew, whose Nation at that time was despicable, and his Doctrine but an innovation among that despised people, to which the Learned of his own Country gave no credit, and which the Magistrates of his Nation punished with an ignominious death; the Scene of his Miracles acted in an obscure Corner of the world; his being from Eternity, yet born in time, his Resurrection and Ascension, these and many more particulars, might easily choke the Faith of a Philosopher, who believed no more than what he could deduce from the principles of Nature; and that too with a doubtful Academical assent, or rather an inclination to assent to probability: which he judged was wanting in this new Religion. These circumstances considered, though they plead not an absolute invincible ignorance in his behalf, yet they amount at least to a degree of it; for either he thought them not worth weighing, or rejected them when weighed; and in both cases he must of necessity be ignorant, because he could not know without Revelation, and the Revelation was not to him. But leaving the Soul of Plutarch, with our Charitable wishes, to his Maker, we can only trace the rest of his opinions in Religion from his Philosophy: Which we have said in the General to be Platonic; tho it cannot also be denied, that there was a tincture in it of the Electick Sect, which was begun by Potamon under the Empire of Augustus, and which selected from all the other Sects, what seemed most probable in their opinions, not adhering singularly to any of them, nor rejecting every thing. I will only touch his belief of Spirits. In his two Treatises of Oracles, the one concerning the reason of their Cessation, the other enquiring why they were not given in verse, as in former times; he seems to assert the Pythagorean Doctrine of Transmigration of Souls. We have formerly shown, that he owned the the Unity of a Godhead; whom according to his Attributes, he calls by several names, as Jupiter from his Almighty Power, Apollo from his Wisdom, and so of the rest; but under him he places those beings whom he styles Genii, or Daemons, of a middle nature, betwixt Divine and Human: for he thinks it absurd that there should be no mean betwixt the two extremes, of an Immortal and a Mortal Being: That there cannot be in nature so vast a flaw, without some intermedial kind of life, partaking of them both; as therefore we find the intercourse betwixt the Soul and body, to be made by the Animal Spirits, so betwixt Divinity and humanity there is this species of Daemons: Who, having first been Men, and following the strict Rules of virtue had purged off the grossness and feculency of their earthly being, are exalted into these Genii; and are from thence either raised higher into an Aetherial life, if they still continue virtuous, or tumbled down again into Mortal Bodies, and sinking into flesh after they have lost that purity, which constituted their glorious being. And this sort of Genii, are those, who, as our Author imagines, presided over Oracles: Spirits which have so much of their terrestrial principles remaining in them, as to be subject to passions and inclinations; usually beneficent, sometimes Malevolent to Mankind, according as they refine themselves, or gather dross, and are declining into Mortal Bodies. The Cessation, or rather the decrease of Oracles, (for some of them were still remaing in Plutarch's time) he Attributes either to the death of those Daemons, as appears by the story of the Egyptian Thamus, who was Commanded to declare that the great God Pan was dead, or to their forsaking of those places, where they formerly gave out their Oracles; from whence they were driven by stronger Genii, into banishment for a certain Revolution of Ages. Of this last nature, was the War of the Giants against the Gods, the dispossession of Saturn by Jupiter, the banishment of Apollo from Heaven, the fall of Vulcan, and many others; all which according to our Authors, were the battles of these Genii or Daemons amongst themselves. But supposing, as Plutarch evidently does, that these Spirits administered, under the Supreme Being, the affairs of Men, taking care of the virtuous, punishing the bad; and sometimes communicating with the best, as particularly the Genius of Socrates, always warned him of approaching dangers, and taught him to avoid them.  
I cannot but wonder that every one, who has hitherto written Plutarch's Life, and particularly Rualdus, the most knowing of them all, should so confidently affirm that these Oracles, were given by bad Spirits according to Plutarch: As Christians, indeed we may think them so; but that Plutarch so thought, is a most apparent falsehood: 'Tis enough to convince a reasonable Man that our Author in his old age, (and that then he doted not, we may see by the Treatise he has written, that old Men ought to have the management of public Affairs) I say that then he initiated himself, in the Sacred Rities of Delphos; and died, for aught we know, Apollo's Priest. Now it is not to be imagined, that he thought the God he served a Cacodaemon, or as we call him a Devil. Nothing could be farther from the opinion and practice of this holy Philosopher than so gross an impiety. The story of the Pythias, or Priestess of Apollo, which he relates immediately before the ending of that Treatise, concerning the Cessation of Oracles, confirms my assertion, rather than shakes it: For 'tis there delivered, That going with great reluctation, into the Sacred place to be inspired; she came out, foaming at the mouth, her eyes gogling, her breast heaving, her voice undistinguishable, and shrill, as if she had an Earthquake within her, labouring for vent; and in short, that thus tormented with the God, whom she was not able to support, she died distracted in few days after. For he had said before, that the Devineress ought to have no perturbations of mind, or impure passions at the time when she was to consult the Oracle, and if she had, she was no more fit to to be inspired, than an instrument untuned, to render an harmonious sound: And he gives us to suspect, by what he says at the close of this Relation, That this Pythias had not lived Chastely for some time before it. So that her death appears more like a punishment inflicted for loose living by some holy power, than the mere malignancy of a Spirit delighted naturally in mischief. There is another observation which indeed comes nearer to their purpose, which I will digress so far, as to relate, because it somewhat appertains to our own Country. There are many Islands (says he) which lie scattering about Britain, after the manner of our Sporades: They are unpeopled, and some of them are called the Islands of the Heroes, or the Genii. One Demetrius was sent by the Emperor, (who by computation of the time must either be Caligula or Claudius) to discover those parts, and arriving at one of the Islands next adjoining to the forementioned, which was inhabited by some few Britain's, (but those held Sacred and inviolable by all their Countrymen,) immediately after his arrival, the air grew black and troubled, strange Apparitions were seen, the winds raised a Tempest, and fiery spouts or Whirlwinds appeared dancing towards the Earth. When these prodigies were ceased the Islanders informed him, that some one of the aerial Being's, superior to our Nature, then ceased to live. For as a Taper while yet burning, affords a pleasant harmless light, but is noisome and offensive when extinguished, so those Hero's shine benignly on us, and do us good, but at their death turn all things topsie turvy, raise up tempests, and infect the air with pestilential vapours. By those holy and inviolable men, there is no question but he means our druids, who were nearest to the Pythagoreans of any Sect; and this opinion of the Genii might probably be one of theirs: Yet it proves not that all Daemons were thus malicious; only those who were to be Condemned hereafter into human bodies, for their misdemeanours in their aerial Being. But 'tis time to leave a subject, so very fanciful, and so little reasonable as this: I am apt to imagine the natural vapours, arising in the Cave where the Temple afterwards was Built, might work upon the Spirits of those who entered the holy place, as they did on the Shaphard Coretas, who first found it out by accident; and incline them to Enthusiasm and prophetic madness. That as the strength of those vapours diminished, (which were generally in Caverns as that of Mopsus, of Trophonius, and this of Delphos,) so the inspiration decreaed by the same measures: That they happened to be stronger, when they killed the Pythias, who being conscious of this, was so unwilling to enter. That the Oracles ceased to be given in Verse, when Poets ceased to be the Priests, and that the Genius of Socrates, (whom he confessed never to have seen, but only to have heard inwardly, and unperceived by others,) was no more than the strength of his imagination; or to speak in the Language of a Christian Platonist, his Guardian Angel.  
I pretend not to an exactness of method in this Life, which I am forced to collect by patches from several Authors; and therefore without much regard to the connection of times which are so uncertain.  
I will in the next place speak of his Marriage. His Wife's name, her Parentage, and Dowry are no where mentioned by him, or any other, nor in what part of his age he Married: Thomas 'tis probable, in the flower of it: But Rualdus has ingeniously gathered from a convincing circumstance, that she was called Timoxena: Because Plutarch in a Consolatory Letter to her, occasioned by the Death of their Daughter in her Infancy, uses these words: Your Timoxena is deprived (by death) of small enjoyments; for the things she knew were of small moment, and she could be delighted only with trifles. Now it appears by the Letter, that the Name of this Daughter was the same with her Mothers, therefore it could be no other than Timoxena. Her knowledge, her conjugal virtues, her abhorrency from the vanities of her Sex, and from superstition, her gravity in behaviour and her constancy in supporting the loss of Children, are likewise Celebrated by our Author. No other wife of Plutarch is found mentioned; and therefore we may conclude he he had no more: By the same reason for which we Judge that he had no other Master than Ammonius, because 'tis evident he was so grateful in his nature, that he would have preserved their Memory.  
The number of his Children was at least five; so many being mentioned by him. Four of them were Sons; of the other Sex only Timoxena, who died at two years old, as is manifest from the Epistle abovementioned. The French Translater Amiot, from whom our old English Translation of the Lives was made, supposes him to have had another Daughter, where he speaks of his Son-in-Law Crato. But the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which Plutarch there uses, is of a larger signification; for it may as well be expounded Father-in-law, his Wife's Brother, or his Sister's Husband, as Budaeus notes: This I the rather mention, because the same Amiot is tasked for an infinite number of mistakes, by his own Countrymen of the present Age; which is enough to recommend this Translation of our Author into the English tongue, being not from any Copy, but from the Greek Original. Two other Sons of Plutarch were already deceased, before Timoxena. His eldest Autobulus, mentioned in his Symposiaques, and another whose Name is not Recorded. The youngest was called Charon, who also died in his Infancy: The two remaining are supposed to have survived him. The Name of one was Plutarch, after his own; and that of the other Lamprias, so called in memory of his Grandfather. This was he, of all his Children, who seems to have inherited his Father's Philosophy: And to him we owe the Table or Catalogue of Plutarch's Writings, and perhaps also the Apothegms. His Nephew, but whether by his Brother or Sister remains uncertain, was Sextus Chaeroneus, who was much honoured by that learned Emperor Marcus Aurelius, and who taught him the Greek tongue, and the principles of Philosophy: This Emperor professing Stoicism, (as appears by his Writings,) inclines us to believe, that our Sextus Chaeroneus, was of the Stoic Sect; and consequently, that the World has generally been mistaken, in supposing him to have been the same man with Sextus Empiricus the Sceptic; whom Suidas plainly tells us to have been an African: Now Empiricus could not but be a Sceptic, for he opposes all Dogmatists, and particularly them. But I heard it first observed by an ingenious and Learned old Gentleman lately deceased, that many of Mr. Hobbs his seeming new opinions, are gathered from those which Sextus Empiricus exposed. The Book is extant, and I refer the curious to it, not pretending to arraign, or to excuse him. Some think the Famous Critic Longinus was of Plutarch's Family, descended from a Sister of his; but the proofs are so weak, that I will not insert them: They may both of them rely on their proper merits; and stand not in want of a Relation to each other. 'tis needless to insist on his behaviour in his Family: His Love to his Wife, his Indulgence to his Children, his care of their Education are all manifest in that part of his Works which is called his Morals. Other parts of his disposition have been touched already; as that he was courteous and humane to all Men; free from inconstancy, anger, and the desire of revenge; which qualities of his, as they have been praised by the Authority of other Writers, may also be recommended from his own Testimony of himself. I had rather, says he, be forgotten in the memory of Men, and that it should be said, there neither is, nor was a Man called Plutarch, then that they should report, this Plutarch was unconstant, changeable in his temper, prone to anger and revenge on the least occasions. What he was to his Slaves you may believe from this, that in general he accuses those Masters of extreme hardness and injustice, who use Men like Oxen; sell them in their age when they can drudge no longer. A Man says he, of a merciful disposition, ought not to retrench the fodder from his Cattle, nor the provender from his Horses when they can work no longer, but to cherish them when worn out and old. Yet Plutarch, though he knew how to moderate his anger, was not on the contrary, subject to an insensibility of wrongs; not so remiss in exacting duty, or so tame in suffering the disobedience of his Servants, that he could not correct when they deserved it: As is manifest from the following story, which Aulus Gellius had from the mouth of Taurus the Philosopher concerning him. Plutarch had a certain Slave, a saucy stubborn kind of fellow; in a word, one of those pragmatical Servants, who never make a fault, but they give a reason for it; his justifications one time would not serve his turn, but his Master commanded him to be stripped; and that the Law should be laid on his backside. He no sooner felt the smart, but he muttered that he was unjustly punished, and that he had done nothing to deserve the Scourge. At last he began to bawl out louder; and, leaving off his groaning, his sighs and, his lamentations, to argue the matter with more show of reason: And, as under such a Master, he must needs have gained a smattering of learning, he cried out that Plutarch was not the Philosopher he pretended himself to be, That he had heard him waging War against all the passions; and maintaining that anger was unbecoming a wise Man: Nay, that he had written a particular Treatise, in commendation of Clemency. That therefore he contradicted his precepts by his practices, since abandoning himself over to his Choler, he exercised such inhuman cruelty on the body of his fellow Creature. How's this, (Mr. Varlet,) answered Plutarch, by what signs and tokens, can you prove I am in passion? Is it by my Countenance, my voice, the colour of my face, by my words, or by my gestures, that you have discovered this my fury? I am not of opinion, that my eyes sparkle, that I foam at mouth, that I gnash my teeth, or that my voice is more vehement, or that my colour is either more pale or more red than at other times; that I either shake or stamp with madness, that I say or do any thing unbecoming a Philosopher: These, if you know them not, are the Symptoms of a Man in rage: In the mean (turning to the Officer who scourged him) while he and I dispute this matter, mind you your business on his back.  
His love to his Friends and his gratitude to his Benefactors are every where observable, in his dedications of his several Works, and the particular Treatises he has written to them on several occasions, are all suitable either to the characters of the Men, or to their present condition, and the circumstances under which they were. His love to his Country, is from hence conspicuous, that he professes to have written the Life of Lucullus, and to have preserved the memory of his actions, because of the favours he conferred on the City of Chaeronea; which though his Country received so long before, yet he thought it appertained to him to repay them, and took an interest in their acknowledgement. As also that he vindicated the Baeotians from the calumnies of Herodotus the Historian in his Book concerning the malignity of that Author. In which 'tis observable, that his zeal to his Country transported him too far; for Herodotus had said no more of them, than what was generally held to be true in all Ages, concerning the grossness of their wits, their voracity, and those other national vices, which we have already noted on this account; therefore Petrarch has accused our Author of the same malignity, for which he taxed Herodotus: But they may both stand acquitted, on different accounts: Herodotus for having given a true Character of the Thebans, and Plutarch for endeavouring to palliate the vices of a people from whom he was descended. The rest of his manners without entering into particulars, were unblameable, if we excuse a little proneness to superstition: And regulating his actions by his dreams: But how far this will bear an accusation I determine not, though Tully has endeavoured to show the vanity of Dreams, in his Treatise of Divinations, whether I refer the curious.  
On what occasion he repaired to Rome; at what time of his age he came thither; how long he dwelled there; how often he was there, and in what year he returned to his own Country, are all uncertain: This we know, that when Nero was in Greece, which was in his eleventh and twelfth years, our Author was at Delphos, under Ammonius, his Master; as appears by the disputation then managed, concerning the Inscription of the two letters E. I. Nero not living long afterwards, 'tis almost indisputable that he came not to Rome in all his Reign. 'Tis improbable that he would undertake the Voyage during the troublesome times of Galba, Otho and Vitellius; and we are not certain that he lived in Rome in the Empire of Vespasian: Yet we may guests that the mildness of this Emperor's Dominion, his fame and the virtues of his Son Titus assumed into the Empire afterwards by his Father, might induce Plutarch, amongst other considerations, to take this Journey in his time. 'tis argued from the following story, related by himself; that he was at Rome either in the joint Reign of the two Vespasian's, or at least in that of the survivor Titus. He says then, in his last Book concerning Curiosity. Reasoning, or rather reading once, at Rome, Arulenus Rusticus, the same Man whom afterwards Domitian put to death out of envy to his Glory, stood harkening to me amongst my Auditors: It so happened, that a Soldier, having Letters for him, from the Emperor, (who was either Titus or his Father Vespasian, as Rualdus thinks) broke through the crowd, to deliver him those Letters from the Emperor. Observing this, I made a pause in my dissertation, that Rusticus might have the leisure to read the Mandate which was sent him; but he absolutely refused to do it, neither would he be entreated to break the Seals till I had wholly made an end of my Speech, and dismissed the Company. Now I suppose the stress of the Argument, to prove that this Emperor was not Domitian, lies only in this clause (whom Domitian afterwards put to death:) but I think it rather leaves it doubtful, for they might be Domitian's Letters which he then received, and consequently he might not come to Rome till the Reign of that Emperor. This Rusticus was not only a learned but a good Man: He had been Tribune of the people under Nero, was Praetor in the time of Vitellius, and sent Ambassador to the Forces, raised under the Name of Vespasian, to persuade them to a peace. What Offices he bore afterwards we know not, but the cause of his death, besides the envy of Domitian to his fame, was a certain Book, or some Commentaries of his, wherein he had praised too much the Sanctity of Thrasea Paetus whom Nero had Murdered: And the praise of a good Citizen was insupportable to the Tyrant; being, I suppose, exasperated farther by some reflections of Rusticus, who could not commend Thrasea, but at the same time he must inveigh against the oppressor of the Roman Liberty. That Plutarch was Married in his own Country, and that before he came to Rome is probable; that the fame of him was come before him, by reason of some part of his works already published, is also credible, because he had so great resort of the Roman Nobility, to hear him read immediately, as we believe, upon his coming: That he was invited thither by the correspondence he had with Sossius Senecio, might be one reason of his undertaking that Journey, is almost undeniable. It likewise appears he was divers times at Rome; and perhaps, before he came to inhabit there, might make acquaintance with this worthy Man Senecio, to whom he Dedicated almost all these Lives of Greeks and Romans. I say almost all, because one of them, namely that of Aratus, is inscribed in most express words to Polycrates the Sicyonian the great Grandson of the said Aratus. This worthy Patron and friend of Plutarch, Senecio, was four times Consul; the first time in the short Reign of Cocceius Nerva, a virtuous and a learned Emperor; which opinion I rather follow than that of Aurelius Cassicdorus, who puts back his Consulship into the last of Domitian, because it is not probable that vicious Tyrant should exalt to that Dignity a Man of Virtue. This year falls in with the year of Christninty nine.  
But the great inducement of our Author to this journey was certainly, the desire he had to lay in materials for his Roman Lives; that was the design which he had formed early, and on which he had resolved to build his fame. Accordingly we have observed that he had travelled over Greece to peruse the Archives of every City; that he might be able to write properly, not only the Lives of his Grecian Worthies, but the Laws, the Customs, the Rites, and Ceremonies of every place. Which that he might treat with the same Mastery of skill, when he came to draw his Parallels of the Romans he took the invitation of his friends, and particularly of our Sossius Senecio to visit this Mistress of the World, this imperial City of Rome; and, by the favour of many great and learned men then living, to search the Records of the Capitol, and the Libraries, which might furnish him with instruments for so noble an undertaking. But that this may not seem to be my own bare opinion, or that of any modern Author, whom I follow, Plutarch himself has delivered it as his motive, in the life of Demosthenes: The words are these, Whosoever designs to write an History, (which 'tis impossible to form to any excellency from thofe materials, that are ready at hand, or to take from common report, while he sits lazily at home in his own Study, but must of necessity be gathered from Foreign observations and the scattered writings of various Authors) it concerns him to take up his Habitation in some renowned and populous City, where he may Command all sorts of Books, and be acquainted also with such particulars as have escaped the pens of Writers, and are only extant in the memories of Men. Let him inquire diligently, and weigh judiciously, what he hears and reads, lest he publish a lame Work, and be destitute of those helps which are required to its perfection. 'tis then most probable, that he passed his days at Rome, either in reading Philosophy of all kinds, to the Roman Nobility, who frequented his House, and heard him, as if there were somewhat more than humane in his words; and his nights (which were his only hours of private Study) in searching and examining Records, concerning Rome. Not but that he was entrusted also with the management of public affairs in the Empire, during his residence in the Metropolis: Which may be made out by what Suidas relates of him. Plutarch (says he) lived in the time of Trajan, and also before his Reign: That Emperor bestowed on him the Dignity of Consul, (though the Greek, I suppose, will bear, that he made him Consul with himself, at least transferred that honour on him:) An Edict was also made in favour of him, that the Magistrates or Officers of Illyria should do nothing in that Province without the knowledge and approbation of Plutarch. Now 'tis my particular guess (for I have not read it any where) that Plutarch had the affairs of Illyria (now called Sclavonia) recommended to him, because Trajan, we know, had Wars on that side the Empire with Decebalus King of Dacia; after whose defeat and death, the Province of Illyria might stand in need of Plutarch's Wisdom to compose and civilize it: But this is only hinted, as what possibly might be the reason of our Philosopher's superintendency in those quarters; which the French Author of his Life, seems to wonder at, as having no relation either to Chaeronea, or Greece.  
When he was first made known to Trajan is like the rest uncertain, or by what means, whether by Senecio, or any other, he was introduced to his acquaintance: But 'tis most likely, that Trajan then a private Man, was one of his Auditors, amongst others of the Nobility of Rome. 'tis also thought, this wise Emperor made use of him in all his Councils, and that the happiness which attended him in his undertake, together with the administration of the Government, which in all his Reign was just and regular, proceeded from the instructions which were given him by Plutarch. Johannes Sarisberiensis, who lived above six hundred years ago, has transcribed a Letter written, as he supposed, by our Author to that Emperor; whence he had it is not known, nor the original in Greek to be produced; but it passed for Genuine in that age, and if not Plutarch's, is at least worthy of him, and what might well be supposed a Man of his Character would write; for which reason I have here Translated it.  
Plutarch to Trajan.  
I Am satisfied that your modesty sought not the Empire, which yet you have always studied to deserve by the excellency of your manners. And by so much the more are you esteemed worthy of this honour, by how much you are free from the Ambition of desiring it. I therefore congratulate both your virtue, and my own good fortune, if at least your future Government shall prove answerable to your former merit: Otherwise you have involved yourself in dangers, and I shall infallibly be subject to the Censures of detracting Tongues; because Rome will never support an Emperor unworthy of her, and the faults of the Scholar will be upbraided to the Master. Thus Seneca is reproached, and his fame still suffers for the Vices of Nero. The miscarriages of Quintilians Scholars, have been thrown on him, and even Socrates himself is not free from the imputation of remissness on the account of his Pupil (Alcibiades.) But you will certainly administer all things as becomes you, if you still continue what you are, if you recede not from yourself, if you begin at home, and lay the foundation of Government on the command of your own passions, if you make virtue the scope of all your actions, they will all proceed in harmony and order: I have set before you the force of Laws and Civil constitutions of your Predecessors; which if you imitate and obey, Plutarch is then your Guide of living; if otherwise, let this present Letter be my Testimony against you, that you shall not ruin the Roman Empire, under the pretence of the Counsel and Authority of Plutarch.  
It may be conjectured, and with some show of probability, from hence, that our Author not only collected his materials, but also made a rough draught of many of these parallel Lives at Rome; and that he read them to Trajan for his instruction in Government; and so much the rather I believe it, because all Historians agree, that this Emperor, though naturally prudent and inclined to virtue, had more of the Soldier than the Scholar in his Education, before he had the happiness to know Plutarch; for which reason the Roman Lives, and the inspection into ancient Laws might be of necessary use to his direction. And now for the time of our Author's abode in the Imperial City, if he came so early as Vespasian, and departed not till after Trajan's death, as is generally thought, he might continue in Italy near forty years. This is more certain, because gathered from himself, that his Lives were almost the latest of his Works; and therefore we may well conclude, that having modelled, but not finished them at Rome, he afterwards resumed the work in his own Country; which perfecting in his old age, he dedicated to his friend Senecio still living, as appears by what he has written, in the Proem to his Lives.  
The desire of visiting his own Country, so natural to all Men, and the approaches of old age, (for he could not be much less than sixty,) and perhaps also the death of Trajan, prevailed with him at last to leave Italy; or if you will have it in his own words, he was not willing his little City, should be one the less by his absence: After his return he was, by the unanimous consent of his Citizens, chosen Archon, or Chief Magistrate of Chaeronea; and not long after admitted himself in the number of Apollo's Priests; in both which employments he seems to have continued till his death: Of which we have no particular account, either as to the manner of it, or the year; only 'tis evident that he lived to a great old age, always continuing his Studies; that he died a natural death, is only presumed, because any violent accident to so famous a Man would have been recorded: And in whatsoever Reign he deceased, the days of Tyranny were overpassed, and there was then a Golden Series of Emperors, every one emulating his Predecessors virtues.  
Thus I have Collected from Plutarch himself, and from the best Authors, what was most remarkable concerning him. In performing which I have laboured under so many uncertainties, that I have not been able to satisfy my own curiosity, any more than that of others. 'Tis the Life of a Philosopher, not varied with accidents to divert the Reader: More pleasant for himself to live, than for an Historian, to describe. Those Works of his, which are irrecoverably lost, are named in the Catalogue made by his Son Lamprias, which you will find in the Paris Edition, dedicated to King Lewis the thirteenth: But 'tis a small comfort to a Merchant, to peruse his bill of freight, when he is certain his Ship is cast away: Moved by the like reason I have omitted that ungrateful task: Yet that the Reader may not be imposed on, in those which yet remain, 'tis but reasonable to let him know, that the Lives of Hannibal and Scipio, though they pass with the ignorant for Genuine, are only the Forgery of Donato Acciaiolo a Florentine. He pretends to have Translated them from a Greek Manuscript, which none of the Learned have ever seen, either before or since. But the cheat is more manifest from this reason which is undeniable, that Plutarch did indeed write the Life of Scipio, but he compared him not with Hannibal, but with Epaminondas: As appears by the Catalogue, or Nomenclature of Plutarch's Lives, drawn up by his Son Lamprias, and yet extant. But to make this out more clearly, we find the Florentine, in his Life of Hannibal, thus relating, the famous Conference betwixt Scipio and him. Scipio at that time being sent Ambassador from the Romans, to King Antiochus', with Publius' vilius: It happened then, that these two great Captains met together at Ephesus, and amongst other discourse, it was demanded of Hannibal by Scipio, whom he thought to have been the greatest Captain? To whom he thus answered; In the first place Alexander of Macedon, in the second Pyrrhus of Epyrus, and in the third himself: To which, Scipio smiling thus rereplyed; And what would you have thought, had it been your fortune to have vanquished me? to whom Hannibal, I should then have adjudged the first place to myself: Which answer was not a little pleasing to Scipio, because by it, he found himself not disesteemed, nor put into comparison with the rest, but by the delicacy and gallantry of a well turned compliment, set like a Man divine above them all.  
Now this relation is a mere compendium of the same conference, from Livy. But if we can conceive Plutarch to have written the Life of Hannibal, 'tis hard to believe, that he should tell the same story after so different, or rather so contrary a manner, in another place. For, in the life of Pyrrhus, he thus writes. Hannibal adjudged the praeeminence to Pyrrhus above all Captains, in conduct, and Military skill: Next to Pyrrhus he placed Scipio, and after Scipio, himself; as we have declared in the Life of Scipio. 'tis not that I would excuse Plutarch, as if he never related the same thing diversely; for 'tis evident, that through want of advertency he has been often guilty of that error; of which the Reader will find too frequent Examples in these Lives; but in this place, he cannot be charged with want of memory or care, because what he says here is relating to what he had said formerly: So that he may mistake the story, as I believe he has done, (that other of Livy, being much more probable,) but we must allow him to remember what he had before written. From hence I might take occasion to note some other lapses of our Author, which yet amount not to falsification of truth, much less to partiality, or envy, (both which are manifest in his Countryman Dion Cassius who writ not long after him,) but are only the frailties of humane nature; mistakes not intentional, but accidental. He was not altogether so well versed either in the Roman language, or in their coins, or in the value of them; in some Customs, Rites, and Ceremonies, he took passages on trust from others, relating both to them and the Barbarians, which the Reader may particularly find recited in the Animadversions of the often praised Rualdus on our Author. I will name but one to avoid tediousness, because I particularly observed it, when I read Plutarch in the Library of Trinity College in Cambridge, (to which foundation I gratefully acknowledge a great part of my Education;) 'tis that Plutarch in the life of Cicero, speaking of Verres, who was accused by him, and repeating a miserable jest of Tullys, says that Verres, in the Roman language, signifies a barrow Pig, that is one which has been gelded. But we have a better account of the signification from Varro, whom we have more reason to believe, that the Male of that kind, before he is cut, is called Verres; after cutting Majalis, which is perhaps a diminutive of Master, though generally the reason of the Etymology is given from its being a Sacrifice to the Goddess Maja. Yet any Man, who will candidly weigh this and the like errors, may excuse Plutarch, as he would a stranger, mistaking the propriety of an English word: And besides the humanity of this excuse, 'tis impossible in nature, that a Man of so various learning, and so covetous of engrossing all, should perfectly digest such an infinity of notions in many Sciences, since to be excellent in one is so great a labour.  
It may now be expected, that having written the Life of an Historian, I should take occasion to write somewhat concerning History itself: But I think to commend it is unnecessary: For the profit and pleasure of that study are both so very obvious, that a quick Reader will be before hand with me, and imagine faster than I can write. Besides that the post is taken up already, and few Authors have travelled this way, but who have strewed it with Rhetoric, as they passed. For my own part, who must confess it to my shame, that I never read any thing but for pleasure, it has always been the most delightful Entertainment of my life. But they who have employed the study of it as they ought, for their instruction, for the regulation of their private manners, and the management of public affairs, must agree with me, that it is the most pleasant School of Wisdom.  
'tis a familiarity with past Ages, and an acquaintance with all the Heroes of them. 'Tis, if you will pardon the similitude, a Prospective-Glass carrying your Soul to a vast distance, and taking in the farthest objects of Antiquity. It informs the understanding by the memory: It helps us to judge of what will happen, by showing us the like revolutions of former times. For Mankind being the same in all ages, agitated by the same passions, and moved to action by the same interests, nothing can come to pass, but some Precedent of the like nature has already been produced, so that having the causes before our eyes, we cannot easily be deceived in the effects, if we have Judgement enough but to draw the parallel.  
God, 'tis true with his divine Providence, overrules and guides all actions to the secret end he has ordained them; but in the way of humane causes, a wise Man may easily discern, that there is a natural connection betwixt them; and though he cannot foresee accidents, or all things that possibly can come, he may apply examples, and by them foretell, that from the like Counsels will probably succeed the like events: And thereby in all concernments, and all Offices of life, be instructed in the two main points, on which depend our happiness, that is, what to avoid and what to choose. The Laws of History in general are truth of matter, method, and clearness of expression. The first propriety is necessary to keep our understanding from the impositions of falsehood: For History is an Argument framed from many particular examples, or inductions: If these Examples are not true, than those measures of life, which we take from them, will be false, and deceive us in their consequence: The second is grounded on the former, for if the method be confused: if the words or expressions of thought are any way obscure, than the Ideas which we receive must be imperfect; and if such, we are not taught by them what to elect, or what to shun. Truth therefore is required, as the foundation of History, to inform us; disposition and perspicuity, as the manner to inform us plainly: One is the being, the other the well-being of it. History is principally divided into these three species. Commentaries or Annals; History properly so called; and Biographia, or the Lives of particular Men.  
Commentaries or Annals are (as I may so call them) naked History: Or the plain relation of matter of fact, according to the succession of time, devested of all other Ornaments. The springs and motives of actions are not here sought, unless they offer themselves, and are open to every Man's discernment. The method is the most natural that can be imagined, depending only on the observation of months and years, and drawing, in the order of them, whatsoever happened worthy of Relation. The stile is easy, simple, unforced, and unadorned with the pomp of figures; Counsels, guesses, politic observations, sentences, and Orations are avoided: In few words a bare Narration is its business. Of this kind the Commentaries of Caesar are certainly the most admirable; and after him the Annals of Tacitus may have place. Nay even the Prince of Greek Historians, Thucydides, may almost be adopted into the number. For though he instructs every where by Sentences, though he gives the causes of actions, the Counsels of both parties, and makes Orations where they are necessary; yet it is certain, that he first designed his work a Commentary; every year writing down like an unconcerned spectator as he was, the particular occurrences of the time, in the order as they happened, and his Eighth book is wholly written after the way of Annals; though, out-living the War, he inserted in his others those Ornaments, which render his work the most complete, and most instructive now extant.  
History properly so called may be described by the addition of those parts, which are not required to Annals: And therefore there is little farther to be said concerning it: Only that the dignity and gravity of stile is here necessary. That the guesses of secret causes, inducing to the actions, be drawn at least from the most probable circumstances, not perverted by the malignity of the Author to sinister interpretations, (of which Tacitus is accused;) but candidly laid down, and left to the Judgement of the Reader. That nothing of concernment be omitted, but things of trivial moment are still to be neglected, as debasing the Majesty of the Work. That neither partiality or prejudice appear: But that truth may every where be Sacred, (ne quid falsi dicere audeat, ne quid veri non audeat Historicus.) That he neither incline to superstition, in giving too much credit to Oracles, Prophecies, Divinations, and Prodigies; nor to irreligion, in disclaiming the Almighty Providence: But where general opinion has prevailed of any miraculous accident or portent, he ought to relate it as such, without imposing his opinion on our belief. Next to Thucydides in this kind, may be accounted Polybius amongst the Grecians; Livy, though not free from superstition, nor Tacitus from ill nature, amongst the Romans: Amongst the modern Italians, Guicchiardine, and D'Avila, if not partial; but above all Men in my opinion, the plain, sincere, unaffected, and most instructive Philip de Commines amongst the French; though he only gives his History the humble Name of Commentaries. I am sorry I cannot find in our own Nation (though it has produced some commendable Historians) any proper to be ranked with these. Buchanan indeed for the purity of his Latin, and for his learning, and for all other endowments belonging to an Historian, might be placed amongst the greatest, if he had not too much leaned to prejudice, and too manifesty declared himself aparty of a cause, rather than an Historian o it. Excepting only that, (which I desire not to urge too far, on so great a Man, but only to give caution to his Readers concerning it,) our Isle may justly boast in him, a Writer comparable to any of the Moderns, and excelled by few of the Ancients.  
Biographia, or the History of particular men's Lives, comes next to be considered; which in dignity is inferior to the other two; as being more confined in action, and treating of Wars and Counsels, and all other public affairs of Nations, only as they relate to him, whose Life is written, or as his fortunes have a particular dependence on them, or connection to them: All things here are circumscribed, and driven to a point, so as to terminate in one: Consequently if the action, or Counsel were managed by Colleagues, some part of it must be either lame or wanting; except it be supplied by the Excursion of the Writer: Herein likewise must be less of variety for the same reason; because the fortunes and actions of one Man are related, not those of many. Thus the actions and achievements of Sylla, Lucullus, and Pompey are all of them but the successive parts of the Mithridatick War: Of which we could have no perfect image, if the same hand had not given us the whole, though at several views, in their particular Lives.  
Yet, though we allow, for the reasons above alleged, that this kind of writing is in dignity inferior to History and Annals, in pleasure and instruction it equals, or even excels both of them. 'Tis not only commended by ancient practice, to celebrate the memory of great and worthy Men, as the best thanks which Posterity can pay them; but also the examples of virtue are of more vigour, when they are thus contracted into individuals. As the Sun beams, united in a burning-glass to a point, have greater, force than when they are darted from a plain superficies; so the virtues and actions of one Man, drawn together into a single story, strike upon our minds a stronger and more lively impression, than the scattered Relations of many Men, and many actions; and by the same means that they give us pleasure they afford us profit too. For when the understanding is intent and fixed on a single thing, it carries closer to the mark, every part of the object sinks into it, and the Soul receives it unmixed and whole. For this reason Aristotle Commends the unity of action in a Poem; because the mind is not capable of digesting many things at once, nor of conceiving fully any more than one Idea at a time. Whatsoever distracts the pleasure, lessens it. And as the Reader is more concerned at one Man's fortune, than those of many; so likewise the Writer is more capable of making a perfect Work, if he confine himself to this narrow compass. The lineaments, features, and colour of a single picture may be hit exactly; but in a History-piece of many figures, the general design, the ordinance or disposition of it, the Relation of one figure to another, the diversity of the posture, habits, shadowings, and all the other graces conspiring to an uniformity, are of so difficult performance, that neither is the resemblance of particular persons often perfect, nor the beauty of the piece complete: For any considerable error in the parts, renders the whole disagreeable and lame. Thus than the perfection of the Work, and the benefit arising from it are both more absolute in Biography than in History: All History is only the precepts of Moral Philosophy reduced into Examples: Moral Philosophy is divided into two parts, Ethics and Politics; the first instructs us in our private offices of virtue; the second in those which relate to the management of the Commonwealth. Both of these teach by Argumentation and reasoning: Which rush as it were into the mind, and possess it with violence: But History rather allures than forces us to virtue. There is nothing of the Tyrant in Example; but it gently glides into us, is easy and pleasant in its passage, and in one word reduces into practice, our speculative notions. Therefore the more powerful the Examples are, they are the more useful also: And by being more known they are more powerful. Now unity, which is defined is in its own nature more apt to be understood, than multiplicity, which in some measure participates of infinity. The reason is Aristotle's.  
Biographia, or the Histories of particular Lives, though circumscribed in the subject, is yet more extensive in the stile than the other two: For it not only comprehends them both, but has somewhat superadded, which neither of them have. The stile of it is various, according to the occasion. There are proper places in it, for the plainness and nakedness of narration, which is ascribed to Annals; there is also room reserved for the loftiness and gravity of general History, when the actions related shall require that manner of expression. But there is withal, a descent into minute circumstances, and trivial passages of life, which are natural to this way of writing, and which the dignity of the other two will not admit. There you are conducted only into the rooms of state; here you are led into the private Lodgings of the Hero: you see him in his undress, and are made Familiar with his most private actions and conversations. You may behold a Scipio and a Lelius gathering Cockle-shells on the shore, Augustus playing at bounding stones with Boys; and Agesilaus riding on a Hobby-horse among his Children. The Pageantry of Life is taken away; you see the poor reasonable Animal, as naked as ever nature made him; are made acquainted with his passions and his follies, and find the Demy-God a Man. Plutarch himself, has more than once defended this kind of Relating little passages. For in the Life of Alexander he says thus. In writing the Lives of Illustrious Men I am not tied to the Laws of History: Nor does it follow, that because an action is great, it therefore manifests the greatness and virtue of him who did it; but on the other side sometimes a word, or a casual jest, betrays a Man more to our knowledge of him, than a Battle fought wherein ten thousand Men were slain, or sacking of Cities, or a course of Victories. In another place he quotes Xenophon on the like occasion: The sayings of great Men, in their familiar discourses and amidst their Wine, have somewhat in them, which is worthy to be transmitted to Posterity. Our Author therefore needs no excuse, but rather deserves a commendation, when he relates, as pleasant, some sayings of his Heroes, which appear, (I must confess it) very cold and insipid mirth to us. For 'tis not his meaning to commend the jest, but to paint the Man; besides, we may have lost somewhat of the Idiotism of that Language in which it was spoken; and where the conceit is couched in a single word, if all the significations of it are not critically understood, the grace and the pleasantry are lost. But in all parts of Biography, whether familiar or stately, whether sublime, or low, whether serious or merry, Plutarch equally excelled: If we compare him to others, Dion Cassius is not so sincere, Herodian, a lover of truth, is often times deceived himself, with what he had falsely heard reported; then the time of his Emperors exceeds not in all above sixty years; so that his whole History will scarce amount to three Lives of Plutarch. Suetonius and Tacitus may be called alike, either Authors of Histories, or Writers of Lives: But the first of them runs too willingly into obscene descriptions, which he teaches while he relates; the other besides what has already been noted by him, often falls into obscurity; and both of them have made so unlucky a choice of times, that they are forced to describe rather Monsters than Men; and their Emperors are either extravagant Fools, or Tyrants, and most usually both. Our Author on the contrary, as he was more inclined to commend than to dispraise, has generally chosen such great Men as were famous for their several virtues; at least such whose frailties or vices were overpoised by their excellencies; such from whose Examples we may have more to follow than to shun. Yet, as he was impartial, he disguised not the faults of any Man. An Example of which is in the Life of Lucullus; where, after he has told us, that the double benefit which his Countrymen, the Chaeroneans, received from him, was the chiefest motive which he had to write his Life, he afterwards rips up his Luxury, and shows how he lost, through his mis-management, his Authority, and his Soldier's love. Then he was more happy in his digressions than any we have named. I have always been pleased to see him, and his imitator, Montaign, when they strike a little out of the common road: For we are sure to be the better for their wand'ring.  
The best quarry lies not always in the open field: And who would not be content to follow a good Huntsman over Hedges and Ditches when he knows the Game will reward his pains? But if we mark him more narrowly, we may observe, that the great reason of his frequent starts, is the variety of his Learning: He knew so much of Nature, was so vastly furnished with all the treasures of the mind, that he was uneasy to himself, and was forced, as I may say, to lay down some at every passage, and to scatter his riches as he went: Like another Alexander or Adrian, he built a City, or planted a Colony in every part of his progress; and left behind him some memorial of his greatness. Sparta, and Thebes, and Athens, and Rome, the Mistress of the World, he has discovered in their foundations, their institutions, their growth, their height, the decay of the three first, and the alteration of the last. You see those several people in their different laws, and policies, and forms of Government, in their Warriors, and Senators, and Demagogues. Nor are the Ornaments of Poetry, and the illustrations of similitudes forgotten by him; in both which he instructs as well as pleases: Or rather pleases that he may instruct.  
This last reflection leads me naturally, to say somewhat in general of his stile, though after having justly praised him for copiousness of learning, integrity, perspicuity, and more than all this for a certain air of goodness which appears through all his Writings, it were unreasonable to be critical on his Elocution: As on a tree which bears excellent fruit, we consider not the beauty of the blossoms: For if they are not pleasant to the eye, or delightful to the scent, we know at the same time that they are not the prime intention of Nature, but are thrust out in order to their product; so in Plutarch, whose business was not to please the ear, but to charm and to instruct the mind, we may easily forgive the cadences of words, and the roughness of expression: Yet for manliness of Eloquence, if it abounded not in our Author, it was not wanting in him: He neither studied the sublime stile, nor affected the flowery. The choice of words, the numbers of periods, the turns of Sentences, and those other Ornaments of speech, he neither sought, nor shunned. But the depth of sense, the accuracy of Judgement, the disposition of the parts and contexture of the whole, in so admirable and vast a field of matter, and lastly the copiousness, and variety of words, appear shining in our Author. 'tis indeed, observed of him, that he keeps not always to the stile of prose, but if a Poetical word, which carries in it more of Emphasis or signification, offer itself at any time, he refuses it not because Homer or Eurypides have used it: But if this be a fault I know not how Xenophon will stand excused. Yet neither do I compare our Author with him, or with Herodotus in the sweetness and graces of his stile, nor with Thuyidides in the solidity and closeness of expression. For Herodotus is acknowledged the Prince of the jonick, the other two of the Attic eloquence. As for Plutarch, his stile is so particular, that there is none of the Ancients, to whom we can properly resemble him. And the reason of this is obvious; for being conversant in so great variety of Authors, and collecting from all of them, what he thought most excellent, out of the confusion, or rather mixture of all their styles, he formed his own, which partaking of each, was yet none of them; but a compound of them all, like the Corinthian metal, which had in it Gold, and Brass, and Silver, and yet was a species by its self. Add to this, that in Plutarch's time, and long before it, the purity of the Greek Tongue was corrupted, and the native splendour of it had taken the tarnish of Barbarism, and contracted the filth and spots of degenerating Ages. For the fall of Empires always draws after it the language and Eloquence of the people: They, who labour under misfortunes or servitude, have little leisure to cultivate their mother Tongue: To conclude, when Athens had lost her Sovereignty to the Peloponnesians, and her liberty to Philip, neither a Thucydides, nor a Demosthenes were afterwards produced by her.  
I have formerly acknowledged many lapses of our Author, occasioned through his inadvertency, but he is likewise taxed with faults, which reflect on his Judgement in matters of fact, and his Candour in the comparisons of his Greeks and Romans. Both which are so well vindicated by Montaign, that I need but barely to translate him. First then he is accused of want of Judgement, in reporting things incredible: For proof of which is alleged the story he tells of the Spartan boy, who suffered his bowels to be torn out by a young Fox which he had stolen, choosing rather to hide him under his Garment till he died, then to confess his robbery. In the first place this example is ill chosen, because 'tis difficult to set a bound to the force of our internal faculties, 'tis not defined how far our resolution may carry us to suffer: The force of bodies may more easily be determined than that of Souls: Then of all people the Lacedæmonians, by reason of their rigid institution, were most hardened to undergo labours, and to suffer pains. Cicero, before our Author's time, though then the Spartan virtue was degenerated, yet avows to have seen himself some Lacedaemonian boys, who to make trial of their patience, were placed before the Altar of Diana, where they endured scourging, till they were all over bloody, and that not only without crying, but even without a sigh or groan: Nay, and some of them so ambitious of this reputation, that they willingly resigned their Lives under the hands of their tormentors. The same may be said of another story, which Plutarch vouches with an hundred witnesses, that in the time of Sacrifice, a burning coal by chance, falling into the sleeve of a Spartan boy, who held the Censer, he suffered his Arm to be scorched so long without moving it, that the scent of it reaked up to the Noses of the Assistants.  
For my own part, who have taken in so vast an Idea of the Lacedaemonian magnanimity, Plutarch's story, is so far from seeming incredible to me, that I neither think it wonderful nor uncommon: For we ought not to measure possibilities or impossibilities by our own standard, that is, by what we ourselves could do or suffer. These, and some other slight examples, are made use of, to lessen the opinion of Plutarch's Judgement: But the common exception against his candour, is, that in his parallels of Greeks and Romans, he has done too much honour to his Countrymen in matching them with Heroes, with whom they were not worthy to be compared. For instances of this, there are produced the comparisons of Demosthenes and Cicero, Aristides and Cato, Lysander and Sylla, Pelopidas and Marcellus, Agesilaus and Pompey: Now the ground of this accusation is most probably the lustre of those Roman names, which strikes on our imagination. For what proportion of glory is there betwixt a Roman Consul, or Proconsul of so great a Commonwealth, and a simple Citizen of Athens? But he who considers the truth more nearly, and weighs not honours with honours, but Men with Men, which was Plutarch's main design, will find in the Balance of their manners, their virtues, their endowments and abilities, that Cicero and the Elder Cato, were far from having the overweight against Demosthenes and Aristides. I might as well complain against him in behalf of his own Countrymen: For neither was Camillus so famous as Themistocles; nor were Tiberius and Cajus Gracchus comparable to Agis and Cleomenes in regard of dignity: Much less was the wisdom of Numa to be put in Balance against that of Lycurgus, or the modesty and temperance of Scipio, against the solid Philosophy and perfect virtue of Epaminondas: Yet the disparity of victories, the reputation, the blaze of Glory, in the two last were evidently on the Roman side. But as I said before, to compare them this way, was the least of Plutarch's aim; he openly declares against it: For speaking of the course of Pompey's fortune, his exploits of War, the greatness of the Armies which he commanded, the splendour and number of his Triumphs, in his comparison betwixt him and Agesilaus, I believe, says he, that if Xenophon were now alive, and would indulge himself the liberty to write all he could to the advantage of his Hero Agesilaus, he would be ashamed to put their acts in competition. In his comparison of Sylla and Lysander; there is, says he, no manner of equality, either in the number of their victories, or in the danger of their Battles; for Lysander only gained two naval fights, etc. Now this is far from partiality to the Grecians. He who would convince him of this vice, must show us in what particular Judgement he has been too favourable to his Countrymen, and make it out in general where he has failed in matching such a Greek with such a Roman; which must be done by showing how he could have paired them better; and naming any other in whom the resemblance might have been more perfect. But an equitable Judge who takes things by the same handle which Plutarch did, will find there is no injury offered to either party, though there be some disparity betwixt the persons: For he weighs every circumstance by itself, and judge's separately of it: Not comparing Men at a lump, nor endeavouring to prove they were alike in all things, but allowing for disproportion of quality or fortune, showing wherein they agreed or disagreed, and wherein one was to be preferred before the other.  
I thought I had answered all that could reasonably be objected against our Author's judgement; but casually casting my eye on the works of a French Gentleman, deservedly famous for Wit and Criticism, I wondered, amongst many commendations of Plutarch, to find this one reflection. As for his Comparisons, they seem truly to me very great; but I think he might have carried them yet farther, and have penetrated more deeply into humane nature: There are folds and recesses in our minds which have escaped him; he judges man too much in gross; and thinks him not so different, as he is often from himself: The same person being just, unjust, merciful, and cruel; which qualities seeming to belly each other in him, he Attributes their inconsistences to foreign causes: Infine, if he had described Catiline, he would have given him to us, either prodigal or Covetous: That alieni appetens sui profusus, was above his reach. He could never have reconciled those contrarieties in the same subject, which Sallust has so well unfolded, and which Montaign so much better understood.  
This Judgement, could not have proceeded, but from a man who has a nice taste in Authors; and if it be not altogether just 'tis at lest delicate, but I am confident, that if he please to consider this following passage taken out of the life of Sylla, he will moderate, if not retract his censure.  
In the rest of his manners he was unequal, irregular different from himself: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. He took many things by rapine, he gave more: Honoured men immoderately, and used them contumeliously: was submissive to those of whom he stood in need, insulting over those who stood in need of him: So that it was doubtful, whether he were more formed by nature to arrogance or flattery. As to his uncertain way of punishing, he would sometimes put men to death on the least occasion; at other times he would pardon the greatest Crimes: So that judging him in the whole, you may conclude him to have been naturally cruel, and prone to vengeance, but that he could remit of his severity, when his interests required it.  
Here methinks our Author seems to have sufficiently understood the folds and doubles of Sylla's disposition; for his Character is full of variety, and inconsistences. Yet in the conclusion, 'tis to be confessed that Plutarch has assigned him a bloody nature: The clemency was but artificial and assumed, the cruelty was inborn: But this cannot be said of his rapine, and his prodigality; for here the alieni appetens, sui profusus is as plainly described, as if Plutarch had borrowed the sense from Sallust: And as he was a great Collector, perhaps he did. Nevertheless he judged rightly of Sylla, that naturally he was cruel: For that quality was predominant in him; and he was oftener revengeful than he was merciful. But this is sufficient to vindicate our Author's Judgement from being superficial, and I desire not to press the Argument more strongly against this Gentleman, who has Honoured our Country by his long Residence amongst us.  
It seems to me, I must confess that our Author has not been more hardly treated by his Enemies, in his comparing other Men, than he has been by his friends, in their comparing Seneca with him. And herein, even Montaign himself is scarcely to be defended. For no man more esteemed Plutarch, no man was better acquainted with his excellences, yet this notwithstanding, he has done too great an honour to Seneca, by ranking him with our Philosopher and Historian, him, I say, who was so much less a Philosopher, and no Historian: 'tis a Reputation to Seneca, that any one has offered at the comparison: The worth of his Adversary makes his defeat advantageous to him; and Plutarch might cry out with Justice; Qui cum victus erit, mecum certasse feretur. If I had been to find out a parallel for Plutarch, I should rather have pitched on Varro the most learned of the Romans, if at least his Works had yet remained; or with Pomponius Atticus, if he had written. But the likeness of Seneca is so little, that except the one's being Tutor to Nero, and the other to Trajan, both of them strangers to Rome, yet raised to the highest dignities in that City, and both Philosophers though of several Sects; (for Seneca was a Stoic, Plutarch a Platonician, at least an Academic, that is, half Platonist half Sceptic:) besides some such faint resemblances as these, Seneca and Plutarch seem to have as little Relation to one another, as their native Countries, Spain and Greece. If we consider them in their inclinations or humours, Plutarch was sociable, and pleasant, Seneca morose, and melancholy. Plutarch a lover of conversation, and sober feasts: Seneca reserved; uneasy to himself when alone, to others when in Company. Compare them in their manners, Plutarch every where appears candid, Seneca often is censorious. Plutarch, out of his natural humanity, is frequent in commending what he can; Seneca, out of the sowrness of his temper, is prone to satire, and still searching for some occasion to vent his gall. Plutarch is pleased with an opportunity of praising virtue; and Seneca, (to speak the best of him,) is glad of a pretence to reprehend vice. Plutarch endeavours to teach others, but refuses not to be taught himself; for he is always doubtful and inquisitive: Seneca is altogether for teaching others, but so teaches them, that he imposes his opinions; for he was of a Sect too imperious and dogmatical, either to be taught or contradicted. And yet Plutarch writes like a man of a confirmed probity, Seneca like one of a weak and staggering virtue. Plutarch seems to have vanquished vice, and to have triumphed over it: Seneca seems only to be combating and resisting, and that too but in his own defence. Therefore Plutarch is easy in his discourse, as one who has overcome the difficulty: Seneca is painful, as he who still labours under it. Plutarch's Virtue is humble and civilised: Seneca's haughty and illbred. Plutarch allures you, Seneca commands you. One would make Virtue your Companion, the other your Tyrant. The style of Plutarch is easy and flowing; that of Seneca precipitous and harsh. The first is even, the second broken. The Arguments of the Grecian drawn from reason, work themselves into your understanding, and make a deep and l●●●ing impression in your mind: Those of the Roman drawn from wit, flash immediately on your imagination, but leave no durable effect. So this tickles you by starts with his arguteness, that pleases you for continuance●, with his propriety. The course of their fortunes seems also to have partaken of their styles; for Plutarch's was equal, smooth, and of the same tenor: Seneca's was turbid, unconstant and full of revolutions. The Life of Plutarch was unblameable, as the Reader cannot but have observed; and of all his Writings there is nothing to be noted as having the least tendency to vice; but only that little Treatise, which is entitled 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, wherein he speaks too broadly of a sin, to which the Eastern and Southern parts of the World are most obnoxious: But Seneca is said to have been more libertine than suited with the gravity of a Philosopher, or with the austerity of a Stoic. An ingenious Frenchman, esteems as he tells us, his person rather than his works; and values him more as the Praeceptor of Nero, a Man ambitious of the Empire, and as the gallant of Agrippina, than as a teacher of Morality. For my part I dare not push the commendation so far: His courage was perhas praise worthy, if he endeavoured to deliver Rome from such a Monster of Tyranny, as Nero was then beginning to appear: His ambition too was the more excusable, if he found in himself an ability of governing the World, and a desire of doing good to human kind: But as to his good fortunes with the Empress, I know not what value ought to be set on a wise Man for them. Except it be that Women generally liking without Judgement, it was a Conquest for a Philosopher once in an age, to get the better of a fool. However methinks there is something of awkward in the adventure: I cannot imagine without laughter, a Pedant, and a Stoic, making love in a long gown; for it puts me in mind of the civilities which are used by the Cardinals and Judges in the dance of the Rehearsal: If Agrippina would needs be so lavish of her favours, since a Sot grewn auseous to her, because he was her Husband, and nothing under a Wit, could atone for Claudius, I am half sorry that Petronius was not the Man: We could have born it better from his Character, than from one who professed the severity of virtue, to make a Cuckold of his Emperor and Benefactor. But let the Historian answer for his own Relation: Only, if true, 'tis so much the worse, that Seneca, after having abused his bed, could not let him sleep quiet in his grave. The Apocolocynthisis, or mock deification of Claudius was too sharp and insulting on his memory: And Seneca though he could Preach forgiveness to others, did not practise it himself in that satire: Where was the patience and insensibility of a Stoic, in revenging his Banishment with a Libel? Where was the Morality of a Philosopher, in defaming and exposing of an harmless fool? And where was common humanity, in railing against the dead? But the talent of his malice is visible in other places: He censures Maecenas, and I believe justly, for the looseness of his manners, the voluptuousness of his life, and the effeminacy of his style; but it appears that he takes pleasure in so doing; and that he never forced his nature, when he spoke ill of any Man. For his own stile, we see what it is, and if we may be as bold with him, as he has been with our old Patron, we may call it a shattered Eloquence, not vigorous, not united, not embodied; but broken into fragments; every part by itself pompous, but the whole confused and unharmonious. His Latin, as Monsieur St. Euremont has well observed, has nothing in it of the purity, and elegance of Augustus his times; and 'tis of him and of his imitators, that Petronius said; pace vestrâ liceat dixisse, primi omnium eloquentiam perdidistis. The Controversiae sententiis vibrantibus pictae, and the vanus Sententiarum strepitus, make it evident that Seneca was taxed under the person of the old Rhetorician. What quarrel he had to the Uncle and the Nephew, I mean Seneca and Lucan, is not known; but Petronius plainly points them out; one for a bad Orator, the other for as bad a Poet: His own essay of the Civil War is an open defiance of the Pharsalia; and the first Oration of Eumolpus, as full an arraignment of Seneca's false Eloquence. After all that has been said, he is certainly to be allowed a great wit, but not a good Philosopher: Not fit to be compared with Cicero, of whose reputation he was emulous, any more than Lucan is with Virgil: To sum up all in few words, consider a Philosopher declaiming against riches, yet vastly rich himself; against avarice, yet putting out his Money at great Extortion here in Britain; against honours, yet aiming to be Emperor; against pleasure, yet enjoying Agrippina, and in his old age married to a beautiful young Woman: And after this, let him be made a Parallel to Plutarch.  
And now, with the usual vanity of Dutch Prefacers, I could load our Author with the praises and commemorations of Writers: For both Ancient and Modern have made Honourable mention of him. But to cumber pages with this kind of stuff were to raise a distrust in common Readers that Plutarch wants them. Rualdus indeed has Collected ample Testimonies of them; but I will only recite the names of some, and refer you to him for the particular quotations. He reckons Gellius, Eusebius, Himerius the Sophister, Eunapius, Cyrillus of Alexandria, Theodoret, Agathias, Photius and Xiphilin Patriarches of Constantinople, Johannes Sarisberiensis, the famous Petrarch, Petrus Victorius, and Justus Lipsius.  
But Theodorus Gaza, a Man learned in the Latin Tongue, and a great restorer of the Greek, who lived above two hundred years ago, deserves to have his suffrage set down in words at length: For the rest have only commended Plutarch more than any single Author, but he has extolled him above all together.  
'tis said that having this extravagant question put to him by a friend, that if learning must suffer a general Shipwreck, and he had only his choice left him of preserving one Author, who should be the Man he would preserve; he answered Plutarch; and probably might give this reason, that in saving him, he should secure the best Collection of them all.  
The Epigram of Agathias, deserves also to be remembered: This Author flourished about the year five hundred, in the Reign of the Emperor Justinian: The Verses are extant in the Anthologia, and with the Translation of them, I will conclude the praises of our Author; having first admonished you, that they are supposed to be written on a Statue erected by the Romans to his memory.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Cheronean Plutarch, to thy deathless praise,  
Does Martial Rome this grateful Statue raise:  
Because both Greece and she thy fame have shared;  
(Their Heroes written, and their Lives compared:)  
But thou thyself couldst never write thy own;  
Their Lives have Parallels but thine has none.  
FINIS.   


THESEUS.   portrait M Burghers delin. et sc●…  
THE LIFE OF THESEUS'.  Englished from the Greek, By R. Duke, Trin. Coll. Cant. Soc. 
Volume I.  
AS Historians, in their geographical descriptions of Countries, crowd into the farthest parts of their Maps those places that escape their knowledge, with some such Remarks in the Margin as these; All beyond is nothing but dry and desert Sands, or unpassable Bogs, or Scythian Cold, or a frozen Sea: so in this Work of mine, wherein I have compared the Lives of the greatest Men with one another, having run through that time whereunto probable reason could reach, and through which the truth of History could pass, I may very well say of those that are farther off; All beyond is nothing but monstrous and tragical Fictions: there the Poets and there the Inventors of Fables dwell; nor is there any further to be expected aught deserving of Credit, or that carries any appearance of Truth. Yet having published an Account of Lycurgus, the Lawgiver, and Numa, the King, methought I might not without reason ascend as high as to Romulus, being brought by my History so near to his time. Considering therefore with myself 
Whom with so great a man shall I compare?  
Or whom oppose? who can the trial bear?  (as Aeschylus expresses it) I found none so fit as him that peopled the most celebrated City of Athens to be set in opposition with the Father of the invincible and renowned City of Rome. And here it were to be wished that this Account could be so purged by right reason from the fabulous part, as to obey the Laws and receive the character of an exact History. But wherever it shall chance too boldly to contemn the bounds of credibility, and will endure no mixture of what is probable, we shall beg that we may meet with can did Readers, and such as will favourably receive what can be related concerning things of so great Antiquity.  
Now Theseus seems to resemble Romulus 
The comparison between Theseus and Romulus.  in many particulars. Both of 'em born out of Wedlock and of uncertain Parentage had the repute of being sprung from the Gods. Both Warriors; that by all the world's allowed. 
Homer.  Both of them had joined with strength of Body an equal vigour of Mind; and of the two most famous Cities of the World, the one built Rome, and the other made Athens be inhabited. Both were famous for the Rape of Women; neither of them could avoid domestic misfortunes, nor the envy of their Countrymen; but both are said to have died by the hands of their own offended Citizens, if we will believe there is any truth in relations that are delivered with the least appearance of strange or Poetical Fictions.  
The Lineage of Theseus by his Father's 
The Family of Theseus.  side ascends as high as to Erectheus and the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  first inhabitants of Attica. By his Mother's side he was descended of Pelops: For Pelops was the most powerful of all the Kings of Peloponnesus, not so much for the greatness of his Riches as the multitude of his Children; having matched many Daughters to persons of the greatest Quality, and made many Sons Governors of Provinces round about him. One whereof named Pittheus, Grandfather to Theseus, was founder of the small City of the Troezenians, and had the repute of a man of the greatest knowledge and wisdom in his time: Which than it seems consisted chiefly in such grave Sentences as the Poet Hesiod got his great esteem by in his Book of Works and Days. And even among them is one that they ascribe to Pittheus, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Let a friend's services meet full reward. Which also Aristotle witnesses, and Euripides when he calls Hippolytus Scholar of the sacred Pittheus, shows the opinion that the world had of that great man. About this time Aegeus, being desirous of Children, and consulting the Oracle of Delphos, received that so celebrated answer which forbade him the use of any woman before his return to Athens. But the Oracle being so obscure as not to satisfy him that he was clearly forbid this, he went to Troezene and communicated to Pittheus the voice of the God, which was in this manner, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
I warn thee, Warrior, not to broach  
Thy Goatskin full of generous Juice:  
Nor footlong Spigot to produce,  
Till thou to Athens shalt approach.  Pittheus therefore taking advantage from the obscurity of the Oracle prevailed upon him, it is uncertain whether by persuasion or deceit, to lie with his Daughter Aethra. Aegeus afterwards knowing her whom he had lain with to be Pittheus' Daughter, and suspecting her to be with Child by him, he left a Sword and a pair of Shoes, hiding them under a great Stone that had a hollowness exactly fitting them, making her only privy to it, and commanding her that if she brought forth a Son who when he came to man's estate should be able to lift up the Stone and take away what he had left there, she should send him away to him with those things with all secrecy, enjoining him as much as possible to conceal his Journey from all men: For he feared extremely the Pallantidae, who were continually mutinying against him, and despised him for his want of Children, they themselves being fifty Brothers all of the Sons of Pallas.  
When Aethra was delivered of a Son, some report that he was immediately named Theseus, from the Tokens which his Father had put under the Stone: But others say 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies a putting any thing, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies to adopt or acknowledge one for his Son. The Education of Theseus.  that he received his name afterwards at Athens, when Aegeus acknowledged him for his Son. He was brought up under his Grandfather Pittheus, and had by him a Governor and Tutor set over him named Connidas, to whom the Athenians even to this time, the day before the Feast that is dedicated to Theseus, sacrifice a Ram, giving this honour to his memory upon a much juster account than that which they gave to Silanio and Parrhasius, for having only made Pictures and Statues of Theseus. There being then a custom for the Grecian Youth upon their first coming to man's estate to go to Delphos and offer First-fruits of their Hair to the God of the place, Theseus' also went thither, and they say that the place to this day is yet named Thesea from him. But he shaved only the forepart of his head, as Homer reports to be the custom of the Abantes. And this sort of Tonsure was from him named Theseis. But the Abantes first used this sort of shaving, not having learned it from the Arabians, as some imagine, nor in imitation of the Mysians, but, being a warlike people, and used to close fight, and above all other Nations accustomed chiefly to engage hand to hand; as Archilochus witnesses in these Verses, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Slings they despise, and scorn to send from far  
The flying Dart, and wage a distant War;  
But hand to hand the trusty Swords they wield  
Do all the dreadful business of the Field.  
This is the way of fight th' Euboeans know,  
Nor Bow nor Sling they trust, but strike themselves the blow.  Therefore that they might not give their Enemies that advantage of seizing them by the Hair, they were shaved in this manner. They write also that this was the reason why Alexander gave command to his Captains that all the Beards of his Macedonians should be shaved, as being the readiest hold for an Enemy.  
Aethra for some time concealed the true Parentage of Theseus; and there was a report 
Theseus' reputed the Son of Neptune.  given out by Pittheus that he was begotten by Neptune: for the Troezenians have Neptune in the highest veneration. He is their Tutelar God, to him they offer all their First-fruits, and in his honour stamped their Money with a Trident.  
Theseus in his youth discovering not only a great strength of Body but an equal force of Mind and firmness of Understanding, his Mother Aethra, conducting him to the Stone, and informing him who was his true Father, commanded him to take from thence the Tokens that Aegeus had left, and to sail to Athens. He, without any difficulty, lifted up the Stone and took 'em from thence; but refused to take his Journey by Sea, though it was much the safer way, and though he was continually pressed to it by the entreaties of his Grandfather and Mother. For it was at that time very dangerous to go by Land to Athens, no place of the Country being free from Thiefs and Murderers: for that Age produced a sort of men, for strength of Arms, and swiftness of Feet, and vigour of Body, excelling the ordinary rate of men; and in labours and exercise indefatigable: yet making use of these gifts of Nature to nothing either good or profitable to mankind, but rejoicing and taking pride in insolence, and pleasing themselves in the enjoyment of their inhumanity and cruelty, and in seizing, forcing and committing all manner of outrages upon every thing that fell into their hands: who thought civility, and justice, and equity, and humanity which many praised, either out of want of courage to commit injuries or fear to receive 'em, nothing at all to concern those who were the most daring and most strong. Some of these Hercules destroyed and cut off in his passing through these Countries, but some who escaped him, for fear fled and hid themselves, or were spared by him in contempt of their abject submission: but after that Hercules fell into misfortune, and having slain Iphitus, retired to Lydia, and for a long time was there Slave to Omphale, a punishment which he had imposed upon himself for the murder; then indeed the Lydian affairs enjoyed all peace and security, but in Greece and the Countries about it the like Villainies were again revived and broke out, there being none to repress or chastise their insolence. It was therefore a very hazardous journey to travel by Land from Athens to Peloponnesus: and Pittheus, giving him an exact account of each of these Thiefs and Villains, of what strength they were, and with what cruelty they used all strangers, persuaded Theseus to go by Sea; but he, it seems, had long since been secretly fired with the glory of Hercules, and had him in the highest estimation, and was never more satisfied than in hearing those that gave an account of him; especially those that had seen him, or had been present at any Action or Saying of his that was remarkable. Insomuch that he was altogether in the same condition that, in after-ages Themistocles was when he said that the Trophies of Miltiades would not suffer him to sleep: so he having in such admiration the virtue of Hercules, in the night his dreams were all of that Heroes actions, and in the day a continual emulation stirred him up to perform the like. Besides, they were nearly related, being born of Cousin Germains. For Aethra was 
His relation to Hercules.  the Daughter of Pittheus, and Alcmene of Lycidice, and Lycidice and Pittheus Brothers and Sisters by Hippodamia. He thought it therefore a dishonourable thing and not to be endured, that Hercules should every where purge both the Land and Sea from those wicked Men, and that he himself should fly from the like Adventures that so fairly offered themselves to him; disgracing his Reputed Father by a mean flight by Sea, and not showing his True one as manifest a character of the greatness of his Birth by noble and worthy Actions as by the tokens that he brought with him, the Shoes and the Sword.  
With this mind and these thoughts he set forward, with a design to do injury to no body, but to repel and revenge himself of all those that should offer any. And first of all, in a set combat, he slew Periphetes in Epidauria, who used a Club for his Arms, 
He slew Periphetes.  and from thence had his name of Corynetes, or the Club-bearer, who seized upon him, and forbade him to go forward in his Journey. Being pleased with the Club, he took it, and made it his weapon, having the same use of it as Hercules had of the Lion's Skin; for that he wore as evidence of what a prodigious greatness the monster was that He slew, and to the same end Theseus carried about him this Club; overcome indeed by him, but now, in his Hand, invincible.  
Passing on further towards the Isthmus of 
He kills Sinnis.  Peloponnesus he slew Sinnis, that, from the way of murder he used, was surnamed the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  bender of Pines, after the same manner that he himself had destroyed many others before. And this he did, not having either practised or ever learned the art of bending these Trees, to show that natural strength is above all art. This Sinnis had a Daughter of most excellent beauty and more than ordinary stature, called Perigune, who, when her Father was killed, fled, and was sought after with all diligence by Theseus; but she, flying into a place overgrown with many Shrubs and Rushes and wild Asparagus, innocently made her complaint to them, as if they could have a sense of her misfortune, and begged 'em to shelter her, with vows that if she escaped she would never cut 'em down or burn 'em: but Theseus calling upon her and giving her his promise that he would use her with all respect and offer her no injury, she came forth; and being enjoyed by Theseus bore a Son to him named 
He begets Menalippus of Perigune the Daughter of Sinnis.  Menalippus; but afterwards she was married to Deioneus the Son of Euritus, the Oechalian, Theseus himself giving her to him. And joxus, the Son of this Menalippus who was born to Theseus, accompanied Ornytus in the Colony that he carried with him into Caria, from whom the people called joxides have their name; who have this custom derived down to 'em from their Fathers, never to burn either Shrubs or Rushes or wild Asparagus, but to honour and worship 'em.  
About this time the Cromyonian Sow, which they called Phaea, was a Beast not to be 
Slays the Cromyonian Sow Phaea.  passed by or despised, being of great fierceness and very hard to be overcome, her Theseus' killed, going out of his way to meet and engage her, that he might not seem to perform all his great exploits out of mere necessity; being also of opinion that it was the part of a brave man, not only to chastise villainous and wicked Men, but also to fight and expose himself to the fury of the most fierce and hurtful Monsters and wild Beasts. Others relate that this Phaea was a Woman, a Robber full of cruelty and lust, that lived in Cromyon, and had the name of Sow given her from the beastliness of her life and conversation, and that afterwards she was killed by Theseus. He slew also Sciron, upon the 
Kills Sciron.  borders of Megara, casting him down from the Rocks, being, as most report, a notorious robber of all passengers; and, as others say, accustomed out of insolence and wantonness to stretch forth his feet to strangers commanding them to wash 'em, and then with a kick to thrust them down the Rock into the Sea: but the Writers of Megara, in contradiction to the received report, and, as Simonides expresses it, fight with all antiquity, contend that Sciron was neither a Robber nor committer of injuries and affronts, but a punisher of all such, and full of all humanity and friendship to good and just men; that Aeacus was ever esteemed a man of the greatest sanctity of all the Greeks, and that Cychreus, the Salaminian, was honoured at Athens with divine worship, and that the virtue of Peleus and Telamonius were not unknown to any one; and that Sciron was Son-in-law to Cychreus and Father-in-law to Aeacus, and Grandfather to Peleus and Telamonius, who were both of 'em Sons of Erideis the Daughter of Sciron and Carichlo: that therefore it was not probable that the best should make these alliances with the worst of men, giving and receiving mutually what was of greatest value and most dear to 'em: but they relate that Theseus did not slay Sciron in his first Journey to Athens, but afterwards, when he took Eleusis, a City of the Megarians, having circumvented Diocles the Governor, whom, together with Sciron, he there slew. These are the contradictions which are between the Writers of this Story. In Eleusis he killed certion, 
Kills certion,  the Arcadian, in a wrestling Match. And going on a little further, in the City Hermione, he slew Damastes, otherwise called Procrustes, by force making him even 
and Procrustes.  to his own Beds, as he himself was used to do with all strangers; this he did in imitation of Hercules. For he, returning always to the committers of these outrages the same sort of violence that they offered to others, sacrificed Busyris, wrestled with Antaeus, fought with Cycnus hand to hand, and killed Termerus by breaking his Skull in pieces, (from whence they say comes the Proverb of A Termerian Mischief) for it seems Termerus killed passengers that he met by running, with all his force, his Head against theirs. Thus proceeded Theseus in the punishment of evil men, who underwent the same torments from him, which they had inflicted upon others; justly suffering after the manner of their own injustice.  
As he went forward on his Journey, and was come as far as the River Cephisus some of the race of the Phytalidoe met him and saluted him, and upon his desire to use the purifications, then in custom, they performed them with all the usual Ceremonies, and having offered propitiatory Sacrifices to the Gods, they invited him and entertained him at their House, who before in all his Journey had not met the like civility.  
On the eighth day of June which was then called Cronius he arrived at Athens, where he found the public affairs full of 
Arrives at Athens.  all confusion, and divided into Parties and Factions, Aegeus also and his whole private Family labouring under the same distemper; for Medea, having fled from Corinth, and promised Aegeus to make him, by her Art, capable of having Children, was entertained by him and admitted to his Bed; she had the first knowledge of Theseus, whom as yet Aegeus did not know, and he being in years, full of jealousies and suspicions, and fearing every thing by reason of the Faction that was then in the City, she easily 
Aegeus persuaded to poison him, not knowing him to be his Son.  persuaded him to poison Theseus at a Banquet to be prepared for him as a civility to a Stranger. He coming to the Entertainment thought it not fit to discover himself first, but being willing to give his Father the occasion of first finding him out; the meat being on the Table he drew his Sword as if 
He is discovered to his Father.  he designed to cut with it, Aegeus upon the sudden, perceiving the Token, threw down the Cup of poison, and discovering his Son embraced him, and having gathered together all his Citizens, he owned him publicly before them, who received him with great satisfaction for the fame of his Greatness and Bravery: and 'tis said that when the Cup fell, the poison was spilt there where now is the enclosure in the Delphinian Temple, for in that place stood Aegeus' House, and the Statue of Mercury on the East side of the Temple is called the Mercury of Aegeus his Gate.  
Now the Sons of Pallas, who before were 
The Pallantidae rebel.  quiet, upon hopes and expectation of recovering the Kingdom, at least after Aegeus' death, who was without Issue, as soon as Theseus appeared, and was acknowledged the Successor to the Crown, highly resenting that Aegeus first, an adopted Son only of Pandion, and not at all related to the Family of Erectheus, should obtain the Kingdom, and that after, Theseus', one of another Country again, and a stranger, should obtain the Crown, broke out into an open War. And dividing themselves into two Companies, one part of them marched openly from Sphetta with their Father against the City, the other, hiding themselves in the Village of Gargettus, lay in ambush with a design to set upon the Enemy on both sides: They had with them a Crier of the Town of Agnus, named Leo, who discovered to Theseus all the designs of the Pallantidae: He immediately fell upon them that lay in Ambuscade and cut 'em all off; which Pallas and his company hearing fled and were 
They are overcome and dispersed by Theseus.  dispersed.  
From hence they say is derived the custom among the Palleneans to have no marriages or any alliance with the people of Agnus, nor to suffer their Criers to pronounce in their Proclamations these words, solemnly used in all other parts of the Country, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (Hear ye People) so great is their hatred to the very name of Leo for the foulness of his Treason.  
Now Theseus, longing to be in action, and withal desirous to make himself popular, left Athens to fight with the Bull of Marathon; which did no small mischief to 
He takes the Bull of Marathon alive.  the inhabitants of Tetrapolis. And having overcome it, he brought it alive in triumph through the City, and afterwards sacrificed it to Apollo. And as to what concerns Hecale and the story of her receiving and entertaining Theseus in this expedition, it seems to be not altogether void of truth; for from hence the people round about, meeting upon a certain day, offered a Sacrifice, which they called Hecalesium, to Jupiter Hecalion, in honour of Hecale, whom, by a diminutive name, they called Hecalene, because she, (as the custom of ancient people is,) showed her affection to Theseus by such diminutive names: and having made a vow to Jupiter for him as he was going to the fight, that if he returned in safety, she would offer Sacrifices in thanks of it, and dying before he came back, she received this return of her hospitality by the command of Theseus, as Philochorus relates the story.  
Not long after arrived the third time from Crete the collectors of the Tribute which the Athenians paid 'em upon the following occasion. Androgeus having been treacherously 
The murder of Androgeus.  murdered about the confines of Attica, not only Minos put the Athenians to extreme inconveniences by a perpetual War, but the Gods also laid waste their Country; for both Famine and Pestilence lay heavy upon 'em, and even their Rivers were dried up. But being told by the Oracle, that if they appeased and reconciled Minos, the anger of the Gods would cease, and they should enjoy rest from the miseries they laboured under; they sent Ambassadors, and, with much supplication, were at last reconciled, having entered into an agreement to send to Crete the space of nine years a Tribute of seven young Men and as many Virgins, as the general Writers agree; and the most tragical story that goes about concerning this matter says, that the Minotaur destroyed them, or that they wand'ring in the Labyrinth, and finding no possible means of getting out, miserably ended their lives there. And that this Minotaur was (as Euripides hath it) 
A mingled form, where two strange shapes combined;  
And different Natures, Bull and Man were joined.  But Philochorus writes that the Cretans will by no means allow the truth of this, but say that the Labyrinth was only an ordinary Prison having no other ill in it, than that it secured the Prisoners from escaping, and that Minos, having instituted Games in honour of Androgeus, gave as a reward to the Victors those that till that time had been prisoners in the Labyrinth. And that the first that overcame in those Games was one of the greatest power and command among 'em named Taurus, a man of no merciful or sweet disposition, but that carried himself towards the Athenians that were made his prize in a most proud and insolent manner; and even Aristotle himself in the account that he gives of the Government of the Bottieans, is manifestly of an opinion that these youth were not slain by Minos, but that they spent the remainder of their days in slavery at Crete; and that the Cretans, to acquit themselves 
The Cretans Offering to Apollo.  of an ancient Vow which they had made, were used to send an Offering of the first fruits of their Men to Apollo of Delphos, and that some descendants of these Athenian Slaves were mingled with 'em and sent amongst 'em; and of these they that were not able to get their living there removed from thence, first into Italy, and inhabited the Country round about Japygia; from thence again that they removed to Thrace and were named Bottieans, and that this is the reason why in a certain Sacrifice the Bottiean Women sing a Hymn beginning thus Let us go to Athens. And from this that it appeared how dangerous it was to incur the hatred of a City that was Mistress of Eloquence and a Muse. For Minos was always ill spoken of, and represented ever as a very ill man upon the Athenian Stages, neither did Hesiod at all help him when he calls him The most Royal Minos, nor Homer when he styles him The Companion of Jupiter. But the Tragedians prevailing made him always appear from the Stage as a cruel and inhuman Prince. But that really Minos was a very good King and Lawgiver, and that Rhadamanthus was a Judge under him and a preserver of the Statutes that he ordained.  
Now when the time of the third Tribute was come, and that the Fathers who had any young men for their Sons were to proceed by lot to the choice of those that were to be sent, there arose fresh discontents and accusations against Aegeus among the people, who were full of grief and indignation, that he, who was the cause of all their miseries, was the only person exempt from the punishment; but settling his Kingdom upon a Bastard and a foreign Son, took no notice of them whom he left destitute and without Children. These things very sensibly 
Theseus offers himself voluntarily to be sent to Crete.  affected Theseus, who thinking it but just not to avoid, but rather partake of, the sufferings of his fellow Citizens, offered himself for one without any lot; all the rest admiring him for the greatness of his Spirit and loving him for his care of the public: and Aegeus, after all his prayer and entreaty, finding him inflexible and not to be persuaded, proceeded to the choosing of the rest by lot. But Helanicus writes that the Athenians did not send the young Men and Virgins as they were chosen by lot, but that Minos himself coming thither made his own choice, and that he pitched upon Theseus before all others, upon conditions agreed between 'em, that the Athenians should furnish 'em with a Ship, and that the young men that were to sail with him should carry no weapon of War; but that if the Minotaur was destroyed, this Tribute should cease.  
The two former times of the payment of the Tribute there appearing no hopes of safety or return, they sent forth the Ship with a black Sail, as to unavoidable destruction: but now Theseus encouraging his Father, and speaking greatly of himself, as confident that he should kill the Minotaur, he gave the Pilot another Sail which was White, commanding him as he returned, if Theseus escaped, to make use of that, but if not to sail with the Black one, and to hang out that sign of his misfortune and sorrow. But Simonides says that the Sail which Aegeus delivered to the Pilot was not White but Purple died in Grain, with the Flower of a certain Tree, commanding him to 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Ilicis.  hang out this as a sign of their escape. Amarsyadas Phereclus, as Simonides writes, was Pilot of the Ship. But Philochorus says that Theseus had a Pilot sent him by Scirus, from Salamis, named Nausitheus, and another Sailor, named Phaeax, they as yet not applying themselves to Navigation; and that Scirus did this because one of the young men, Menesthes, was his Nephew, and this 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the Monuments of Nausitheus and Phaeax, built by Theseus near the Temple of Sciron, witness. He adds also that the Feast named Cybernesia was instituted in their honour. The lot being cast, and Theseus having received out of the Prytenaeum those upon whom it fell, he went to the Delphinean Temple, and made an Offering to Apollo 
His Offering at the Delphinian Temple.  for their safe return, which was a Bough of a consecrated Olive Tree bound about with white Wool.  
Having thus performed his Devotion he went to Sea, the sixth day of March, on which day even till this time the Athenians send their Virgins to the same Temple to make supplication to the Gods. It is farther reported that he was commanded by the Oracle at Delphos to make Venus his guide, and to invoke her as the Companion and Conductress of his Voyage, to whom as he was sacrificing a she Goat by the Sea side it was suddenly changed into a He, and for this cause that Goddess had the name of 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying a Goat.  Epitragia.  
When he arrived at Crete, as most of the 
His Arrival at Crete, and Adventures there.  ancient Historians as well as Poets write, having a Clew of thread given him by Ariadne, who had fallen in love with him, and being instructed by her the use of it, which was to conduct him through all the windings of the Labyrinth, he escaped out of it and slew the Minotaur, and sailed back, taking along with him Ariadne and the young Athenian Captives. Pherecydes adds that he bored holes in the Keels of the Cretan Ships to hinder their pursuit. And Demon writes that Taurus, the chief Captain of Minos, was slain in a naval Combat by Theseus in the mouth of the Haven, immediately before he set sail for Athens. But Philochorus gives us the Story thus. That at the setting forth of the yearly Game by King Minos, Taurus, who they thought would certainly bear away the prize from all as he had done before, laboured under 
Taurus' envied by the Cretans.  the envy of all Crete. For his power grew grievous and insupportable by reason of the insolence of his manners, and besides he had been accused of two near a familiarity with Pasiphae the Queen: Which was the reason that, when Theseus desired the Combat, Minos so easily complied. And as it was a custom in Crete that the Ladies also should be admitted to the sight of these Games, Ariadne, being present, was strangely surprised 
Ariadne in love with Theseus.  at the manly beauty of Theseus, and struck with admiration with the vigour and address which he showed in the Combat, overcoming all that encountered with him. Minos too being extremely pleased with him, especially because he had engaged and overthrown Taurus, voluntarily gave up the young Captives to Theseus, and remitted the Tribute to the Athenians. But Clidemus gives an account of these things peculiar to himself, very prolix and beginning a great way off. That it was a Decree consented to by all Greece, that no Vessel from any place containing above five persons should be permitted to sail, Jason only excepted, who was made Captain of the great Ship Argo to sail about and scour the Sea of Pirates. But Daedalus, having escaped from Crete, and flying by Sea to Athens, and Minos, contrary to this Decree, pursuing him with his great Ships, was forced by a storm upon Sicily, and there ended his life. After his decease, Deucalion 
Deucalion 's Message to Athens.  his Son, desiring a quarrel with the Athenians, sent to them, commanding that they should deliver up Daedalus to him, threatening, upon their refusal, to put to death all the young Athenians which his Father had received as Hostages from the City. To this angry Message Theseus returned a very 
Theseus 's Answer.  gentle and mild Answer, excusing himself that he could not deliver up Daedalus, who was so nearly related to him, being his Cousin german; for his Mother was Merope, the Daughter of Erectheus. In the 
He fits out a Navy.  mean while he secretly prepared a Navy, part of it at home near the Village of the Thymaetades, being a place of no resort and far from any common Roads, the other part by his Grandfather Pittheus' permission, he caused to be built and fitted out at Troezene, that so his design might be carried on with the greatest secrecy. As soon as ever his Fleet was in readiness he set sail, and none of the Cretans having any knowledge of his coming, but imagining, when they saw his Fleet, that they were Friends, and Vessels of their own, he soon made himself master of the Haven, and immediately making a descent farther into the Island, and having with him Daedalus and the other Fugitives for his Guides, he arrived at Cnossus, 
The Surprisal of Cnossus.  the City of the King's residence, before any notice of his coming before the Gates of the Labyrinth, and in a short skirmish put Deucalion and all his Guards to the Sword. The Government by this means falling to Ariadne, he made a League with her, and received the Captives of her, and ratified a perpetual Friendship between the Athenians and the Cretans, whom he engaged under an Oath never again to make War with Athens.  
There are yet many other reports about these things, and as many concerning Ariadne, but none of any certainty or truth. For some relate that she hanged herself being deserted by Theseus. Others that she was carried away by his Sailors to the Isle of Naxos, and married to Onarus, one of the Priests of Bacchus, and that Theseus left her because he fell in love with another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. For Eagle 's love had pierced his manly Breast. For this Verse, as Hereas the Megarian witnesseth, was formerly in the Poet Hesiod's Works, but put out by Pisistratus, in like manner as he added this other in Homer's description of Hell, to gratify the Athenians, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Theseus, Pirithous, both Sons of Gods. Others report that Ariadne had two Sons by Theseus, Oenopion and Staphylus, and among these is the Poet jon, of Chios, who writes thus of his own native City 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Built by Oenopion the great Theseus 's Son. But all that the Poets have sung of these matters, or that Fables have made more famous than ordinary, every body (as I may say) hath it in his mouth. But Paeon the Amathusian, has set forth a different relation of these things that has somewhat peculiar in it. For he writes that Theseus, being driven by a Storm upon the Isle of Cypros, and having aboard with him Ariadne, 
Ariadne left in Cypros.  big with Child, and extremely discomposed with the rolling of the Sea, set her on Shore, and left her there alone in that weak condition, to return to and help the Ship, where, on a sudden, by a violent Wind, he was again forced out to Sea. That the Women of the Island received Ariadne very kindly, and administered all manner of comfort to her, that was extremely afflicted and almost dead with grief for being left behind. That they counterfeited kind Letters and delivered them to her, as sent from Theseus, and, when she fell in Labour, were very diligent in performing to her all the offices that belong to Women. But that she died in Childbed before she could be delivered, 
Her death.  and was by them honourably interred. That soon after Theseus returned, and was greatly afflicted for her loss, and at his departure left a considerable sum of money among those of the Island, ordering them to sacrifice and pay divine honour to Ariadne; and caused two little Images to be made and dedicated to her, one of Silver and the other of Brass. Moreover that on the second day of September, which is sacred to Ariadne, they have this Ceremony 
A Ceremony instituted in memory of Her.  among their Sacrifices, to have a youth lie in, and with his voice and gesture counterfeit all the pains of a Woman in Travail; and that the Amathusians call the Grove in which they show her Tomb the Grove of Venus Ariadne.  
Different yet from this account some of the Naxians write, that there were two Minos' and two Ariadne's, one of which, they say, was married to Bacchus, in the Isle of Naxos, and bore a Son named Staphylus. But that the other, of a later age, was ravished by Theseus, and being afterwards deserted by him, retired to Naxos, with her Nurse Corcyna, whose Grave they yet show. That this Ariadne also died there, and was worshipped by the Island, but in a different manner from the former; for her day is celebrated with Feasts, and Revels and an universal Joy: but all the Sacrifices performed to the latter are mingled with sorrow and mourning.  
Now Theseus, in his return from Crete, 
Theseus' his return from Crete.  put in at Delos, and having sacrificed to the God of the Island, and dedicated to the Temple the Image of Venus, which Ariadne had given him, he danced with the young Athenians a Dance, that, in memory of him, is still preserved among the Inhabitants of Delos, which in a certain order had turnings and returnings that imitated the intricate windings of the Labyrinth. And this Dance, as Dicaearchus writes, is called among the Delians, The Crane. This he danced round the Ceratonian Altar, so called from its being compacted together and adorned only with Horns taken from the left side of the Head. They say also that he instituted Games in Delos, where he was the first that began the custom of giving a Palm to the Victors.  
When they were come near the coast of Attica, so great was the joy for the happy success of their Voyage that, neither Theseus 
His and his Pilots forgetfulness fatal to Aegeus.  himself, nor the Pilot, remembered to hang out the Sail which should have been the token of their safety to Aegeus, who, knowing nothing of their success, for grief threw himself headlong from a Rock and perished in the Sea. But Theseus being arrived at the Port of Phalera, paid there the sacrifices which he had vowed to the Gods at his setting out to Sea, and sent a Herald to the City to carry the news of his safe return. At his entrance into the City the Herald found the people for the most part full of grief for the loss of their King, others, as may be well believed, as full of joy for the message that he brought, and wholly bend to make much of him and crown him with Garlands for so acceptable news; which he indeed accepted of, but hung them upon his Herald's staff; and thus returning to the Sea side before Theseus had finished his libation to the Gods, he stayed without, for fear of disturbing the holy Rites; but as soon as the Sacrifice was ended he entered and related the whole story of the King's Death: upon the hearing of which, with great lamentations and a confused tumult of grief they ran with all haste to the City. And from hence, they say, it comes that at this day, in the Feast Oscophoria the Herald is not crowned but his staff, and that the People then present still break out at the Sacrifice into this shout, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (eleleu, iou, iou) of which confused sounds the first was wont to be used by men in haste, or at a triumph, the other is proper to those that are in great consternation or trouble.  
Theseus, after the Funeral of his Father, paid his Vows to Apollo the seventh day of October; for on that day the Youth that returned with him safe from Crete made their entry into the City. They say also that the custom of boiling Pulse at this Feast is derived from hence, because the young men that escaped, put all that was left of their provision together, and boiling it in one common Pot feasted themselves with it, and with great rejoicing did eat all together. Hence also they carry about an Olive branch bound about with Wool (such as they then made use of in their supplications) which they call Eiresione, crowned with all sorts of Fruits, to signify that scarcity and barrenness was ceased; singing in their Procession this Song, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Eiresione Figs produce,  
And wholesome Bread and cheerful Oil,  
And Honey, labouring Bees sweet toil,  
But above all Wines noble juice,  
Then Cares thou in the Cup shalt steep,  
And full of joy receive soft sleep.  Although some hold opinion that this Ceremony is retained in memory of the Heraclidae, who were thus entertained and brought up by the Athenians. But most are of the opinion which we have above delivered. The Ship wherein Theseus and 
Theseus' his Ship.  the Youth of Athens returned had thirty Oars, and was preserved by the Athenians down even to the time of Demetrius Phalareus, for they took away the old Planks as they decayed, putting in new and stronger Timber in their place, insomuch that this Ship became a standing Example among the Philosophers, whenever they disputed about things that increase, one side holding, That the Ship remained the same, and the other as fiercely contending that it was not the same.  
The Feast called Oscophoria, or the Feast of Boughs, which to this day the Athenians celebrate, was then first instituted by Theseus. For he took not with him the full number of Virgins, which by lot were to be carried away, but selected two Youths, with whom he had an intimate familiarity, of fair and womanish faces, but of a manly and forward spirit, and having by frequent Baths, and avoiding the heat and scorching of the Sun, with a constant use of all the Ointments, and Washeses, and Dresses, that serve to the adorning of the Head, or smoothing the Skin, or improving the Complexion, in a manner changed them from what they were before, and having taught them further to counterfeit the very voice, and carriage, and gate of Virgins, so that there could not be the least difference perceived, he undiscovered by any, put them into the number of the Athenian Maids designed for Crete. At his return he and these two Youths led up a solemn Procession, with Boughs and Vine-branches in their hands, and in the same habit that is now worn at the celebration of the Feast of Boughs. These Branches they carried in honour of Bacchus and Ariadne, for the sake of their Story before related; or rather because they happened to return in Autumn, the time of gathering the Grapes. The Women whom they call Deipnophorae, or Supper-carriers, are taken into these Ceremonies, and assist at the Sacrifice, in remembrance and imitation of the Mothers of the young Men and Virgins upon whom the lot fell, for thus busily did they run about bringing Banquets and Refreshments to their Children, and because the good Women than told their Sons and Daughters a great many fine Tales and Stories, to comfort and encourage them under the danger they were going upon, it has still continued a Custom, that at this Feast, old Fables and Tales should be the chief Discourse. And for all these Particularities we are beholden to the History of Demon. There was then a Place chose out, and a Temple erected in it to Theseus, and those Families out of whom the Tribute of the Youth was gathered, were obliged to pay a Tax to the Temple for Sacrifices to him. And the House of the Phytalidae, had the overseeing of these Sacrifices, Theseus doing them that Honour in recompense of their former Hospitality.  
Now after the death of his Father Aegeus, framing in his mind a great and wonderful 
Persuades the Inhabitants of Attica to reside together in one City.  design, he gathered together all the Inhabitants of Attica into one Town, and made them one People of one City, that were before dispersed, and very difficult to be assembled upon any Affair, tho' relating to the common benefit of them all. Nay, often such Differences and Quarrels happened between them, as occasioned Bloodshed and War; these he by his Persuasions appeased, and going from People to People and from Tribe to Tribe, proposed his design of a common agreement between them. Those of a more private and mean condition readily embracing so good advice, to those of greater Power and Interest he promised a Commonwealth, wherein Monarchy being laid aside, the power should be in the People, and that, reserving to himself only to be continued the Commander of their Arms, and the Preserver of their Laws, there should be an equal distribution of all things else between them, and by this means brought them over to his Proposal. The rest fearing his Power, which was already grown very formidable, and knowing his courage and resolution, chose rather to be persuaded than forced into a Compliance. He then dissolved all the distinct Courts of Justice, and Council-Halls, and Corporations, and built one common Prytaneum and Council-Hall, where it stands to this day; and out of the old and the new City he made one, which he named Athens, ordaining a common Feast and Sacrifice to be for ever observed, which he called Panathenaea, or the Sacrifice of all the United Athenians. He instituted also another Sacrifice, for the sake of Strangers that would come to fix in Athens, called 
* Metaecaea, (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) signifies Transmigration. Lays down his Regal Power.  Metaecaea, which is yet celebrated on the 16th. day of June. Then, as he had promised, he laid down his Regal Power, and settled a Commonwealth, entering upon this great change, not without advice from the Gods. For having sent to consult the Oracle of Delphos, concerning the Fortune of his new Government and City, he received this Answer: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
Hear, Theseus, Pittheus Daughter's Son,  
Hear what Jove for thee has done.  
In the great City, thou hast made,  
He has, as in a Storehouse, laid  
The settled Periods and fixed Fates  
Of many Cities, mighty States.  
But know thou neither Fear nor Pain,  
Solicit not thyself in vain.  
For, like a Bladder that does 'bide  
The fury of the angry Tide,  
Thou from high Waves unhurt shall bond,  
Always tossed but never drowned.  Which Oracle, they say, one of the Sibyls long after did in a manner repeat to the Athenians, in this Verse: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The Bladder may be wet, but never drowned. Farther yet designing to enlarge his City, he invited all Strangers to come and enjoy equal Privileges with the Natives, and some are of opinion that the common form of Proclamation in Athens, Come hither all ye People, were the words that Theseus caused to be proclaimed, when he thus set up a Commonwealth, consisting, in a manner, of all Nations. Yet he suffered not his State, by the promiscuous Multitude that flowed in, to be turned into Confusion, and be left without any order or degree, but was the first that divided the Commonwealth into three distinct Ranks, the Noblemen, the Husbandmen, and Artificers. To the Nobility he committed the choice of Magistrates, the teaching and dispensing of the Laws, and the interpretation of all holy and Religious things; the whole City, as to all other Matters, being as it were reduced to an exact Equality, the Nobles excelling the rest in Honour, the Husbandmen in Profit, and the Artificers in Number. And Theseus was the first, who, as Aristotle says, out of an inclination to Popular Government parted with the Regal Power, and which Homer also seems to witness in his Catalogue of the Ships, where he gives the Name of People, to the Athenians only.  
He than coined Money, and stamped it with the Image of an Ox, either in memory of the Marathonian Bull, or of Taurus whom he vanquished, or else to put his People in mind to follow Husbandry, and from this Coin came the expression so frequent among the Greeks, of a thing being worth ten or a hundred Oxen. After this he joined Megara to Attica, and erected that famous Pillar in the straits of Peloponnesus, which bears an Inscription of two lines, showing the bounds of the two Countries that meet there. On the East-side the Inscription is thus: This is not Peloponnesus but jonia. And on the Westside thus: This is Peloponnesus, not jonia. He also instituted annual Games, in emulation of Hercules, being ambitious, that as the Greeks by that Hero's appointment celebrated the Olympian Games to the Honour of Jupiter, so by his institution they should celebrate the Isthmian Games to the Honour of Neptune. For those that were there before observed, dedicated to Melicerta, were performed privately and in the night, and consisted rather of Religious Ceremonies, than of any open Spectacle or public Feast. But some there are who say, that the Isthmian Games were first instituted in memory of Sciron, at the Expiation which Theseus made for his Murder, upon the account of the nearness of kindred which was between them, Sciron being the Son of Canethus and Heniocha, the Daughter of Pittheus; tho' others write, that Sinnis and not Sciron was their Son, and that to his Honour and not to the others these Games were ordained by Theseus; and Hellanicus and Andro of Halicarnassus write, that at the same time he made an agreement with the Corinthians, that they should allow them that came from Athens to the celebration of the Isthmian Games, as much space to behold the Spectacle in, as the Sail of the Ship that brought them thither stretched to its full extent could cover, and that in the first and most honourable Place. Concerning the Voyage 
His Voyage into the Euxine Sea.  that he made in the Euxine Sea, there are different Relations; for Philochorus and some others write, that he undertook this Expedition with Hercules, offering him his Service in the War against the Amazons, and had Antiope given him for the reward of his Valour: but others, as Pherecydes, Hellanicus and Herodorus write, that he made this Voyage many years after Hercules, with a Navy under his own Command, and took the Amazon Prisoner; and indeed this seems to come nearest the truth, for we do not read that any other of all those that accompanied him in this Action, took any Amazon Prisoner. Different from the former, Bion writes, that he stole her away by deceit, and fled; for the Amazons (he says) being naturally Lovers of Men, were so far from flying from Theseus when he touched upon their Coasts, that they entertained him with great civility, and sent him Presents to his Ship; but he having invited Antiope, who brought them, to come aboard, immediately set Sail and carried her away. Menecrates, that wrote the History of Nicaea in Bythinia, adds, that Theseus having Antiope aboard his Vessel, cruised for some time about those Coasts, and that there were in the same Ship three young Noblemen of Athens, that accompanied him in this Voyage, all Brothers, whose Names were Euneus, Thoas, and Soloon. The last of these fell desperately in Love with Antiope, but concealed it with all possible care; only to one of his most intimate acquaintance he revealed the Secret, and employed him to break his passion to Antiope; she rejected his pretences with a very sharp denial, yet carried herself to him with all outward appearances of Civility, and very prudently made no complaint to Theseus of any thing that had happened; but Soloon, urged by despair, leaped into a River near the Seaside, and drowned himself. As soon as Theseus was acquainted with his Death, and his unhappy Love that was the cause of it, he was extremely concerned, and in the height of his grief, an Oracle which he had formerly received at Delphos, came into his mind; for he had been commanded by the Priestess of Apollo Pythius, that wherever in his Travels he was most sorrowful, and under the greatest affliction, he should build a City there, and leave some of his Followers to be Governors of the Place. For this cause he there founded a City, which he called from the Name of Apollo, Pythopolis, 
He builds Pythopolis.  and in honour of the unfortunate Youth, he named the River that runs by it, Soloon, and left the two surviving Brothers entrusted with the care of the Government and Laws, joining with them Hermus, one of the Nobility of Athens, from whom a certain Place in the City is called, The House of Hermus; tho' by an error in the accent of the word, it has been falsely taken for the House of Hermes, or Mercury, and the Honour that was designed to the Hero, transferred to the God. And this was the rise and ground of the Amazonian War, a War of no small consequence, or in which the Athenians might think they had to do with Cowards or Women. For it is impossible that they should have placed their Camp in the very City, and joined Battle in the middle of it, near the Temple of the Muses, unless having first conquered the Country round about, they had without any delay or fear moved boldly on to Athens. That they made so long a Journey by Land, and passed an Arm of the Cimmerian Bosphorus that was frozen, as Hellanicus writes, is difficult to be believed. This is certain, that they encamped in the City, and may be sufficiently confirmed by the Names that the Places thereabout yet retain, and the Graves and Monuments of those that fell in the Battle. Both Armies now being in sight, there was a long pause and doubt on each side which should give the first Onset: At last Theseus having sacrificed to Fear, in obedience to the Command of an Oracle he had received, gave them Battle; and this happened in the 
Gives Battle to the Amazons.  Month of August, in which to this very day the Athenians celebrate the Feast, that is named from that Month wherein this Battle was fought. But Clidemus, desirous to be very nice in each particular of this Affair, writes, that the left Wing of the Amazons moved towards the Place which is yet called Amazonium, and the right to a Place called Pnyx, near Chrysa, upon which the Athenians, issuing from behind the Muse's Temple, fell upon them; and that this is true, the Graves of those that were slain, to be seen in the Street that leads to the Gate called Piraica, by the Temple of the Hero Chalcodus, are a sufficient proof. And here it was that the Athenians were routed, and shamefully turned their backs to Women, as far as to the Temple of the Furies. But fresh supplies coming in from Palladium, Ardettus, and Lyceum, charged their right Wing, and beat them back into their very Tents, in which Action a great number of the Amazons were slain. At length, after four months, a Peace was concluded 
Peace concluded.  between 'em by the mediation of Hippolyta, (for so this Historian calls the Amazon which Theseus married, and not Antiope) tho' others write that she was slain with a Dart by Molpadia, fight by Theseus' side, and that the Pillar which stands by the Temple at the entering into the Olympian ground, was erected to her Honour. Nor is it to be wondered that the History of things so very ancient, should be so various and uncertain. It is farther said, that those of the Amazons that were wounded, were privately sent away by Antiope to Chalcis, where many by her care recovered, but those that died were buried in the Place that is to this time called Amazonium. That this War was ended by a mutual League and Agreement, is evident both from the Name of the Place adjoining to the Temple of Theseus, called from the solemn Oath there taken, Horcomosium, and also from the ancient Sacrifice which is celebrated to the Amazons, the day before the Feast of Theseus. The Megarians pretend also that some of the Amazons were buried in their City, and show for one of their Monuments, a Tomb in the figure of a Lozenge, in the passage from the Marketplace to a Place called Rhus. It is said likewise, that others of 'em were slain near Chaeronea, and buried near a little Rivulet, formerly called Thermodon, but now Haemon, of which I have formerly wrote in the Life of Demosthenes. It appears further, that the Passage of the Amazons through Thessaly was not without opposition, for there are yet to be seen many of their Sepulchers near Scotussaea and Cynocephalae. And this is as much as is worthy the Relation, concerning the Amazons. For the account which the ancient Author of a Poem called Theseis, gives us, of this Invasion of the Amazons, how that Antiope, to revenge herself upon Theseus, for refusing her and marrying Phaedra, came down upon the City with her Train of Amazons, was defeated, and had most of her Followers slain by Hercules, is manifestly nothing else but Fable, and the Invention of a Poet. It is true indeed that Theseus married Phaedra, but that was after the death of Antiope, by whom he had a Son called Hippolytus, or, as Pindar writeth, Demophoon. As to the Calamities which befell both Theseus and his Son, since none of the Historians have contradicted the Tragic Poets that have written of them, they are altogether to be received for truths, as they are delivered from the Stage. There are also other Reports concerning the Marriages of Theseus, 
His Marriages  the beginnings of which were neither honourable, nor their events fortunate, which yet were never represented in the Grecian Plays. He forced Anaxo, the Traezenian; having slain Sinnis and certion, he ravished their Daughters; he married Peribaea the Mother of Ajax, and then Pheribaea, and then Jope the Daughter of Iphicles. Further he is accused for deserting Ariadne, (as is before related) being in Love with Aegle the Daughter of Panopeus, an action neither just nor honourable. And lastly for the Rape of Helen, which filled all Attica with War and Blood, and was in the end the occasion of his Banishment and Death, as shall hereafter be related.  
Herodorus is of opinion, that tho' there were many famous Expeditions undertaken by the bravest and most honourable Captains of his Time, yet Theseus never made One amongst them, nor appeared in any great and public Action; once only excepted, when he joined with the Lapithae in their War against the Centauris: but others say that he accompanied Jason to Colchos, and Meleager to the slaying of the Calydonian Boar, and that hence this came to be a Proverbial Speech, Not without Theseus. Also that Theseus without any aid of the Heroes of his Time, did himself perform very many and very great Exploits, and that from the high esteem the World set upon his Valour, it grew into a Proverb, This is another Theseus. 
In most of the printed Copies it is read, This is another Hercules, but some Manuscripts read it better, as it is here translated.  He was also very instrumental to Adrastus, in recovering the Bodies of those that were slain before Thebes, but not, as Euripides in his Tragedy says, by force of Arms, but by persuasion and mutual agreement and composition, for so the greater part of Historians write; nay, Philochorus adds farther, that this was the first Treaty that ever was made for the recovering and burying the Bodies of the dead; tho' the History of Hercules says, that he was the first that ever gave leave to his Enemies to carry off the Bodies of their slain. The Burying-places of the Common Soldiers are yet to be seen in the Village called Eleutherae, and those of the Commanders at Eleusis, where Theseus allotted them a Place for their Interment, to oblige Adrastus. And that the dead Bodies were thus recovered, Aeschylus is Witness in his Tragedy called the Eleusinians, where Theseus himself is brought in relating the Story as it is here told, which quite overthrows what Euripides writes on this Subject, in his Play called The Suppliants.  
The extraordinary and so much celebrated Friendship between Theseus and 
The occasion of the Friendship between Theseus and Peirithous.  Peirithous, is said to have been thus begun. The Fame of the matchless Strength and Valour of Theseus being spread through all Greece, Peirithous was inflamed with a desire to be satisfied, and make a trial himself of what he had heard so much by Report; to this end he seized a Herd of Oxen which belonged to Theseus, and was driving them away from Marathon, when News was brought that Theseus pursued him in Arms; upon which, disdaining to fly, he turned back and went on to meet him. But as soon as ever they had viewed one another, each so admired the Gracefulness and Beauty, and was seized with such a Reverence for the Bravery and Courage of the other, that they forgot all thoughts of Fight; and Peirithous first stretching out his hand to Theseus, bade him be Judge in this Case himself, and promised to submit willingly to whatever he demanded, in satisfaction for the injury he had done. But Theseus not only forgave him all the damages he had sustained, but entreated him to be his Friend and Brother in Arms; and there immediately they swore an inviolable friendship to each other. After this Pirithous married Deidamia, and invited Theseus to the Wedding, entreating him to come and see his Country, and enter into alliance with the Lapithae; he had at the same time invited the Centauris to the Feast, who growing hot with Wine began to be very insolent and lewd, and offered violence to the Women, which so enraged the Lapithae, that they took immediate revenge upon them, slaying many of them upon the Place; and afterwards having overcome them in Battle, drove the whole Race of them out of their Country, Theseus all along taking their part, and fight on their side. But Herodotus gives a different Relation of these things. That Theseus came not to the assistance of the Lapithae till the War was already begun, and that it was in this Journey that he had the first sight of Hercules, having made it his business to find him out at Trachine, where he had chosen to rest himself after all his wander and his labours, and that this Interview was honourably performed on each part with extreme Civility, Respect and Admiration of each other. Yet it is more credible what other Historians write, that there were before frequent interviews between them, and that it was by the means of Theseus that Hercules was initiated and admitted to the Ceremonies of the Goddess Ceres, having, by his intercession also, been first purified, upon the account of several rash Actions of his former Life.  
Theseus was now fifty years old, as Hellanicus reports, when he ravished Helen, who was very young, and not of Age to be married. Wherefore some Writers, to take away this Accusation of one of the greatest Crimes that is laid to his charge, say, that he did not steal away Helen himself, but that Idas and Lynceus were the Ravishers, who brought her to him, and committed her to his charge, and that therefore he refused to restore her at the demand of Castor and Pollux; or, according to others, that her own Father Tyndarus sent her to be kept by him, for fear of Enarsphorus the Son of Hippocoon, who would have carried her away by force when she was yet a Child. But the most probable Relation, and that which has most Witnesses on its side, is this: Theseus and Peirithous went both together to 
The Rape of Helen.  Sparta, and having seized the young Lady as she was dancing in the Temple of Diana Orthia, fled away with her. There were presently Men in Arms sent to pursue the Ravishers, but they followed the pursuit no farther than to Tegea; and Theseus and Peirithous being now out of danger, having escaped out of Peloponnesus, made an agreement between themselves, that he to whom the lot should fall, should have Helen to his Wife, but should be obliged to be ready with his assistance to procure another for his Friend. The lot fell upon Theseus, who conveyed her to Aphidnae, not being yet marriageable, and delivered her to one of his Allies call●d Aphidnus, and having sent his Mother Aethra after to take care of her Education, desired him to keep them so secretly, that none might know where they were. Which done, to return the same service to his Friend Peirithous, he accompanied him in his Journey to Epirus, in order to 
Accompanies Peirithous to Epirus.  steal away the King of the Molossians Daughter. This King, his own Name being Aidoneus or Pluto, called his Wife and his Daughter, Proserpina, and a great Dog which he kept, Cerberus, with whom he ordered all that came as Suitors to his Daughter to fight, and promised her to him that should overcome the Beast. But having been informed, that the design of Peirithous his coming was not to court his Daughter, but to force her away, he caused them both to be seized, and threw Peirithous to be torn in pieces by his Dog, and clapped up Theseus 
Peirithous 's Death. Theseus in Prison.  into Prison, and kept him in Chains.  
About this time, Menestheus, the Son of Peteus, who was great Grandson to Erectheus, the first Man that is recorded to have affected Popularity, and ingratiated himself with the Multitude, stirred up and exasperated the most eminent Men of the City, who had long born a secret grudge to Theseus, and possessed them with a belief that Theseus had taken from them their several little Kingdoms and Lordships, that so having penned them all up in one City, he might use them as his Subjects and Slaves. He put also the meaner 
Menestheus stirs up the Athenians against Theseus.  sort into no small Commotion, by accusing them sharply, that being deluded with a mere dream of Liberty, tho' indeed they were deprived both of that, and of their Countries and their Temples, instead of many good and gracious Kings of their own, they had given themselves up to be lorded over by a New comer and a Stranger. Whilst he was thus busied in infecting the minds of the Citizens, the War that Castor and Pollux brought against 
Castor and Pollux invade Athens for the recovery of Helen.  Athens, came very opportunely to further the Sedition he had been promoting, and some say that he by his persuasions was wholly the cause of their invading the City. At their first approach they committed no acts of Hostility, but peaceably demanded their Sister Helen; but the Athenians returning answer, that they knew not where she was disposed of, they prepared to assault the City; when Academus (by what means he came to the knowledge of it, is uncertain) discovered to them that she was secretly kept at Aphidnae. For which Reason he was both extremely honoured during his Life by Castor and Pollux, and the Lacedæmonians, when in aftertimes they made several Incursions into Attica, and destroyed all the Country round about, spared the Academy for his sake. But Dicaearchus writes, that there were two Arcadians in the Army of Castor and Pollux, the one call●d Echedemus, and the other Marathus; from the first that which is now called the Academy, was then named Echedemia, and the Village Marathon had its Name from the other, who according to the Oracle willingly offered up himself a Sacrifice for the prosperous success of the Army. As soon as the Lacedæmonians were arrived at Aphidnae, they first overcame their Enemies 
They take Aphidnae.  in a set Battle, and then assaulted it, and took the Town. And here, they say, Alycus, the Son of Sciron, was slain on the Lacedæmonians side, from whom a Place in Megara, where he was buried, is called Alycus to this day. And Hereas writes, that it was Theseus himself that killed him, in witness of which he citys these Verses concerning Alycus: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
And Alycus on fair Aphidna 's Plain,  
By Theseus in the Cause of Helen slain.  Tho' it is not at all probable, that Theseus himself was there when both the City and his own Mother were taken. Aphidnae being now won by Castor and Pollux, and the whole City of Athens being in great Consternation, Menestheus persuaded the People to open their Gates, and receive them with all manner of Civility and Friendship, who, he told them, designed no violence or injury to any but Theseus, who had first done them wrong, but were Benefactors and Saviour's to all Mankind beside. And their behaviour to the conquered gave credit to what Menestheus promised; for having made themselves absolute Masters of the Place, they demanded no more than to be initiated in the Ceremonies of the Goddess Ceres, since they were as nearly related to their City as Hercules was, who had received the same Honour. This their Desire they easily obtained, and were adopted by Aphidnus, as Hercules had been by Pylius. They were honoured also like Gods, and were called by a new Name Anaces, either from the 
* In Greek, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  cessation of the War, or from the singular care they took that none should suffer any injury, tho' there was so great an Army within the Walls of the City, for the Phrase (〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) signifies as much, from whence it is likely that Kings were called Anactes. Others say, that from the appearance of their Star in the Heavens, they were thus called, for in the Attic Dialect this Name comes very near the words 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  that signify Above.  
Some say that Aethra, Theseus his Mother, was here taken Prisoner, and carried to Lacedaemonia, and from thence went away with Helen to Troy, alleging this Verse of Homer, to prove that she waited upon Helen: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Aethra of Pittheus born; and Clymene. Others reject this Verse as none of Homer's, as they do likewise the whole Fable of Munychus, who, the Story says, was the Son of Demophoon and Laodice, and was brought up privately by Aethra at Troy. But Istrus in the 13th. Book of his Attic History, gives us an account of Aethra, different yet from all the rest: That after the Fight, wherein Achilles and Patroclus overcame Paris in Thessaly, near the River Sperchius', Hector sacked and plundered the City of the Troezenians, and took Aethra Prisoner there. But this seems to be an absurd and groundless Tale.  
Now it happened that Hercules passing once by the Country of the Molossians, was entertained in his way by Aidoneus the King, who in Discourse accidentally fell upon a Relation of the Journey of Theseus and Peirithous into his Dominions, and what they had designed to do, and what they were forced to suffer. Hercules was extremely concerned for the inglorious Death of the one, and the miserable condition of the other: As for Peirithous, he thought it but in vain to expostulate with the King concerning his being put to Death; but Theseus being yet kept in Prison, he begged to have him released for his sake, and obtained that Favour 
Hercules procures the release of Theseus. He returns to Athens.  from the King. Theseus being thus set at liberty, returned to Athens, where his Friends were not yet wholly suppressed, and dedicated to Hercules all the Temples which the City had erected to himself, changing their Names from Thesea to Heraclea, four only excepted, as Philochorus writes. And now designing to preside in the Commonwealth, and manage the State as before, he soon found himself fallen into a Nest of Faction and Sedition; he discovered that those who of a long time had hated him, had now added to 
Slighted by the Athenians.  their hatred of his Person a contempt of his Authority; and seeing the minds of the People so generally corrupted, that, instead of obeying with silence and submission whatever was commanded, they expected to be flattered and soothed into their duty, he had some thoughts to have reduced them by force, but by the prevalence of the Faction, and continual Disorders, he was deterred from the Attempt. And at last despairing of any good success of his Affairs in Athens, he sent away his Children privately to Eubaea, commending them to the care of Elephenor the Son of Chalcodus; and he himself having solemnly cursed the People of Athens, in the Village of Gargettus, in which there yet remains the Place called Araterion, or the Place of Cursing, sailed to Scyrus, where 
He sails to Scyrus.  he had Lands left him by his Father, and, as he persuaded himself, a great Friendship with all those of the Island. Lycomedes was then King of Scyrus, Theseus therefore addressed himself to him, and desired to have his Lands put into his possession, as designing to settle and to dwell there, tho' others say, that he came to beg his assistance against the Athenians. But Lycomedes, being either jealous of the Glory of so great a Man, or to gratify Menestheus, having led him up to the highest Cliff of the Island, on pretence of showing him from thence the Lands that he desired, threw him headlong down from the Rock, and killed him. But others 
His Death.  say, he fell down of himself by an unfortunate slip of his Foot, as he was walking there after Supper according to his usual custom. At that time there was no notice taken, nor were any concerned for his Death, but Menestheus quietly possessed himself of the Kingdom of Athens. His Sons were brought up in a private condition, and accompanied Elephenor to the Trojan War, but after the decease of Menestheus, who died in the same Expedition, they returned to Athens, and recovered the Government to themselves. But in succeeding Ages there were several remarkable Accidents, that moved the Athenians to honour Theseus as a demy-God. For in the Battle which was fought at Marathon against the Medes, many of the Soldiers saw an Apparition of Theseus all in Arms fight in the head of them, and rushing on upon the Barbarians. And after the Median War, Phaedo being Archon of Athens, the Athenians consulting the Oracle at Delphos, were commanded to gather together the Bones of Theseus, and laying 'em in some honourable Place, keep them as sacred in the City. But it was very difficult to recover these Relics, or so much as to find out the Place where they lay, by reason of the inhospitable and savage temper of the barbarous People that inhabited the Island. But afterwards when Cimon took the Island, (as is related in his Life) and had a great desire to find out the Place where Theseus was buried, he by chance spied an Eagle upon a rising ground pecking it with her Beak, and tearing up the Earth with her Talons, when on the sudden it came into his mind, as it were by some divine Inspiration, to dig there, and search for the Bones of Theseus. There was found in that Place a Coffin of a Man of more than ordinary size, and the head of a brass Lance, and a Sword lying by it, all which he took aboard his Galley, and brought with him to Athens. The Athenians having notice of this, went out to meet and receive the Relics of this great Man in a splendid and pompous Procession, and did sacrifice to them, and were as much transported, as if Theseus himself was returned alive to their City. After that they interred them in the middle of the City, near the Place where the Youth perform their Wrestle, and other Exercises of Body. His Tomb is a Sanctuary and Refuge for Slaves, and all those of mean condition, that fly from the Persecution of Men in Power, in memory that Theseus while he lived, was an Assister and Protector of the Distressed, and never refused the Petitions of the Afflicted, that fled to him for Succour and Defence. The chief and most solemn Sacrifice which they celebrate to him, is kept on the 8th. day of October, in which he returned with the Athenian young Men from Crete. Besides which they sacrifice to him on the 8th. day of every Month, either because he returned from Traezene the 8th. day of June, as Diodorus the Geographer writes, or else thinking that number of all others to be most proper to him, because he was reputed to be born of Neptune, for they sacrifice to Neptune on the 8th. day of every Month; for the Number Eight being the first Cube of an even Number, and the double of the first Square, seemed to be an Emblem of the steadfast and immovable Power of this God, who from thence has the Names of Asphalius and Gaeiochus, that is, the Establisher and Stayer of the Earth.   


ROMULUS.   portrait M Burghers delin. et sculp.  
THE LIFE OF ROMULUS.  Englished from the Greek, By Mr. James Smalwood, Fel. of Trin. Col. in Cambridge. 
Volume I.  
BY whom, and for what reason, the City of 
* Whence Rome was so called.  Rome, a Name so great in glory, and famous in the mouths of all men, was so first called, Authors do not agree. Some are of opinion that the Pelasgians, after they had overrun the greater part of the habitable World, and subdued most Nations, fixed themselves here, and from their own great strength in War [which is the signification of the word in Greek] called the City Rome. Others that after the taking of Troy, some few that escaped the Enemy, fortunately meeting with Shipping, put to Sea, and being driven upon the Coasts of Thuscany, came to an Anchor off from the mouth of the River Tiber, where, their Women being miserably tired and harassed by the toilsomness of the Voyage, it was proposed by one whose Name was Roma, a Person of the best Quality, and seemingly of the best Understanding too amongst 'em, to burn the Ships: Which being done, the Men at first were very much offended at it; but afterwards, of necessity, seating themselves near Palatium, where things in a short while succeeded far better than they could hope, in that they found the Country very good, and the People courteous, they not only did the Lady Roma all other great Honours, but they added this also, of calling the City they had built after her Name. From this, they say, came that Custom at Rome for Women to salute their Kinfmen and Husbands with Kisses, because these Women after they had burnt the Ships, did make use of such like Allurements to pacify their Husbands, and allay the displeasure they had conceived. 
* Divers Opinions of the Name of Rome.  Some say, that Roma, from whom this City was so called, was Daughter of Italus and Leucaria; others, of Telephus, Herculeses Son, who was married to Aeneas; others again, of Ascanius, Aeneas' Son. But then some say, Romanus, the Son of Ulysses and Circe, built it; some that Romus, the Son of Emathion, whom Diomedes sent from Troy; and others that it was founded by Romus, King of the Latins, that drove out the Tuscans, who came originally from Thessaly into Lydia, and from thence into those Parts of Italy. Nay, those very Authors, who by the clearest Reasons make it appear, that 
* Of Romulus 's Birth.  Romulus gave Name to that City, do yet strangely differ concerning his Birth and Family: For some write, he was Son to Aeneas and Dexithea, Daughter of Phorbas, who with his Brother Remus, in their Infancy, was carried into Italy, and being on the River when the Waters were very rough, all the Ships were cast away except only that where the young Children were, which being safely landed on a level Bank of the River, they were both unexpectedly saved, and from them the Place was called Rome. Some say, Roma, Daughter of that Trojan Lady who was married to Latinus, Telemachus' Son, was Mother to Romulus; others, that Aemilia, Daughter of Aeneas and Lavinia, had him by the God Mars; and others give you little less than mere Fables of his Original. As to Tarchetius, King of Alba, who was a most wicked and cruel Man, appeared in his own House a strange Vision, which was the Figure of a Man's Yard, that rose out of a Chimney-hearth, and stayed there for many days. Whereupon the Oracle of Tethys in Thuscany being consulted, the result of it was that some young Virgin should accept of its Court, and she should have a Son famous in his Generation, eminent for Virtue, good Fortune, and strength of Body. Tarchetius told the Prophecy to one of his own Daughters, and commanded her to entertain the Lover; but she slighting the Matter, put her Woman on the execution of it. Tarchetius hearing this, in great indignation imprisoned the Offenders, purposing to put 'em to death; but being deterred from Murder by the Goddess Vesta in a Dream, enjoined them for their punishment the working a piece of Cloth, in their Chains as they were, which when they finished, they should be suffered to marry; but whatever they worked by day, Tarchetius commanded others to unravel in the night. In the mean time the Waiting-woman was delivered of two Boys, whom Tarchetius gave into the hands of one Teratius, with strict Command to destroy 'em; but he exposed 'em to Fortune by a Riverside, where a Wolf constantly came and suckled 'em, and the Birds of the Air brought little morsels of Food, which they put into their mouths; till a Neat-herd spying 'em, was first strangely surprised, but venturing to draw nearer, took the Children up in his arms. This was the manner of their preservation, and thus they grew up till they set upon Tarchetius, and overcame him. This Promathion says, that writ the History of Italy; but Diocles Peparethius delivered first amongst the Grecians the most principal Parts of the History that has most credit, and is generally received; him Fabius Pictor in most things follows. Yet here too are still more Scruples raised: As for Example; The Kings of Alba descending lineally from Aeneas, the Succession devolved at length upon two Brothers, Numitor and Amulius. Amulius to divide things into two equal shares, put in equivalency to the Kingdom all the Treasury and Gold that was brought from Troy. Numitor chose the Kingdom; but Amulius having the Money, and being able to do more with that than Numitor, he both with a great deal of ease took his Kingdom from him, and withal fearing lest his Daughter might have Children, made her a Vestal Nun, in that condition for ever to live a single and Maiden Life. This Lady some called 
* His Mother.  Ilia, others Rhea, and others Sylvia; however not long after she was, contrary to the established Laws of the Vestals, discovered to be with Child, and should have suffered the most cruel punishment, had not Antho, the King's Daughter, mediated with her Father for her; nevertheless she was confined, and debarred all humane conversation, that she might not be delivered without his knowledge. In time she brought forth two Boys, extraordinary both in the bigness and beauty of their Bodies: Whereupon Amulius becoming yet more fearful, commanded a Servant to take and cast 'em away; this Man some call Faustulus; others say, Faustulus was the Man who brought them up; 
Faustulus.  whoever the Servant was, he put the Children in a small Trough, and went towards the River with a design to cast them in; but seeing the Waters flow, and pouring in mighty surges upon him, he feared to go nigher, but dropping the Children near the Bank, went himself off; the River overflowing, the Flood at last bore up the Trough, and gently wafting it, landed 'em on a very pleasant Plain, which they now call 
* Cermanum.  Cermanum, formerly Germanum, perhaps from Germani, which signifies Brothers. Near this Place grew a wild Figtree, which they called Ruminalis, either from Romulus, (as it is vulgarly thought) or from 
* Ruminor signifies to chew the Cud.  Ruminating, because cattle did usually in the heat of the day seek Cover under it, and there chew the Cud; or chiefly from the suckling of these Children there; for the Ancients called the Dug or Teat of any Creature, Ruma, and the tutelar Goddess of all young Children they still call 
* Rumilia.  Rumilia, in sacrificing to whom they made no use of Wine, but Milk. While the Infants lay here, History tells us, a she-Wolf nursed 'em, and a little 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Wood-pecker constantly fed and fostered 'em; these Creatures are esteemed holy to the God Mars, and for the Woodpecker, the Latins still egregiously worship and honour it. Whence it was not altogether incredible what the Mother of the Children said, that she conceived with Child by the God Mars, tho' they say that mistake was put upon her by Amulius himself, being by him robbed of her Honour, who appeared to her all in Armour, and so committed a Rape upon her Body.  
Others think the first rise of this Fable came from the children's Nurse, purely upon the ambiguity of a word; for the Latines not only called Wolves, Lupae, but also lewd and prostitute Women: And such an one was the Wife of Faustulus, who nurtured these Children, Acca Laurentia by Name; to her the Romans offer Sacrifices, and to her in the Month April the Priest of Mars does offer up a special Libation, and they call it the Laurentian Feast; they honour also another Laurentia much upon the like occasion; as thus:  
The Keeper of Herculeses Temple having, it seems, little else to do, proposed to his Deity a Game at Dice, laying down, that if he himself won, he would have something valuable of the God, but if he was beaten, he would spread him a noble Table, and procure withal a fair Lady to lie with him. Upon these terms, reckoning first the Chances that were thrown for the God, and then for himself, he found plainly he had lost: nevertheless being willing Matters should be adjusted, and thinking it honest to stick to the Proposals he made himself, he both provided the Deity a good Supper, and seeing Laurentia, who was a fine Creature, tho' not as yet a famed Beauty, treated her in the Temple, where he had also laid a Bed, and after Supper locked her in, as if the God were really to enjoy her; and indeed it is said, the Deity did truly bed the Lady, and commanded her in the Morning to walk the Streets, and whatever Man she met first, him to salute, and make her Friend. The Man she met was by Name Tarrutius, far stricken in years, but of a competent subsistence, without Children, and had always lived a single Life: This Man 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  knew Laurentia, and loved her well, and at his death left her sole Heir of all his large and fair Possessions, most of which she in her last Will and Testament bequeathed to the People. It was reported of her, being now a celebrated Beauty, and esteemed the Mistress of a God, that she suddenly disappeared near the Place where the first Laurentia lay buried; the Place is at this day called 
* Velabrum.  Velabrum, because, the River frequently overflowing, they went over in Ferry-boats much about this Place to the Market, which manner of Waftage the Latins call Velatura; others derive the Name from Velum a Veil, because the Exhibiters of public Shows, generally making their Procession from the Marketplace to the Circus maximus [or common Shew-place] did always veil that space between. Upon these accounts is the second Laurentia so highly honoured at Rome.  
The Children all this while Faustulus, Amulius' Neat-herd, educated privately 
Romulus' his Education.  from the knowledge of all Men; but, as some say, and with the greatest likelihood too, Numitor was conscious all along to the thing, and made Allowances underhand to their Tutors; for it is said, they were at Gabii well instructed in Letters, and all other Accomplishments befitting their Birth and Quality. The reason of their Names (Romulus and Remus) was, as you find it in Story, because they were seen 
* Ruma signifying a Dug.  sucking of the Wolf. In their very Infancy, the noble structure of their Bodies presently discovered the natural greatness of their Minds and Thoughts; and when they grew up, they both proved of great Bravery and Manhood, attempting all Erterprises that seemed hazardous, and showing still a Courage altogether undaunted. But Romulus seemed rather to excel in Wisdom, and to have an Understanding more adapted to politic Affairs, in his Life and Conversation amongst his Neighbours, both in feeding his Flock, and managing his Dogs for Hunting, raising a great opinion in all, that he was born rather to rule and govern than be a Subject. To their Comrades, nay Inferiors, they were affable and courteous; but the King's Servants, his Bailiffs and Overseers, as being in nothing better Men than themselves, they despised and slighted, nor were the least concerned at their commands and menaces. They used honest Pastimes, and liberal Studies, esteeming Sloth and Idleness not to be commendable, but rather Exercises, as Hunting and Running, catching of Robbers, taking of Thiefs, and delivering the wronged and oppressed from injury. Upon this account they became famous.  
Now there happening a Quarrel betwixt Numitors and Amulius' Neat-herds, 
The occasion of Romulus and Remus being known.  the latter not enduring the driving away of their cattle by the others, fell foul upon them, and put 'em to flight, and rescued withal the greatest part of the prey. At which Numitor being highly incensed, they little regarded it, but reunited their Forces, and picking up a great many needy Fellows and Servants, began a seditious and mutinous Riot; and Romulus employing himself then at a Sacrifice, (for he was a lover of holy Ceremonies and Prophecies) Numitor's Neatherds meeting with Remus, upon a small Journey he was making, fell upon him, and some few Blows and Wounds passing between them, took Remus Prisoner, who being carried before Numitor, and there accused of Misdemeanours, he would not punish him himself, fearing his Brother might be angry, but went to him, and desired Justice might be done him, as he was his Brother, and was affronted by his Servants. The Men of Alba likewise resenting the thing ill, and thinking the Man dishonourably used, Amulius was induced to deliver Remus up into Numitor's hands, to use him as he thought fit. He therefore took and carried him home, and being struck with admiration of the Youth's Person, in proportion and strength of Body exceeding all Men, and perceiving in his very Countenance the courage and presence of his Mind, which stood undaunted and unshaken in his present Calamities, and hearing farther all the Enterprises and Actions of his Life, were answerable to what he saw of him, but chiefly (as it seemed) God influencing and directing the Instruments of great Works, he having a desire and opportunity to inquire into the truth of him, in gentle terms and with a kind aspect raising a confidence and hope in him, asked him, Who he was, and whence he was derived. He taking heart, spoke thus: I will, Sir, hide nothing from you, for you 
Remus 's Speech  seem to be of a more Princely temper than Amulius, in that you give a hearing, and examine fairly, before you punish, but he condemns before the Cause is heard. First then, We (for we are Twins) thought ourselves the Sons of Faustulus and Laurentia, the King's Servants; but since we have been accused, and aspersed with Calumnies, and brought in peril of our Lives here before you, we hear great things of ourselves, the truth whereof will appear from the issue of this danger we are in. Our Birth is said to have been miraculous, our fostering and nurture in our Infancy still more strange; by Birds and Beasts, to whom we were cast out, by them were we fed, that is, by the Milk of a Wolf, and the small morsels of a Woodpecker, as we lay in a little Trough by the side of a River; the Trough is now in being, and is preserved with brass plates round it, and an Inscription in old obscure Characters on it, which may prove hereafter but very insignificant tokens to our Parents, when we are dead and gone. Numitor, upon these words, and recollecting the time too, according to the young Man's Looks, slighted not the hope that flattered him, but took care how to come at his Daughter privately, (for she was still kept under restraint) to talk with her concerning these Matters.  
Faustulus hearing Remus was taken, and delivered up, begged Romulus to assist in his rescue, informing him then plainly of the Particulars of his Birth, not but he had before given him some hints of it, and told him as much as an attentive Man might make no small Conclusions from it; he himself, full of Concern, and fear of not coming in time, took the Trough, and ran instantly to Numitor; but giving a suspicion to some of the King's Sentry at his Gate, and being gazed upon by 'em, and perplexed with their impertinent Questions, could not but discover the Trough under his Cloak; now by chance there was one among 'em who was at the exposing of the Children, and was one employed in the Office; he seeing the Trough, and knowing it by its Make and Inscription, guessed at the business, and without farther delay telling the King of it, brought in the Man to be examined. In these many and great Distractions, Faustulus neither approved himself altogether undaunted, neither was he wholly forced out of all: He confessed indeed the Children were alive, but lived a great way from Alba; that he himself was going to carry the Trough to Ilia, who had often greatly desired to see and handle it, for a confirmation of the hopes of her Children. As Men generally do, who are troubled in mind, and act either in fear or passion, it so fell out Amulius now did; for he sent in all haste a Messenger, both otherwise an honest Man, and a sure Friend to Numitor, with commands to inquire of Numitor, whether any tidings had come to him of the Children, as if they were in being; now the Man being come, and seeing how little Remus wanted of being received into the Arms and Embraces of Numitor, he both strengthened the belief of his hope, and advised withal to recover Matters with all expedition; and he himself closed with 'em, and acted jointly; the strictness of time, tho' they had been desirous, did not suffer them to demur. For Romulus was now drawn very near, and many of the Citizens out of fear and hatred of Amulius, revolted to his side; besides he brought great Forces with him, divided into Companies, consisting each of an 100 Men, every Captain carrying a small bundle of Grass and Shrubs tied to a Pole; the Latins call such bundles, Manipuli, and from hence it is that in their Armies they call their Captains, Manipulares; Rhemus gaining upon the Citizens within, and Romulus making Attacks from without, the Tyrant not knowing either what to do, or what Expedient to think of for his security, in that Amazement and Distraction, was taken and put to death. 
Amulius is slain.  These are for the most part the Relations of Fabius and Diocles Peparethius, (who I think is the first that writes of the building of Rome) which some suspect are only fabulous and made Stories; but they ought not wholly to be disbelieved, if Men would consider Fortune, what strange things it sometimes brings about, and take an estimate of the Actions of the Romans, how improbable it is they could arrive at this Greatness, had they not some miraculous Original, attended with great and extraordinary Circumstances.  
Amulius now being dead, and Matters quietly disposed, the two Brothers would neither dwell in Alba without governing there, nor were they willing to take the Government into their own hands, during the Life of their Grandfather. Having therefore delivered the Dominion up into his hands, and paid their Mother such Respects as their Duty obliged 'em to, 
* The first design of building Rome.  they resolved to live by themselves, and build a City in the same Place where they were in their Infancy brought up; for this was the most specious pretence they could make, of their departure; tho' perhaps it was necessary, so many shoals of Slaves and Fugitives continually flocking to 'em, either to be totally dissolved, by dispersing them, or else to plant a Colony elsewhere with 'em; for that the Inhabitants of Alba did not think Fugitives worthy of being received and incorporated Citizens among them, first plainly appeared, from the Adventure upon their Women, which really was not attempted out of any violent lust, but deliberately, purely out of want and necessity of lawful Wives, whom they afterwards extremely loved and honoured.  
Not long after the first foundation of the City, they opened a Sanctuary of Refuge for all Fugitives, which they called the Temple of the God Asylaeus, where they received and protected all, delivering none back, either the Servant to his Master, the Debtor to his Creditors, or the Murderer into the hands of the Magistrate, saying, it was a privileged Place, and they could so maintain it by an Order of the Holy Oracle; insomuch that the City grew presently very populous, for they say, it consisted at first of no more than a 1000 Houses: But of that hereafter.  
Their minds being fully bend upon Building, there arose presently a difference 
Romulus and Remus differ about the Place  about the Place where. Romulus he built a Square of Houses, which he called Rome, and would have the City be there; Remus laid out a piece of Ground on the Aventine Mount, well fortified by nature, which was from him called Remonius, but now Rignarius; concluding at last to decide the Contest by a Divination from a flight of Birds, and placing themselves apart at some distance, to Remus, they say, appeared six Praetors, to Romulus double the number; others say, Remus did truly see his number, and that Romulus feigned his, but when Remus came to him, that then he did indeed see twelve. Hence it is that the Romans in their Divinations from Birds, do chiefly regard the Vulture, tho' Herodorus Pontius relates, that Hercules was always very joyful when a Vulture appeared to him upon any Action, for it is a Creature the least hurtful of any, pernicious neither to Corn, Plants, or any cattle; it preys only upon Carrion, and never kills or hurts any living thing; and as for Birds, it touches not them tho' they are dead, as being of its own Species, whereas Eagles, Owls, and Hawks, prey upon all their own fellow-Creatures; but Eschylus says, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; What Bird is clean that preys on's fellow-Bird? Besides, All other Birds we see (as the saying is) every day, and they occur continually to our senses, but a Vulture is a very rare sight, and you shall seldom meet with a Man can tell you how they breed, insomuch that the rarity and unfrequency of'em has raised an absurd opinion in some, that they come to us from some other certain Countries, as Soothsayers judge, whatever happens preternaturally or inspontaneously, to be sent from God.  
When Remus knew the Cheat, he was much displeased; and as Romulus was casting up a Ditch, where he designed the foundation of the City-Wall, some pieces of the Work he turned to ridicule, others he trampled on and spurned at; at last as he was in contempt skipping over the Work, some say, Romulus himself struck him; others, that Celer, one of his Companions: however there fell Remus; in that Scuffle 
Remus is slain.  also was Faustulus slain, and Plistinus, who being Faustulus' Brother, Story tells us, helped to bring up Romulus: Celer upon this fled instantly into Thuscany, and from him do the Romans call all Men that are swift of foot, Celeres; and because Quintus Metellus, at his Father's Funeral, in a few days time gave the People a Show of Sword-playing, they admiring his expedition, gave him the Name of Celer.  
Romulus, having buried his Brother Remus, together with his two Foster-fathers', on the Mount Remonius, fell a building his City; and sent for Surveyors out of Thuscany, who directed him in 
Romulus begins to build.  all the Ceremonies to be observed, and instructed him, by drawing of Schemes, how every thing should be done. First, They dug a Trench round that which is now the Comitium, or Hall of Justice, and into it did they solemnly throw the First-fruits of all things, either good by Custom, or necessary by Nature; lastly, every Man taking a small Turf of Earth of the Country from whence he came, they all threw 'em in promiscuously together. This Trench they called Mundus, (the whole World) making which their Centre, they designed the City in a Circle round it. Then the Founder fitted to a Blow a brazen Ploughshare, and yoking together a Bull and a Cow, drew himself a deep Line or Furrow round the Bounds; the business of them that followed after, was to see whatever Earth was thrown up, should be turned all inwardly towards the City, and not to slip a Clod that fell outwards. With this Line did they describe the Wall, all within which were the Territories of the City, which they called Pomaerium, from Post murum, or Pone maenia, by the cutting off or changing some Letters; where they designed to make a Gate, there they lifted up the Blow, and left a space for it; whereupon they esteem the whole Wall as holy, only where the Gates are; for had they adjudged them also sacred, they could not, without offence to Religion, have had a free ingress and egress for the Necessaries of humane Life, some whereof are in themselves unclean. As for the day they began to build the City, 'tis confessed of 
The day when.  all hands to be the 21st. of April, and that day the Romans do anniversarily keep holy, calling it their Country's Birthday; at first, they say, they sacrificed no living Creature on this day, thinking it very decent and behoveful to celebrate the Feast of their Country's Birthday purely, and without the stain of blood; nevertheless before the City was ever built, there was a Feast of the Herdsmen and Shepherds kept on this day, which went by the Name of Palilia. But now the Roman and Grecian Months have little or no Analogy; these say, the day Romulus began to build was infallibly the 30th. of the month, at which time there was an Eclipse of the Moon, which happened in the 3d. year of the 6th. Olympiad, which the Grecians imagine Antimachus the Teian Poet saw. In the Times of Varro the Philosopher, a Man very well read in Roman History, lived one Tarrutius, his familiar Friend and Acquaintance, both a good Philosopher and a skilful Mathematician, and one too that out of curiosity of Speculation, had studied the way of drawing Schemes and Tables, and seemed to be excellent in the Art; to him Varro propounded to cast Romulus' Nativity, even to the first day and hour, and to make his Deductions from the several Events of the man's Life which he should be informed of, as the solutions of Geometrical Problems do require; for it belongs to the same Science both to foretell a man's Life, by knowing the time of his Birth, and also to find out his Birth by the knowledge of his Life. This Task Tarrutius undertook, and first looking into the Actions and Casualties of the man, together with the time of his Life and manner of his Death, and then comparing all these Remarks together, he very confidently and positively pronounced, that Romulus was conceived in his Mother's Womb, the first year of the 2d. Olympiad, the 23d. day of the month the Egyptians call Chaeac, (which may be said to answer our December) and the 3d. hour after Sunset; that he was born the 21st. day of the month Thoch, (which is September) about Sunrising; and that the first Stone of Rome was laid by him the 9th. day of the month Pharmuthi, (April) between the 2d. and 3d. hour; for, as to the Fortune of Cities, as well as Men, they think they have their certain periods of Time prefixed, which may be collected and foreknown from the Positions of the Stars at their first foundation. These and the like Relations may perhaps rather take and delight the Reader with their Novelty and Extravagancy, than offend him because they are fabulous.  
The City now being built, all that 
He divides the People.  were of Age to bear Arms, Romulus listed into military Companies, each Company consisting of 3000 Footmen and 300 Horse. These Companies were called 
* From lego, to choose.  Legions, because they were the choicest and most select of the People for Fighting-men; the rest of the Multitude he called [Populus] the People. An hundred of the most eminent Men he chose for his Counsellors; these he styled Patricians, and the whole Body of 'em, the Senate, which signifies truly a 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Consistory of venerable old Men. The Patricians, some say, were so called, because they were the Fathers of honest and lawful Children; others, because they could give a good account who their Fathers were, which every one of the Rabble that poured into the City at first could not do; others, from Patrocinium, a Patronage, by which they meant an Authority over the common People, and do still, attributing the origine of the word to Patronus, one of those that came over with Evander, a Man signal for being a protector and defender of the weak and needy: But perhaps the most probable Judgement might be, that Romulus esteeming it the duty of the chiefest and wealthiest men, with a fatherly care and concern to look after the meaner, and withal encouraging the Commonalty not to dread or be aggrieved at the Honours of their Superiors, but with all good will to make use of 'em, and to think and call 'em their Fathers, might from hence give them the Name of Patricians. For at this very time all Foreigners style those that sit in Council, Lords and Precedents; but the Romans making use of a more honourable and less invidious Name, call them, Patres Conscripti; at first indeed simply Patres, but afterwards, more being added, Patres Conscripti; and by this honourable Title was the Senate distinguished from the Populacy; the rest of the wealthier sort he distinguished from the common People, by calling Them Patrons, and These their Clients, by which means he created a wonderful Love and Amity betwixt 'em, which begat great justice in their dealings. For They were always their Clients Councillors in litigious Cases, their Advocates in Judgements, in fine, their Advisers and Overseers in all Affairs whatever. These again faithfully served their Patrons, not only paying them all respect and deference, but also, in case of Poverty, helping them to place their Children, and pay off their Debts; and for a Patron to witness against his Client, or a Client against his Patron, that no Law nor Magistrate could enforce; but in aftertimes, all other Offices of Equity continuing still between 'em, it was thought a base and dishonourable thing, for the better sort to take Money from their Inferiors. And so much of these Matters.  
In the 4th. month, after the City was 
His Stratagem upon the Sabine Virgins.  built, (as Fabius writes) the Adventure of stealing Women was attempted; and, some say, Romulus himself, being naturally a Martial man, and predisposed too perhaps by some certain Oracles, as if the Fates had ordained the future growth and greatness of Rome should depend upon the benefit of War, did begin to use violence to the Sabins, and that he took away only 30 Virgins, rather to give an occasion of War, than out of any want of Women; tho' this is not very probable, but rather that he observing his City presently filled by a Confluence of Foreigners, few of whom had Wives, and that the Multitude in general, consisting of a mixture of mean and obscure Creatures, fell under contempt, and seemed to be of no long continuance together, and hoping farther, after the Women were appeased, to make this Injury in some measure an occasion of Confederacy and mutual Commerce with the Sabines, took in hand this Exploit after this manner: First he gave it out, as if he had found an Altar of a certain God hid under ground; the God they called Consus, or the God of Council, (for they still call a Consult, Consilium, and their chief Magistrates, consuls, namely Counsellors) this God is Neptune, the Inventor of Horse-riding; for the Altar is kept covered in the greater Cirque or Tiltyard at other times, only at Horse-racing than it appears to public view; and some say, it was not without reason, that this God had his Altar hid under ground, because all Councils ought to be secret and concealed. Upon discovery of this Altar, Romulus by Proclamation appointed a day for a splendid Sacrifice, and for public Games and Shows, to entertain all sorts of People, and many flocked thither, he himself sat uppermost, amidst his Nobles, clad in Purple. Now the Sign of their falling on was to be, whenever he rose and gathered up his Robe, and threw it over his Body; his Men stood all ready armed, with their eyes intent upon him, and when the Sign was given, drawing their Swords, and falling on with a great shout, ravished away the Daughters of the Sabines, they themselves flying without any let or hindrance; they say, there were but 30 taken, and from them were the Tribes or Parishes named, but Valerius Antias says, 527. Jubas, 683 Virgins, which was the greatest excuse Romulus made, that they had taken never a married Woman save one only, Hersilia by Name, and her too unknowingly, which was a means of their reconciliation, for hence it appeared, they did not for an affront or injury commit this Rape, but with a design purely to join Families, and unite with 'em upon the greatest and surest Bonds. This Hersilia, some say, Hostilius married, a most eminent Man among the Romans; others, Romulus himself, and that she bore two Children to him, a Daughter, who by reason of Primogeniture was called Prima, and one only Son, whom from the great concourse of Citizens to him at that time, he called Aollius, but after-Ages, Abillius. But these things Zenodotus the Trazaenian 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, congrego, to gather together.  writes, which are contradicted by many.  
Among those who committed this Rape upon the Virgins, there were, they say, as it so then happened, some of the meaner 
The reason of the word Talasius at Weddings.  sort of Men, who were carrying off a Damsel, far excelling all both in beauty and comeliness of Stature, whom, when 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  some Gentlemen that met 'em, attempted to take her from 'em, they cried out, they were carrying her to Talasius, a young Man indeed, but a brave and worthy Person; hearing that, they commended and applauded them highly, insomuch that some turning back, accompanied them with great joy and gladness, shouting and extolling the Name of Talasius. Hence do the Romans to this very time at their Weddings sing Talasius for their Nuptial word, as the Greeks do Hymenaeus, because, say they, this Lady proved a fortunate and happy Match to him. But Sextius Sylla the Carthaginian, a Man wanting neither Learning nor Ingenuity, told me, Romulus gave this word as a Sign when to begin the Onset; every body therefore who made prize of a Virgin, cried out, Talasius, and for that Reason the Custom continues so now at Marriages. But most are of opinion, (of whom Jubas particularly is one) this word was used to new married Women, by way of admonishment and incitement to good Housewifery, the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, signifying Spinning, and the Italian words not being then mixed with the Greek. But if this be not false, and the Romans did at that time use the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, as we Grecians do, a Man might fancy a more probable Reason of the Custom. For when the Sabines, after the War against the Romans, were reconciled, Conditions were made concerning their Women, that they should be obliged to do no other servile Offices to their Husbands but what concerned Spinning; it was customary therefore ever after at Weddings, for those that gave the Bride, or led her, or for any one else present, sportingly to say Talasius, intimating thereby, how she was now brought to no other Servitude but what was in Spinning. Moreover it is a Custom at this very day, for the Bride of herself not to enter her Husband's Threshold, but to be lifted over, in memory that the Sabine Virgins were carried in by violence, and would not enter freely. Some say too, the Custom of parting the Bride's Hair with the head of a Spear, was in token their Marriages began at first by War, and Acts of Hostility; of which I have spoken more fully in my Book of Questions.  
This Rape was committed the 18th. day of the month Sextilis, which is now August, on which the Solemnities of the Consualias are kept.  
The Sabines were a numerous and martial People, but lived in small unfortified 
The Ceninenfian 's War against Romulus.  Villages, as it became them, who were a Colony of the Lacedæmonians, to be naturally of great courage, and fear nothing; nevertheless seeing themselves by great Hostages bound up to their good behaviour, and being solicitous for their Daughters, they sent Ambassadors to Romulus with fair and equitable Requests, that he would return their young Women, and retract that act of Violence, and afterwards in all Reason and Equity establish a friendly and neighbourly correspondence between both Nations. But Romulus would not part with the young Women, yet proposed to the Sabines to enter into an alliance with 'em; upon which Point some consulted and demurred long, but Acron King of the Ceninenses, a Man of great Courage, and well experienced in War, who had all along a jealousy of Romulus' bold Attempts, and considering particularly from this Exploit upon the Women, he would grow formidable to all People, and indeed insufferable, were he not chastised, was the first that rose up in Arms, and with a powerful Army made head against him. Romulus likewise prepared t● receive him; but when they came within sight, and viewed each other, they made a Challenge to fight a single Duel, the Armies standing unconcerned by; hereupon Romulus prayed and made a Vow to Jupiter, if he did conquer his Enemy, to dedicate his Adversary's Armour to his Honour; upon which he both overcame him in Combat, and after Battle was joined, routed his 
Are conquered.  Army also, and then took his City, but did those he found in it no injury, only commanded them to demolish the Place, and attend him to Rome, there to be made Citizens equally capable of all Privileges: and indeed there was nothing did more advance the Greatness of Rome, than that she did always unite and incorporate whom she conquered into herself. Romulus, that he might perform his Vow in the most acceptable manner to Jupiter, and withal make the Pomp of it delightful to the eye of the City, cut down a tall Oak which he saw growing in the Camp, which he adorned like a Trophy, and fastened thereon Acron's whole Suit of Armour, in its right symmetry of Parts; then he himself girding his Garment about him, and crowning his Head with a Laurel-Garland, his Hair gracefully flowing, carried the Trophy lying at length upon his right Shoulder, and so marched on, singing Songs of Triumph, and his whole Army following after, the Citizens all receiving him with Acclamations of Joy and Wonder; the Pomp of this day was the cause, and raised the Emulation of all after-Triumphs. This Trophy was dedicated to Jupiter surnamed Feretrius, from ferire, which in Latin is to smite; for Romulus prayed he might smite and overthrow his Enemy. These Opima spolia, or royal Spoils, are so called (says Varro) from their Richness, which the word Opens signifies; the one would more probably conjecture from Opus, a Deed or Act; for when the General of an Army with his own hand kills his Enemy's General, to him alone is granted the Honour of offering the Opima spolia, as being the sole performer of that Act or Deed of Bravery. And on three only of the Roman Captains did this Honour ever happen to be conferred: First on Romulus, upon killing Acron the Ceninensian; next on Cornelius Cossus, for slaying Volumnius the Tuscan; and lastly on Claudius Marcellus, upon his conquering Viridomarus, King of the Gauls. The two latter, Cossus and Marcellus, made their Entries in triumphant Chariots, bearing their Trophies themselves, but that Romulus made use of a Chariot, Dionysius is in the wrong; for History says, Tarqvinius, Damaratus' Son, was the first that brought Triumphs to this great Pomp and Grandeur; others, that Publicola was the first that road in Triumph; however all the Statues of Romulus in Triumph are to be seen in Rome on Foot.  
After the Overthrow of the Ceninensians, the Sabines still protracting the time in Preparations, the People of Fidena, Crustumerium, and Antemna, joined their Forces against the Romans; Battle was no sooner joined, but they were likewise immediately defeated, & surrendered up to Romulus their Cities to be spoiled, their Lands and Territories to be divided, & themselves to be transplanted to a Colony at Rome. All the Lands which Romulus acquired, he distributed among the Citizens, except only what the Parents of the stolnvirgins had, and them he suffered to possess their own: the rest of the Sabines being enraged here-at, choosing Tatius their Captain, marched strait against Rome; the City was almost 
The Sabines besiege Rome.  inaccessible, having for its Fortress that which is now the Capitol, where a strong Guard was placed, and Tarpeius was their Captain, not Tarpeia the Virgin, (as some say, who would make Romulus guilty of a foolish Action.) But still Tarpeia, the Captain's Daughter, coveting the golden Bracelets she saw them wear, betrayed the Fort into the Sabines hands, and asked in reward of her Treachery, 
Tarpeia betrays it.  all they wore on their left Arms. Tatius conditioning thus with her, in the night she opened one of the Gates, and received the Sabines in: And truly (for aught I see) it is not Antigonus alone that said, He loved Betrayers, but hated them after they had betrayed; nor Caesar, when he told Rhymitalces the Thracian, that He loved the Treason, but hated the Traitor; but it is a general kind of Affection, all Men, who have occasion for wicked Persons, bear towards them; much such as they have for venomous Creatures, when they stand in need of their poison and gall; for as they love them while they are of use, so they abhor their ill qualities when that is over. And thus did Tatius behave himself towards Tarpeia, for he commanded the Sabines, in regard to their Contract, not to refuse her the least part of what they wore on their left Arms; upon that he himself first took his Bracelet off his Arm, and threw that together with his Buckler at her, and all the rest following, she, being born down and 
And is killed in recompense.  quite smothered with the multitude of Gold and their Shields, died under the great weight and pressure of them; nay, Tarpeius himself being prosecuted by Romulus, was found guilty of Treason, as Juba says, Sulpitius Galba relates. Those who write otherwise concerning Tarpeia, as that she was the Daughter of Tatius the Sabine Captain, and being forcibly detained by Romulus, acted and suffered thus by her Father's contrivance, speak very absurdly: of whom Antigonus is one; but Smylus, the Poet of all Men, who thinks Tarpeia betrayed the Capitol not to the Sabines, but the Gauls, having fallen in Love with their King, does plainly dote. Thus he writes: 
Tarpeia 'twas, who dwelling close thereby,  
Opened the Walls of Rome to th' Enemy.  
She hot in lust of the besieging Gaul,  
Betrayed the City's Strength, the Capitol.  And a little after speaking of her Death: 
But yet the Gauls, that strong and numerous Foe,  
Drowned not the Traitress in the Waves of Po,  
But, with their Shields thrown on, her Body overlaid,  
So died, and was entombed at once the wretched Maid.  Tarpeia afterwards was buried there, and the Hill from her was called Tarpeius, until the Reign of King Tarquin, who dedicated the Place to Jupiter, at which time her Bones were removed, and so it lost her Name, except only that part of the Capitol which they still call the 
* Tarpeia Rupes.  Tarpeian Rock, from whence they are wont to cast down headlong Malefactors.  
The Sabines being possessed of the Hill, Romulus in great fury bade them Battle, and Tatius put on the courage to accept 
The Sabines and Romans fight.  it, perceiving, if they were so constrained, where he might make a secure Retreat. The Level in the middle, where they were to join Battle, being surrounded with many little Hills, seemed to enforce both Parties to a smart and desperate Conflict, by reason of the Difficulties of the Place, which had but a few narrow outlets, inconvenient either for refuge or pursuit. It happened too, the River having overflowed not many days before, there was left behind in the Plain, where now the Market stands, a deep blind Mud and Slime, which, tho' it did not appear much to the eye, and was not easily avoided, yet at bottom was very deceitful and dangerous; upon which the Sabines being unwarily about to enter, had good luck befell them; for Curtius, a gallant Man, eager of Honour, and of aspiring thoughts, being mounted on Horseback, galloped a good distance before the rest, but his Horse was mired, and he endeavoured a while by Whip and Spur to disentangle him, but finding it impossible, he quitted his Horse, and saved himself; the Place from him to this very time is called the Curtain Lake. The Sabines having escaped this danger, began the Fight very smartly, the fortune of the day being very dubious, tho' many were slain; amongst whom was Hostilius, who, they say, was Husband to Hersilia, and Grandfather to that Hostilius who reigned after Numa. It is probable there were many other Battles in a short time after, but the most memorable was the last, in which Romulus having received a Wound on his Head by a Stone, and being almost felled to the ground by it, and disabled to sustain the Enemy, the Romans upon that yielded ground, and being driven out of the Field, fled to the Palatium. Romulus by this time recovering his Wound a little, running upon his Men in flight, remanded them to their Arms again, and with a loud voice encouraged them to stand and fight. But being overpowr'd with the number, and no body daring to face about, he stretching out his hands to Heaven, prayed to Jupiter to stop the Army, and not to neglect but rather maintain the Roman Cause, which was now in extreme danger. This Prayer both wrought a great Reverence in many for their Prince, and a strange resolution too on the sudden in their minds. The Place they first stood at was, where now is the Temple of Jupiter Stator, (which may be interpreted the Stayer) there they rallied their Forces, and repulsed the Sabines even to the Place called now Rhegia, and the Temple of Vesta; where both Parties preparing to renew the Fight, were prevented by a strange and unexpressible sight; for the Daughters of the 
Are parted by the Women.  Sabines which were formerly stolen, came running, in great confusion, some on this side, some on that, with miserable cries and lamentations, like distracted Creatures, into the midst of the Army, and among the dead Bodies, to come at their Husbands and at their Fathers, some with their young Babes in their Arms, others their Hair lose about their Ears, but all calling now upon the Sabines, then upon the Romans, in the most tender and endearing words. Hereupon both melted into compassion, and fell back, that they might stand betwixt the Armies. Now did a strange lamentation seize all, and great grief was conceived at the sight of the Women, and at their Speech much more, which from Expostulations and high words, ended in Entreaties and Supplications.  
Wherein (say they) have we injured or offended you, that we formerly have, and now do suffer under these Calamities? We were ravished away unjustly and violently by those whose now we are; that being done, we were so long neglected by our Fathers, our Brethren, and Countrymen, that time, having now by the strictest bonds united us to those whom we once mortally hated, has brought it about, that the very Men, who once used violence to us, we now have a tenderness for in War, and lament their deaths. So that you do not now come to vindicate our Honour, as Virgins, from them that injured us, but to force away Wives from their Husbands, and Mothers from their Children, making this your rescue more grievous to us Wretches, than your former betraying and neglect of us was; so great is their Love towards us, and such your Compassion; if you make War upon any other occasion, for our sakes you ought to desist, who are our Fathers, our Grandfathers, our Relations and Kindred; if for us, take us and your Sons-in-law, and restore us to our Parents and Kinsfolk, but do not rob us (we humbly beseech you) of our Children and Husbands, lest we again become Captives. Hersilia having spoken many such words as these, and others earnestly praying, a Truce was made, and the chief Officers came to a Treaty, the Women, during that time, brought and presented their Husbands and Children to their Fathers and Brethren; gave those, that would eat, Meat and Drink; and carried the wounded home to be cured; and showed also how much they governed within doors, and how indulgent their Husbands were to 'em, in demeaning themselves towards 'em with all kindness and respect imaginable. Upon this, Conditions were agreed upon, that 
A Peace made.  what Women pleased might stay where they were, exempt from all drudgery and labour but Spinning; that the Romans and Sabines should inhabit the City promiscuously together; that the City should be called Rome from Romulus, but the Romans, Quirites, from the Country of Tatius; and that they both should govern and command in common: The Place of this Ratification is still called Comitium, from Coire to agree. The City being thus doubled in number, an 100 of the Sabines were elected Senators, and the 
The City settled  Legions were increased to 6000 Foot, and 600 Horse; then they divided the People into three Tribes; the first, from Romulus, were named Rhamnenses; the second, from Tatius, Tatienses; the third were called Luceres, from the Lucus or Grove where the Asylum stood, whither many fled for Sanctuary, and were received into the City; and that they were just three, the very Name of Tribe and Tribune does testify; each Tribe contained then ten Curiae or Wards, which, some say, took their Names from the Sabine Women; but that seems to be false, because many had their Names from different Regions. Tho', 'tis true, they then constituted many things in honour to the Women: As to give them the way wherever they met them; to speak no ill word in their presence; not to appear naked before them; that they should not be summoned into Court before a Judge sitting on Cases of Blood; that their Children should wear an Ornament about their Necks called the Bulla, (because it was like a Bubble) and the Praetexta, a Garment edged with purple.  
The Princes did not immediately join in Council together, but at first each met with his own Hundred, afterwards all assembled together. Tatius dwelled where now the Temple of Moneta stands; and Romulus close by the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Steps, as they call them, of the fair Shore, near the descent from the Mount Palatine to the Circus Maximus. There, they say, grew the Holy Cornel-tree, of which, they report, that Romulus once to try his strength, threw a Dart from the Aventine Mount, (the Staff of which was made of Cornel) which struck so deep into the ground, that no one, of many that tried, could pluck it up: Now the Soil, being fertile, nourished the Wood, and sent forth Branches, and produced a Trunk of considerable bigness; this did Posterity preserve and worship as one of the most sacred things, and therefore walled it about, and if to any one it appeared not green nor flourishing, but inclining to fade and wither, he presently made outcry to all he met, and they with one accord cried for Water, as in a Fire, and would run from all Parts with Buckets full to the Place. But, they say, when Caius Caesar was repairing the Steps about it, some of the Labourers digging too close, the Root corrupted, and the Tree quite withered.  
The Sabines received the use of Roman Months: of which, whatever is remarkable, 
The rise of several Customs and Feasts.  is mentioned in the Life of Numa. Romulus again took up their manner of Shields, for which he exchanged both his own and all the Romans Armour, who before wore small Targets, after the manner of the Argives. But for Feasts and Sacrifices, they partaked of them in common, not abolishing any either Nation observed before, and instituting several new ones: Of which one was the Matronalia, instituted in honour of the Women, for their dissolving the War. As likewise the Carmentalia: This Carmenta, some think a Destiny presiding over the Generation of Men, wherefore Mothers much revere and worship her. Others say, she was the Wife of Evander the Arcadian, being a Prophetess, and wont to deliver her Oracles in Verse, and from Carmen a Verse, was called Carmenta, whereas it is generally confessed her proper Name was Nicostrata. Others more probably derive Carmenta from Carens ment, as being bereft of her wits, by reason of her wild Enthusiasms. Of the Feast of Palilia we have spoke before. The Lupercalia, by the time of its Celebration, may seem to be a Feast of Purification, for it is solemnised on the Dies nefasti, or non-Court-days of the month February, which a Man may interpret Purifying, and the very day of the Feast was anciently called Februaca: But the Name of it in Greek signifies as much as the Feast of 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Wolves, and it seems upon this account to be of great Antiquity, and brought in by the Arcadians who came with Evander. But this is a trivial Fancy, for it may come as well from the Wolf that nursed Romulus, and we see the Luperci, the Priests, do begin their course from the Place where they say Romulus was exposed. But the Ceremonies that then pass, render the Original of the thing more difficult to be guessed at; for there are Goats killed, than two young Nobleman's Sons being brought, some are to slain their Foreheads with the bloody Knife, others presently to wipe it off with Wool dipped in Milk; then the young Boys must laugh after their Foreheads are wiped; that done, having cut the Goats-skins into Thongs, they run about naked, only with something about their middle, lashing all they meet; the young Wives do never avoid their strokes, fancying it does help Conception and Childbirth. Another thing is proper to this Feast, for the Luperci to sacrifice a Dog. Butas, a certain Poet, who writ a fabulous account of the Roman Customs in Elegies, says, that Romulus, after the Conquest of Amulius, ran joyfully to the Place where the Wolf gave them suck, and that in imitation of that, this Feast was, and that two young Noblemen ran: 
Striking at all, as when from Alba Town,  
Romulus and Remus with their Swords did run,  And that the bloody Knife applied to their Foreheads, was a sign of the danger they were then in of being slain, and the cleansing of them in Milk, was in remembrance of their food and nourishment. But Caius Aulius writes, that before the City was built, the cattle of Romulus and Remus on a day going astray, they, praying to the God Faunus, ran about to seek them naked, that they might not be troubled with sweat, and that for that Reason the Luperci run naked. And if this Sacrifice be by way of Purification, a Man might guests they used a Dog for that very purpose; for the Grecians in their Lustrations, or Sacrifices of Purging, do carry out Dogs, and evermore use that Ceremony they call, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or a sacrificing of a Dog. But if they perform this as an act of Gratitude to the Wolf, that nourished and preserved Romulus, they do not absurdly in killing a Dog, as being an Enemy to Wolves, unless it is perhaps for hindering the Luperci when they run.  
They say too, Romulus was the first that consecrated holy Fire, and instituted holy Virgins, called Vestals; others ascribe it to Numa Pompilius; nevertheless they write, Romulus was otherwise eminently religious, and well skilled in the Art of Prophesying, and upon that carried a Lituus, which is a crooked Rod, wherewith the Soothsayers describe the Quarters of the Heavens. This of his, being kept in the Palatium, was lost when the City was taken by the Gauls, and afterwards that barbarous People being driven out, was found in the Ruins under a great heap of Rubbish, untouched by the fire, all things about it being consumed and burnt. He constituted also certain Laws, one whereof is somewhat severe, which suffers not a Wife to leave her Husband, but grants a Husband to turn off his Wife, either upon poisoning her Children, or counterfeiting his Keys, or Adultery; but if the Husband upon any other occasion put her away, he ordered one moiety of his Estate to be given to the Wife, the other to fall to the Goddess Ceres; and who ever did cast off his Wife, to make an Atonement by Sacrifice to the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Gods of the Earth. This too is observable as a singular thing in Romulus, that he appointed no punishment for real Parricide, but called all Murder so, thinking the latter a detestable sin, but the other impossible, and for a long time he seemed to have rightly thought such a sin could never be, for in almost 600 years together, no body committed the like in Rome; and Lucius Ostius, after the Wars of Hannibal, is recorded to have been the first Parricide. But let thus much suffice concerning these Matters.  
In the 5th. year of the Reign of Tatius, some of his Friends and Kinsmen meeting 
The occasion of the death of Tatius.  Ambassadors coming from Laurentum to Rome, attempted on the Road to take away their Money by force, which they not suffering, but defending themselves, they killed them. So great a Villainy being acted, Romulus thought it fitting presently to punish the Malefactors; but Tatius shuffled off and deferred the execution of it; and this only thing was the first beginning of an open Quarrel betwixt them, for otherwise they carried themselves fairly one to another, and administered Affairs together with the greatest unanimity. The Relations of them that were slain, being debarred of justice by reason of Tatius, fell upon him as he was sacrificing with Romulus at Lavinium, and slew him, commending and extolling Romulus for a just Prince. Romulus took the Body of Tatius, and buried it very splendidly in the Aventine Mount, near the Place called Armilustrium, but altogether neglected revenging his Murder. Some Authors write, the City of Laurentum, fearing the consequence, delivered up the Murderers of Tatius; but Romulus passed it over, saying, One Murder was requited with another. This gave occasion of Talk and Jealousy, as if he were well pleased at the removal of his Copartner in the Government. Nothing of these things either disturbed or raised any Feud among the Sabines, but some out of Love to him, others out of fear of his Power, some again reverencing him as a God, they all lived peacefully in admiration and awe of him; many foreign Nations too did much admire Romulus; the ancient Latins they sent, and entered into League and Confederacy with him. Fidenae he took, a neighbouring City to Rome, by 
Romulus takes Fidenae.  a Party of Horse, as some say, whom he sent before with Commands to cut down the Hinges of the Gates, and he himself afterwards unexpectedly came upon them. Others say, they having first made the Invasion, in foraging and spoiling the Country and Suburbs, Romulus lay in ambush for them, and so having killed many of their Men, took the City, nevertheless he did not raze or demolish it, but made it a Roman Colony, and sent thither on the Ides of April 2500 Inhabitants. Presently after a Plague broke out, which killed suddenly without any manner of 
A Plague at Rome.  Sickness; it infected also the Corn with Unfruitfulness, and cattle with Barrenness; there reigned Blood too in the City, insomuch as besides the Evils which came of consequence, Men dreaded the wrath of the Gods. But when the same Mischiefs fell upon Laurentum, than every body judged it was divine Vengeance that fell upon both Cities, for the neglect of executing Justice, upon the Murder of Tatius and the Ambassadors. But the Murderers on both sides being delivered up and punished, the Pestilence visibly abated, and Romulus purified the Cities with Lustrations, which, they say, even now are performed at the Gate called Ferentina. But before the Plague ceased, the Camerians invaded the Romans, and overran the Country, thinking, by reason of the Distemper, they were unable to withstand them; but Romulus presently made Head against them, and gained the Victory, with the slaughter of 6000 Men; he than took their City, and brought half of them he found there to Rome, and sent from 
Cameria is taken.  Rome to Cameria double the number he left there. This was done the 1st. of August; so many Citizens had he to spare, in 16 years' time he inhabited Rome. Among other Spoils he took a brazen Chariot from Cameria, which he placed in the Temple of Vulcan, adding thereon his own Statue crowned with Victory.  
The Roman Cause thus daily gathering strength, the weaker Neighbours submitted, and willingly embraced security; the stronger, out of Fear or Envy, thought they ought not to give way to Romulus, but to curb him, and put a stop 
The Veientes subdued.  to his Greatness. The first were the Veientes, a People of Thuscany, who had large Possessions, and dwelled in a spacious City; they took an occasion to commence a War, upon remanding of Fidenae, as belonging to them; this was not only unreasonable but very ridiculous, that they who did not assist them in the greatest Extremities of War, but permitted them to be slain, should challenge their Lands and Houses▪ when in the hands of others. But being scornfully retorted upon by Romulus in his Answers, they divided themselves into two Bodies; with one they attacked the Garrison of Fidenae, the other marched against Romulus; that which went against Fidenae, got the Victory, and slew 2000 Romans; the other was worsted by Romulus, with the loss of 8000 Men. They afterwards fought near Fidenae, and all Men acknowledge the greatest Actions of the day were done by Romulus himself, who showed all manner of Skill as well as Courage, and seemed to perform with strength and swiftness more than humane. But what some write, that of 14000 that fell that day, above half were slain by Romulus' own hand, is both very fabulous and altogether incredible: Such an Ostentation do the Messenians make of Aristomenes, who, they say, offered 300 Victims for as many Lacedæmonians he himself slew. The Army being thus routed, Romulus suffering those that were left to make their escape, drew up his Forces against the City; they, having suffered such great damages, did not venture to oppose him, but humbly suing to him, contracted a League and Friendship for an 100 years; but he nevertheless divested them of a great quantity of Lands, called Septimagium, which was the 7th. part of their Patrimony; as also of several salt-Springs upon the River, and took 50 Noblemen for Hostages. He made his Triumph for this on the Ides of October, leading, among the rest of his many Captives, the General of the Veientes, an ancient Man, but one who seemed to have managed his Affairs imprudently, and unbecoming of his Age; whence even now in Sacrifices for Victories, they lead an old Man through the Marketplace to the Capitol apparelled in purple, with a Bulla or Child's-Toy tied to it, and the Crier cries, Sardianians to be sold; for the Tuscans are said to be a Colony of the Sardianians, and the Veientes are a City of Thuscany.  
This was the last Battle Romulus ever fought; afterwards he, as most, nay all Men, very few excepted, do, who are raised by great and miraculous good-haps of Fortune to Power and Greatness: So, I say, did he; for relying upon his own 
Romulus grows insolent.  great Actions, and growing of an haughtier mind, he forsook his popular Behaviour, and took upon him in exchange a strange Lordliness, which was odious and intolerable to the People. And first, upon the Habit he chose to wear; for he dressed in scarlet with purple Robes over it, than he gave Audience in a Chair of State, having always about him some young Boys called 
* Celer, swift.  Celeres, from their swiftness in doing business; there went before him others with Staves to make room, with several Cords about them, presently to bind whom ever he commanded. Now the Latins formerly used ligare, as now alligare, to bind, whence the Lictors were so called, and the Rods they carried were called Fasces; but it is probable they were first called Litores, afterwards by putting in a C, Lictores, for they are the same the Grecians call 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Officers for the People; and the Grecians do still call the People in general, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and the common People, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
When after the death of his Grandfather Numitor in Alba, that Kingdom devolved upon Romulus, he put the Government into the hands of Magistrates, and elected yearly one to superintend the Sabines. But that taught the Senators of 
Offends the Senate.  Rome to seek after a free and Anti-monarchical State, wherein all might share in the Rule and Government. For the Patricians, (as they call them,) were not now concerned in State-Affairs, only had the Name and Title left them, convening in Council rather for fashion-sake than Advice, where they in silence heard the King's Commands, and so departed, exceeding the Commonalty only in this, that they heard first what was done. These and the like were Matters of small moment; but when he of his own accord parted among his Soldiers what Lands were acquired by War, and restored the Veientes their Hostages, the Senate neither consenting nor approving of it, than indeed he seemed to put a great Affront upon them; whereupon, he suddenly disappearing a short while after, the Senate fell under shrewd Suspicions and Calumnies. He disappeared on the Nones of July, as they now call the month, which 
Dies.  was then Quintilis, leaving nothing of certainty to be related of his Death, only the time, as you hear: for there are now upon that day many Ceremonies performed in resemblance of that Misfortune. Neither is this uncertainty to be thought strange, seeing the manner of the Death of Scipio Africanus, who died at his own home after Supper, is neither much credited nor disproven; for, some say, he died easily & suddenly; as it were of his own accord, being naturally a sickly Man; others, that he poisoned himself; others again, that his Enemies breaking in upon him in the night, stifled him. Scipio too when he was dead, lay open to be seen of all, and indeed his Body gave some suspicion, and a reasonable discovery of the Fact; but of Romulus, when he vanished, was neither the least part of his Body, or rag of his clothes to be seen. So that some fancied, the Senators having fallen upon him, cut his Body 
Several Opinions of his Death.  into pieces, and each took a part away in his bosom; others think, his disappearance was neither in the Temple of Vulcan, nor with the Senators only by; but that it happened, as he was haranguing the People without the City, near a Place called the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Goat's Marsh, on the sudden most wonderful Disorders and Alterations beyond expression rose in the Air, for the face of the Sun was darkened, and the day was turned into an unquiet and turbulent night, made up of terrible Thunderings, and boisterous Winds raising Tempests from all Quarters, which scattered the Rabble and made them fly, but the Senators kept close together. The Tempest being over, and the light breaking out, when the People gathered again, they misssed and enquired for their King; but the Senators would not let them search, or busy themselves about the Matter, but commanded them to honour and worship Romulus, as one taken up to the Gods, and about to be to them, of a good Prince, now a propitious God. The Multitude hearing this, went away rejoicing and worshipping him, in hopes of good things from him; but there were some who canvasing the Matter more severely and rigorously, accused and aspersed the Patricians, as Men that persuaded the People to believe ridiculous Tales, when they themselves were the Murderers of the King. Things being in this disorder, one, they say, of the Patricians, of a noble Family, and 
Julius Proculus decides the Matter.  most honest Conversation, and withal a most faithful and familiar Friend of Romulus himself, who came with him from Alba, Julius Proculus by Name, stepping into the Company, and taking a most sacred Oath, protested before them all, that Romulus appeared to, and met him travelling on the Road, comelier and fairer than ever, dressed in shining and flaming Armour, and he being affrighted at the Apparition, said, Upon what Occasion or Resentments, O King, did you leave us here, liable to most unjust and wicked Surmises, and the whole City destitute, in most bitter Sorrow? And that he made Answer: It pleased the Gods, O Proculus, we should remain so long a time amongst Men as we did, and having built a City, the greatest in the World both in Empire and Glory, we should again return to Heaven; but farewel, and tell the Romans, that by the exercise of Temperance and Fortitude, they shall far exceed all humane Power, and we will be to you the propitious God Quirinus. This seemed very credible to the Romans, both upon the Honesty and Oath of him that spoke it, and a certain divine Passion, like an Enthusiasm, seized on all Men, for no body contradicted it, but laying aside all Jealousies and Detractions, they prayed to Quirinus, and saluted him God.  
This is like some of the Grecian Fables of Aristeas the Proconnesian, and Cleomedes the Astypalaeian; for, they say, Aristeas died in a Fuller's Workhouse, and, his Friends coming to him, his Body vanished; and that some presently after coming a Journey, said, they met him travelling towards Croton. And that Cleomedes, being an extraordinary strong and gygantic Man, and withal crazed and mad, committed many desperate Freaks: At last in a certain School-house, striking a Pillar that sustained the Roof with his Fist, broke it in the middle, so the House fell and destroyed the Children in it; and being pursued, he fled into a great Chest, and shutting to the Lid, held it so fast, that many Men with all their strength could not force it open; afterwards breaking the Chest to pieces, they found no Man in it alive or dead; at which being astonished, they sent to consult the Oracle at Delphi; to whom the Prophetess made this Answer:  
Of all the Heroes, Cleomede is last. They say too, the Body of Alomeno, as she was carrying to her Grave, vanished, and a Stone was found lying on the Bier. And many such Improbabilities do your fabulous Writers relate, deifying Creatures naturally mortal; tho' altogether to disown a divine Power, is an unholy and disingenuous thing; so again to mix Heaven and Earth, is as ridiculous; therefore we must reject such Vanities, being assured that, according to Pindar, 
All humane Bodies yield to Death's decree,  
The Soul survives to all eternity.  For that alone is derived from the Gods, thence it comes, and thither it returns: not with the Body, but when it is most free and separated from it, and is altogether pure and clean, and disengaged from the flesh; for the dry Soul (as Heraclitus phrases it) is best, which flies out of the Body, as Lightning breaks from a Cloud; but that which is clogged and encumbered with the Body, is like a gross and cloudy Vapour, hard to be kindled and mount on high. We must not therefore, contrary to Nature, send the Bodies too of good Men to Heaven; but again we must really believe that, according to a divine Nature and Justice, their virtuous Souls are translated out of Men into Heroes; out of Heroes into demigods; out of demigods, (if they are, as by expiation, perfectly purged and sanctified, and disburdened of all Passions attending Mortality) they are, not as in any humane Polity altered, but really and according to right Reason changed and translated into Gods, receiving the greatest and most blessed perfection.  
Romulus' his surname Quirinus, some say, signifies as much as Mars or Warlike; others, 
Why Romulus was called Quirinus.  that he was so called, because the Citizens were called Quirites; others, because the Ancients called a Dart or Spear Quiris, for the Statue of Juno placed on a Spear was called Quiritis, and the Dart in the King's Palace was called Mars, and those that behaved themselves valiantly in War, were usually presented with a Dart, and that therefore Romulus, being a martial God, or a God of Darts, was called Quirinus; and there is a Temple built to his Honour on a Mount called from him Quirinalis.  
The day he vanished on is called the Flight of the Rabble, or the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Nones of the Goats, because they go then out of the City, and sacrifice at the Goats-Marsh, and as they go, they call out loudly upon the Names of some of their Compatriots, as Marcellus and Caius, imitating how they then fled, and called upon one another in that Fright and Hurry. Some say, this was not in imitation of a Flight, but of a quick and hasty Onset, giving this account of it: After the Gauls, who had taken Rome, were driven out by Camillus, and the City had not as yet recovered her strength, many of the Latins, under the Command of Livius Posthumius, took this time to march against her. The Army sitting down before Rome, an Herald was sent, signifying that the Latins were desirous to renew their former Alliance and Affinity, (that was now almost decayed) by contracting new Marriages between both Nations; if therefore they would send forth a good number of their Virgins and Widows, they should settle into a Peace and Friendship, as they formerly did with the Sabines upon the like Conditions. The Romans hearing this, they both dreaded a War, yet thought a Surrender of their Women little better than a mere Captivity. Being in this doubt, a Servant-maid called Philotis, (or as some say, Teutola) advised them to do neither, but rather, by a Stratagem, both to avoid Fight, and the giving up of such Pledges. The Stratagem was this, that they should send herself, with a company of handsome Wenches well dressed, to the Enemy, instead of Freeborn Virgins, and she would in the night light up a Torch, at which the Romans should come armed and surprise them asleep. The Latins were thus deceived, and accordingly Philotis set up a Torch in a wild Figtree, skreening it behind with Curtains and Coverlets from the sight of the Enemy: But it was plain to the Romans: when they saw it, they ran furiously together out of the Gates, hastening one another what they could, so falling in unexpectedly upon the Enemy, they defeated them. Upon that they made a Feast of Triumph, called the Nones of the Goats, because of the wild Figtree, called by the Romans, Caprificus, or the Goat-Fig; and they feast the Women without the City in Arbours made of Figtree boughs, and the Maids meet and run about playing; afterwards they fight in Sport, and throw Stones one at another, in memory they did then aid and assist the Roman Men in Fight. This many Authors do not admit for true: for the calling upon one another's Names by day, and the going out to the Goats-Marsh, as to Sea, seems to agree more to the former Relation, unless perhaps both the Actions, done at several times, might have happened on the same day of the Week. Now, they say, it was in the 54th. year of his Age, and the 38th. 
How old he was when he died.  of his Reign, that Romulus left the World.  

The Comparison of Romulus and Theseus.  
THis is all I ever happened to hear of Romulus and Theseus, worthy of memory. First, Theseus seemed, out of his own freewill, without any compulsion, when he might have reigned in security at Trazene, in the enjoyment of no inglorious Empire, to have affected great Actions by himself. The other to escape present Servitude, and a punishment that threatened him, (according to Plato,) grew valiant purely out of fear; and dreading the extremest Inflictions, attempted great Erterprises out of mere necessity. Again, His greatest Action was only the kill of one King of Alba; whereas the by-Adventures and Preludes of the other were the Conquests of Sciron, Scinnis, Procrustes and Corynetes; by reducing and killing of whom, he ridded Greece of very violent Oppressors, before any of them that were relieved, knew who did it; and he might then without any trouble as well have gone to Athens by Sea, considering he himself never was in the least injured by those Robbers; whereas Romulus could not but be in Action whilst Amulius lived. A great testimony of this is, that Theseus, for no wrong done himself, but for the sake of others, did fall upon these Villains; but Romulus and Remus, as long as they themselves suffered no ill by the Tyrant, permitted him to opprefs all others. And if it be a great thing to have been wounded in Battle by the Sabines, to have killed King Acron, and to have conquered many Enemies; we may oppose to these Actions, the Battle with the Centauris, and the Feats done against the Amazons. But what Theseus adventured, in offering himself voluntarily with the other young Boys and Virgins, as part of the Tribute into Crete, either to be a Prey to a Monster, or a Victim upon the Tomb of Androgeus, or, what is least of all, to live vilely and dishonourably in slavery to insulting and cruel Men; a Man cannot express what an Act of Boldness, or Courage, or Justice to the Public, or of Honour and Bravery, that was. So that methinks the Philosophers did not define Love ill, to be the service of the Gods in assisting and preserving Youth; for the Love of Ariadne, above all, seems to be the proper work and design of some God, in order to preserve Theseus; and indeed we ought not to blame her for loving him, but rather wonder all Men and Women were not alike affected towards him; and if she alone were so, truly I dare pronounce her worthy of the Love of a God, who was herself so great a Lover of Virtue and Goodness, and the bravest Man.  
But both these naturally affecting Government, neither lived up to the true Character of a King, but flew off, and ran, one into Popularity, the other into Tyranny, falling both into the same fault out of different Passions. For a Prince's chief end is to preserve his Empire, which is done no less by avoiding Indecencies, than by maintaining a decorum in all things: whoever is either too remiss or too strict in this, is no more a King or a Prince, but either too popular a Man, or too lordly, and so becomes either odious or contemptible to his Subjects. This seems to be the fault of Easiness and good Nature, the other of Pride and Severity; but if we must not in all respects impute Misfortunes to the Fates, but consider in them the difference of men's Manners and Passions, as the unreasonable and inconsiderate effects of Wrath and Anger, a Man can neither excuse one in his Behaviour to his Brother, nor the other to his Son. Tho' the Anger of Theseus is more excusable, because it proceeded from a greater Cause, as being struck with the severer Lash. Romulus, having disagreed with his Brother, advisedly and deliberately upon the Concerns of the Public, one would think, he could not of the sudden have been put into so great passion; but Love, and Jealousy, and the Complaints of his Wife, (which few Men can avoid being provoked with) seduced Theseus to commit that Outrage upon his Son. And what is more, Romulus in his Anger committed an Action of most unfortunate Consequence; but that of Theseus ended only in words, some evil-speaking, and a few old People's Curses, the rest of the Youth's misery seems to proceed from Fortune; so that so far a Man would give his Vote on Theseus' part. But the chiefest matter in the other is this, that his Performances proceeded from very small beginnings; for both the Brothers being thought Servants, and the Sons of Swineherds, before they were Freemen themselves, they gave liberty to almost all the Latins, obtaining at once all the most honourable Titles, as destroyers of their Country's Enemies, preservers of their Friends and Kindred, Princes of the People, Founders, not removers of Cities; for such an one was Theseus, who raised and compiled only one House out of many, demolishing many Cities bearing the Names of ancient Kings and Heroes. But Romulus did the same afterwards, forcing his Enemies to deface and ruin their own Dwellings, and to sojourn with their Conquerors; not altering at first or increasing a City that was before, but building one from the ground, acquiring likewise to himself, Lands, a Country, a Kingdom, Wives, Children, and Relations. He killed or destroyed no body, but encouraged those that wanted Houses and Dwelling-places, if willing to be of a Society, and become Citizens. Robbers and Malefactors he slew not, but he subdued Nations, he overthrew Cities, he triumphed over Kings and Princes; and as to Remus, it is doubtful by whose Hand he was cut off, it is generally imputed to others. His Mother he apparently retrieved from death, and placed his Grandfather, who was brought under base and dishonourable Vassalage, in the ancient Throne of Aeneas, to whom he did voluntarily many good Offices, but never annoyed him, no not through ignorance itself. But Theseus, in his forgetfulness and inadvertency of the Command concerning the Flag, can scarcely methinks by any Excuses, or before the most candid Judges, avoid the imputation of Parricide; which a certain Athenian perceiving it very hard to make an excuse for, feigns that Aegaeus, at the arrival of the Ship, running hastily to a Tower to see what News, slipped and fell down, either for want of accidental help, or that no Servants attended him in that haste to the Seaside. And indeed those faults committed in the Rapes of Women, admit of no plausible excuse in Theseus: First, In regard to the often repetition of the Crime; for he stole Ariadne, Antiope, Anaxo the Trazaenian, at last Helena, when he was an old Man, and she not marriageable, being too young and tender, and he at an Age passed even lawful Wedlock. Then the Cause; for the Trazaenian, Lacedaemonian, and Amazonian Virgins, beside that they were not betrothed to him, were not worthier to raise Children by, than the Athenians, who were derived from Erestheus and Cecrops; but it is to be suspected, these things were done out of lust, and the satisfaction of the flesh. Romulus when he had taken near 800 Women, he chose not all, but only Hersilia (as they say) for himself, the rest he divided among the Chief of the City; and afterwards, by the respect, and tenderness, and justice shown towards them, he discovered, that this Violence and Injury, was a most commendable and politic Exploit to establish a Society; by which he intermixed and united both Nations, and made it the fountain of all after-Friendship, and of Power with them. And that it was the Cause of Reverence, and Love, and Constancy in Matrimony, time can witness; for in 230 years neither any Husband deserted his Wife, nor any Wife her Husband; but, as the most curious among the Grecians can tell you the first Parricide, so the Romans all well know, that Spurius Carvilius was the first who put away his Wife, accusing her of Barrenness. The Circumstances of Matters do testify for so long a time; for upon those Marriages, the two Princes shared in the Dominion, and both Nations fell under the same Government. But from the Marriages of Theseus proceeded nothing of Friendship or Correspondence for the advantage of Commerce, but Enmities and Wars, and the Slaughter of Citizens, and at last the loss of the City Aphidnae, where, only out of the compassion of the Enemy, whom they entreated and caressed like Gods, they but just missed suffering, what Troy did by Paris. Theseus' his Mother was not only in danger, but suffered also what Hecuba did, in being deserted and destitute of her Son; unless that of her Captivity be not a fiction, as I could wish both that and most other things of him were. What is fabulously related concerning both their Divinity, you will find a great difference in it; for Romulus was preserved by the special Favour of the Gods; but the Oracle given to Aegaeus, commanding him to abstain from all strange and foreign Women, seems to demonstrate, that the Birth of Theseus was not agreeable to the Will of the Gods.    


LYCURGUS.  
Equality.   portrait M Burg. delin. dt sculp.  
THE LIFE OF LYCURGUS.  Translated from the Greek of Plutarch, By Knightly Chetwood, Fellow of King's College in Cambridge. 
THere is so much incertainty in the accounts which Historians have left us of Lycurgus, the Law giver of Sparta, that scarcely any thing is asserted by one of them which is not called into question, or contradicted by the rest. Their sentiments are quite different as to the Family he came of, the Voyages he undertook, the place, and manner of his death, but most of all when they speak of the Laws he made, and the Commonwealth which he founded. They cannot by any means be brought to an agreement as to the very Age in which this excellent person lived: for some of them say that he flourished in the time of Iphitus, and that they two jointly contrived the Ordinance for the cessation of Arms during the Solemnity of the Olympic Games. Of this opinion was Aristotle, and for confirmation of it he alleges an inscription upon one of the copper Coits used in those Sports, upon which the name of Lycurgus continued undefaced to his time. But Eratosthenes and Apollodorus, two learned Chronologers, computing the time by the successions of the Spartan Kings, pretend to demonstrate that he was much more ancient than the very Institution of the Olympic Games. Timaeus conjectures that there were two of this name, and in divers times, but that the one of them being much more famous than the other, men gave to him the glory of both their exploits: the elder of the two, according to him, was not long after Homer, and some are so particular as to say that he had seen him too. But that he was of great antiquity may be gathered from a passage in 
* Lib. de Laced. Rep.  Xenophon, where he makes him contemporary with the Heraclidae: not but that the very last Kings of Sparta were Heraclidae too; but he seems in that place to speak of the first, and more immediate successors of Hercules. But notwithstanding this confusion and obscurity of Writers who have gone before us in this Subject, we shall endeavour to compose the History of his 
† This was the first Life that Plutarch published, and he seems to have a particular respect to this people, by writing a Book of their wise Sayings.  Life, setting down those passages which are least contradicted, and following those Authors which are most worthy of credit.  
The Poet Simonides will needs have it that Lycurgus was the Son of Prytanis, and not of Eunomus; but in this opinion he is singular, for all the rest deduce the Genealogy of them both as follows: 

Aristodemus,  
Patrocles,  
Sous,  
Eurytion,  
Prytanis,  
Eunomus, who by his first Wife had a Son named Polydectes, and by his second Wife, Dianissa, had this Lycurgus,   whose Life is before us: but as Eutychidas says, he was the sixth from Patrocles, and the eleventh from Hercules. Be this as it will, Sous certainly was the most renowned of all his Ancestors, under whose conduct the Spartans' subdued Ilotos, and made Slaves of the Ilotes, and added to their Dominions, by Conquest, a good part of Arcadia. There goes a story of this King Sous, that being besieged by the Clitorians in a dry and stony place, so that he could come at no water, he was at last constrained to agree with them upon these hard terms, that he would restore to them all his Conquests, provided that Himself 
* A subtle promise.  and all his Men should drink of a Spring not far distant from his Camp: after the usual Oaths and Ratifications, he called his Soldiers together, and offered to him that would forbear drinking half his Kingdom for a reward: their thirst was so much stronger than their ambition, that not a man of them was able to forbear: in short, when they had all drank their fill, at last comes King Sous himself to the Spring, and, having sprinkled his face only, without swallowing one drop, he marched off in the face of his Enemies, refusing to yield up his Conquests, because himself, and all his men (according to the Articles) had not drank of their water.  
Although he was justly had in admiration as well for his wit and abstinence as for his warlike exploits, yet was not his Family surnamed from him but from his Son Eurytion, (of whom they were called Eurytionides:) the reason of this was, that Eurytion took a course never practised by his wise Predecessors, which was to flatter and cajole his own Subjects, by slackening the reigns of the Royal Authority. But see what followed! the people, instead of growing more tractable by it, made new encroachments upon him every day: insomuch that, partly by taking advantages of the too great easiness or necessities of the succeeding Princes, partly by tiring out and vexing those which used severity, they at last brought the Government into contempt, and soon after the whole Kingdom into Anarchy and confusion. In this miserable estate things continued a long time, and amongst its other tragical effects, it caused the death of the Father of Lycurgus: for as the good King was endeavouring to quell a riot in which the parties were come to blows, he was among them most barbarously 
† 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, stabbed with a Cook's Knife.  butchered; and left the title of King to his eldest Son Polydectes: but he too dying soon after, the right of Succession (as every one thought) rested in Lycurgus; and reign he did, until he had notice that the Queen, his Sister-in-law, was with Child: upon this he immediately declared that the Kingdom belonged to her issue, provided it were Male, and that himself would exercise the Regal Jurisdiction only as his 
* They called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Guardian and Regent during his minority: soon after an overture was made to him by the Queen, that she would make herself miscarry, or some way destroy that she went with, upon condition that he would marry her when he came to the Crown. Though he was extremely incensed against the Woman for this unnatural proposal, yet wisely smothering his resentments, and making show of closing with her, he dispatched the Messenger with a world of thanks, and expressions of joy, but withal dissuaded her earnestly from procuring herself to miscarry, because that the violent means used in such cases would impair her health, if not endanger her life: withal assuring her, that himself would so order it, that the Child, as soon as born, should be taken out of the way. By these and such like artifices, having drawn on the Woman to the time of her lying in, as soon as ever he heard that she was in labour, he sent some of his Council to be by and observe all that past, with order, that if it were a Girl they should deliver it to the Women, but if a Boy, that they should bring it to him wheresoever he were, and whatsoever adoing. It so fell out that as he was at Supper with his principal Magistrates, the Queen was brought to bed of a Boy, who was soon after presented to him as he was at the Table: he, taking him tenderly into his arms, said to those about him, behold, my Lords of Sparta, here is a King born unto us; this said, he laid him down upon the Chair of State, and named him Charilaus; that is, the Joy of the people: because they were so much transported with joy both at the birth of the young Prince, and the contemplation of the noble Mind and Justice of Lycurgus: and yet his good reign lasted only eight months. But Lycurgus was in nature a Prince, and there were more who obeyed him upon the account of his eminent Virtues, than because he was Regent to the King, and had the treasure and strength of the Nation in his hands. Yet could not all this ensure him from envy, which made a push at him (as 
Lycurgus' envied.  is usual) before he was well settled in his high Trust; the Heads of this Faction were the Kindred and Creatures of the Queen-mother, who pretended not to have been dealt with suitably to her quality; and her Brother Leonidas, in a warm debate which fell out betwixt him and Lycurgus, went so far as to tell him to his face, that he was very well assured that e'er long he should sec him King; by this reflecting insinuation he endeavoured to make the people jealous of Lycurgus, thus preparing the way for an accusation of him, as though he had made away with his Nephew, if he should chance to fail, though by a natural death; words of the like import were designedly cast abroad by the Queen-mother and her adherents.  
Being exceedingly troubled at this, and not knowing what it might come to, he thought it his wisest course to decline their envy by a voluntary exile, and so travel from place to place until his Nephew came to marriageable years, and by having a Son had secured the Succession: setting 
Lycurgus' his Travels.  sail therefore with this resolution, he first arrived at Crete, where having considered their several Forms of Government, and got an acquaintance with the principal men amongst them, some of their Laws he very much approved of, and resolved to make use of them in his own Country, and a good part of them he rejected as useless. Amongst the persons there the most renowned for their ability and wisdom in State matters was one Thales, whom Lycurgus, by repeated importunities and assurances of Friendship, at last persuaded to go over to Lacedaemon. When he came thither, by his outward appearance and character, he seemed no other than a Lyric Poet, but in reality he performed the part of one of the ablest Lawgivers in the world: the very Songs which he composed were pathetical exhortations to obedience and concord: The sweetness of the Measures and the cadence of the Verse, suiting with the Subject, both serious and delightful, had so great an influence on their minds, that they were insensibly softened and civilised: insomuch that at last they renounced their private feuds and animosities, which had kept them so long at variance to their unspeakable disadvantage, and reunited themselves into a cheerful and unanimous concurrence for the public welfare: so that it may truly be said that Thales prepared the way for Lycurgus, by removing the rubbish and clearing the ground-plot, that he might raise upon it the lasting Fabric of that glorious Commonwealth.  
From Crete he sailed to Asia, with design (as is said) to examine the difference betwixt the Manners and Government of the Cretans (who were very wise and temperate) and those of the jonians, a corrupt and effeminate people: as Physicians, by the opposition they find betwixt a healthful and sickly body, are enabled to distinguish the swelling of a Dropsy from a good and thriving habit, and a real health from that which but appears so. Here had he the first sight of Homer's Works, which were 
Homer 's Works brought to light by Lycurgus.  preserved in all probability by the posterity of Cleobulus: and having observed that the few loose expressions and actions of ill example which are to be found in his Poems, were very much outweighed by those grave maxims of State and rules of Morality (which are frequently couched under those very Fictions) he set himself eagerly to transcribe and digest them into order, as thinking they would be of good use in his own Country: and to his immortal honour be it said, he was the first who brought the Works of this most admirable Poet into credit in Greece: for though some fragments of them lay scattered before in a few private hands (who set a great value upon them,) yet were they never published together, nor generally admired, before the time of Lycurgus.  
The Egyptians say that he took a Voyage into Egypt, and that, being much taken 
This Story of the Egyptians is confirmed by some Greek Historians.  with their way of separating the Soldiery from their Handicrafts and Mechanics, he resolved to imitate them at Lacedaemon: and this distinction of their Professions, as it prevented confusion, it increased their strength, and causing regularity, added beauty to the State. But as for his Voyages into Spain, afric, and the Indies, and his conferences there with the Gymnosophists, the whole relation (as far as I can find) rests on the single credit of Aristocrates, the Son of Hipparchus.  
During the absence of Lycurgus, though he was cheaply parted with, he was dearly missed at Lacedaemon, and a great many Embassies were sent to pray his return, for Kings indeed we have (said they) who wear the marks and assume the titles of Royalty, but as for the inward qualities of their minds, they have nothing by which they are to be distinguished from their Subjects: adding, that in him alone was the true foundation of Sovereignty to be seen, a Nature made to Rule, and a Genius of that strength that it made him at the same time loved and reverenced by the people. Though this seemed a little to reflect, yet were not the Kings themselves averse from his return, for they looked upon his presence as a bulwark for them against the growing insolences of the people.  
Things being in this posture at his return, 
His return and the alterations he made.  he applied himself without loss of time to a through Reformation, and resolved to change the whole face of the Commonwealth: for what could a few particular Laws and a partial alteration avail, when there was an universal corruption of all orders and degrees of men in the State? He took therefore the course wise Physicians use, when they have to do with one who labours under a complication of Diseases, they are not content to obviate one or two of them, but follow him with purges and letting blood, until they have quite drained him of the peccant humours, and exhausted the corrupt mass of his blood; this done, they restore him by degrees, and prescribe a regimen of Diet quite contrary to the former: the Reader will easily make the application. Having thus projected things, away he goes to Delphi to consult Apollo there, which having done, and offered his Sacrifice, he returned with that renowned Oracle, in which he is called Beloved of 
This Oracle is extant at length in Herodotus.  God, and rather God than Man; that his Prayers were heard, that his Laws should be the best, and the Commonwealth which observed them the most famous in the world. Encouraged by these things, he set himself to bring over to his side the leading men of Sparta, exhorting them to give him a helping hand in this great undertaking: he broke it first to his particular friends, and then by degrees he gained others, at last he animated them all together to put his design in execution. When things were ripe for action he gave order to thirty of the principal men of Sparta to be ready armed at the Marketplace by break of the day, to the end that he might strike a terror into the opposite party: Hermippus hath set down the names of twenty of the most eminent of them; but the name of him whom Lycurgus most confided in, and who was of most use to him, both in making his Laws and putting them in execution, was Arithmiadas. Things growing to a tumult, King Charilaus apprehending that it was a Conspiracy against his Person, took Sanctuary in the Temple of Minerva the Protectress; being soon after undeceived, and put in heart again, and having taken an Oath of them that they had no treasonable designs, he quitted his Refuge, and himself also entered into the confederacy with them: of so gentle and flexible a disposition he was, and almost too good natured for a King: to which Archelaus his Partner in the Government alluded, when hearing him highly extolled for his goodness, he said, how can he be otherwise than a gracious Prince, for he is good even to the worst of men?  
Amongst the many changes and alterations which Lycurgus made, the first and of greatest importance was the establishment of the Senate, which having a power equal to the Kings in matters of great consequence did (as Plato expresses it) with its phlegm allay and qualify the hot complexion of a Monarchy, served as a Rampart against the insolence of the people, and always kept the Commonwealth in good temper. For the State which before had no firm Basis to stand upon, but leaned one while towards an absolute Monarchy (when the Kings had the upper hand) and another while towards a pure Democracy (when the people had the better of it) found in this establishment of the Senate a counterpoise, which always kept things in a just aequilibrium. For the Twenty Eight always adhered to the weaker side, and put themselves like a weight into the lighter Scale, until they had reduced the other to a Balance. As for the determinate number of Twenty Eight, Aristotle is of opinion that it so fell out because two of the Associates for want of courage fell off from the enterprise; but Sphaerus assures us that there were but twenty eight of the Confederates at first: perhaps there is some mystery in the number which consists of seven multiplied by four, and is the first of perfect numbers after six, being, as that is, equal to its sides. For my part, I cannot believe that Lycurgus had any such niceties in his head, but pitched upon the number of Twenty Eight, that, the two Kings being reckoned amongst them, they might be Thirty in all. So eagerly set was Lycurgus upon this Establishment invented by himself, that he took a Journey to Delphi to credit it by the approbation of the Oracle, who gave him the famous Rhetra, or fundamental Statute, which runs thus. After 
The Rhetra, or Oracle.  that you have built a Temple to Jupiter the Syllanian, and to Minerva the Syllanian, and after that you have divided the people into Tribes, you shall establish a Council of thirty Senators, in the number of which the two Kings shall be comprised, and shall from time to time call the people to an Assembly betwixt Balyca and Cnation, where the Senate shall propound things to the Commons, who shall not have power to debate upon their proposals, but only to give or refuse their assent, and it shall be in the power of the Senate to dissolve the Assembly. Betwixt this Balyca and Cnation (now called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) their Assemblies were held, for they had no spacious Council-house richly hung and furnished to receive them in: for Lycurgus was of opinion that such theatrical Ornaments were so far from advantaging them in their Counsels that they were rather an hindrance, by diverting their attention from the business before them to gape upon the Statues and Pictures, and Roofs curiously fretted, the usual embellishments of such places amongst the other Grecians. The people then being thus assembled in the open air, it was not allowed to any one of their order to give his advice, but only either to ratify or reject what should be propounded to them by the King or Senate. But because it fell out afterwards that the people made glosses and explanations of Laws contrary to the intent of the Kings and Senate, and sometimes too by adding or rasing out whole Sentences perverted the sense, King Polydorus and Theopompus (to be even with them in their own kind) inserted into the Rhetra or grand Decretal the following Clause; That if the people should go about to make alteration in the Decrees of the Senate, or to enlarge or limit the sense of them, that it should be lawful for the King and Senate to make void their resolutions and to dissolve the Assembly. This business was so dextrously managed, that it past among the people for as authentic as the rest of the Rhetra, as appears by these Verses of Tyrtaeus, 
If, Spartans, ye desire that heaven should bless  
Your Newborn State with lasting happiness,  
Hear what Apollo 's Oracle commands:  
Jove puts the Sceptre into Prince's hands.  
Let them command; let Senators debate  
The deep affairs, and interests of State:  
Hear, ye, and give assent, and reverence pay,  
And know, 'tis Subject's privilege — to obey.   
Although Lycurgus had in this manner used all the qualifications possible in the Government of his Commonwealth, yet those who succeeded him thought that the smallness of the number of which the Senate consisted made them somewhat imperious and pressing, and therefore 
* Plato no great friend to a Monarchy.  (as Plato says) they wanted a bridle, which bridle was the power of the Ephori, established an hundred and thirty years after the death of Lycurgus. Elatus was the first who had this dignity conferred upon him, in the reign of King Theopompus, whom when his Queen upbraided one day, that he would leave the regal power to his Children less than himself had received it from his Ancestors, he told her that she was much mistaken, for he should leave it so much greater than he found it, by how much it was more likely to last. For indeed the Prerogative being thus kept within some reasonable bounds, at once he freed himself from the envy, and secured himself from the danger, to which an unlimited jurisdiction lies exposed. So that the Spartan Kings fared much better after it than their neighbours at Messene and Argos; who by screwing their Prerogative too high, cracked it, and for want of yielding a little to the populacy, lost all.  
Indeed, whosoever shall take a prospect of the Seditions and civil Wars which befell these bordering Nations, (to whom they were as near related in blood as situation) will find good reason to admire the profound wisdom and providence of Lycurgus; for these three States in their first rise were equal, or, if there were any odds they lay on the side of the Messenians and Argives, who in the decision of the Country were more fortunate than the Spartans': yet was their flourish but of small continuance, soon falling into confusion, partly by the tyrannical disposition of their Kings, and partly by the ungovernableness of the people: so that now their servile and disgraceful condition makes it appear to the whole world, that it is one of the greatest blessings which heaven can send down upon any Nation, to give them so wise a Lawgiver who could set bounds to those two intersering powers, and of such jarring elements frame an orderly Commonwealth. But of this I shall say more in its due place.  
After the creation of the thirty Senators his next task, and indeed the most hazardous he ever undertook, was the making a new division of their Lands. For there was a very strange inequality amongst the inhabitants of Sparta, so that the City was surcharged with a multitude of beggarly and necessitous persons, whilst the Lands and Money were engrossed by a few: therefore to the end that he might banish out of the State Luxury and Arrogance (the vices of the rich,) and Envy and Knavery, (the usual faults of the poor) and the source of all mischiefs, Want and Superfluity, he obtained of them to renounce their properties, and to consent to a new division of the Land: that they should live all with the equality and friendliness of coheirs and Brothers: so that there being no other way left to mount to a degree of eminence above the rest than to become more valiant and more virtuous than they, ambition began to be a good subject, and set men upon the use of those means by which true honour is to be acquired.  
Having got their consent to his proposals he immediately put them in execution: and having exactly surveyed the whole Country of Laconia, he divided it into thirty thousand equal shares, and the Liberties of the City of Sparta into nine thousand, and these he distributed to the Inhabitants of the City, as he did the others to them who dwelled in the Country. Some Authors say that he made but six thousand lots for the Citizens of Sparta, and that King Polydore added three thousand more. Others say that Polydore doubled the number Lycurgus had made, which (according to them) was but four thousand five hundred. A lot was so much as to yield one year with another about seventy Bushels of Grain, for the Master of the Family, and twelve for his Wife, with a suitable proportion of Oil and Wine. And this he thought sufficient to keep their bodies in good health and lusty, and as for superfluities he designed wholly to retrench them. It is reported that as he returned from a Journey some time after the division of the Lands, in harvest time, the ground being newly reaped, observing the Sheaves to be all equal, and the Shocks of the same bigness, he smilingly said to those about him, methinks Lacedaemon is like the inheritance of a great many Brothers, which have newly made a division amongst themselves.  
Not contented with this, he resolved to make a division of their Movables too, that there might be no odious distinction or inequality left amongst them; but finding that it would be very dangerous to go about it openly, he bethought himself of this stratagem. He commanded that all Gold and Silver Coin should be cried down, and that only a sort of Money made of Iron should be current, whereof a great weight and quantity was but very little worth: so that to lay up twenty or thirty pounds there was required a pretty large Chamber, and to remove it, nothing less than a yoke of Oxen. By this invention, it is scarcely to be imagined, how many execrable Vices were banished Lacedaemon: for who would rob another of such a scurvy sort of Coin? who would injustly detain it? who would cheat and circumvent, be bribed or turn Knight of the Post to compass it? when that it was not easy to be hid when a man had it, nor brought a man any credit in the world by the possession of it, nor could serve for any use when you had cut it in pieces: for when it was red hot and just stamped, they quenched it in Vinegar, and by that means made it almost unmalleable by its hardness.  
In the next place he banished all Arts that were not absolutely necessary; but here he might almost have spared his Proclamation: for they of themselves would have gone after the Gold and Silver, the money which remained being not so proper payment for curious Pieces: for being of Iron it was scarcely portable, neither if they should take so much pains as to export it, would it pass amongst the other Grecians, who were so far from valuing it that they thought it one of the most ridiculous things in the world. Thus was foreign Traffic almost utterly cut off, for neither could the Lacedæmonians buy any Merchandise of Strangers, neither did any Merchants think it worth the while to bring in their Goods to any part of Laconia. For the same reason, they were not pestered with any pedantical Teachers of Rhetoric, with Gypsies, Fortune-tellers, and Calculatours of Nativities; No pimping corrupters of youth brought their Ladies of composition, or their Boys to be unnaturally abused there; no Goldsmiths and Engravers, no Jewellers and Perfumers were to be found amongst them, for there was no money: so that Luxury being deprived of that which fed and fomented it (being quite starved out) was forced to quit their Country, and seek itself one elsewhere. For the rich had no preeminence here over the poor, and their riches and abundance, having no opportunity of appearing and boasting of itself in public, were forced to remain useless at home, a costly prey to the rust and the moth. Their thoughts being thus taken off from things superfluous, they became excellent Artists in those which were necessary: so that Bedsteads, Chairs and Tables, and such like staple Utensils in a Family, were admirably well made there: particularly their Cup was very much in fashion, and bought up by Soldiers, as Critias reports, for the colour and thickness of the Cup hindered the muddiness of the dirty water (which upon marches must often be drunk) from being perceived: and the figure of it was such that the mud sank to the bottom, or stuck to the sides, so that only the purest part of the water came to the mouth of him that drank in it. And this skill of theirs, though in minute things, was mainly owing to their Lawgiver, who took off their minds from the endless care of providing the means and instruments of Luxury, to attend only to those things which were of daily and indispensable use.  
The last and most masterly stroke of this excellent Philosopher, by which he struck at the very roots of Luxury, and exterminated utterly the desire of riches, was the Ordinance he made that they should all eat in common, of the same meat, and of such kinds as were specified in the Decree: by which it was expressly forbid to pamper themselves in private, to use rich Couches, and magnificent Tables, abusing the labours of excellent Workmen, and delivering themselves up into the hands of their Butchers and Cooks, who used to cram them in corners as they fatted up the Beasts and the Poultry they fed on: by this way of life their manners were not only corrupted but their bodies too were enfeebled, so that giving the rain to their sensual appetites they stood in need of long sleep and hot Bagnio's, and, in a word, of as much care and attendance as if they were continually sick. It was certainly an extraordinary thing to have brought about such an enterprise as this, but a greater yet to have effected by the frugality of their public Tables, that their riches should be privileged from the hands of rapine, nay rather (as Theophrastus observes) should be utterly degraded, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  losing their property, and almost their very nature, so that they no longer were the objects of envy. For the rich being obliged to partake of the same fare with the poor, they could not make use of, or enjoy their choice viands, nor so much as please their vain humours, by making a show and vaunting of them to the world. So that the common Proverb that Plutus (the God of Riches) is blind, was no where so literally verified as in Sparta: for there he was kept continually blind, or rather like a dead Carcase, senseless, motionless, as when he lay wrapped up in the dark entrails of the earth. Nor could they take any refection in private before they came to the public Halls, for every one had an eye upon them who did not eat and drink with a good stomach, and reproached them with the name of dainty and effeminate.  
This last Ordinance bore very hard upon the wealthier sort of men, so that being out of all patience they made an insurrection against Lycurgus, and from ill words came to blows, so that at length he was forced to run out of the Assembly, and make to Sanctuary to save his life: by good hap he got before all the rest, excepting one Alcander, (a young Gentleman otherwise not ill accomplished, but too hasty and choleric) who came up so close to him, as that, whilst he turned himself about to see who was near him, he struck him upon the face, and beat out one of his eyes. The incomparable Philosopher was so far from being daunted and discouraged by this accident, that he stopped short, and showed his reverend face all in a gore blood to his ingrateful Countrymen: they were so strangely surprised and ashamed to see it, that they immediately begged pardon, offered him any sort of reparation, and delivered Alcander into his hands to be punished as he should think fit. Lycurgus, having thanked them for their care of his person, dismissed them all, excepting only Alcander; taking him with him into his House he neither did nor said any thing severely to him, but dismissing those whose place it was, he ordered Alcander to wait upon him at Table: the young man, though not used to servile employments, without murmuring or repining did as he was commanded: being thus near him he had opportunity to observe in him (besides the natural goodness and mildness of his temper) an extraordinary sobriety in his diet, and a strength of complexion proceeding from it, which no labours and fatigues were able to surmount. He was so ravished with admiration of these excellent qualities, that of an enemy he became one of his most zealous admirers, and told his Friends and Relations, that Lycurgus was not that morose and ill-natured man whom they had formerly took him for, but of the sweetest and most Gentlemanlike disposition in the world. And thus did Lycurgus (for chastisement of his fault) make of a wild and dissolute young man one of the discreetest Citizens of Sparta.  
In memory of this accident Lycurgus built a Temple to Minerva, surnamed Optilete, from a word which in the Doric Dialect signifies the preserver of the sight: for some Authors, of which Dioscorides is one (who wrote a Treatise of the Commonwealth of Sparta) say that he was wounded indeed, but did not lose his eye with the blow: and this was the cause of the dedication of that Temple. Be this as it will, certain it is, that this misadventure was the cause that the Lacedæmonians never bring any arms, no not so much as a staff into their public Assemblies.  
But to return to their public repasts, which had several names in Greek: for the Candiots called them ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (because the men only came to them:) The Lacedæmonians called them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (from a word which signifies Parsimony, because they were so many Schools of Sobriety) or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that is, Feasts of Love, because that by eating and drinking together they had opportunity of making Friends. To put in my own conjecture, perhaps they were simply called ' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 (Eating-houses) for such the word is by the subtraction of one letter. They met by companies of Fifteen, over or under, and each of them stood bound to bring in monthly a Bushel of Meal, eight Galons of Wine, five Pounds of Cheese, two Pounds and an half of Figs, for their dessert, and a little Money to buy Flesh and Fish withal. Besides this, when any of them made Sacrifice to the Gods they always sent a dole to the Common-hall: and likewise when any one of them had been a Hunting, he sent thither a part of the Venison he had killed, and these two were the only allowable excuses for supping at home. This custom of eating together was observed strictly for a great while afterwards: insomuch that Agis, King of Lacedaemon, having vanquished the Athenians, and sending for his Commons at his return home, because he desired to eat privately with his Queen, was refused by the Polemarchi: which refusal, when he resented so much as to omit the Eucharistical Sacrifices which used to be made for a War happily ended, they were so far from ask his pardon, that they set a fine upon his head, and obliged him to pay it.  
They used to send their Children to these Tables as to Schools of temperance and good husbandry: here they were instructed in State-affairs, not by mercenary Pedants, but, by experienced Statesmen: here they learned the art of Conversation, to droll without reflecting, and to make jests at the cost of no man's reputation: and withal to take a jest with the same innocence and unconcernedness that they gave one. In this point of good breeding the Lacedæmonians exceeded all the people of Greece: but if any man were out of humour, or was not of a nature to bear a jest, upon the least hint given there was no more to be said to him: it was customary also for the eldest man in the company to tell each of them, as they came in, Look ye, Sir, not a word said in company must go out of this Door, and withal he pointed to it. When any one had a desire to be admitted into any of these little Societies he was to go through this manner of probation: each man in the company took a little ball of soft bread (a custom much like that of ballotting in other places) which they were to throw into a deep Basin, which a waiter carried round upon his head: those that liked the person to be chosen dropped their Ball into the Basin without altering the figure; and those who disliked him pressed it betwixt their fingers, and made it flat: and this signified as much as a negative voice; for if there were but one of these flatted pieces in the Basin the Suitor was rejected: so curious they were in the choice of their company, and so tender of disgusting any one member in it, by taking in a man unacceptable to him. Their principal Dish was a sort of black Broth, which was so much valued that the elderly sort fed only upon that, leaving what flesh there was to the younger sort.  
They say that a certain King of Pontus, 
The same story is told of Dionysius the Tyrant. Cic. Tusc.  having heard much of this black Broth of theirs, sent for a Lacedaemonian Cook on purpose to make him some: he had no sooner tasted it but he found it was abominable: the Cook seeing him out of conceit with it, told him: Sir, to make this Broth relish you should have bathed yourself first in the River of Eurotas.  
Having eaten and drank thus moderately every man went to his home without lights; for the use of them was utterly forbid, to the end that they might accustom themselves to march boldly in the dark. And such was the order and fashion of their Meals.  
Lycurgus would never reduce his Laws into writing, nay it is expressly forbid in the Rhetra; for he thought that the most material points, and such as most directly tended to the public welfare, being imprinted on the hearts of their youth by a good education, and by a constant and habitual observance of them, becoming a second nature, would supply the place of a Law and Lawgiver in them all the rest of their lives: and as for things of lesser importance, as pecuniary contracts, and such like, the forms of which ought to be changed as occasion requires, and in tract of time become insufficient for the ends they were intended for, he thought it the best way to leave them to every man's discretion, and to prescribe no certain form at all: he left therefore no inviolable custom in such cases, willing that the manner and form of bargaining should be altered according to the circumstances of time, and determinations of men of the soundest judgement. For he was persuaded that without good education the best Laws in the world signified nothing, and where that was they were in a manner superfluous.  
One branch then of the Rhetra was that their Laws should not be written, another branch of it is particularly levelled against Luxury and expensiveness: for by it it was ordained, That the Ceiling of their Houses should only be wrought by the Axe, and their Gates and Doors smoothed only by the Saw. And this was not without mystery: for if Epaminondas could say with so good a grace, inviting some Friends to his Table, Come, gentlemans, be secure, Treason would never come to such a poor Dinner as this; why might not this great Lawgiver in all probability have thought that such ill-favoured Houses would never be capable of receiving Luxury and superfluity? For a man must have a more than ordinary share of folly that would furnish such Rooms with embroidered Beds, and Hangings of Arras, that would be served in Plate upon a roughhewn Table, and pretend to pomp and magnificence in a House which was almost too narrow for the necessities of life. And doubtless he had good reason to think that they would proportion their Beds to their House, and their Coverlets to their Beds, and that the rest of their Goods and Furniture would be suitable to them. It is reported that King Leotichidas, the first of that name, was so little used to the sight of carved Work, that, being entertained at Corinth in a stately Room, he was much surprised to see the Timber and Ceiling so finely wrought, and asked his Host, whether the Trees grew so in his Country?  
A third Ordinance of this forementioned Rhetra was, That they should not make War often, or long, with the same Enemy, lest that they should train and instruct them in the art of War by having often to do with them: and by forcing them to defend themselves, at length teach them to be the aggressours: and for breaking this Law was Agesilaus much blamed a long time after, by making such continual incursions into Boeotia, that at length he taught that people to make head against the Lacedæmonians: and therefore Antalcidas, seeing him wounded one day, said to him, that he was very well paid for making the Thebans good Soldiers whether they would or no. And these Laws were called the Rhetra, that is to say, not inventions of Man's Wisdom, but Divine Sanctions and Revelations from Heaven.  
In order to the good Education of their Youth (which, as I said before, he thought the most important and noblest Work of a Lawgiver) he went so far back as to take into consideration their very Conception and Birth, by regulating their Marriages. For Aristotle wrongs the memory of this excellent Person, by bearing us in hand, 
Pol. lib. 7.  that, after he had tried all manner of ways to reduce the Women to more modesty and sobriety, he was at last forced to leave them as they were: because that in the absence of their Husbands, who spent the best part of their lives in the Wars, their Wives made themselves absolute Mistresses at home, and would be treated with as much respect as if they had been so many Queens. But by his good leave it is a mistake; for he took for that Sex too all the care that was possible: for an instance of it he ordered the Maidens to exercise themselves with Wrestling, Running, throwing the Bar and casting the Dart, to the end that the Fruit they conceived might take deeper root, and grow strong, and spread itself in strong and healthy Bodies; and withal that they might be the more able to undergo the pains of Childbearing. And to the end he might take away their overgreat tenderness, and that acquired womanishness which vain custom hath added to the natural, he ordered that they should go naked as well as the young Men, and dance too in that condition at their solemn Feasts and Sacrifices, singing certain Songs, whilst the young Men stood in a ring about them, seeing and hearing them: in these Songs they now and then gave a satirical glance upon those who had mis-behaved themselves in the Wars; and sometimes sang encomiums upon those who had done any gallant action, and by these means inflamed the younger sort with an emulation of their glory. Those that were thus commended went away brave and well satisfied with themselves, and those who were rallied were as sensibly touched with it as if they had been formally and severely reprimanded, and so much the more, because the Kings and whole Court saw and heard all that passed. Now though it may seem strange that Women should appear thus naked in public, yet may it be said that true modesty was observed and wantonness excluded; they were sufficiently clad in their native innocence and simplicity, and wore the livery of the lovely original couple. The end of their exercise was to make themselves more active and vigorous, to the end that they might bear away the prize one from another, and at last come to dispute it with the Men. From hence came that sense of honour and nobleness of spirit, of which we have an instance in Gorgo, the Wife of King Leonidas, who being told, in discourse with some foreign Ladies, that the Women of Lacedaemon were they only of the world who had an Empire over the Men, she briskly repartyed, that there was good reason, for they were the only Women who brought forth Men. Lastly, these public processions of the Maidens, and their appearing naked in their exercises and dance, were provocations and baits to stir up and allure the young Men to Marriage: and that, not upon Geometrical reasons (as Plato calls them) such as Interest, and equality of Fortune and Birth, but from the sweet constraint and unsophisticated dictates of nature, from that mysterious agreement and sympathy of minds which alone can make men happy in a married estate. Besides this, that he might promote Marriage more effectually, those who continued Bachelors were made infamous by Law; for they were excluded from the sight of those public processions in which the young Men and Maidens danced naked: nay, the Officers compelled them to march naked themselves round the Marketplace in the very depth of Winter, singing a certain Song to their own disgrace, that they justly suffered this punishment for disobeying the Laws. Moreover they were deprived of that respect and observance which the younger sort were obliged to pay to their elders: and therefore no man found fault with what was said to Dercyllidas, a great Captain, and one who had commanded Armies; who, as he came into the place of Assembly, a young man, instead of rising and making room for him, told him, Sir, you must not expect that honour from me being young, which cannot be returned to me by a Child of yours when I am old.  
When they had a mind to marry, their Courtship was a sort of Rape upon the persons whom they had a fancy for, and those they chose not tender and 
* The Romans allowed them to marry at twelve years of age: he covertly blames them for it.  half Children, but in the flower of their age and full ripe for a Husband: After this, She who managed the Wedding, comes, and shaves close the Hair of the Bride, dresses her up completely in Man's Clothes, leaves her upon a Mattress: this done, in comes the Bridegroom, in his every day Clothes, sober and composed, as having supped at his Ordinary, and steals in as privately as he can into the Room where the Bride lay, unties her Virgin Zone and takes her into his embraces; and so having stayed some time together, he returns as secretly as he can to his Apartment with the rest of his Comrades, with whom he spends all the day, and good part of the night too, unless he steals a short visit to his Bride, and that he did with a great deal of circumspection and fear of being discovered; nor was she wanting (as may be supposed) on her part, to use her Woman's wit in watching the most favourable opportunities for their meeting, and making appointments when company was most out of the way. In this manner they lived a long time, insomuch that they frequently had Children by their Wives before ever they saw their faces by daylight. Their interview being thus difficult and rare served not only for continual exercise of their Temperance, and furthered very much the ends and intention of Marriage, but besides, these short Absences kept their passion still alive, which flags, and decays, and dies at last by too easy Access and long continuance with the beloved object: they always parted with regret, contriving when they should come together again, and thought minutes hours till the next meeting: having thus set Modesty as a Sentinel over the Marriagebed, he next bethought himself of a prevention of that wild and womanish passion, Jealousy. And this he 
† A Remedy almost as bad as the Disease, blamed and derided by the other Grecians.  thought the best expedient, to allow men the freedom of imparting the use of their Wives to those whom they should think fit, that so they might have Children by them; and this he would needs make a very commendable piece of Liberality, and laughed at those who think the violation of their Bed such an insupportable affront, that they revenge it by Murders often, and sometimes by cruel Wars. Lycurgus' thought a man not to be blamed, who being stepped in years and having a young Wife, should recommend some virtuous handsome young man that she might have a Child by him who might inherit the good qualities of such a Father, and this Child the good Man loves as tenderly as if he was of his own begetting: on the other side an honest man who had love for a married woman upon the account of her modesty and the wellfavourdness of her Children, might without formality beg of her Husband a night's lodging, that he might have a slip of so goodly a Tree which he might transplant into his own Garden. And indeed, Lycurgus was of a persuasion that Children were not so much the propriety of their Parents as of the whole Commonwealth, and therefore he would not have 'em begot by the first Comers, but by the best Men that could be found: the Laws of other Nations seemed to him very defective and incongruous, who were very solicitous for the breed of their Dogs and Horses, and sent a great way and were at no small charges to get the best Stallions; and yet kept their Wives under Lock and Key for fear of other men, whereas themselves were crazed, old or infirm, and more fit to propagate Diseases than their Species: if they had made the least reflection in the world they would have taken notice that the honour and dishonour of Children (who generally derive their good or ill qualities from those that beget 'em) doth chiefly redound to those who have the charge of their Education, and if they prove ill they first feel the smart of it. Such reasons may be alleged in favour of this Paradox of Lycurgus; but this is certain, that so long as these Ordinances were observed, the Women there were so far from that scandalous Liberty which hath since been objected to them, that they knew not what the name of Adultery meant. A proof of this we have in Geradas, a very ancient Spartan, who being asked by a stranger, what punishment their Law had appointed for Adulterers, he answered, there are no Adulterers in our Country: but, replied the stranger, suppose there were one, and the crime proved against him, how would you punish him? he answered, that the Offender must pay to the Plaintiff a Bull with a Neck so long as that he might drink of the River that ran at the foot of Taygetus over the top of the Mountain: the man being surprised at this said, why, 'tis impossible to find such a Bull; Geradas smilingly replied, 'twas just as possible to find an Adulterer in Sparta. And so much I had to say of their Marriages.  
Nor was it in the power of the Father to dispose of the Child as he thought fit, but was obliged to carry it before the 
* They kept their Court at a place called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Tryers, (who were some of the gravest men of the Tribe to which the Child belonged) their business it was carefully to view the Infant, and if they found it lusty and well-favoured, they gave order for its education, and allotted to it one of the nine thousand shares of Land abovementioned for its maintenance; but if they found it deformed, and of an ill complexion, they ordered it to be cast into a deep 
† These places they called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; or Storehouses: an unnatural custom.  cavern in the earth, near the Mountain Taygetus, as thinking it neither for the good of the Child itself, nor for the public interest that it should be brought up, since nature had denied it the means of happiness in its own particular by not giving it health, nor strength sufficient to make it serviceable to the public: upon the same account the Women did not bathe the newborn Children with Water, as is the custom in all other Countries, but with Wine, to prove the temper and complexion of their Bodies; for a conceit they had, that weakly Children fall into fits of the Convulsion, or immediately faint upon their being thus bathed; on the contrary, those who were of a strong and vigorous habit, would acquire a greater degree of firmness by it, and get a temper in proportion like Steel, in the quenching. Their Nurses too were so careful and experienced that, without using Swadling-bands, their Children were all straight, well proportioned and beautiful; and besides they used them to any sort of meat, and sometimes to bear the want of it, not to be afraid of the dark, or to be alone, nor to be wayward, and peevish, and crying, as they are generally in other Countries, through the impertinent care and fondness of those who look to them. Upon this account Spartan Nurses were often bought up, or hired by people of other Countries: and it is reported that she who suckled Alcibiades was a Spartan: but if he was fortunate in his Nurse he was not so in his Schoolmaster: for his Guardian Pericles 
† in Alcib. priore.  (as Plato tells us) chose a Slave for that Office called Zopyrus, nothing better than those that rowed in a Galley. Lycurgus was of another mind, he would not have Masters bought out of the Market, nor such as should sell their pains, nor would he have any thing mercenary in so important a charge.  
Nor was it lawful for the Father himself to breed up the Children after his own fancy; but as soon as they were seven years old they were to be enroled in certain Companies and Classes, where they all lived under the same Orders and Discipline, doing their exercises, and recreating themselves 
Their Exercises.  together. Of these, he who showed the most conduct and courage, was made Captain; they had their eyes always upon him, obeyed his orders, and underwent patiently whatsoever punishment he inflicted: so that the whole course of their education was one continued exercise of a ready and perfect obedience. The old men too were Spectators of their performances, and ofttimes hatched quarrels, and set them together by the ears, that by those early indications they might perfectly learn their natures, and know which would be valiant, which a coward when they should come to more dangerous encounters: as for Learning, they gave them just enough to serve their turn; their chief care was to make them good Subjects, to fit them to endure the fatigues of long and tedious marches, and never to return without victory from the field. To this end, as they grew in years their exercises were proportionably increased; their heads were shaved, they were accustomed to go barefoot, and for the most part to play naked.  
After they were twelve years old, they were no longer allowed to wear double garments, 
Their Habit.  one plain Coat served them a whole year: and being but very seldom bathed and trimmed they were none of the neatest and cleanliest persons in the world. They lodged together in little Bands upon Beds made of the Rushes which grew by the Banks of the River Eurotas, and because their points were sharp they were to break them off with their Hands without a Knife: if it were a hard Winter they mingled some Thistle-down with their Rushes, this kept them warm, and as well contented they were with it, as if it had been the best Featherbed in the world. By that time they were come to this age, there was not any of the more hopeful Lads who had not a lover to bear him company; The old men too had an eye upon them, coming often to the Schools to hear and see them contend either in wit or strength with one another: and this they did as seriously and with as much concern as if they were their Fathers, their Tutors, or their Magistrates; so that there scarcely passed a moment without putting them in mind of their duty, nor was there any place so privileged but that they were punished if they had neglected it.  
Besides all this, there was always one of the best and honestest men in the City appointed to undertake the charge and governance of them: he again ranged them into several little Bands, and set over each of them for their Captain the discreetest and most metall'd of those they called Irenes, (which were usually twenty years old, and those who were about eighteen were called Mell-Irenes, as much as to say, who would shortly be Men:) This young man therefore was their Captain when they fought, and their Master at home, using them for the offices of his House; sending the sturdiest of them to fetch Wood, and the weaker and less able to gather Salads and Herbs, 
Their Diet.  and these they must either go without or steal them; and this they did by creeping into the Gardens, or conveying themselves very cunningly and closely into the Eating-houses: and it concerned them so to do, for if they were taken in the fact they were whipped without mercy; and that, not for want of honesty but for want of wit, because they did not lay their design well, and were not fine and cunning in their faculty. They stole too all other meat they could lay their 
Their Thievery.  hands on, looking out sharp and watching all opportunities, when people were asleep or more careless than usual. If they were caught they were not only punished with whipping but hunger too, being reduced to their ordinary, which was but very slender, and so contrived on purpose, that being pressed by hunger they might cast about to help themselves by some subtle conveyance or adventurous action: and this was the principal design of their hard fare: another there was not inconsiderable, that they might grow the better in tallness; for the vital spirits not being overburdened and oppressed by too great a quantity of nourishment (which necessarily discharges itself into thickness and breadth) do by their natural lightness and agility mount upwards; and the substance of the Body not being gross or in two great a quantity, does more easily follow the fashioning hand of Nature, whereas gross and overfed Bodies are stubborn and untractable, and she can at best make but a bungling piece of work of them. This we find by experience in Women which take Physic whilst they are with Child; for though the Children be by that means made something leaner and of a less size, yet are they, for the most part, lovely of aspect, and extraordinary well shaped; the remaining matter, after the separation of the grosser humours, being more supple and pliable and recipient of its form, which is always exact and perfect in its kind, when the matter is capable of it. But whether this be the true reason or not, I leave it to be determined by the College of Physicians.  
To return from whence we have digressed; the Lacedaemonian Children were so very cautious and fearful of being discovered, that a youth having stolen a young Fox and hid it under his Coat, suffered it to tear out his very Bowels with its Teeth and Claws, and so died upon the place, rather than he would discover it: what is practised to this very day in Lacedaemon is enough to gain credit to this story, for myself have seen several of them endure whipping to death at the foot of the Altar of Diana, surnamed Orthia. 
Barbarous Superstition.   
The Iren, or under-master, used to stay a little with them after Supper, and one of them he bid to sing a Song: to another he put forth a Question, which required an advised and deliberate Answer: for example, Who was the best man in the City? What he thought of such an action of such a man? Using them thus early to pass a right judgement upon persons and things, and to inform themselves of the abilities or defects of their Countrymen: if they had not an Answer ready, they were looked upon as of a dull and careless disposition, and to have little or no sense of Virtue and Honour: besides this, they were to give a good reason for what they said, and in as few words and as comprehensive as might be: he that failed of this, or answered not to the purpose (instead of a Ferule) had his Thumb bit by his Master. It so fell out sometimes that the Iren did this in the presence of the old Men and Magistrates, that they might see whether he punished them justly and in due measure or not: and though he did amiss they would not reprove him before his Scholars, (lest it should diminish their respect to him) but when they were gone he himself was called to an account, and underwent a correction too, if he had run far into either of the extremes of indulgence or severity.  
It is a thing remarkable that their Lovers 
Their Lovers.  and favourers had a share in the young Lads honour or disgrace: and there goes a story, that one of them was fined by the Magistrates, because the Lad whom he loved cried out effeminately as he was fight. (By the way so much in fashion was this sort of love among them, that the most stayed and virtuous Matrons would own publicly their passion to a modest and beautiful Virgin.) And though several men's fancies met in one person, yet did not this cause any strangeness or jealousy among them, but rather was the beginning of a very intimate friendship, whilst they all jointly conspired to render the belov'd Boy the most accomplished in the world.  
They taught them also a natural and 
Their short Sayings.  graceful way of speaking, enlivened with a touch of inoffensive raillery, and comprehending a great deal of matter in few words. For Lycurgus, who ordered that a great piece of money (as is aforesaid) should be but of an inconsiderable value, on the contrary would allow no discourse to be current, which did not contain in few words a great deal of useful and weighty sense: so that Children there by a habit of long silence and meditation had such a presence and quickness of mind as to give very surprising answers, and ofttimes speak Apothegms to the astonishment of the hearers; whereas the incontinence of the Tongue, like the other sort of incontinence, frustrates the ends of speaking, as that does of generation. From hence the pithiness of the Laconian Speech; an instance of which we have in King Agis, who when a pert Athenian laughed at their short Swords, and said that the Jugglers and Mountebanks swallowed them in the public Shows and Theatres, answered him, And yet our Enemies cannot endure the sight of them; and as their Swords were short and sharp, so were their Sayings: and truly in my judgement there is in this concise way of speech something which I know better than I can express, which flies level to the mark, and does more execution than a whole volee of words shot at rovers. Lycurgus himself, who enjoined this manner of speaking, was one of the best examples of it, as appears by his answer to one who by all means would have a popular Government in Lacedaemon: Begin Friend, said he, and make a trial in thy own Family. Another asked him why he allowed of so mean and trivial Sacrifices to the Gods? he replied, That we may always have something to offer to them. Being asked, What sort of Martial Exercises or Combats he approved of, answered, all sorts, except that in which you 
* The form of crying quarter among the Ancients.  stretch out your hands. Many Sayings of the like force are to be found in the Letters which he occasionally wrote to his Countrymen; as, being consulted how they might best oppose an invasion of their Enemies, returned this answer, By continuing poor, and not coveting to have one more than another. Being consulted again whether it were requisite to enclose the City with a Wall, sent them word, That City is well fortified which hath a Wall of Men instead of Brick. But as for these Letters, whether they be counterfeit or not, I think it no easy matter to determine, and therefore let every man think as he pleases. But that they were indeed enemies to talkativeness these following instances are an authentic and sufficient proof. King Leonidas told one who held him in discourse upon some useful things and worthy his hearing but not in due time and place, Sir, you are impertinent for speaking in this place so much to the purpose. King Charilaus, the Nephew of Lycurgus, being asked why his Uncle had made so few Laws, answered, To men of few Words few Laws are sufficient. One blamed Hecateus the Orator because that being invited to a Feast he had not spoke one word all Suppertime, Archidamus answered in his vindication, He who can speak well knows when to speak too.  
I will now give an instance or two of their sharp Repartees, which, as I said before, had a sort of pleasantness with them which made them to be the better excused. Damaratus being asked, in an 
† He seems to allude to the Questions which used to be put to the young Lads, as, Who is the best man in Sparta?  abusive manner by an importunate fellow, Who was the best man in Lacedaemon? answered him, He, Sir, that is the least like you. Some, in company where Agis was, much extolled the exact Justice of the Eleans, who sat as Judges at the Olympic Games; indeed, says Agis, they are highly to be commended if they can do Justice once in the space of five years. Theopompus answered a stranger who bragged that he was so much taken notice of for his love to the Lacedæmonians, that his Countrymen from thence called him 
* a lover of the Lacedæmonians.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, that it had been more for his honour if they had called him 
† a lover of his own Countrymen.  〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. And Plistonax, the Son of Pausanias, when an Orator of Athens said the Lacedæmonians were an illiterate and ignorant people, told him, You say true, Sir, for we only of all the Grecians have learned none of your ill conditions. One asked Archidamus what number of fight men there might be of the Spartans', he answered, Enough, Sir, to drive out the wicked.  
We may guests too at their manner of speaking by their very Jests. For they used not to throw them out at random, but the very wit of them was grounded upon some considerable sense. For instance, one being asked to go hear a Man who exactly counterfeited the voice of a Nightingale, answered, Sir, I have heard the Nightingale itself. Another having read this following inscription upon a Tomb, 
Extinguishing a cruel Tyranny  
At Selinum these brave Patriots did die:  made this clinch upon it, that they well deserved to die, for instead of extinguishing the Tyranny they should have let it burn out. A Lad being offered some Cocks of the Game so hardy that they would die upon the place, said that he cared not for Cocks that would die hardy, but for such that would live and kill others. Another would by no means be carried home in a Chair, as he saw some others were, because, said he, I cannot conveniently rise in it to pay respect to my betters. In short, their answers were so sententious and pertinent that one said well, that to be a Philosopher or a Lacedaemonian signified the same thing. And though they were a very active people they exercised their Minds much more than their Bodies.  
Nor were they less careful to sing and compose well than to express themselves in proper terms and to speak to the point. And their very Songs had such a life and spirit in them, that they inflamed and ravished men's minds with a desire to do great and good Actions; the style of them was plain and without affectation; the subject always serious and moral; most usually it 
Their Poetry.  was in praise of such men as had died in the bed of honour for defence of their Country, or in derision of those who would not venture their lives willingly in so good a cause: the former they declared happy, and almost Gods, and the latter they described as most miserable and below the condition of men. In these Verses too they talked high of what feats they would do or had done, and vaunted of themselves as the bravest and most valiant people in the world. The expression was different and suitable to their several ages: for you must understand that they had three Choirs of them in their solemn Festivals, the first of the old Men, the second of the young Men, and the last of the Children: (to give a taste of them) the old Men began thus, 
We have been (though now spent and old)  
Hardy in Field, in Battle Bold.  The young men answered them, singing, 
We are so now: let who dares try,  
We'll conquer, or in combat die.  The Children came last, and said, 
What ever ye can 
* To the young men.  do or 
† To the old men.  tell,  
We one day will you both excel.  Indeed if we will take the pains to consider their Compositions, and the Airs on the Flute to which they were set when they marched on to Battle, we shall find that Terpander and Pindar had reason to say that Music was not incompatible with, but rather an help and incentive to, Valour. The first says thus of them. 
Justice goes in procession through their Streets,  
And Mars the Muses in sweet consort meets.  And Pindar— 
Blest Sparta! in whose State we find  
Things almost inconsistent joined:  
In quiet times your Martial toils not cease,  
And Wars adorned with the soft arts of Peace.  
Gray-headed Wisdom reigns in your Debates,  
And well-bred Youth with equal Fire,  
Handle their Arms, or touch their Lyre;  
Ye Gods, the Music of well ordered States!  So that these two Poets describe the Spartans' as being no less musical than warlike, and the Spartan Poet himself confirms it: 
Our Sports prelude to War, and Music's charms  
Inspire deliberate Valour to our Arms.  And even before they engaged in Battle the King did first sacrifice to the Muses (in all likelihood) 
Their going to Battle.  to put them in mind of the manner of their education, and of the severe judgement that would be passed upon their actions, and thereby to animate them to the performance of some gallant Exploit: sometimes too the Lacedæmonians abated a little the severity of their manners in favour of their young men, suffering them to curl and perfume their Hair, and to have costly Arms, and fine Clothes; and as well pleased they were to see them marching out full of metal and spirit to an Engagement as the other Grecians were to see their trimmed Horses neighing, and pressing for the 
* He alludes to the Olympic Games.  course. And therefore when they came to be well-grown Lads they took a great deal of care of their Hair, to have it parted and trimmed, especially against a day of Battle, pursuant to a saying of their Lawgiver, that a large head of Hair set off a good Face to more advantage, and those that were ugly it made more ugly and dreadful.  
When they were in the Field their Exercises were generally more moderate, their Fare not so hard, nor so strict a hand held over them by their Officers, so that they were the only people in the world to whom War gave repose. When their Army was drawn up in Battle array, and the Enemy near, the King sacrificed a Goat, commanded the Soldiers to set their Garlands upon their heads, and the Pipers to play the Tune of the Hymn to Castor, and himself advancing forwards began the Paean, which served for a signal to fall on. It was at once a delightful and terrible sight to see them march on to the Tune of their Flutes, without ever troubling their Order or confounding their Ranks, no disorder in their minds or change in their countenance, but on they went to the hazard of their lives as unconcernedly and cheerfully as if it had been to lead up a Dance, or to hear a consort of Music. Men in this temper were not likely to be possessed with fear, or transported with fury, but they proceeded with a deliberate Valour, full of hope and good assurance, as if some Divinity had sensibly assisted them. The King had always about his person some one who had been crowned in the Olympic Games: and upon this account a Lacedaemonian refused a considerable present which was offered to him upon condition that he would not come into the Lists, and having with much to do thrown his Antagonist, some of the Spectators said to him, And now, Sir Lacedaemonian, what are you the better for your Victory? he answered smiling, O, a great deal, Sir, for I shall have the honour to fight by the side of my Prince. After they had routed an Enemy they pursued him till they were well assured of the Victory, and then they sounded a retreat, thinking it base and unworthy of a Grecian people, to cut men in pieces who durst not look them in the face or lift up their hands against them. This manner of dealing with their Enemies did not only show their magnanimity but had a politic end in it too; for knowing that they killed only those who made resistance, and gave quarter to the rest, they generally thought it their best way to consult their safety by flight. Hippias the Sophister says that Lycurgus himself was a very valiant and experienced Commander. Philostephanus attributes to him the first division of the Cavalry into 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 12 in a side the Captain and Lieutenant excepted.  Troops of fifties in a square Body: but Demetrius the Phalerian says quite the contrary, and that he made all his Laws in a continued Peace. And indeed the cessation of Arms procured by his means and management, inclines me to think him a good-natured man, and one that loved quietness and peace. Notwithstanding all this Hermippus tells us that he had no hand in the Ordinance, that Iphitus made it, and Lycurgus came only as a Spectator, and that by mere accident too. Being there he heard a voice of one behind him, blaming, and wondering at him that he did not encourage his Countrymen to resort to so illustrious an Assembly; turning about and seeing no man, he concluded that it was a voice from Heaven, and thereupon immediately went to Iphitus, and was assistant to him in ordering the Ceremonies of that Feast, which by his means were better established, more famous and magnificent than before that time they were.  
To return to the Lacedæmonians. Their discipline and order of life continued still after they were full grown men. No one was allowed to live after his own fancy; but the whole City resembled a great Camp in which every man had his share of provisions, and business set out, and looked upon himself not so much born to serve his own ends as the interest of his Country. Therefore if they were commanded nothing else, they went to see the Lads perform their Exercises, to teach them something useful, or to learn it themselves of those who knew better. And here I cannot but declare my opinion, that one of the greatest blessings Lycurgus procured to his people was, the abundance of leisure, which proceeded from his forbidding to them the exercise of any mean and mechanical Trade; for it was but lost labour to waste themselves with anxiety and toil to heap together a great deal of money, which when they had got was but useless lumber in their house; for the Ilotes tilled their ground for them, and paid them yearly in kind the quantity abovementioned, without any trouble of theirs. To this purpose there goes a story of a Lacedaemonian who happened to be at Athens in Assizes time in which a Citizen had been punished for idleness, and came home much discontented and comfortless: the Lacedaemonian was much surprised at it, and desired his Friend to show him the man who was condemned for living like a Gentleman: so much beneath them they esteemed all mechanical employments, and the care of heaping up riches.  
I need not tell you that upon the prohibition of Gold and Silver all Lawsuits immediately ceased, for there was now no griping avarice, or poverty oppressed, but equality with abundance, and a quiet life with sobriety. All their time (except when 
How they spent their time.  they were in the Field) was taken up in dancing, in feasting, in their exercises, and hunting matches, or 
† These were called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  places where good company used to meet. Those who were under thirty years of age were not allowed to go into the Marketplace, but had the necessaries of their Family supplied by the care of their Relations and Lovers: nor was it for the credit of elderly men to be seen too often in the Marketplace; it was esteemed more honourable for them to frequent the Academies and places of conversation, where they discoursed agreeably, not of the price of Pepper, and interest of Money, but gravely passed their judgement on some action worth considering; extolled the good, and blamed those who were otherwise, and that in a facetious way, so that the Feather of the Jest made the Arrow pierce the deeper, and left some useful remark or correction behind it. Nor was Lycurgus himself so sullen and cynically grave but that now and then he would ruffle his gravity, and 
* This is reported by Sosilius.  sacrifice an hour to the little God of Laughter, to whom he dedicated a Statue in his House; to the end that by sprinkling and seasoning their conversations with mirth they might more willingly endure the trouble of their strict and hard life. To conclude this, he bred up his Citizens in such sort, that they neither would, nor could live by themselves, but endeavoured to incorporate them all together, like swarms of Bees in a cluster about their King; wholly divesting themselves of their own narrow interests, and forgetting themselves by the continual ecstasy they were in to promote the public interest and honour. What their Sentiments were will better appear by a few of their Sayings. Paedaretus not being admitted into the List of the three hundred who were chosen to make good the pass at 
This exploit is excellently described by Herodotus lib. 7. The public spirit of the Spartans'.  the Thermopyle, returned home very joyful and well pleased, saying, That it did his heart good to find that there were in Sparta three hundred better men than himself. And Pisistratidas being sent with some others Ambassador to the Lords Lieutenants of the King of Persia, being asked by them, Whether they came of their own accord, or were sent by the State? answered, That if they obtained what they came for, they were commissioned by the Public, if not, they came of themselves. Argileonide ask some strangers who came from Amphipolis, if her Son Brasidas died courageously, and as became a Spartan, they fell a-praising him to a high degree, and said, There is not such another left in Sparta; She took them up short, Hold, Gentlemen, Brasidas indeed was a valiant man, but there are still in Sparta many more valiant than he.  
The Senate (as I said before) consisted of them who were his chief aiders and assistants in the forming of the Government, and the vacancies he ordered to be supplied out of the best and most deserving men who were full threescore years old; and we need not wonder if there was much striving and stickling for it: for what more glorious competition could there be amongst men than this, in which it was not 
* As it was in the Olympic Games.  disputed, who should bear away the prize of swiftness, or strength, but who was the wisest and most virtuous man in the City, to whom should be entrusted for ever after (as the reward of his merits) the power and authority of the whole Commonwealth, and in whose hands should be deposited the honour, the lives and fortunes of all his Countrymen? The manner of their Election 
The manner of their Elections.  was as follows; The people being called together, some persons deputed by the Senate, were locked up in a Room near the place of Election, which was so contrived that they could neither see nor be seen by the Competitors or people, but only hear the noise of the Assembly without. (For they decided this, as most other affairs of moment by the shouts of the people.) This done, the Competitors were not brought in, and presented all together, but one after another, as by lot fell out, and through the Assembly they passed in order without speaking a word. Those who were locked up, had writing Tables with them in which they set down the number of the shouts and the greatness of them, without knowing to which of the Candidates each of them were made. But he who was found to have the most and loudest acclamations was declared Senator duly elected. Upon this he had a Garland set upon his head, and went in procession to all the Temples to give thanks to the Gods; a great number of young men followed him, making the streets to echo with his praises: The young Ladies too sung Verses in his honour, and a blessed man they called him who had led so virtuous a life. As he went round the City in this manner each of his Relations 
The Ancients never invited any one to dinner.  invited him into his House to a handsome Supper, saying, The City honours you with this Banquet: but he, instead of accepting their invitation, returned to the place where he formerly used to eat; and was served as before, excepting that now he had a 
* This was the manner of the Eastern Countries to express their respect to any one, and from them probably the Grecians took it.  double allowance. By that time Supper was ended, all the Women who were of kin to him were got about the Door, and he beckoning to her whom he most esteemed presented to her the portion he had saved, saying withal, This was given me to day as a reward of my Virtue, I present it to you, as an acknowledgement of yours: upon this she was triumphantly waited upon home by the Women, as he was by the Men.  
As touching Burials Lycurgus made very 
The manner of their Burials.  wise Orders: for first of all to cut off the superstition of Burying-places, he allowed them to bury their dead within the City, and even round about their Temples, 
Other people generally buried them without their Walls, and long after took up the custom of burning them.  to the end that their youth might be used to such spectacles, and not be afraid to see a dead body; and withal to rid them of the conceit that to touch a Corpse, or to tread upon a Grave would defile a man. In the next place he commanded them to bury in woollen (which Cloth was to be red) and put nothing else into the ground with them, except, if they pleased, a few 
* To intimate that then they are in peace and at rest.  Branches or Leaves of Olive. He would not allow of talkative Grave-stones, nor suffer so much as the names to be inscribed, but only of such men who died in the Wars, or Women which were professed of some religious Order. The time too appointed for Mourning was very short; for it lasted but eleven days, and on the twelfth they were to do sacrifice to Proserpina, and leave off their Mourning: so that we may see as he cut off all superfluity, so in things necessary there was nothing so small and trivial which had not some profitable lesson and instruction in it, and caused an emulation of Virtue or hatred to Vice. All Lacedaemon was like a great Volume, every Leaf of which was filled with good rules, and great examples: which presenting themselves at all times and in all places to their thoughts, did insensibly assimilate the minds of the lookers on, and force them to imitate that always which they could not but meet with every where.  
And this was the reason why he forbid 
He forbids travelling into other Countries.  them to travel into foreign Countries, viz. lest they should bring in foreign vices and vanities along with them: he thought it a most senseless thing to take a journey into another Climate, to learn what Clothes they should wear the next Winter; and to think themselves besieged and half undone if they were forced to drink the Liquors of their own Country; besides, this itch after novelty increasing, makes men think of innovations in matters of more importance, and to desire new forms and fashions in the Government too. Withal he banished all strangers from Lacedaemon who could not give a very good reason for their coming thither; not because he was afraid lest they should inform themselves of, and imitate his manner of Government, (as Thucydides would have it believed) but lest they should introduce something contrary to good manners; for strange persons bring usually strange discourse along with them, that produces new thoughts and persuasions, and different opinions destroy the harmony of conversation and civil society; and therefore as careful he was to keep out all foreign customs as men usually are to keep out suspected persons in the time of a reigning Pestilence.  
Hitherto, 
* Therefore he approves their murdering their Infants.  I for my part can see no sign of injustice or want of equity in the Constitutions of this Commonwealth, and therefore I can by no means agree with those, who say they are very well contrived to make men good Soldiers, but exceedingly defective in civil justice and honesty. But as for that secret Ordinance (if 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  it were one of Lycurgus', as Aristotle says it was) it is truly enough to put him and Plato too out of conceit both with the Lawgiver and his Government. By this Ordinance those who had the care of the young men, dispatched privately some of the ablest of them into the Country from time to time, armed only with their Daggers, and taking a little necessary provision with them, these in the daytime hid themselves in the Thickets and Cliffs, and there lay close, but in the night they issued out into the Highways and killed all the Ilotes they could light upon; sometimes they set upon them by day, as they were at work in the Fields, and murdered them in cold blood, as Thucydides says in his History of the Peloponnesian War. The same Author tells us, that a good number of them being 
* In token of Freedom granted.  crowned by proclamation, and enfranchised for their good services, and led about to all the Temples in token of honour, disappeared all of a sudden, being about the number of two thousand, and no man neither then nor since could give an account how they came by their deaths. And Aristotle adds that the Ephori, so soon as they were entered into their Office, used to declare War against them, that they might be massacred with a pretence of Law. It is confessed on all hands, that the Spartans' dealt with them very hardly; for it was a thing common to force them to drink to excess, and to lead them in that condition into their public Halls, that their Children might see what a contemptible and beastly sight a drunken man is: they made them to dance uncomely Dances, and sing ridiculous Songs, forbidding them expressly to meddle with any that were serious, for they would not have them profaned by their mouths: upon this account when the Thebans made an Invasion into Laconia, and took a great number of the Ilotes prisoners, they could by no means persuade them to sing the Odes of 
† Lacedaemonian Poets.  Terpander, Alcman, or Spendon, for (said they) they are our Master's Songs we dare not sing them. So that it was truly observed by one, that in Sparta he who was Free was most so, and he that was a Slave there was the greatest Slave in the world. For my part I am of opinion that these outrages and cruelties began to be exercised in Sparta long after the time of Lycurgus, namely soon after the great Earthquake, at which time the Ilotes made a general Insurrection, and, joining with the Messenians, laid the whole Country waste, and brought the City to the greatest extremity it had ever been reduced to. For I cannot be persuaded that ever Lycurgus invented or put in force so wicked and barbarous an Act as 
* The secret Ordinance.  this was, especially when I look back upon the gentleness of his disposition, and his unprejudiced justice upon all other occasions; not to say that it were a piece of high impiety to think hard of him, since 
† The Oracle abovementioned.  God himself hath given so great a character of his Virtue.  
To draw now towards the last Scenes of his Life: when he perceived that his Laws had taken deep root in the minds of his Countrymen, that custom had rendered them familiar and easy, that his Commonwealth grew apace daily, and was now able to go alone, he had such a calm joy and contentation of mind, as 
* in Timaeo.  Plato somewhere tells us the Maker of the World had, when he had finished and set this great Machine a moving, and found every thing very good and exactly to answer his great Idoea; so Lycurgus, taking an unspeakable pleasure in the contemplation of the greatness and beauty of his Work, seeing every spring and particle of his new Establishment in its due order and course, at last he conceived a vast thought to make it immortal too, and, as far as humane forecast could reach, to deliver it down unchangeable to posterity. To bring this to pass, he called an extraordinary Assembly of all the people, he told them that he now thought every thing reasonably well established, both for the good of the public and for the happiness of each particular, but that there was one thing still behind, and that of the greatest importance, which he thought not fit to impart until he had consulted the Oracle; in the mean time his desire was that they would punctually observe his Laws without any the least alteration until his return, and then he would do as the God should direct him. They all consented readily, and prayed him to hasten his Voyage: but before he departed he administered an Oath to the two Kings, the Senate and Commons, that they would inviolably observe his Ordinances during his absence. This done he set sail for Delphos, and having sacrificed to Apollo, asked him, Whether he approved of the Laws he had established? the Oracle answered, That his Laws were excellent, and that the people which observed them should live in happiness and renown. Lycurgus took the Oracle in Writing, and sent it over to Sparta; having sacrificed the second time to Apollo, and taking his leave of his Friends, and his Son, he resolved to die in this Voyage, that the Spartans' might never be released from the Oath they had taken. He was now about that age, in which life was still tolerable, and yet a wise man would die without regret; especially when he considered, That death comes then seasonably when life is at the best He resolved therefore to make 
Lycurgus pines himself to death  an end of himself by a total abstinence from meat, and even dying to set a copy of temperance to his Countrymen; for he thought that a Statesman and good Patriot should serve his Country with his last breath, and that the end of their lives should be no more idle and unprofitable than all that went before; especially since all men have a curiosity to know the end of great Personages, and believe most firmly, and remember longest what they did or said dying: and in this he had a double end, the one to secure and crown his own happiness, by a death suitable to so honourable a life; and the other, that it might be a seal and confirmation of his Laws, especially since that his Countrymen had solemnly sworn the observation of them until his return: nor was he deceived in his expectations, for the City of Lacedaemon continued the chief City of all Greece for the space of five hundred years, mainly by their strict observance of Lycurgus' Laws; in all which time there was no manner of alteration made during the reign of fourteen Kings, until the time of Agis, the Son of Archidamus. For the new Creation of the Ephori (
* Tribunes too were established at Rome to maintain the privileges of the people, but in time they proved the ruin of the popular Government.  who at first were chosen in favour of the people) were so far from diminishing, that they very much confirmed the power of the Senate.  
In the time of Agis Gold and Silver found a way into Sparta, and all those mischiefs which attend the immoderate desire of riches. Lysander promoted much this disorder, for by bringing in rich Spoils from the Wars, although himself was incorrupt, yet by this means he filled his Country with Avarice and Luxury, directly against the Laws and Ordinances of Lycurgus; which so long as they were in force Sparta resembled some holy Personage or particular Philosopher (so unanimous they were and as it were acted by one Soul) rather than a great Commonwealth and Metropolis of an Empire. And as the Poets feign of Hercules, that with his Lion's Skin and his Club, he went over the world, punishing the Wicked and extirpating Tyrants; so may it be said of the Lacedæmonians, that with a piece of 
* The 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Parchment and a plain Frieze Coat, they gained the Sovereignty of Greece, and (which is more) their affections too; they deposed all usurped Powers, were the Commanders in War and the arbiters of Peace, and Judges in civil differences or seditions: and this they often did without so much as taking their Buckler in their hand, but barely by sending some plain Man, without attendance, who went under the Character of the Lacedaemonian Ambassador; and they swarmed about him at his coming like Bees about their King to receive his Orders; which, without saucy Remonstrances and Provifo's, they immediately put in execution. Such a veneration they had for the equity and good conduct of this illustrious Commonwealth.  
And therefore I cannot but wonder at those who say, that the Spartans' were good and obedient Subjects, but not skilled in the art of governing; and for proof of it allege a Saying of King Theopompus, who when one said that Sparta held up so long because their Kings could command well, he replied, nay, rather, because the people know so well how to obey. For indeed those who cannot command wisely are seldom or never well served: on the other hand, a skilful Leader is always readily followed. And as it is the part of a good Rider to train his Horse to turn, or stop, or go on at his pleasure; so is it the greatest piece of 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Kingcraft to teach their Subject's obedience: wherefore the Lacedæmonians so ordered matters, that people did not only endure, but even desired to be their Subjects. For they did not use to petition them for Ships, or Money, or a supply of armed Men, but only for a Spartan Commander; and having obtained one, used him with honour and reverence; for so the Sicilians behaved themselves to Gilippus, the Chalcidians to Brasidas, and all the Colonies of the Grecians in Asia to Lysander, Agesilaus and Callicratidas: in short they esteemed and called them the Peacemakers, the Reformers, the Correctors of the licence both of Princes and People; and had their eyes always upon the City of Sparta as the perfect model of good Manners and wise Government. The rest seemed as Scholars, they were the Masters of Greece; and to this Stratonicus pleasantly alluded, when in merriment he pretended to make a Law that the Athenians should keep Processions in the mysteries of Ceres, the Eleans should dispose of the Prizes at the Olympic Games (as being best skilled in matters of this nature) and that if either of them did amiss the Lacedæmonians should be well beaten. Antisthenes' too, one of the Scholars of Socrates, said well of the Thebans, who were become very proud for their single Victory at 
* by the conduct of Epaminondas.  Leuctres, That they looked like Schoolboys who newly had beaten their Master. These indeed were merry Sayings but yet may serve to testify the opinion men than had of the Spartans'.  
However it was not the design of Lycurgus that his City should govern a great many others; he thought rather that the happiness of a Kingdom, as of a private man, consisted chiefly in the exercise of Virtue, and mutual love of the Inhabitants; his principal aim was to make them nobly minded, content with their own, not apt to follow vain hopes, but moderate in all their 
He seems to reflect upon the Athenians, who ruin'd their State by striving rashly to enlarge it.  enterprises; and by consequence able to maintain themselves and continue long in safety. And therefore all those who have written well of Politics, as Plato, Diogenes, Zeno and several others, have taken Lycurgus for their Model, as appears by their Writings: but these great men left only vain projects and words behind them, whereas Lycurgus, without writing any thing, left a flourishing Government, which as it was never thought of before him, so can it scarcely be imitated in following ages; so that he stands for an undeniable proof, that a perfect wise man was not so mere a notion and chimaera as some men thought. He hath obliged the world not with one single Man, but with a whole Nation of Philosophers, and therefore deserves preference before all other Statists, because he put that in practice of which they only had the idea. 
* None of the kindest Judges of those who went before him.  Aristotle himself was so convinced of his merit, that he acknowledges they did him less honour after his death than he deserved, although they built Temples, and offered Sacrifice to him as to a God.  
It is reported that when his Bones were brought home to Sparta, they were struck with Lightning; an accident which befell no eminent person but himself and Euripides, who was buried at Arethusa a City of Macedon: and this may serve for consolation to those who have an honour for that 
† For Euripides was accused of Atheism.  excellent Poet, That he had the same fate with that holy man and favourite of the Gods. Some say Lycurgus died in the City of Cirrha, 
* Apollythemis, Timaeus and Aristoxanes.  others that he died at Elis, and others at Crete, in a Town of which (called Pergamy) his Tomb was to be seen close by the Highway side. He left but one Son, named Antiorus, who died without issue. His relations and Friends kept an annual Commemoration of him, and the days of the Feast were called Lycurgides. Aristocrates, the Son of Hipparchus says that he died in Crete, and that the Candiots, at his desire when they had burned his Body, cast the Ashes into the Sea; for fear lest that if his Relics should be transported to Lacedaemon, the people might pretend themselves released from their Oaths, and make innovations in the Government.  And thus much may suffice for the Life and Actions of Lycurgus.  


NUMA POMPILIUS.   portrait  
THE LIFE OF NUMA POMPILIUS.  Englished from the Greek, By Paul Rycaut, Esq 
THough many Noble Families of Rome 
The Romans ambitious of Consanguinity to Numa.  derive their Original from Numa Pompilius, yet there is great diversity amongst Historians concerning the time in which he reigned: a certain Writer called Clodius in a Book of his, entitled, The Chronology of past times, averrs, that the ancient Registers of Rome were lost when that City was sacked by the Gauls, and that those which are now extant, are counterfeited to flatter and serve the humour of great men, who are pleased to have their pedigree derived from some ancient and noble Lineage, though in reality that Family hath no relation to them: and though it be commonly reported, that Numa was a Scholar, and a familiar acquaintance of Pythagoras; yet it is again contradicted by 
Various reports concerning him.  those, who affirm, that he neither was acquainted with the Grecian Language, nor Learning; and that he was a person of that natural Talon and abilities of Mind, as of himself to attain unto Virtue, or else that his inclinations were cultivated by some foreign Instructor, whose Rules and Doctrine were more excellent and sublime than those of Pythagoras. Some affirm also, that Pythagoras was not a contemporary with Nama, but lived at least five Ages after him; howsoever it is probable, that some other Pythagoras, a native of Sparta, who, in the third year of Numa's reign, which was about the sixteenth Olympiad, won a Prize at the Olympic Race, might be the person, who, in his Travels through Italy, having gained an acquaintance and familiarity with Numa, might administer some directions and rules to him for the constitution of his Kingdom; for which reason, at the instigation of this Pythagoras, many of the Laconian Laws and Customs might probably be introduced amongst the Roman Institutions. Nor is it true, that Numa was descended of the Sabines, who declare themselves to be a Colony of the Lacedæmonians, nor can we make any just calculate from the periods of the Olympic Games, which though lately published by one Elias Hippia, yet carry not sufficient force of argument, and authority to render them authentic. Wherefore what we have collected of most assured truth, concerning Numa, we shall deliver, taking our beginning from that place which is most pertinent to our purpose.  
It was the thirty seventh year, accounted from the Foundation of Rome, when Romulus then reigning, did on the fifth day of the Month of July, called the Capratine Nones, offer a public Sacrifice at the Lake of Capra, in presence of the Senate and People of Rome: But then on a sudden arose so furious a Tempest, which, with black Clouds and Thunder rending the Air, made an eruption on the Earth, which affrighted the common people with such confusion, that they fled and were dispersed; In this Whirlwind Romulus disappeared, his 
The Fate of Romulus.  Body being never since found either living or dead. This accident gave occasion to the world to censure very hardly the practice of the Patricians; as if that they, being weary of Kingly Government, and exasperated of late by the imperious deportment of Romulus towards them, had plotted against his Life and made him away, that so they might assume the Authority and Government into their own hands: but this report was soon confuted by the testimony of Proclus, a noble person, who swore that he saw Romulus catched up into Heaven in his Arms and Vestments, and as he ascended cried out, that they should hereafter style him by the name of Quirinus; 
Whence named Quirinus.  which attestation gained so much credit in the minds of the People, that they ordained Divine honours to be performed towards him, as to one not dead but translated to a sublimer state, above the condition of mortal nature.  
This commotion being appeased, the City was greatly divided about the election 
A contest in Rome about choosing a King.  of another King, for the minds of the ancient Romans and the new Inhabitants were not as yet grown into that perfect union and coalition of spirits, but that there were diversities of Factions amongst the Commonalty, and jealousies and emulations amongst the Senators; for though all agreed that it was necessary to have a King, yet what Person or of what Nation was the dispute. For those who had been builders of the City with Romulus, though they had already yielded a share of their Lands and dwellings to the Sabines, who were Aliens, yet could not be persuaded to resign into their hands the Regal Authority. On the other side the Sabines alleged, that their King Tatius being deceased, they had peaceably submitted to the obedience of Romulus, so that now their turn was come to have a King chosen out of their own Nation; nor did they esteem themselves inferior to the Romans, nor to have contributed less than they to the increase of Rome, which without their numbers and association could never have merited the name of a City.  
Thus did both parties argue and dispute their cause; but lest in the mean time Sedition and discord should occasion Anarchy and confusion in the Commonwealth; it was agreed and ordained, That the hundred and fifty Senators should interchangeably execute the Office of supreme Magistrate, and with all the formalities and rites of Regality offer the solemn Sacrifices, and dispatch judicial Causes for the space of six hours by day and six by night; the which vicissitude and equal distribution of power would remove all emulation from amongst the Senators, and envy from the people; when they could behold one elevated to the degree of a King, leveled in a few hours after, to the private condition of a Subject: which Form of Government was termed by the Romans, Interregnum. Nor yet could this plausible and modest way of Rule escape the censure of the Vulgar, who termed it a design of some few, who, to abolish the Kingly Government, intended to get the power into their own hands: and therefore to circumvent this 
Their final determination.  plot, they came at length to this conclusion, that the party which did elect should choose one out of the body of the other; that if the Romans were Electours, they were to make choice of a Sabine; and if the Sabines elected, they were to choose a Roman: this was esteemed the best expedient to reconcile all parties and interests, for that the created Prince would be obliged to favour the one for their suffrages in his election, as he was the other on score of relation and consanguinity. In pursuance of this agreement the Sabines remitted the choice to the ancient Romans, being more inclinable to receive a Sabine King elected by the Romans, than to see a Roman exalted by the Sabines: consultations being accordingly held, Numa Pompilius, of the Sabine race, was elected; a person so famous, and of that high reputation, that 
Numa chosen King.  though he were not actually residing at Rome, yet no sooner was he nominated than accepted by the Sabines with applause and acclamation, equal to that freedom which the Romans showed in his election.  
The choice being declared and made public, principal men of both parties, were appointed to compliment and entreat the Prince, that he would be pleased to accept the administration of the Kingly Government. Now this Numa resided at a famous City of the Sabines called Cures, whence both the Romans and Sabines gave themselves the name of Quirites, as a comprehensive 
The Romans whence called Quirites. Numa 's Stock and Education.  name for both Associates; Pomponius, an illustrious person, was his Father, and he the youngest of his four Sons, being by Divine Providence born on the eleventh of the Kalends of May, which was the day on which the Foundation of Rome was laid; he was endued with a Soul rarely tempered by Nature, and disposed to Virtue, and excellently improved by Learning, Patience and the studies of Philosophy; by which advantages of Art he regulated the disorderly motions of the Mind, and rendered Violence and Oppression, which had once an honourable esteem amongst the barbarous Nations, to be vile and mean, making it appear, that there was no other Fortitude than that which subdued the Affections, and reduced them to the terms and restraints of Reason.  
Thus whilst he banished all luxury and softness from his own home, he gave a clear and manifest indication to all Citizens and strangers of his sound and impartial judgement, not delighting himself in divertisements or profitable acquisitions, but in the worship of the immortal Gods, and in the rational contemplation of their Divine Power and Nature; to all which renown and fame, he added this farther glory, that he took Tatia for his Wife, who was the Daughter 
He marries Tatia.  of that Tatius, whom Romulus had made his Associate in the Government; nor yet did the advantage of this Marriage swell his vanity to such a pitch as to desire to dwell with his Father-in-law at Rome; but rather to content himself to inhabit with h●s Sabines, and cherish his own Father in his old Age: the like inclinations had also Tatia, who preferred the private condition of her Husband before the honours and splendour she might have enjoyed in her Father's Court. This Tatia, as is reported, after she had lived for the space of thirteen years with Numa in conjugal society, died; and than Numa, leaving the conversation of the Town, betook himself to a Country life, and in a solitary manner dwelled in the Groves and Fields consecrated to the Gods; where, 
Numa intimate with the Goddess Egeria.  the common fame was, he gained such acquaintance and familiarity with the Goddess Egeria, that he lived in those retirements free from all disturbances and perturbations of mind, and being inspired with the sublime and elevated pleasure of a celestial marriage, he had arrived to a beatitude in this life, and to a clear notion of Divine Sciences.  
There is no doubt, but that such fancies as these, have had their original from ancient Fables; such as the Phrygians recount of Atis, the Bythinians of Herodotus, the Arcadians of Endymion, and a thousand other Demons which past Ages recorded for Saints, that were beatified and beloved of the Gods; nor doth it seem strange, if God, who places not his affection on Horses or Birds, should not disdain to dwell with the virtuous, and entertain a spiritual conversation with wise and devout Souls: though it be altogether irrational to believe, that the Divine Essence of any God or Demon is capable of a sensual or carnal love or passion for humane Beauty: And yet the wise Egyptians, did not conceive it an absurd fancy to imagine, that a Divine Essence might by a certain spiritual impulse apply itself to the nature of a Woman, and lay the first beginnings of generation, though on the other side they concluded it impossible for the Male-kind to have any congress or mixture with a Goddess, not considering that there can be no real coition, but where there is a mutual communication of one to the other. The truth of the matter is this, those men are only dear to the Gods, 
What persons acceptable to the Gods.  who are virtuous, and those are beloved by them whose actions are regulated by the rules of Divine Wisdom: and therefore it was no error of those who feigned, that Phorbas, Hyacinthus and Admetus were beloved by Apollo; or that Hippolytus, the Sicyonian was so much in the favour of a certain God, that as often as he sailed from Sicyon to Cirrha, the God rejoiced and inspired the Pythian Prophetess with this heroic Verse, 
Now doth Hippolytus return again,  
And venture his dear life upon the Main.  It is reported also that Pan became enamoured of Pindar for his Verses, and that a beautified Demon honoured Hesiod and Archilochus after their deaths by the Muses; it is said also that Aesculapius sojourned with Sophocles in his life-time, of which many instances are extant to these days; and that being dead, another Deity took care to perform his Funeral-rites: wherefore if any credit may be given to these particular instances, why should we judge it incongruous, that a like Spirit of the Gods should inspire Zaleucus, Minos, Zoroaster, Lycurgus, Numa, and many others; or that the Gods should confer a meaner proportion of their favours on those who were Founders of Commonwealths, or busied in making Laws, and administration of the political affairs of Kingdoms? Nay it is most reasonable to believe, that the Gods in their sober humour are assistant at the counsels and serious debates of these men to inspire and direct them; as they do also Poets and Musicians, when in a more pleasant mood, they intent their own divertisement: but, as Bacchylis said, thoughts are free, and the way is open to every man's sentiment; yet in reality it cannot be denied, but that such men, as Lycurgus, Numa and others, who were to deal with the seditious humours of Fanatic Citizens, and the unconstant disposition of the multitude, might lawfully establish their Precepts with the pretence of Divine Authority, and cheat them into such Politics as tend to their own happiness. But to return to our purpose.  
Numa was about forty years of age when 
Numa 's age when courted to be King.  the Ambassadors came to make him offers of the Kingdom; the Speakers were Proculus and Velesus, the first was an ancient Roman, and the other of the Tatian Faction, and zealous for the Sabine party. Their Speech was short, but pithy, supposing, that when they came to tender a Kingdom there needed no long Oration or Arguments to persuade him to an acceptance: but contrary to their expectation they found that they were forced to use many reasons and entreaties to allure him from his quiet and retired life, to accept the Government of a City, whose Foundation was laid in War, and grown up in martial Exercises; wherefore, in presence of his Father and Martius his Kinsman, he returned answer in this manner; That since every alteration of a man's life is dangerous to him, it were mere 
His Answer to the Ambassadors.  madness for one that is commodious and easy, and provided with all things necessary for a convenient support, to seek or endeavour a change, though there were nothing more in it, than that he prefers a turbulent and an uncertain life before a quiet and a secure condition. It is not difficult for a man to take his measures concerning the state of this Kingdom by the example of Romulus, who did not escape a suspicion, of having plotted against the life of his Colleague Tatius; nor was the Senate free from the accusation, of having treasonably murdered their Prince Romulus. And yet Romulus had the advantage to be thought of Divine race, and to be conserved by a miraculous manner in his infancy; how then can we who are sprung from mortal seed, and instructed with principles and rudiments received from the men you know, be able to struggle with such apparent difficulties? It is none of the least of my commendations, that my humour renders me unfit to reign, being naturally addicted to studies, and pleased in the recesses of a quiet life: I must confess that I am zealous of Peace, and love it even with passion, and that the conversation of men who assemble together to worship God, and to maintain an amicable charity, is my chief business and delight; and what time may be spared from this more necessary duty, I employ in cultivating my Lands and improving my Farms. But you Romans, whom Romulus perhaps may have left engaged in unavoidable Wars, require an active and brisk King, who may, cherish that warlike humour in the people which their late successes have encouraged and excited to a warm ambition of enlarging their Dominions: and therefore such a Prince as in this conjuncture should come to inculcate Peace, and Justice, and Religion into the minds of the people, would appear ridiculous and despicable to them who resolve on War and Violence, and require rather a martial Captain than a pacific Moderator.  
The Romans perceiving by these words, that he refused to accept the Kingdom, were the more instant and urgent with him, that he would not forsake and desert them in this condition, by suffering them to relapse into their former sedition and civil discord; which they must unavoidably do, if he accepted not their proffer, there being no person, on whom both parties could accord, but on himself; and at length 
He is importuned by his Father and Kinsman to accept it.  his Father, and Martius', taking him aside, persuaded him to accept this offer, which was important, and rather was conferred from Heaven than from Men. Though (said they) you remain contented with your own Fortune, and court neither Riches nor Power, yet being endued with excellent Virtue, you may reasonably imagine, that such a Talon of Justice was not given by the Gods to be hidden or concealed; and that, since the just Government of a Kingdom is the greatest service a man can perform towards God, he ought therefore by no means to decline and refuse Empire and Rule, which was the true sphere and station of wise and renowned men; and in which they had such an ascendant over mankind, as to influence their Souls with affections to Virtue, and to a religious worship of the Gods, in the most solemn and pompous manner, it being natural to men to fashion and conform themselves by the example and actions of their Prince. Tatius, though a Foreigner, was yet acceptable, and in esteem of the Romans; and the memory of Romulus was so precious to them, that after his decease, they voted Divine Honours to be paid to him; and now who knows, but that this people being victorious, may be satiated with the War, and with the Trophies and Spoils they have acquired, and may gladly entertain a gentle and pacific Prince, who being a lover of Justice may reduce the City into a model and course of Laws and judicial proceedings? And in case at any time the affections of this people should break forth into a furious and impetuous desire of War; were it not better then to have the reigns held by such a moderating hand, as is able to divert the fury another way, and spend itself on Foreigners? by which means those malignant humours which are the causes of civil discord, will perspire and evaporate, and all the Sabines, and neighbouring people, be reconciled and joined in an inseparable union and alliance with the City.  
To these reasons and persuasions several other auspicious Omens (as is reported) did concur; and when his own Citizens understood what message the Roman Ambassadors had brought him, they all addressed themselves to him, instantly entreating him to accept the offer; being assured that it was the only means to appease all civil dissensions, and incorporate both people into one Body.  
Numa yielding to these persuasions and reasons, having first performed Divine Service, proceeded to Rome; being met in his way by the Senate and People, who with an impatient desire came forth to receive him; the Women also welcomed him with joyful acclamations, and Sacrifices were offered for him in all the Temples, and so universal was the joy, that they seemed not to receive a King, but the addition of a new Kingdom. In this manner he descended into the Forum, where Spurius Vetius, whose turn it was to be Governor at that hour, putting it to the Vote, Whether Numa should be King; they all with one voice and consent cried out a Numa, a Numa. Then were 
His religious Policy.  the Regalities and Robes of Authority brought to him, but he refused to be invested with them, until he had first consulted and been confirmed by the Gods: so being accompanied by the Priests and 
* Soothsayers.  Augurs he ascended the Capitol, which at that time the Romans called the Tarpeian Rock. Then the chief of the Augurs covered his head, and turned his face towards the South; and, standing behind him, laid his right hand on the head of Numa, and prayed, casting his eyes every way, in expectation of some auspicious signal from the Gods. It is wonderful to consider with what silence and devotion the multitude, which was assembled in the Marketplace, expected a happy event, which was soon determined by the appearance and flight of such Birds as were accounted fortunate. Then Numa, apparelling himself in his Royal Robes, descended from the Hill unto the people, by whom he was received, and congratulated with shouts and acclamations, and esteemed by all for a holy and a devout Prince.  
The first thing he did at his entrance 
The first alterations he made, what.  into Government was to dismiss the Band of three hundred men, which had been Romulus' Lifeguard, called by them Celeres; for that the maintenance of such a force would argue a diffidence of them that chose him, saying that he would not rule over that people of whom he conceived the least distrust. The next thing he did, was to add to the two Priests of Jupiter and Mars, a third in honour of Romulus, who was called Quirinalis. The Romans ancien●●y called their Priests Flamines, by corruption of the word Pilamines, from a certain Cap which they wore called Pileus; for in those times Greek words were more mixed with the Latin than in this age: so also that Royal Robe, which is called Laenas, Juba will have it from the Greek Chlaenas; and that the name of Camillus, which is given to the Boy that serves in the Temple of Jupiter, was taken from the same which is given to Mercury, denoting his service and attendance on the Gods.  
When Numa had by these actions insinuated himself into the favour and affection of the people, he began to dispose the humour of the City, which as yet was obdurate and rendered hard as iron by War, to become more gentle and pliable by the applications of humanity and justice. It was then if ever the critical motion of the City, and, as Plato properly styles it, the time when it was in its highest fermentation. For this City in its original was the receptacle 
Rome a harbour for loose Persons.  of all bold and daring spirits, where men of desperate Fortunes, joining their hopes and force together, made frequent sallies and incursions on their neighbours; the which, being prosperous, gave nourishment and increase to the City; and was then grown wresty and settled in its fierceness, as piles droven into the ground become more fixed and stable by the impulse and blows which the Rammer lays upon them. Wherefore Numa, judging that it was the masterpiece of his Art to mollify and bend the stubborn and inflexible spirits of this people, began to operate and practise upon them 
An awful sense of Religion the chief expedient to reduce obdurate spirits.  with the principles of Religion. He sacrificed often, and used supplications and religious Dances, in which most commonly he officiated in person, being ever attended with a grave and religious company; and then at other times he divertised their minds with pleasures and delightful exercises, which he ever intermixed with their devotions, so as to cool their fiery martial spirits; and then to affect their fancies with a fear and reverence of God, he made them believe that strange Apparitions and Visions were seen, and prophetic Voices heard, and all to season and possess their minds with a sense of Religion.  
This method which Numa used made it 
Numa why thought familiar with Pythagoras.  believed that he was much conversant with Pythagoras, and that he drew and copied his learning and wisdom from him; for that in his institutions of a Commonwealth, he lays down Religion for the first Foundation and ground of it. It is said also that he affected the exterior garb and gestures of Pythagoras, and to personate him in all his motions. For as it is said of Pythagoras, that he had taught an Eagle to come at his lure, and stoop at his call, and that as he passed over the heads of the people, assembled at the Olympic Games, he made him show his golden Thigh, with many other rare arts and feats, which appeared miraculous; on which Timon Philasius wrote this distich, 
Pythagoras, that he might common fame acquire,  
Did with his golden Verse men's minds inspire.  In like manner Numa affected the story of a mountain Nymph to be in love with him, and that he entertained familiar conversation with the Muses, from whom he received the greatest part of his Revelations; and having amongst them a particular devotion for the Lady which he named Tacita, he recommended the veneration of her to the Romans, which he did perhaps in imitation of the Pythagorean Silence. His opinion also of Images is very agreeable to the Doctrine of Pythagoras; who taught, that the First Principle of Being, which is not capable to be affected with sensual passions, is invisible, and incorrupt, and only to be comprehended by abstracted speculations of the mind. And for this reason he forbade the Romans to represent God in the form of Man or Beast, nor was there 
No Imagery in the religious worship amongst the Romans for the first 160 years.  any painted or graven Image of a Deity admitted amongst them for the space of the first hundred and sixty years; all which time their Temples and Chapels were free and pure from Idols and Images, which seemed too mean and beggarly representations of God, to whom no access was allowable but by the mind raised and elated by divine contemplation. His Sacrifices also had great similitude with the Victims of Pythagoras, which were not celebrated with effusion of Blood, but consisted of the flour of Wheat, or Wine, and such sort of blended Offerings. And to make appear the inclination that Numa had to Pythagoras by other instances; there is a certain Dramatic Poet, a very ancient Author and a Scholar of Pythagoras, who, in a certain Book of his dedicated to Antenor, reports, that Pythagoras was made a Freeman of Rome; and that Numa gave to one of his four Sons the name of Mamercus, which was the name of one of the Sons of Pythagoras; from whence, as they say, is sprung that ancient Patrician Family of the Aemilians, for that the King superadded the surname to him of Aemilius, to denote the softness of his words, and the fluency of his speech. I remember that when I was at Rome, I heard many say, that when the Oracle directed two Statues to be raised, one to the wisest, and another to the most valiant man of Greece, they presently erected two of Brass, one representing Alcibiades, and the other Pythagoras.  
But, to pass by these matters, which are full of uncertainty, and not so important as to be worth our time to insist long on; we shall proceed to things more pertinent, and show, that the original constitution of Priests, which are called Pontifices, is ascribed 
Numa first constituted the Pontifices.  unto Numa, and that he himself, officiating in the first and primary Order, took upon himself the name of Pontifex, or High Priest; assuming that title of Potens, or powerful, as if those, whose Office obliged them to an attendance on the Gods, were endued with a supereminent power and arbitrement above all others: some will have this name to be given by way of super-excellence, as to a sole Moderator, in whose power it is to ordain and appoint the times when Sacrifices and Divine Services are to be performed. But the most common opinion is the most absurd, which derives this word from Pons, which Latin signifies a Bridge, saying, that anciently the most solemn and holy Sacrifices were offered on Bridges, the care of which, both in maintaining and repairing, was the chief incumbence of the Priests, and that it was not only esteemed by the Romans to be unlawful but an abominable impiety to demolish or disorder the Planks or Fabric of a Bridge; because that by appointment of the Oracle, it was to be only of Timber, and fastened with wooden Pins without Nails, or Cramps of Iron; and that the Stone Bridge was built many years after, when Aemylius was Questor, and that the old Bridge of Wood was demolished in the Reign of Ancus Martius, who was the Grandson of Numa by his Daughter.  
The Office of Pontifex, or Chief Priest, 
The Pontifical Office what.  was to interpret the Divine Law and Prophecies; and did not only prescribe rules for public Ceremony, but regulated the Sacrifices of private persons, not suffering them in the heat of their devotion to exceed the more solemn Offerings, but directed in every thing with what Sacrifices the Gods were to be worshipped and appeased. He was also Guardian of the Vestal Virgins, the institution of whom and of their perpetual 
The Institution of the Vestals.  Fire, was attributed to Numa, who perhaps fancied the nature of pure and uncorrupted Flames to be agreeable to chaste and unpolluted Bodies, or that Fire which consumes but produces nothing, alludes best to the sterile condition of Virgins. This Vestal Fire was ordained after the example of that in Greece, and particularly at Delphos and Athens, only with this difference, that here it was conserved by Virgins but there by Widows, who were past the years and desires of Marriage; and in case by any accident it should happen, that this Fire became extinct, as the holy Lamp was at Athens, under the tyranny of Aristion, and at Delphos, when that Temple was burnt by the Medes, and at Rome, in the time of the War with Mithridates, and of their own civil dissensions, when not only the Fire was extinguished but the Altar demolished: and then afterwads to kindle this Fire again it was esteemed an impiety to light it from the common sparks or flame, but from the pure and unpolluted rays of the Sun; the which they performed by an Instrument framed of three equal angles, which being placed in opposition to the Sun, collects the rays into one centre, and so attenuates the air, that it immediately gives fire to any combustible matter from the intense reflection and reverberation of the Sun beams. Some are of opinion that these Vestals had no other care or business than the conservation of this Fire; but others conceive, that they were keepers of those Divine Secrets, which are concealed and hidden to all others but themselves; of which we have made mention in the life of Camillus, so far as the revelations of such mysteries are consistent with due respect to Religion. Gegania and Verenia, as is reported, were the names of the two first Virgins which were consecrated and ordained by Numa; next Canuleia and Tarpeia succeeded them; to which Servius afterwards added two more, the which number of four hath continued to this our age.  
The Statutes prescribed by Numa for the 
The Laws appointed for the Vestal Virgins.  Vestals were these. That they should vow to keep a lease of their Virginity, or remain in a chaste or unspotted condition, for the space of thirty years; the first ten whereof they were like Novitiates, obliged to learn the Ceremonies, and practise themselves in the Rules of their Religion; then they took the degree of Priestess, and for other ten years exercised the Sacerdotal Function; and the remaining ten they employed in teaching and instructing others. Thus the whole term being completed, it was lawful for them to marry, and leaving then the sacred Order, they were at liberty to choose such a condition of life as did most indulge, and was grateful to their own humour: but this permission few (as they say) made use of; because it was observed, that their change of life was never accompanied with contentment, being ever after sad and melancholy; for which reason they confined themselves until old age and the hour of death to the strict and decent rules of a single life.  
But this severe condition was recompensed 
Their Privileges.  by other privileges and prerogatives; as that they had power to make a Testament in the life-time of their Father, that they had a free administration of their own affairs without Guardian or Tutor, which was the privilege of women who were the Mothers of three Children: when they went abroad they had the Fasces carried before them; and if perchance in their walks abroad it were their fortune to encounter a Malefactor leading to execution, they had the privilege to free him from death; upon oath made, that the occasion was accidental and not designed or of set purpose. Whosoever pressed upon the Chair on which they were carried was guilty of a capital crime, and immediately punished with death. If these Vestals committed any faults they were punishable by the High Priest only, who, as the nature of the offence required, whipped them naked in a dark place, and under the caution of a Veil or Curtain; but she that had been defiled, or permitted herself to be deflowered, was buried alive near the Gate which is called Collina; where a little mount of Earth is raised, called in Latin Agger; under it is a narrow Room, to which a descent is made by Stairs: here they prepare a Bed, and light up a Lamp, and provide a small quantity of Victuals, such as Bread, Water in a Bottle, Milk and Oil; that so that Body, which had been consecrated and devoted to the most divine and mysterious service, might not be said to perish by a death so detestable as that of Famine. The party thus condemned, is carried to execution through the Marketplace in a Litter, wherein she is covered and bound with Cords, so that the voice of her cries and laments cannot be heard; all people with silence go out of the way as she passes, and such as follow accompany the Bier with solemn and tacit sorrow; and indeed such is the sadness which the City puts on on this occasion, that there is no spectacle of grief which appears of more common and general concernment than this. When they come to the place of Execution, the Officers lose the Cords, and then the High Priest, lifting his hands to Heaven, murmurs some certain prayers to himself, than the Prisoner being still covered is brought forth, and led down by the steps unto her House of darkness; which being done, the Priests retire, and the Stairs being drawn up, the Earth is pressed and crowded in until the Vault is filled. And this was the punishment of those who broke their Vow of Virginity. It is said also that Numa built the Temple of Vesta, which was intended for a conservatory of the Holy Fire, in an orbicular form, to represent perhaps the Frame of the Universe, in the centre of which the Pythagoreans place the element of Fire, and give it the name of Vesta and Unity: and yet they do not hold that the Earth is immovable, or that it is situated in the middle region of the Globe; but keeps a circular motion about the seat of Fire: nor do they account the Earth amongst the chief or primary Elements; following the opinion of Plato, who, they say, in his mature and philosophical age, held that the Earth had a lateral position, for that the middle or centre was reserved for some more noble and refined Body.  
There was yet a farther use of the High Priest, and that was to order the Procession at funeral Rites, according to the method prescribed by Numa, who taught, that there was no uncleanness in the contact of dead Corpses, but a part of the service owing to the subterranean Gods: amongst which they worshipped the Goddess Libitina as the chief of those who presided over the Ceremonies performed at Burials; whether they meant hereby Persephone, or (as some of the learned Romans will have it) Venus, for they, not without good reason, attributed the beginning and end of Man's lise to the same original cause and virtue of a Deity.  
Numa also prescribed Rules for regulating the days of Mourning, according to certain 
The regulation of Funeral Rites and Ceremonies.  times and ages. As for example, a Child of three years, and so upwards to ten, was to be mourned for, for so many months as it was years old; and the longest time of mourning for any person whatsoever was not to exceed the term of ten months: which also was the time appointed unto Widows to lament the loss of their deceased Husbands; before which they could not without great indecency pass unto second Marriages; but in case their incontinence was such as could not admit so long an abstinence from the Marriagebed, they were then to sacrifice a Cow with Calf for expiation of their fault.  
Numa also was Founder of several other Orders of Priests; two of which are worthy to be here mentioned, namely the Salii and the Feciales, which, with other instances, are clear proofs of the great devotion and sanctity of this Person. These Feciales, 
Feciales, an Order of Priests, whence so styled.  whose name in my opinion is derived from their Office, were the Arbitratours to whom all Controversies were referred relating to War and Peace; for it was not allowable to take up Arms until they had declared all hopes and expedients rejected which tended to an accommodation; by the word Peace, we mean a determination of matters in dispute by Law, and not by Violence or Force. The Romans commonly dispatched the Feciales, who were properly Heralds, to those who had offered them injury, requiring satisfaction; and in case they made not restitution or just returns, they then called the Gods to witness against them and their Country, and so denounced War: the sense of the Feciales in this case was of absolute necessity, for without their consent it was neither lawful for the Roman King, nor yet for the people to take up Arms; and from them the General took his rules concerning the justice of his cause, which being adjudged, and the War determined; the next business was to deliberate of the manner and ways to manage and carry it on. It is believed, that the slaughter and destruction which the Gauls made of the Romans, was a just judgement on the City for neglect of this religious proceeding: for that when a foreign Nation besieged the Clusinians, Fabius Ambustus was dispatched to their Camp with Propositions of Peace; but they returning a rude and peremptory Answer thereunto, Fabius imagined that his Treaty was at an end, and that he had fully complied with the duty of his Embassy; and therefore rashly engaging in a War, challenged the stoutest and bravest of the enemy to a single Combat. It was the fortune of Fabius to kill his adversary and to take his spoils, which when the Gauls understood, they sent a Herald to Rome to complain against Fabius, who, before a War was published, had, against the Law of Nations, made a breach of the Peace. The matter being debated in the Senate, the Feciales were of opinion, that Fabius ought to be consigned into the hands of the Gauls; but he, being pre-advised of this judgement, fled to the people, by whose protection and favour he was secured: on this occasion, the Gauls marched with their Army to Rome, where, having taken the Capitol, they sacked the City. The particulars of all which are at large related in the History of Camillus.  
Now the original of the Salii is this: In the eighth year of the reign of Numa, that terrible Pestilence, which was spread over all Italy, did likewise miserably infest the City of Rome; at which the Citizens being greatly affrighted, and despairing of health, were again comforted by the report of a brazen Target, which (they say) fell from Heaven into the hands of Numa, and of which they relate strange effects, operated by the virtue of this miraculous Buckler; and that Numa having had conference with the Nymph Egeria, and some of the Muses, he was assured, that that Target was sent from Heaven for the cure and safety of the City; and that, because on the conservation thereof the common health and benefit depended, he was ordered by them to make eleven others, so like in all dimensions and form to the original; that in case there should be a design to steal it away, the true might not be distinguished or known from those which were counterfeited; by which means there would be more difficulty to defeat the counsels of Fate, or invert the order of divine Predestination: He farther declared, that he was commanded to consecrate that place and the Fields about it to the Muses, where he had often entertained a free intercourse and communication with them; and that the Fountain which watered that Field should be made sacred and hallowed for the use of the Vestal Virgins, who were to wash and cleanse the penetralia of their Sanctuary with those Holy Waters. The truth hereof was speedily verified by a miraculous cessation of the Pestilence; whereupon Numa immediately delivered this Target to the best Artists to have others made in a just likeness in all particulars thereunto; but none was able to arrive unto a perfect similitude in all undistinguishable respects, until at length one Veturius Mamurius, an excellent Master, happily hit upon it, and made one so to represent the other in all respects, that Numa himself was at a stand, and could not distinguish the true from that which was counterfeited. The keeping of which Targets was committed to the charge of certain Priests, which are called Salii; who did 
The Institution and Office of the Salii.  not receive their name, as some imagine, from one Salius, a certain Dancing-master, who was born at Samothrace, or at Mantinaea, who taught the way of dancing in Arms; but rather from that Dance which the Salii themselves use, when in the month of March they carry the sacred Targets through the City; at which procession they are habited in a short Cassock, girt with a broad Belt clasped with brass Buckles; on their heads they wore a copper Helmet, and ever and anon sounded on the Targets with short Cemyters: in this manner they proceeded with a nimble motion, and just measures of their Feet, and with such handsome and various turns, as demonstrated great strength and agility of body. These Targets were called Ancylia from the fashion of them; for they were not made in a round or orbicular form but oval and with certain folds or pleats closing one over the other, they fitted the Elbow by their cubical Figure, and thence were called Ancylia, from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signified a crooked shape, or from the cubit, which is from the Wrist to the Elbow, and called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, on which they carry these Ancylia. Juba, who much affected the Greek Tongue, draws many of his derivations from thence, and would have it from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies as much as sent from above, or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is the cure or medicine of Diseases, or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is a deliverance from great dryness, or from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is an escape from great evils; whence it is that the Athenians called Castor and Pollux 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; all which may serve to employ the curiosity of those who have a fancy to Greek derivations. All the reward which Mamurius received for this his Art, was to be mentioned and commemorated in the Verses which the Salii sang, as they danced in their Arms through the City; though some will have it that they did not say Veturius Mamurius, but Vetus Memoria, which is Ancient Remembrance.  
After Numa had in this manner instituted 
A memorable instance of Devotion in Numa his building a Palace adjoining to Vesta 's Temple.  these several Orders of Priests, he erected a Royal Palace near the Temple of Vesta, called to this day Regium; where he spent the most part of his time, in prescribing Rules for Divine Service, instructing the Priests, and with zeal and devotion attending in person on the Offices of Religion. He built another House upon the Mount Quirinalis; which place they show to this day. In all public Processions and solemn Prayers, Tipstaffs or Hushers were sent before to give notice to the people that they should forbear their work, and attend to the Divine Solemnity: for they say that the Pythagoreans did not hold it sufficient reverence towards the Gods to worship them in a negligent manner, as when the religious Processions did obviously occur, but obliged their Scholars to go out from their Houses and with prepared hearts attend to Divine Supplications: so Numa in like manner 
Indifference and Distraction of business great hindrances to Devotion.  decreed, that his Citizens should neither see nor hear Divine matters in a perfunctory manner, and with wand'ring thoughts, but laying aside all distractions of mind, and cares of the world should apply and elevate their meditations to Religion; and the ways and streets should be clear of noise or laments, or other encumbrances which might obstruct or disturb the solemnity and seriousness of devotion. Something of this custom remains at Rome to this day; for when the Consul begins to sacrifice or officiate; they call out to the People, Hoc age, or attend to the work in hand, and is as much as with us, Let us Pray, whereby the Auditors then present were admonished to compose and recollect their thoughts for prayer: And as Pythagoras had certain Precepts and Sayings, such as these: Thou shalt not make a Peck Measure thy seat to sit on. Thou shalt not stir the Fire with a Sword. When thou goest forwards, look not behind thee. When thou sacrificest to the celestial Gods, let it be with an odd number, and when to the terrestrial let it be with even. So likewise Numa delivered other Sentences of an obscure and abstruse meaning; such as these: Thou shalt not sacrifice to the Gods an offering of Wine proceeding from a Vine which was never pruned. No sacrifices shall be performed without Meal. Use a circular motion in adoration of the Gods, and sit down when you have worshipped. The two first Precepts seem to denote, that 
Probable conjectures of the significancy of the several Postures in Divine Worship.  urbanity and a natural complaisance with the world is a part of Religion; and as to the turning which the Worshippers are to use in divine adoration, it is to represent the orbicular motion of the world. But in my opinion, the meaning rather is, that he who comes to worship, enters the Temple with his face towards the East; where, being come up as high as the Chancel, he turns towards the West, and then back again to the East, perfecting the whole office of his prayers to that God who is Maker of the Universe: unless perhaps this change of posture may allude to the Egyptian Wheels, which were Hieroglyphics of the instability of humane fortune, and that where God should fix and establish our lot and condition, we should there rest contented, and repose ourselves with entire resignation to the Divine pleasure. They say also, that the sitting quiet and in a reposed posture after worship did denote a concession, or grant of the petitions they made, and was an assurance of everlasting felicity in the future life: and that this still and sedentary cessation from work was the full stop or period of business already performed; from whence now designing to begin others, they were to present themselves before the Gods, to obtain their blessings, and success on that which was to follow. And this form of Ceremony did very well suit with the preceding Doctrine, which taught that men ought not to approach the Gods in a transitory way, and with distracted minds, but, laying aside all worldly cares and wand'ring fancies, should then only pray when their thoughts are possessed with Divine Meditation. By such Discipline as this, recommended by the constant practice and example of the Legislatour, the City did so insensibly pass into a religious temper and frame of devotion, and stood in that awe and reverence of the virtue of Numa, that they received and believed with an undoubted assurance, whatsoever he delivered, though never so fabulous, his authority being sufficient to make the greatest absurdities and impossibilities to pass for matters and points of Faith.  
There goes a story, That he once invited a great number of Citizens to an entertainment; 
Several fabulous relations of Numa 's intimate familiarity with the Gods.  at which the Dishes in which the Meat was served were very homely and plain, and the Commons short, and the Meat ill dressed: the Guests being sat, he began to tell them, that the Goddess which was his familiar Spirit, and always conversant with him, was then at that time present, when on a sudden the Room was furnished with all sorts of precious Pots and Dishes, and the mean Fare converted into a most magnificent Feast, adorned with all sorts of the most delicious Viands. But the Dialogue which is reported to have passed between him and Jupiter, surpasses all the fabulous Legends that were ever invented. They say, that before Mount Aventine was inhabited or enclosed within the Walls of the City, that two Demigods, which were Picus and Faunus, did usually frequent the Fountains and close shades of that place; which some will have to be two Satyrs of the Titanian race; who being expert in the faculty of Physic, and dexterous in legerdemain and magical spells, like the Dactyli of Mount Ida, made a Journey through all the parts of Italy. Numa contriving one day to surprise these Demigods, mingled the Waters of the Fountain of which they did usually drink with Wine and Honey, which so pleased these liquorish Deities, that he easily ensnared and took them; but then they changed themselves into many various forms and shapes, intending, under horrid and unknown transmutations, to make their escape: but, finding themselves entrapped in inextricable toils, and in no possibility to get free, revealed unto him many secrets and future events; and particularly a charm against. Thunder and Lightning, which they composed of Onions, and Hair, and the Bones of a Fish: but some deny, and say, that these Demigods did not discover the secret of this charm to Numa; but that they, by the force of their Magic Art and Spells, had constrained Jove himself to descend from Heaven to satisfy the demands of Numa, and that he then, in an angry manner answering his inquiries, told him, that if he would charm the Thunder and Lightning, he must do it with Heads: How, said Numa, with the Heads of Onions? No, replied Jupiter, of Men. But Numa, willing to divert the cruelty of this Receipt, turned it another way, saying, Your meaning is, the Hairs of men's Heads; No, replied Jupiter, of living Men: then Numa, being instructed by the Goddess Egeria, seemed to mistake, and say, How! with the Bones of the Fish Maena? which, being the three ingredients that compose the charm, so operated on Jupiter, that he returned again to Heaven pacified and well-pleased. This place was ever afterwards called Elicium, or Ilicium, from the Greek word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies propitious or merciful; and in this manner this Magic Spell was effected.  
Such was the superstitious humour of that Age, which the example of the Prince 
The people of Rome generally inclined to superstition in Numa 's reign.  had wrought in the Minds of the Vulgar, that nothing was so absurd and ridiculous in Religion which gained not belief; and Numa himself was said to have been possessed with such a confidence and fiducial trust in the Gods, that when it was told him, that the Enemy was near at hand, he smilingly answered, That he feared them not, let them come at their peril, for he was then sacrificing to the Gods. It was he also that built the Temples of Faith, and Terminus; and taught the Romans such respect to Faith, that it was the greatest Oath, and the most obligatory that they could swear; and to the God Terminus they offer unto this day the blood of Beasts, both in public and private Sacrifices, upon the borders and stone marks of their Land: though anciently those Sacrifices were solemnised without blood, it being the Precept and Doctrine of Numa to offer nothing to the God Terminus, but what was pure and free of bloody cruelty; for that he, whose incumbence it was to fix boundaries, was thereby constituted an Arbiter of Peace and Justice, punishing those who removed their neighbour's Landmark, or invaded his right. It is very clear, that it was this King who first prescribed bounds to the jurisdiction of Rome; for Romulus would have betrayed his own cause, and plainly discovered how much he had encroached on his neighbour's Lands, had he ever set limits to his own; which as they are fences and curbs against arbitrary invasions, to those who observe them, so they serve for evidences to arise in judgement against those, who break over and violate the borders with which they are circumscribed. The truth is, the portion of Lands which the Romans possessed at the beginning, was very narrow, until Romulus by War enlarged them; and which Numa afterwards divided amongst the indigent Commonalty, that he might ward them against violent necessity, which always puts men upon injurious designs and shifts, and that by placing them in Farms, he might accustom them to a desire of property, 
Numa a friend and advancer of Husbandry.  and a regular way of living; for as there is nothing that so reconciles the minds of men to Peace, as Husbandry and a Country lise; so it makes them abhor all violence, and gives them courage and resolution to defend their sowed Lands and Pastures from the encroachment of their neighbours. Wherefore Numa, that he might take and amuse the hearts of his Citizens with Agriculture or Husbandry, which is an employment that rather begets civility and a peaceable temper than great opulency and riches, he divided all the Lands into several parcels, to which he gave the name of Pagus or Borough, and over every one of them he ordained a Chief or Arbitrator in judicial causes; and taking a delight sometimes to survey his Colonies in person, he made judgement of every man's inclinations and manners, by his industry, and the improvements he had made, of which being witness himself, he preferred those to honours and authority who had merited most; and on the contrary reproached the sluggishness of such, who had given themselves over to a careless and a negligent life. But above all, which was a principal 
He first divided the Citizens into distinct Companies.  point of his Politics, he divided the people into several Companies: for as the City did consist, or rather was distinguished (as we have said) by two sorts of Tribes; from whence dangerous Factions, Tumults and Seditions did arise; he contrived to cast them into divers small moulds and models: for as hard and dissenting Bodies are not easily incorporated, so long as they remain in their gross bulk, but being beaten into a powder, or melted into small Atoms, are often cemented and consolidated into one; so this people, being separated and distinguished into small divisions, were afterwards with less difficulty united into one Body: wherefore distinguishing the whole City by their several Arts and Professions; he form the Companies of Musicians, Goldsmiths, Masons, Dyers, Tailors, Skinners, Braziers and Potters; and all other Handicrafts men he composed and reduced into a single Company, appointing unto every one their respective Halls, Courts and other privileges belonging to their Societies, which they held by the Charters received from this Prince. In this manner all factious distinctions began to cease in the City; there being no person farther esteemed under the notion of a Sabine, a Roman or a Tatian, but all were comprehended under the general denomination of a Citizen of Romulus; whereby all other terms growing out of use and fashion, the national animosities reconciled of themselves, and all dissolved into the common tye and relation of a Roman Citizen.  
He is also much to be commended for the repeal, or rather amendment of that Law, which gives power to Fathers to sell their Children; for he exempted such as were married from that subjection, conditionally that they had matched themselves with the liking and consent of their Parents: for it seemed a very hard and unjust thing, that a woman, who had given herself in marriage to a man whom she judged free, should afterwards find herself betrayed and cast away upon a Husband that was a Servant.  
He attempted also to draw a Scheme of 
The regulation of the year instituted by Numa.  the Heavens, and thereunto conform a Calendar and Ephemerideses of the Year, which though it was not perfect, yet it was not altogether without some learned conjectures, and such as reduced the account of the Year to some tolerable regulation: for during the Reign of Romulus, their Months had no certain or equal term; for some of them contained 20 Days, others 35, others more; the which error proceeded from want of a true knowledge of the different motions of the Sun and Moon; only they kept to this account, that the whole course of the Year contained 360 Days. Numa also farther observing, that there was eleven Days difference between the Lunary and the Solary Year: for that the Moon completed her Anniversary course in 354 Days, and the Sun in 365; to remedy which inequality, he doubled the eleven Days, and after every two Year added an interstitial to follow the Month of February, which the Romans called the Month of Mercidinus; but this account hath since that time received a better amendment. He also altered the order of the Months; for March, which was reckoned the first, he put into the third place; and January, which was the eleventh, he made the first; and February, which was the twelfth and last, to be the second. Some will have it, that it was Numa also which added the two Months of January and February: for in the beginning, when men 
Various, absurd and unskilful computations of the year.  were ignorant and barbarous, they composed a Year of ten Months: the Arcadians in Greece had only four, in Arcanania they accounted by six; and the Egyptians had at first but one Month, which afterwards they divided into four, according to the seasons of the Year: which Country of Egypt, though it seem new to us, is yet inhabited by an ancient people; for if we may believe their Chronicles (unless they account Months for Years) their Genealogies are deduced from great Antiquity. And that the Romans at first comprehended the whole Year within ten, and not twelve Months, plainly appears by the name of December, which signifies the tenth Month, and is the last in order: and that March was the first is likewise evident, for that the fifth Month after it was called Quintilis, and the sixth Sextilis, and so the rest; so that if January and February had in this account preceded March, Quintilis had been put in the seventh place, and so called September. It is also very probable, that this first Month was dedicated by Romulus to Mars; the second to Venus, called April, from the Greek word Aphrodites; which the Women solemnize in honour of that Goddess, adorning their heads on the Kalends, or first days of it, with Myrtle Garlands. But others will not allow of the derivation of this word from Aphrodites, but rather deduce it from the word Aperio, which in Latin signifies, to open, because that this Month is in the high Spring, when all Buds and Flowers open and disclose themselves: the next is called May, from Maia the Mother of Mercury, to whom this Month was made sacred: then June follows, so called from Juventus, or youthfulness of the Year, which is then warm, and gay, and in its juvenile season. To the other Months also they gave denominations according to their order, so the fifth was called Quintilis, Sextilis the sixth, and so the rest September, October, November and December: Afterwards Caesar, when he had overcome Pompey, changed the name of the Month Quintilis to that of Julius, which we call July; as also that of Sextilis was changed into Augustus, which was a surname to the Successor of Caesar. Domitian also in imitation hereof gave the two other following Months the names of Germanicus and Domitianus, but, he being slain, they recovered their ancient denominations of September and October; but the two last have ever reserved their names without any alteration. The Months which were added, and transposed in their order by Numa was February, which deduces its name from Februo, signifying a purification by Sacrifice; for than they offered Plants, and celebrated the Feast of Lupercalia, in which many Ceremonies agree with the Solemnities used at the Lustrations or cleansing days: but January was so called from Janus, and a precedency of order given to it by Numa before March, which was dedicated to the God Mars; intimating in my opinion thereby, that the Arts and civil studies of Peace are to be preferred before warlike or martial employments. For this Janus, whether he were a Daemon, or Demigod, or a King, was certainly a great Politician and lover of Arts and Sciences, whereby he transformed the incult natures of men into a gentle and civil disposition; for which reason they figure him with two Faces, beholding at the same time both states and constitutions of humane kind. His Temple at Rome hath two Gates, which they call the Gates of Mars; because they stand open in the time of War, and shut in the times of Peace, of which latter there was very seldom an example; for when the Roman Empire was enlarged and extended to its utmost bounds, it was so encompassed with barbarous Nations and Enemies, that it was seldom or never at peace: only in the time of Augustus Caesar, after he had overcome Anthony, that Temple was shut; as likewise not many years before, when Marcus Atilius and Titus Manlius were Consuls; but than it continued not so long, before that Wars breaking out, the Gates of Janus were again opened: but during 
The Gates of Janus 's Temple never open in Numa 's reign.  the Reign of Numa, which continued for the space of forty three years, those Gates were ever shut, there being a profound quiet without the noise or clattering of Arms: for not only the people of Rome were animated with a spirit of peace, which they enjoyed under the just proceedings of a pacific Prince; but even the neighbouring Cities, as if they had been inspired with the same inclinations, breathed nothing but a salubrious and gentle air of mutual friendship, and amicable correspondence; and being ravished with the delights 
Happy results of Peace.  which Justice and Peace produce, every one applied himself to the management of his Lands and Farm, to the education of his Children, and worship of the Gods: Festival days, and Sports, and Banquets were the common divertisements; and Families entertained and treated their acquaintance and friends in such a free and open manner, that all Italy securely conversed with each other without fears, or jealousies, or designs, being all possessed with that Divine Spirit of Love and Charity, which flowed from Numa as from a Fountain of Wisdom and Equity: so that the Hyperboles, which the Poets of those days used, and the flights which are allowable in Verse, were flat and not able to reach with their highest expressions the happiness of those days; 
When Spears, and Swords, and direful Arms of War  
Were laid aside, and rustied in their places;  
No Trumpet sounds alarmed the public peace,  
But all securely slept—  For during the whole Reign of Numa, there was neither War, nor Sedition, nor Plots designed against the State, nor did any Faction prevail, or the ambition and emulation of great Men attempt upon the Government: for indeed men so reverenced his Virtue, and stood in such awe of his Person, which, they believed, was guarded by a particular care of Divine Providence, that they despaired of all success in their sinister intentions: and then that happy Fortune, which always attends the life of men who are pure and innocent, bestowed a general esteem and good reputation on him; and verified that saying of Plato, which some Ages after he delivered in relation to the happiness of a well form Commonwealth: For, saith he, where the Royal Power, by God's Grace, meets with a mind and spirit addicted to Philosophy, there Vice is subdued and made inferior to Virtue: no man is really blessed but he that is wise; and happy are his Auditors, who can hear and receive those words which flow from his mouth: there is no need of compulsion or menaces to subject the multitude, for that 
A virtuous example most conspicuous and enticing in a Prince.  lustre of virtue which shines bright in the good example of a Governor, invites and inclines them to wisdom, and insensibly leads them to an innocent and happy life, which being conducted by friendship and concord, and supported on each side with temperance and justice, is of long and lasting continuance; and worthy is that Prince of all rule and dominion, who makes it his business to lead his Subjects into such a state of felicity. This was the care of Numa, and to this end did all his actions tend.  
As to his Children and Wives, there is a diversity of reports by several Authors: some will have it that he never had any other Wife than Tatia, nor more Children than one Daughter called Pompilia: others will have it that he left four Sons; namely, Pompo, Pinus, Calpus and Mamercus, every one of which had issue, and from them descended the noble and illustrious Families of Pomponi, Pinari, Calpurni and Mamerci, to which for distinction sake was added the surname of Royal. But there is a third sort of Writers, which say that these pedigrees are but a piece of flattery used by the Heralds, who, to incur favour with these great Families, deduced their Genealogies from this ancient Lineage; and that Pompilia was not the Daughter of Tatia, but born of Lucretia, to whom he was married after he came to his Kingdom: howsoever all of them agree in opinion, that she was married to the Son of that Martius who persuaded him to accept the Government, and accompanied him to Rome, where, as a signal of honour, he was chosen into the Senate; and after the death of Numa, standing in competition with Tullus Hostilius for the Kingdom, and being disappointed of the Election, in high discontent killed himself: howsoever his Son Martius, who had married Pompilia, residing at Rome, was the Father of Ancus Martius, who succeeded Tullus Hostilius in the Kingdom, and was but five years of age, when Numa died.  
Numa lived something above eighty years, and then (as Piso writes) was not taken out 
Numa 's Death and honourable Interment.  of the world by a sudden or acute Disease, but by a chronical Distemper, by which he lingered long, and at last expired. At his Funerals all the glories of his Life were consummate; for the kind people, and his friendly companions, met to honour and grace the rites of his Interment with Garlands and contributions from the public: the Senators carried the Bier on which his Corpse was laid, and the Priests followed and accompanied the solemn procession; the remainder of this doleful pomp was composed of Women and Children, who lamented with such tears and sighs, as if they had bewailed the death or loss of a dearest relation taken away in the flower of his age, and not of an old and outworn King. It is said that his Body, by his particular command, was not burnt, but that he ordered two stone Coffins to be made, in one of which he appointed his Body to be laid, and the other to be a repository for his sacred Books and Writings, and both of them to be buried under the Hill Janiculum; thereby imitating the Legislatours of Greece, who, having wrote their Laws in Tables, which they called Cirbas, did so long inculcate the contents of them, whilst they lived, into the minds and hearts of their Priests, till their understandings became living Libraries of those sacred Volumes; it being esteemed a profanation of such mysteries 
To commit to writing Divine Precepts held a profanation by the Grecian Lawgivers.  to commit their secrets unto dead letters. For this very reason, they say, the Pythagoreans forbade that their Precepts or Conclusions should be committed to paper, but rather conserved in the living memories of those who were worthy to receive their Doctrines: and if perchance any of their abstruse notions or perplexed cares, such as were their positions in Geometry, were made known, or revealed to an impure person, unworthy to receive such mysteries, they presently imagined that the Gods threatened punishment for such profanation; which was not to be expiated but by Sword and Pestilence, or other judgements of the Gods. Wherefore having these several instances concurring to render the Lives of Numa and Pythagoras agreeable, we may easily pardon those who make a comparison between their temperament of Soul and manners of living, believing that there was an intimate familiarity and conversation between them.  
Valerius Antias writes that the Books which were buried in the aforesaid Chests or Coffins of Stone were twelve Volumes of holy Writ, and twelve others in Greek containing the Wisdom and Philosophy of the Grecians: and that about four hundred years afterwards, when P. Cornelius and M. Bebius were Consuls, there happening a great inundation of Water, which with a violent torrent carrying away the Chests of Stone, overturned them and displaced their Covers, so that being opened, one of them appeared empty without the Skeleton or Relics of any humane Body; in the other were the Books beforementioned, still remaining entire, and not much worn out with time: which when the Praetor Petilius had read and perused, he made Oath in the Senate, that in his opinion, it was not fit for those Books to be divulged, or made public to the people; whereupon the Edition of them was suppressed, and all the Volumes by command carried to the Market place, and there burnt.  
Such is the fortune of good men, that their Virtue survives their Bodies, and that the envy and emulation which evil men conceive against them is soon extinguished; but their reputation and glory is immortal, and shines with more splendour after their death, than in the time when they were living and conversant in the world: and as to Numa, the actions of the succeeding Kings served as so many Foils to set off the brightness of his majestic Virtues: for after him there were five Kings; the last of which was made an exile, being deposed from his Crown: of the other four, three were by treason assassinated and murdered; the other, who was Tullus Hostilius that immediately succeeded Numa, whilst he derided his virtues, and especially his devotion and religious worship, reproached his memory, as a cowardly and mean spirited Prince; and, diverting the minds of the people from their peaceable and honest course of life to wars and depredations, was himself surprised by an acute and tormenting Disease; which caused him to change his mind and 
Even Atheists in ●ime of adversity implore the Deity.  call upon the Gods; but it was accompanied with such superstition and vain imaginations, as was much differing from the true Piety and Religion of Numa: and, because he infected others with the contagion of his errors, the Gods, as is said, were angry, and revenged their own dishonour by a Thunderbolt which struck him dead.  

THE COMPARISON OF NUMA with LYCURGUS.  
HAving thus finished the Lives of Lycurgus and Numa; we shall now (though the work be difficult) compare their Actions in that manner together, so as easily to discern wherein they differed, and wherein they agreed. It is apparent that they were very agreeable in the actions of their lives, their Moderation, their Religion, their civil Arts and political Government were alike; and both insinuated a belief in the people, that they derived their Laws and Constitutions from the Gods: yet in their peculiar manner of managing these excellencies, there were many circumstances which made a diversity: For first, Numa accepted the Kingdom being offered, but Lycurgus resigned 
The different qualities of Lycurgus and Numa.  it; the one from a private person and a stranger was created King, the other from the condition and public character of a Prince descended to the state of a private person. It was glorious to possess a Throne in Righteousness and Judgement; and great bravery on the other side to prefer Justice before a Kingdom: the same virtue which made the one appear worthy of Regal power, exalted the other to a degree of so much eminence, that it seemed a condescension in him to stoop unto a Crown: lastly, as Musicians tune their Harps according to their Note; so the one let down the high flown spirits of the people at Rome to a lower Key, as the other screwed them up at Sparta to a higher Note, which were fallen flat by dissoluteness and riot. For it was not so much the business and care of Lycurgus to reason his Citizens into peace, or to persuade them to put off their Armour, or ungird their Swords; as it was to moderate their love to Gold or Silver, or the profuseness of their Tables, or to abate their extravagancies in rich Clothes and Furniture: nor was it necessary to preach unto them, that, laying aside their Arms, they should observe the Festivals, and sacrifice to the Gods; but rather, that, moderating the affluence of their Tables and excess of diet, they should become temperate and abstemious, and employ their time in laborious and martial exercises: so that the one moulded his Citizens into what humour he pleased, by a gentle and soft way of argument; the other with danger and hazard of his person, scarce worked upon the affections of a dissolute people. It is certain, that Numa was naturally endued with a more gentle and obliging way, which mollified the harsh disposition of his people, and made them tractable and lovers of justice: but Lycurgus was more rigid and (since we must mention it) we cannot excuse his severity against the Ilotes, or term it other than a cruel action; and in the sum of all conclude, that Numa was far the more moderate and plausible Legislatour; granting even to Servants a licence to sit at meat with their Masters at the Feast of Saturn, that so they also might have some taste and relish of the sweetness of liberty. Some will have it that this custom 
Numa 's indulgence to Slaves variously interpreted.  was introduced by Numa on this just reason, that because the Servants were instrumental in cultivating the grounds and gathering the Fruits which the Earth produced, there should be a time appointed when they might enjoy the fruits of their labours, in a more free and delightful manner: Others will have it to be in remembrance of that age of Saturn, when there was no distinction between the Lord and the Servant; but all lived as Kindred and Relations in a parity and condition of equality. In short, it seems that both aimed at the same design and intent, which was to compose and incline their people to modesty and frugality; but as to their other virtues, the one availed himself most on Fortitude, and the other on Justice: unless we will attribute their different ways to the different temperaments of their people; for Numa did not out of cowardice or fear affect Peace, but because he would not be guilty of those injuries which are the necessary consequences of War: nor did Lycurgus, out of a principle of violence and fury, promote and excite a spirit of War in his people, but rather encouraged the art of War, and inclined their minds, which were soft and enervated by Luxury, to martial Exercises; that so they might be the better prepared to repel injuries, and resist the invasions of their enemies: in this manner both having occasion to operate on their Citizens, and make a change and alteration in their humours and manners, the one cut off the superfluities and excesses, whilst the other supplied the defects of that which was wanting.  
The frame of Numa's Politics did most suit with the constitution of a Commonwealth, and more respected the humour of a popular Government; for having ranged his people into several Companies, such as Goldsmiths, Musicians, Shoemakers, and other Handicraft Trades, he cherished 
Numa studious of Trade, Lycurgus of martial Discipline.  them and gave them privileges by their Charters: but the Government of Lycurgus was more Aristocratical, conferring the greatest authority on the Nobility, and leaving the profession of mechanical Arts, and Trades, to be the employment only of Strangers, and of the low and base Commonalty. The Citizens he allowed only to manage the Spear and Buckler; because that being the Ministers and Servants of Mars, they had no great need of knowledge or literature more than to observe the words of command, and obey their Leaders, intending by their discipline of War to enable them to defend themselves and offend their enemy: for to men that were really made Free and become Gentlemen all trade and traffic was forbidden; and the gainful and pecuniary Arts, and the care of Provisions, and preparing Suppers and Banquets, made the business only of Servants, or of the Ilotes. But Numa made none of these distinctions, only he took care that men grew not rich by Spoils or Prizes taken in the War, all other profits and acquisitions being allowable by the Law, and not dishonourable in the esteem of the world: nor did he endeavour to levelly men's Estates, or reduce them to an equality, but gave every man a liberty to amass wealth, and grow as rich as he was able; but took no care to provide against poverty, which, by the additions of poor people, which flocked to the City, increased daily. In the beginning of all, he ought to have suppressed or discountenanced covetousness, whilst there was no great disparity in the estates of men, and whilst the balance was equal; and, after the example of Lycurgus, have obviated those many and great mischiefs which proceeded from avarice, as the fountain and original of them all: and yet Lycurgus is not to be blamed for establishing the Agrarian Law, which was a dividing of Lands amongst the people, nor was Numa to be reproved for not admitting such Law or Custom in his jurisdiction: because equality was the Basis and foundation of his Commonwealth, but the case of Numa was far different; for the division of Lands having been formerly admitted and made, the taking them away or altering men's properties in them, could not have been performed without the troubles and dangers which follow such innovations.  
Now as to Marriages, and the regular way of increasing the world, they both agreed on such political Constitutions as 
Their different Laws and Constitutions in Marriage, chiefly designed to prevent Jealousy.  should clear the mind of Husbands from all torment of jealousy, and yet their Customs and Laws herein were diversely qualified. For when a Roman thought himself to have a sufficient provision of Children, in case his neighbour who had none, should come and desire him to accommodate him with his Wife, that he also might have the benefit of issue from his fruitful Woman; he had a lawful power to lend her to him who desired her, either for a certain time, or else to lose the bonds of Marriage, and consign her into the hands of her Paramour for ever. But the Laconian had another rule, for it was allowable for him to afford the use of his Wife to any other that desired to have Children by her, and yet still to keep her in his House, and retain the bond and conditions of Marriage in the same force and virtue as before: nay many Husbands (as we have said) would often invite men of handsome Features and comely Bodies to their Houses, in hopes of Children of the like shapes and beauty, which they adopted and acknowledged for their own. What difference was there then between these several customs? unless it be this, That the free use which the Laconians indulged of their Women was a remedy against the humour of jealousy, which often affects men with such torment of mind, that their days consume in sorrow and disquiet: the other of the Romans conserved some respect for the modesty of Women, and the sacredness of Marriage, not enduring a community of Wives in the same House, nor a transferring of the right of them to another, unless the matrimonial Knot were first dissolved. Moreover the Constitutions of Numa as to Virgins were more severe, prescribing rules to keep them modest, and free from all suspicions of unchastity: but the Orders of Lycurgus were in that point more dissolute, giving more liberty to Maids and single Women; which afforded to the Poet's subject for their raillery, as Ibycus who gave them the Epithet of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Wenches that held up their Petticoats as far as their Thighs, and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or rampant Girls, that run mad for a Man, so Euripides saith, 
Where wanton Girls with roaring Boys,  
Fill all their Father's House with noise;  
Clothes loosely flowing with a slit between,  
For what we hide, they would have seen.  For the Habit which Maidens wore came but to their Knees, and was open on both sides, so that as they walked their Thighs appeared bare; according to these Verses of Sophocles 
Hermione tucked up her Smock on high,  
Not being ashamed to show her brawny Thigh.  This manner of Habit gave the Women 
An undecent practice of the Women of Laconia.  such confidence, that they hen-pecked their Husbands; and not only bore the greatest sway at home, but also had the privilege of Votes in public Assemblies: but the Matrons under the Government of Numa were ruled with better decorum; for though the Husbands were very indulgent to their Sabine Wives, endeavouring to compensate for their Rape, in the Reign of Romulus, by extraordinary kindness, howsoever their liberty was restrained within some terms of modesty, which taught them sobriety and silence, and to abstain from Wine and freedom of discourse, and long visits, unless in company or presence of their Husbands: So that when at a certain time a Woman had the confidence to plead her own cause at the Bar in a place of Judicature; it seemed so strange and monstrous a thing, that the Senate sent to inquire of the Oracle, what such a prodigy in nature did portend: and indeed the virtue of modest Women is best illustrated by comparing them with the mischievous examples of those that were lewd and impudent: For as the Greek Historians record in their Annals the names of those who first unsheathed the Sword of Civil War, or murdered their Brothers, or were Parricides and killed their Fathers; so the Roman Writers report, that Spurius 
Divorce not in use amongst the ancient Romans.  Carvilius was the first who divorced his Wife; being a case that never before happened in the space of 230 years from the Foundation of the City: and that one Thalea, the Wife of Pinarius, was the first that had any quarrel or debate with her Mother-in-law, Gegania, in the Reign of Tarqvinius Superbus: so excellent were the Laws and Constitutions of the conjugal Rites of that City, that such peccadillios as these were recounted for flagitious crimes, and the least failures in them at first were reputed infamous, and fit to be branded and marked with shame in the History of those times. Now the Laws which Lycurgus ordained, either in relation to Virgins or married Women, were different: for he esteeming procreation of Children to be the principal end of Marriage, would fix no set term of age, when Men or Women should be esteemed capable of giving their consents to each other in Marriage; for he thought that nature being the principal guide in that matter should not be restrained with violence, which produces hatred and fear; but rather being gently indulged, when youth, and love, and kindness move; the coition might be more satisfactory, and consequently the Children become more robust, strong and healthful.  
But the Romans designing in the first place to deliver the Bodies of their Daughters pure and undefiled into the embraces and possession of the Husband, made it lawful for Fathers to marry their Daughters at twelve years of age, or under: which first way of Lycurgus seems more agreeable to the desires of Nature, which only respects the procreation of Children; but the other is better adapted to make a conjugal life comfortable, and calculated for the rules of moral living. Howsoever those general rules which Lycurgus prescribed for education of Children, for their meetings together and visits, as also those regulations he made in their Feasts, or Compotations, Exercises and Sports, do argue, that Numa was in some manner inferior to him in the art and mystery of giving Laws: For as to 
The prudent methods of Lycurgus 's Constitutions.  education, Lycurgus was of opinion, That Parents were rather obliged to follow the inclinations and genius of their Children, than to adhere to any fixed or formal rule of Discipline: as for example, if a Father designing to make his Son a Husbandman, or a Carpenter, a Brazier, or a Musician; will he not first consult his genius or inclinations, before he oblige him to a Profession whereunto he hath no delight, and for which he hath no Talon or capacity? For as passengers who embark together on the same Ship, though they have divers designs, and apply themselves to different interests, yet when Storms arise, whereby the whole Cargason is endangered, they forsake the thoughts of their private concernments, that they may unite their hands and heads for the common conservation; in like manner, the Legislatours or Lawmakers, whose business is the public good, are not required to give or prescribe standing rules for every particular action or private affair, but such only as respect the common use and benefit.  
And since we may blame the common sort of Legislatours, who, either for want of power or knowledge, take false measures in the Maxims they lay down for fundamental Laws: how much rather may we except against the conduct of Numa, who for the reputation of his wisdom only being called and invited by the general consent of a new and unsettled people to be their King, did not in the first place provide and constitute rules for the education of Children and the discipline of Youth; for want of which men become seditious and turbulent, and live not quiet in their Families or parishes; but when they are enured from their Cradles to good Principles, and instructed from their Infancy in the rules of Morality, they receive such impressions of Virtue as make them sensible of that benefit and ease which peace and mutual agreement brings to a Commonwealth. This with many others, was one of the Politics of Lycurgus, and was of great use in the confirmation and establishment of his Laws. An instance we have in the practice of Swearing and making Oaths a part of Religion, which had 
An Oath held sacred by the Lacedæmonians.  proved very insignificant, unless that by good discipline a principle had been at first instilled of the sacredness of such a Function; and this was the cause that the Lacedæmonians, having sucked in these principles with their milk, were possessed with a most reverend esteem of all his Institutions; so that the main points and fundamentals of his Law, continued for above 500 years in force with strict observance, and without any violation. But Numa, whose whole design and aim was peace, and to conserve his people in such a sense of Religion and Divine worship as might conduce to the present tranquillity, did never make provisions for a future condition, or for the time of War: and therefore no sooner did he expire his last breath, than peace vanished with it, and immediately after his decease the Gates of Janus Temple flew wide open; and as if War had been long penned up within those Walls, it rushed forth like a mighty Storm infesting all Italy with blood and slaughter: and thus that excellent Fabric, and composition of Equity and Justice was dissolved, for want of early principles, instilled by good education 
Remissness in bringing up of youth prejudicial to the Roman State.  into youth, which are the foundation to support it, and the necessary cement which unites all together, in a fixed and immutable habit. What then (may some say) hath Rome been prejudiced by her Wars? I answer that this question, which men make, who take their measures from the advance of Riches and Power exalted with Luxury, rather than from that Innocence and moderation of Mind, which is always accompanied with tranquillity and peace, is not to be resolved by a sudden answer, but by a long and philosophical discourse. Howsoever it makes much for Lycurgus, that so soon as the Romans deserted the Doctrine and Discipline of Numa, their Empire grew and their power increased: whenas on the contrary, so soon as the Lacedæmonians fell from the Institutions of Lycurgus, the Fabric of their Government dissolved with their Laws, and, the Grecian Empire being lost, they also were reduced to the utmost point of desolation and ruin. And yet there is something peculiarly signal and almost Divine in the circumstances of Numa, for he was an Alien, and yet courted against his own inclinations to accept a Kingdom; the frame of which though he entirely altered, yet he performed it without force or coaction, and with such lenity that nothing was acted but with the assent and concurrence of the people. Lycurgus' on the other side favoured the Nobility, and made them the Lords and Rulers over the Commons; and yet that Government was well tempered also, and duly poised by Wisdom and Justice.    


SOLON   portrait 
Ὠ Σόλον, Ὠ Σόλον.  Sturt. sc.  
THE LIFE OF SOLON.  Translated from the Greek, By Thomas Creech, of Wadh. Coll. Oxon. 
DYdymus the Grammarian, in his answer to Asclepiades concerning Solon's Tables, mentions a passage of one Philocles, who delivers that Solon's Father's 
Solon of a noble Family.  name was Euphorion, contrary to the opinion of all those who have written concerning him: for they generally agree that he was the Son of Exestides, a man of moderate wealth and power in the City; but of a noble Stock, being descended from Codrus: his Mother, as Heraclides Ponticus affirms, was Cousin to Pisistratus his Mother, and those two at first were great Friends, partly because they were a kin, and partly because Pisistratus was a handsome 
Loved Pisistratus.  graceful man, and they say Solon loved him: and that is the reason, I suppose, that when afterwards they differed about the Government, their enmity never produced any hot and violent passion, they remembered their old kindnesses, and that kept the flame of their love and dear affection still alive: For that Solon was Amorous, 
Solon loved Boys.  and unable stoutly to resist the force of Beauty, we may conjecture by his Poems; and by a Law he forbade Slaves to perfume themselves, or love Boys, making that an honourable action, and only fit for Gentlemen, and as it were inviting the Worthy to the practice, when he commanded the Unworthy to forbear. Pisistratus likewise is reported to have loved one Charmus, and to have consecrated his Statue in the Academy, where those light their Torches that win the sacred 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Solon, as Ermippus writes, when his Father had ruined his Estate in doing benefits and kindnesses to other men, though he had Friends enough that were willing to contribute to his relief, yet he was ashamed to be beholding to others, since he was descended from a Family who were accustomed to do kindnesses rather than receive them. He therefore applied himself to Merchandise; 
Solon turns Merchant.  though others assure us that Solon travelled rather to get Learning and Experience than to raise an Estate: 'tis certain that he was a lover of Wisdom, for when he was old he would say, I grow old still learning many things. But he was no admirer of Riches, esteeming those equally wealthy 
Who sees vast heaps of Gold at his command,  
Fine Horses, and a fair Estate in Land;  
And Him, to whom indulgent Fate bestowed  
Sufficient wealth to buy him Clothes and Food:  
But if to this a Wife, and prattling Boys,  
And youth, and grace, He hath the height of Joys.  And in another place, 
I would be rich, and yet to raise my purse  
Not cheat, for wealth so got the Gods will curse.  Now 'tis no shame for a prudent man and a good Citizen not to be solicitous about superfluities, or to look after competent necessaries. In his time (according to Hesiod) a Trade was not dishonourable, nor did it debase the quality of the professors; but Merchandise was a worthy Calling, which brought home the good things which the barbarous Nations enjoyed, was the occasion of friendship with their Kings, and mother of Experience. Some Merchants have built great Cities, as the Founder of Massilia, that man so much esteemed by the Gauls that live about the Rhone: some also report that Thales and Hippocrates the Mathematician traded; and that Plato defrayed the charges of his Travels by selling Oil in Egypt. Now Solon's softness and profuseness, his discourse of pleasures in his Poems, too loose for a Philosopher, were occasioned by his trading life; for having suffered a thousand dangers, 'twas fit they should be recompensed with pleasure and enjoyments: but that he accounted himself rather poor than rich is evident from these lines;  
Some wicked men are rich, some good are poor;  
I would not change my Virtue for their store:  
For that's a sure possession, firm as Fate;  
Whilst wealth now flies to this man, now to that.  
At first he used his Poetry only in trifles, 
Solon a Poet.  in vain humours, and to pass away his idle hours: but afterwards his Numbers contained moral Sentences, and many transactions of the Commonwealth, which he did not write for the bare sake of the History; but to apologise for his own actions, and sometimes to correct, chastise and stir up the Athenians to noble performances. Some report that he designed to put his Laws into a Poem, and began it thus,  
We humbly beg a blessing on our Laws  
From mighty Jove, and honour and applause.  
Of moral Philosophy, as most of the then 
Learned only Politics.  wise men, he chiefly esteemed Politics; in Physics he was very rude and illiterate, as appears by this, 
Soft Snow and Hail fall from a frozen Cloud;  
From glaring Lightning Thunder roars aloud?  
The Winds make the Seas rough, they vex the Main;  
But when they cease to blow, 'tis smooth and plain.  And indeed 'tis probable, that at that time Thales only had raised wisdom above practice into speculation; and the other six were called wise from their prudence in Politic concerns. Fame delivers that they had an interview at Delphos, and another at Corinth, 
The meeting of the wise Men.  by the procurement of Periander, who made provision for their entertainment: but their reputation was chiefly raised 
Of the Tripod sent to the wise Men.  by sending the Tripod to them all, and their modest refusal, and complaisant yielding to one another: For (as the story goes) some of the Coans fishing with a Net, some strangers, Milesians, bought the draught at a venture; the Net brought up a golden Tripod, which (they say) Helen at her return from Troy, upon the remembrance of an old prophecy, threw in there. Now the strangers at first contesting with the Fishers about the Tripod, and the Cities espousing the quarrel so far as to engage themselves in a War; Apollo decided the Controversy, by commanding to present it to the wisest Man: and first it was sent to Miletum to Thales, the Coans freely presenting him with that for which they fought all the Milesians, but Thales declaring Bias the wiser person, it was sent to him; from him to another; and so going round them all, it came to Thales a second time; and at last, being carried from Miletum to Thebes, it was there dedicated to Apollo Ismenius. Theophrastus writes, that it was first presented to Bias at Priene; and next to Thales at Miletum; and so through all it returned to Bias, and was afterwards sent to Delphos. This is a general report, only some instead of a Tripod say this present was a Cup sent by Croesus; others a piece of Plate that one Buthocles had left. 'Tis reported that Anacharsis 
Anacharsis and Solon acquainted.  and Solon, and Solon and Thales were familiarly acquainted, and some have delivered parts of their discourse: For (they say) Anacharsis coming to Athens, knocked at Solon's Door, and told him, That he being a stranger was come to be his Guest, and contract a Friendship with him: and Solon replying, 'Tis better to seek Friends at home, Anacharsis returned, Then you that are at home take me as a Guest and as a Friend: Solon somewhat surprised at the briskness of that Repartee, received him kindly, and kept him some time with him, whilst he was managing the Commonwealth, and contriving his Laws; which when Anacharsis understood, he laughed at him, for imagining the Citizens unruly desires and affections could be restrained by these Laws, which were like Spider's Webs, and would catch, 'tis true, the weak and poor, but 
Anacharsis 's saying of Laws.  are easily broken by the mighty and rich. To this Solon returned, Men keep their promises when neither side can get any thing by the breaking of them; and he would so fit his Laws to the Citizens, that all should understand 'twas more eligible to be just and obey, than act contrary to the command. But the event rather agreed with the conjecture of Anacharsis, than Solon's hope. Anacharsis, being one time at the Assembly, said, he wondered much that in 
Anacharsis saying of the Grecian Assemblies.  Greece the Wise men should propose causes, and Fools determine.  
When Solon came to Thales at Miletum, 
Solon and Thales acquainted.  he wondered that Thales took no care to get him a Wife and Children. To this Thales made no answer for the present, but a few days after dealt with a stranger to pretend that he came from Athens ten days ago; and Solon enquiring what news there, the man, according to his instructions, replied, None, but concerning a young man's Funeral which the whole City celebrated; for he was (as the story went) the Son of an honourable Man, and the most virtuous of his Citizens; who was not then at home, but had been travelling a long time. Solon replied what a miserable man is he! but what was his name? I have heard it, says the Man, but have now forgotten it, only there was a great talk of his Wisdom and his Justice. Thus Solon was drawn 
Thales concerning Marriage.  on by every answer, and his fears heightened, till at last, being extremely concerned, he mentioned his own name, and asked the stranger if that young man was not called Solon's Son; and the stranger assenting, he began to beat his head, and to do and speak all those things which usually come from men in so great a passion: But Thales held him, and with a smile said, These things, Solon, keep me from Marriage and getting Children, which are too great for your courage and your constancy to support; however be not concerned at the report, for 'tis a Fiction. This Ermippus delivers from Pataecus, who boasted that he had Aesop's Soul. But 'tis 
We should seek conveniencies though we must once lose them.  weak and absurd not to seek conveniencies for fear of losing them, for upon the same account, we should neither love Wealth, Glory, nor Wisdom, since we may fear to be deprived of all these: nay, even Virtue itself, than which there is no greater, nor more desirable possession, is often lost by Sickness or Enchantments: Now Thales, though unmarried, could not be free from solicitude, unless he likewise took no care of his Friends, his Kinsmen, or his Country; nay (as History delivers) he adopted Cubisthus his Sister's Son. For the Soul, having a principle of kindness in itself, and being born to love, as well as perceive, think or remember, inclines, and fixes upon some stranger, when she hath none of her own to embrace. And as when an Estate wants a lawful Heir, strangers or Bastards endeavour to win the kind possessor, and when they have once gotten his affection, his care and tenderness increaseth with his love; insomuch that some men that are rigid against the Marriagebed, and slight the fruit of it, when their Servants or Harlot's Boy is sick or dies, are almost killed with grief, and miserably lament. Some have very meanly, and below the dignity of a Man mourned for the loss of a Dog, or Horse; others upon the death of virtuous Children, have not been concerned, nor guilty of a mean action; but passed the rest of their lives like men, and according to the principles of reason. For 'tis not benevolence, but weakness that prompts a Man to continual grief, and makes those fear whom Reason hath not armed against Fortune, insomuch that they cannot enjoy the thing that they desire, the fear of losing it still vexing, and bringing constant racks and torments to their minds. Now we must not provide against the loss of Wealth, by Poverty; or of Friends, by refusing all acquaintance; or of Children, by getting none, but by Morality and Reason: But of this too much.  
Now when the Athenians were tired with a tedious and difficult War, that they managed against the Megarensians for the Island Salamis; and made a Law that it should be death for any man, by writing or speaking, to assert that the City ought to endeavour to recover it: Solon, vexed at the disgrace, and perceiving thousands of the youth wished for some body to begin, but did not dare to stir first for fear of the Law; he counterfeited a distraction, and 
Solon counterfeits himself mad.  by his own Family it was spread abroad the City that he was mad: he secretly composed an Elegy, and, getting it by heart that it might seem extempore, he ran out into the Marketplace with a Cap upon his Head, and, the people gathering about him, got up upon the standing of the Crier, and sang that Elegy which begins thus, 
From Salamis that glorious Isle I come  
And bring you news, and noble Verses home.  That Poem is called Salamis, it contains an hundred Verses, and elegantly written: now whilst he sang, his Friends commended it, and especially Pisistratus, who exhorted the Citizens to obey his directions; insomuch that they recalled the Law, and renewed the War under Solon's conduct. The common report is, that with Pisistratus he sailed to Coliada, and finding the Women, according to the custom of the Country there, sacrificing to Ceres, he sent a trusty Friend to Salamis, who should pretend 
Solon retakes Salamis.  himself a Renegade, and advise them, if they desired to seize the chief Athenian Women, to make all sail to Colias: the Megarensians presently man'd a Ship, and Solon seeing it put off from the Island, commanded the Women to be gone, and some beardless youths dressed in their Garments, their Shoes and Mitres, and privately armed with Daggers, to dance and wanton near the shore, till the Enemies had landed, and the Ship was in their power. Things being thus ordered, the Megarensians were allured with the appearance, and, coming near, leaped eager upon their prey, so that not one of them escaped, and the Athenians presently set Sail for the Island, and took it. Others deliver that it was not taken this way, but that he first received this Oracle from Delphos, 
Those Heroes that in fair Asopia rest,  
All buried with their Faces to the West  
Appease, go offer what shall please them best.  And that Solon sailing by night to the Island, sacrificed to the Heroes Periphemus and Cichris, and then taking 500 Athenians Volunteers, (a Law having passed that those that took the Island should be chiefest in the Government) with a number of Fisher Boats, and one great Ship, he anchored in a Bay of Salamis that looks towards Euboea: and the Megarensians that were then in the Island being alarmed by an uncertain report, in great disorder betook themselves to their Arms; and sent a Ship to discover the Enemies. This Ship Solon took, and securing the Megarensians, man'd it with Athenians, and gave them orders to sail to the Island with as much privacy as possible; and he with the other Soldiers marched against the Megarensians by Land. Now whilst they were fight, those from the Ship took the City, and this relation is confirmed by the following solemnity; for an Athenian Ship at first sailed silently to the Island, then, with noise and a great shout, one leaps out armed, and with a strong cry runs to the Promontory Sciradium, to meet those that approach upon the Land; and just by there stands a Temple, which Solon dedicated to Mars; for he beat the Megarensians, and as many as were not killed in the Battle he sent away upon Articles: but the Megarensians still contending, and both sides having received considerable losses, they chose the Spartans' for Arbitrators: Now many affirm that Homer's authority did Solon a considerable kindness, and that he having inserted a line into the Catalogue of Ships, read these Verses when the matter was to be determined.  
Twelve Ships from Salamis stout Ajax brought,  
And ranked his Men where the Athenians fought.  
The Athenians account this but an idle story, and report, that Solon made it appear to the Judges, that Philaeus and Eurysaces, the Sons of Ajax, being made free of Athens, gave them the Island; and that one of them dwelled at Buron in Attica, the other at Melite; and that the Tribe of the Phileides, from which Pisistratus was descended, received its name from this Philaeus. A further argument against the Megarensians is taken from the dead Bodies, which are not buried after their fashion, but according to the Athenian: for the Megarensians turn the Carcase to the East, the Athenians to the West (but Hereas the Megarensian denies this, and affirms that they likewise turn the Body to the West) and that the Athenians have a Sepulchre for every Body, but the Megarensians put two or three into one: and farther they report, that some of Apollo's Oracles, where he calls Salamis jonia, made much for Solon. This matter was determined by five Spartans', Critolaides, Amompharetus, Hypsechidas, Anaxilas and Cleomenes. For this Solon grew famed, and powerful; but his advice to 
Solon 's Religion.  revenge the God at Delphos, to assist him, and not suffer the Cirrheans to profane the Oracle, got him most repute among the Grecians: for upon his persuasion, the Amphyctiones undertook the War, as amongst others, Aristotle affirms in his Treatise of the Victors at the Pythian Games, where he makes Solon the Author of this Counsel: Solon was not General in that Expedition, as Ermippus delivers out of Evanthes the Samian, for Aeschines the Orator says no such thing, and in the Commentary of the Delphian affairs Alcmaeon, not Solon is declared Leader.  
Now the Cylonian villainy had a long while disturbed the Commonwealth, even from that time when Megacles the Archon persuaded the conspirators with Cylon that took sanctuary in Minerva's Temple, to stand to a fair trial; and they tying a thread to the Image, and holding one end of it, went down to the Tribunal: but when they came to the Temple of the Furies, the thread broke of its own accord, upon which, as if the Goddess had refused them protection, they were seized by Megacles, and the other Magistrates: as many as were without the Temples were stoned, those that fled for sanctuary were butchered at the Altar, and only those escaped who made their application to the Wives of the Magistrates. But from that time they were called execrable, and hated. The remainder of this Faction grew strong again, and had continual quarrels with the Family of Megacles; now when the quarrel was at height, and the People divided, Solon being then in reputation with the chiefest of the Athenians interposed; and by entreaty and admonition persuaded the Execrable to submit to a trial, and the determination of three hundred noble Citizens: Myron, the Son of Phlyeus, being their accuser they lost the cause, and as many as were then alive were banished, and the Carcases of the dead were dug up, and scattered beyond the confines of the Country. In the midst of these distractions, the Megarensians falling upon them, they lost Nisaea and Salamis again: besides the City was disturbed with superstitious fears, and strange appearances; and the Priests declared that the Sacrifices intimated some villainies and pollutions that were to be expiated: upon this they sent for Epimenides Phaestius from Crete, 
Epimenides the Cretan.  who is counted the seventh wise man by those that will not admit Periander into the number: He seems to be a pious man, skilful in the method of Expiations and the rites of Religion; and therefore the men of his Age called him the new Curetes, and Son of the Nymph Balte: when he came to Athens, and grew acquainted with Solon, he settled many things in order to his Laws: He made them decent in their worship, abated their mourning, by ordering some Sacrifices presently after the Funeral; and taking off those severe and barbarous Ceremonies which the Women usually practised: but the greatest benefit was his cleansing the City, by certain propitiatory and expiatory lustrations; and by that means making them more pliable to justice, and more ready to be united. 'Tis reported that looking upon Munychia, and considering a while, he said to those that stood by, How blind is man in future things! for did the Athenians foresee what mischief this would do their City, they would even eat it to be free; and some report that Thales made the like conjecture, for he commanded his Friends to bury him in an obscure and contemned quarter of Milesia, saying that should once be the Forum of the Milesians: Epimenides being much admired, and presented by the City with rich gifts, and considerable honours, requested but one branch of the sacred Olive, and that being granted he returned.  
The Athenians now free from the Cylonian 
The Athenians quarrel about the Government.  sedition, and the execrable banished, fell into their old quarrels about the Government; there being as many different parties, as there were divisions in the City; The Higher quarter favoured Democracy, the Lower Oligarchy, and those that lived toward the Sea, stood for a mixed sort of Government, and so hindered either of the other parties from prevailing: At the same time also the Poor quarrelling with the Rich about the inequality of Estates, the City seemed in a desperate condition and to be freed from its disturbances and settled by a Tyranny alone: for all the People were indebted to the Rich; and either they manured their Grounds, paying them six parts of the increase, and were therefore called Hectemorii and Thete's: or else they engaged their Body for the debt, and might be seized by their Creditors; so some of them were made Slaves at home, others sold to strangers; some (for no Law forbade it) were forced to sell their Children, or run their Country to avoid the cruelty of their Creditors; but the most and stoutest of the People rose, and exhorted one another to stand to it to choose a Leader, to destroy the savage exactours, divide the Land, and change the Government. Then the wisest of the Athenians perceiving Solon had least practised those exactions; that he had not sided with the Rich, and was not indebted with the Poor, pressed him to assist the Commonwealth and compose the differences: Though Phanias the Lesbian affirms that 
Solon quiets the Sedition.  Solon, to save his Country, put a trick upon both parties, and privately promised the Poor a division of the Lands, and the Rich security for their Debts: Solon was unwilling to meddle at first, being afraid of the pride of one party and the greediness of the other; but he was chosen Archon with Philombrotus, and impower'd to be an Arbitrator and settle Laws; the Rich consenting because he was wealthy, the Poor because he was honest: There is a saying of his before the Election, that Equality never breeds War, and this pleased both parties, the Wealthy and the Poor; the one expecting this Equality in Dignity and Power, the other in Riches and Estate. Thus there being great hopes on both sides, the chief men pressed Solon to take the Government into his own hands, and when he was once settled manage the business roundly and according to his pleasure: and many of the Commons, perceiving it would be a difficult change to be effected by Law and Reason, were willing to have one wise and just man set over the Affairs: and some say that Solon had this Oracle from Apollo 
Sat in the midst, if you the Ship will guide,  
And thousands shall assist to stem the Tide:  But chiefly his Familiars chid him for disaffecting 
Solon refuses to be a Monarch.  Monarchy only for its name, as if the virtue of the Ruler could not make it a lawful Form: That this Euboea had experimented who chose Tunondas, and Mytilene who took Pittacus for their Prince: yet this could not shake Solon's resolution, but (as they say) he replied to his Friends, 'Tis true a Tyranny is a very fair spot, but it hath no way to go out at: and in a Copy of Verses to Phocus he writes, 
That I have spared my Country, kept my Fame,  
Nor stained my Glory with a Tyrant's name,  
That when I could destroy I chose to save,  
I cannot blush, I think my Actions brave:  From which 'tis manifest that he was a man of great reputation before he gave his Laws. The several jeers that were put upon him for refusing the Power, he delivers in these words: 
Sure Solon was a soft, a shallow fool,  
Who when the Power was offered would not rule;  
The Fish were in his Net, that Many caught,  
Yet he, mean Soul, refused to take the draught:  
For else to have enjoyed but one day's reign  
He would have suffered the severest pain:  
To have obtained such power in such a place  
He would have lost himself, and damned his Race.  Thus he makes the Many and the Rascals speak of him. Yet though he refused the Government he was not too remiss in the Affairs, he did not appear mean and crouching 
Solon 's good behaviour.  to the powerful; nor made his Laws to pleasure those that chose him; for where 'twas well before he applied no remedy, nor altered any thing, for fear lest unsettling, and bringing the Commonwealth into a confusion, he should be too weak to new model and raise it to a tolerable condition; but what he thought he could effect by persuasion upon the pliable, and by force upon the stubborn, that he did; joining (as he himself speaks) force and justice; and therefore when he was afterwards asked if he had left the Athenians the best Laws that could be given, he replied, I have established the best They could receive. The way which the Athenians use to take off from the badness of the thing, by giving it a good and innocent appellation, as for a Whore a Mistress; for Taxes Rates; for Garrisons Guards; for Prisons Houses of Custody; seemed at first to be Solon's contrivance, who named this taking off the People's Debts Seisacthia, a throwing off a Burden: for the first thing which he settled 
Solon frees the People from their Debts.  was that what Debts remained should be forgiven, and no man for the future should engage his Body for a sum of Money: Though some (as Androtion) affirm that the Debts were not taken off; but the use only lessened, which so pleased the People, that they named that kindness Seisacthia, together with the enlarging their Measures, and increasing the value of their Money; for he made a Pound which before contained but seventy three Drachms, to contain an hundred, so that though the number of pieces in the payment was equal, the value was less; which proved a considerable benefit to those that were to discharge great Debts, and no loss to the Creditors: But most agree that 'twas the taking off the Debts that was called Seisacthia, which is confirmed by some places in his Poem, where he glories that he had removed the Ties from their Estates, that heretofore they were Slaves now Free, that some which were seized for their Debts he had brought back from other Countries, where by the length of their exile they had forgotten their Mother Tongue, and some he had set at liberty which were in cruel slavery at home. When he was designing this, a very unlucky thing happened; for when he had resolved to take off the Debts, and was thinking on a good way and fit beginning for the action, he told some of his Friends, Conon, Clinias and Hipponicus, in whom he had a great deal of confidence, that he would not meddle with the Lands, but only free the People from their Debts; they using the advantage, took up vast sums of Money and purchased some large Farms, and when the Law was enacted they kept the Possessions, and would not return the Money; which brought Solon into a great suspicion and dislike, as if he himself had not been abused, but was concerned in the contrivance: but he presently stopped this suspicion by releasing his Debtors of five Talents (for he had lent so much) according to the Law: others, as Goluzelus the Rhodian, say fifteen, but his Friends were ever afterward called Chreocopidoe. In this he pleased neither Party, for the Rich were angry for their Money, and the Poor that the Land was not divided, and (as Lycurgus ordered in his Commonwealth) all levelled to one degree. He 'tis true being the Eleventh from Hercules, and having reigned many years in Lacedaemon had gotten a 
The difference between Solon and Lycurgus.  great reputation, power and Friends which he could use in modelling his State; and applying force more than persuasion insomuch that he lost his eye in the scuffle, brought about the most effectual means to preserve and unite a State by not permitting any to be Poor or Rich in his Commonwealth. But Solon could not rise to that by his Polity, yet he acted to the height of his power, having nothing but the good will and good opinion of his Citizens to rely on: And that he offended most that looked for another posture of Affairs, he declares in these words: 
Once they adored me, but they now despise,  
And squint upon me with their envious eyes!  But in a little time being sensible of the 
Solon entrusted with all the power.  profit, they laid by their grudges, made a public Sacrifice, calling it Seisacthia, and chose Solon to new model and make Laws for the Commonwealth: They gave him power over all their Magistracies, their Assemblies, Courts, Senates; that he should appoint the Number, Times of meeting, and what Estate they must have that could be capable of these: and dissolve or continue any of the present Constitutions according to his pleasure. First then he repealed all 
He repeals Draco 's Laws.  Draco's Laws, except those concerning Murder, because they were too severe, and their punishments too great; for Death was appointed for almost all offences, insomuch that those that were convicted of Idleness 
Draco 's Laws.  were to die, and those that stole a Cabbage, or an Apple to suffer as the Villains that committed Sacrilege or Murder: And therefore Demades is famous for saying that Draco's Laws were not writ with Ink but Blood: and he himself being once asked, Why he made Death the punishment of most offences? replied, Small ones deserve that, and I have no higher for the greater Crimes. Next, Solon being willing to continue 
Solon 's model of his Commonwealth.  the Magistracy in the hands of the rich Men, and yet receive the People into the other part of the Government, he took an account of the Citizen's Estates, and those that were worth five hundred Measures of Wet and Dry he placed in the first rank, calling them Pentacosiomedimnoi; those that could keep an Horse, or were worth three hundred Measures, were named Hippada telountes, and made the second Class; the Zeugitae that had two hundred Measures were in the third; and all the others were called Thete's, who were not admitted to any Office, but could come to the Assembly, and give their Voices: which at first seemed nothing, but afterwards appeared a considerable privilege; for most of the Controversies came to their hearing, because in all matters that were under the cognizance of the other Magistrates there lay an appeal to that Assembly. Beside 'tis said that he was obscure and ambiguous in the wording of his Laws, on purpose to increase the honour of his Courts; for since their differences could not be adjusted by the Letter; they were to bring all their Causes to the Judges, who were as Masters, and interpreters of the Laws: and of this Equality he himself makes mention in this manner; 
What power was fit I did on all bestow,  
Not raised the Poor too high, nor pressed too low:  
The Rich that ruled, and every Office bore  
Confined by Laws they could not press the Poor:  
Both parties I secured from lawless might,  
So none prevailed upon another's right:  And for the greater security of the weak Commons, he gave all liberty to enter an Action against another for an injury; so 
Solon 's Laws about Injuries.  that if one was beaten, maimed or suffered any violence, any man that would, and was able, might prosecute the injurious: intending by this to accustom the Citizens like members of the same Body, to resent and be sensible of one another's injuries, and there is a saying of his agreeable to this Law, for being asked what City was best modelled? That, says he, where those that are not injured equally prosecute the unjust with those that are: when he had constituted the Areopagus of the yearly Magistrates, 
He institutes the Areopagus.  of which he himself, being Archon, was a member; still observing that the People, now free from their Debts, grew proud and imperious; he settled another Court of four hundred, a hundred out of 
The Court of 400.  each of the four Tribes, which were to inspect all matters before they were to be propounded to the People; and to take care that nothing but what had been diligently examined, should be brought before the general Assembly: The upper Council he made inspectours and keepers of the Laws, supposing that the Commonwealth held by these two Councils, as by firm Anchors, would be less liable to be tossed by tumults, and the People be more at quiet: Thus most deliver that Solon instituted the Areopagus, which seems to be confirmed, because Draco makes no mention of the Areopagites, but in all capital Causes applies himself to the Ephetae: Yet Solon's thirteenth Table contains the eighth Law, set down in these words: Whoever before Solon's Archonship were disgraced let them be restored, except those that being condemned by the Areopagites, Ephetae, or the Kings for Murder, or designs against the Government, had fled their Country when this Law was made: and these words seem to show that the Areopagus was before Solon's Laws, for who could be condemned by that Council before his time, if he was the first that instituted the Court? unless, which is probable, there is some defect and obscurity in this Table, and it should run thus, Those that are convicted of such offences as belong to the cognizance of the Areopagites, Ephetae, or the Prytanes, when this Law was made, should remain still in disgrace whilst others are restored: and this was his meaning. Amongst his other 
The Law against Neuters in a Tumult.  Laws, that is very peculiar, and surprising, which makes all those infamous who stand Neuters in a Sedition; for it seems, he would not have any one insensible and regardless of the Public, and, securing his private affairs, glory that he had no feeling of the distempers of his Country: but presently join with the good party and those that had the right upon their side, assist, and venture with them, rather than shift out of harms way and watch who would get the better. But that seems an absurd 
The Law about Hieresses.  and foolish Law, which permits an Hieress, if her lawful Husband prove impotent, to lie with his nearest Kinsman: yet some say, this Law was well contrived against those, who, conscious of their own inability, yet, for the sake of the portion, would match with Hieresses, and make use of Law to put a violence upon Nature; for now since she can lie with whom she please, they must either abstain from such Marriages or continue them with disgrace, and suffer for their covetousness and designed affront: besides 'tis well done to confine her to her Husband's nearest Kinsman, that the Children may be of the same Family; and agreeable to this is the Law that the Bride and Bridegroom shall be shut into a Chamber, and eat a Quince together, and that her Husband is obliged to go in to such an Heiress thrice a Month, for though he gets no Children, yet 'tis an honour and due affection which an Husband ought to pay to a virtuous chaste Wife; it takes off all petty differences, and will not permit their little quarrels to proceed to a rupture.  
In all other Marriages he forbade Dowries 
Concerning other Marriages.  to be given, the Wife was to have three suits of Clothes, a little inconsiderable Householdstuff, and that was all: for he would not have Marriages contracted for gain, or an Estate, but for pure Love, kind Affection, and to get Children. Dionysius, when his Mother advised him to marry one of his Citizens, Indeed, says he, by my Tyranny I have broken my Country's Laws, but cannot put a violence upon those of Nature by an unseasonable Marriage. Such disorder is never to be suffered in a Commonwealth, nor such unseasonable and unperforming Marriages, which neither attain their due end, nor fruit: but any provident Governor or Lawgiver might say to an old Man that takes a young Wife, what is spoken to Philoctetes in the Tragedy; Poor Wretch, in what a fit condition art thou to be married! and if he finds a young Man with a rich old Woman, like a Partridge growing fat upon the duty, remove him to a Virgin that needs a Husband; and of this enough.  
Another commendable Law of Solon's is 
Not to speak evil of the Dead.  that which forbids men to speak evil of the Dead; for 'tis pious to think them sacred, and just not to meddle with those that are gone, and politic to prevent the perpetuity of discord: He likewise forbade them to speak evil of the Living in the Temple, before the Tribunal, in the Court, or at the Games; or else to pay three Drachmas to the private person, and two to the public; for never to be able to rule passion shows a weak nature, and ill-breeding: and always to moderate it, is very hard, and to some impossible: Now the matter of Laws must be possible if the maker designs to punish few in order to their amendment, and not many to no purpose.  
He is likewise much commended for his 
Concerning Wills.  Law concerning Wills, for before none could be made; but all the wealth and Estate of the deceased belonged to his Family: but he permitted them, if they had no Children, to bestow it on whom they pleased; esteeming Friendship a stronger Tie than Kindred, and Affection than Necessity; and thus made every man's Estate in the disposal of the possessor: yet he allowed not all sorts of Legacies, but those only which were not extorted by the frenzy of a Disease, charms, imprisonment, force, or the persuasions of his Wife; with good reason thinking it all one between deceit and necessity, flattery or compulsion, since both are equally powerful to persuade a man from Reason.  
He regulated the Walks, Feasts, and 
Laws concerning Women.  Mourning of the Women; and took away every thing that was either unbecoming or immodest: when they walked abroad no more than three Coats were allowed them; a half pennyworth of meat and drink, nor a Basket above a cubit high; and at night they were not to stir but in a Chariot; with a Torch before them. The Mourners 
Concerning Mourning.  tearing themselves to raise pity, and their lamentations at Strangers Funerals he forbade. To offer an Ox at the Grave was not permitted; nor to bury above three Garments with the Body, or visit the Tombs of any besides their own Family, unless at the very Funeral; most of which are likewise forbidden by our Laws, but this is farther added in ours, that those that are convicted of extravagance in their Mournings, are to be punished as soft and effeminate by the Censors of the Women.  
He observing the City was filled with 
Solon instituteth Trades.  persons that flocked from all parts into Attica, for security of living, and that most of the Country was barren and unfruitful; and the Traders at Sea imported nothing to those that could give them no exchange: he brought his Citizens to Trade; and made a Law, that no Son should be obliged to relieve his Father, who had not bred him up to any Calling. 'Tis true, Lycurgus 
The difference between Lycurgus and Solon.  having a City free from all Strangers, and enough, or (according to Euripides) sufficient for twice so many; and abundance of Labourers about Sparta, who should not be kept idle, but be broken with continual toil and work, he did well to take off his Citizens from Trades laborious and mechanical, and keep them to their Arms, and teach them only the Art of War. But Solon fitting his Laws according to the state of Things, and not ordering Things according to his Laws, and finding the ground scarce rich enough to maintain the Farmers, and altogether unable to feed the lazy multitude; he brought Trades into credit, and ordered the Areopagites to examine how every man got his living, and chastise the idle: But that Law was more 
Law about the Sons of Harlots.  rigid which (as Heraclides Ponticus delivers) declared the Sons of Harlots not obliged to relieve their Fathers, for he that will not marry doth not take a Woman for Children, but for pleasure, and thus hath his just reward, having no pretence to upbraid his Children, to whom he hath made their very Birth a scandal and reproach. But in short, many of Solon's Laws 
Solon 's Laws about Women.  about Women are absurd; for he permitted any one to kill an Adulterer that found him in the Act; if any one forced a free Woman, an hundred Drachmas was the Fine; if he enticed her, twenty; except those that traded for a price, I mean common Whores; for they go openly to those that hire them. He made it unlawful to sell a Daughter, or a Sister, unless, being yet unmarried, she was found wanton with a Man. Now 'tis irrational to punish the same Crime sometimes very severely and without remorse, and sometimes very lightly and as 'twere in sport, with a trivial Fine, unless there being little Money then in Athens, that scarcity made those Mulcts the more grievous punishment. The value of Sacrifices must be one Sheep, and a Drachma for a Bushel. The Victor in the Isthmian 
The scarcity of Money.  Games was to have for reward an hundred Drachmas. The Conqueror in the Olyman five hundred. He that caught a Dog Wolf, five Drachmas, he that killed a Bitch, one: the former sum (as Demetrius Phalereus asserts) was the value of an Ox, the latter of a Sheep: but those prices which in his sixteenth Table he sets on the choice Sacrifices were certainly far greater, for else they are very little in comparison of the present. The Athenians, their Fields 
Whence the Athenian Tribes called.  being better for Pasture than Corn, were from the beginning great enemies to Wolves; and some affirm their Tribes did not take their names from the Sons of Javan, but from the different sorts of Occupation that they followed; the Soldiers were called Hoplitae, the Craftsmen Ergatae; and of the remaining two, the Farmers, Georgi, and the Shepherds and Graziers Aigicorae. Besides, since the Country hath but few 
Solon 's Law about Wells.  Rivers, Lakes, or large Springs, and many used Wells which they had dug; there was a Law made that where there was a public Well within a Hippicon (that is four Furlongs) all should draw at that; but when it was farther off they might provide a private Well: and if they had dug ten fathom deep and could find no Water they had liberty to fetch ten Gallons a day from their neighbours: for he thought it prudent to make provision against want but not encourage laziness. Besides, he showed his 
Laws concerning Planting and other things.  skill in the orders about planting, for any one that would plant another Tree, was not to set it within five foot of his neighbour's Field; but if a Fig or an Olive, not within nine: for their Roots spread farther, nor can they be planted near all sorts of Trees without damage, for they draw away the nourishment, and hurt some by their venomous effluviums. He that would dig a Pit or a Ditch, was to dig it at as far a distance from his neighbour's Ground as it was deep: and he that would raise stocks of Bees, was not to raise them within three hundred feet of those which another had already raised: He permitted only Oil to be exported, and those that did export any other Fruit, the Archon was solemnly to curse; or else pay himself an hundred Drachmas: and this Law was written in his first Table, and therefore let none think those liars that affirm, the exportation of Figs was heretofore unlawful; and the Informer against the Delinquents called a Sycophant. Besides he made a Law concerning 
Laws about hurtful Beasts.  hurts and injuries from Beasts, in which he commands the Master of any Dog that bit a Man, to hang him in a Chain of four Cubits; and this was a good device for men's security. The Law concerning 
Law about naturalising Strangers.  naturalising Strangers is severe, for he permitted only those to be made Free of Athens, who were in perpetual exile from their own Country, or came with their whole Family to trade there: and this he did, not to discourage Strangers, but rather invite them, by making them secure of the privileges of that Government: and besides he thought they would prove the more faithful Citizens, who had been forced from their own Country, or voluntarily forsook it.  
But the Law concerning public Entertainments was peculiarly Solon's, for if any 
Law about public Feasts.  man came often, or if he that was invited refused, they were punished; for he concluded that one was greedy, the other a contemner of the public: All his Laws he established for an hundred years, and writ them in wooden Tables named Axonas, which might be turned round in oblong cases; some of their relics may be now seen in the common Hall at Athens. These (as Aristotle affirms) are called Cyrbes, and Cratinus the Comedian, somewhere speaking of Draco and Solon, says, in those Cyrbes they now parch Pease. But some say those are properly Cyrbes, which contain the Laws concerning Sacrifices and the Rites of Religion: and all the others Axones. The Senate all jointly swore to confirm the Laws, and every one of the Thesmothetae vowed at the Cross in the Marketplace, that if he broke any of the Statutes, he would dedicate a golden Statue, as big as himself, at Delphos. Now observing the irregularity 
Solon regulates the Months.  of the Months, and that the Moon did not always rise and set with the Sun; but often in the same day overtake and go before him, he ordered the day should be named 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the Old and New; attributing that part of it which was before the conjunction to the Old Moon, and the rest to the New. He being the first it seems that understood that Verse of Homer, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. The following day he called the New Moon, after the twentieth he added no day, but counting backward, according to the decreasing Phases of the Moon he reckoned up to thirty.  
Now when these Laws were enacted, 
Solon leaves Athens.  and some came to Solon every day, either to commend or dispraise them, and advise, if possible, to leave out, or put in something: and many were curious, and desired him to explain, and tell the meaning of such and such a passage, and he knowing that not to do it was disobliging, and to do it would get him ill will; and desirous to bring himself out of all straits, and take off all reasons of suspicion from those that sought them: for 'tis a hard thing (as he himself says) in great affairs to please every body: he pretended himself Master of a Ship, and having obtained leave for ten years' absence, he departed: for he hoped by that time his Laws would be customary and familiar: his first Voyage was for Egypt, 
Solon in Egypt.  and he lived (as he himself says) Near Nilus' mouth, by fair Canopus' shore. He spent some time in study with Psenophis of Hierapolis and Sonchis the Saite, the most famous of all the Priests; from whom (as Plato says) getting some knowledge of the Atlantic Island, he put it into a Poem, and endeavoured to bring it into credit among the Grecians: from thence he sailed to Cyprus, where he was made 
Solon in Cyprus.  much on by Philocyprus one of the Kings there, who had a small City built by Demophoon Theseus' Son, near the River Clarius, in a strong place, 'tis true, but barren and uneasy of access. Solon persuaded him, since there lay a fair plain below, to remove, and build a more pleasant and greater City: And he there present took care to get inhabitants, and fitted it both for defence and convenience of living: insomuch that many Subjects flocked to Philocyprus, and the other Kings imitated the design; and therefore to honour Solon, he called the City Solos, which was formerly named Apeia: and Solon himself in his Elegies speaking to Philocyprus, mentions this Foundation in these words;  
Long may you live, and fill the Solian Throne,  
Succeeded still by Children of your own:  
And whilst from your blessed Isle I gently sail,  
Let Venus send a kind and prosperous Gale:  
Let her enlarge the bounds of your Command,  
And raise your Town, and send me safe to Land.  
That Solon should discourse with Croesus, 
Solon with Croesus.  some think not agreeable with Chronology; but I cannot reject so credible a relation, and so well attested, and (what is more) so agreeable to Solon's temper, so worthy his wisdom and greatness of mind, because forsooth it doth not agree with some Chronological Canons, which thousands have endeavoured to regulate, and yet to this day could never bring the differing opinions to any agreement. And therefore they say Solon coming to Croesus at his request, was in the same condition, as an inland Man when first he goes to see the Sea; for as he fancies every River he meets with to be the Ocean, so Solon, as he passed through the Court, and saw a great many Nobles richly dressed, and proudly attended with a multitude of Guards and Footboys, thought every one had been the King, till he was brought to Croesus, who was decked with all the ornaments of Jewels, Purple and Embroidery; all that could make him fine, and admired, that he might appear the most glorious and gaudy spectacle. Now when Solon came before him, and seemed not at all surprised, nor gave Croesus those compliments he expected; but showed himself to all discerning eyes, to be a Man that despised such gaudy vanities; he commanded them to show him all his Wealth, though he did not desire to see it, and all his warlike preparations: now when he returned from viewing all this, Croesus asked him if ever he had seen an happier Man than he was? and when Solon answered he knew one Tellus a Citizen of his, and told him that this Tellus was an honest man, had good Children, a competent Estate, and died bravely for his Country; Croesus took him for an ill bred fellow, and a fool, for not measuring happiness by the abundance of Gold and Silver; and preferring the life and death of a private and mean Man, before so much power and such an Empire: he asked him again if besides Tellus, he knew any other Man more happy? and Solon replying yes, Cleobis and Bito, who were Brothers, were very loving and extreme dutiful to their Mother; for when the Oxen went but slow, they put themselves into the Wagon, and drew their Mother to Juno's Temple, who was extremely pleased with their action, and called happy by her neighbours; and then sacrificing, and feasting, they never rose again, but died without pains or convulsions immediately after they had gotten so great credit and reputation. What, says Croesus angry, and dost not thou reckon us amongst the happy men? and Solon, unwilling either to flatter, or exasperate him more, replied; The Gods, O King, in other things have given the Greeks nothing great and excellent, so our wisdom is bold, and mean, and low, not noble and Kingly; and this observing the numerous misfortunes that attend all conditions, forbids us to grow insolent upon our present enjoyments, or to admire any man's happiness that may change, for what variety will happen is unknown; but to whom God hath continued happiness unto the end, that Man we call happy; but his happiness that is yet alive, is like the glory and crown of a Wrestler that is still within the ring, unsteady, and uncertain: after this he was dismissed, having grieved, but not instructed Croesus. But Aesop, he that writ the Fables, 
Solon 's discourse with Aesop.  (being then at Sardis, upon Croesus his invitation, and very much esteemed) was concerned that Solon was so meanly treated, and gave him this advice: Solon, let your visits to Kings be as seldom, or as pleasant as you can: and Solon replied, No faith, but let them be as seldom, or as profitable as you can. Then indeed Croesus despised Solon, but when he was overcome by Cyrus, had lost his City, was taken alive, condemned to be burnt, and laid bound upon the Pile before all the Persians and Cyrus himself; he cried out as loud as possibly he could three times, O Solon, and Cyrus surprised, and sending some to inquire, what Man, or God this Solon was, that he only invoked in this unavoidable misfortune? Croesus told him the whole story, saying he was one of the wise men of Greece, whom I sent for, not to be instructed, or to learn any thing that I wanted, but that he should see, and be a witness of my happiness: the loss of which is now a greater evil, than the enjoyment was a good; for when I had them they were goods only in Opinion, but now the loss of them hath brought upon me intolerable and real evils; and that man conjecturing these present calamities would happen, bade me look to the end of my life, and not rely and grow proud upon uncertainties. When this was told Cyrus, who was a wiser man than Croesus, and seeing in the present example that Solon's saying was confirmed: he not only freed Croesus from punishment, but honoured him as long as he lived; and Solon had the glory by the same saying to instruct one King, and save another.  
When Solon was gone, the Citizens began to quarrel; Lycurgus headed the lower quarter, Megacles the Son of Alcmaeon those that lived towards the Sea, and Pisistratus the upper quarter, in which were the meanest people (the Thete's) and greatest enemies to the rich: insomuch that though the City yet used their Laws, yet all looked for, and desired a change of Government, hoping the change would be better for them, and put them above the contrary Faction. Affairs standing thus, Solon returned and 
Solon returns to Athens.  was reverenced by all and honoured: but his old age would not permit him to be as active, and speak in the public, as formerly; but privately discoursing with the heads of the Factions, he endeavoured to compose the differences: Pisistratus still appearing the most tractable; for he was a sweet and taking man in his discourse, a friend to the poor, and very little given to enmity or passion, and what his nature had not given, custom and imitation taught; therefore he was trusted more than the others, being accounted a prudent moderate Man, one that loved equality, and would be an enemy to him that strove against the present settlement, rather than undermine it himself; for which his fair carriage he deceived the people. But Solon presently discovered him, and found out his design, yet did not hate him upon this, but endeavoured to humble him, and bring him off from his ambition, and often told him, and others, that if any one would take away his aspiring thoughts, and desire of Empire, none would make a more virtuous Man, or a more excellent Citizen. Thespis at this 
Tragedies begun.  time beginning to act Tragedies, and the thing, because 'twas new, taking very much with the multitude; for 'twas not yet a matter of strife and contention; Solon, being by nature a lover of learning, and now in his old age living idle, sporting and cheering himself with Music and a glass of Wine, went to see Thespis himself (as the ancient custom was) act; and after the Play was done, he discoursed him, and asked him if he was not ashamed to tell so many lies before such a company; and Thespis replying, 'Tis no harm to say or do so in jest and merriment; Solon vehemently striking his staff against the ground, Ay, says he, if we honour and commend such Merriment as this, we shall find it will creep into our serious affairs. Now when Pisistratus, having 
Pisistratus gets the Government.  wounded himself, was brought into the Marketplace in a Chariot, and stirred up the People, as if he had been thus dealt with for his affection to the Government, and a great many were enraged, and cried out: Solon, coming close to him, said, Pisistratus, you do not imitate Ulysses well; for you cut yourself to bring your Citizens into a tumult, but he to deceive his enemies: Then presently the People would defend Pisistratus, and gathered into an Assembly; where one Ariston making a motion that they should allow Pisistratus fifty Clubmen for a Guard to his person, Solon opposed it, and talked a great deal such as he hath left us in his Poems, You dote upon his words and taking phrase. And again, 
True, each Man single is a crafty Soul,  
But all together ye make one giddy Fool:  But observing the poor men anend to gratify Pisistratus, and tumultuous; and the rich fearful, and getting out of harms way, he departed; saying he was wiser than some, and stouter than others: wiser than those that did not understand the design, stouter than those that, though they understood it, were afraid to oppose the Tyranny. Now the People having past the Law, were not exact with Pisistratus about the number of his Clubmen, but took no notice of it, though he listed and kept as many as he would, till he seized the Castle: when that was done, and the City in an uproar, Megacles with all of his Family straight fled: but Solon, though he was now very old, and had none to back him; yet came into the Marketplace, and made a speech to his Citizens, sometimes blaming their inadvertency and meanness of spirit, sometimes passionately exhorting them, not thus tamely to lose their Liberty; and likewise then spoke that memorable saying, that before 'twas an easier task to have stopped the rising Tyranny, but now the greater and more glorious action to destroy it, when it was begun already, and had gathered strength. But all being afraid to side with him, he returned home, and taking his Arms he brought them out, and laid them in the Porch before his Door, with these words: To the utmost of my power I have striven for my Country and my Laws, and then he busied himself no more: His Friends advising him to fly, he refused, but writ a Poem, and thus rattled the Athenians, 
If now you smart, blame not the heavenly powers,  
For they are good, the fault is only ours;  
We gave him all our Forts, we took the Chain,  
And now he makes us Slaves, yet we complain.  And many telling him that the Tyrant would have his Head for this, and ask to what he trusted that he ventured to speak so boldly, he replied, my old Age. But Pisistratus, having gotten the command, so honoured Solon, obliged and kindly entertained him, that Solon gave him his advice, and approved many of his actions: for he kept many of Solon's Laws, observed them himself, and compelled his Friends to obey. And he himself, though then in power, being accused of Murder before the Areopagus, came quietly to clear himself, but his accuser let fall the Indictment. And he added other Laws, one of which is, that the maimed in the Wars should be maintained at the public charge; this Heraclides Ponticus delivers, and that Pisistratus followed Solon's example in this, who had before determined it in the case of one Thersippus that was maimed: and Theophrastus' asserts, that 'twas Pisistratus, not Solon that made that Law against Laziness, which was the reason that the Country was better manured, and the City not so clogged with Inhabitants. Now Solon having begun 
The Atlantic Islands.  a great Work in Verse, the relation or Fable of the Atlantic Islands, which he had learned from the wise Men in Sais, and was convenient for the Athenians to know, grew weary of it; not (as Plato says) by reason of his multitude of business, but his age, and being discouraged at the greatness of the task; for these Verses testify that he had leisure enough, Now I grow old, yet still I learn, And again, 
I mind a Song, a Miss and glass of Wine;  
These are most men's delights, and these are mine:  But Plato willing to improve the story of the Islands, as if 'twere a fair Estate that wanted an Heir, and descended to him; makes them stately Entrances, noble Enclosures, large Courts, such as no Essay, no Fable, no Fiction ever had before; but beginning it late, he ended his Life before his Work; and so the Readers trouble for the unfinished part is the greater, as the satisfaction he takes in that which is complete is extraordinary: for as the City of Athens left only the Temple of Jupiter Olympius, unfinished, so Plato, amongst all his excellent Works, left this only Piece about the Atlantic Islands imperfect: Solon lived after Pisistratus seized the Government (as Heraclides Ponticus asserts) a long time; but Phanias the Ephesian says, not full two 
Solon 's Death.  years; for Pisistratus began his Tyranny when Comias was Archon; and Phanias says Solon died under Hegestratus, who succeeded Comias. Now the story that his Ashes were scattered about the Island Salamis, is too absurd to be believed, or be any thing but a mere Fable; and yet 'tis written by many considerable men; and Aristotle the Philosopher.  
The End of Solon 's Life.   


POPLICOLA.   portrait M Burghers delin. et sculp.  
THE LIFE OF P. VAL. POPLICOLA.  Englished from the Greek, By Mr. Dodswell. 
NOW Solon making such a Figure, to him we compare Poplicola, which later Title the Roman people entailed upon his merit, as a noble access to his former name Publius Valerius. He descended from Valerius, a man amongst 
Valerius 's extraction, whence.  our ancestors, reputed the principal reconciler of the differences betwixt Roman and Sabine, and one that with the greatest success persuaded their Kings to assent thereunto, and from a state of hostility composed them into a friendly union. To this man Publius Valerius owing his Birth (as they write) whilst Rome remained under its Kingly Government, obtained a name as great from his eloquence as his riches; the one courteously employing in a liberal distribution to the poor, the other generously in the service of justice, as thereby assuring, should the Government fall into a Republic, he would become a chief state in the Community. It happened afterwards, that the unjust and illegal aspiring of Tarqvinius 
The usurpation of Tarqvinius Superbus.  Superbus to the Crown, with his making it instead of Kingly rule the instrument of insolence and tyranny; moved the people into an hatred and regret of his reign, insomuch that from the death of Lucretia (she 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  sacrificing her own life to the vengeance of his violence) they took an occasion of revolt. And L. Brutus fitting things for a change, aided with the conduct of Valerius deposed the Kings. And whilst the people inclined towards the electing one Leader instead of their King, Valerius acquiesced in this, that to rule was rather Brutus' due as the Author of the Democracy. But the name of Monarchy growing odious to the people, and to live under a divided power carrying a complacency in the prospect, they chose two to the managery thereof; which put Valerius in hopes that with Brutus he might be elected Consul, but was disappointed; for instead of Valerius, 
Valerius disappointed of the Consulship.  notwithstanding the endeavours of Brutus, Tarqvinius Collatinus was chosen, the Husband of Lucretia, a man no ways more virtuous than Valerius. But the Nobles, dreading the return of their Kings, who still used all endeavours abroad and solicitations at home, were resolved upon a Chieftain of an intense hatred to them, and no ways indulging to their interest.  
Now Valerius was troubled, that his service for his Country should be suspected to be misemployed, because he sustained no private injury from the insolence of the Tyrants, withdrew himself from the Senate, 
His private retirement.  and practice of the Bar, quitting all public concerns: which gave an occasion of discourse and fear too; lest, through malice reconciled to the King's side, he should prove the ruin of the State tottering as yet under the uncertainties of a change. But Brutus being jealous of some others, determined to give the Test to the Senate upon the Altars: upon the day appointed Valerius came with cheerfulness into the Forum, and was the first man that protested neither to contribute to, or promote Tarquin's designs, but rigorously to maintain his liberty, which gave great satisfaction to the Senate and assurance to the Consuls, his actions soon after showing the sincerity of his Oath. For Ambassadors came from Tarquin, with Letters affecting a populacy, and full of insinuating 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  expressions, whereby they thought to wheedle the people, assuring them, the King had cast off all insolence, and made moderation the only measure of his desires. To this Embassy the Consuls thought fit to give public audience: but Valerius opposed 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  it, and would not permit, that to the poorer sort, who entertained the fear of a War with more reluctancy than Tyranny, any occasion should be offered, or any temptations to new designs. Afterwards other Ambassadors arrived, who declared their King would recede from his Crown, and lay down his Arms only capitulating for a restitution to himself, to his Friends and Allies of their Moneys and Estates to support their banishment. Now several inclining 
Brutus 's public zeal.  to this motion, and Collatinus favouring the request, Brutus, a person of a fierce and passionate nature, rushed into the Forum, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  there proclaiming his fellow-Consul to be a Traitor, in granting Subsidies to Tyranny and Ammunition for a War, when 'twere cruelty to relieve the necessities of their flight. This caused an Assembly of the Citizens, amongst whom the first that spoke was Gaius Minutius, a private man, who advised Brutus, and persuaded the Romans to take care that those Goods remaining in their hands, might be employed against the Tyrants rather, than being remitted to the Tyrants, be returned against themselves: Yet however 'twas the Romans opinion, that whilst they enjoyed the liberty they had fought for, not to reject Articles of Peace for the sakes of their Goods, but to throw them out after them. This regard of the Goods was the least part of Tarquin's design, yet the demand sounded the humours of the people, and became a preparatory 
A Conspiracy secretly contrived by Tarquin 's Agents.  to a Conspiracy; which the Ambassadors endeavoured through the delay of their return, under pretence of selling some of the Goods and reserving others to be sent away, till such time as they corrupted two of the eminentest Families in Rome, three Senators of the Aquilian, and two of the Vitellian Family, all of them by the Mother's side being Nephews to Collatinus; besides Brutus had a peculiar alliance to the Vitellians from his marriage with their Sister, by whom he had several Children; whereof two the Vitellians, whom nearness of blood and education had endeared each to other, decoyed into an association of their Treason, assuring them withal, should they interess themselves in Tarquin's Family, and the King's Party, they would be freed from the dotage and austerity of their Father (whose irreconcilement to offenders they termed austerity, and his dotage was a pretext and plea to the Tyrants for his security, which occasioned the continuance of that surname.) When upon these inducements the Youths came to discourse the Aquilians, all thought it convenient to oblige themselves in a solemn and dreadful Oath, with the ceremony of drinking 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 A horrid confirmation of Treason.  the blood of a murdered man, and touching his entrails. To which design they resorted to the habitation of the Aquilians, where was an House allotted for this transaction, (as happened) darksome and desolate; for the domestic Vindicius made no appearance, but there absconded himself, not out of design or any intelligence of the affair, but accidentally being within, and seeing with how much haste and concern they came in, was afraid to be discovered, but placed himself behind a Chest, so as he 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  might observe their actions and overhear their debates. The result was to kill the Consuls, and they wrote Letters to Tarquin advertising the same, and entrusted them in the hands of the Ambassador's lodging then at the Aquilians, and were present at the Consult.  
Upon their departure thence Vindicius crept out of his obscurity, but not understanding how to manage the business, was at a stand; for to arraign the Sons before the Father Brutus, or the Nephews to the Uncle Collatinus seemed equally (as 'twas indeed) a scene of horror; yet knew no private Roman, to whom he could entrust secrets 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  of such importance, and yet could not suffer to be buried in silence, what his conscience engaged him to reveal; and therefore 
Valerius made acquainted with the Conspiracy.  addressed himself to Valerius, the generosity of the man and civility inviting thereto, being a person to whom the needy had easy access, and never shut his Gates against the petitions or the indigences of a low estate: but when Vindicius had made a total discovery to him, his Brother Marcus and his own Wife being present at the relation, Valerius was struck with amazement, and by no means would dismiss the Discoverer, but confined him to his own 
His prudent managery thereof.  House, and placed his Wife as a guard to the Gatessending his Brother in the interim to beset the King's Palace, and to seize, if possible, their Letters, and secure the domestics; whilst he, with his constant attendance of Clients and Friends, and a great retinue of Servants, repaired to the House of the Aquilians, who were absent from home, and, forcing an entrance through the Gates, happened upon the Letters then lying in the Lodgings of the Ambassadors; whilst things were in this motion, the Aquilians made an hasty return, and mustering themselves about the Gate, endeavoured a recovery of the Letters: The other Party made a resistance, who casting their Gowns about their Necks, and using violence one to the other, at length hurried them with great difficulty through the Streets into the Forum. The like engagement happened about the King's Palace, where Marcus seized some other Letters, designed to be conveyed away in the Goods, and laying hands on what Servants his industry could find, dragged them also into the Forum. When the Consuls had quieted the tumult, Vindicius was brought out by the orders of Valerius, and the Accusation read, the Letters were opened, to which the Traitors could make no Plea. Most stood mute and dejected as sensible of the Villainy, yet some, to ingratiate themselves with Brutus, mentioned Banishment, and the tears of Collatinus, attended with Valerius' silence, gave some hopes of mercy: But Brutus calling his two Sons by their names, Canst thou 
The impartial proceeding of Brutus.  (said he) O Titus, nor thou Valerius make no defence against the Indictment; the question being thrice proposed, and no return made to Brutus, he turned himself to the Lictors, and cried, What remains is 
His severe Sentence.  your duty. The Lictors presently seized the Youths, and stripping them of their Garments, bound their hands behind them, and tore their Bodies with scourges, which seemed too tragical a Scene to be gazed upon; yet 'tis observable, Brutus made it the object of his choice, and would not suffer the least glance of pity to soften and smooth his wont rigour and austerity, but resolutely made his eyes attend the execution, even whilst the Lictors extending them on the ground, with an Axe cut off their Heads; then he departed, committing the rest to the judgement of his Colleague. This was an action equally as capable of commendation as reproof, for either the greatness of his virtue raised him above the impressions of sorrow, or the extravagancy of his misery took away all sense of it: but neither seemed common or the result of his humanity, but either proceeded from a divine efficacy or a brutish stupidity, yet 'tis more 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  reasonable we award it to his honour, lest through the weakness of the Judge his virtue should hazard a disrepute, for in the Romans opinion Brutus laboured more to reduce and settle the Government, than Romulus to found the City.  
Upon Brutus' departure out of the Forum, a consternation, horror and silence for some time possessed all, that reflected on what was done: besides, the easiness and forbearance of Collatinus gave confidence to the Aquilians to request some time to answer their Charge, and that Vindicius their Servant should be remitted into their hands, and no longer harboured amongst their Accusers. The Consul seemed inclined to their motion, and thereupon dissolved the Assembly; but Valerius would not suffer Vindicius to depart, who was encircled with the Rabble, nor the people to withdraw without censuring the Traitors; at length laid violent hands upon the Aquilii, and calling Brutus to his assistence, exclaimed against the unreasonable proceedings of Collatinus, to impose upon his Colleague the necessity of taking away the lives of his own 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Sons, and yet have thoughts of gratifying some Women with the lives of Traitors and enemies to their Country. Collatinus at this displeased, and commanding Vindicius to be taken away, the Lictors dispersed the Rabble, and seized their Man, and beat off whosoever endeavoured a rescue. But Valerius' Friends withstood the seizure, and the people cried out for Brutus, who returning, and silence being made, assured them he had showed himself a severe animadverter upon his own Sons, and therefore left the rest to the suffrages of the free Citizens, allowing every man to speak his pleasure, and gain the people over to his persuasion. But there was no need of Oratory, for it being referred to the Vote, they were returned condemned by all the suffrages, and were accordingly beheaded.  
When Collatinus saw his alliance to the 
Collatinus resigns his Consulship.  Kings had rendered him suspicious, and his name had made him odious to the people, who abominated the name of Tarquin, and perceiving himself as an offence to every one, relinquished his Charge and departed the City. The Court being called, in his 
Valerius declared Consul.  room Valerius honourably obtained the Consulship as a just reward of his good will; of which he thought Vindicius deserved a share, whom he made Denizon of Rome, and gave him the privilege of voting in what Tribe soever he was pleased to be enroled: (which liberty in voting, Appius a long time after, out of a popular design, granted to other Libertines) and from this Vindicius, a perfect Manumission, is called to this day Vindicta. This done, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  the Goods of the Kings are exposed to plunder, and the Palace to ruin; The pleasant 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Campus Martius, which Tarquin enjoyed, was devoted to the service of that God; but happening to be harvest season, and the Sheaves yet lodging on the ground, they thought it not reasonable to commit them to the Flail, or unsanctify them with any use, and therefore carrying them to the River side, and Trees withal, that were cut down, they cast all into the Water, and dedicated a sluggish and fruitless Soil to the 
The dedication of the Campus Martius.  Deity. Now these thrown in one upon another, and closing together, the stream did not bear them far, but being carried down together and sinking to the bottom, there gained a settlement, and finding no farther a conveyance, but there stopped and interwoven one with another, the stream worked the mass into a firmness, and washed down mud, which settling there, became an accession of matter as well as cement to the rubbish; insomuch that the violence of the Waves could not remove it, but forced all things to it, and then with a gentle pressure closed it together, which by reason of their bulk and solidity gaining new subsidies, and the neighbouring space receiving what the stream brought down, at last grew into an Island, called Insula Sacra, lying by the City, adorned with the Temples of the Gods and consecrated Walks, called in the Latin Tongue inter duos pontes. Though 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  some say, this happened not at the dedication of Tarquin's Field, but in after times, when Tarquinia, a Vestal Priestess, gave the adjacent Field to the public, and for that obtained great honours, as amongst the rest, that of all Women her testimony alone should find credit and acceptance, and had the liberty to marry, but refused it, and thus some write it happened.  
But Tarquin, despairing of a return to his Kingdom by the Conspiracy, found a kind reception amongst the Tuscans, who with a great Army lead him out into the Field; the Consuls headed the Romans against them, and made their rendezvouse in the holy places, the one called the Arsian Grove, the other the Aesuvian Meadow: when they came to charge, Aruns, the Son of Tarquin, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 The single engagement of Aruns with Brutus.  and Brutus, the Roman Consul, not incidentally encountering each other, but out of a malicious rage (the one to avenge Tyranny and enmity to his Country, the other his Banishment) set Spurs to their Horses, and engaging with fury instead of reason, grew unmindful of their own security, and so fell together in the combat. This so dreadful an onset hardly insured a more favourable end; but both Armies doing and receiving equal damage were diverted by a Storm. Now Valerius was much concerned, not knowing the success of the day; and seeing his men as well difmayed at the sight of their own dead, as revived at the loss of the enemy, so undiscernible alike had the greatness of the slaughter made the appearance, that each side upon a review of their remains adjudged 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  to themselves rather a defeat, than from the estimate each made of his enemy, a Victory. The night being come, (and such as one may presume must follow such a Battle) and the Armies laid to rest, they write the Grove shook and murmured a Voice, saying, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  that the Tuscans lost one man more than the Romans, which was esteemed as an Oracle, and the Romans presently entertained it with shouts and expressions of joy: whilst the Tuscans through fear and amazement deserted their Tents, and were much dispersed; The Romans falling upon the remains, 
The Tuscans vanquished by the Romans.  which amounted to nigh five thousand, took them prisoners, and plundered the Camp: when they numbered the dead, they found on the Tuscans side eleven thousand and three hundred, exceeding their own loss but by one man. This Fight happened upon the last of February, and Valerius triumphed upon the Conquest, being the first Consul that adorned it with a Chariot, which fight as it appeared magnificent, so 'twas received with a veneration free from envy, or (what some suggest) an offence to the Spectators, neither did it savour of emulation or ambition, when 'twas derived to after ages. The people applauded likewise the honours he did to his Colleague, in setting forth his Obsequies with a Funeral Oration, which so pleased the Romans, and found so good a reception, that it became customary for the best men to celebrate the Funerals of great men with Speeches in their commendation, and their antiquity is affirmed to be greater than that of Greece, unless according to the Orator Anaximenes' account we acknowledge Solon to be Author.  
Yet some part of Valerius' behaviour 
Valerius why disesteemed by the people.  gave an offence and disgust to the people, because after Brutus, whom they esteemed as Patriot of their Liberty had not presumed to Lord it without a Colleague, but still assumed one and then another to him in his Commission; but Valerius (said they) carrying all things by his power, seemed not a Successor to Brutus, having no deference to the Consulship, but an aim to Tarquin's Tyranny; and notwithstanding his verbal Harangues to Brutus' memory, yet when he was attended with all the Rods and Axes, and came from an House as stately as that he demolished of the Kings, those actions showed him an imitator of Tarquin; besides his dwelling House called Velia was more magnificent, which hanging over the 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Forum, overlooked all transactions there, the access to it was hard, and the return from it difficult, but to see him come down, was a stately prospect, and equalled the majesty of a King. But Valerius showed, how much it imported men in power and great Offices to give admittance to truth before flattery; for upon his Friends remonstrances, that he displeased the people, contended not, neither resented it, but that very night sending for Carpenters pulled down 
Valerius demolisheth his stately House.  his House and levelled it with the ground; so that in the morning the people flocking thither saw the ruins, they loved and admired the generosity of the man, and deplored the Consul's loss, who wanting an 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  House, was forced to seek a foreign habitation; and wished a repair of so much beauty and magnificence, as to one, to whom malice had unjustly procured the ruin. His Friends received him, till the place the people gave him was furnished with an House, though less stately than his own, where now stands the Temple called Vicus Publicus.  
He resolved to render the Government as well as himself, instead of terrible, familiar and pleasant to the people, and parted the Axes from the Rods, and always upon his entrance into the Assembly, with an humble submission veiled them to the people, as restoring thereby the excellency of a Commonwealth, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  and this the Consuls observe to this day. But the humility of the man, which the people thought real, was but a device, to abate their envy by this moderation, for as much as he detracted from his liberty, so much he advanced in his power, the people still submitting with satisfaction, which they expressed by calling him Poplicola, i. e. a popular man, which name had the 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  pre-eminence of the rest, and therefore in the sequel of this History we shall use no other. He gave free leave to any to sue for the Consulship, but before the admittance of a Colleague, mistrusting futurity, lest the emulation or the ignorance of him should cross his designs, by his own authority enacted 
The Ordinances and Laws of Poplicola.  some good and noble Constitutions. First he supplied the vacancies of the Senators, which either Tarquin long before put to death, or the War lately out off; those that were registered, they write amounted to one hundred threescore and four: afterwards he made several Laws, which added much to the people's liberty, as one granting offenders the liberty of appealing to the people from the censure of the Consuls; a second, that made it death to usurp the magistracy without the people's consent; a third for the relief of poor Citizens, which taking off their taxes encouraged their labours; another against disobedience to the Consuls, which was no less popular than the rest, and rather to the benefit of the Commonalty, than to the advantage of the Nobles, for it imposed upon disloyalty the penalty of ten Oxen and two Sheep, the price of a Sheep was ten Oboli, of an Ox an hundred. For the use of Money was 
Money not much in use amongst the Romans.  then infrequent amongst the Romans, their wealth consisting in a plenty of cattle, so that afterwards their Estates were called Peculia from Pecus, i. e. cattle, and had 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  upon their ancient Money engraved an Ox, a Sheep, or an Hog; and hence surnamed their Sons Suilli, Bubulci, or Caprarii, (they calling Caprae, Goats, and Porci, Hogs.) These Laws showed the evenness and the popularity of the giver, yet amidst this moderation he instituted one excessive punishment, for he made it lawful without accusation to take away any man's life that aspired to a Tyranny, and acquitted the executioner, if he produced evidences of the crime; for though 'twas not probable, whose designs were so great, to escape all notice, yet because 'twas possible his power might prevent judgement, which the usurpation itself would then take off, gave a licence to any to prevent the Usurper. He was honoured likewise for the Law touching the 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Treasury, and because necessity engaged the Citizens out of their Estates to contribute to the maintenance of Wars, and he being unwilling himself to be concerned in the care of it, or to permit his Friends, or indeed that the public Money should be entrusted into private hands, allotted the Temple of Saturn for the Treasury (in which to this day they reposite the Tribute-money) and granted the people the liberty of choosing two young men as Questors, i. e. Treasurers, and the first were P. Veturius and Minucius Marcus, there being 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 P. Veturius and Minucius Marcus first Questors in Rome.  a great Sum collected, for they assessed one hundred and thirty thousand, excusing Orphans and Widows from the payment. Affairs standing in this posture he admitted Lucretius, the Father of Lucretia, as his Colleague, and gave him the precedence in the Government by resigning up the Fasces, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  i. e. Rods to him as due to his years, which humble observance to age was derived to posterity. But within a few days Lucretius died, and Marcus Horatius succeeded in that honour, and continued the remaining part of the year.  
Now whilst Tarquin was making preparations in Tuscany for a second War against the Romans, 'tis said a portentous accident fell out. When Tarquin was King, and having not completed the buildings of the Capitol, he designing, whether from a Divine impulse or his own pleasure, to erect an earthen Chariot upon the top, entrusted the workmanship to Tuscans of the City Veies, but soon after was obliged to retire from his Kingdom. The Work thus modelled the Tuscans set in a Furnace, but the Clay showed not those passive qualities which usually attend its nature, to subside and be condensed upon the exhalations of the moisture, but rose up and swelled to that bulk, that being consolidated and firm, notwithstanding the removal of the head and breaking down the walls of the Furnace, it could not be taken out without much difficulty. The wise men looked upon this as a Divine prognostic of success and power to those that should enjoy it, and the Tuscans resolved not to deliver it to the Romans who demanded it: but answered that it rather belonged to Tarquin, than to those that forced him into exile. A few days after there happened an Horse-race with the usual shows and solemnities, the Chariotier with his Crown on his head softly driving his victorious Chariot out of the ring, the Horses, upon no apparent occasion affrighted, but either out of a Divine instigation or an accidental, hurried away their driver full speed to Rome, neither did his holding them in prevail, or his gentle soothe, but 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  with violence was forced along, till coming to the Capitol, was there thrown by the Gate called Ratumena. This occurrence raised wonder and fear in the Veians, who upon this permitted a delivery of the Chariot.  
Now Tarquin, the Son of Demaratus, warring with the Sabines, avowed the building of the Capitol, which Tarqvinius Superbus, Grandson to the avower, began, yet could not dedicate it, because he lost his Kingdom before 'twas finished; when 'twas completed and adjusted with all its ornaments, Poplicola had a great ambition 
Poplicola ambitious of dedicating the Capitol.  to the dedication, but the Nobility envied him that honour, as well as those his prudence in making Laws and conduct in Wars entitled him to: and presuming he merited not the addition of this, they importuned Horatius to sue for the dedication; and whilst Poplicola was engaged to lead the Army into the Field, voted it to Horatius, and accordingly conducted him to the Capitol, assuring themselves, that were Poplicola present, they should not have prevailed. Yet some write, Poplicola was by lot destined against his will to the Army, the other to the dedication; and what happened in the performance, seems to intimate some ground for this conjecture: for upon the Ides of September, which happens about the full Moon of the Month Metagitnion, the 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  people flocking to the Capitol, and silence enjoined, Horatius after the performance of other Ceremonies holding the Doors, according to custom pronounced the words of dedication; then Marcus the Brother of Poplicola, who had stood for some time at the Door, observing his opportunity, cried, " O Consul, thy Son lies dead in the Camp, which made great impressions upon the Auditory, yet in no wise discomposed Horatius, receiving only this reply, Then cast 
Horatius 's undaunted reply to Marcus.  the dead out whither you please, for I shall not admit of sorrow; and so pursued his dedication; this news was not true, but Marcus thought the lie might avert him from his performance. This argued him a man of an admirable constancy, whether he presently saw through the cheat, or believed it as true, showing no discomposure in his passions. The same success attended the dedication of the Second Temple: the first is said to be built by Tarquin, and dedicated by Horatius, which was burnt down in the civil Wars. The Second Sylla built, and dying before the dedication, bequeathed that honour to Catulus; but when this was demolished in the Vitellian Sedition, Vespasian with somewhat like success began a Third, and saw it finished, but lived not to see its ruins, which accompanied his death; yet surviving the dedication of his Work, seemed more fortunate than Sylla, who died before his, though immediately after his death 'twas consumed by Fire. A Fourth was built by Domitian, and dedicated. 'Tis said Tarquin expended forty thousand pound of Silver in the very Foundations; but the greatest treasure of any private 
The magnificent structure of the Capitol.  man in Rome would not discharge the guilding of this Temple in our days, it amounting to above twelve thousand Talents: the Pillars were cut out of Pentelick 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Marble, having length suitable to their thickness, and these we saw at Athens; but when they were cut anew at Rome and embellished, they gained not so much beauty, as they lost in proportion, being rendered too 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  taper and slender. Now whosoever should admire the excellency of the Capitol, and afterwards survey a Gallery in Domitian's Palace, or an Hall, Bath, or the Apartments of his Concubines, what Epicarmus wrote of a profuse man 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. 
Thou art not generous, thy bounty's vice within,  
Thy gifts thou lavish'st, and glory'st in the sin.  he might readily apply it to Domitian, Thou art neither pious or noble, only pleasing thyself in the itch of Building, and a desire like Midas of converting all into Gold and precious Stones: and thus much for this matter.  
Tarquin, after the great Battle wherein he lost his Son in an engagement with Brutus, fled to Clusius, and sought aid from Clara Porsenna, than the most powerful Prince 
Porsenna espouses Tarquin 's quarrel.  of Italy, and a person of singular candour and generosity, who assured him his assistence, immediately sending his commands to Rome that they should receive Tarquin as their King; and upon the Romans refusal proclaimed War, and having signified the time and place where he intended his asfault, approached with a great Army. Now Poplicola in his absence was chosen Consul a second time, and Titus Lucretius his Colleague; but returning to Rome with intentions of appearing more generous than Porsenna, built the City Sigliuria when Porsenna layt encamped in the neighbourhood; and walling it at great expense, there placed a Colony of seven hundred men, as being little concerned at the War: but Porsenna making a sharp assault, obliged the defendants to retire to Rome, who had almost in their entrance admitted the enemy into the City, had not Poplicola by sallying out at the Gate prevented them, and joining Battle by Tiber side, opposed the enemy, that pressed on with their multitude; but at last sinking under his honourable wounds, was carried out of the Fight. The same fortune fell upon Lucretius, so that the Romans being dismayed retreated into the City for their security, and Rome was in great hazard of being taken, the enemy making good their pursuit to the wooden Bridge, where Cocles Horatius, seconded by two 
The noble achievement of Cocles Horatius.  of the eminentest men in Rome, Hermenius and Lucretius, made head against them. (This name he obtained from the loss of one of his Eyes in the Wars; or as others write, from the depressure of his Nose, which causing a seeming coalition of 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  his eyebrows, made both eyes appear but as one, and hence they intending to call him Cyclops, by a cadency of the Tongue, usually 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  called him Cocles. This Cocles kept the Bridge, and repulsed the enemy, till his own party broke it down behind, and then in his Armour cast himself into the River, and swum to the hither side, being wounded upon his Hip with a Tuscan Spear. Poplicola admiring his courage invited the Romans every one to gratify him with a present of as much provisions as he spent in a day, and afterwards gave him as much Land as he could encircle with a Plough in one day; besides erected a brazen Statue to his honour in the Temple of Vulcan, as a requital for the lameness he contracted from his wound. But Posenna laying close siege to the City, and a Pestilence raging amongst the Romans, besides a new Army of the Tuscans making incursions into the Country; Poplicola a third time chosen Consul designed without sallying out to make 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  his defence, however privately stealing out upon the Tuscans, put them to flight, and slew five thousand. Now the History of 
The hazardous attempt of Mutius.  Mutius is variously delivered, but this relation shall follow the common reception; he was a person endowed with every virtue, but most eminent in warfare, and resolving to kill Porsenna, attired himself in Tuscan Habit, and using the Language came to the Camp, and approaching the seat where the King sat amongst his Nobles, but not of a certainty knowing the King, and yet fearful to inquire, drew out his Sword, and stabbed him, that amongst all made the likeliest appearance of being a King: Mutius was taken in the act, and whilst under examination, a Pan of Fire was brought to the King, who intended to sacrifice; Mutius thrust his right hand into the flame, and whilst it burned, beheld Porsenna with a steadfast and undaunted countenance; Porsenna admiring the man, dismissed him, and returned his Sword, reaching it from his Seat: Mutius received it in his left hand, which occasioned the name of Scaevola, i. e. lefthanded; and said, I have overcome the terrors of Porsenna, yet am vanquished by his generosity, and gratitude obliges me to discover, what no punishment could extort; and assured him then, that three hundred Romans, all of the same resolution, lurked about his Camp only waiting for an opportunity, and that he by lot destined to the enterprise, was not troubled, he miscarried in the success, because he was so good a man, and deserved rather to be a Friend to the Romans than an Enemy. To this Porsenna gave credit, and thereupon expressed an inclination to a Truce, not, I presume, so much out of fear of the hundred Romans, as an admiration of the Roman courage. All other Writers call this man Mutius Scaevola, yet Athenodorus Sandon in a Book wrote to Octavia Caesar's Sister, avers he was also called Opsigonus. Poplicola not so much esteeming Porsenna's enmity dangerous to Rome as his friendship and alliance serviceable, was induced to refer the Controversy betwixt him and Tarquin to his Arbitration, and several times engaged to prove Tarquin the worst of men, and justly deprived of his Kingdom: but Tarquin proudly replied, he would admit no Judge, much less Porsenna, that had revolted from his Confederacy: Porsenna resenting this 
Porsenna makes peace with the Romans.  answer, and mistrusting the equity of his cause, together with the solicitations of his Son Aruns, who was earnest for the Roman interest, made a Peace on these conditions, that they should resign the Field, they had taken from the Tuscans, and restore all Prisoners, and receive their Fugitives: To confirm the Peace the Romans gave as Hostages ten of the Nobility's Sons, and as many Daughters, amongst which was Valeria the Daughter of Poplicola.  
Upon these assurances Porsenna ceased from all acts of hostility, and the Virgins went down to the River to bathe, at that part where the crookedness of the Bank embracing the waters rendered it pleasant and serene; and seeing no guard or any coming or going over, were encouraged to swim over, notwithstanding the depth and the violence of the stream. Some affirm that one of them, by name Cloelia, passing over on Horseback, persuaded the rest to follow; but upon their safe arrival coming to Poplicola, he neither admired or approved their return, but was concerned, lest he should appear less faithful than Porsenna, and this boldness in the Virgins should argue treachery in the Romans; so that apprehending 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  them, he sent them back to Porsenna. But Tarquin's men having intelligence thereof, laid a strong ambuscade on the other side for those that conducted them; who skirmishing together, Valeria, the Daughter of Poplicola, rushed through the enemy and fled, and with the assistence of three of her retinue made good her escape; whilst the rest were dangerously hedged in by the Soldiers. Aruns Porsenna's Son upon advertency thereof, hastened to their rescue, and putting the enemy to flight, delivered the Romans. When Porsenna 
Porsenna 's generosity to the Daughter of Poplicola.  saw the Virgins returned, and demanding, who was the author and abettour of the design, and understanding Cloelia to be the person, looked upon her with a countenance equally cheerful and compassionate, and commanding one of his Horses to be brought sumptuously adorned, made her the present. This as an evidence they produce, who affirm that only Cloelia passed the River on Horseback; those who deny it, esteemed it only as the honour the Tuscan did to her courage, whose Effigies on Horseback stands in the Via Sacra as it leads to the Palatium, which some say is the Statue of Cloelia, others of Valeria. Porsenna thus reconciled to the Romans, obliged them with a fresh instance of his generosity, and commanded his Soldiers to depart the Camp only with their Arms, and leaving their Tents wealthy and furnished with provisions, he assigned them to the Romans. Whence it became customary upon public sale of Goods, to cry Porsenna's first, thereby to eternize the memory of his kindness; and erected his brazen Image by the Senate-house, plain but of antique fashion. Afterwards the Sabines making incursions upon the Romans, M. Valerius, Brother to Poplicola, was made Consul, and with him Posthumius Tubertus. Marcus through the 
Marcus victorius over the Sabines.  management of affairs by the conduct and authority of Poplicola obtained two great Victories, in the latter of which, he slew thirteen thousand Sabines without the loss of one Roman, and was honoured with an House built in the Palatium at the public charge, as an accession to his triumphs; and whereas the Doors of others Houses opened inward into the Houses, they made this to open outward into the Street, as intimating by this privilege, that he was always ready for the public service. The same fashion in their Doors the Greeks (they say) had of old, which appears from their Comedies, wherein those that are going out make a noise at the Door within, to give notice to those that pass by or stand near the Door, that the opening the Door into the Street might occasion no surprisal.  
The year after Poplicola was made Consul the fourth time, when a confederacy of the Sabines and Latins threatened a War, besides a superstitious fear o'er-run the City, arising from the women's miscarriages 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  of mutilous births, and no conception waiting its due time: Poplicola upon the sibyl's instructions sacrificing to Pluto, and restoring certain Games dedicated to Apollo, rendered the City cheerful, with the assurances he had in the Gods, and then prepared against the menaces of men. Now there was one Appius Clausus amongst the Sabines, a 
Appius Clausus deserts the Sabine cause.  man of a great Estate and strength of Body, but most eminent for the excellency of his Virtue, and the depth of his Reason, yet could not (what is usually the fate of great men) escape the envy of others, which was much occasioned from his detracting the War, and seeming to promote the Roman interest, as designing to bring them under their Yoke; and knowing how welcome these reports would be received by the gaping multitude, and how offensive they would be to the Army and the abettors of the War, was afraid to stand a Trial; but having a considerable assistance of Friends and Allies, raised a tumult amongst the Sabines, which delayed the War. Neither was Poplicola wanting, not only to understand the grounds of the Sedition, but to promote and increase it, and accordingly dispatched Emissaries with these instructions 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  to Clausus, That Poplicola was assured of his goodness and justice, and thought it even in bad men unworthy, especially in him though injured to seek revenge upon his Citizens; yet if he pleased for his own security to leave his enemies and come to Rome, he should be received both in public and private, with that honour his virtue deserved, or their grandeur required. Appius seriously weighing those things, which necessity proposed as advantageous, and advising 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  with his Friends, and they inviting others to the same persuasion, came to Rome with five thousand Families with their Wives and Children, being a people of a quiet and sedate temper: Poplicola advertised of their approach, received them with all the kind offices of a Friend, and enfranchised them into the Community, allotting to every one two Acres of Land by the River of Aniene, but to Clausus twenty five 
Clausus chosen Senator.  Acres, and admitted him into the Senate, and made him an associate in the Government, which he so prudently managed, that it hastened his preferment, and so improved his greatness, that his posterity the Claudii became inferior to no Family in Rome.  
The departure of these men rendered things quiet amongst the Sabines, yet the chief of the Community would not suffer them to settle into a peace, but resented that 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Clausus, what his presence could not achieve, by turning Renegade should obstruct their revenge upon the Romans for all their injuries; and coming with a great Army, sat down before Fidenae, and placed an ambuscade of two thousand men near Rome, in the obscure and hollow places, with a design that some few Horsemen, as soon as day, should make incursions, commanding them upon their approach to the Town, so to retreat, as to draw the enemy into the ambush; but Poplicola soon advertised of these designs by the Renegadoes, disposed his Forces to their respective charges, and Posthumius Balbus his Son-in-law coming with three thousand men in the evening was ordered to take the Hills, under which the ambush lay, there to observe their motions; and the Colleague Lucretius, attended with a Body of light and lusty men, was commanded with his Horse to assail the van-couriers of the Sabines; whilst he with another Army encompassed the enemy, and, accidentally a thick mist falling, Posthumius early in the morning with shouts from the Hills assailed the ambuscade: Lucretius charged the light Horse, and Poplicola besieged the Tents: so that things assured a defeat and ruin to the Sabines; 
The Sabines totally vanquished.  and those that made no resistance the Romans killed in their flight, all their hopes expiring in their own destruction; for each Army of the Sabines presuming safety in the other, both ceased to fight or keep their ground; the one quitting the Camp to retire to the Ambuscade, the Ambuscade flying to the Camp, met those in as great need of assistence, to whom they fled in hopes of a security; but the nearness of the City Fidenae became a preservation to several of the Sabines, especially to those that upon the sacking deserted the Camp, but those that could not recover the City, either perished in the Field, or were taken prisoners. This Victory the Romans (though usually ascribing such success to some God) attributed to the conduct of one Captain, and 'twas observed to be heard amongst the Soldiers, that Poplicola had delivered their enemies lame and blind, only not in chains, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  to be dispatched by the Sword: besides from the Spoil and Prisoners a great wealth accrued to the Romans. But Poplicola having ended his Triumph, and bequeathing the City to the prudence of the succeeding Consuls, soon died, 
Poplicola dies.  whose life was led with the goodness and virtue mortality would admit: The people as not having gratified his deserts, when alive, but as in gratitude still obliged, decreed him a public Interrement, every one contributing his Quadrants towards the 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  charge; besides the Women by a general consent in private mourned a whole year with a sincere veneration to his memory; he was buried by the people's desire in the Street called Velia, where his posterity had the honour of burial, but now none of the Family are there interred, but the Body is carried thither, and one places a burning Torch under it, and then immediately takes it away, as an attestation of the deceased's privilege, and his receding from his honour, and then the Body is removed.  

THE COMPARISON OF POPLICOLA with SOLON.  
NOW there appears somewhat singular in this parallel, and what has not occurred in any other of the Lives; as the one to be the imitator of the other, and the other a witness of his virtue; so that upon the survey of Solon's Sentence to Croesus applauding Tellus' happiness, it seems more applicable to Poplicola; for Tellus, whose virtuous life and dying well had gained him the name of the happiest man, yet was never celebrated in Solon's Poems for a good man, or that his Children or his Government deserved his memorial: but Poplicola, as his life was the most eminent amongst the Romans, as well for the greatness of his virtue as his power, so at his death was accounted amongst the greatest Families, and even in our days the Poplicolae, Mesalae, 
Poplicola 's posterity of long continuance.  and Valerii for six hundred years acknowledge him as the fountain of their honour. Besides, Tellus though keeping his order and fight like a valiant Captain, yet was slain by his enemies; but Poplicola (what was more honourable) slew his enemies, and saw his Country victorious through his conduct; and his honours and triumphs procured him (what was Solon's ambition) an happy end; and what as a reproof to Mimnermus touching the continuance of Man's life he exclaimed, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
A silent unlamented death I hate,  
Let sighs of Friends and tears attend my Fate.  attested his happiness; his death did not only draw tears from his Friends and acquaintance, but became the object of an universal wish and sorrow through the whole City, for the very Women deplored this loss as of a Son, Brother, or universal Father. Solon said, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  An Estate I love, but not unjustly got, lest vengeance should pursue the unjustice: But Poplicola's riches were not only the product of his justice, but his distributions of them to the poor were the discretion of his charity, so that if Solon was reputed the wisest man, we must allow Poplicola to be the happiest, for what Solon wished 
Poplicola in reality what Solon wished to be.  for as the greatest and most perfect good, that Poplicola in its proper use enjoyed to his death: so that Poplicola became as well an honour to Solon, as Solon to him, in transmitting the exactest method of modelling a Commonwealth, and stripping the Consulship of its pride, made it easy and pleasant to the people; he transplanted several Laws into Rome, as his impowering the people to elect their Officers, and allowing Offenders the liberty of appealing to the People, as Solon did to the Judges. Poplicola did not indeed create a new Senate, as Solon did, but augmented the old with almost a double number. He erected the Office of Questors; lest the Consul, if good, should not have leisure otherwise to attend greater matters; or if bad, should have any temptation to unjustice, having the Government and Treasury in his hands. The aversion to tyranny was greater in Poplicola, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  for whosoever endeavoured an usurpation, his punishment by Solon's Law commenced only upon conviction: but Poplicola made it death before a trial. And though Solon justly gloried, that when things without the least aversion of the Citizens were presented to his Sovereignty, he refused the offer; yet Poplicola merited not less, who finding a tyrannical Government, made it more popular by not using the Authority he might. But we must allow, that Solon knew it before Poplicola: for; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
An even hand will an even state maintain,  
Holding not too loose, nor yet too straight a rain.  But the remission of debts was more peculiar 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  to Solon, which much strengthened the Citizen's liberty; for the Law intending a level little availed, if the debts of the poor prevented that equality; and where they seemed chiefly to exercise their liberty, as in debates, elections and administrations of 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  their Offices, they were overruled by the rich, yielding themselves to their disposal. But 'tis more extraordinary, that rebellion attending usually this remission of debts, yet he applied this as a desperate remedy, and seasonably allayed their heats by his virtue and esteem, which was above the infamy or detraction, that could arise from this act. The beginning of his Government was more glorious, for he was himself an original, and followed no example, and without the aid of an Ally did great things by his own conduct: yet the death of Poplicola was more happy and admired; for Solon saw the dissolution of his own Commonwealth; but Poplicola preserved his inviolable till the Civil Wars. Solon leaving his Laws engraven in Wood, but destitute of a defender, departed Athens; whilst Poplicola remaining in his magistracy established the Government: and though Solon was sensible of Pisistratus' ambition, yet was not able to suppress it, but sunk under the new established Tyranny; whereas Poplicola utterly subverted and dissolved a potent Monarchy, strongly settled by long continuance; being nothing inferior to Solon in virtue and disposition, and withal favourably assisted with power and fortune to accomplish his virtuous designs: and as for martial exploits, Daimachus Plataeensis does not so much as attribute the Wars against the Megarenses to Solon, as is before intimated: But Poplicola in great encounters, 
Poplicola in many respects preferable to Solon.  both as a private Soldier and Commander, obtained the victory. As to the managery of public affairs, Solon in a mimical way, and by a counterfeit show of madness solicited the enterprise of Salamis; whereas Poplicola in the very beginning, nothing daunted at the greatest enterprises, opposed Tarquin, detected the Conspiracy; and being principally concerned both in preventing the escape, and afterwards punishing the Traitors; he not only excluded the Tyrants from the City, but frustrated likewise all their expectations from thence: who, as in matters of conflict, tumult or opposition he behaved himself with courage and resolution; so in peaceable debates where persuasion and condescension were requisite he was more to be commended; Porsenna a terrible and invincible Enemy by his means being reconciled and made a Friend. Some may perhaps object, that Solon recovered Salamis for the Athenians, which they had lost; whereas Poplicola receded from part of what the Romans were presently possessed of: but judgement is to be made of actions according to the times in which they were performed: The conduct of a wise Politician is ever suited to the present posture of affairs, who often by foregoing a part saves the whole, and by yielding in a small matter secures a greater; as Poplicola who by restoring what the Romans had lately usurped, saved their undoubted patrimony, and moreover procured the Stores of the enemy for them, who were very much straitened to secure their City: For permitting the decision of the Controversy to his Adversary, he not only got the victory, but what likewise he would willingly have given to have overcome; Porsenna putting an end to the War, and leaving them all the provision of his Camp, through a persuasion of the virtue and gallant disposition of the Romans, which the Consul had impressed upon him.    


THEMISTOCLES   portrait  
THE LIFE OF THEMIS TOCLES THE ATHENIAN.  Translated out of the Greek, By Edward Brown, M. D. 
THE obscure Family of Themistocles gave some beginning to his honour, and made his glory shine the brighter. His Father Neocles was none of the most splendid of Athens, but of the Division of Phrear, and of the Line of Leontes; and by his Mother's side, as it is reported, he was illegitimate 
I am not of the noble Grecian race,  
I'm poor Abrotanon and born in Thrace:  
Yet 'mong the Greeks my fame shall never cease,  
For them I brought forth great Themistocles.  Yet Phanias writes that the Mother of Themistocles was not of Thracia but of Caria, and that her name was not Abrotanon but Euterpe: and Neanthes adds further that she was of the City of Halicarnassus in Caria: upon which consideration, when the Strangers, and those that were but of the half blood, or had but one Parent an Athenian, were to perform their exercise at Cynosarges (a wrestling place without the Gates dedicated to Hercules, who was also under some illegitimacy, and was not one of the great immortal Gods, but had a mortal Woman for his Mother) Themistocles 
Themistocles 's policy to ennoble his Birth.  persuaded divers of the young Noblemen to accompany him, to anoint and exercise themselves together at Cynosarges; in doing which, he seemed with some ingenuity to take away the distinction between the truly Noble and the Stranger, and between those of the whole and those of the half blood of Athens. However it is certain that he was related to the House of Licomedes, for Simonides reports that he rebuilt the Chapel of Phlyes belonging to that Family, and beautified it with Pictures and other Ornaments, after it had been burnt by the Persians.  
It is confessed by all that from his youth he was of an impetuous nature, full of spirit, apprehensive, and of a good understanding, ever resolving to undertaking great actions and manage public affairs. The vacations and times of recreations from his studies, he spent not in play or in idleness, as other youths, but would be always inventing or putting in order some Oration or Declamation, the subject of which was generally the excusing or accusing his companions; so that his Master would often say to him, Boy, thou canst never be any thing mean or indifferent, but must at some time or other prove either a most heroic glorious blessing, or a most destructive plague and ruin to thy Country. He received very slowly and negligently such instructions as were given him to improve his manners and behaviour, or to make him skilful in any pleasure, or to teach him a gentile or graceful deportment; but whatever was delivered to him to improve him in prudence, or in the management of public affairs, he would apprehend it immediately, and understand it beyond one of his years, for in such things he confided in his own natural parts: and therefore afterwards in discourses of Humanity, the liberal Sciences, and gentile Education, being derided by those who thought themselves well skilled therein, he was forced to defend himself somewhat arrogantly, saying, I understand not how to touch a Lute or play upon a Harp, but if a small, mean, obscure City were committed to my charge, I know well how to make it considerable, great and glorious. Yet notwithstanding this, Stesimbrotus says, that Themistocles was a hearer of Anaxagoras, and that he studied natural Philosophy under Melissus; but he must needs err in the time, for Melissus was Commander of the Samians, when Pericles made War against Samos, but Themistocles was much elder than Pericles, whereas Anaxagoras was very conversant with him. They are therefore rather to be credited, who report, that Themistocles was an earnest follower of Mnesiphilas, the Phrearian, who was neither Orator nor natural Philosopher, but a Professor of that which was then called Wisdom, or a prudence exercised in ordering public concerns, and an accurate understanding and judgement in affairs of State; which profession being begun by Solon was preserved successively as a Sect of Philosophy; but those who came afterwards, and mixed it with plead and disputes in Law, and transferred the practical part of it to a mere art of speaking, and an exercise of words and terms, were generally called Sophisters. However Themistocles, when he entered upon affairs of State, applied himself to Mnesiphilas.  
In the first motions of his youth he was not regular nor well poised, drawing the lines of his affairs according to his own natural fancy, without reason or instruction; and made great alterations in his designs on the one hand and on the other; and very often determined for the worst, as he afterwards confessed, saying, Ragged Colts make the best Horses, when it comes to pass that they are well taught and managed. But those who upon this account do erroneously raise reports of his being disinherited by his Father, and that his Mother died for grief of her Son's lewdness, do certainly most falsely calumniate him; and there are divers who relate to the contrary, how that to deter him from dealing in the public, and to let him see how the vulgar behave themselves towards their Leaders when they have at last no further use of them, his Father showed him the old Galleys as they lay neglected and forsaken upon the Seashore without any care taken of them: yet it is evident, that early, even in his younger years, Themistocles did most violently and with great eagerness apply himself to understand how to govern and to win glory and honour, in which being earnest to be the first, from the very beginning he by this rashness presently created to himself the hatred of the most powerful and chiefest in the City, but more especially of Aristides 
Aristides opposes Themistocles.  the Son of Lysimachus, who always opposed him; and yet all this great enmity between them seemed to have but a light beginning, for they both were in love with the fair Stesilaus of Teios, as Ariston the Philosopher relates: and from that time they perpetually contended with their Parties and Factions in the Commonwealth, not but that the disagreeableness of their lives and manners may seem to have increased the difference; for Aristides was of a mild nature, good and fair conditioned, and governing all things for the best with justice and security, not for glory, or the favour of the people, he was often forced to oppose Themistocles, and to stand up against the increase of his authority who stirred up the people to many attempts and brought in great innovations; for it is said that Themistocles was so transported with the thoughts of glory, and so inflamed with the desire of performing great actions, that although he were but young when the Battle of Marathon was fought against the Persians, and the warlike conduct of their General Miltiades was every where noised about, he was taken notice of to be thoughtful, and to go meditating many things alone by himself, to pass the nights without sleep and to refuse his accustomed meetings and recreations, and to those who wondered at this change in his manner of living, and demanded the reason of it, he gave this answer, that the Trophies of Miltiades would not let him sleep; and when others were of opinion that the Battle of Marathon would put an end to the War, Themistocles thought that it was but the beginning of far greater Conflicts, for which he prepared himself continually, for the good of all Greece, and exercised the City as one foreseeing at a great distance what was likely to come to pass. And first of all, the Athenians being accustomed to distribute the revenue proceeding 
Themistocles advises that the revenue of the Silver Mine at Laurion should be employed in building Ships.  from the Silver Mine at Laurion; he was the only man that durst propose to the people, that this distribution should cease, and that with the Money Ships should be built to make War against the Aeginetes, who were the most flourishing people in all Greece, and by the number of their Ships held the Sovereignty of the Sea: and to this Themistocles did easily persuade them, not by stirring them up against Xerxes or the Persians, who were at a great distance, and their coming was very uncertain, and at that time not much to be feared; but by seasonably making use of the emulation, hatred and anger of the Athenians against the Aeginetes, he induced them to these preparations. So that with this Money an hundred Ships were built, with which they afterwards fought against Xerxes; and in 
He causes the City to be built towards the Sea.  a short time he caused them to descend, and drew the City toward the Sea, with this advantage, that those who on Land were not a fit match for their neighbours, with their Ships might be able to free themselves from the Persians, and become rulers of Greece. So that, as Plato says, instead of making them a standing Militia, and stout Soldiers that would not give way in fight, he turned them into Mariners and Seamen tossed about the Sea, and gave occasion for this reproach against him, that he took away from the Athenians the Spear and the Shield, and bound them to the Bank and the Oar. These things he performed getting the better of Miltiades, who opposed him, as Stesimbrotus relates: but whether or no he hereby injured the purity and exact rule of Government, let those who are more judicious determine. But that the deliverance of Greece came at that time from the Sea, and that those Galleys established the City of Athens again after it was destroyed, to omit others, Xerxes himself is a sufficient witness, who though his Land Forces were still entire, after he had been worsted at Sea, fled away; and thought himself no ways able to encounter them. And it seems to me, that he left Mardonius behind him, not out of any hopes he could have to bring them into subjection, but to hinder the Greeks from pursuing him.  
Themistocles is said to be very intent upon heaping up riches, that he might be the more liberal; (for loving to sacrifice often, and to be splendid in his entertainment of Strangers, he stood in need of a plentiful revenue) yet he is accused by others to be parsimonious and sordid to that degree, that he would sell the provision which was presented him. He desired Philides, who was a breeder of Horses, to give him a Colt, and when he refused it, he threatened him that in a short time he would turn his House into a Horse of Wood, like the Trojan Horse, intimating thereby that he would stir up strife and contests between him and those of his own Family and Relations.  
He went beyond all men in ambition and desire of honour, and when he was but young and not known in the world, he desired Epicles of Hermiona who had a very good hand at the Lute, and was much esteemed by the Athenians, to come and practise at his House, being ambitious and coveting to be popular, and desirous that many should inquire after him and frequent his company. When he came to the Olympian Games, and was so splendid in his Equipage and Entertainments, in his rich Tents and Furniture, that he strove to outdo Cimon, he displeased the Greeks, who thought that such magnificence might be allowed of in one who was a young Gentleman of a great Family; but a great piece of insolence in him to carry himself thus high who was an upstart and of no considerable Fortune. He set out a Tragedy at his own expense, and won the Prize with his Tragedians, in those times when they pursued those Sports with great eagerness and ambition, and set up a Table of his Victory with this inscription; Themistocles the 
He affects popularity.  Phrearian was at the charge of it, Phrynicus made it, Adymantus had the chief Part. He was well beloved by the common people, and he would salute every particular Citizen by his own name, and always show himself a just Judge of Controversies between private men; and he said to Simonides, a Poet of Chios, who desired something of him, when he was Commander of the Army, that was not reasonable, Simonides, you would be no good Poet if you should go contrary to the due Measures and Rules of Poetry, nor should I be a good Magistrate, if for favour or affection I should go contrary to the Law. And at another time laughing at Simonides he told him, that he was a man of little judgement to speak against the Corinthians who were inhabitants of a great and beautisull City, and to have his own Picture drawn so often, having such an ill Face.  
When he came to be great and had won 
He causes Aristides to be banished.  the favour of the people, he stirred up a party against Aristides that expelled him, and banished him out of the City by their public Votes. When the King of Persia was coming down into Greece, and the Athenians were in consultation who should be their General, and many withdrew themselves of their own accord, being terrified with the greatness of the danger; there was one Epicydes an Orator, Son to Euphemides, a Man who was powerful in speech and of an eloquent Tongue, but of a faint Heart and a narrow Soul, a mere slave to Riches; this Man was desirous of the Command, and was looked upon to be in a fair way to carry it by the number of Votes; but Themistocles fearing that, if the Government should fall into such a man's hands, all would be lost, he bought out Epicydes; and for a good sum of Money caused him to desist from his pretensions.  
When the King of Persia sent Messengers into Greece, with a Greek Interpreter, to demand Water and Earth as an acknowledgement of their subjection and obedience to him, Themistocles by the consent of the people seized upon the Interpreter and put him to death, for presuming to publish the Orders and Decrees of the King of Persia in the Grecian Language; and for this he was highly honoured by the Greeks, as also for what he did to Arthmius of Zelea, who for bringing Gold from the King of Persia to corrupt the Grecians, was by an Order from Themistocles degraded from all honour, and registered in the Book of infamy, he, and his Children, and his Posterity: but that which most of all redounded to his honour, was that he put an end to all the Civil Wars of Greece, composed their differences, and persuaded them to lay aside all enmity during the War with the Persians; and in this great Work Chileus the Arcadian was very assisting to him.  
Having taken upon himself the Command of the Athenian Forces, he immediately endeavoured to persuade the Citizens to leave the City, and to embark themselves upon their Galleys, and to meet with the Persians at a great distance from Greece: but many being against this, he led a great 
He leads an Army into Thessaly.  Army joined with the Lacedæmonians into Tempe; that in so narrow a Valley, bounded on each side with high Rocks, he might the more easily defend the Thessalians, who had not as yet declared for the King: but when they returned without performing any thing, and that it was known that not only the Thessalians, but all as far as Boeotia had yielded to Xerxes; then the Athenians more willingly harkened to the advice of Themistocles to fight by Sea, and sent him with a Fleet to guard the Straits of Artemisium.  
When the Grecian Fleets were joined, the Greeks would have the Lacedæmonians to command, and Eurybiades to be their Admiral; but the Athenians, who surpassed all the rest in number of Vessels, would not condescend to come after any other, till Themistocles, perceiving the danger of this contest, yielded the command to Eurybiades, and got the Athenians to submit, extenuating the loss, by persuading them, that if in this War they behaved themselves like men, the Grecians for the future of their own accord would restore to them the chief command: and by this moderation of his it is evident, that he was the great Author of the safety of Greece; and carried on the Athenians to that height of glory, that they surpassed their enemies in valour, and their friends and confederates in kindness and civility.  
As soon as the Persian Armada arrived 
The great Persian Fleet comes in sight.  at Aphetae, Eurybiades was astonished to see such a vast number of Vessels before him, and being informed that two hundred more sailed about behind the Island of Sciathus, he immediately determined to retire further into Greece, and to sail back into some part of Peloponnesus, where their Land Army and their Fleet might join, for he looked upon the Persian Forces to be altogether invincible by Sea. But the Eubeans, fearing that the Greeks would forsake them, and leave them to the mercy of the enemy, they sent Pelagon to discourse privately with Themistocles, and with him a good sum of Money, which he accepted, and gave it to Eurybiades, as Herodotus reports. In this affair none opposed him so much as Architeles Captain of a Galley called the Powerful; who having not money to supply his Seamen made haste to set sail, but Themistocles so incensed the Athenians against him, that they set upon him and left him not so much as his Supper; at which Architeles was much surprised, and took it very ill, but Themistocles immediately sent him in a Chest a service of all provisions, and at the bottom of it a Talon of Silver, desiring him to sup for the present, and to provide for his Seamen and Soldiers for the future, if not, he would report it amongst the Athenians, that he had received money from the enemy, thus Phanias the Lesbian relates it.  
Though the Fights between the Grecians and the Persians in the Straits of Euboea were not so great in the whole as to make a final decision or determination of the War; yet the experience which the Greeks learned hereby was of great advantage: for thus they effectually understood, that neither the number of Ships, their riches and ornaments, nor their boasting shouts, nor barbarous Songs of Victory, were any ways terrible to men that dare fight, and were resolved to come hand to hand with their enemies, these things they were to despise, and to come up close and grapple with their foes. This the Poet Pindarus took notice of, and hath not ill expressed it, speaking of the Fight at Artemisium. 
To glorious Liberty Athens did this day,  
By bold attempts a deep foundation lay.  For boldness is the beginning of victory. Artemisium is above the City of Estioea upon 
Artemisium.  the coast of Euboea which lies open to the North, but over against it is Olizon, and a Country which formerly was under Philoctetes, where there is a small Temple of Diana of the East, and Trees about it, which are encompassed again with Pillars of white Stone; and if you rub them with your hand they send forth both the smell and colour of Saffron: in one of the Pillars these Verses are engraved, 
Within these Seas, the brave Athenians show  
Their matchless valour, when they overthrew  
The numerous Nations that from Asia spring,  
And the great Navy of the Persian King:  
And trophies won by such a glorious fate  
To bright Diana here did consecrate.  There is a place still to be seen upon this Shoar, where in the middle of a great heap of Sand, they take out from the bottom a dark powder like Ashes, or something that hath passed the Fire; and here they think the Shipwrecks and Bodies of the dead were burnt. But on the other side, as soon as news came from Thermopylae to Artemisium informing them that King Leonidas was slain, and that Xerxes had made himself master of all the passages by Land, they returned back into Greece, the Athenians having the command of the Rear, the place of honour and danger, as those who by their former actions had testified both their skill and courage in War.  
As Themistocles sailed along the coast he took notice of the Harbours and fit places for the enemy's Ships to retire into, and engraved 
He tempts the jonians to forsake the Persians.  large Letters in such Stones as he found there by chance, as also in others which he set up on purpose near to the landing places, or where they were to water; in these inscriptions he required the jonians to forsake the Medes, if it were possible, and come over to the Greeks, who were their ancient Founders and progenitors, and were now hazarding all for their liberties, but if this could not be done, then to be a hindrance and disturbance to the Persians in all their Fights. He hoped that these writings would prevail with the jonians to revolt or raise some great disorders, by causing them to be much suspected by the Persians.  
Now though Xerxes had already passed through Doris, and invaded the Country of Phocis, and had burnt and destroyed the Cities of the Phocians, yet the Greeks sent them no relief; and though the Athenians earnestly desired them to oppose the Persians in Boeotia, before they could come into Attica, as they themselves had given assistence to the Greeks by Sea at Artemisium, yet the Grecians gave no ear to their request, being wholly intent upon Peloponnesus, and resolved to gather all their Forces together within the Isthmus, and to build a Wall from Sea to Sea in that straight neck of Land, which parts the Saronick Bay from the Gulf of Corinth; so that the Athenians were enraged to see themselves thus betrayed, and at the same time afflicted and dejected at their being forsaken by the Greeks: to fight alone against such a numerous Army was to no purpose, and this only expedient was left them for the present, to leave their City, and betake themselves to their Ships; which the people were very unwilling to hearken to, imagining that it would signify little to regard their own safety, or to desire victory, when they had once forsaken the Temples of their Gods, and exposed the Tombs and Monuments of their Ancestors to the fury of their Enemies. Themistocles being at a loss, and not able to draw the people over to his opinion by any humane reason, he set his machine's on work, as in a Play, and brought in his Divine Revelations, wonderful Signs, Prodigies, Oracles, and mystical answers of the Gods. The Dragon of Minerva kept in the inward part of the Temple near to her Statue served him for a Prodigy, for Themistocles having gained the Priests, they gave it out to the people, that the Dragon refused to eat, that the offerings which were set before it were found untouched, that at last it disappeared, that the Goddess had left the City, and taken her flight before them towards the Sea. He often repeated to them the Oracle which bade them trust to Walls of Wood, showing them that Walls of Wood could signify nothing else but Ships, and that the Island of Salamine was not to be termed miserable or unhappy, but Apollo had given it the name of Divine, for that it should be one day very fortunate to the Greeks: at length his opinion prevailed, and he obtained a Decree, that the City should be recommended to the protection of Minerva the Tutelary Goddess of the Athenians, that they who were of age to bear Arms should embark, and that all possible care should be taken to save the Children, the Women, and the Slaves. This 
The Athenians send away their Families to Troezena.  Decree being confirmed, most of the Athenians removed their Parents, Wives and Children to Troezena, where they were received very courteously, and the Troezenians made an Order of Council, that they should be maintained at the public charge, distributing daily two oboli to every one, gave leave to the Children to gather Fruit where they pleased, and paid the Schoolmasters who instructed them. This Order was made when Nicagoras was Register.  
There was no public treasure at that time in Athens: but the Senate of Areompagus (as Aristotle says,) distributed to every one that was listed eight Drachms; which was a great help to the setting out of the Fleet, but Clidemus ascribes this to a stratagem of Themistocles; who when the Athenians went down to the Haven of Piraea, said, that the shield wherein the Head of Medusa was engraven was taken away from the Statue of Minerva, and he being employed to search for it, and ransacking in all places, found among their Goods great sums of Money, which he brought back for the use of the public, and with this the Soldiers and Seamen were well provided for their Voyage.  
When the whole City of Athens were going 
The Athenians embark.  on Board it afforded a spectacle worthy of pity and admiration: for who would not have commiserated those who were to leave their Country, and at the same time admired their courage and resolution, to see them send away their Fathers and Children before them, and not be moved with the cries and tears, and last embrace of their ancient Parents and nearest Relations, when they passed over into the Island! but that which moved compassion most of all was, that many old men by reason of their great age were left behind; and even the tame domestic Animals moved some pity, running about the Town, clocking, mewing, howling, as desirous to be carried along with their Masters that had nourished them: among which it is reported that Xantippus the Father of Pericles had a Dog that would not endure to stay behind; but leapt into the Sea, and swum along by the Galley's side, till he came to the Island of Salamine, where he fainted away and died, and that part of the Island in which he was buried is still called the Dog's Grave.  
Among the great actions of Themistocles, 
Themistocles recalls Aristides from banishment.  the return of Aristides was not the least; for before the War he was oppressed by a Faction stirred up by Themistocles, and suffered Banishment, but now perceiving that the people regretted the absence of this great Man; and fearing that he might go over to the Persians to revenge himself, and thereby ruin the affairs of Greece; Themistocles proposed a Decree, that those who were banished for a time, might return again to give what assistence they could to the Grecians, both by their counsel and valour, with the rest of the Athenians.  
Eurybiades by reason of the greatness of Sparta was Admiral of the Grecian Fleet, but yet was faint-hearted in time of danger, and willing to weigh Anchor and set Sail for the Gulf of Corinth, near which the Land Army lay encamped, but Themistocles violently opposed him, upon which happened many remarkable passages, and when Eurybiades to blame his impatience told him, that at the Olympian Games they that rise up before the rest are lashed, Themistocles replied, and they that are left behind are never crowned, Eurybiades lifting up his Staff as if he were going to strike, Themistocles minding nothing but the interest of Greece, cried, Strike if you will, but hear what I say: Eurybiades wondering much at his moderation, desired him to speak, and Themistocles hereby brought him to a better understanding of his affairs, but one who stood by him told him that it did not become those who had neither City nor House, nor any thing left to lose, to persuade others to relinquish their habitations and forsake their Countries; to which Themistocles gave this reply, We have indeed left our Houses and our Walls, base Fellow, not thinking it fit to become Slaves for the sake of those things that have no Life nor Soul, and yet our City is the greatest of all Greece, as consisting of two hundred Galleys which are here to defend you if you please; but if you run away and betray us as you did once before, the Greeks shall soon perceive that the Athenians will possess as fair a Country and as large and free a City as that already lost. These expressions of Themistocles made Eurybiades suspect, that if he retreated, the Athenians would fall off from him. When one of Eretria began to oppose him, he said, Have you any thing to say of War, that are like an 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Loligo, Calamar pescado, Calamaro, a Sleeve, Calamary, or Ink-Fish.  Ink-Fish? you have a Sword but no Heart. Some say that while Themistocles was discoursing of these things upon the Deck, there was an Owl seen flying to the right hand of the Fleet, which came and sat upon the top of the Mast, this happy 
It casts out a yellow Ink.  Omen so far disposed the Greeks to follow his advice, that they presently prepared 
It is an exanguious cartilaginous Fish, having no blood, it is thought to have no Heart; and it is said to have a Sword, because it hath a Cartilege in it, which exactly resembles the Blade of a Rapier.  to fight; yet when the enemy's Fleet was arrived at the Haven of Phaleris upon the Coast of Attica, and with the number of their Ships had shadowed all the Shore, and when they saw the King himself in person come down with his Land Army to the Sea side, with those multitudes, and all his Forces united; then the good Counsel of Themistocles soon vanished, and the Peloponnesians cast their eyes again towards the Isthmus, and took it very ill if any one spoke against their returning home, and resolving to depart that night, the Pilots had order what course to steer.  
Themistocles being highly concerned that the Grecians should retire, and lose the advantage of the narrow Seas and straight Passages, and slip home every one to his own 
The stratagem of Themistocles to force the Greeks to fight.  City, considered with himself, and contrived that stratagem, that was carried on by Sicinus. This Sicinus was a Persian Captive, but a great lover of Themistocles, and Tutor to his Children: upon this occasion Themistocles sent him privately to Xerxes, commanding him to tell the King that the Admiral of the Athenians having espoused his interest, had sent early to inform him, that the Greeks were ready to make their escape, and that he counselled him to hinder their flight, to set upon them while they were in this confusion and at a distance from their Land Army; and hereby he might destroy all their Forces by Sea. Xerxes was very joyful at this message, and received it as from one who wished all things prosperous to him; and therefore immediately issued out instructions to the Commanders of his Ships, that they should presently set out two hundred Sail, to encompass all the Islands, and enclose all the Straits and Passages, that none of the Greeks might escape; and to follow with the rest of their Fleet at better leisure. This being done, Aristides the Son of Lysimachus was the first man that perceived it, and went to Themistocles into his cabin; not out of any peculiar Friendship, for he had been formerly banished by his means, as hath been related, but to inform him how they were encompassed by their enemies. Themistocles knowing the generosity of Aristides, and being much taken with his Visit at that time, imparted to him all that he had transacted by Sicinus, and entreated him that having great authority among the Greeks, he would now make use of it in joining with him to induce them to stay, and fight their enemies in those narrow Seas. Aristides applauded Themistocles, and went to the other Commanders and Captains of the Galleys, and encouraged them to engage; yet they did not perfectly assent to him, till a Galley of Tenedos which revolted from the Persians, whereof Panaetius was Commander, came into their Fleet, and confirmed the news that all the Straits and Passages were beset, and then their rage and fury as well as their necessity provoked them all to fight.  
As soon as it was day Xerxes placed 
Xerxes' places himself conveniently to see the Sea-fight.  himself on high to view his Fleet, and how it was set in order. Phanodemus says he sat upon a Promontory above the Temple of Hercules, where the Coast of Attica is separated from the Island by a narrow Channel; but Acestodorus writes, that it was in the confines of Megara, upon those Hills which are called the Horns, where he sat in a Chariot of Gold, with many Secretaries about him to describe all that was done in the Fight.  
When Themistocles was about to sacrifice upon the Admiral Galley, there were three very beautiful Captives brought to him, well dressed and gloriously adorned with rich Vests and Gold, said to be the Children of Autarctus and Sandauce Sister to Xerxes; as soon as the Prophet Euphrantides saw them, and observed that at the same time the Fire blazed out from the Offerings and cast forth a more than ordinary bright Flame, and that one sneezed to the right, which portended some fortunate event, he took Themistocles by the hand, and ordered that the three Children should be consecrated and purified for Sacrifice, and offered up as a Vow for Victory to Bacchus the Devourer, for hereby the Greeks should not only save themselves, but also obtain Victory. Themistocles was much disturbed at this strange and terrible Prophecy, but the common 
Three Children sacrificed before the Fight.  people who in the most difficult conflicts and greatest exigencies hope for relief by absurd and extravagant means, rather than by any reasonable way, calling upon Bacchus with one voice, led the Captives to the Altar, and compelled him to perform the Sacrifice, as the Prophet had commanded. This is reported by Phanias the Lesbian a great Philosopher and Historian. As to the number of the enemy's Ships, the Poet Aeschylus writes in a Tragedy called the Persians, That to his own knowledge Xerxes had a thousand Ships, of which two hundred and seven were extraordinary good Sailors. The Athenians had a hundred and eighty; in every Ship eighteen men fought upon the Deck, four of which were Archers and the rest well armed.  
As Themistocles had possessed the most advantageous place, so with no less consideration he chose the best time of fight; for he would not set the Stems of his Galleys against the Persians, nor begin the Fight till the time of day was come, when there constantly rises a blustering wind from without the Bay, which brings in with it a great Sea, and makes rough Water in the Channel; this was no inconvenience to the Grecian Ships, which were low built and strong, but so far hurtful to the Persians, which had high Sterns and lofty Decks, were heavy, and could not easily tack, nor feel the Rudder, that it overset them, or laid their sides bare to the Grecians, who fiercely assaulted them, strictly obeying the orders of Themistocles, who well understood what was most for their advantage: and when Ariamenes Admiral to Xerxes, a good 
Ariamenes Admiral to Xerxes.  man, and by far the bravest and worthiest of the King's Brothers, made towards Themistocles, and having a great Ship, threw Darts, and shot forth Arrows, as from the Walls of a Castle; Amenias the Decelian, and Sosicles the Pedian, who sailed in the same Vessel bore in and attacked him, and both Ships meeting Stem to Stem and striking together, their sharp Stems armed with Brass, pierced through one another's Ships, so that they were fastened together; when Ariamenes attempting to board them, Amenias and Sosicles ran at him with their Pikes and thrust him into the Sea, his Body as it floated amongst other Shipwrecks was known by Artemisia and carried to Xerxes. It is reported that 
A Flame in the Air and strange Sounds and Voices heard during the Fight.  in the middle of the Fight a great Flame shined bright in the Air above the City of Eleusis, and that Sounds and Voices were heard through all the plain of Thriasia as far as the Sea, sounding like a number of men that were going to celebrate the Mysteries of Bacchus, and that a mist seemed to rise from the place from whence this sound came, and passing forward fell upon the Galleys. Others affirmed that they saw Apparitions and Spirits in the shape of armed Men which reached out their hands from the Island of Aegina towards the Grecian Galleys and were like the Aeacideses, whose assistence they had implored in their prayers before the Fight. The first man that took a Ship was Lycomedes the Athenian, Captain of a Galley, who cut down the ensigns of honour, and dedicated them to Apollo crowned with Laurel. And as the Persians fought in a narrow Arm of the Sea, and could bring but part of their Fleet to fight, they fell foul of one another, and the Greeks hereby equalled them in strength, fought with them till the evening, forced them 
The Greeks overcome the Medes.  back, and obtained so clear and celebrated a Victory, as Simonides observes, that neither Greek nor any other Nation, ever by Sea performed such glorious service.  
After this Sea-fight Xerxes being enraged 
Xerxes' attempts to stop up the Sea.  at his ill fortune, attempted by casting great heaps of Earth and Stones into the Sea, to stop up the Channel and to make a Dam, upon which he might lead his Land Forces over into the Island of Salamine.  
Themistocles being desirous to know the opinion of Aristides, told him, that he intended to set Sail for the Hellespont, to break the Bridge of Ships, whereby he might hinder the retreat of Xerxes, and keep Asia within Europe; but Aristides being troubled at his design, gave this reply, We have hitherto fought with an enemy who hath regarded little else but his pleasure and luxury, but if we shut him up within Greece, and drive him to necessity, he that is Lord of such great Forces, will no longer sit quietly with an Umbrella of 
or Canopy of State.  Gold over his Head, looking upon the Fight for his pleasure, but in such a straight will attempt all things; he will be resolute and appear himself in person upon all occasions, he will soon correct his errors, and supply what he has formerly omitted through remissness; and will be better advised in all things. Therefore it is no ways our interest to take away the Bridge that is already made, but rather to build another if it were possible, that he might make his retreat with the more expedition. To which Themistocles answered, if this be requisite, we must immediately use all diligence, art and industry, to rid ourselves of him as soon as may be: and to this purpose he found out among the Captives one of the King of Persia's Eunuches named Arnaces; whom he sent to the King, to inform him, that the Greeks being now victorious by Sea, had decreed to sail to the Hellespont, where the Ships were fastened together, and destroy the Bridge; but that Themistocles being passionately concerned for the King, revealed this to him, that he might hasten towards the Asiatic Seas, and pass over into his own Dominions: and in the the mean he would cause delays, and hinder the Confederates from pursuing him. Xerxes no sooner heard this, but being very much terrified, retreated out of Greece 
Xerxes' retreats.  with all speed. The prudent conduct of Themistocles and Aristides, and the advantageous management of this affair, was afterwards more fully understood at the Battle of Plataea; where Mardonius with a very small portion of the Forces of Xerxes put the Greeks in danger of losing all.  
Herodotus writes that of all the Cities of 
The Aegine●●s perform good service.  Greece Aegina performed the best service in the War; in which also all men yielded to Themistocles, though some, out of envy, did it unwillingly; and when they returned to the entrance of Peloponnesus, where the Soldiers delivered their Suffrages by laying a Stone upon the Altar, to determine who was most worthy, every one gave the first Vote for himself and the second for Themistocles. The Lacedæmonians carried him with them to Sparta; where giving the rewards of Valour to Eurybiades, and of Wisdom and Conduct to Themistocles, they crowned him with Olive, gave him precedency, presented him with the richest Coach in the City and sent three hundred young men to accompany him to the confines of their Country: and at the next Olympian Games, when Themistocles entered the place where those Exercises were performed, the Spectators took no further notice of those who strove for Mastery, but spent the whole day in looking upon him, showing him to the Strangers, admiring 
The mistocles highly applauded.  him, and applauding him by clapping their hands, and all other expressions of joy; which so delighted him, that he confessed to his Friends, that he then reaped the fruit of all his labours for the Greeks; he was in his own nature a great lover of honour, as is evident from those things which are recorded of him. When he was chosen Admiral by the Athenians, he ended no business fully, public, nor private, but deferred all till the day they were to set sail, that dispatching much business together, and having to do with all sorts of men, he might appear great and able to perform all things. Viewing the dead Bodies cast up by the Sea, he perceived Collars and Chains of Gold about them, yet passed on, only showing them to a Friend that followed him, saying, Take you these things, for you are not Themistocles. He said to Antiphates a young Nobleman who had formerly behaved himself haughtily towards him, but now in his glory obsequiously waited upon him; young man, we are in the right, and now we do both as we should do. He said that the Athenians did not honour him, or admire him, but when they were in danger they sheltered themselves under him, as they do in stormy foul weather under a Planetree; and when they have fair weather again they pull off its Leaves and Fruit, and cut down its fairest Branches. A Seriphian telling him that he had not obtained this honour by himself but by the greatness and splendour of his City, he replied, You speak truth, for I should never have been esteemed if I had been of Seriphus: nor would you have come to any thing though you had been of Athens. A Commander of the Army who thought he had performed considerable service for the Athenians, boasting and comparing his actions with those of Themistocles, he told him that the day after the Festival reproached the Festival, that upon her day those who were laborious and industrious refreshed themselves, but upon the Festival the sluggard and luxurious enjoyed all things, to which the Festival replied, it is true, yet if I had not been before you, you had not been at all; so if Themistocles had not been before you where had you been now? Laughing at his own Son, who was somewhat too bold through the indulgence and fondness of his Mother, he told him that he had the most power of any one in Greece; for the Athenians command the rest of Greece, I command the Athenians, your Mother commands me, and you command your Mother. Loving to be singular in all things, when he had Land to sell, he ordered the Crier to give notice that there were good neighbours near it. Of two who made love to his Daughter he preferred the Virtuous before the Rich, saying, he desired a Man without Riches rather than Riches without a Man, with many such expressions.  
After these things he began to build and 
He builds the Walls of Athens.  wall the City of Athens, having with Money corrupted the Lacedaemonian Ephori, and persuaded them not to be against it, as Theopompus reports; but as most relate it, by overreaching and deceiving them, for being chosen by the Governors of Athens he went to Sparta where the Lacedæmonians accusing him for rebuilding the Walls of the City of Athens, and Poliarchus being sent on purpose from Aegina to plead against him, he denied the fact, bidding them to send to Athens to see whether it were so or no: by which delay he got time for the building of the Wall, and ordering the Athenians to seize upon those who were sent, and keep them as Hostages for him; when the Lacedæmonians knew the truth, they did him no hurt, but hiding their anger for the present, sent him away.  
After this, considering the great advantage 
He fortifies the Haven of Piraea.  of good Ports, he fortified the Haven of Piraea, and joined the whole City to the Sea, ordering the public affairs contrary to the judgement of the old Kings of Athens; who endeavouring to withdraw their Subjects from the Sea and sailing about, and to accustom them to live by planting and tilling the Earth, published the Discourse between Minerva and Neptune, and how they contended for the patronage of the Athenians, when Minerva by showing to the Judges an Olive Tree, was declared to be their tutelary Goddess; but Themistocles did not only join the Haven of Piraea to the City, as the Poet Aristophanes observes, but he joined the City to the Haven, and the Land to the Sea, which increased the power of the People against the Nobility; the Authority coming into the hands of Watermen, Mariners and Masters of Ships: and ordered that the Pulpit built in the Marketplace for public Orations, should be placed towards the Sea, which the thirty Tyrants afterwards turned towards the Land; supposing that great power by Sea would give life and encouragement to a popular Government; but that Labourers and Husbandmen would be less offended at the greatness of the Nobility: but Themistocles had a higher opinion of Sea forces.  
After the departure of Xerxes, when the Grecian Fleet was arrived at Pagasa, where they wintered, Themistocles, in a public Oration to the people of Athens, telling them that he had a design to perform something that would be very beneficial and advantageous to the Athenians, but that it was of such a nature, that it could not be made public or communicated to the people in general: The Athenians ordered him to impart it to Aristides only; and if he approved of it to put it in practice, and when 
He proposes to burn the Grecian Fleet in the Haven of Pagasa.  Themistocles had discovered to him that his design was to burn the Grecian Fleet in the Haven of Pagasa; Aristides coming out to the people, gave this report of the stratagem contrived by Themistocles, that there was nothing more advantageous, nor could any thing conduce more to the prosperity and grandeur of Athens than this, but withal that it would be the most unjust action in the world, at which the Athenians commanded Themistocles to desist from his intention, and to think no further of it.  
When the Lacedæmonians proposed at the general Council of the Amphictyonians that the Representatives of those Cities which were not in the League, nor had fought together against the Persians, should be excluded out of that Assembly; Themistocles fearing that the Thessalians with those of Thebes, Argos and others, being thrown out of the Council, the Lacedæmonians would become wholly masters of the Votes, and act what they pleased; he applied himself to the Deputies of the Cities, and prevailed with the Members then sitting to alter their opinions in this point, remonstrating to them that there were but one and thirty Cities which did partake of the War, and that most of these also were very small, and how intolerable it would be, if the rest of Greece should be excluded; and that the General Council should come to be ruled by two or three great Cities. By this he chiefly incurred the high displeasure and hatred of the Lacedæmonians, who afterwards promoted Cimon to all honours, and placed him as an emulatour and adversary to Themistocles in all affairs of State.  
He was also burdensome to the Confederates, sailing about the Islands and collecting money from them. Herodotus says, that requiring money of those of the Island of Andros, he told them, that he had brought with him two Goddesses, Persuasion and Force; and they answered him that they had also two great Goddesses which prohibited them from giving him any money; Poverty and Impossibility. Timocreon the Rhodian Poet reprehends him somewhat bitterly for being wrought upon by money to let those who were banished return, and for betraying one who was his Guest and Friend. The Verses are these 
You may the honour of Pausanias raise,  
Leutychides, or else Xantippus praise,  
Of Aristides I'll display the fame  
The best man e'er from mighty Athens came.  
The false dark deeds of base Themistocles  
Can never the divine Latona please:  
His Friend and Guest Timocreon, for gain,  
A prisoner here he basely doth detain.  
To get three Talents some he does recall,  
Banishes, murders others, laughs at all.  
While with his Bags well filled he may carouse,  
And in the Isthmus keep a public House.  
Yet there doth such cold entertainment give  
His Guests oft wish him not an hour to live.  But after the sentence and banishment of Themistocles Timocreon reviles him more excessively and more reproachfully, in a Poem which begins thus, 
Muses, convey the Echo of my Verse,  
And what I write continually rehearse,  
'Tis requisite that this you should disperse,  
All over Greece, and through the Universe.  It is reported that when it was put to the question whether Timocreon should be banished for siding with the Persians, Themistocles gave his Vote against him, and when Themistocles was accused for treating with the Medes, Timocreon made these upon him. 
Timocreon now is not the only man  
Hath sworn allegiance to the Persian.  
Others are faulty, nay the greatest fail,  
He's not the only Fox without a Tail.  And when the Citizens of Athens began to hearken willingly to those who traduced and reproached him, he was forced to put them in mind of the great services he had performed, and asked those who were offended with him, whether they were weary with receiving benefits often from the same person, whereby he rendered himself more odious: but he more highly incensed 
He builds a Temple and dedicates it to Diana.  the people, and accumulated their hatred towards him, when laying the Foundation of the Temple of Diana, he named it Aristoboule or Diana of the best Counsel; intimating thereby, that he had given the best counsel not only to the Athenians but to all Greece. He built this Temple near to his own House, in a place called Melita, where now the Hangmen carry out the Bodies of such as are executed, and throw the Halters and Clothes of those that are strangled or otherwise put to death. There is to this day a Statue of Themistocles in the Temple of Diana of the best Counsel, which represents him to be a person not only of a noble Mind, but also of a most heroical aspect. At length the Athenians banished him, making use of the Exostracism 
The Exostracism.  to depress his great worth, eminence and authority, as they ordinarily did to all those whom they thought too powerful, or in a capacity to oppress them; or by their greatness were become disproportionable to that equality which was thought requisite in a popular Government. For the Exostracism was instituted not so much to punish the Offender, as to mitigate and pacify the fury of the envious, who delighted to depress those who were transcendent in eminence and glory, and by fixing this disgrace upon them, they exhaled part of the venomous rancour of their minds.  
Themistocles being banished from Athens, while he stayed at Argos the Trial of Pausanias happened, which gave such advantage to his enemies, that Leobotes of Agraula Son of Alcmaeon indicted him of Treason; the Spartans' joining with him in the accusation.  
When Pausanias went about this treasonable design, he concealed it at first from Themistocles, though he were his intimate Friend, but when he saw him expelled out of the Commonwealth, and how impatiently he took his banishment, he ventured to communicate it to him, and desired his assistence, showing him the King of Persia's Letters, and exasperating him against the Greeks, as a cursed and ungrateful people. However Themistocles immediately rejected the proposals of Pausanias, and wholly refused to be a party in the enterprise, though he never revealed those discourses nor discovered the Conspiracy to any man, either expecting that it would be discovered by other means, or hoping that Pausanias would desist from his intentions, seeing that he attempted without due consideration things that were absurd, dangerous, and that could not be put in practice.  
After that Pausanias was put to death, Letters and Writings being found concerning this matter which rendered Themistocles suspected, the Lacedæmonians were clamorous against him, and the envious Athenians accused him, when being absent from Athens, he made his defence by Letters, especially against the chief accusations, and wrote to the Athenians in answer to the malicious detractions of his enemies, urging that he who was always ambitious to govern, was never born to serve, and should be very unwilling to become a Slave, would never sell himself and his Country to the Persians the mortal enemies of the Greeks.  
Notwithstanding this the people being persuaded by his accusers, sent Officers to take him and bring him away to be tried before the great Council of the Greeks; but having timely notice of it, he passed 
He flies into the Island of Corfu.  over into the Island of Corcyra, the chief City of the Island having received great obligations from him, for being made Judge of a difference between them and the Corinthians, he determined the Controversy, ordering the Corinthians to lay down twenty Talents, and that the Town and Island of Leucas should be equally inhabited by a Colony sent from both Cities. From thence he fled into Epirus, and the Athenians and Lacedæmonians still pursuing him, he plunged himself into such intricate difficulties, that he had small hopes ever to escape; for he fled for refuge to Admetus' King of the 
He flies to Admetus' King of the Molossians.  Molossians, who having formerly made a request to the Athenians, Themistocles being then in the height of his Authority, had used him disdainfully and thrown dirt upon him; which so enraged the King, that if he could have then laid hold of him, he would have sufficiently revenged himself; yet in this misfortune, Themistocles fearing the fresh hatred of his Neighbours and fellow Citizens, more than the former displeasure of the King, threw himself at his mercy, and became an humble suppliant to Admetus after a peculiar manner, different from the custom of all other Countries. For holding the young Prince (who was then a Child) in his Arms, he prostrated himself before the King's Household Gods; this being the most sacred and only manner of supplication among the Molossians, which was not to be refused, and some say that Queen Phthia informed Themistocles of this way of petitioning, and placed her young Son near to him before the Figures of their domestical Deities: others say that King Admetus, that he might be under a religious obligation not to deliver him up to those who persecuted him, helped him to act that part, and instructed him in this solemn Rite. At that time Epicrates of Acharnia privately conveyed his Wife and Children out of Athens, and sent them hither, for which afterwards Cimon condemned him, and put him to death, as Stesimbrotus reports, yet either forgetting this, or making Themistocles to be little mindful of it, he says he sailed into Sicily, and desired in marriage the Daughter of Hieron Tyrant of Sicily, promising to bring the Greeks under his power; and Hieron refusing him, he departed from thence into Asia: but this is not probable; For Theophrastus writes in his History of Kings, that when Hieron sent race Horses to the Olympian Games, and erected a royal Tent richly furnished, Themistocles made an Oration to the Greeks inciting them to pull down the Tyrant's Tent, and not to suffer his Horses to run. Thucydides says that passing over Land to the Aegaean Sea, he took Ship at Pidna in 
He takes Ship at Pidna.  the Bay of Therm not being known to any one in the Ship, till being terrified to see the Vessel driven by the Winds near to Naxus, which was then besieged by the Athenians, he made himself known to the Master and Pilot; and sometimes entreating them, at other times threatening them that if they went on shore he would accuse them, and induce the Athenians to believe, that they did not take him in out of ignorance, but that he had corrupted them with money from the beginning, he compelled them to bear off, and stand out to Sea, and sail forward towards the Coast of Asia.  
A great part of his estate was privately conveyed away by his Friends, and sent after him by Sea into Asia, besides which there was discovered and confiscated to the value of fourscore Talents; as Theophrastus writes. Theopompus says an hundred; whereas Themistocles was never worth three Talents, before he was concerned in the public.  
When he arrived at Cuma, and understood that all along the Coast there were many laid wait for him, and particularly Ergoteles and Pythodorus (for the Game was worth the hunting after by such as pursued gain every where, the King of Persia having offered by public proclamation two hundred Talents to him that should take him) he fled to Aeges a small City of the Aeolians, where no one knew him but only his Host Nicogenes, who was the richest man in Aeolia, and well known in the Court of Persia. While Themistocles lay hid for some days in his House, one night after a Sacrifice and a good Supper, Olbius Schoolmaster to Nicogenes' Children fell frantic and inspired, and cried out in Verse, 
This night instructs in mystic dreams and charms,  
How t'use thy parts and ever conquering Arms.  After this Themistocles dreamed that a Dragon 
Themistocles 's Dream.  coiled itself up upon his Belly, and creeping up to his Neck, as soon as it touched his Face was turned into an Eagle; which spread its Wings over him, and took him up, and flew away with him into Countries far remote, where a golden Sceptre appeared to him, upon which he rested himself securely, freed from all fear and trouble: and soon after Nicogenes made use of this invention to send him away.  
The barbarous Nations, and amongst them the Persians especially, are naturally jealous, clownish and morose towards their Women, not only to their Wives, but also to their Slaves and Concubines, which they keep so strictly that never any one sees them abroad, even at their Meals they are shut up within Doors; and when they take a journey, they are carried in close Coaches, or put under a little Tent or Covering shut close on all sides, and set upon a Wagon; such a travelling Carriage being prepared for Themistocles, they overwhelmed him, and hid him in it, and carried him on his journey; and told those whom they met or discoursed with upon the Road, that they carried a young Grecian Lady out of jonia to a Nobleman at Court.  
Thucydides and Charon of Lampsachus report that Xerxes being dead, Themistocles discoursed with his Son: but Ephorus, Deinon, Clitarchus, Heraclides and many others write, that he came to Xerxes, and though the chronological Tables do better agree with the relation of Thucydides, yet they are not exactly compiled with that undeniable certainty, that they should be thought to be built upon unshaken and immovable Foundations.  
When Themistocles was come to the critical 
Comes to Artabanus.  point, he applied himself first to Artabanus Commander of a thousand men, telling him, that he was a Grecian and desired to speak with the King about important affairs, concerning which the King was extremely solicitous; Artabanus answered him, Stranger, the Laws of men are different, and some esteem one thing honourable and some another, but it is honourable for all men to observe and commend the Laws of their own Country; it is allowable for you Grecians to admire liberty and equality, but amongst our many excellent Laws, we account this the most glorious, to honour the King, and to worship him, as the Image of that great Deity that preserves and protects the Universe; and if you can accustom yourself to our Laws, and fall down before the King and worship him, you may both see him and speak to him; but if your mind be otherwise, you must make use of others to intercede for you; for it is not the national custom here for the King to give audience to any one that doth not fall down before him: Themistocles hearing this, replied, Artabanus, I that come hither to increase the power and glory of the King, will not only submit myself to his Laws, since it hath pleased God to raise the Persian Empire to this greatness; but will also cause many more to be worshippers and adorers of the King, Let not this therefore be an impediment, why I should not communicate to his Majesty what I have to impart, Artabanus ask him who must we tell him that you are? for you seem to be no ordinary person, Themistocles answered, no man must be informed of this before the King himself. Thus Phanias relates it; to which Eratosthenes in his Treatise of Riches, adds, that by the means of a Woman of Eretria who was kept by Artabanus, he was brought acquainted with him, and obtained this favour from him.  
When he was introduced to the King and 
He is brought before Xerxes.  had paid his due reverence to him, he stood silent, till Xerxes commanding the Interpreter to ask him who he was? he replied, I am Themistocles the Athenian, banished and persecuted by the Greeks, I fly to thee for refuge mighty Monarch; the evils that I have done to the Persians are easily to be forgiven, in consideration of the many achievements accomplished for them, when I hindered the Grecians from pursuing the Medes after the fatal Battles of Salamis and Plataea, when having freed my Country and placed the Greeks in safety, my ambition led me on to greater enterprises; in which being successful, I gratified the far extended Persian Empire, and performed services acceptable to the greatest Prince on earth; since which all things having conspired to augment my present calamities, suitable to such a condition, I come hither, hoping to receive mercy from a gracious reconciled Sovereign, who hath laid aside his anger, and is no longer mindful of former evils; humbly imploring you, that taking the Greeks for witnesses of the services I have done for Persia, you will make use of this occasion to show the world the nobleness of your virtue, rather than to fulfil your wrath, or satisfy your indignation, hereby you will preserve an humble suppliant; if otherwise, you destroy a servant of the Persians, and a public enemy of the Greeks. Besides this, he related the manner of the Vision, which he saw at Nicogenes' House, and what was directed him by the Oracle of Dodona, where Jupiter commanded him to go to him that had a name like his, by which he understood, that he was sent from Jupiter to Xerxes, seeing that they had both the name of mighty Kings; and he knew no other great sacred powers but Jupiter, and the Persian Emperor.  
The King heard him attentively, and though he admired his understanding and courage, gave him no answer at that time, but when he was with his intimate Friends, he rejoiced in his great good fortune, and esteemed himself very happy in this, and prayed to his God Arimanius, that all his enemies might be ever of the same mind with the Greeks, to provoke, abuse and expel the bravest men amongst them. Then he sacrificed to the Gods, and presently fell to drinking, and was so well pleased that in the night in the middle of his sleep, he cried out for joy three times, I have Themistocles the Athenian.  
In the morning, Xerxes calling together the chief of his Court, had Themistocles brought before him, who expected no good would come of it, especially when he saw the Guards were fiercely set against him as soon as they knew his name, and gave him ill language; and as he came forward towards the King, who was set down and the rest kept silence, passing by Roxanes a Commander of a thousand men, he heard him sigh and whisper softly to him without stirring out of his place, You subtle Greek Serpent, the King's good Genius hath brought thee hither; yet when he came into the presence, and fell down, the King saluted him, and spoke to him kindly, telling him, he was now indebted to him two hundred Talents; for it was just and reasonable, that he should receive the reward which was proposed to whosoever should bring Themistocles; and promising much more, and encouraging him, he commanded him to speak freely what he would concerning the affairs of Greece, Themistocles replied, that a man's Discourse was like to a rich Persian Carpet variously wrought and figured, the beautiful Images and proper Figures of which are best represented when they are clearly and fairly opened; but when they are contracted and folded up, they are obscured and lost, and therefore he desired 
He learns the Persian Language.  time to learn the language perfectly, in which he was to express his mind, and unfold his secret services. The King being pleased with the comparison, and bidding him take what time he would, he desired a year, in which time having learned the Persian Language sufficiently he spoke with the King by himself without the help of an Interpreter: and those who were at a distance thought that he discoursed only about the affairs of Greece; but there happening at the same time great alterations at Court, and removals of the King's Favourites, he drew upon himself the envy of the great ones; who imagined, that he who had this great liberty might take the boldness to speak many things concerning them: for the favours shown to other Strangers were nothing in comparison of the honours conferred on him; the King inviting him to partake of his own pastimes and recreations both at home and abroad, carrying him with him a-hunting; and made him his intimate so far, that he permitted him not only to come into the presence of the Queen Mother, but also to wait upon her often, and converse familiarly with her. And besides this, he heard the Discourses of the Magicians, by the King's especial command; and was instructed in the secret Philosophy and Magic of the Persians.  
When Demaratus the Lacedaemonian, being ordered by the King to ask whatsoever he pleased, and it should immediately be granted him, desired the Royal Diadem, and that being lifted up on high he might make his public entrance, and be carried in state through the City of Sardis with the Imperial Crown of Persia upon his head, after the manner of Kings; Mithropaustes Nephew to Xerxes, taking him by the hand told him, that he had no Brains for the Royal Diadem to cover; and if Jupiter should give him his Lightning and Thunder, he would be ne'er the more Jupiter for that; the King also repulsed him with scorn and anger, resolving never to be reconciled to him, but to be inexorable to all supplications on his behalf; yet Themistocles pacified him, and prevailed with him to forgive him: and it is reported that the succeeding Kings in whose Reigns there was a greater communication between the Greeks and Persians than formerly, when they invited any considerable Grecian into their service, to encourage him they would signify to him by Letters, that he should be as great with them as Themistocles was with Xerxes. They relate also how Themistocles when he was in great prosperity, and courted by many, seeing himself splendidly served at his Table, he turned to his Children and said, Children, we had been undone if we had not been undone. Most Writers say, that he had three Cities given him Magnesia, Myus and Lampsacus, to maintain him in Bread, Meat and Wine. Neanthes of Cyzicus and Phanias add two more, the City of Percotes to provide him with Clothes, and Palaescepsis with Bedding and Furniture for his House.  
As he went down towards the Sea side to provide against the attempts and practices of the Greeks, a Persian whose name was Epixyes Governor of the upper Phrygia laid wait to kill him; having for that purpose provided a long time before a crew of Pisidian murderers, who were to set upon him when he came to reside in a City that is called Lyons-head: but Themistocles 
The Mother of the Gods appears to him.  sleeping in the middle of the day, the Mother of the Gods appeared to him in a Dream, and said unto him; Themistocles, never come at the Lyon's-head, for fear you fall into the Lion's Jaws, for this advice I expect that your Daughter Mnesiptolema should be my servant. Themistocles was much astonished, and when he had poured forth his prayers, and made his vows to the Goddess, he left the great Road, and taking a compass about, went another way, changing his intended station to avoid that place, and at night took up his rest in the Fields; but one of the Sumpter-horses which carried part of the Furniture for his Tent, having fallen that day into a River, his Servants spread out the Tapestry which was wet, and hanged it up to dry it: in the mean time the Pisidians made towards them with their Swords drawn, and not discerning exactly by the Moon what it was that was stretched out to be dried, they thought it was the Tent of Themistocles, and that they should find him resting himself within it; but when they came nigh, and lifted up the Hangings, those who watched there fell upon them and took them. Themistocles having escaped this great danger, was in admiration of the goodness of the Goddess that appeared to him; and in memory of it he built a Temple in the City of Magnesia, which he dedicated to Cybele Dindymene Mother of the Gods, wherein he consecrated and devoted his Daughter Mnesiptolema unto her service.  
When he came to Sardis he visited the Temples of the Gods, and observing at his leisure their Buildings, Ornaments, and the number of their Offerings, he saw in the Temple of the Mother of the Gods the Statue of a Virgin in Brass two Cubits high, called the Water-bringer, or she that brought the Water back again into its right Channel. Themistocles had caused this to be made and set up when he was Surveyor of the Aqueducts at Athens, out of the Fines and Forfeitures of those, whom he had discovered to have taken away the Water, or to have turned it out of its due course, by other Pipes fitted for their private use: and whether he had some regret to see this fair Image in Captivity, and the Statue of a Grecian Virgin kept Prisoner in Asia; or whether he was desirous to let the Athenians see in what great credit he was with the King, and what authority he had in all the Persian affairs; he entered into discourse with the Governor of Lydia, to persuade him to send this Statue back to Athens, which so enraged the Persian Officer, that he told him, he would write the King word of it: Themistocles being affrighted hereat, got access to his Wives and Concubines, whom he gained with money, and by their means mitigated the fury of the Governor; and afterwards carried himself more reservedly and circumspectly, fearing the envy of the Persians; and gave over travelling about Asia, and lived quietly in his own House in Magnesia, where for a long time he passed his days in great security, as Theopompus writes, being courted by all, and presented with rich Gifts, and honoured equally with the greatest persons in the Persian Empire; the King at that time not minding his concerns with Greece, being incessantly busied about the affairs of the upper Provinces.  
But when Egypt revolted, being assisted by the Athenians, and the Grecian Galleys roved about as far as Cyprus and Cilicia, and Cimon had made himself master of the Seas, the King turned his thoughts, and bending his mind chiefly to resist the Grecians and to hinder their increasing power against him, raised Forces, sent out Commanders, and dispatched M●ssengers to Themistocles at Magnesia, to put him in mind of his promise, and to incense him and irritate him against the Greeks; yet this did not increase his hatred nor exasperate him against the Athenians, neither was he any ways elevated with the thoughts of the honour and powerful command he was to have in this War; but either imagining that this undertaking could not prosperously be carried on, nor the King easily compass his designs, the Greeks having at that time great Commanders, and amongst them Cimon wonderfully successful in the affairs of Greece; or chiefly being ashamed to sully the glory of his former great actions, and of his many Victories and Trophies; he determined to put a conclusion to his days suitable to his former great deeds, and to make an end agreeable to the whole course of his life: he sacrificed to the Gods, and invited his Friends, and having kindly entertained them, and shaked hands with them, he drank Bulls Blood, as the general report goes; but some say he took poison which 
He drinks Bull's Blood.  dispatched him in a short time and ended his days in the City of Magnesia, having lived sixty five years, most of which he had spent in the State and in the Wars, in governing of Countries and commanding of Armies. The King being informed of the cause and manner of his death, admired him more than ever, and continued to show kindness to his Friends and Relations.  
Themistocles left three Sons by Archippa Daughter to Lysander of Alopece; Archeptolis, Polyeuctus and Cleophantus. Plato the Philosopher mentions the latter as a most excellent Horseman; but relates nothing else of him worthy of memory: of his eldest Sons Neocles and Diocles, Neocles died when he was young by the bite of a Horse, and Diocles was adopted by his Grandfather Lysander to be his Heir. He had many Daughters, of which Mnesiptolema, whom he had by a second Marriage, was Wife to Archeptolis, her Brother-in-law by another Mother; Italia was married to Panthedes of the Island of Scio; Sybaris to Nicomedes the Athenian. After the death of Themistocles, his Nephew Phrasicles set sail for Magnesia, and married his Daughter Nicomachia, receiving her from the hands of her Brothers; and brought up her Sister Asia the youngest of all the Children.  
The Magnesians possess the splendid Sepulchre 
His Tomb at Magnesia.  of Themistocles placed in the middle of their great Piazza, and it is not worth the taking notice of what Andocides writes to his Friends, concerning the Relics of Themistocles; how the Athenians rob his Tomb, and threw his Ashes into the Air; for he feigns this to exasperate the Nobility against the people; and there is no man living but knows that Phrasicles is mistaken in his History, where he brings in Neocles and Demopolis for the Sons of Themistocles to incite or move compassion, as if he were writing of a Tragedy: yet Diodorus the Cosmographer writes in his Book of Sepulchers, but by conjecture rather than of his certain knowledge, that near to the Haven of Piraea, where the Land runs out like an Elbow from the Promontory of Alcimus, and when you have doubled the Cape and passed inward where the Sea is always calm, there is a vast Foundation, and upon this the Tomb of Themistocles in the shape of an Altar; and Plato the Comedian seems to confirm this in these Verses, 
Thy Tomb is fairly placed on the Strand,  
Where Merchants from all parts may pass or land;  
Where Ships from every quarter come in sight,  
And may engage in many a bloody Fight:  
So that thy Ashes placed on the Shore,  
Both Sea and Land may honour and adore.   
Divers honours also and privileges were granted to the Kindred of Themistocles at Magnesia, which were observed down to our times; and another Themistocles of Athens enjoyed them, with whom I had a particular acquaintance and Friendship in the House of Ammonius the Philosopher.  
The End of Themistocles 's Life.   


Furius Camillus   portrait Vandrebanc fe▪  
THE LIFE OF F. CAMILLUS.  Englished from the Greek, By Mich. pain, Trin. Coll. Cant. Soc. 
AMong the many remarkable things that are related of Furius Camillus, this above all seems most singular and strange, that he who for the most part was in the highest commands, and had performed the greatest Actions, was five times chosen dictator, triumphed four times, and was styled a Second Founder of Rome, yet never was so much as once Consul. The reason whereof was the state and temper of the then Commonwealth; for the People being at dissension with the Senate stiffly refused to return Consuls, but in their stead elected other Magistrates called Military Tribunes, who though they acted every thing with full Consular Power and Authority, yet their Government was less grievous to the People, by reason they were more in number: for to have the management of affairs entrusted in the hands of six persons rather than two, was some ease and satisfaction to those who could not endure the Dominion of a few. This was the condition of the times when Camillus flourished in the height of his actions and glory, and although the Government in the mean time had often proceeded to Consular Elections, yet he could never persuade himself to be Consul, against the goodwill and inclination of the People. In all other his administrations which were many and various, he so behaved himself, that when he was alone in Authority, his power was exercised as in common, but the honour of all actions redounded entirely to himself, even when in joint Commission with others; the reason of the former was his moderation, commanding without pride or insolence; of the latter, his great judgement and wisdom, wherein without question he excelled all others. And whereas the House of the Furii was not at that time of any considerable quality, he was the first that raised himself to honour, serving under Posthumius Tubertus, dictator, in the great Battle against the Aeques and Volsces; for riding out from the rest of the Army, and in the charge receiving a wound in his Thigh, he for all that gave not over the fight, but plucking out the Dart that stuck close in the wound, and engaging with the bravest of the enemy, he put them to flight, for which action, among other rewards bestowed on him, he was created Censor, an 
Camillus' made Censor.  Office in those days of great esteem and authority. During his Censorship one very good act of his is recorded, that whereas the Wars had made many Widows, he obliged such as had no Wives, some by fair persuasion, others by threatening to set Fines on their heads, to take them in marriage. Another necessary one, in causing Orphans to be rated, who before were exempted from Taxes, the frequent and chargeable Wars requiring more than ordinary expenses to maintain them. But that which pinched them most was the Siege of Veii 
The Siege of Veii.  (some call them Venetani.) This was the head City of Tuscany, not inferior to Rome, either in number of Arms or multitude of Soldiers, insomuch that presuming on her wealth and magnificence, and priding her self in the variety of pleasures she enjoyed, she had fought many a fair Battle with the Romans, contending for Glory and Empire. But now they had quitted their former ambition having been weakened and brought low in many notable encounters, so that having fortified themselves with high and strong Walls, and furnished the City with all sorts of Weapons offensive and defensive, as likewise with Corn and all manner of Provisions, they cheerfully endured the Siege, which though tedious to them, was no less troublesome and vexatious to the besiegers. For the Romans having never been accustomed to lie long abroad in the heat of Summer, and constantly to winter at home, they were then first compelled by the Tribunes, to build Forts and Garrisons in the Enemy's Country, and raising strong Works about their Camp to join Winter and Summer together. And now the seventh year of the War drawing to an end, the Commanders began to be suspected as too slow and remiss in driving on the Siege, infomuch that they were discharged and others chosen for the War, among whom was Camillus then second time Tribune. But at present he had no hand in the Siege, his lot being to make War upon the Falisces and Capenates, who taking advantage of the Romans being busied on all hands, had much spoiled their Country, and through all the Tuscan War given them sore diversions, but were now reduced by Camillus, and with great losses shut up within their Walls.  
And now in the very heat of the War an 
The strange accident of the Alban Lake.  accident happened to the Alban Lake no less wonderful than the most incredible things that are reported, and by reason no visible cause could be assigned, or any natural beginning whereto to ascribe it, it became matter of great amazement. It was the beginning of Autumn, and the Summer before had neither been very rainy, nor in appearance over troubled with Southern winds, and of the many Lakes, Brooks and Springs of all sorts wherein Italy abounds, some were wholly dried up, others drew very little Water with them. But all the Rivers, as they constantly used in Summer, ran in a very low and hollow Channel. But the Alban Lake that is fed by no other waters but its own, being compassed about with fruitful Mountains, without any cause, unless it were Divine, began visibly to rise and swell, increasing to the feet of the Mountains, and by degrees reaching to the very tops of them, and all this without any violent tossing, or agitation of its Waves. At first it was the wonder of Shepherds and Herdsmen, but when the Earth which like a great Dam held up the Lake from falling into the lower grounds, through the quantity and weight of Water was broken down; and that in a violent stream it ran through the plow'd Fields and Plantations, to discharge itself in the Sea; it did not only strike terror in the Romans, but was thought by all the inhabitants of Italy to portend some extraordinary events. But the greatest talk of it was in the Camp that besieged Veii, when once this accident of the Lake came to be known among them, and as in long Sieges it is usual for parties of both sides to meet and converse with one another; it happened that a Roman had 
A subtle fetch of a Roman Soldier.  gained much confidence and familiarity with one of the besieged, a man well versed in ancient learning, and had the reputation of more than ordinary skill in divination. The Roman observing him to be overjoyed at the story of the Lake, and to mock at the Siege, told him that this was not the only prodigy that of late had happened to the Romans, but that others more wonderful than this had befallen them, which he was willing to communicate to him, that he might the better provide for his private affairs in these public distempers. The man greedily embraced the motion, expecting to hear some wonderful secrets, but when by little and little he had drilled him on in discourse, and insensibly drawn him a good way from the Gates of the City, he snatched him up by the middle, being stronger than he, and by the assistence of others that came running from the Camp, seized and delivered him to the Commanders. The man reduced to this necessity, and knowing that destiny is not to be avoided, discovered to them the secret counsels of his Country. That it was not possible the City should be taken, until the Alban Lake, which now broke forth and had found out new passages, was drawn back from that course, and so diverted, that it could not mingle with the Sea. The Senate 
Ambassadors sent to Delphos.  having heard and deliberated of the matter, decreed to send to Delphos to ask counsel of that God; the Messengers were persons of the greatest quality, Cossus Licinius, Valerius Potitus and Fabius Ambustus; who having made their voyage by Sea, and consulted the God, returned with other answers, particularly that there had been a neglect of some of their Country Rites relating to the Latin Feasts. As for the Alban Water, the Oracle commanded, that if it was possible, they should draw it from the Sea, and shut it up in its ancient bounds; but if that was not to be done, than they should bring it down into Ditches and Trenches into the lower grounds, and so dry it up; which message being delivered, the Priests performed what related to the Sacrifices, and the People went to work, and turned the Water.  
And now the Senate in the tenth year of the War taking away all other Commands created Camillus' dictator, who chose Cornelius Scipio for his General of Horse; and in the first place he made Vows unto the Gods, that if they would grant a happy conclusion of that War, he would celebrate to their Honour the great Sports, and dedicate a Temple to the Goddess whom the Romans call Matuta the Mother, but from the Ceremonies which are used, one would verily think she was Leucothea, for leading a Servant-maid into the secret part of the Temple they there buffet her, and then drive her out again; and they embrace their Brother's Children, more than their own; and in the matter of Sacrifices use the same ceremonies as to Bacchus his Nurses, and what is customary in the sad case of Ino in remembrance of the Concubine. Camillus having made these Vows, marched into the Country of the Falisces, and in a great Battle overthrew them and the Capenates their Confederates; afterwards he turned to the Siege of Veii, and finding that to take it by assault 
The continuation of the Siege of Veii.  would prove a difficult and hazardous attempt, he cut Mines under ground, the Earth about the City being easy to break up, and allowing as much depth as would carry on the Works without being discovered by the Enemy. This design going on in a hopeful way, he without, gave assaults to the Enemy to divert them about the Walls, whilst they that worked underground in the Mines were insensibly, without being perceived, got within the Castle, under the Temple of Juno, which was the greatest and most celebrated in all the City. It is reported that the Prince of the Tuscans was at that very time at his Devotions, and that the Priest after he had looked into the Entrails of the Beast, should cry out with a loud voice, That the Gods would give the victory to those that should finish those Sacrifices: and that the Romans who were in the mines hearing the words, immediately pulled down the Floor, and ascending with noise and clashing of Weapons, frighted away the Enemy, and snatching up the Entrails carried them to Camillus. But this may look like a Fable. The City being taken by storm, and the Soldiers busied in pillaging and gathering an infinite quantity of Riches and Spoil, Camillus from the high Tower viewing what was done, at first wept for pity; and when they that were by, congratulated his good success, he lift up his hands to Heaven, and broke out into this Prayer. O most mighty Jupiter, and ye Gods that are Judges of good and evil actions, Ye know that not without just cause, but constrained by necessity we have been forced to revenge ourselves on the City of our unrighteous and implacable Enemies. But if in the vicissitude of things, there be any calamity due, to countervail this great felicity, I beg that it may be diverted from the City and Army of the Romans, and with as little hurt as may be, fall upon my own Head. Having said these words, and just turning about (as the custom of the Romans is to turn to the right when they worship or pray) he fell flat to the ground, to the astonishment of all that were present. But recovering himself presently from the fall, he told them, that it had succeeded to his wish, a small mischance in recompense of the greatest good fortune.  
Having sacked the City, he resolved according as he had vowed to carry Juno's Image unto Rome; and the Workmen being ready for that purpose, he sacrificed to the Goddess, and made his supplications, that she would be pleased to accept of their devotion toward her, and graciously vouchsafe to accept of a place among the Gods that precided at Rome: They say, that the Statue answered in a low voice, that she was ready and willing to go. Livy writes that in praying, Camillus touched the Goddess, and invited her, and that some of the standers by cried out, that she was willing. They who stickle most for this Miracle, and endeavour to defend it, have the wonderful fortune of that City on their sides, which from a small and contemptible beginning attained to that greatness and power which it could never have done, without those many and great manifestations of God upon all occasions appearing for it. Besides, they produce other Wonders of the like nature, as the often sweeting of Statues, and that they have sometimes been heard to groan, as likewise the turning aside of some, and nodding and approving of others, as many of the Ancients have reported; and we ourselves could relate divers wonderful things which we have heard from men of our own time, which are not lightly to be rejected: but to give too easy credit to such things, or wholly to disbelieve them, is equally dangerous, by reason of humane infirmity, which hath no bounds or command of itself, but is sometimes carried to superstition and dotage, otherwhile to the contempt and neglect of all Religion. But moderation is the best, and to do nothing too much. But Camillus, whether puffed up with the greatness 
Camillus 's deportment upon the sacking of Veii distasteful to the Romans.  of the action to have won a City that was competitour with Rome, and had held out a ten years' siege, or exalted with the flattery of those that were about him, assumed to himself more than became a civil and legal Magistrate. Among other things was the pride and haughtiness of his Triumph, driving through Rome in a Chariot drawn with four White Horses, no General either before or since having done the like; for the Romans esteem that carriage to be sacred and peculiar only to the King and Father of the Gods. This alienated the hearts of the Citizens from him who were not accustomed to such pomp and bravery.  
The second pique they had against him, was his opposing the Law by which the City was to be divided; for the Tribunes of the People preferred a Law, that the People and Senate should be divided into two parts, one of which should remain at home, the other as the lot should give it remove to the new-taken City. By which means they should not only have much more Room, but by the advantage of two great and fair Cities be better able to maintain their Territories, and the rest of their plentiful Fortunes. The People therefore who were now grown rich and numerous, greedily embraced it, and in great crowds, began to tumult in the public Courts, demanding to have it put to the Vote. But the Senate and ablest Citizens judging the Proceedings of the Tribunes to tend rather to the destruction than division of Rome, yet unable to bear up against it themselves, flew to Camillus for assistence, who fearing to come to the open encounter, yet by continual flinging in new occasions to busy and employ their heads, made a shift to stave off the Law. For these things he was disrelisht by the People. But the greatest and most apparent cause of their hatred against him, arose from the tenths of the Spoil, the multitude having herein, if not so just, yet a plausible pretence against him. For it seems, as he went to the siege of Veii, he had vowed to Apollo, that if he took the City, he would dedicate to him the tenth of the Spoil. The City being taken 
Camillus' unmindful of his Vow.  and sacked, whether he was loath to trouble the Soldiers at that time, or that through multitude of business he had forgotten his Vow; he suffered them to enjoy that part of the Spoils also. Some time afterwards, when his Authority was laid down, he brought the matter before the Senate, and the Priests at the same time reported out of the Sacrifices, that the anger of the Gods was portended, and that they were not to be appeased without expiation and offerings. The Senate decreed the obligation to be in force.  
But seeing it was difficult for every one to produce the same very things they had taken to be divided anew, they ordained that every one upon oath should bring into the Public the tenth part of his gains. This seemed very severe and grievous to the Soldiers, who ceased not to murmur, that poor men, and such as had endured so much labour and travail in the War, should be forced, out of what they had gained and spent, to bring in so great a proportion; Camillus being assaulted by their clamour and tumults, for want of a better excuse, betook himself to the meanest of defences, by confessing he had forgotten his Vow; but they complained that he that then vowed the tenth of the Enemy, now levied it out of the tenths of the Citizens. Nevertheless, every one having brought in his due proportion, it was decreed that out of it a Bowl of massy Gold should be made and sent unto Delphos. But there was great 
The free contribution of the Roman Ladies to pacify Apollo.  scarcity of Gold in the City, and when the Magistrates were considering where to get it, the Roman Ladies meeting together and consulting among themselves, out of the golden Ornaments they wore, contributed as much as went to the making the Offering; which in weight came to eight Talents of Gold. The Senate, to give them the honour they had deserved, ordained that funeral Orations should be used at the obsequies of Women, as well as Men, it having never before been a custom that any Woman after death was publicly praised. Choosing out therefore three of the chief of the Nobility for Ambassadors, they sent them in a fair Vessel, well man'd, and sumptuously adorned. It was winter, and the Sea was calm, however, it is remarkable, that being brought almost to the very brink of destruction, beyond all expectation, they escaped the danger. For hard by the Isles of Aeolus, the Winds slacking, the Galleys of the Liparians came upon them, taking them for Pirates. But when they held up their hands in supplicant manner, the Liparians forbore violence, only fastened their Ship and towed her into the Harbour, where they exposed to sale their Goods and Persons, adjudging them to be lawful prize. But by the virtue and interest of one man Timesithius by name, who was Governor of that place, and used his utmost persuasion, they were with much ado dismissed. Besides, he himself joined some of his own Vessels with them, to accompany them in their voyage, and assist them at the dedication: for which he received honours at Rome according as he had deserved. And now the Tribunes of the People 
War against the Falisces.  again resuming the Law about the division of the City, the War against the Falisces luckily broke out, giving liberty to the Nobility to choose what Magistrates they pleased, who thereupon chose Camillus military Tribune, with five other Associates; Affairs then requiring a Commander of authority and reputation, and one well experienced in War; when the People had ratified the Election, Camillus marched with his Forces into the Territories of the Falisces, and besieged Falerii a well-fenced City and plentifully stored with all necessaries of War: And although he perceived it would be no small work to take it, nor little time spent about it, yet he was willing to exercise the Citizens, and keep them doing abroad, that they might have no leisure, idleing at home, to follow the Tribunes into faction and sedition. Which remedy the Romans constantly used, like good Physicians, to disperse abroad those violent Humours that disturb the Commonwealth. The Falerians, trusting in the strength of their City, which was well fortified on all sides, made so little account of the Siege, that beside those that guarded the Walls, the rest as in times of peace walked the Streets in their common Habits. The Boys went to School, and were led by their Master to play and exercise about the Town-walls; For the Falerians, like the Grecians, used one public School, to the end, their Children being brought up together, might betimes learn to converse and be familiar with one another.  
This Schoolmaster designing to betray 
The treachery of the Falerian Schoolmaster.  the Falerians by their Children, led them out every day under the Town-wall, at first but a little way, and when they had exercised brought them home again. Afterwards by degrees he drew them farther and farther, till at last by practice he had made them bold and fearless, as if no danger was about them; at last, having got them all together, he brought them to the Out-guard of the Romans and delivered them up, demanding to be led to Camillus. Where being come, and standing in the middle, he said, That he was the Master and Teacher of those Children, but preferring his favour before all other obligations, he was come to deliver up his Charge to him, and in that the whole City. When Camillus had heard him out, he was struck with the horror of so treacherous an Act, and turning to the Standards by, he said, What a sad thing is War, which is begun and ended with much unjustice and violence! But to good men there are certain Laws even in War itself, and victory is not so greedily to be hunted after as not to refuse the assistence of wicked and unrighteous actions; for it becomes a great General to rely on his own virtue, and not the deceit and treachery of others. Which said, he commanded 
His deserved Punishment.  his Officers to tear off his clothes, and bind his Hands behind him, and give the Boys Rods and Scourges, to punish the Traitor, and drive him back to the City. By this time the Falerii had understood the treachery of the Schoolmaster; and the City, as in such a general Calamity it must needs be, was full of lamentations and cries, the honourable Men and Women running in distraction about the Walls and Gates, when behold the Boys came whipping their Master on, naked and bound, calling Camillus, their Saviour, their God, their Father; Insomuch, that it struck not only into the Parents, but the rest of the Citizens that saw what was done, such an admiration and love of Camillus his Justice, that immediately running into Counsel, they sent Ambassadors to him, to resign whatever they had to his disposal. Camillus sent them to Rome, where being brought into the Senate, they spoke to this purpose, That the Romans preferring Justice before Victory, had taught them rather to embrace submission than liberty; that they could not confess themselves to be so much inferior in strength, as they must acknowledge them to be superior in virtue. The Senate remitted the whole matter to Camillus, to judge and order as he thought fit. Who taking a sum of Money of the Falerians, and making a Peace with the whole Nation of the Falisces, returned home: But the Soldiers, who expected to have had the Pillage of the City, when they came to Rome emptyhanded, railed against Camillus among their Fellow-citizens, as a hater of the People, and one that maliciously opposed the interest of the Poor. Afterwards, when the Tribunes of the People again proposed the Law for dividing the City, Camillus of all others most openly appeared against it, sparing no pains, but inveighing with all boldness against the Promoters of it; so that forcing and constraining the multitude, they dismissed the Law, though contrary to their inclinations. But against Camillus they had an implacable hatred. Insomuch, 
Camillus' labours under two sad disasters.  that though a great misfortune befell him in his Family (one of his Sons dying of a disease) yet the commiseration of his case could not in the least make them abate of their malice. And indeed he took this loss with immoderate sorrow, being a man naturally of a mild and tender disposition; even that day, when the accusation was preferred against him, he kept house, and was shut up a close Mourner with the Women. His Accuser was Lucius Apuleius. The Crime, Fraud in the Tuscan Spoils; and accordingly it was given out, that there were found with him certain brass Gates part of those Spoils. The People were exasperated against him, and it was plain they would take hold of the least pretence and occasion to condemn him. Wherefore gathering together his Friends and fellow Soldiers, and such as had bore command with him, a considerable number in all, he besought them that they would not suffer him to be unjustly crushed under false accusations, and left the mock and scorn of his Enemies. His Friends having advised and consulted among themselves made answer, that as to the Sentence they did not see how they could help him, but that they would contribute to whatsoever fine should be set upon him: Not able to endure so great an indignity, he resolved in his anger, to leave the City, and go into Exile. Wherefore having taken leave of his Wife, 
His voluntary banishment,  and his Son, he went silently to the Gate of the City, where making a stand, and turning himself about, he stretched out his Hands to the Capitol, and prayed to the Gods, That if without any fault of his own, but merely through the malice and violence of the people, he was driven out into banishment, that the Romans might quickly have cause to repent of it; and that all mankind might visibly perceive, that they needed his assistence, and longed for his return. Thus, like Achilles, having left his imprecations on the Citizens, he went into banishment; so that neither appearing, or making defence, he was condemned in the sum of fifteen thousand Asses, which reduced to Silver makes a thousand five hundred Drachmas; for an Ass was a little piece of Money, ten of which in Brass made a Penny. There is not a Roman but does believe that 
and its concomitant calamities.  immediately upon the Prayers of Camillus, a sudden Judgement followed at the heels, and that he received a sufficient revenge for the injustice done unto him; which though we cannot think was pleasant, but rather grievous and bitter to him, yet it was very remarkable, and noised over the whole World: For such vengeance fell upon the City of Rome, and such dismal times succeeded, as drew along with them all manner of dangers and deaths, accompanied with disgrace and infamy: Whether or no it fell out by chance or fortune, or it be the office of some God not to see injured Virtue go unrevenged. The first token that seemed to threaten some mischief to ensue, was the death of the Censor in the Month of July, for the Romans have a religious reverence for the office of a Censor, and esteem it a sacred thing. The second was, That just before Camillus went into exile, Marcus Cedicius, a person of no great quality or of the rank of Senators, but esteemed a sober and creditable man, reported to the Military Tribunes a thing worthy their consideration. That going along the Night before in that Street which is called the new Way, and being called by some body in a huge voice, he turned about but could see no body, but heard a voice bigger than a Man's, which said these words, Go, Marcus Cedicius, and early in the morning tell the Military Tribunes, that suddenly they are to expect the Gauls. But the Tribunes made a mock and sport with the story, and a little after Camillus his business fell out.  
The Gauls are descended originally of the Celtaes, and are reported by reason of 
The Gauls, their original and progress.  their vast numbers to have left their Country not able to sustain them all, and to have gone in search of other places to inhabit. And being many thousands of them young Men and able to bear Arms, and carrying with them a greater number of Women and young Children, some of them passing the Riphaean Mountains, fell upon the Northern Ocean, and possessed the uttermost bounds of Europe; others seating themselves between the Pyrenaean Mountain and the Alps, for a long time lived near to the Sennones and Celtorii. But afterwards tasting of the Wine which was then first brought them out of Italy, they were all so much taken with the Liquor, and transported with the unusual delight, that snatching up their Arms, and taking their Parents along with them, they marched directly to the Alps to find out that Country which yielded such Fruit, esteeming all others barren and unpleasant. He that first brought Wine among them, and was the chief instigatour to draw them into Italy, is said to be one Arron a Tuscan, a man of 
Arron instrumental in bringing the Gauls into Italy.  noble extraction, by nature not evil, but happened to be in these untoward circumstances: he was Guardian to an Orphan, one of the richest of that Country, and much admired for his beauty, his name Lucumo; From his Childhood he had been bred up with Arron in his Family, and now grown up, he left not the House, pretending to take great delight in his conversation, thus for a great while together he secretly enjoyed Arron's Wife, corrupting and being corrupted by her. But when they were both so far gone on in their passions, that they could neither refrain their lust or conceal it, the young Man seized the Woman and openly carried her away. The Husband going to Law, and overpowered in multitude of Friends and Money, left his own Country, and hearing of the state of the Gauls, went to them, and was conductor of that Expedition into Italy. At first coming they presently possessed themselves of all that Country which anciently the Tuscans inhabited, reaching from the Alps to both the Seas, as the names themselves witness; for the North Sea Adria is so called from the Tuscan City Adria, and that which lies on the other side to the South is called the Tuscan Sea. All the Country is well planted with Trees, has pleasant and rich Pasture, and well watered with Rivers. It had eighteen fair and stately Cities, excellently seated for industry and Trade, and plentifully provided for all pleasures and delights. The Gauls casting out the Tuscans seated themselves in them: but these things were done long before.  
But the Gauls at this time were besieging Clusium a Tuscan City. The Clusians sent to the Romans for succour, desiring them to interpose with the Barbarians by their Letters and Ambassadors. There were sent three of the Family of the Fabii persons of the greatest quality, and most honourable in the City. The Gauls received them courteously in respect to the name of Rome, and giving over the assault which was then making upon the Walls came to conference with them, where the Ambassadors ask what injury they had received of the Clusians that they thus invaded their City, Brennus' King of the Gauls smiling made answer, The Clusians do us injury, 
Brennus 's satirical reply to the Roman Ambassadors at the Siege of Clusium.  in that not able to till a small parcel of ground, they must needs possess a great Territory, and will not communicate any part to us, who are strangers, many in number and poor. In the same nature, O Romans, formerly the Albans, Fidenates and Ardeates, and now lately the Veiens and Capenates and many of the Falisces and Volsces did you injury; upon whom ye make War if they do not yield you part of what they possess, ye make Slaves of them, ye waste and spoil their Country and ruin their Cities, neither in so doing are ye cruel or unjust, but follow that most ancient of all Laws, which gives the things of the feeble to the strong, beginning from God and ending in the Beasts, for all these by nature seek, the stronger to have advantage over the weaker: Leave off therefore to pity the Clusians whom we besiege, lest ye teach the Gauls to be good and compassionate to those that are oppressed by you. By this answer the Romans perceived that Brennus was not to be treated with, so they went into Clusium and encouraged and stirred up the inhabitants to make a sally with them upon the Barbarians, which they did either to try the strength of the Clusians, or to show their own. The sally being made, and the fight growing hot about the Walls, one of the Fabii, Quintus Ambustus, being well mounted, and setting Spurs to his Horse, made full against a Gaul, a man of huge bulk and stature, whom he saw was rode out a great distance from the rest. At the first he was not perceived through the sharpness of the encounter, and the glittering of his Armour that hindered the sight of him; but when he had overthrown the Gaul, and was going to gather the Spoils, Brennus knew him, and invoking the Gods 
Brennus by what incensed to make War with Rome.  to be witnesses, that contrary to the known and common Law of Nations, which is holily observed by all mankind, that he who came an Ambassador should act hostility against him, he drew off his men, and bidding the Clusians farewell, led his Army directly to Rome. But not willing it should look as if they took advantage of that injury, and were ready to embrace any slight occasion and pretence of quarrel, he sent a Herald to demand the man in punishment, and in the mean time marched leisurely on. The Senate being met at Rome, among many others that spoke against the Fabii, the Priests called Feciales were the most violent prosecutours, who laying Religion before the Senate, advised them that they would lay the whole guilt and expiation of the fact upon him that committed it, and so acquit the rest. These Feciales Numa Pompilius, the mildest and justest of Kings, constituted the Conservators of Peace, and the Judges and Determiners of all Causes by which War may justifiably be made. The Senate referring the whole matter to the People, and the Priests there as well as in the Senate pleading against Fabius, the multitude did so little regard their authority that in scorn and contempt of it they chose Fabius and the rest of his Brethren 
Fabius' chosen Tribune in the expedition against the Gauls.  Military Tribunes. The Gauls hearing this, in great rage would no longer delay their march, but hastened on with all the speed they could make. The places through which they marched, terrified with their numbers and such dreadful preparations of War, and considering the violence and fierceness of their natures, began to give their Countries for lost, not doubting but their Cities would quickly follow; but contrary to expectation they did no injury as they passed, or drove any thing from the Fields, and when they went by any City they cried out, That they were going to Rome; that the Romans only were their Enemies, and that they took all others for their Friends. Thus whilst the Barbarians were hastening with all speed, the Military Tribunes brought the Romans into the Field to be ready to engage them, being not inferior to the Gauls in number (for they were no less than forty thousand Foot) but most of them raw Soldiers and such as had never handled a Weapon before; besides 
Neglect of religious duties, and multiplicity of Officers extremely prejudicial to the Roman affairs.  they had neglected to consult the Gods, as they ought and used to do upon all difficulties, especially War, but ran on without staying for Priest or Sacrifice. No less did the multitude of Commanders distract and confound their proceedings; for before upon less occasions they chose a single person called dictator, being sensible of what great importance it is in times of danger, to have the Soldiers united under one General, who had absolute and unaccountable power in his hands. Add to all that the remembrance of Camillus his case was no small hindrance to their affairs, it being grown a dangerous thing to command without humouring and courting the Soldiers. In this condition they left the City, and encamped by the River Allia about eleven miles from Rome, and not far from the place where it falleth into the Tiber, where the Gauls coming upon them, and they shamefully engaging without Order or Discipline, were miserably defeated. The left Wing was immediately driven into the River and there utterly destroyed: the Right had less damage, by declining the shock, and from the low grounds getting to the tops of Hills, from whence many of them afterwards dropped into the City; the rest as many as escaped (the Enemy being weary of the slaughter) stole by night to Veii giving Rome for gone, and all that was in it for lost. This Battle was fought about the Summer Solstice, the Moon being at full, the very same day in which formerly happened that sad misfortune to the Fabii, when three hundred of that name and Family were at one time cut off by the Tuscans. But from this second loss and defeat, the day got the name of Alliensis, from the River Allia, and still retaineth it. But concerning 
Remarkable occurrences relating to the observation of particular days.  unlucky days whether we should esteem any such or no, or whether Heraclitus did well in upbraiding Hesiod for distinguishing them into fortunate and unfortunate, as one ignorant that the nature of every day is the same, I have discoursed in another place; but upon occasion of this present subject I think it will not be amiss, to annex a few examples relating to this matter. On the fifth of June the Boeotians happened to get two signal Victories, the one about Leuctra, the other at Gerastus, about three hundred years before, when they overcame Lattamyas and the Thessalians, and asserted the liberty of Greece. Again on the sixth of August the Persians were worsted by the Grecians, at Marathon, on the third at Plataeae as also at Mycale; on the twenty fifth at Arbeli. The Athenians about the full Moon in August got a Sea Victory about Naxus under the Conduct of Chabrias; about the twentieth at Salamin, as we have shown in our Book of Days. April was very unfortunate to the Barbarians, for in that Month Alexander overcame Darius his General at Granicum; and the Carthaginians on the twenty seventh were beaten by Timoleon about Sicily, on which same Day and Month Troy seems to have been taken, as Ephorus, calisthenes, Damastes and Phylarchus have related. On the other hand the Month July was not very lucky to the Grecians; for on the seventh day of the same they were defeated by Antipater, at the Battle in Cranon, and utterly ruined; and before that in Chaeronea they were defeated by Philip, and on the very same Day, same Month and same Year, they that went with Archidamus into Italy were there cut off by the Barbarians. The Carthaginians also observe the twenty seventh of the same Month, as bringing with it the most and greatest of their losses. I am not ignorant that about the Feast of Mysteries Thebes was destroyed by Alexander; and after that upon the same twentieth of August, on which day they celebrate the Mysteries of Bacchus, the Athenians received a Garrison of the Macedonians; on the self same day the Romans lost their Camp under Scipio, by the Cimbrians, and under the conduct of Lucullus overcame the Armenians and Tigranes. King Attalus and Pompey died both on their birth days. I could reckon up several that have had variety of fortune on the same day. This day called Alliensis is one of the unfortunate ones to the Romans, and for its sake other two in every Month, Fear and Superstition as the custom of it is more and more increasing. But I have discoursed this more accurately in my Book of Roman Causes.  
And now after the Battle, had the Gauls 
The Gauls imprudent managers of their Victory.  immediately pursued those that fled, there had been no remedy but Rome must have wholly been ruined, and all those who remained in it utterly destroyed, such was the terror that those who escaped the Battle had struck into the City at their return, and so great afterwards was the distraction and confusion. But the gaul's not imagining their Victory to be so considerable, and overtaken with the present joy, fell to feasting and dividing the Spoil, by which means, they gave leisure to those who were for leaving the City, to make their escape, and to those that remained to provide and prepare for their coming. For they who resolved to stay at Rome, quitting the rest of the City, betook themselves to the Capitol, which they fortified with strong Rampires and Mounds, and all sort of Slings and Darts, in order to hold out a Siege. But their first and principal care was of their Holy Things, most of which they conveyed into the Capitol. But as for the consecrated 
The holy Fire preserved by the Vestals.  Fire, the Vestal Virgins took it up and fled away with it, as likewise with other Holy Relics. Some write that they preserved nothing but that everliving Fire which Numa had ordained to be worshipped as the Principle of all things; for Fire is the most active thing in nature, and all generation is motion or at least with motion, all other parts of matter without warmth lie sluggish and dead, and crave the influence of heat as their Soul, which when it comes upon them they presently fall to doing or suffering something: wherefore Numa, a 
Why instituted by Numa.  man very curious in such things, and for his wisdom thought to converse with the Muses, did consecrate Fire, and ordained it to be kept ever burning, in resemblance of that eternal Power which preserveth and acteth all things. Others say that that Fire was the same they burned before the Sacrifices, and was no other than what the Greeks call Purifying Fire, but that there were other things hid in the most secret part of the Temple, which were kept from the view of all except those Virgins which they call Vestals. The most common opinion was that the Image of Pallas, brought into Italy by Aeneas, was laid up there; others say that the Samothracian Gods lay there, telling a story, How that Dardanus carried them to Troy, and when he had built that City, dedicated them there; that after Troy was taken, Aeneas stole them away and kept them till his coming into Italy. But they who pretend to understand more of these things, affirm, that there are two Barrels, not of any great size, one of which stands open and has nothing in it, the other full and sealed up. But that neither of them is to be seen but by the most Holy Virgins: others think that they who say this are deceived, because the Virgins put most of their holy things into two Barrels, and hid them under ground in the Temple of Quirinus, and that from hence that place to this day bears the surname of Barrels. However it be, taking the choicest and most venerable things they had, they fled away with them shaping their course along the River side, where Lucius Albinus, a simple Citizen of Rome, who among others was making his escape, overtook them, having his Wife, Children and Goods in a Cart, who seeing the Virgin's lugging along in their arms the Holy Relics of the Gods in a helpless and weary condition, he caused his Wife and Children to descend, and taking out his Goods, put the Virgins in the Cart, that they might make their escape to some of the Grecian Cities. This extraordinary devotion of Albinus, and respect to the Gods in such an exigence of time, and extremity of his own affairs is so remarkable, as deserves not to be passed over in silence. But the Priests that belonged to other Gods, and the most ancient of the Senators, such as had run through many Consulships and Triumphs, could not endure to think of leaving the City; but putting on their holy Vestures and Robes of State, and Fabius the High Priest performing the Office, they made their Prayers to the Gods, and devoting themselves as it were for their Country, sat themselves down in Ivory Chairs in the Marketplace, and in that posture expected the uttermost of what should follow. On the third day after the Battle, Brennus appeared with his Army at the City, and finding the Gates to stand wide open, and no Guards upon the Walls, he first began to suspect it was some design or stratagem, never dreaming that the Romans were in so low and forsaken a condition. But when he found it to be so indeed, he 
Brennus enters Rome.  entered at the Colline Gate, and took Rome in the three hundred and sixtieth year or a little more after it was built, if it be likely that an exact account of those times has been preserved, when there is so much confusion and dispute in things of a later date. The report of the City's being taken presently flew into Greece, though in different and uncertain rumours, for Heraclides of Pontus who lived not long after these times, in his Book of the Soul, relates that a certain report came from the West, that an Army proceeding from the Hyperborcans, had taken a Greek City called Rome, seated somewhere upon the great Ocean. But I do not wonder that such a fabulous and bombast Author as Heraclides should foist into the truth of the story such highflown words as Hyperborean and Ocean. Aristotle the Philosopher appears to have heard an exact account of the taking of the City by the Gauls, but he calls him that recovered it Lucius, but Camillus his surname was not Lucius but Marcus, but this is spoken by way of conjecture. Brennus' having taken possession of the City, set a strong Guard about the Capitol, and going himself to view the City, when he came into the Marketplace, he was struck with an amazement at the sight of so many men sitting in that order and silence, observing that they neither rose at his coming, or so much as changed colour or countenance, but without fear or concern leaned upon their Staves, and in that sullen majesty sat looking one upon the other. The Gauls for a great while stood wondering at the object, being surprised with the strangeness of it, not daring so much as to approach or touch them, taking them for an Assembly of the Gods. But when one, bolder than the rest, drew near to M. Papirius, and putting forth his hand, gently touched his Chin, and stroked his long Beard, Papirius with his Staff struck him on the Head and broke it, 
The Roman Senators barbarously murdered by the Gauls.  at which the Barbarian enraged, drew out his Sword and slew him; this was the introduction to the slaughter, for the rest of his fellows following his example, set upon them all and killed them, and continuing their rage dispatched all that came in their way; in this fury they went on to the sacking and pillaging the Houses, for many days together lugging and carrying away. Afterwards they burned them down to the ground, and demolished them, being incensed at those who kept the Capitol, because they would not yield to summons, or hearken to a surrender, but on the contrary from their Walls and Rampires galled the Besiegers with their Slings and Darts. This provoked them to destroy the whole City, and put to the Sword all that came to their hands young and old, Men, Women and Children. And now the Siege of the Capitol having lasted a good while, the Gauls began to be in want of Provision, wherefore dividing their Forces, part of them stayed with the King at the Siege, the rest went to forage the Country, destroying the Towns and Villages where they came; but not all together in a Body, but in different Squadrons and Parties, and to such a confidence had success raised them, that they carelessly rambled about without the least fear or apprehension of danger. But the greatest and best ordered Body of their Forces went to the City of Ardea where Camillus then sojourned, having ever since his leaving Rome sequestered himself from all business, and taken to a private life: but now he began 
Camillus' studious of supporting the declining state of his Country.  to rouse up himself and cast about, not how to avoid or escape the Enemy, but to find out an opportunity how to be revenged of them. And perceiving that the Ardeans wanted not men, but rather heart and courage, through the unskilful management of their Officers. At first he began to deal with the young men, flinging out words among them, That they ought not to ascribe the misfortune of the Romans to the courage of their Enemy, or attribute the losses they sustained by rash counsel, to the conduct of those who brought nothing with them to conquer, but were only an evidence of the power of Fortune; That it was a brave thing even with danger to repel a foreign and barbarous War, whose end in conquering was like Fire to lay waste and destroy. But if they would be courageous and resolute he was ready to put an opportunity in their hands to gain a Victory without hazard at all. When he found the young men embraced the thing, he went to the chief Officers and Governors of the City, and having persuaded them also, he mustered all that could bear Arms, and drew them up within the Walls, that they might not be perceived by the Enemy who was near; who having scoured the Country, and returned heavy laden with booty, lay encamped in the Plains in a careless and negligent posture, so that the night coming upon them who had been disordered with Wine, there was a great silence through all the Camp. Which when Camillus understood by his Spies, he drew out the Ardeans, and in the dead of the night passing in silence those grounds that lay between, he made himself master of their Works, and 
His Victory over the Gauls at Ardea.  then commanding his Trumpets to sound, and his Men to shout and hollow, he struck such terror into them, that even they who took the alarm could hardly recover their Senses: Some were so overcharged with Wine, that all the noise of the Assailants could not awaken them: A few, whom fear made sober, getting into some order, for a while resisted; and so died with their Weapons in their hands. But the greatest part of them, buried in Wine and Sleep, were surprised without their Arms and dispatched: But as many of them, as by the advantage of the night, got out of the Camp, were the next day found scattered abroad and wand'ring in the Fields, and were picked up by the Horse that pursued them. The fame of this Action presently flew through the neighbouring Cities, and stirred up the Youth of all Parts to come and join themselves with him. But none were so much concerned as those Romans who escaped in the Battle of Allia, and were now at Veii thus lamenting with themselves; O heavens, what a Commander has Providence bereft Rome of, to honour Ardea with his Actions! And that City, which brought forth and nursed so great a man, is lost and gone; and we destitute of a Leader, and living within strange Walls sit idle, and see Italy ruined before our eyes. Come, let us send to the Ardeans to have back our General, or else, with Weapons in our hands, let us go thither to him; for he is no longer a banished man, nor we Citizens, having no Country, but what is in the possession of the Enemy. They all agreed upon the matter, and sent to Camillus, to desire him to take the Command; but he answered, that he would not, until they that were in the Capitol, should legally choose him; for he esteemed them, as long as they were in being, to be his Country: that if they should command him, he would readily obey; but against their consents, he would intermeddle with nothing. When this answer was returned, they admired the modesty and temper of Camillus, but they could not tell how to find a Messenger to carry these things to the Capitol; and what was more; it seemed altogether impossible for any one to get to them, whilst the Enemy was in full possession of the City. But among the young men, there was one Pontius Cominius, of indifferent birth, 
Cominius 's hazardous attempt.  but ambitious of honour; this man proffered himself to run the hazard, but he took no Letters with him to those in the Capitol, lest that being intercepted, the Enemy might learn the intentions of Camillus. But putting on a poor garment, and carrying Corks under it; the greatest part of the way he boldly traveled by day, and came to the City when it was dark: The Bridge he could not pass, by reason it was guarded by the Barbarians; so that taking his clothes, which were neither many nor heavy, and binding them about his head, he laid his body upon the Corks, and swimming on them, got over to the City. And avoiding those Quarters where he perceived the Enemy was awake, which he guessed at by the lights and noise; he went to the Carmentale Gate, where there was greatest silence, and where the hill of the Capitol is steepest, and rises with craggy and broken stones. By this way he got up, though with much difficulty, by reason of the abruptness of the passage, and presented himself to the Guards, saluting them, and telling them his name; he was taken in, and carried to the Commanders. And a Senate being immediately called, he related to them in order the victory of Camillus, which they had not heard of before, and told them the proceedings of the Soldiers, advising them to confirm the Command to Camillus, as in whose conduct alone, the whole Army abroad relied. Having heard and consulted of the matter, the Senate declared Camillus' dictator, and 
Camillus' voted dictator.  sent back Pontius the same way that he came; who, with the same success that he came, got through the Enemy, without being discovered and delivered to the Romans, the Election of the Senate, who received it with great acclamations of joy; and Camillus coming to them, found twenty thousand of them ready in arms; with which forces, and those Confederates he brought along with him, which were more in number; he prepared to set upon the Enemy.  
But at Rome some of the Barbarians passing by chance that way by which Pontius by night had got into the Capitol, spied in several places the print of his feet and hands, as he caught and clammered, and the Moss that grew to the Rock tore off and broken, and reported it to the King, who coming in person and viewing it, for the present said nothing. But in the Evening, picking out such of the Gauls as were nimblest of body, and by living in the Mountains were accustomed to climb, He thus spoke unto them. The Enemy themselves have shown us a way how to come at them, which we knew not of before; and have taught us, that it is not so difficult and impossible, but that men may overcome it. It would be a great shame for us who command, having begun well, to fail in the end; and to give over a place as impregnable, when the Enemy himself chalks us out the way by which it may be taken; for in the same place where it was easy for one man to get up, it will not be hard for many, one after another; nay, when many shall undertake it, their mutual assistence of one another will be a great addition of strength and firmness. Rewards and honours shall be bestowed on every man according as he shall acquit himself in the action. When the King had thus spoken, the Gauls cheerfully undertook to perform it, and in the dead of night, a good party of them together, with great silence began to climb the Rock, catching hold of the craggy Stones, and drawing their Bodies into the broken places, which though hard and untoward in itself, yet upon trial proved not half so difficult as they had expected it. So that the foremost of them having gained the top of all, and put themselves into order, they were not far from surprising the Outworks, and mastering the Watch, who were fast asleep, for neither Man nor Dog perceived their coming. But there were sacred Geese kept near the Temple of 
The Gauls discovered by the sacred Geese in their attempts upon the Capitol.  Juno, which at other times were plentifully fed, but at this time, by reason that Corn and all other provisions were grown straight, their allowance was shortened, and they themselves in a poor and lean condition. This Creature is by nature of quick sense, and apprehensive of the least noise; so that being besides watchful through hunger, and restless, they immediately discovered the coming of the Gauls; so that running up and down, with their noise and cackling they raised the whole Camp. The Barbarians on the other side perceiving themselves discovered, no longer endeavoured to conceal their attempt, but with great shouting and violence set themselves to the assault. The Romans every one in haste snatching up the next Weapon that came to hand, did what they could on this sudden occasion. Manlius, a man of consular 
They are valiantly encountered by Manlius.  dignity, of strong body and stout heart, was the first that made head against them, and engaging with two of the Enemy at once, with his Sword cut off the right Arm of one just as he was lifting up his Poleaxe to strike, and running his Target full in the face of the other, tumbled him headlong down the steep Rock; then mounting the Rampire, and there standing with others that came running to his assistence, he drove down the rest of them, there having not many got up; and those that had, doing nothing brave or gallant. The Romans having thus escaped this danger, early in the morning took the Capt. of the Watch and flung him down the Rock upon the head of their Enemies; and to Manlius for his victory they voted a reward which carried more honour than advantage with it, which was, that they contributed to him as much as every man had for his daily allowance, which was half a pound of Bread, and about half a pint of Wine. Henceforward, the affairs of the Gauls were daily in a worse and worse condition; they wanted Provisions, being kept in from foraging through fear of Camillus; besides, that sickness came upon them, occasioned by the number of Carcases that lay unburied in heaps. Moreover, being lodged 
A contagious infection among the Gauls.  among the Ruins, the Ashes, which were very deep, blown about with the wind, and mingled with the sultry heat, caused a dry and pestilent Air, which drawn in, infected their Bodies. But the chief cause was the change of their natural Climate, coming out of shady and hilly Countries, which afforded pleasant retirements and shelter from the heat, to lodge in low and champion Grounds, naturally unhealthful in the Autumn Season. Another thing which broke their Spirits, was the length and tediousness of the Siege (for they had now sat seven months before the Capitol) insomuch, that there was vast desolation among them; and the number of the dead grown so great, that the living scarce sufficed to bury them. Neither were things any thing better with the Besieged, for famine increased upon them; and not knowing what Camillus did, they remained in a languishing and desponding condition; for it was impossible to send any to him, the City was so narrowly guarded by the Barbarians. Things being in this sad condition on both sides, it came to pass that a 
Through the equal necessity on both sides, a treaty is agreed to.  motion of treaty was made by some of the Foreguards as they happened to discourse with one another, which being embraced by the better sort, Sulpicius, Tribune of the Romans, came to parley with Brennus; where it was agreed, that the Romans laying down a thousand weight of Gold, the Gauls upon the receipt of it should immediately quit the City and Territories. The agreement being confirmed by oath on both sides, and the Gold brought forth, the Gauls used false dealing in the weights, first privily, afterwards openly, pulling back the balance and violently turning it; at which the Romans being moved, and complaining, Brennus in a scoffing and insulting manner pulled off his Sword and Belt, and threw them both into the Scales; and when Sulpicius asked, what that meant, What should it mean (says he) but woe to the conquered? which afterwards became a proverbial Saying. As for the Romans, some were so incensed, that they were for taking their Gold back again and returning, and with resolution to endure the uttermost extremities of the Siege. Others were for passing by and dissembling a petty injury, and not to account that the indignity of the thing, lay in paying more than was due, but the paying any thing at all; which stood not with their honour to have done, had not the necessity of the times made them yield unto it. Whilst this difference was amongst themselves, and with the 
Camillus surprises the City.  Gauls Camillus was at the Gates, and having learned what had passed, he commanded the body of his Forces to follow slowly after him in good order, and himself, with the choicest of his men hastening on, went presently to the Romans. Where all giving way to him, and receiving him as their sole Magistrate, with profound silence and order, he took the Gold out of the Scales, and delivered it to his Officers, and commanded the Gauls to take their Weights and Scales and depart. Saying, that it was customary with the Romans to deliver their Country with Iron, not with Gold. And when Brennus began to rage and say, that he had injury done him in breaking the Contract; Camillus answered, that it was never legally made, and the agreements of no force or obligation at all; for that himself being declared dictator, and there being no other Magistrate by Law; that he had contracted with those who had no power to do it: But now they might use their own discretions, for he was come as absolute Lord by law, to grant pardon to such as should ask it, or inflict punishment on those who had been authors of these disturbances, if they did not repent. At this Brennus flew out into rage, and it came to a present quarrel; both sides drawing their Swords, and vigorously assaulting each other, being mixed in confusion together, as could not otherwise be amongst the ruins of Houses and narrow Lanes, and such places where it was impossible to draw up in any order. But Brennus presently recollecting himself, called off his Men, and with the loss of a few only, brought them to their Camp; and rising in the night with all his Forces, left the City, 
Brennus' seeretly withdraws from Rome. Is utterly defeated by Camillus.  and going on about eight mile encamped upon the Gabinian way. As soon as day appeared Camillus came up with him, excellently provided, and his Soldiers full of courage and confidence, and there engaging with him in a sharp Fight, and which lasted a long while, he overthrew his Army with great slaughter, and took their Camp. Of those that fled, some were presently cut off by the Pursuers; others, of whom was the greatest number, being scattered here and there, the people of the Villages and neighbouring Cities came running out and dispatched them. Thus Rome was strangely taken, and more strangely recovered; having been seven whole months in the possession of the Barbarians, who entered her about the fifteenth day of July, and were driven out about the fourteenth of February following. Camillus' triumphed, as he deferved, having saved his Country that was lost; and brought the City back again to itself. For they that had lived abroad, together with their Wives and Children, accompanied him in his triumph, and they who had been shut up in the Capitol, and were reduced almost to the point of perishing with hunger, went out to meet him, embracing each other, and weeping for joy; and through the excess of the present pleasure, scarce believing the truth of their deliverance. But when the Priests and Ministers of the Gods appeared, bearing those sacred Relics, which in their flight they had either hid there, or conveyed away with them, and now openly showed that they were preserved, it yielded a most joyful and desirable spectacle to the Citizens who took it, as if with them the Gods themselves were again returned unto Rome. After Camillus had 
Camillus by what induced to found a new Temple.  sacrificed to the Gods, and purged the City, the Priests leading the Procession, and performing the customary Ceremonies, he restored the present Temples, and erected a new one to the God, called the Speaker or Caller, choosing the very same place in which that voice from Heaven came by night to Marcus Cedicius, foretelling the coming of the Barbarian Army. It was a business of great difficulty, and an exceeding hard task, amidst so much Rubbish, to discover and set out the consecrated Places; but by the unwearied diligence of Camillus, and the incessant labour of the Priests, it was at last accomplished. But when the business came to the rebuilding the City, which was wholly demolished, an heartless despondency seized the Multitude and a backwardness to the work, as those who wanted all necessary materials, and had more need of some refreshment and rest from their labours, than to toil and wear out themselves already broken both in body and fortunes. Thus by leisure they turned their thoughts again towards Veii, a City ready built, and excellently provided of all things; which gave occasion to many who sought to be popular, by following and nourishing the humour, to raise new tumults, and many seditious words were flung out against Camillus; 
He is maligned, and why.  that out of ambition and self-glory he withheld them from a City fit to receive them, forcing them to live in the midst of Ruins, and to raise such a pile of Rubbish, that he might be esteemed not the chief Magistrate only and General of Rome, but (setting Romulus aside) the Founder also. The Senate therefore, fearing a sedition, would not suffer Camillus, though desirous, to lay down his authority within the year, though no other dictator had ever held it above six months.  
Besides, they endeavoured by kind persuasions and familiar addresses to appease 
The persuasions of the Senators unsuccessful to the re-building of the City.  and sweeten their minds and cheer up their spirits. Sometimes they would lead them to the Monuments and Tombs of their Ancestors, often calling to their remembrance the sacred Oratories and holy Places which Romulus and Numa, or any other of their Kings had consecrated and left unto them; but amongst the chief of their holy Relics, they set before them that fresh and raw Head, which was found in laying the foundation of the Capitol, as a place destined by fate to be the head of all Italy. What a shame would it be to them, by forsaking the City, to lose and extinguish that holy Fire, which since the War was rekindled by the Vestal Virgins, to see the City itself either inhabited by Foreigners and Strangers, or left a wild Pasture for cattle to graze on? Such reasons as these, mixed with complaints and entreaties, they used with the People; sometimes in private, taking them singly one by one; and sometimes in their public Assemblies. But still they were afresh assaulted by the outcries of the multitude, protesting and bewailing their present wants and inability; beseeching them, that seeing they were just met together, as from a shipwreck, naked and destitute, they would not constrain them to patch up the pieces of a ruin'd and shattered City, when they had another at hand ready built and prepared. Camillus' thought good to refer it to the Senate; and he himself discoursed largely and earnestly in behalf of his Country, as likewise did many others. At last, call to Lucius Lucretius, whose place was first to speak, he commanded him to give his sentence, and the rest as they followed in order. Silence being made, and Lucretius just about to begin, 
A remarkable instance of the inclination of the Romans to superstition.  by chance a Captain without, passing by the Senate-house, and leading his Company of the Day-guard, called out with a loud voice to the Ensign-bearer, to stay, and fix his Standard; for that was the best place to stay in. This voice coming in that nick of time, was taken as a direction what was to be done; so that Lucretius embracing the Omen, and adoring the Gods, gave his sentence for staying, as likewise did all the rest that followed. Even among the common people it wrought a wonderful change of affection, every one heartening and encouraging his Neighbour, and setting himself cheerfully to the work; proceeding not in any regular lines or proportions, but every one pitching upon that plot of ground which came next to hand, or best pleased his fancy; by which haste and hurry in 
Rome confusedly rebuilt.  building, they raised the City with narrow and intricate Lanes, and Houses huddled together one upon the back of another: For it is said, that within the compass of the year, the whole City was raised up anew, both in its public Walls, and private Buildings. But the persons appointed by Camillus to recover and set out the consecrated places in that great confusion of all things, searching about the Palatium, and coming to that place which is called Mars' Close, it happened, that whilst they were clearing the place, and carrying away the rubbish, they lit upon Romulus his magic Staff buried under great and deep heaps of Ashes. This Staff is crooked at one end, and is called Lituus. They make use of this Lituus in quartering out the regions of the Heavens, when they are upon that sort of divination which is made by the flight of Birds; which Romulus himself also made use of, being most excellently skilled in Augury.  
But when he disappeared from among men, the Priests took the Staff, and kept it as other holy things, not to be touched or defiled. Now when they found that whereas all other things were consumed, this Staff was not in the least perished by the flames, they began to conceive joyful hopes concerning Rome, that this token did portend the everlasting safety and prosperity of it.  
And now they had scarce got a breathing time from their troubles, but a new War 
The Romans at the same time invaded by the Aequi, Volsci, Latins and Tuscans.  comes upon them, the Aequi, Volsci and Latins all at once invade their Territories, and the Tuscans besiege Sutrium a confederate City of the Romans. The Military Tribunes, who commanded the Army, and were encamped about the Hill Martius, being closely besieged by the Latins, and the Camp in danger to be lost, send to Rome, and Camillus is third time chosen dictator. About this War there are two different relations; I shall begin with the fabulous: They say that the Latins (whether out of pretence, or real design to reunite the ancient blood of both Nations) should send to desire of the Romans some of their free Maids in Marriage. That the Romans being at a loss what to determine, (for on one hand they dreaded a War, having scarce settled and recovered themselves, on the other side they suspected that this ask of Wives was in plain terms nothing else but to gain Hostages, though they covered 
Tutula 's stratagem against the Latins.  it over with the specious name of marriage and alliance) a certain Handmaid by name Tutula, or as some call her Philotis should persuade the Magistrates to send with her some of the most youthful and beautiful Damosels in the garb and dress of noble Virgins, and leave the rest to her care and management; that the Magistrates consenting should choose out as many as she thought necessary for her purpose, and adorning them with Gold and rich Clothes, deliver them to the Latins, who encamped nigh the City: That at night the rest should steal away the Enemy's Swords, but Tutula or Philotis (which you please) getting to the top of a wild Figtree, and spreading out a thick Garment behind her should hold out a Torch towards Rome, which was the signal agreed on between her and the Commanders, none other of the Citizens perceiving it, which was the reason that the issuing out of the Soldiers was tumultuous, the Officers pushing their men on, and they calling upon one another's names, and scarce able to bring themselves into any order. That setting upon the Enemy's Works, who either were asleep or expected no such matter, they should take the Camp and destroy most of them; and that this was done in the Nones of July, which was then called Quintilis, and that the Feast that is then observed, is in remembrance of this action; for first running out of the City in great crowds, they pronounce aloud the most familiar and usual names, as Caius, Marcus, Lucius, and the like, imitating thereby that calling to one another when they issued out in such haste. In the next place the Maidservants richly adorned, run about playing and jesting upon all they meet, and amongst themselves use a kind of skirmishing, to show they helped in the conflict against the Latins. In the time of their feasting they sit shaded over with Boughs of wild Figtree, and the day they call Nonae Capratinae, as some think from that wild Figtree on which the Maiden held out her Torch; for the Romans call a wild Figtree Caprificus. Others refer most of what is said or done at this Feast, to that accident of Romulus; for on this day without the Gate he vanished out of sight, a sudden darkness, together with tempest overclouding him (some think it an eclipse of the Sun) and for this reason the day was called Nonae Capratinae, for they call a Goat 
Nonae Capratinae, whence so styled.  Capra; and Romulus disappeared at a place called Palus Caprae, or Goat Marsh, whilst he was holding there an assembly, as in his Life it is written. But the general stream of Writers prefer the other account of this War, which they thus relate. Camillus being the third time chosen dictator, and learning that the Army under the Tribunes was besieged by the Latins and Volsces, he was constrained to arm, not only the youth, but even such as age exempted from service; and taking a large compass round the Mountain Martius, undiscovered by the Enemy, he lodged his Army on their back, and then by many fires gave notice of his arrival. The besieged encouraged herewith, prepared to fall on and join battle; but the Latins and Volsces, fearing their Enemy on both sides, drew themselves within their Works, which they fortified with many Trees laid crosswise, and drove into the ground, and so round their Camp drew a wall of Wood; resolving to wait for more supplies from home, and expect the assistence of the Tuscans their confederates: Camillus perceiving 
An eminent example of a prudent military conduct in Camillus.  their drift, and fearing to be reduced to the same straits he had brought them to, namely, to be besieged himself, resolved to lose no time; and finding their Rampire was all of Timber, and observing that a strong wind constantly at Sunrising blew off from the Mountains, after having prepared much combustible stuff, about break of day he drew forth his Forces; some of which he commanded to take their Darts, and with noise and shouting assault the Enemy on the other quarter, whilst he with those that were to fling in the fire went to that side of the Enemy's Camp on which the wind lay directly, and there waited his opportunity. When the skirmish was begun, and the Sun risen, and a violent wind fell down from the Mountains, he gave the signal of onset; and pouring in an infinite quantity of fiery matter, he filled all their Rampire with it, so that the flame being fed in the close Timber and wooden Pallisadoes it went on and dispersed itself into all Quarters. The Latins having nothing ready to keep it off or extinguish it, the Camp being almost full of fire, were reduced to a very small compass, and at last forced by necessity to fall into their Enemy's hand, who stood before the Works ready armed and prepared to receive them; of these a very few escaped, but those that stayed in the Camp were all consumed by the fire, until such time the Romans, to gain the pillage, extinguished it. These things performed, Camillus, leaving his Son Lucius in the Camp to guard the Prisoners and secure the Booty, passed into his Enemy's Country, where having 
He reduces the Aeques and Volsces.  taken the City of the Aeques, and reduced the Volsces to obedience, he immediately led his Army to Sutrium (having not heard what had befallen the Sutrians) making haste to assist them, as if they were still in danger, and besieged by the Tuscans. But they had already surrendered their City to their Enemies; and being destitute of all things, with their Garments only about them, they met Camillus on the way, leading their Wives and Children, and bewailing their misfortune. Camillus himself was struck with the object, and perceiving the Romans to weep, and grievously resent their case, (the Sutrians hanging on them) resolved not to defer revenge, but that very day to lead his Army to Sutrium. Conjecturing that the enemy having just taken a rich and plentiful City, and not left an Enemy within it, nor expecting any from without, he should find them wallowing in all riot and luxury, open and unguarded. Neither did his opinion 
Sutrium retaken by Camillus.  fail him, for he not only passed through their Country without discovery, but came up to their very Gates, and possessed himself of the Walls, there was not a man left to guard them, but every one was scattered about from house to house, drinking and making merry; nay, when at last they did perceive that the Enemy had seized the City, they were so overcharged with Meat and Wine, that few were able so much as to endeavour an escape; but in the most shameful posture either waited for their death within doors, or if they were able to carry themselves, submitted to the will of the Conqueror. Thus the City of the Sutrians was twice taken in one day; and it came to pass, that they who were in possession lost it, and they who had lost their possession gained it again by the means of Camillus; for all which actions he received a triumph, which brought him no less honour and reputation than both the former; for those very Citizens, who before most envied and detracted from him, ascribing the rest of his successes to a certain hit of fortune rather than steady virtue, were compelled by these last acts of his, to allow the whole honour to the great abilities and industry of the man. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Marcus Manlius by indirect means aspires to the government.   
Of all his adversaries and enviers of his glory Marcus Manlius was the most considerable; he who gave the first repulse to the Gauls, and drove them out that night they set upon the Capitol, for which he was surnamed Capitolinus. This man affecting the first place in the Commonwealth, and not able by the noblest ways to outdo Camillus' reputation, took the trite and usual methods of Tyranny, namely, to gain the multitude, especially such as were in debt; some he would defend against their Creditors and plead their Causes, others rescue by force and not suffer the Law to proceed against them, insomuch that in a short time he had gotten great numbers of indigent people about him; who making tumults and uproars in the Courts, struck great terror into the principal Citizens. After that Quintus Capitolinus, who was made dictator to examine into these disorders, had committed Manlius to prison, the people immediately changed their apparel, a thing never done but in great and public calamities. The Senate fearing some tumult, ordered him to be released, who set at liberty was never the better, but rather more insolent in his practices, filling the whole City with his Faction and Sedition. Wherefore they chose 
Circumstances many times extremely prejudicial to the execution of Justice.  Camillus again Military Tribune, and a day being set for Manlius to answer to his charge, the prospect of the place was a great hindrance to his accusers; for the very place where Manlius by night fought with the Gauls overlooked the Court from the Capitol, so that stretching forth his hands that way, and weeping, he called to their remembrance his past actions, raising compassion in all that beheld him. Insomuch that the Judges were at a loss what to do, and several times forced to adjourn the Trial, not willing to acquit him of the crime, proved by manifest circumstances, and yet unable to execute the Law, that noble action of his being always in their eyes by reason of the place. Camillus considering this removed the Judgement Seat out of the Gate to the Peteline Grove, from whence there is no prospect of the Capitol. Here his accuser went on with his charge, and the Judges being now at liberty to consider of his late practices, he received a just recompense and reward of his wicked actions; for being carried to the Capitol he was flung headlong from the Rock, having the same place witness of his greatest glory, and monument of his most unfortunate end. The Romans besides razed his House, and built there a Temple to the Goddess they call Moneta; ordaining for the future that none of the Patrician Order should ever dwell in the Capitol Mount.  
And now Camillus being called to the 
Camillus, though unwilling, chosen the sixth time Tribune.  sixth Tribuneship, desired to be excused, as being aged, and perhaps not unjealous of the malice of Fortune, and those unlucky changes which usually attend great and prosperous actions. But the most apparent pretence was the weakness of his Body, for he happened at that time to be sick, but the people would admit of no excuses, but crying that they wanted not his strength for Horse or for Foot service, but only his counsel and conduct, they constrained him to undertake the command, and with one of his fellow Tribunes to lead the Army immediately against the Enemy. These were the Praenestines and Volsces, who with great Forces wasted the Countries of the Roman Confederates. Having marched out his Army, he sat down and encamped near the Enemy, meaning himself to draw out the War in length, or if there should be necessity or occasion of fight, in the mean time to strengthen his Body for it. But Lucius his Colleague, carried away with the desire of glory, was not to be held in, but impatient to give Battle, inflamed with the same eagerness the Captains and Colonels of the Army; so that Camillus fearing he might seem out of envy to rob the young men of the glory of a notable exploit, gave way, though unwillingly, that he should draw out the Forces, whilst himself, by reason of weakness, stayed behind with a few in the Camp. Lucius engaging 
Lucius 's inconsiderate engagement retrieved by Camillus.  rashly and headily was soon discomfited, when Camillus perceiving the Romans to give ground and fly, he could not contain himself, but leaping from his Bed, with those Servants and retinue he had about him, ran to meet them at the Gates of the Camp; and making his way through them that fled, he drove furiously to oppose the pursuers; insomuch that those who were got within the Camp presently turned back and followed him, and those that came flying from without, made head again and gathered about him, exhorting one another not to forsake their General. Thus the Enemy for that time was stopped in his pursuit. But the next day Camillus drawing out his Forces and joining Battle with them overthrew them by main force, and following close upon them that fled, he entered pell mell with them into their Camp, and took it, slaying the greatest part of them. Afterwards having heard that the City Sutrium was taken by the Tuscans, and the inhabitants all Romans, put to the Sword, the main Body of his Forces and heaviest armed, he sent home to Rome, and taking with him the lightest and best appointed Soldiers, he set suddenly upon the Tuscans who were in the possession of the City, and having mastered them, some he drove out, others he slew, and so returning to Rome with great spoils, he gave a signal evidence, that in point of wisdom they were chiefly to be preferred, who not 
Prudence in a Commander preferable to rash valour.  mistrusting the weakness and age of a Commander endued with courage and conduct, had rather chosen him who was sickly and desirous to be excused, than younger men who were forward and ambitious to command. Wherefore when the revolt of the Tusculans was reported, they gave Camillus the charge of reducing them, choosing one of his five Colleagues to go with him. And now when every one of them put in earnestly for the place, contrary to the expectation of all, he passed by the rest and chose Lucius Furius, the very same man, who against the judgement of Camillus, by rashly hazarding a Battle, had brought things to a dangerous and almost desperate condition; willing, as it should seem, to hide and dissemble that miscarriage, and divert the shame. The Tusculans hearing of Camillus his coming against them, sought 
The Tusculans their politic dissimulation.  cunningly to turn off the suspicion of their revolt. Their Fields, as in times of highest peace, were full of Plowmen and Shepherds; their Gates stood wide open, and their Children went publicly to School; as for the people, such as were Tradesmen, he found them in their Shops, busied about their several employments; and the better sort of Citizens walking in the public places in their usual Gowns and Formalities: The Magistrates very diligent and officious in running about and providing Quarters for the Romans, as if they stood in fear of no danger, and as though they had committed no fault at all. Which Arts, though they could not drive out of Camillus the certain opinion he had of their Treason, yet wrought in him a certain compassion for their repentance, so that he commanded them to go to the Senate and atone their anger, and himself became intercessor in their behalf, insomuch that their City was acquitted of all offences, and admitted into the freedom and privileges of Rome. These were the most memorable actions of his sixth Tribuneship.  
After these things, Licinnius Stolo raised 
A dangerous Faction at Rome headed by Licinnius Stolo.  a great Sedition in the City, by which the people fell to dissension with the Senate, earnestly contending that of two Consuls one should be chosen out of the Commons, and not both out of the Nobility. Tribunes of the people were chosen, but the Multitude violently opposed the election of Consuls; things through this dissension running into greater disorder, Camillus was the fourth time created dictator by the Senate, sore against the will of the People; neither was he himself very forward to accept it, as being unwilling to oppose his authority against those, who in many and great conflicts, had reposed singular trust and confidence in him, and with whom he had done more things in military Affairs, than ever he had transacted with the Nobility in civil: that now he was pitched upon out of envy, that prevailing he might suppress the people; or failing, be suppressed himself. However, to provide as good a remedy as he could for the present; knowing the day on which the Tribunes of the people intended to prefer the Law, at the same time he proclaimed a general muster, and called the people from the Marketplace into the Field, threatening to set heavy fines upon such as should not readily obey. On the other side, the Tribunes of the people opposed themselves to his threats, solemnly protesting to fine him in 50000 Drachmas of Silver, if he persisted to hinder the people in giving their suffrages for the Law. Wherefore, either that he feared another banishment or condemnation, as not agreeable to his age, and misbecoming those great actions he had performed, or finding himself not able to stem the current of the Multitude, which ran with a strong 
Camillus under bad circumstances resigns the Dictatourship.  and irresistible force, for the present he betook himself to his House, and afterwards for some days together pretending indisposition of body, laid down his Dictatourship, and the Senate created another dictator; who choosing Stolo, leader of this Sedition, to be General of horse, suffered that Law to take place, which was most grievous to the Nobility, namely, that no person whatsoever should possess above 500 Acres of Land. Stolo exceedingly triumphed in the conquest he had gained, till not long after, he was found himself to possess more than he allowed unto others, and so suffered the penalties of his own Law. And now the contention about election of Consuls coming on (which of all other dissensions was the sharpest, and from its first beginning had administered most matter of division between the Senate and the People) certain 
The second invasion of the Gauls.  intelligence arrives, that the Gauls again proceeding from the Adriatic Sea, marched directly towards Rome, and upon the very heels of the report manifest acts of hostility are related; that the Country through which they marched was all wasted, and such as by flight could not make their escape to Rome, were dispersed and scattered among the Mountains. The terror of this War quieted the Sedition, so that the Nobility conferring with the Commons, and both joining Councils, unanimously chose Camillus the fifth time dictator. Who, though very ancient, as not wanting much of fourscore years, yet considering the danger and necessity of his Country, did not as before pretend sickness or other excuse, but readily undertook the charge, and listed his Soldiers. And knowing that the force of the Barbarians lay chiefly in their Swords with which they laid about them in a rude and unskilful manner hacking and hewing the Head and Shoulders; he 
Camillus 's extraordinary provisions for the War.  caused iron Morions to be made for most of his Men, smoothing and polishing the outside, that the Enemy's Swords lighting upon them might either slide off, or be broken; and round about their Shields he drew a little rim of brass, the wood itself being not sufficient to bear off the blows. Besides, he taught his Soldiers in close engaging, to use long Javelins or punchion Staves, which holding under their Enemy's Swords would receive the force and violence of them. When the Gauls drew nigh about the River Anien, dragging a heavy Camp after them, and loaden with infinite Spoil, Camillus drew forth his Forces, and planted himself upon a Hill of easy ascent, and which had many hollow places in it, to the end that the greatest part of his Army might lie concealed, and those few which appeared might be thought through fear to have betaken themselves to those upper grounds. And the more to increase this opinion in them, he suffered them without any disturbance to spoil and pillage even to his very Trenches, keeping himself quiet within his Works, which were well fortified on all sides: At last, perceiving that part of the Enemy were scattered about the Country a-forraging, and having advice that those that were in the Camp did nothing day and night but drink and revel, in the nighttime he drew forth his lightest-armed men and sent them before, to observe and watch the Enemy, and to be ready to hinder them from drawing into order, and to vex and discompose them when they should first issue out of their Trenches; and early in the morning he brought down his main Body, and set them in battle-array in the lower grounds, being a numerous and courageous Army; whereas the Barbarians had taken them for an inconsiderable and fearful party. The first thing that abated the pride and courage of the 
The Gauls upon two accounts disheartened.  Gauls, was, that they were to fight when they least expected it, and that their Enemies had the honour of being aggressours. In the next place, the light-armed men falling upon them before they could get into their usual order, or range themselves in their proper squadrons, did so force and press upon them, that they were obliged to fight confusedly and at random without any discipline at all. But at last, when Camillus brought on his heavy-armed Legions, the Barbarians with their Swords drawn went vigorously to engage them; but the Romans opposing with their Javelins, and receiving the force of their blows on that part of their Shield which was well guarded with steel, they turned the edge of their Weapons, being made of a soft and ill-tempered metal, insomuch that their Swords immediately bend in their hands, and stood crooked to the Hilts; as for their Bucklers, they were pierced through and through, and grown so heavy with the Javelins that stuck upon them, that forced to quit their own Weapons, they endeavoured to make advantage of those of their Enemies; so that gathering up the Javelins in their hands, they began to return them upon the Romans. But the Romans perceiving 
They are vanquished by the Romans.  them naked and unarmed, presently betook themselves to their Swords, which they so well used, that in a little time great slaughter was made in the foremost ranks, and the rest of them fled, dispersing themselves all over the Champain Country; for as for the Hills and upper Grounds, Camillus had possessed himself beforehand of them, and they knew it would not be difficult for the Enemy to take their Camp, seeing through confidence of victory they had left it unguarded. They say this Fight was thirteen years after the sacking of Rome, and that from henceforward the Romans took courage, and laid aside those dismal apprehensions they had conceived of the Barbarians; thinking now that their first defeat, was rather the effect of sickness, and the strange concurrence of evil chances than the steady courage or true force of their Enemy. And indeed this fear had been formerly so great, that they made a Law, That Priests should be excused from warlike service, unless in an invasion from the Gauls. This was the last military Action that ever Camillus performed; for as for the City of the Velitrani, it was but a by accession to this victory, it being surrendered unto him without any resistance. But the greatest contention in civil Affairs, and the hardest to be managed against the People, was still remaining; for they returning home full of victory and success, violently insisted, contrary to the ancient custom, to have one of the Consuls chosen out of their own body. The Senate strongly opposed it, and would not suffer Camillus to lay down his Dictatourship, thinking that under the shelter of his great name and authority they should be better able to contend for the power of the Nobility. When Camillus 
The Tribunes their rude deportment toward Camillus.  was sitting upon the Tribunal, dispatching public affairs, an Officer sent by the Tribunes of the people commanded him to rise and follow him, laying his hand upon him as ready to seize and carry him away; upon which such a noise and tumult followed in the Assembly, the like was never heard of before; some that were about Camillus, thrusting the people from the Bench, and the multitude below calling out to pull him down: Being at a loss what to do in this exigent of affairs, yet he laid not down his authority, but taking the Senators along with him, he went to the Senate-house; but before he entered, he besought the Gods that they would bring these Troubles to a happy conclusion, solemnly vowing, when the Tumult was ended, to build a Temple to Concord. A great contest arising in the Senate, by reason of contrary opinions, at last the most moderate and agreeable to the people prevailed, which yielded, that of two Consuls, one of them should be chosen of the Commonalty. When the dictator had proclaimed this determination of the Senate to the People, they were immediately (as it could not otherwise be) pleased and reconciled with the Senate; and for Camillus, they accompanied him home, with all the expressions and acclamations of joy; and the next day being assembled together, they voted a Temple of Concord to be built according to 
The Temple of Concord why and when first erected.  Camillus his Vow, facing the Assembly and Marketplace; and to those Feasts which are called Latines, they added one day more, making them four Festivals in all; and for the present they ordained that the whole people of Rome should sacrifice with Garlands on their heads. In the election of Consuls held by Camillus, M. Aemilius was chosen of the Nobility, and Lucius Sextius the first of the Commonalty; and this was the last of all Camillus' actions. In the year following a pestilential sickness infected Rome, which besides an infinite number of the common sort, swept away most of the Magistrates, among whom was Camillus. Whose death cannot be called immature, if we consider his great Age, or greater Actions; yet was he more lamented than all the rest put together that then died of that distemper.  
The End of Camillus 's Life.   


PERICLES'.  
Samos   portrait Collins. sculp.  
THE LIFE OF PERICLES'.  Translated from the Greek, By Adam Littleton, D. D. 
CAesar on a time seeing belike some 
A moral Introduction.  Strangers at Rome, who were people of Quality, carrying up and down with them in their Arms and Bosoms young Puppy-dogs and Monkeys, and hugging and making much of them, took occasion to ask, whether the Women in their Country were not used to bear Children; by that Princelike reprimand gravely reflecting upon such persons, who spend and lavish that affection and kindness, which Nature hath implanted in us, upon brute Beasts, which is due and owing to humane Creatures, those of our own kind. Now inasmuch as even the Whelps and Cubs of Dogs and Apes have a kind of inclination to learning and knowledge, and love to look about them and to take notice of things, the Soul of Man hath by Nature a higher principle of Reason, so as to find fault with those who make ill use of that inclination and desire upon idle discourses and sights that deserve no regard, while in the mean time they carelessly pass by good and profitable things of that sort.  
For indeed as to the outward Sense, that 
The advantage of the Understanding above Sense.  being passive in receiving the impression of those objects that come in its way and strike upon it, it is peradventure necessary for it (the Sense) to entertain and take notice of every thing that appears to it, be it what it will, useful or unuseful: but every man, if he will make use of his Understanding, hath a natural power to turn himself upon all occasions, and to change and shift with the greatest ease to what shall seem to himself most fit. So that a man ought to pursue and make after the best and choicest of every thing, that he may not only employ his contemplation, but may also be nourished and improved by it. For as that Colour is most grateful and agreeable to the Eye, whose lively freshness together with its pleasure and delightfulness revives and cherishes the sight; so a man ought to apply his mind and reasoning to such objects and notices, as with delight are apt to call it forth and allure it to its own proper good and peculiar advantage.  
Now these objects and notices are to be 
The History of virtuous actions raiseth an emulation to do the like.  met with in those works and performances which proceed from Virtue, which do also infuse and beget in the minds of readers, whilst they converse with the bare stories and narratives of them, a kind of emulation and forward cheerfulness, which may lead them along and draw them on to an imitation. Forasmuch as in other things of another nature there doth not immediately follow upon the admiration and liking of the thing done any strong desire of doing the like. Nay many times on the very 
Which doth not happen in things of Art or Skill.  contrary when we are pleased with the Work, we slight and set little by the Workman or Artist himself: as for instance, in Perfumes and Purple-dyes, we are taken with the things themselves well enough, but we look but meanly upon Dyers and Perfumers, as a sort of pitiful Tradesmen and sorry Mechanics. Whereupon it was not amiss said by Antisthenes, when people told him that one Ismenias was an excellent Fiddler or Piper; It may be so, said he, but he is but a wretched paltry Fellow for all that: for otherwise he would not have been so excellent a Fiddler; meaning that he would have found some better business to have employed himself about than fiddling and piping. And King Philip to the same purpose told his Son Alexander, who once at a merry meeting had sung with great pleasure and skill; Are not you ashamed, Son, to sing so well? For it is enough for a King or Prince to find leisure sometime to hear others sing; and he does the Muses no small honour, when he pleases to be but present at such exercises and trials of skill. Now he who busies himself in mean employs, doth but bring that pains he takes about things of little or no use, as an evidence against himself of his negligence and slothful indisposition to virtuous and useful practices. Nor would any generous and ingenuous young man, who should behold the Statue of Jupiter, which stands in the City Pisa, desire to be a Phidias, or that of Juno in the City Argos, to be a Polyclete, (the Workmen of those Statues;) or to be as good a Poet as Anacreon or Philemon or Archilochus, who had been delighted in reading of their Poems. For it doth not necessarily follow, that if a piece of Work please for its gracefulness, therefore he that wrought it deserves our regard or envy. Whence it is that neither do such things profit or advantage the beholders, upon the sight whereof there doth not arise a zeal which may put them upon imitation, nor an impulse or inclination, which may move a desire and raise an endeavour of doing the like. But in sooth it is Virtue, which doth presently by the bare proposal of its actions so dispose men, that they do at once both admire the things done and desire to imitate the doers of them. For as to the goods of Fortune, 
A Comparison betwixt the goods of Fortune and those of Virtue.  we are fond of the possession and enjoyment of them; but as to those of Virtue, we are in love with the practice and exercise of them: and those we are content to receive from others, but these we had much rather ourselves to impart and communicate to others. For that which is honest and virtuous doth by a practical force move men toward itself, and doth instantly infuse into them a strong inclination to practice, moralising and influencing the beholder not with imitation but with the History of the thing done, exciting and stirring up his resolution to do it.  
Wherefore we also have thought fit to 
The reason of the Parallel.  spend our time and pains, and to continue them on in writing of the Lives of famous Persons; and we have composed this Tenth Book upon that Subject, wherein are contained the Life of Pericles and that of Fabius Maximus, (who managed and carried on the War against Hannibal) men alike, as in their other virtues and good parts, so especially in their mild and upright temper and demeanour, and in their being able to bear the cross-grained humours and foolish carriages of their fellow Citizens the Commoners, and their fellow Rulers, who shared with them in the charge of the Government; by which means they became both of them very useful and serviceable to the interests of their Countries. Whether we do take a right aim at our intended purpose it is left to the Reader to judge by those things he shall here find set down.  
For as to Pericles, he was of that Tribe 
Pericles his Extraction.  or Ward in Athens called Acamantis, and of that Company or Society of people called Cholargia, and of one of the chiefest Families and descents of the whole City both on his Father's and Mother's side. For Xanthippus his Father, he who defeated the King of Persia his Lieutenant-Generals in the Battle at Mycale, took to Wife Agariste the Niece or Grandchild of Clisthenes, who, like a brave Man as he was, drove out the race of Pisistratus, and dissolved and destroyed their tyrannical Usurpation, and moreover made a body of Laws, and settled such a model of Government as was excellently well tempered and suited for the agreement and safety of the people.  
She (his Mother) being near her time fancied in a Dream that she was brought 
His Mother's Dream.  to Bed of a Lion, and within a few days after was delivered of Pericles, in other respects as to the shape of his Body without 
His Shape.  fault; only his Head was somewhat longish and disproportioned. For which reason it was that almost all the Images and Statues that were made of him, have the Head covered with a Helmet: the Workmen belike not being willing to expose him by showing his deformity. But the Poets 
The Wits play upon his Head.  of Athens played upon him, and called him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Schinocephalos, that is, Onion-pate, or Squill-pate. For that which in common language goes by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Squill or Sea - Onion, the Atticks do in their Dialect sometimes term 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Schinos. And one of their Comic Poets Charinus in his Play called Chirones, that is to say, The Rascality or The worse sort of people, says thus of him, 
Old Chrone his Sire and Faction his Dam  
In mutual embraces got this Shame;  
The greatest Tyrant that we read of all,  
Whom Gods above jolt-head or joller call:  And again in another Play of his called Nemesis or The Revenge, he in this manner bespeaks him, 
Advance thou Jove to entertain thy Guests,  
And bring thy blessed Loggerhead to th' Feasts.  And Teleclides another of those Poets saith in mockery of him, that one while 
Puzzled with nice affairs of State and Town  
His grout-Head being overset hangs down.  And that another while 
Only from that long over-growing Pate  
There doth arise much trouble to the State.  And Eupolis a third Poet in a Comedy of his called Demi, that is, The People of the Borroughs, making inquiry concerning every one of the Demagogues or Leading-men, whom he makes in the Play to come up from Hell, as Pericles comes to be named last, he replies, 
Why in the Devil's name 'mongst all the Dead  
That lie below, hast brought us up the Head?   
The Master that taught him Music, 
His Music Master.  most Authors are agreed was one Damon; (whose name they say aught to be pronounced with the first syllable short.) Though Aristotle tells us that he was thoroughly practised to Music with one Pythoclides. And as to Damon, it is not unlikely, that he being a shrewd cunning Sophister as he was, did out of policy shelter himself under the name and profession of a Musick-master, on purpose to conceal from the vulgar his subtlety and skill in State-affairs. So that under this pretence he attended Pericles to instruct him in Politics, and to teach him the mysteries of Government, in the same manner as the Anointer or Master in a Fencing School useth to wait upon a young Scholar that learns to Wrestle. Yet for all that Damon did not so escape public notice, how he made use of his Lyre or Harp for a covert and blind of another design, but that he was banished the Country by Ostracism for ten years, as a bigoted intermeddler in the Government, and one that favoured arbitrary Power; and by this means gave the Stage occasion to play upon him. As for instance; Plato one of those Play-wrights brought in a person putting the question to him, (under the name of Chiron, who had been Achilles his Tutor likewise in Music) in this manner, 
First I beseech thee, tell me, if thou can:  
For, Chiron, thou, they say, bredst up the Man.  meaning Pericles.  
Moreover Pericles did by snatches and by 
His Philosophy Reader.  the by hear several Lectures of Zeno Eleates, who discoursed and treated of natural Philosophy much at the same rate as Parmenides did; only that he had by exercise and practice gotten a kind of habit or knack of confuting any opinion right or wrong, and of baffling people by thwarting and opposing whatsoever they said, and so running them aground that they did not know which way to turn themselves. And accordingly Timon the Phliasian hath given the account of him in this pair of Verses, 
Zeno's great force, who spoke to either part:  
Confuted all, and never failed in's Art.   
But he that was most conversant with 
His chief Tutor.  Pericles, and furnished him most especially with a weight and grandeur of Sense, and a more grave and solid research of those Arts by which the Populace is to be managed, and in the main heightened his Spirit and advanced the majesty and grace of his address and deportment, was Anaxagoras the Clazomenian: whom the men of those times called by the name of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Nous, that is, Mind or Understanding, whether in admiration of his great and extraordinary skill and knowledge, as it clearly appeared to be, in the affairs of Nature, or whether it were because that he was the first of the Philosophers, who did not commit the Government of the World to Fortune or Chance, nor to Fatal Necessity, as the principle of that order we find things in; but preferred to the rule and manage of all other things, that are jumbled and huddled together, a pure and clear Understanding, which sifts and culls out the parts alike from amidst those confusions.  
This man Pericles did extraordinarily 
His accomplishments.  esteem and admire, and being filled up to the brim with that they call lofty way of speaking and discoursing as it were on tiptoe, he not only was, as we may judge, master of brave and bold resentments, and of such a strain of harangue as was high in itself and free from the taint of plebeian prate and lewd knavish buffonery: but also beside that, the very air of his Face and composure of his Countenance grave and not any way moved to laughter, and the gentleness and slowness of his pace and gate, and the decent ordering of his Apparel, so that no accident could discompose him in the delivery of himself, and the even undisturbed fashioning and tuning of his voice, and whatever other the like advantages he had, did make wonderful impressions even to astonishment in all persons that either saw or heard him.  
See but his patience and greatness of 
An instance of his patience.  mind! One time being reviled and ill spoken of all day long in his own hearing by a villainous and ill-tongued Rascal that cared not what he said, he bore it patiently all along without returning him one word; all this in the open Court or the Assembly of the people, where he was at the same time engaged in the prosecution and dispatch of some weighty urgent affair. In the evening he went home in very good order, as one unconcerned, this Fellow dogging him at the heels, and pelting him all the way he went with all the hard words and Billingsgate language he could rake up. As he was ready to go into his House, it being by this time dark, he ordered one of his Servants to take a light and to go along with the man and see him safe home: which was all the notice he took of him.  
Now jon the Poet saith that Pericles his 
His defence against jon 's censure.  converse and carriage in company was haughty and surly, superb and full of huff, and that he had a great deal of slightingness and scorn of others intermixed with his state and high thoughts of himself; and on the other hand he commends Cimon's exact civility and easy compliance and gentile well-fashioned behaviour at every turn in all his conversations. Well! but let us leave jon to himself, who seems to take it for granted, that Virtue hath by all means somewhat of the Satirical part in it, as Tragedy hath: but as for those who miscalled Pericles his gravity by the name of an affected ostentation and grandeur of state, Zeno advised such persons, that they also would try to affect the like garb of greatness, inasmuch as the very counterfeiting and aping of good qualities doth in time by stealth procure and beget a kind of emulation for those things and a familiarity with them.  
Nor were these the only advantages 
Another advantage of his education.  which Pericles had of Anaxagoras his acquaintance and keeping him company: but he seemed also to be advanced by his instructions far above all that superstition, whatever it is, which as to Meteors and the like strange Appearances doth with frightful apprehensions possess the minds of people, who are ignorant of the true causes, by which such effects are naturally produced, and are mad as if the Devil were in them, and in great agony and disorder upon occasion of these divine Prodigies by reason of their ignorance and want of skill about them: which ignorance natural reason discharging and freeing men from, instead of a dreadful and unquiet troublesome superstition, works in them a free and generous devotion, together with good hopes and kindly assurances.  
There is a story that on a time Pericles 
A prodigy of a Ram with one Horn.  had brought him from a Country-farm of his a Ram's Head with one Horn, and that Lampon a Diviner or Fortune-teller, upon seeing the Horn grow strong and firm out of the midst of the Forehead, gave 
The meaning of it.  this for his judgement, that there being at that time two potent Factions, Parties or Interests, in the City, the one of Thucydides and the other of Pericles, the Government would come about to that one of them, in whose Ground or Estate this token or indication of fate had happened: But that Anaxagoras, when he had cleft the 
The reason of it.  Skull in sunder, showed to the standers by that the brain had not filled up its pan or natural place, but being sharp, of an oval figure, had rolled itself together, from all parts of the vessel which contained it, in a point to that place, from whence the root of the Horn took its rise; which was the reason it grew single. And that for that time Anaxagoras was much admired, for the account he gave, by those that were present at the operation; and Lampon no less a little while after, when Thucydides being outed and laid aside all affairs of the State and Government came entirely into Pericles his hands and menage.  
And yet in my opinion it is no absurdity 
The cause and end of Prodigies ought both to be heeded.  to say that they were both in the right, the natural Philosopher and the Fortune-teller, the one so luckily hitting upon the cause of this event, by which it was produced; the other upon the end, for which it was designed. For it was the business of the one to find out and give account, out of what it was made and in what manner and by what means it grew as it did; and of the other to foretell to what end and purpose it was so made and what it might mean or portend. Now as to those who say that to find out the cause of such prodigious events is in effect to destroy any signification they may be supposed to have; these men do not take notice, that at the same time together with divine Prodigies (the tokens of God's pleasure or displeasure) they defeat and render of no use those signs and marks which are contrived by art; such as are for instance, the clashings and clatterings of Quoits or Trenchers, and the lights of Watchtowers along the Seaside, and the shadows of the Pins of Sun-dials; every of which things is made by some cause and contrivance to be a sign of some other thing. But these are subjects that peradventure would better befit some other consideration than what we are now upon.  
Now Pericles, being yet but a young man stood in great awe of the people and 
His resemblance of Pisistratus.  was mightily afraid of giving them any occasion of offence: forasmuch as he appeared in shape and feature to be very like the Tyrant Pisistratus, and the grave Seniors of the Town, who remembered that man, when they took notice of the sweetness of this man's voice and the volubility and readiness of his tongue in discoursing, were struck into amazement at the mere resemblance of this to the other. But he considering that he had a very fair Estate, and was descended of a noble Family as any, and had store of Friends who bore the greatest sway, was so far from trusting to these advantages, that he apprehended they might procure him to be banished as a dangerous person; and for this reason he meddled not at all with State-affairs, but in the services of War he showed himself a brave man and one who with undaunted courage would expose himself upon all occasions.  
But as soon as Aristides was dead, and 
His first rise in the State.  Themistocles turned out of the Saddle, and seeing that Cimon was for the most part kept abroad by those expeditions he made in foreign Parts out of Greece, then did Pericles seeing things in this posture apply himself to the State, instead of the rich and the few great Dons, making choice of such matters and causes wherein the common people and poorer sort were concerned, and sided with them; which was a thing somewhat beside his natural temper, for he was not of himself given to popularity or mean compliances. But, as it is very likely, fearing he might by reason of those advantages we mentioned fall under a suspicion and jealousy of setting up for Kingship or arbitrary Power, and seeing how Cimon courted the Aristocracy or chief men of the Government and was mightily beloved by all honest men and people of fashion, he took another way to the wood and sheltered himself among the crowd and herd of the common people: by which means he did at once both secure himself and procure an interest to serve him, when time should be, against Cimon.  
And besides presently upon his application 
His reservedness.  to State-affairs he took a quite different course from what others and himself had used as to his order of life and management of himself. For he was never seen to walk in any street or way at Athens, but only that which led to the Court or Town-hall, where the people assembled, and to the Senate or Parliament House, where the Lords sat in Council; and he avoided and left off the invitations of Friends to supper and all such kind of friendly treatment and neighbourly acquaintance: so that in all the time he had to do with the public, which was not a little, he was never known to have gone to any of his Friends to a supper; only once and that was at a Wedding, when his near Kinsman Euryptolemus, his Sister's Son, married, he stayed till the ceremony of the Drink-offering, and then immediately rose from Table and went his way. For these friendly Meetings and Treats are shrewd things to get the upperhand of an affected greatness, and are apt to discompose a starched gravity and put it out of countenance; nor can the solemnity of a man's reputation be well preserved and maintained by ordinary converse and familiarity. And yet in that which is 
Virtue free and open.  true and genuine virtue, those things appear the fairest, which are most apparent and least reserved; and there is not of good and brave men any thing so fit to be admired by strangers, as their daily life and conversation is by those of their family and who keep them continual company. But our Statesman here to avoid the throng and glut of the people, did as it were by intervals, by snatches and fits, come among them, not speaking to every business, nor at all times coming into the Assembly, but, (as Critolaus saith the Athenians did with the three-oared Galley of Salamis,) reserving himself for great occasions, other matters of lesser importance he dispatched by Friends or by other Counsellors at the Bar his Cronies. And of this number we are told Ephialtes made one, he who broke up the power of the Areopagites, the Council 
Ephialtes a Friend of his.  that sat on Mars his Hill, and by that means (according to Plato's expression) gave the Citizens a large and racy draught of liberty, which set the people so a-gog, as the Play-wrights inform us, that like a wild unruly Horse, that had flung his Rider, they would be ruled no longer, but champed and bit Euboea, and flounced and curveted upon the other Isles.  
Now Pericles designing to fuit the gravity 
His Rhetoric or way of expressing himself.  of his life and the greatness of his spirit and sense with a befiting character of speech, he to put that as it were a musical Instrument in tune, put his Tutor Anaxagoras often upon the stretch, and by a kind of Bowdy gloss set off those accounts he gave of Nature with artificial Rhetoric. For having beside his great natural parts by the study of nature attained this height of understanding and ability of turning and winding every thing to his own purpose (to use the words of divine Plato) and drawing whatever might be of advantage into the Art of speaking, he got the start of all others by much.  
Upon which account they say he had 
Why called Olympius.  the surname or nickname of Olympius given him, (the same title that Jupiter himself was called by;) though some are of opinion he was so named for those famous works and public buildings, wherewith he adorned the City, others would have him so called from the great power he had in public affairs whether of war or peace. Nor is it unlikely or absurd to imagine, that from the confluence of those many good qualities, which belonged to the man himself, the glory of such a Title might be conferred upon him. However the Comedies of the then Masters of the Stage, who both in good earnest and out of merriment too, let fly many shrewd words at him, do plainly show that he got that appellation especially upon the account of his being an able Speaker, by saying that he thundered and lightened, when he harangued the people, and that he carried a dreadful Thunderbolt in his Tongue.  
There is a saying also of Thucydides the 
Thucydides his Remark upon him.  Milesian stands on record, spoken by him pleasantly enough upon Pericles his shrewdness of speech. For Thucydides was a person one of them of great credit and repute, and one who had for a very long time bandied against Pericles in the Government. Now when Archidamus the King of the Lacedæmonians asked him, whether he or Pericles were the better Wrestler, he made this answer; When I, saith he, have thrown him and given him a fair fall, he by standing out in the denial saying that he had no fall gets the better of me, and persuades people into a belief of what he says whether they will or no, though they saw the quite contrary.  
Howbeit the truth of it is that Pericles 
His care of speaking in public.  himself was very wary and careful what and how he was to speak, insomuch that always whenever he went up to the Tribunal or into the Pulpit to deliver himself, he prayed to the Gods, that no one word might unawares against his will slip from him, which should be misbecoming or unsuitable to the matter in hand and the occasion he was to speak to.  
Indeed he hath left nothing in writing 
Some of his notable Sayings.  behind him, save only some popular Decrees or Ordinances. And there are but few in all of his notable Sayings which are recorded; recorded; as this for one, that he gave order that they would take away the City and Isle of Aegina (then possessed by the Enemy) as an Eyesore from the Piraeum, a port of Athens; and this for another, that he fancied he saw a War coming along towards them out of Peloponnesus (now called the Morea.) Again, when on a time Sophocles, who was his Fellow-commissioner in the Generalship, was going on board with him, and praised the beauty of a Boy they met with in the way to the Ship, Sophocles, saith he, a General ought not only to have clean hands, but eyes too; meaning that a person in such an office and charge should not give way even to the temptations of sight. And moreover Stesimbrotus hath this passage of him, that as he was in an encomiastic Oration speaking of those who fell in the battle at Samos, he said they were grown immortal, as the Gods were. For, said he, we do not see them themselves, but only by those honours we pay them and by those good things which they do enjoy, we guess and judge them to be immortal. And the very same case it is, went he on, with those that die in the service and defence of their Country.  
Now whereas Thucydides makes such a description of Pericles his Aristocratical 
An account of his Politics.  government, that it went by the name of a Democracy, but was indeed a government by a single person, to wit under the conduct and at the pleasure of one man who was chief; and many others say that by him the common people was first brought on and led along to the sharing of Lands by lot, taken from the Enemy, and to the dividing of public moneys (formerly reserved for the uses of war) to be allowed them for seeing of Plays and Shows, and to distributions of Salaries, by which means being ill accustomed, of a sober, modest, thrifty people that maintained themselves by their own labours, they became riotous and debauched through the methods of policy then used; let us consider the cause of this change in the things themselves as to matter of fact.  
For indeed at the first (as hath been said) 
His rivalling of Cimon.  when he set himself against Cimon's great authority, he did caress the people what he could and under hand curry favour with them. But finding himself come short of his Competitour in wealth and moneys, by which advantages the other was enabled to take care of the poor, inviting every day some one or other of the Citizens that was in want to supper, and bestowing clothes on the aged people, and breaking down the hedges and enclosures of Grounds, to the intent that all that would might freely gather what fruit they pleased; Pericles being snubbed and kept under by these popular arts did by the advice of one Demonides jensis, turn himself to the distribution of the public moneys, as Aristotle hath told 
His disposal of public moneys among the people.  the story; and in a short time having decoyed and won the people what with those moneys allowed for Shows and for Courts of Justice, and what with other bribes and largesses and supplies, he made use of these methods against the Council of Areopagus, 
His design against the Council of Areopagus.  of which he himself was no member, as having not been chosen by lot, either Annual Magistrate, or Guardian of the Laws, or King that is Governor of the sacred Rites, nor Chieftain of the Wars. For of old these Offices were conferred on persons by lot, and they who had acquitted themselves well in the discharge of these trusts were advanced and taken into the Court of Areopagus. Whereupon Pericles having gotten so great a power and interest with the Populace, imbroiled and routed this Council, so that most of those Causes and Matters which had been used to be tried there were through Ephialtes his assistance discharged from the cognisance of that Court, and Cimon was banished by Ostracism upon pretence of his being a favourer of the Lacedæmonians 
He procures Cimon to be banished.  and a hater of his own people of Athens, notwithstanding that he was one who came behind none of them all for greatness of estate and nobleness of birth, and that he had won several famous and signal Victories upon the Barbarians, and with a great deal of moneys and other spoils of war taken from them had mightily enriched the City; as in the history of his Life hath been set down. So vast an authority had Pericles gotten among the people.  
The Ostracism, or banishment by Shells, I mentioned, (which they used in such Trials) was limited by Law to ten years, during which term the person banished was not to return. But the Lacedæmonians in 
After a battle with the Lacedæmonians,  the mean time making an inroad with a great Army on the Country of Tanagra, (which lay upon the Attic borders;) and the Athenians going out against them with their Forces, Cimon coming from his banishment before his time was out, put himself in arms and array with those of his Fellow-citizens that were of his own tribe, and resolved by his deeds to wipe off that false accusation of his favouring the Lacedæmonians, by venturing his own person along with his Countrymen. But Pericles his Friends gathering in a body together drove him away as one under the sentence of exile, and forced him to retire. For which cause also Pericles seems to have laid about him the more, behaving himself very valiantly and stoutly in the fight, and to have been the gallantest man among them all in the action of that day, having exposed himself to all hazard and hardship. All Cimon's Friends also to a man fell together in that Battle, whom Pericles had impeached as well as him of taking part with the Lacedæmonians. And now the Athenians heartily 
wherein the Athenians had the worst,  repented them for what they had done to Cimon and longed to have him home again, being in the close of this Fight beaten and worsted upon the confines and borders of their own Country, and expecting a sore war to come upon them next Spring or Summer season. All which Pericles being 
he recalls Cimon from banishment.  sensible of did not boggle or make any delay to gratify the people's desire, but having wrote an Edict or Order for that purpose himself recalled the man home. And he upon his return concluded a peace betwixt the two Cities: for the Lacedæmonians had a respect and kindness for him, as on the contrary they hated Pericles and the rest of the Demagogues or Leading-men.  
Yet some there are do say that Pericles did not write that Edict or Order for Cimon's 
He and Cimon reconciled upon terms,  revocation and return, till some private Articles of agreement had been made between them, and that by means of Elpinice, Cimon's Sister. Which were that Cimon should go out to Sea with a Fleet of two hundred Ships and should be Commander in chief of all the Forces abroad, with a design to harrass and lay waste the King of Persia's Countries and Dominions, and that Pericles should have the power at home and govern in the City.  
This Elpinice, it is thought, had before 
having shown him favour before for his Sister's sake.  this time procured some favour for her Brother Cimon at Pericles his hands and made him more remiss and gentle in drawing up and setting home the charge, when Cimon being tried for his life escaped the Sentence of death and was only banished. For Pericles was one of the Committee appointed by the Commons to implead him. And when Elpinice made her applications to him and besought him in her Brother's behalf, he with a smile in merriment said, O Elpinice, you are too old a woman to undertake such businesses as this is. Moreover when he came to the Bar to impeach him, he stood up but once to speak, as if he made slight of his commission playing booty as it were, and went out of Court having done Cimon the least prejudice of any of his Accusers.  
How then can one believe Idomeneus, 
He is cleared from the suspicion of Ephialtes his death.  who charges Pericles, as if he had by treachery contrived and ordered the murder of Ephialtes the Demagogue or Counsellor of State, one who was his Friend and of his Party in the menage of the Government; out of a jealousy forsooth, says he, and an envy of his great reputation. This Historian, it seems, having raked up these Stories I know not out of what Kennel, has thrown them up like vomiting stuff to bespatter this worthy man, one who perchance was not altogether free from fault or blame, but yet was one who had a generous noble spirit and a soul that affected and courted honour; and where such qualities are, there can no such cruel and brutal passion find harbour or gain admittance. But as to Ephialtes the truth of the Story, as Aristotle hath told it, is this, that having made himself formidable to the Oligarchists (those who would have all the power lodged in some few hands) by being a severe asserter of the people's rights in calling to account and prosecuting those who any way injured them, his Enemies lying in wait for him did, by the means or help of Aristodicus the Tanagrian, privately rid themselves of him and dispatched him out of the way.  
Now Cimon while he was Admiral ended 
After Cimon 's death  his days in the Isle of Cyprus. And the Aristocratians (those who were for the Nobless) seeing that Pericles was already even formerly grown to be the greatest and foremost man of all the City, and being withal willing there should be some body set up against him to give him check and to blunt and turn the edge of his Power, that it might not without more ado prove a Monarchy; they set up Thucydides 
he hath Thucydides set up against him.  of Alopecia, a sober discreet person and a near Kinsman of Cimon's, to take up the Cudgels against him. Who indeed though he were less skilled in warlike Affairs than Cimon was, yet was better versed in the Courts of Law and business of State; who keeping close guard in the City and being engaged with Pericles in the pleading place, where the public Harangues were made, in a short time brought the Government to an equal interest of parties. For he would not suffer those who were called the Honest and Good (persons of worth and fashion) to be scattered up and down and jumbled in a huddle with the Populace as formerly, by that means having their honour and credit smutted and darkened by the mixture of the Rabble: but taking them apart by themselves and gathering into one the power and interest of them all, which was now grown considerable, he did as it were upon the balance make a counterpoise to the other party.  
For indeed the contrast of the two parties 
They become Heads of two Parties.  at first was but as a thing of secret grudge, that made but a shallow impression, like a thing cut upon Iron, and barely signified the difference of a Popular and an Aristocratical design; but the open quarrel and canvasing ambition of these two men, gave the City a very deep gash, so that the one Party was called the Populace or Commons, the other the Few or Great ones; whigs and Tories.  
Upon which account Pericles, at that 
Pericles his arts to cajole the people.  time especially, letting loose the reins to the people, managed things all to their content, contriving continually to have some great public show or feast or solemnity, some entertainment and divertisement or other in Town, to please them, wheedling and cokesing the Citizens, as a Schoolmaster doth his Boys, with such delights and caresses, as were not unedisying neither. Besides that every year he sent out threescore Galleys, on board of which there went several of the Citizens, who were in pay eight months, learning at the same time and practising the Art of Navigation, that they might prove good Seamen.  
Moreover he sent a thousand of them 
He sends Plantations abroad.  into the Chersonese in the nature of Planters to share the Land among them by lot, and five hundred more into the Isle of Naxos, and half that number into the Isle of Andros, and a thousand into Thrace to dwell among the Bisaltae a people there; and others into Italy, when the City Sybaris was to be repeopled, the inhabitants whereof went by the name of the Thurians. And this he did to ease and discharge the City of an idle, and by reason of their idleness, a busy meddling rabble of people, who, having little to do of their own, would have made work by giving disturbance to the public; and withal at the same time to provide for the necessities of the poor Townsmen by supplying them and setting them to rights, and to put an awe and a guard upon their allies from attempting any thing of change by sending them to dwell among them.  
But that which gave most pleasure and 
He raiseth stately Buildings in the City.  ornament to the City of Athens and the greatest admiration even to astonishment to all Strangers, and that which alone doth sufficiently witness for all Greece, that that power of hers that is so much talked of, and her ancient wealth was no Romance or idle Story, was that glorious apparade and furniture of those stately public Buildings and Dedications which Pericles caused to be raised and made there. This was that 
For which he is hardly spoken of.  of all his actions in the Government which his Enemies looked asquint at and fell foul upon in the popular Assemblies, crying out how that the Commonwealth of Athens had lost its reputation and was ill spoken of abroad, for removing the common Bank and public Moneys of all the Grecians from the Isle of Delos, where it was to have been kept, and taking it into their own custody; and how that that, which was the fairest excuse they had to plead for their so doing, to wit, that they took it away thence, for fear of the Barbarians lest they should seize it, and on purpose to secure it in a safe place, Pericles had broke the neck of that pretence by putting it to other uses; and how that Greece cannot but resent it as an unsufferable affront, and must needs look upon herself as treated after a tyrannical manner, when she sees that that Treasure which was upon a necessity contributed by her for the use and maintenance of War is wantonly lavished out by us upon our City to gild her all over, and to adorn and set her forth, as it were some proud stately Dame, hung round with precious Stones, and Statues, and sumptuous Temples, which cost a world of Money.  
Wherefore Pericles on the other hand informed 
His Apology and Vindication of himself.  the State, that they were no manner of way obliged to give any account of those Moneys to their Friends and Allies, inasmuch as they fought and maintained a War in their defence and kept off the Barbarians from attacking them and harassing their Country, while in the mean time they did not so much as set out Horse or Man or Ship, but only found Money for the Service; which Money, says he, is not theirs that give it, but theirs that receive it, if so be they perform the conditions upon which they receive it. And that it was good reason, that the City being sufficiently provided and stored with those things that are necessary for the War, they should convert the overplus of its Wealth to such undertake and designs, as would hereafter, when they were finished, eternize their fame, and for the present, while they are a doing, will readily supply all the inhabitants with plenty; there appearing such variety of all kind of workmanship and several sorts of occasions for service, which being they do summon all Arts and Trades and require all hands to be employed about them, they do actually put the whole City in a manner into State-pay; so that at the same time she is beautified and maintained by herself at her own cost and charge. For as those who are of age and strength for War are provided for and maintained in the Armies abroad by their pay out of the public Stock; so it being his desire and design that the rude multitude that stayed at home and were versed in Handi-crafts should not go without their share of public Salaries, and yet that they should not have them given them for sitting still and doing nothing, to that end he thought fit to bring in among them, with the approbation of the State, those vast projects of Buildings, and designs of Works, that would be of some continuance e'er they be finished, which will employ sundry Arts and Occupations. That so that part of the people, that stayed in the City and kept home, might, no less than those that were at Sea or in Garrison or under Arms, have a fair pretence and just occasion of receiving the benefit and having their share of the public Moneys.  
For here in this case the Materials or 
The advantage of those public Works to the people of the Town.  stuff were Stone, Brass, Ivory, Gold, Ebony, Cypress; and the Arts or Trades that wrought and fashioned them were Smiths and Carpenters, Image-makers and Plaisteres, Founders and Braziers, Stone-cutters or Carvers and Masons, Dyers and Stainers, Goldsmiths, Ivory-cutters, Painters or Picture-drawers, Embroiderers, Turner's: now those that imported these things and conveyed them up to Town for use, were Merchants, and Mariners, and Masters of Ships by Sea; and those who brought and helped to bring them by Land were Waggoners and Cartwrights, Carriers and those that let Horses to hire, Carters and Muleteers, Rope-makers, Workers in Stone, Shoemakers and Leather-dressers, Surveyors and Menders of Highways, Pioners and Diggers in Mines. Now every Trade and Mystery, in the same nature, as a Commander or Captain in an Army hath his particular Company of Soldiers under him, had its own hired and peculiar Company of Journeymen and Labourers belonging to it banded and packed together as in array, to be as it were the instrument and body for the performance of the service. To say all in a word, the occasions and uses they had for men to these public Works did distribute and scatter the plentiful advantage and benefit of them among the people of the Town through all ages and conditions; of whatsoever Trade and Occupation they might be.  
As the Works then grew up being as 
The admirable speed they made in these Works.  stately and extraordinary for bulk and greatness so inimitable for beauty and gracefulness, the Workmen striving to outvie the matter and grandeur of the Work with the neat contrivance and artificial beauty of it; the thing that was most to be admired was the haste and speed they made. For of those things, which every one of them singly they did imagine could hardly be finished and brought to an end in several successions of Governors and ages of Men, all of them had their compliment and perfection in the height and prime of one man's Government. Although they say too, that about the same time Zeuxis having heard Agatharchus the Picture-drawer boast himself for dispatching his Work with speed and ease, replied, But I am a long time about mine. For the easiness and hastiness in doing of a thing doth not put upon the Work a lasting solidity or exactness of beauty: but time being allowed to a man's pains aforehand for the production of a thing doth by way of interest return a vital force for the preservation of the thing after it is once produced. For which reason Pericles his Works are the more admired, having been done so well in a little time as to hold good for a long time. For every several Piece 
Yet the lastingness and freshness of them.  of his Work was immediately even at that time for its beauty and elegance Antique, as if it had been performed by some ancient Master; and yet for its vigour and freshness it looks to this day as if it were spick and span, and newly wrought: There is such a kind of flourishing gloss upon those Works of his, which continually preserves the sight of them from being sullied by time, as if they had an aygreen spirit and a never-fading soul mingled in the composition of them.  
Now Phidias was he who had the oversight 
An account of the Workmen and of several of the Buildings.  of all the Works and was his Surveyour-general, though in the several Designs and Pieces there were great Masters and rare Artists employed. For Callicrates and Ictinus built the Parthenon (that is, the Temple of the Virgin Pallas) which was in measure an hundred Foot every way; and the Chapel at Eleusin (where the sacred Rites of the Goddess Ceres were celebrated) was begun by Coroebus, who also placed the Pillars that stand upon the Floor or Pavement and joined them with Architraves: but after his death Metagenes the Xypetian raised the Girth or Waste of it, and set up the Pillars that are above, and Xenocles the Cholargian roofed or arched the Lantern or Loover on the top of the Temple of Castor and Pollux.  
As for the Long Wall, which joined the 
The Long Wall.  Port or Harbour with the Town, concerning which Socrates saith he himself heard Pericles deliver his opinion and give order about it, Callicrates took that a-great. This brave piece of Work Cratinus, like a Poet as he was, sneeringly flouts at, by reason it was so long a finishing; saith he, 
'Tis long since Pericles, if words would do't,  
Talked up the Wall; but yet sets no hands to't.   
The Choir or Music-room, which for 
The Cdéum or Musick-Theatre.  the contrivance of it on the inside was full of Seats and ranges of Pillars, and on the outside in the Roof or covering of it was made from one point at top with a great many bend, all shelving downward; they say that it was so made after the Copy and in imitation of the King of Persia's Pavilion, and this by Pericles his order likewise: Upon which occasion Cratinus again in his Comedy called The Thracian Women plays upon him with raillery thus;  
Here comes along our goodly Jove, (God bless!)  
Who's that, I pray? jobbernoll Pericles.  
The Shells being scaped, he now has got the Moddle  
O'th' Music-room (help Goddess) in his Noddle.  
Then Pericles out of an ambition to do 
Music Games instituted.  something to be talked of, did first enact or make a Decree, that a Prize should be played in the Science of Music every year at the solemn Feasts of Minerva, which lasted five days together, called Panathenaea, whither all the people of City and Country were used to resort, and he himself being chosen Judge of the Prizes and Bestower of the Rewards gave order, after what manner those who were to play the Prizes were either to sing with the Voice, or to play upon the Flute or upon the Cittern or Guitarr. And both at that time (to wit, at the Feast) and at other times also they were wont to sit in this Music-room and see and hear those Prizes and trials of Skill.  
Further the Foregate and entrance of the 
The Acropolis or Citadel.  Citadel or Castle were finished in five years' time, Mnesicles being the chief undertaker of that Work. Now there was a strange 
A strange accident.  accident happened in building of the Citadel, which showed that the Goddess was so far from disliking the Work or being averse to it, that she helped to carry it on and to bring it to perfection. For one of the Artificers, who was the quickest and the handiest Workman among them all, with a slip of his Foot fell down from a great height and lay ill of it in so miserable a condition, that the Physicians and Surgeons gave him over, having no hopes of his recovery. Pericles being at a loss and not knowing what to do, Minerva appeared to him at night in a Dream and ordered a Medicine, which Pericles applying to the Man did in a short time and with great ease cure him. And upon this occasion it was that he set up a brass Statue of Minerva, called hence the Statue of Health, in the Citadel near 
Minerva 's Statue.  an Altar, which as they say was there before. But it was Phidias, who wrought the Goddesses Image in Gold, and hath his name inscribed on the Pedestal as the Workman thereof. And indeed the whole Work in a manner was under his charge, and he had (as we have said already) the oversight over all the Artists and Workmen, because Pericles had a kindness for him.  
And this made the poor man to be much envied, and his Patron to be very ill spoken 
Several slanders and abuses put upon Pericles.  of and horribly abused with stories, as if Phidias had been his Pimp and took up Ladies and Gentlewomen that came to see the Works, for Pericles his use. The Comic Wits of the Town, when they had got this story by the end, made much of it and bedashed him with all the ribaldry they could invent, as if he had been the arrantest Whoremaster that ever lived; charging him falsely with the Wife of Menippus one who was his Friend and had been a Lieutenant General under him in the Wars; and with the Votaries or Bird-cages of Pyrilampes, who being an acquaintance of Pericles, they pretended, and made as if he were wont to present Peacocks and such fine Birds to Pericles his Misses, the Women whom he gallanted and kept company with. And why should one wonder at what such Fellows say, who play the Satirists upon other men's Lives, and daily upon all occasions with their reproaches and evil speeches sacrifice the reputations of their Superiors, the Great and the Good, to the envy and spite of the Rabble, as to some evil Genius or wicked Spirit; when as Stesimbrotus the Thasian hath dared to broach a dismal and incredible Villainy against Pericles, as if he had committed Incest with his own Son's Wife.  
By this means it comes about, that it is a 
Why hard to find out Truth in History.  very difficult matter to trace and find out the Truth of any thing by History, when on one hand those who undertake to write it, living so long after the things were done, cannot arrive at the certain knowledge of such transactions as past in the times before them; and on the other hand that History which is contemporary and of the same standing with those Actions and Lives, which it reporteth, doth partly through envy and ill-will, partly through favour and flattery, disguise and pervert the truth.  
Now when the Orators, who sided with Thucydides and were of his party, were at one time bawling (as their custom was) against Pericles, as one who squandered away the public Stock in idle expenses, and made havoc of the State-revenues, he starting up in the open Assembly put the question to the People, Whether they thought that what he had laid out was too much; and they saying, Too too much of all conscience. Well then! said he, since 'tis so, 
Pericles his brave reply when accused for wasting public Moneys.  let not the cost and charge go upon your account, but upon mine: and accordingly I will make the Inscription upon the Temples and other public Buildings in mine own name. When therefore they heard him say thus, whether it were out of a surprise to see the greatness of his Spirit, or out of emulation that they envied him the glory of the Works and resolved to go shares with him, they cried aloud bidding him to spend on and lay out o' God's name what he thought fit out of the public Purse, and to spare no cost, till all were finished.  
At length being brought to push of pike with Thucydides, upon a trial of skill whether 
He foils Thucydides,  should shell the other out of the Country, and having not without some hazard got the better, he threw his Antagonist out and sent him packing for ten years, and then routed and broke to pieces all the opposite party, which had stood against him. So that now the difference and quarrel being wholly resolved and at an end, and the City being as it were leveled into an even temper and made of one piece, he in a trice 
and rules all alone.  brought about all Athens to his own devotion, and got the disposal of all affairs that belonged to the Athenians into his own hands, their Customs, and their Armies, and their Galleys, and their Islands, and the Sea, and that great power and strength, which accrued to them partly by means of the other Grecians, and partly also upon the account of the Barbarians; in a word such a signory and dominion, as was mounded and fortified with several Nations that were subject to it, and with the friendships and amities of several Kings, and with the alliances of confederate Potentates and great Lords.  
After this he was now no longer the same 
He altars his Policy.  Man he had been before, nor at the same rate, as formerly, tame and gentle and familiar with the populace, so as readily to yield himself up to their pleasure and to comply with the desires of the Rabble, as a Steersman tacks about with the winds through all the points of the Compass. But on the other hand from that loose remiss and in some cases deboshed way of wheedling the people, he wound and skrew'd them up to an Aristocratical and Regal form of State and Government, and showing himself upright and unblameable in his noble and sincere aim at the best things, he did by these means generally lead the people along with their own wills and consents, by persuading and showing them what was to be done; and sometimes too ruffling them and forcing them full sore against their will, he made them whether they would or no to close with what he proposed for the public advantage.  
Wherein, to say the truth, he did but 
He plays the State-physician.  like a skilful Physician, who in a complicated and chronical Disease, as he sees occasion, one while allows his Patient the moderate use of such things as please him, another while he applies corrosives and sharp things that put him to pain, and administers such medicines as may work the cure. For there arising and growing up, as is likely, all manner of distempers among a people which had so vast a command and dominion, he alone, as a great Master, knowing how with care to handle and deal with them all severally, and in an especial manner making that use of Hopes and Fears as his two chief Rudders, as with the one to check and stop the career of their highflown confidence at any time, so with the other to raise them up and comfort them, when they lay under any discouragement; he plainly showed by this that 
The force of Rhetoric.  Rhetoric or the Art of speaking is, in Plato's sense and language, the Government of the Souls of men, the wire-drawing of the Soul, and that her chiefest business and design is her method and artifice of managing the affections and passions, which are as it were the pegs, the stops and keys of the Soul, which require a very skilful and careful touch and stroke to be played upon as they should be.  
Now the reason of this that made Pericles 
His reputation and integrity.  so prevailing, was not altogether barely the power and force of his expression and language, but as Thucydides assures us, the high opinion which the people had of the man, and the reputation and integrity of his life, he being one who was clearly free from all corruption or bribery, and above all considerations of money. Who notwithstanding that he had made the City Athens, which was great of itself, as great and rich as can be imagined, and though he were himself also grown in power and interest to be more than equal to many Kings and absolute Lords, who some of them also bequested by Will their Estates to their Children, he for his part did not improve the patrimony his Father left him, or make it more than it was by one Groat or Dram.  
How beit Thucydides doth indeed give a 
Some Authors censure of his great power.  plain narrative of that great power and interest of his, and the Comic Poets do spitefully enough as their manner is, more than hint at it, by covert expressions, calling his Companions and Friends about him by the name of Pisistratus his new Courtiers, and demanding of him to abjure the setting up for a single person or exercising an arbitrary power, as one whose grandeur and eminence were unproportionable to and incompatible with a Democracy or popular Government, and grown to be a grievance not to be endured in a free State. Further Teleclides saith that the Athenians had betrayed and surrendered up to him both the Customs and Imposts of their subject Cities and the Cities themselves, so as to bind up some and to let lose others; and Stone Walls, to build up what he pleased and again to throw them down; Leagues of Alliance, the interest and strength of the Nation, their peace, and their wealth and good fortune.  
Nor was all this the business of a lucky 
The long time of his Government.  hit by some emergent occasion, nor was it the vigorous height and propitious favour of a State-management that flourished for a season; but having for forty years together bore the bell away among such brave Statesmen, as Ephialtes and Leocrates and Myronides and Cimon and Tolmides and Thucydides were, he after the overthrow and banishment of Thucydides kept up his head still for no less than fifteen years longer, and having gotten a place of command and power, which was but one among the annual Magistracies (or Offices and places of Trust, to which there was a new Election every year) he preserved himself free and unprevailed upon as to money or bribes.  
Though otherwise he was not altogether 
His thrifty management of his own Estate.  idle or careless in looking after his own advantage, but as to his paternal and personal Estate, which of right belonged to him, he so ordered it, that it might neither through negligence be wasted or lessened, nor yet, he being so full of business as he was, give him any great trouble or cost him much time with taking care of it, and put it into such a way of management as he thought to be the most easy for himself, and the most exact for thrift. For all his yearly products and profits he sold together in a lump, and afterward buying every thing that he or his Family had or might have need of out of the Market, he by this means supplied the concerns of his House as to sustenance and provision.  
Upon which account it was, that his Children when they grew to age were not well pleased with his menage, and the Women that lived with him were treated with little cost, insomuch that they complained of this way of expense in his House-keeping, 
His House-keeping.  which was ordered and set down from day to day and contracted to the greatest exactness of thrift; since there was not there, as is usual in a great Family and a plentiful Estate, any thing to spare or over and above, but all that went out or came in, all his disbursements and receipts, were booked and carried on as it were by number and measure.  
Now there was but one Menial Servant 
His Steward.  of his, Euangelus by name, who kept up all this strictness of his Accounts, one naturally fitted, as no body else could be, for such an employ, or at least bred up by Pericles himself to this Stewardship.  
All this in sooth was but the effect of his 
Anaxagoras slighted the world.  Tutor Anaxagoras his wise instructions; though he for his part by a kind of Divine impulse and greatness of Spirit, which made him contemn the World, voluntarily quit his House, and left his Land to lie fallow and to be grazed by Sheep like a Common.  
But I must rationally suppose that the 
The difference betwixt a Philosopher and a Statesman in the manner of their living.  Life of a contemplative Philosopher and that of an active Statesman is not to be one and the same thing: for the one only employs his Mind and understanding about great and good things, which Mind of his wants not the help of instruments, nor needs the supply of any materials from without for what it hath to do; whereas the other, who attempters and applies his Virtue to humane uses, may have occasion sometimes for plenty and abundance of outward things, not only those which are necessary for his subsistence, but those which are handsome also and suitable to his quality: which was Pericles his case, who relieved abundance of their poor.  
And yet for all that there goes a story, 
Anaxagoras in great want.  that his Tutor himself, poor Anaxagoras, while Pericles was taken up with public affairs, lay neglected, and that now being grown old he muffled up himself with a resolution to die for want of Food; which thing being by chance brought to Pericles his ear, he was struck, and instantly ran to the man, and used all the arguments and entreaties he could to him, lamenting not so much his condition as his own, should he lose such a Counsellor of State as he had found him to be. And that upon this, as the story goes on, Anaxagoras should unmuffle and showing himself make answer, Ah Pericles, said he, even those people who 
A notable saying of his.  have occasion for a Lamp, use to supply it with Oil; meaning, that if he would have him to live, he must allow him a maintenance.  
The Lacedæmonians beginning to show 
A great project of Pericles for a Convention of all Greece.  themselves troubled at the greatness of the Athenians and to be jealous of the increase of their power, Pericles on the other hand to advance the people's spirit and buoy it up yet more, and to put them upon great actions and exploits, proposeth an Edict or Decree in writing to summon all the Grecians, in what part soever they dwelled whether of Europe or Asia, and that every City, little as well as great, should send their Deputies to Athens to a general Assembly or Convention of Estates, there to consult and advise concerning the Grecian Temples which the Barbarians had set fire to and burnt down, and the Sacrifices which they were indebted upon vows they made to their Gods for the safety of Greece, when they fought against those Barbarians, and the Sea-affair, that they might henceforward all of them pass to and fro and trade securely and be at a constant peace among themselves.  
Upon this errand there were twenty 
Commissioners dispatched to summon them.  men, of such as were each of them above fifty years of age, sent by Commission: five whereof were to summon the jonians and Dorians that were in Asia, and the Islanders as far as Lesbos and Rhodes; and five were to go over all the places in Hellespont and Thrace up to Byzantium, (now Constantinople;) and other five beside these to go to Boeotia and Phocis and Peloponnesus, (now called the Morea) and from hence to pass through the Locrians Country over to the neighbouring Continent as far as Acarnania and Ambracia; and the rest of the Commissioners were to take their course through Euboea, to the Oetaeans, and the Gulf of Malea, and to those of Phthia and Achaia and Thessaly; all of them to treat with the people as they passed, and to persuade them to come in and bear their share in the debates and concerts, which would be for settling the peace and regulating anew the affairs of Greece.  
When all came to all, there was nothing 
The Project fails.  done in this business, nor did the Cities meet by their Deputies, as was desired; the Lacedæmonians, as it is said, underhand crossing the design, the trial whereof was disappointed and baffled first in Peloponnesus. However I thought fit to bring in this passage to show the spirit of the Man, and the greatness of his mind for State-projects.  
In his military Employ and Conduct of 
His military Conduct.  his Soldiers he got himself a great reputation for his wariness in doing what he did securely and safely, as one who would not by his good will engage in any Fight, which had much uncertainty in the Event and hazard in the Enterprise, and one who envied not the glory of those Generals whose rash adventures fortune favoured with good success beyond expectation, however they were admired by others as brave men and excellent Commanders, nor did he think them worthy his imitation: and was always used to say to his Citizens, that If he could help it, what lay in his power, they should continue immortal and live for ever; meaning that he for his part would ever be tender of their lives and not needlessly expose them.  
To this purpose seeing Tolmides the Son 
A rash attempt of Tolmides.  of Tolmaeus, upon the confidence of his former good successes and flushed with the great honour his warlike achievements had procured him, making preparation to attack the Boeotians in their own Country at an unseasonable time, when there was no likely opportunity for carrying the design; and that he had prevailed with the bravest and highest mettled Blades among all the City-sparks to list themselves as Volunteers in the service, who besides his other force made up a thousand, he endeavoured to divert 
The judgement of Pericles upon it.  him and to advise him from it, in the public Assembly, telling him in that memorable saying of his, which still goes about, That if he would not take Pericles his advice nor be ruled by him, yet he should not do amiss to await Time's leisure, who is the wisest Counsellor of all. For his saying of this he was even at that time indifferently well approved and commended, but within a 
The event made it good.  few days after, when the sad news was brought that Tolmides himself was slain, having been defeated in the Battle near Coronea, and that a great many brave fellows of the Citizens fell with him, this that Pericles had said, gained him a high respect together with a great love and kindness among the people, looking upon him as a wise man and a lover of his Countrymen.  
But of all the Expeditions, which have 
His Expedition to the Chersonese in Thrace.  been made, that of his about the Chersonese the people were most fond of and mightily taken with, it having proved so instrumental to the safety of those poor Greeks who inhabited there. For he did not only by carrying along with him a thousand fresh Citizens of Athens fortify and strengthen their Cities with a competent number of good stout men, but also by bracing as it were the neck of Land, which joins the Peninsula to the Continent, with Bulwarks and Forts all the way from Sea to Sea, he kept off and put a stop to the inroads of the Thracians, who lay all about the Chersonese, and shut out a continual and grievous War, with which that Country had been all along pestered and harassed, as being mingled here and there with neighbourhoods of barbarous people, and full of robberies, what of Moss-troopers that were borderers, what of Banditi that lived amongst them.  
Nor was he less admired and talked of among 
Another round the Morea.  strangers and foreigners for his sailing round the Peloponnesus, having set out from a Port of Megara, called Pegae or the Fountains, with a hundred Galleys. For he did not only pillage and lay waste the Cities along the Sea-coast, as Tolmides had formerly done, but also advancing far from Sea up into main Land, with his Soldiers he had on Board, he made some people for fear of his coming shut themselves up and keep close within their Walls, and at Nemea he with main force routed the Sicyonians, who stood their ground and joined Battle with him, and made them turn their backs, whereupon he set up a Trophy in token of his Victory. And having out of Achaia, in League then with Athens, taken on Board of him a supply of Soldiers into the Galleys, he went off with the Fleet to the opposite Continent, and having sailed along by the mouth of the River Achelous, he overran Acarnania, and shut up the Oeneadae (or descendants of Oeneus, the Governors of the Country) within the City-wall, and having ravaged and mischieved their Country, he weighed Anchor for home with this double advantage, that he appeared terrible and dreadful to his Enemies, and at the same time safe and wary, yet stout and active too to his Fellow-citizens: for there was not any the least miscarriage or disorder, so much as by misfortune or chance; that happened the whole Voyage to those who were under his charge.  
Moreover when he sailed to Pontus with 
Another to Pontus.  a great Fleet and bravely equipped, he accommodated the Greek Cities with what things they wanted or stood in need of and treated them with great kindness and courtesy; but to the barbarous Nations that dwelled round about them, and to the Kings and Lords of those Nations, he openly showed the greatness of the Athenians power, and how void of fear and full of confidence they were, sailing where ever they had a mind, and bringing the whole Sea under their dominion. Further he left the Sinopians thirteen men of War with Soldiers under Lamachus his command, to assist them against Timesileos' the Tyrant; and he and his complices being thrown out, he made a Decree or Order of State, that six hundred of the Athenians that were willing to go should sail to Sinope and plant themselves there with the Sinopians, sharing among them the Houses and Land, which the Tyrant and his party had formerly held.  
But in other things he did not comply 
He curbs the people's extravagant designs of making War abroad.  with the giddy humours and eager passions of the Citizens, nor quit his own resolutions, to go along with them at their mad rate, when being lifted up with the consideration of that vast strength they were masters of, and of that great success fortune had favoured them with, they were on gog both to seize upon Egypt again as their own by a former Conquest, and to disturb those parts of the King of Persia's Dominions that lay near the Seaside. Nay there were more than a good many, who were possessed with a confounded and (as it would have proved then and hath done since) unfortunate design for Sicily, a heat which afterward the Orators of Alcibiades his party blew up into a flame. There were some also, who dreamt of Tuscany and of Carthage; and not without reason or hope, they thought, because of their large Dominion, and of the prosperous course they had hitherto had of their affairs.  
But Pericles curbed this extravagant humour 
He reserves their Forces against the Lacedæmonians.  of making excursions abroad, and chocked their overbusy fancies which put them upon meddling with so much business at once; and turned the most and greatest part of their force and power to the preserving and securing of what they had already gotten, supposing it would be a considerable business if they could keep the Lacedæmonians under, or at least in good order, he having all along a particular peek at them, which as upon many other occasions, so he particularly showed by what he did in the time of the Holy War.  
For whereas the Lacedæmonians having 
A passage in the Holy War.  gone with an Army to the City Delphi restored Apollo's Temple, which the Phocians had got into their possession, to the Delphians again, immediately after their departure, Pericles coming with another Army brought in the Phocians again. And the Lacedæmonians having engraven an Oracle, (or be it a privilege of consulting the Oracle before others) which the Delphians gave them, upon the forehead of a brazen Wolf which stands there; he also having received from the Phocians an Oracle or the like privilege for his Athenians, had it cut upon the same Wolf of Brass on his right side.  
Now that he did well and wisely in this 
New troubles arise.  that he kept the force and power of the Athenians within the compass of Greece, the things and passages themselves, that happened afterward, did bear sufficient witness. For in the first place the Euboeans 
Those of Euboea revolt.  revolted, against whom he passed over with Forces; and then immediately after news came that the Megarians were set upon in War, and that the Enemy's Army was upon the borders of the Attic Country under 
The Lacedæmonians make an inroad.  the command and conduct of Pleistonax, King of the Lacedæmonians. Wherefore Pericles went with his Army back again in all haste out of Euboea, to the War which threatened home; and because there were a many brave fellows in Arms on the other side who dared him to fight, he did not venture to engage or to come to handy-blows with them, but perceiving that Pleistonax was a very young man, and that he governed himself mostly by the counsel and advice of Cleandrides, whom the Overseers or Curatours of the State (whom they call 
They are bought out.  Ephori) had sent along with him by reason of his youth to be a kind of Guardian and Assistant to him; he privately applied his temptation to him, and in a short time having corrupted him with money, he prevailed with him to withdraw the Peloponnesians out of the Attic Country.  
When the Army was retired and dispersed into several quarters through their Towns and Cities, the Lacedæmonians being 
Cleandrides sentenced for his treachery.  grievously offended at it, amerced their King in a great sum of money by way of Fine, which he being not able to pay quitted his Country and removed himself from Lacedaemon; the other Gentleman Cleandrides, who fled for it, having a sentence of death passed upon him by them for betraying them. This man was the Father of that 
Gylippus his Son taken in the like practice.  Gylippus, who defeated the Athenians and beat them so at Sicily. And it seems that this covetousness was an hereditary disease that past from Father to Son; for he also whom we last mentioned was upon a like account caught in foul practices and was turned out of Town at Sparta for it. But this is a story we have told at large, where we discourse the affairs of Lysander.  
Now when Pericles in giving up his accounts of this Expedition had set down a disbursement of ten Talents (which comes to about 1500 pounds Sterling) as laid out upon a fit and useful occasion, the people 
Pericles his Accounts past.  without any more ado, not troubling themselves to canvas the mystery, how it was expended, freely allowed of it. And some 
He keeps Pensioners at Lacedaemon.  Historians, in which number is Theophrastus' the Philosopher, have reported it for a truth, that year by year Pericles sent privately the foresaid sum of ten Talents to Sparta, wherewith he complemented those that were in any Office or place of Trust to keep off the War; not to purchase peace neither, but to redeem time, to the intent that having at leisure provided himself, he might the better make a War hereafter.  
Wherefore presently upon this, turning 
He chastiseth the Euboean revolters.  his Forces against the revolters and passing over into the Island Euboea with fifty Sail of Ships and five thousand Men in Arms he overthrew and won their Cities, and drove out those of the Chalcidians, whom they called Hippobotae, i. e. Horse-feeders, the chief persons for wealth and reputation among them; and removing all the Hestiaeans out of the Country brought in a Plantation of his own Countrymen the Athenians in their room to dwell there by themselves; treating those people with that severity, for that they having taken an Attic Ship prisoner had put all the men on board to death.  
After this was over, having made a truce 
The War against Samos.  between the Athenians and Lacedæmonians for thirty years, he order by public Decree an Expedition against the Isle of Samos, upon this pretence that they, when they were bid to leave off the War they had with the Milesians, did not as they were bid to do. But by reason that what he did against the Samians, he is thought to have done it in favour of Aspasia, and to gratify some humour or design of hers, (she being that Countrywoman) here in this place may be a fit occasion most properly for us to make inquiry concerning this Woman, what cunning art or charming force she had so great as to inveigle and captivate, as she did, the chief persons of the Government and to afford the Philosopher's occasion so much to discourse about her, and not to her disparagement neither.  
Now that she was a Milesian by birth, 
The story of Aspasia.  the Daughter of one Axiochus, is a thing acknowledged. And they say that she in imitation of one Thargelia, a Courtesan, one of the old Ionian stamp, used to make her addresses to personages of the greatest power, and to clap them on board. For that same Thargelia being a handsome Woman 
Thargelia such another.  to see to, and having a graceful carriage and a shrewd wit into the bargain, kept company with a great many of the Greeks, and wrought all those who had to do with her over to the Persian King's interest, and by their means, being men of the greatest power and quality, she sowed the seeds of the Median Faction up and down in several Cities.  
And for this Aspasia they say that she 
A shrewd Woman and much frequented.  was courted and caressed by Pericles upon the account of her wisdom and knowledge in State affairs. For Socrates himself would sometimes go to visit her and foam of his acquaintance with him, and those who used her company would carry their Wives along with them to her, as it were to Lecture, to hear her discourse, though by the way the House she kept was little other than a Vaulting School, she being a Governante of no modest or creditable employ, but keeping a parcel of young Wenches about her who were no better than they should be. Now, Aeschines saith also that there was one Lysicles a Grazier or Muttonmonger, who of a great Clown and a pitiful Sneaksby, as naturally he was, did by keeping Aspasia company after Pericles his death, come to be a chief man among the people of Athens. And in a Book of Plato's entitled Menexenus, though the first part of it is written with some pleasantry and sport, yet there is so much of History in it, that she was a Woman, with whom many of the Athenians conversed and often resorted to, as the common opinion was, upon the account of her Rhetoric and her abilities of Discourse.  
But I must needs say for Pericles his share, that the inclination and fancy he had for her appears rather to have proceeded from the passion of love. For he had a Wife that 
Pericles his former Wife.  was near of kin to him, who had been married formerly to Hipponicus, by whom she had a Son Callias by name, surnamed the Rich; as also she brought Pericles, while she lived with him, two Sons, Xanthippus and Paralus. Afterwards when they could not well agree nor like to live together, he parted with her, being willing and consenting to it, to another man, and himself 
He marries Aspasia.  took Aspasia to Wife, whom he dearly loved with wonderful affection: for every day, both as he went out and as he came in from business abroad, he constantly saluted her and kissed her.  
In the Comedies she goes by the nicknames 
The Poet's Lampoon her.  of young Omphale and Deianira (the one Hercules his Mistress, the other his Wife) and again she was called Juno, (as Pericles himself was called Jupiter.) Cratinus hath plainly and in downright terms given her out for a Whore or Harlot in these Verses, speaking of her Mother. 
Of Juno, fair Aspasia by name,  
The good old Beldame's safely brought to Bed;  
A wanton Minks, a Whore, a Thing past shame,  
Bitch-faced, and Born without a Maidenhead.  It should seem also that he had a Bastard by her, concerning whom Eupolis in a Play of his, called The public Affairs, brings in Pericles ask in this manner, And is my Bastard-son alive, d' ye say? And then brings in Pyronides making answer, 
Alive, and would e'er this many a fair day  
Have been a Man, did not fear of foul play  
From th' Whore his Mother keep him at a stay.  Further they say that this Aspasia was so 
Another so called Concubine to Cyrus.  celebrated and renowned a Beauty in her time, that Cyrus also, who made War against his Brother King Artaxerxes for the Persian Monarchy, gave her whom he loved the best of all his Misses or Concubines the name of Aspasia, who before that was called Milto. She was a Phocian by Birth, the Daughter of one Hermotimus, who when Cyrus fell in Battle was carried to the King and was in great favour at Court. These things coming into my memory, as I am writing this story, it would not peradventure be civil for me to lay aside and pass them by.  
Now the thing they quarrel Pericles for, 
An account of the Samian War.  was that he proposed to the Assembly the War against the Samians, and had it enacted mainly in favour of the Milesians upon the request and entreaty of Aspasia. For these two States waged a War for the mastery 
The ground of it.  of Priene, and the Samians getting the better on't refused to lay down their Arms and to have the Controversy betwixt them debated and decided before the Athenians, as they ordered they should, and to stand to their award.  
Wherefore Pericles furnishing out a Fleet 
Pericles changes their Government.  went and broke up the Oligarchy which was at Samos, (that is, the Government managed by some few of the Great ones) and 
He takes Hostages of them.  taking fifty Hostages of the principal persons of the Town and as many of their Children, he sent them to the Isle of Lemnos, there to be kept.  
Though there are some do say that every 
They proffer money.  one of those Hostages did severally proffer him a Talon a Head by way of ransom, and that those who had no mind to have a Democracy or popular Government in the City tendered him many other presents. Moreover Pissuthnes the Persian, one of the King's Lord-Lieutenants, bearing some good will to the Samians, sent him ten thousand Pistoles or pieces of Gold to excuse the City. Howbeit Pericles would receive none 
He refuseth it.  of all this, but after he had taken that course with the Samians, as he thought fit, and set up a Democracy among them, he sailed back to Athens.  
But they immediately revolted, Pissuthnes 
They revolt.  having privily conveyed away their Hostages for them, and provided themselves with all things necessary for the War. Whereupon Pericles came out with a Fleet a second time against them, whom he found not idle with their hands in their pockets, nor in a sneaking posture as if they were daunted at his coming, but altogether manfully resolved to try for the dominion of the Sea.  
The issue of it all was, that after a brisk 
They are beaten in a Fight at Sea.  and sharp Sea-fight about the Island called Tragia, (that is, the Isle of Goats) Pericles obtained a gallant Victory, having with forty and four Sail, took, routed and sunk, threescore and ten of the Enemies, whereof twenty were Men of War.  
And together with his Victory and pursuit 
They are blocked up in Town.  having made himself master of the Port or Harbour he laid Siege to the Samians, and blocked them up, who yet notwithstanding for all that were so hardy and venturous as to make sallies out and fight under the City-walls. But after that another greater Fleet, sent as a fresh supply from Athens, was arrived, and that the Samians were now shut up with a close Leaguer on every side, Pericles taking with him threescore 
Pericles goes off with 60 Galleys.  Galleys, sailed out into the main Sea; with a resolution, as most Authors give the account, to meet with a Squadron of Phenician Ships, that were coming for the Samians relief and assistance, and to fight them at as great distance as could be from the Island; but, as Stesimbrotus will have it, with a design of putting over to Cyprus: which doth not seem to be probable. But which soever of the two was his intent, 'tis plain he was in an error and by his doing as he did gave occasion to a scurvy miscarriage.  
For he being put out to Sea, Melissus the 
The Samians take the advantage, and get a victory.  Son of Ithagenes, a man of parts and a Philosopher, being at that time Admiral of Samos, made but little reckoning either of the Ships that were left in respect of their small number, or of the Commanders themselves in regard of their want of skill, and upon this account prevailed with the Citizens to attack and set upon the Athenians. And the Samians having won the Battle, and taken several of the men prisoners, and sunk and spoiled several of the Ships, were masters of the Sea, and brought into Port what necessaries they wanted for the War and had not before. Aristotle saith too, that Pericles himself had formerly been worsted and beaten by this Melissus in a Sea-fight.  
Now the Samians, that they might requite an affront which had before been put upon them, marked (either by an Inscription 
They mark the Athenian prisoners with an Owl.  or Brand) those Athenians whom they took prisoners in their Foreheads with the Picture of an Owl, (which is their City-Crest.) For so the Athenians had marked 
As the Athenians had done them with a Samaena.  them before with a Samaena, which is a sort of Ship, somewhat low and flat in the forepart of it, so as to look snut-nosed, but wide and large and well-spread in the hold, by which it both keeps snug upon the Water and proves a swift sailer besides. And it was so called, because the first of that kind was seen at Samos, having been built by order of Polycrates the Tyrant. To these marks or brands upon the Samians foreheads they say that that passage in Aristophanes hath a secret allusion, where he saith, 
The Samian people (fie for shame!)  
For store of Letters have great fame.   
Pericles, as soon as news was brought 
Pericles relieves the Army.  him of the disaster that had befallen his Army, made all the haste he could to come in to their relief, and having got the better 
Beats the Samians.  of Melissus, who bore up against him, and having put the Enemies to flight, he presently 
Encloseth them with a Wall.  hemmed them in with a Wall, resolving to master them and take the Town, rather with some cost and time, than with the wounds and hazards of his Citizens.  
But inasmuch as it was a hard matter to keep in or hold back the Athenians, who were vexed at the delay, and were eagerly bend to fight, he dividing the whole multitude into eight parts or bodies of men, ordered the business by lot so, that that 
He order a Lottery by a white Bean.  part which had the white Bean should have leave to feast and take their ease, while the other seven were busy a fight. For which reason they say also, that people, when at any time they have been merry and enjoyed themselves, call such a day a white day in allusion to this white Bean.  
Ephorus the Historian tells us besides, 
Engines of Battery.  that Pericles made use of Engines of Battery in this Siege, being much taken with the strangeness of the invention, and that he played them in presence of Artemo himself the Engineer; who being lame was used to be carried about in a Litter or Sedan upon occasion of business where his attendance 
Artemo why called Periphoretus.  was required, and for that reason was called Periphoretus. But Heraclides Ponticus disproves this out of Anacreon's Poems, where mention is made of this Artemo Periphoretus 
Another account of him.  several Ages before the Samian War or any of those passages. And he says that Artemo being a man who loved his Belly and his ease, and had a tender apprehension of danger so as to be struck down with fear at the very thoughts of it, did for the most part keep close within door, having two of his Servants to hold a brazen Shield over his Head, that nothing might fall upon him from above; and if he were at any time forced upon necessity to go abroad, that he was carried about in a Pallankeen or little hanging Bed, close to the very ground almost, and that for this reason he was called Periphoretus.  
In the ninth month the Samians surrendering 
Pericles takes the Town.  themselves and delivering up the Town, Pericles pulled down their Walls, and seized their Shipping, and set a Fine of a great sum of money upon them; part of which they paid down upon the nail, and the rest they agreed to bring in by a certain time and gave Hostages for security.  
Now Duris the Samian makes a Tragical 
Duris gives a tragical account of it.  outcry of this Story, charging the Athenians and Pericles with a great deal of cruelty, which neither Thucydides, nor Ephorus, nor Aristotle hath given any relation of: (but it is likely enough that that Author had little regard to truth in his so doing;) as how that he brought the Captains of the Galleys and the Seamen into the Marketplace at Miletum, and there having bound them fast to Board's for ten days, he then gave order to have them, poor Wretches, who were already as good as half dead, to be killed by beating out their Brains with Clubs, and their dead Bodies to be flung out into the open Streets and Fields unburied.  
But as for Duris, he being one, who even 
And is cenfured for it.  where he hath no private concern of his own, is not wont to keep his historical accounts he gives within the compass of truth, it is the more likely that upon this occasion he hath aggravated the calamities which befell his Country, on purpose to draw an odium upon the Athenians.  
Pericles, after the overthrow of Samos, 
Pericles taketh care for the burial of his dead.  as soon as he returned back to Athens, he took care that those who died in the War should be honourably buried, and made such a Funeral Harangue, as the custom is, in their commendation at their Graves and Monuments, that he was highly admired and esteemed for it.  
As he came down from the Pulpit (or 
The Lady's compliment him.  place where they delivered their Speeches) the rest of the Ladies came and complemented him taking him by the hand, and crowning him with Garlands and Rubans, as they used to do with Gamesters that won the public Prizes: only Elpinice 
Elpinice privately quips him.  coming near to him, saith she, These are brave things, Pericles, that you have done, and such as deserve our Chaplets, who have lost us a many brave worthy Citizens, not in a War with Phoenicians or Medes, (Enemies and Foreigners) as my Brother Cimon wont to do, but for the overthrow of a City, that was in alliance and of the same Country and Kindred with us. As Elpinice spoke these 
He answers her pleasantly.  words, he gently smiling, as 'tis said, returned her this Verse of Archilochus for answer; 
Old Woman, as you are,  
You should not powder Hair,  
Nor, as you walk, perfume the Air;  
Leave these things to the Young and Fair.  Now jon saith of him, that upon this exploit 
He is said to have been conceited of this Victory.  of his conquering the Samians, he entertained a strange and high conceit of himself, in that, whereas Agamemnon was ten years a taking a barbarous City, he had in nine months' time vanquished and taken the chiefest and the most powerful people among all the jonians. And indeed it was 
As he had reason.  not without reason that he assumed this glory to himself; for, to say the truth, there was much uncertainty and great hazard in this War, if so be (as Thucydides tells us) the Samian State were come to that pitch, that they were within a very little of wresting the whole power and dominion of the Sea out of the Athenians hands.  
After this was over, a War from Peloponnesus 
The occasion of the Peloponnesian War.  being already breaking out in full tide, he advised the people to send help and assistance to the Corcyraeans, (the people of the Island now called Corfu) who were invaded and set upon by the Corinthians, and to take into their protection and alliance an Island so strengthened, as that was, with naval power; seeing that the Peloponnesians were already, more than ever, made Enemies against them.  
The Commons readily consenting to the 
Pericles sends aid to Corcyra, by Lacedaemonius.  motion, and voting an aid and succour for them, he dispatched away Lacedaemonius, Cimon's Son, having only ten Ships along with him, as it were out of a design to affront and abuse him. For there was a great kindness and friendship betwixt Cimon's Family and the Lacedæmonians; wherefore 
His spite to Cimon 's Family.  that Lacedaemonius might lie the more open to a charge or suspicion at least of favouring the Lacedæmonians and playing booty with them, if he performed no considerable or handsome exploit in this conduct and service, he allowed him such a small number of Ships, and sent him out against his will: and indeed he did wholly by all means he could make it his business to hinder Cimon's Sons from rising in the State, pretending that by their very names they were not to be looked upon as natives of the Country or right-bred Athenians, but foreigners and strangers, inasmuch as one's name was Lacedaemonius, fewer Thessalus, and the third's Elius; and they were all three of them, as it was thought, born of an Arcadian Woman.  
Wherefore Pericles being but ill spoken of 
He sends more help but too late.  upon the account of these ten Galleys, as having afforded but a small supply to the poor people that desired it, and given a great advantage to those who might call him in question, he sent out some more other Ships afterward to Corcyra, which arrived after the Fight was over, that is, as we say, came a day after the Fair, when it was too late.  
Now when the Corinthians being deadly 
Several complaints from the other Greeks against the Athenians.  angry with the Athenians accused them publicly at Lacedaemon, the Megarians joined with them, complaining that they were, contrary to common right and the articles of peace agreed upon oath among the Grecians, kept out and driven away from every Market and from all Ports, where the Athenians had to do, to the hindrance of Commerce and the decay of their Trade. And those of Aegina, appearing to have been grievously ill used and treated with violence, made their supplications in private to the Lacedæmonians for redress, as not daring openly to call the Athenians in question. In the mean time the City Potidaea, (being under the dominion of the Athenians then, but a Colony formerly of the Corinthians) having revolted was beset with a formal Siege; which proved an occasion of hastening on the War.  
Nay and yet notwithstanding all this, 
The business of Megara the main occasion of the War.  there being Embassies sent to Athens, and Archidamus the King of the Lacedæmonians endeavouring to bring several of those complaints and matters in dispute to a fair determination and decision, and to pacify and allay the heats of the allied parties, it is very likely that the War would not upon any other grounds of quarrel have fallen from all sides upon the Athenians, could they have been prevailed with to repeal that Ordinance and Decree of theirs against the Megarians, and to be reconciled to them. Upon which account, since Pericles was the man, who mainly opposed it, and stirred up the people, continuing in his peevish and stubborn resolution of unkindness and quarrelsomeness against those of Megara, he alone bore the blame and was looked upon as the only cause and promoter of the War.  
They say moreover that Ambassadors 
Ambassadors sent from Lacedaemon about it.  went by order from Lacedaemon to Athens about this very business, and that, when Pericles pretended a certain Law, which forbade the taking down the Tablet, wherein the Decree or public Order was written, one of the Ambassadors, Polyarces 
Polyarces his device to reconcile the quarrel.  by name should say, Well! do not take it down then, but turn the Tablet inward; for there is no Law, I suppose, which forbids that. This though it were prettily said, and might have served for a handsome expedient, yet Pericles did not at all relent nor bate an ace of his resolution.  
There was then, in all likelihood, some 
The ground of the Athenians quarrel against the Megarians.  secret grudge and private animosity, which he had against the Megarians. Yet he upon the pretence of a public and manifest charge against them, as that they had cut down a holy Grove dedicated to the Gods or imbezilled a piece of ground consecrated to pious uses, writes an Order, that a Herald should be sent to them, and the same person to the Lacedæmonians, with an accusation of the Megarians. This Order of Pericles, truth is, shows an equitable and friendly proceeding enough.  
But after that the Herald which was sent, 
The quarrel improved by the Herald's death, who was sent to them.  by name Anthemocritus, died, and it was thought that the Megarians had contrived his death and made him away, then Charinus writes a Decree against them, that there should be an irreconcilable and implacable enmity thenceforward betwixt the two Commonwealths; and that if any one of the Megarians should but set his foot upon any part of the Attic Territories, he should be put to death; and that the Commanders, when they take the usual Oath, should, over and above that, swear that they will twice every year make an inroad into the Megarians Country; and that Anthemocritus should be buried near the Thriasian Gates, which are now called the Dipylon or Double Gate.  
On the other hand the Megarians utterly 
The Megarians reflection upon the Herald's death.  denying and disowning the Murder of Anthemocritus, throw the whole business and the guilt, if any, upon Aspasia and Pericles, to which purpose they make use of those famous and commonly known Verses out of a Play of Aristophanes, called the Acharnes.  

Youngsters of Athens went to Megara,  
Mad-fuddle-caps, to keep blind Holiday,  
And stole Simaetha the Town-Whore away.   

Nettled at this, Megarian Youths did plot  
Reprisal, and to Town by stealth they got,  
Where two Aspasian Harlots went to pot.   
The true rise and occasion of this War, 
Pericles hindered the rasing of the Decree against the Megarians, and why.  what it might be, is not so easy to find out. But that that Decree, we mentioned, was not repealed and annulled, all do alike charge Pericles with being the cause of that. However there are some who say that he did out of a great sense and height of spirit stand it out stiffly with a resolution for the best; accounting that the Precept and Order of those Embassies was designed for a trial of their compliance and yieldingness, and that a concession would be taken for a confession of weakness, as if they durst not do otherwise. And other some there are who say that he did rather in an arrogant bravado and a wilful humour of contention, to show his own gallantry and power, slight and set little by the Lacedæmonians.  
But that which is the worst cause and 
The likeliest reason why Pericles hindered it.  charge of all, and which is confirmed by most witnesses, we have in a manner such an account as this given of it. Phidias the Plasterer or Image-maker had, as hath before been said, undertaken to make the Statue of Minerva. Now he being familiarly acquainted with Pericles, and a great Favourite of his, had many enemies upon his account, who envied and maligned him: who also, to make trial in a case of his, what kind of Judges the Commons would prove, should there be occasion to bring 
Phidias a favourite of Pericles accused by Menon.  Pericles himself before them, having tampered with Menon one who had wrought with Phidias, they place him in the Court with a Petition, desiring public security upon his discovery and impeachment of Phidias for things done by him against the State. The people admitting of the man to tell his story, and the prosecution being agreed upon in the Assembly, there was nothing of theft or cheat charged against him. For Phidias had immediately from the very first beginning so wrought and wrapped the Gold, that was used in the work, about the Statue, and that by the advice of Pericles, that they might take it all off and make out the just weight of it; which Pericles also at that time bade the accusers to do.  
But the glory and reputation of his 
His main crime, the rarity of his Work.  Works was that which burdened Phidias and crushed him with envy; especially this, that where he represents the Fight of the Amazons upon the Goddesses Shield, he had expressed a kind of Figure or resemblance of himself like a bald old man holding aloft a great Stone with both hands; and had put in a very fine Picture of Pericles fight with an Amazon. And the fashion and posture of the Hand which held out the Spear, over against Pericles his Face, was with that curious art contrived, as if it meant to hide the likeness, which by the by showed itself on either side.  
Well! poor Phidias was carried away to 
He is sentenced to Prison and there dies.  Prison, and there died of a Disease or some other Sickness; but, as some say, of Poison, to raise a slander or a suspicion at least upon Pericles, though it were by the procurement and preparation of his enemies.  
As to the Informer Menon, upon Glycon's 
Menon 's reward.  proposal, the people made him free from payment of Taxes and Customs, and ordered the Commanders to take care of the man's safety, that no body might do him any harm.  
About this time Aspasia was indicted of 
Aspasia impeached.  Impiety or Irreligion, upon the complaint of Hermippus a writer of Comedies, who also laid further to her charge, that she was Bawd to Pericles and entertained Citizens Wives and Daughters for his use. And Diopithes proposed a Decree, that information should be given in against such persons as deny a Deity, and those who teach or make Discourses concerning Meteors and other appearances in the Sky; by these last words reaching Pericles a box on the ear over Anaxagoras his shoulder.  
The people receiving and admitting all 
Pericles ordered to bring in his Accounts.  accusations and complaints, as they came, at length by this means they came to enact a Decree, at the motion of Dracontides, that Pericles should bring in the accounts of the Moneys he had expended, and lodge them with the Prytanes, the Magistrates and Judges of the Treasury; and that the Judges carrying their suffrage from the Altar should examine and determine the business in the City. This indeed Agnon 
This order put into general terms.  took out of the Decree, but moved that causes should be tried before the 1500 Judges, whether one would name it an action of robbery, or of bribery, or of any whatever injustice.  
As to Aspasia, Pericles made shift to beg 
Aspasia begged off by Pericles.  her off, having shed abundance of tears at the Trial, as Aeschines makes the relation, and besought the Judges in her behalf. But fearing how it might go with Anaxagoras, 
He sends away Anaxagoras.  he sent him away and brought him onward on his way out of the City. And whereas he had in Phidias his case miscarried and found the people awkward and averse, being afraid of a Court of Judges, 
He promotes the War.  he set fire to the War, which hitherto had lingered and smothered, and blew it up into a flame; hoping by that means to scatter those mists of impeachments which they were raising against him, and to lower that envy which hung over him; the City usually throwing herself upon him alone and trusting to his sole conduct, upon the urgency of great affairs and public dangers, by reason of his authority and the sway he bore.  
And these are given out to have been the causes, for which Pericles would not suffer the people of Athens to comply with the Lacedæmonians or yield to their proposals. However the truth of it, whether it were so or no, cannot be well known.  
The Lacedæmonians for their part having 
A message from the Lacedæmonians to the Athenians.  an assurance, that if they could pull him down and remove him out of the way once, they might be at what terms they pleased with the Athenians, they sent them word, that they should expiate and drive out from among them that horrid crime (meaning the rebellion of Cylon) wherewith the kindred of Pericles on the Mother's side was tainted, as Thucydides hath told the story. But the business proved quite contrary to what those who sent this message expected. For instead of bringing Pericles under a suspicion 
It doth not succeed.  and a reproach, they brought him into a far greater credit and esteem with his Citizens, as a man whom their Enemies did most mightily hate and fear. Wherefore 
Pericles prevents suspicion of compliance.  also before that Archidamus, who was at the head of the Peloponnesians, made his incursion upon Attica, he told the Athenians aforehand, that if Archidamus, while he laid waste and made havoc of every thing else in the Country, should forbear and spare his Estate, he had there, either upon pretence of some friendship or right of hospitality, that was betwixt them, (as having been one another's Guests at some time or other) or out of purpose to give his enemies an occasion of traducing and speaking evil of him, that then he did freely bestow upon the State all that his Land and Houses in the Country to be employed in the public use and service.  
Well, the Lacedæmonians together with 
The Lacedæmonians come in with a great Army.  their allies come with a great Army and invade the Athenian Territories, under the conduct of King Archidamus; and laying waste the Country marched on as far as Acharnae, and there pitched their Camp; presuming that the Athenians would never endure that, but would come out and fight them for their Country's and their honour's sake. But 
Pericles is not for giving them battle.  Pericles looked upon it as a dangerous and dismal adventure, to engage in Battle, were it in defence of the City itself, against threescore thousand armed men of Peloponnesians and Boeotians, for so many they were in number, that made the inroad at first: and he endeavoured to appease those, who were desirous to fight and were grieved and discontented to see how things went, and gave them good words, saying, that Trees, when they are lopped and cut, grow up again in short time, but Men being once lost and spoiled cannot easily be recovered again.  
He did not convene the people into an 
He minds the public business without  Assembly, for fear lest they should force him from his own resolution or drive him 
consulting the public or taking notice of people's discontents.  beside his own purpose; but like a skilful Steersman or Pilot of a Ship, who, when a storm ariseth or a sudden gust of wind sets hard at Sea, having put all things on board to rights and fitted his tackle, he makes use of his art of Navigation, and minds the business of the Ship, taking no notice of the tears and entreaties of the Sea-sick and fearful passengers: so he having shut up the City-gates, and placed Guards at all Posts for security, made use of his own reasons and purposes, little regarding those that bawled out against him and were angry at his management. Although there were a great many of his Friends that lay hard at him, requesting him to do otherwise; and many of his Enemies, threatening and accusing him for doing as he did; and many made Ballads and Lampoons and Libels upon him, which were sung about Town to his disgrace, reproaching his Generalship for being cowardly and throwing up tamely or treacherously all their concerns into the Enemy's hands.  
And Cleon also, having got into credit 
Cleon a Ringleader of the Malcontents.  and favour with the people so as to set up for a Demagogue, and seeing how the Citizens were displeased with him, stuck close to him and gave him broad sides; as Hermippus hath made it appear in these Anapaests of his, a kind of Comic or Lyric Verses, 

King of Satyrs, Woman-haunter,  
In thy words of War a Vaunter;  
Why, as to action, dost thou saunter?   

Why wilt not carry Lance or Spear?  
Or heave up Pike? what makes thee fear,  
As if thou didst the Soul of Teles 
* A notorious Coward.  wear?   

Brave Cleon rasps thee to the Bone,  
As Morglay 's edge is sharpened with Stone;  
Whet, Whetstone, he cries; Courage. O Hone! O Hone!   However Pericles was not at all moved by any of these practices of theirs, but took all patiently, and in silence underwent the disgrace they threw upon him and the ill will they bore him. And sending out a 
Pericles sends out a Fleet to the Enemy's Country.  Fleet of a hundred Sail to Peloponnesus, he did not go along with it in person, but stayed behind, that he might look after home and keep the City in order, till the Peloponnesians should break up Camp and be gone. Yet to court and caress the common people, who were jaded and in disorder about the War, he relieved and refreshed them with 
He divides Moneys and Lands among the people.  distributions of public moneys, and made a Law for the division of Lands by lot and the plantation of Colonies. For having turned out all the people of Aegina, he parted the Island among the Athenians, according as their lot fell.  
And it was some comfort to them and 
The Enemy's sufferings equal to theirs.  ease in their miseries, even from what things their enemies endured. For they in the Fleet sailing round the Peloponnese, ravaged a great deal of the Country, and pillaged and plundered the Towns and smaller Cities. And by Land he himself went with an Army into the Megarian Country, and made havoc of it all. By which means it appears, that the Peloponnesians, though they did the Athenians a world of mischief by Land, yet suffering as much themselves from them by Sea, would not have drawn out the War to such a length, but would quickly have given it over, as Pericles at first foretold they would, had not some divine power crossed humane purposes.  
Now in the first place there was a pestilential 
A great Plague breaks out.  Disease or Murrain, that seized upon the City and ate up all the flower and prime of their youth and strength. Upon occasion of which Distemper, the people, being afflicted in their Souls as well as in their Bodies, were utterly enraged like Madmen against Pericles, and in the same nature as Patients being grown delirious in a high Fever use to behave themselves toward their Physician or be it their Father, were ready to fall foul upon him and do him a mischief. For it had been buzzed in their ears 
The cause of it imputed to Pericles.  by his enemies, as if he were in the fault, persuading them that the occasion of the Plague was the crowding of so many Country people together into Town; in that they were forced now in the Summer time in the heat of the weather to dwell a many of them together higgledy piggledy in pitiful little Tenements and sultry hovel, enough to stifle them; and to be tied to a lazy course of life within doors, when as before they lived in a pure, open and free air. The cause and author of all this, said they, is he, who upon the account of the War hath poured a multitude of people from the Country in upon us within the Walls, and puts so many men as he has here upon no employ or service, but keeps them penned up like cattle in a pound, and lets them be overrun with infection from one another, affording them neither shift of quarters nor any refreshment.  
He designing to remedy these things, 
He goes out with a great Fleet.  and withal to do the enemy some inconvenience, got a hundred and fifty sail of Ships ready and filled them with men, and having embarked a many stout Soldiers both Foot and Horse was about to weigh Anchor, giving great encouragement of hope to his Citizens and no less an alarm of fear to his Enemies, upon the sight of so great a force. And now the Vessels having their compliment of men, and Pericles being gone aboard the Admiral his own Galley, it happened that the Sun was in an 
An Eclipse of the Sun happens.  Eclipse and it grew dark on a sudden, to the extreme affrightment of them all, looking upon it as a dismal token and an unlucky illboding Omen. Wherefore Pericles perceiving 
His device to cure the Pilot of his fear.  the Pilot or Steersman seized with a great fear and at a stand what to do, he took his Cloak and put it before the man's Face, and muffling him up in it that he could not see, he asked him whether he did imagine there was any dreadful thing or great hurt in this that he had done to him, or whether he thought it was the sign of any hurt; he answering, No; Why? said he, and what does that there differ from this, only that that which hath caused that darkness there, is something greater than a Cloak? But these are things fit to be discoursed in the Schools of Philosophy.  
Well, Pericles, after he had put out to Sea, as he seems not to have done any other exploit befitting such an apparade and equipage; so when he had besieged the holy 
He besiegeth Epidaurus, but miscarries.  City Epidaurus, which gave him some hope as if it would or might be taken, he miscarried in his design by reason of the Sickness. For it did not only seize upon the Athenians and destroy them, but also without any difference any others that upon any occasion mixed with them or had aught to do in the Army it carried them off too for company.  
After this finding that the Athenians were 
He cajoles the people in vain.  very ill affected towards and highly displeased with him, he tried and endeavoured what he could to appease them by giving them good words and to reincourage their confidence in him. But he could not pacify or allay their anger, nor persuade them to any thing or prevail with them any way, till they freely passed their Votes upon him, and taking the staff into their own hands 
He is turned out of Office and fined.  they took away his command from him and fined him in a round sum of money; which by their account that say lest was fifteen Talents, and they which reckon most name fifty. Now he who was set down at his Trial to be his Accuser, was Cleon, as Idomeneus tells us; but Simmias, according to Theophrastus; and Heraclides Ponticus has named Lacratidas for the man.  
After this the public heats and affairs too might quickly come to a repose and be at quiet, the Commonalty having discharged 
His domestic misfortunes.  their spleen and passion upon him (as Wasps do their sting) together with the mortal wound they gave him. But his private domestic concerns were in a wretched untoward condition, he having lost not a few of his Friends and acquaintance in the plague time, and those of his Family having long since been in disorder and in a kind of mutiny against him. For the eldest of his lawfully 
His eldest Son's quarrel to him.  begotten Sons, Xanthippus by name, being both by nature given to expense, and marrying a young and costly Dame, the Daughter of Isander (who was the Son of Epilycus) was highly offended at his Father's niggardly thrift, making him but a scanty bare allowance, and giving it him by little and little at a time. Wherefore he sent to a Friend one day and borrowed some money of him, in his Father Pericles name, pretending it was by his order. But the man coming afterward to demand the debt, Pericles was so far from yielding to pay it, that he arrested the man and entered an action against him. Upon which the young man Xanthippus thought himself so heinously used and highly disobliged, that he openly reviled his Father.  
And first by way of droll and raillery 
He abuseth his Father with stories.  he ridiculed him by telling stories, what his carriages and conversations were at home, and what kind of discourses he had with the Sophisters and Scholars that came to his House. As for instance, how, Epitimius 
A Law case about the death of a Horse.  the Pharsalian (one who was a practiser of all the five Games of Skill) having with a Dart or Javelin unawares against his will struck and killed a Horse that stood in the way, his Father spent a whole day with Protagoras in a serious and learned dispute, whether the Javelin or the Man that threw it or the Masters of the Game, who appointed these Sports, were according to the strictest and best reason to be accounted the cause of this mischance or Horse-slaughter: whereas, and make the worst of it, it was but chance-medley. Further, beside this, Stesimbrotus tells us, that it was Xanthippus self, who spread abroad among the people that infamous story concerning his own Wife, how his Father should make him Cuckold: and that this untoward grudge of the young man's against his Father, and unnatural breach betwixt them, which was never to be healed or made up, continued with him till his very dying day. For Xanthippus died in the Plague-time of the Sickness.  
At which time Pericles also lost his Sister 
Pericles his loss of friends by death.  and the greatest part of his Kinsfolks and Friends, and those who had been most useful and serviceable to him in managing the affairs of State. However he did not shrink or give out upon these occasions, nor 
His unconcernedness.  did he betray or lower his high spirit and the greatness of his mind under all his misfortunes and those calamities which befell him. Nay, so unconcerned and so great a master of his passions he was or at least seemed to be, that he was never known to weep or to mourn and pay the Funeral Rites to any of his dead Friends, nor was so much as seen at the Burial of any of his Relations, till at last he lost the only Son which was left of those who were lawfully begotten, his Son Paralus. This touched 
His younger Son's death troubles him.  him home and made him bow and relent; and yet he strived what he could to maintain his principle of gravity and to preserve and keep up the greatness of his Soul: but all would not do; for when he came to perform the ceremony of putting a Garland or Chaplet of Flowers upon the Head of the Corpse, he was vanquished by his passion at the sight, so that he burst out a crying and poured forth abundance of tears, having never done any such thing in all the rest of his life before.  
After all, the City having made trial of 
He is invited again to the Government.  other Generals for the conduct of War and Orators for business of State, when they found there was no one who was of weight enough to counterbalance such a charge, or of authority sufficient to be trusted with so great a Command; then they hankerd after their old Friend and Servant Pericles, and solemnly invited him to the Tribunal or pleading place, and desired him to accept of the Office of General or Commander in chief again. He was then in a very pensive condition, and kept in at home, as a close Mourner; but was persuaded by Alcibiades and others of his Friends to come abroad and show himself to the people: who having upon his appearance made their acknowledgements and apologized for their ingratitude and untowardly usage of him, he undertook the public affairs once more, 
He undertakes it.  and being chosen Praetor or chief Governor, he brought in a Bill that the Statute concerning Bastard-issue, which he himself had formerly caused to be made, might be repealed: that so the name and race or offspring of his Family might not, for want of a lawful Heir to succeed, be wholly and utterly lost and extinguished.  
Now the business of that Statute or Law 
The Law of Bastardy.  stood thus. Pericles when long ago he flourished in the State and had (as hath been said) Children lawfully begotten, proposed a Law that those only should be reputed true Citizens of Athens, who were born of such Parents as were both Athenians. After 
An Instance of its inconvenience.  this the King of Egypt having sent to the Commons, by way of present, forty thousand Bushels of Wheat, which were to be distributed and shared out among the Citizens, there sprung up a great many Actions and Suits against Bastards, by virtue of that Edict, which till that time had not been known, nor taken notice of; and several persons besides were trepanned and ensnared by false accusations. There were little less than five thousand, who were caught in this State-trap, and having lost the freedom of the City were sold for Slaves; and those who enduring the test remained in the Government and past muster for right Athenians, were found upon the Poll to be fourteen thousand and forty persons in number.  
Now though it looked somewhat odd and strange, 
Pericles his proposal to repeal it.  that a Law, which had been carried on so far against so many people, should be broken and cancelled again by the same man that made it; yet the present calamity and distress, which Pericles laboured under as to his Family, broke through all objections and prevailed with the Athenians to pity him, as one who by those losses and misfortunes had sufficiently been punished for his former arrogance and haughtiness. And therefore being of opinion, that he had been shrewdly handled by divine vengeance of which he had run so severe a Gantlop, and that his request was such as became a man to ask and men to grant; they yielded that he should enrol his Bastard-son 
His Bastard Son legitimated.  in the register of his own Ward by his paternal name. This very Son of his afterward, when he had defeated the Peloponnesians in a Sea-fight near the Islands called Arginusae, was put to death by the people together with his fellow-Captains, his Colleagues in that Commission.  
About that time, when his Son was enrolled, 
Pericles is sick of the Plague.  it should seem, the Plague seized Pericles, not with sharp and violent fits, as it did others that had it, but with a dull and lingering Distemper, through various changes and alterations, leisurely by little and little wasting the strength of his Body, and undermining the noble faculties of his Soul. So that Theophrastus in his Morals, having made a moot-point, Whether men's Manners change with their Fortunes, and their Souls being jogged and disturbed by the ailings of their Bodies do start aside from the rules of Virtue; hath left it upon record, that Pericles, when he was sick, showed one of his Friends that came to visit him an Amulet or Charm, that the Women 
Wears an Amulet about his Neck.  had hung about his Neck; as much as to say, that he was very sick indeed, when he would admit of or endure such a foolery as that was.  
When he was drawing on and near his time, the best of the Citizens and those of his Friends, who were left alive, sitting about him, were discoursing of his Virtue 
As his Friends were discoursing of him,  and Authority, how great it was, and were reckoning up his famous Actions and Achievements and the number of his Victories; for there were no less than nine Trophies, which he as their chief Commander and Conqueror of their Enemies had set up for the honour of the City and State. These things they talked of together among themselves, as though he did not understand or mind what they said, but had been utterly bereft of his senses. But he had listened all 
He overhears them and makes a worthy Reply.  the while and given good heed to all the passages of their discourse, and speaking out among them said, that he wondered they should commend and take notice of those things in him, which were as much owing to Fortune as to any thing else, and had happened to many other Captains in former times as well as to him; and that at the same time they should not speak or make mention of that which was the most excellent and greatest thing of all. For, said he, there was never any of all my Fellow-Citizens that ever wore Black or put on Mourning upon my account or long of me: meaning that he had not in all his Government been the cause of any one's death, either by ordering or procuring it.  
A brave Man, a wonderful great Personage, 
An Encomium of him.  without all peradventure! not only upon the account of his gentle behaviour and mild temper, which all along in the many affairs of his life and those shrewd animosities which lay upon him he constantly kept up and maintained, but also of his generous great spirit and high sentiment, that he esteemed that to be the best of all his good qualities, that having been in such an absolute uncontrollable power, as he had had, he never had gratified his envy or his passion in any thing to any other man's hurt, nor ever had treated any enemy of his, as if he were incurable, that is, unreconcilable and one who in time might not become a friend. And to me it 
His good qualities made him deserve the title of Olympius.  appears that this one thing of him did make that otherwise childish and arrogant Title they gave him in Nicknaming him Olympius (that is, the Heavenly or Godlike) to be without envy and truly becoming him; I mean his kind and courteous carriage and a pure and untainted unblemished conversation in the height of power and place: According to those apprehensions and resentments we have of the Gods themselves in their kind; whom, upon this account that they are naturally the authors of all good things and are not the authors of any evil, we do think worthy to rule and govern the World.  
Not as the Poets rudely fancy, who confounding us with their foolish unmannerly 
The Poets mistake who ascribe passions to the Gods.  conceits and opinions, are taken tardy in their own Poems and fictious Stories, when they call the place indeed wherein they say the Gods make their abode, a secure and quiet seat, free from all hazards and commotions, not troubled with Winds, nor darkened with Clouds; but at all times alike shining round about with a soft serenity and a pure light, inasmuch as such a tempered station is most agreeable and suitable for a blessed and immortal nature to live in: and yet in the mean while do affirm that the Gods themselves are full of trouble and enmity and anger and other passions, which no way become or belong to even Men that have any understanding. But this will perhaps seem a subject fitter for some other consideration, and that ought to be treated of in some other place.  
Well! the success of public affairs after 
Pericles is missed after his death.  Pericles his death did beget a quick and speedy sense of his loss, and a want and desire of such a conduct as his had been. For those who, while he lived, ill resented his great authority, as that which eclipsed them and darkened their lights, presently after his quitting the Stage making trial of other Orators and Demagogues, did readily acknowledge that there never had been in nature such a disposition as his was, either more moderate and reasonable in the height of that state he took upon him, or more grave and solemn in the methods of that mildness which he used. And that invidious 
His seeming Arbitrariness excused and commended.  pretended arbitrary power, about which they made such a splutter and formerly gave it the name of Monarchy and Tyranny, did then appear to have been the chief rampart and bulwark of safety, which the Government and Commonwealth had. So great a corruption and murrain and such abundance of wicked ill humours had got into public affairs, which he by keeping them weak and low did cover and disguise from being much taken notice of, and by snubbing of them did hinder them from growing incurable through a licentious impunity.  
The End of Pericles 's Life.   

The Translator of Pericles 's Life his Advertisement to the Reader.  
OUR great Author having a peculiar Idiom of his own and a propriety of style by himself, in the use of such Words and Phrases, as are hardly to be met with in any other Greek Writer; it would require as much pains and take up as much paper to justify the Translation, as it did to make it. I shall only charge this vacant Page with two or three brief Notes of that nature.  
Caesar seeing belike— took occasion to ask.] In the Greek it is, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Where 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, standing in the middle as it doth, is referible to both Verbs: that he saw them as it happened, that is, belike; and that, as it was meet or apt for one to do, he asked them, that is, as I express it, he took occasion to ask.  
jolt-head.] 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Clot-head, in allusion to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 i. e. Cloud-gatherer, an Epithet given by Homer to Jupiter.  
Bitch-faced.] So properly 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 signifies. That which follows, and Born without a Maidenhead, alludes to a passage in Petronius Arbiter, where Quar●illa, I take it, speaking of herself saith thus; Junonem iratam habeam, si me unquam memini fuisse virginem: meaning, that she had been a Whore time out of mind, and could not herself remember that ever she was a Maid.   


FABIUS MAXIMUS.   portrait of Fabius Maximus  
THE LIFE OF FABIUS M.  Englished from the Greek, By John Caryl, Esq 
HAving related the memorable actions of Pericles, let us now proceed to the Life of Fabius. It is said, that the first of the name was a Son of Hercules, and of a Nymph, or some Woman of that Country, who brought him forth on the banks of Tiber, and that he was a Person famous and powerful in Rome: Others will have it, that they were first called Fodians, because the Race of them delighted in digging pitfalls for wild Beasts, and that in process of time, and by corruption of language, they grew to be called Fabians. But these things be they true or false, certain it is, that this Family hath for a long time yielded great store of eminent Persons; Our Fabius, who was fourth in descent from that Fabius Rutilianus, who first brought the honourable surname of Maximus into his Family, was also by way of nickname called Verrucosus from a Wart on his upper Lip, and in his Childhood they in like manner named him Ovicula, by reason of his extreme mildness of Nature. His slowness in speaking, his long labour and pains in learning, his little concern in the sports and divertisements of his equals, his easy submission to every body, as if he had no will of his own, made those who judged superficially of him (the number of which sort of Judges is always the greatest) esteem him insensible and stupid; And few were they, who could penetrate into the firmness of his Courage, and greatness of his Mind. But as soon as he came into Employments, his Virtues exerted and showed themselves; his reputed Dulness did then appear to be the steddiness, and intrepid bravery of his Soul; his slowness in words, and actions, to be the effect of a consummated Prudence, which always laid them by, till they were thoroughly ripe; and his easy compliance to the bent of others, to be a noble pride of his heart, thinking it beneath him to contend about trifles.  
Fabius, considering that the grandieur 
Fabius by generous purposes aspires to renown.  of Rome proceeded from Military Virtue, and was by the same means to be preserved, did therefore inure his Body to labour and exercise, wisely judging, that natural strength was the best Armour: He also trained himself in the Art of Speaking and Persuading; For words and discourses are the Engines, by which Minds are moved; And he attained to such a kind of Eloquence, that his manner of speaking, and of acting was perfectly the same; for although it had not much of Ornament, nor Artifice, yet there was in it great weight of Sense; it was strong and sententious; much after the way of Thucydides. We have yet extant his Funeral Oration upon the death of his Son, who died Consul, which he recited before the People.  
He was five times Consul, and in his first Consulship he had the honour of a Triumph for the Victory he gained upon the Ligurians, whom he defeated in a set Battle, and drove them to take shelter in the Alps, from whence they never after made any inroad, nor depredation upon their Neighbours. After this Hannibal came into Italy, who at his first entrance having gained a great Battle near the River Trebia, traversed 
Hannibal 's first prodigious march into Italy.  all Tuscany with his victorious Army, and desolating the Country round about, filled Rome itself with astonishment and terror. Besides unusual Thunder and Lightning then happening, the report of several illboding Portents did much increase this popular consternation. For it was said, that some Targets did sweat Blood; that at Antium, when they reaped their Corn, many of the Ears were filled with Blood; that it had reigned Fire; that the Phalerians had seen the Heaven's open and several Scrolls in form of Lots falling down, in one of which it was plainly writ, Now Mars himself does brandish his Arms. But these Prodigies had no effect upon the impetuous and fiery temper of the Consul Flaminius, whose natural promptness had been much heightened by his late Victory over the Gauls, though he fought them contrary to the order of the Senate and the advice of his Colleague: so that nothing would satisfy him but a Battle with Hannibal. Fabius on the other side thought it not seasonable to engage with the Enemy; not that he much regarded those talked of Prodigies, which he took to be either fictitious or casual; but in regard the Carthaginian Army was in a wasting condition, without a possibility of recruits, without Magazines, the Soldier unpaid; so that their only hope and safety was in a Battle: But if let alone, watched and observed, the neighbouring Garrisons in the mean time being well secured and the Roman Allies defended, their vigour would soon expire, like a Flame for want of Aliment. These weighty reasons prevailed not with Flaminius, who protested, he would 
Fabius 's deliberate advice ineffectual to move Flaminius.  never suffer that the Enemy should advance one step farther, and that he would not be reduced, like Camillus in former time, to fight for Rome within the Walls of Rome. Accordingly he ordered the Tribunes to draw out the Army into the Field; and as he would not be dissuaded by the reasons of his Colleague from this precipitous resolution, so neither was he deterred by an ill presaging accident which befell him at his setting forth; for he no sooner got on Horseback, but the Beast fell into so violent a fit of trembling and bounding that he cast his Rider headlong on the ground. This notwithstanding, away he marcheth up to Hannibal, who was posted near the Lake Trasimena in Tuscany. And it is to be observed, that during the engagement, there happened so great an Earthquake, that it destroyed several Towns, altered the course of Rivers, tore off the tops of Mountains, yet such was the eagerness of the Combatants, that they were sensible of no other concussion or agitation, but what themselves made.  
In this Battle Flaminius fell, having given 
He dies courageously.  many proofs of his strength and courage, and round about him lay all the bravest of the Army: In the whole fifteen thousand were killed, and as many made prisoners. Hannibal, desirous to bestow Funeral Honours upon the Body of Flaminius, made diligent search after it, but could never find what became of it. Though the loss was so considerable, yet there was no art used to dissemble it at Rome; as there had been, upon the former Engagement near Trebia; for then, neither the General who writ, nor the Express who told the news, related it otherwise than as a drawn Battle, with equal loss on either side: But now, as soon as Pomponius the Praetor had the intelligence, he caused the People to assemble, and without disguising the matter, told them plainly, We are beaten (O Romans) our Army is defeated, the Consul Flaminius is killed; think therefore, what is to be done for your safety. The same commotion, which a furious Wind doth cause in the Ocean, did these words of the Praetor raise in the minds of so vast a Multitude: But the rage of their grief being a little over, the danger at hand did at last awaken their judgements into a resolution to choose a dictator, who by the Sovereign authority of his Office, and by his personal capacity of wisdom and courage might be able to manage the public affairs, become almost desperate, and to sit at Helm in so great a Storm. Their choice unanimously fell upon 
Fabius by general consent chosen dictator.  Fabius, in whom was joined a venerable gravity of manners with a spirit not to be daunted with any difficulty or danger; whose Age was so far advanced as to give him Experience, without taking from him the vigour of Action; so that his Body could execute what his Soul designed; and in him was the happy mixture of Caution and Boldness. Fabius being thus installed in the Office of dictator, in the first place he gave the Command of the Horse to Lucius Minutius; and next he asked leave of the Senate for himself, that in time of Battle he might serve on Horseback, which by an ancient Law amongst the Romans was forbid to their Generals; whether it were, that placing their greatest strength in their Foot, they would have their Commanders in chief posted amongst them, or else to let them know, that how great soever their authority were, the People and Senate were still their Masters, of whom they must ask leave. But then again, to make the authority of his Charge more awful, and to render the People more submiss and obedient to him, he caused himself to be accompanied with four and twenty Lictours; and when the Consul came to visit him, he sent him word, that at his audience he should dismiss his Lictours with their Fasces (the ensigns of authority) and appear before him only as a private person.  
The first solemn action of his Dictature 
His zeal for the performance of religious duties.  was to order public Prayers to be made to the Gods, and to admonish the People, that their late overthrow did not befall them through want of courage in their Soldiers, but through the neglect of Divine Ceremonies in the General. He therefore exhorted them not to fear the Enemy, but by extraordinary honour to appease the Gods. This he did, not to fill their minds with superstition, but only to raise their courage, and lessen in them the fear of the Enemy, by making them believe, that Heaven was on their side. In order hereunto the Sibyline Books were consulted, in which they conceived, the secrets of destiny and future events were to be learned; but whoever looked into them, was under a tye of secrecy not to reveal what they found. After this he assembled the People, and made a Vow before them to offer in Sacrifice the whole product of the next Season all Italy over, of the Cows, Goats, Swine, Sheep, both in the Mountains and the Plains; and the more to solemnize this great Vow, he commanded the precise sum of 333 Sesterces, and 333 Pence, and one third of a Penny to be expended upon festival Games in honour of the Gods. What his mystery might be in that number is not easy to determine, unless it were in regard of the perfection of the number of three, as being the first of odd numbers, the first that contains in itself multiplication, with all the other properties belonging to any whatsoever Number besides.  
In this manner Fabius having raised the 
He prudently manages the War with Hannibal.  hearts of the People, by making them believe, that the Gods took their part, and by the same means having made them supple and pliant to his will, he, for his own part, placed his whole confidence in himself, believing that the Gods bestowed victory and good fortune only upon the valiant and the prudent. Thus prepared, he set forth to oppose Hannibal, not with intention to fight him, but to wait upon him, to straiten his Quarters, to cut off his Provisions, and by so doing to make his victorious Army molder away, and consume with penury and want. With this design he always encamped on the highest grounds, where their Horse could have no access to him. He still kept pace with them; when they marched he followed them; when they encamped he did the same, but at such a distance as not to be compelled to an Engagement, and always keeping upon the Hills, free from the insults of their Horse; by which means he gave them no rest, but kept them in a continual Alarm.  
But this his dilatory fencing way gave occasion both at Rome, and even in his own Camp, to suspect his want of Courage; and this opinion prevailed also in Hannibal's Army, who was himself the only man who was not deceived, and who clearly saw his own Ruin in his Enemy's Conduct. Wherefore he resolved with all the 
Hannibal politicly provokes the Romans to engage.  arts and subtleties of War to break his Measures, and to bring Fabius to an Engagement; like a cunning Wrestler, who watcheth every opportunity to get good hold and close with his Adversary. Sometimes he draws up his men to the very intrenchments of the Enemy, reproaching the Romans with their Cowardice, so to exasperate and incense them against their General; then again he makes a retreat to a good distance, that so he might draw them out to fall upon his Rear. At other times in sight of the Roman Camp he wastes and burns the Countries round, to increase the clamour of the People against Fabius. All this artifice though it had no effect upon the firmness and constancy of the dictator, yet upon the common Soldier, and even upon the General of the Horse himself it had too great an operation: For this Minutius, began to have a contempt of the General and his way of proceeding, which he misconstrued to be a timorous cunctation; so that in his harangues he humoured the Soldiery in their mad fondness of coming to a Battle, and in their scorn and reproaches which they cast upon Fabius, calling him the Pedagogue of Hannibal; since he did nothing else but follow him up and down, and look and wait upon him. At the same time they cried up Minutius for the only Captain, worthy to command the Romans, whose vanity and presumption did thereupon swell to that degree, that he insolently rallied Fabius' Incampments upon the Mountains, saying, that he lodged them there, as on a Theatre, to behold the flames and desolation of their Country. And in his vain fit he would sometimes ask the very Friends and Domestics of the General, Whether it were not his meaning by so leading them from Mountain to Mountain, to carry them at last (having no hopes on Earth) up into Heaven, and hide them in the Clouds from Hannibal's Army? When his Friends related these things to the dictator, persuading him that, to avoid the general obloquy, and the danger that might thereupon ensue, he would engage the Enemy; his answer was, I should be more faint-hearted than they make me, if through fear of idle reproaches, I should abandon my own reason. It is no inglorious thing to have fear for the safety of our Country. That man is not fit to rule others, who shall be startled and give ground upon the noise of rumours and calumnies; for in so doing he subjects himself and his government to the fancy of those whom he ought to command.  
But an oversight of Hannibal, at this time 
Through unskilfulness in the Language he commits a great error.  committed, did happily allay these distempers in the Roman Camp: For he, desirous to refresh his Horse in some good Pasture-grounds, drew off his Army, and ordered his Guides to conduct him to Casinum, they mistaking him, by reason of his ill-pronouncing the Latin Tongue, led him and his Army to the Town of Casilinum, near Campania, which the River Vulturnus divides in two: The Country about it is a Valley circled round with Mountains, which enlargeth itself towards the Sea, near which that River overflowing, causeth a great deal of Marish ground, and at last discharging itself into the Sea, makes a very unsafe Coast, without any Harbour. As soon as Hannibal was entered into this Valley, Fabius dispatched four thousand choice men to seize the entrance into it, and stop him up; and lodged the rest of his Army upon the neighbouring Hills in the most advantageous places; but at the same time he detacked a commanded Party of his lightest armed Men to fall upon Hannibal's Rear; which they did with such success, that they cut off eight hundred of them, and put the whole Army in disorder. Hannibal, finding the error and the danger he was fallen into, immediately caused the poor Guides to be hanged, which satisfied his revenge but did not lessen his danger: For his Enemies were so advantageously posted, that there was no hopes of breaking through them, and his Soldiers began to despair of ever coming out of those Straits.  
Thus reduced, Hannibal had recourse to 
His Stratagem to regain the Passes.  this Stratagem; he caused two thousand head of Oxen, which he had in his Camp, to have Torches and dry Bavens well fastened to their Horns, and lighting them in the beginning of the night, he ordered the Beasts to be fair and foftly drove on towards the passages out of the Valley; when this was done, he made his Army with great silence march after them. The Oxen at first kept a slow, orderly pace, and with their lighted Heads resembled an Army marching by night, frighting only the Shepherds and Herdsmen of the Hills about. But when the fire had burnt down the Horns of the Beasts to the quick, they no longer observed their sober pace, but unruly with their pain, they ran dispersed about, tossing their Heads, and scattering the fire round about them. This became a surprising spectacle to the Romans, especially to those, who guarded the Passages, who being at some distance from their main Body, and seeing the fire on the sudden dispersing itself on every side, as if the Enemy had designed to surround them, in great fright and amazement, quitted their Post, and precipitously retired to their Camp on the Hills. They were no sooner gone, but a light Body of Hannibal's men, according to his order, immediately seized the Passages, and soon after the whole Army, with all the Baggage, came up and safely marched through the Passes. Fabius, before the night was over, quickly found out the trick; for some of the Beasts with their flaming heads fell into the hands of his Men; but for fear of an Ambush in the dark, he kept his men all night to their Arms in the Camp: And as soon as it was day, he charged the Enemy in the Rear, where many fell, and by reason of the Straits, and unevenness of the Passages, the disorder had like to have been general over the whole Punic Army, but that Hannibal speedily detached from his Van a Body of Spaniards, who of themselves active and nimble, were accustomed to the climbing of Mountains; These briskly attacked the Roman Troops, who were in heavy Armour, and routing the foremost, gave such a check to Fabius, that he was no longer in condition of following the Enemy. This 
Fabius upon divers accounts evil spoken of.  action brought a strange obloquy and contempt upon the dictator; They said, it was now manifest, that he was not only inferior to his Adversary (what they always thought) in Courage, but even in Conduct.  
And Hannibal (maliciously) to improve their hatred against him, marched with his Army close to the Lands and Possessions of Fabius, and then giving order to his Soldiers to burn and destroy all the Country about, he forbade them upon pein of death to do the least damage in the Territories of the Roman General, and placed Guards for their security. These matters reported at Rome, had that effect with the People, which Hannibal desired. Their Tribunes raised a thousand stories against him, chiefly at the instigation of Metellus, who not so much out of hatred to him as out of friendship to Minutius, whose Kinsman he was, thought by depressing Fabius to raise his Friend. The Senate on their part was also offended with him, for the bargain he had made with Hannibal, about the exchange of Prisoners, of which the conditions were, that after the exchange made of Man for Man, if any on either side remained, they should be redeemed at the price of two hundred and fifty Drachms a Head; and upon the whole account there remained two hundred and forty Romans unexchanged. They not only refused to allow money for the Randsomes, but also reproached Fabius for making a Contract so contrary to the honour and interest of the Commonwealth, in redeeming those men at so dear a rate, who had cowardly suffered themselves to be taken by the Enemy. Fabius' heard and endured all this with invincible patience; but having no money by him, and on the other side being resolved to keep his word with Hannibal, he dispatched his Son to Rome, to sell Land, and to bring with him the price, sufficient to discharge the Randsomes; which was punctually performed by his Son, and accordingly the Prisoners were delivered to him; amongst whom many that were able, offered when they were released, to repay the money of their Randsome, but Fabius would not permit them to do it.  
About this time Fabius was called to Rome by the Priests, to assist (according to the duty of his Office) at some of their solemn Sacrifices; whereby he was forced to leave the command of the Army with Minutius; but before he parted, he charged him, and entreated him, in his absence, not to come to a Battle with Hannibal: His commands, his entreaties, and his advice 
Minutius in Fabius 's absence attacks the Carthaginians.  were lost upon Minutius; for his back was no sooner turned but the new General immediately sought all occasions to fight the Enemy. And notice being brought him, that Hannibal had sent out a great part of his Army to forage, he fell upon a considerable Party of them, doing great execution, and driving them to their very Camp, with no little terror to the rest, who apprehended their breaking in upon them: but in the mean time Hannibal had drawn his men up into a Body, and Minutius without any loss made his retreat. This success did much increase the boldness and presumption of Minutius, and filled the Soldier's minds with a contempt of the Enemy, and with a longing desire of a Battle. The news was suddenly spread about Rome, and then was Fabius heard to say those memorable words, That he dreaded nothing more, for the safety of Rome, than the success of Minutius. But the People were mad with joy, and Metellus, who was then their Tribune, made an Oration to them, in which he infinitely extolled the valour of Minutius, and fell bitterly upon Fabius, accusing him not only for want of Courage, but even of Loyalty; and not only him, but also many others of the most eminent and considerable persons in Rome; that by their means the Carthaginians had brought the War into Italy, designing thereby to oppress and destroy the Liberty of the People; for which end they had put the supreme Authority into the hands of a single person, who by his slowness and delays might give leisure to Hannibal to establish himself in Italy, and those of Carthage time and opportunity to supply him with fresh succours in order to a total Conquest. At this, Fabius stepped forth, but disdained to make any reply to his accusations; he only said, That they should expedite the Sacrifices, that so he might speedily return to the Army, to punish Minutius, who had presumed to fight contrary to his orders. He had no sooner pronounced these words, but the People were immediately possessed with the belief, that Minutius stood in danger of his life: For it was in the power of the dictator to imprison, and to put to death; and they feared, that Fabius, though of a mild temper to outward appearance, would be as hard to be appeased when irritated, as he was slow to be provoked. And yet no 
Fabius' opposed by the Tribune Metellus.  body dared to contradict the orders of the dictator, but Metellus, whose Office of Tribune gave him security and liberty to say what he pleased; for in the time of a Dictature that Magistrate only conserveses his Authority. He therefore boldly applied himself to the People, in the behalf of Minutius, that they should not suffer him to be made a sacrifice to the enmity of Fabius, nor permit him to be destroyed, like the Son of Manlius Torquatus, who was beheaded by his Father for a Battle fought and won against order: Then he exhorted them to take away from Fabius that absolute power of a dictator, and to put it into more worthy hands, which might better manage it for their safety and public good. These impressions very much prevailed upon the People, though not so far, as wholly to dispossess Fabius of the Dictature: But they decreed, that Minutius should have an equal authority with the dictator in the Army; which was a thing then without Precedent, though, not long after, it was also practised upon the overthrow at Cans, when, the dictator Marcus Junius being with the Army, they chose at Rome Fabius Buteo dictator, that he might create new Senators, to supply the places of those who were killed, which could be performed by no other Magistrate. But as soon as, being entered into the Senate, he had filled those vacant places with a sufficient number, he immediately dismissed his Lictors with their Fasces and all his Attendance, and mingling himself like a common person with the rest of the People, he quietly went about his own affairs. The Enemies of Fabius thought they had sufficiently affronted and dejected him, by raising Minutius to be his equal in authority; but they mistook the temper of the man, who looked upon their madness as more injurious to the Commonwealth than to himself; in imitation of Diogenes, who being told, that some persons derided him, made answer, But I am not derided, meaning in a Philosophical sense, that a good and a wise Man was not capable of being affronted, or disgraced, because such injuries made no impression upon him. Thus Fabius, with great lenity and unconcernedness, submitted to this mad Vote of the People; but, lest the rashness of Minutius should be thereby enabled to run headlong upon some dangerous enterprise, with all privacy and speed he returned back to the Army; where he found Minutius so big and elevated with his new dignity, that a joint-authority not contenting him, he required by turns to have the Command of the Army, every other day. This Fabius rejected, as of too 
He divides the Army with Minutius.  dangerous consequence, but was contented (to comply with his imperious humour) that the Army should be divided, and each General should command his part. The first and fourth Legion he took for his own division, the second and third he delivered to Minutius; so also of the Auxiliary Forces each had an equal share.  
Minutius thus exalted, could not contain himself from boasting, even in the presence of Fabius, that now he had humbled the mighty man, who so lately trampled on their Lives and Fortunes: To whom the dictator mildly replied, Minutius, you mistake your Enemy; 'tis Hannibal, and not Fabius whom you are to combat; but if you must needs contend with your Colleague, let it be in diligence and care for the preservation of Rome; that it may not be said, a man so favoured by the People, served them worse than he who had been ill treated and disgraced by them.  
Our young General despising these admonitions, as the dotage of supercilious Age, immediately removed with the body of his Army, and encamped by himself. Hannibal, who was not ignorant of all these passages, lay watching his advantage from them; It happened, that between his Army and that of Minutius there was a certain eminence which seemed a very advantageous Post to incamp upon, it had the prospect of a large Plain about it, and the Fields appeared to be all level and even; and yet there were a great many Ditches and hollownesses in them, not discernible to the eye at a distance. Hannibal had he pleased, could easily have possessed himself of this ground; but he reserved it for a bait or train, in a proper season, to draw the Romans to an Engagement. Now that Minutius and Fabius were divided, he thought 
The dangerous consequence of Minutius 's rash separating from Fabius.  the opportunity fair for his purpose; and therefore, having in the nighttime lodged a convenient number of his men in those Ditches and hollow places, early in the morning he sent forth a small detachment, who in the sight of Minutius possessed themselves of that rising ground. According to his expectation, Minutius swallowed the bait, and first sends out a Party of Dragoons, and after them some Horse, to dislodge the Enemy. And at last, when he saw Hannibal in person advancing to the assistance of his men, he marched with his whole Army drawn up, resolving to make himself Master of that Post. The combat for some time was equal between the foremost Troops; but as soon as Hannibal perceived, that the whole Army of the Romans was now sufficiently advanced within the toils he had set for them, so that their Backs and Flanks were open to his men, whom he had posted in those low places; he instantly gave the signal, whereupon they rushed forth, and furiously attacked Minutius in the Rear. The surprise and the slaughter was so great, that it struck an universal terror through the whole Army. The bravest amongst them, and Minutius himself were in such astonishment, that they were as uncapable of giving orders as the Soldiery of obeying them. Those who sought to save themselves by flight, were intercepted and cut in pieces by the Numidian Horsemen, who for that purpose had dispersed themselves about the adjacent Plains.  
Fabius was not ignorant of this danger of his Countrymen; He well foresaw what would happen from the rashness of Minutius, and the cunning of Hannibal; for which reason he kept his Men to their Arms, in a readiness to wait the event; nor would he trust to the reports of others, but he himself upon an eminence in his Camp, viewed all that passed. When therefore he saw the Army of Minutius encompassed by the Enemy, and that by their countenance and shifting their ground, they were more disposed to flight than to resist; with a great sigh, striking his hand upon his Thigh, he said to those about him, O Hercules! how much sooner than I expected, and yet how much later than he would have done, hath Minutius destroyed himself! He then commanded the Ensigns to march, and the Army to follow him, telling them; we must make haste to rescue Minutius, who is a valiant man, and a lover of his Country; and if he hath been too forward to engage the Enemy, at another time we will tell him of it. Thus in the head of his men Fabius marched 
Fabius' succours Minutius.  up to the Enemy; and in the first place he cleared the Plains of those Numidians, and next he fell upon those who were charging the Romans in the Rear, running down all that made opposition, and obliging the rest to save themselves by a hasty retreat, lest themselves should be environed as the Romans had been. Hannibal seeing so sudden a change of affairs, and the great execution done by Fabius beyond the force of his age, opening his way through the Ranks that he might join Minutius, warily commanded a Retreat, and drew off his men into their Camp: The Romans on their part were no less contented to retire in safety. It is reported that upon this occasion Hannibal said to his Friends; Did not I tell you, that this Cloud which always hovered upon the Mountains, would at some time or other come down with a Storm upon us? Fabius, after his men had picked up the Spoils of the Field, retired to his own Camp, without saying any harsh or reproachful thing to his Colleague; who also on his part gathering his Army together, in this manner delivered himself to them. Never to commit a fault is above the force of humane Nature; but to learn and improve by the faults we have committed, is that which becomes a good and a prudent man. Some reasons I may have to accuse Fortune, but I have many more to thank her; for in a few hours she hath cured a long mistake, and taught me, that I am not the man who should command others, but have need of another to command me; and that we are not to contend for a victory over those to whom it is our advantage to yield. Therefore for the future the dictator must be your Commander; but in gratitude towards him I will still be your Leader, and always be the first to obey his orders. Having said this, he commanded 
Minutius sensible of his error submits to Fabius.  the Roman Eagles to march forward, and all his men to follow him in their orders into the Camp of Fabius. The Fabians stood amazed at the novelty of the sight, and were anxious and doubtful what the meaning might be. When he came near the Dictatour's Tent, Fabius went forth to meet him, and he presently laid his Colours at his Feet, calling him with a loud voice his Father, and the Army commanded by him, the Patrons of his Liberty; and after several civilities and congratulations, he thus addressed himself to the dictator; You have this day (Fabius) obtained a double Victory; one by your Valour and Conduct upon your Enemies, and another by your Humanity and Compassion upon your Colleque: you have at once preserved us and instructed us; and when we were shamefully beaten by Hannibal you restored us to our honour and our safety; and instead of him, Fabius more honourably is now our Victor. Wherefore I can call you by no other name but that of a Father, since you have not only at this present given life to me, but (as a common Parent) to all these who are under me. After this, he threw himself with great tenderness and submission into the Arms of the dictator; and in the same manner the Soldiers of each Army embraced one another with an excess of gladness and tears of joy.  
Not long after, Fabius laid down the Dictature, and new Consuls were created. Those, who immediately succeeded, observed the same method in managing the War, and avoided all occasions of fight Hannibal in a pitched Battle; they only succoured their Allies and preserved the Towns from falling off to the Enemy. But 
The indiscreet behaviour of Terentius Varro the Consul.  afterwards, when Terentius Varro (a man of obscure Birth, but very popular and bold) had obtained the Consulship, he soon made it appear, that by his rashness and ignorance, he would expose the Commonwealth to the last hazard: For it was his custom, to declaim in all Assemblies, that as long as the Counsels of Fabius prevailed in Rome, there never would be an end of the War; and he made his brags, that when ever he should get sight of the Enemy, he would free Italy from the Arms of Strangers. With these promises he so prevailed with the credulous multitude, that he raised a greater Army than had ever yet been sent out of Rome. There were listed fourscore thousand fight men; but that which gave confidence to the populace, did at the same time very much terrify and deject the wife and experienced, and none more than Fabius; For if so great a Body, and the flower of the Roman Youth should be cut off, they could not see any resource for the safety of Rome. Wherefore they addressed themselves to the other Consul, Paulus Aemilius, a man of great experience in War, but hated by the common People; who formerly upon some displeasure had set a Mulct upon him. This other Consul they encourage to withstand the temerity of his Colleague, telling him, if he will profitably serve his Country, he must no less oppose Varro than Hannibal, since both conspired to decide the fate of Rome by a Battle. It is more 
Fabius 's weighty instructions to Paulus Aemilius.  reasonable (said Fabius to him) that you should believe me than Varro in matters relating to Hannibal, when I tell you, that if for this year you abstain from fight with him, either his Army will of itself moulder away and be destroyed, or else he will be glad to depart and free Italy from those troublesome Guests. This evidently appears, inasmuch, that, notwithstanding his Victories, none of the Countries or Towns of Italy come in to him, and that now his Army is not the third part of what it was at first. To this Paulus Aemilius is said to have replied, Did I only consider myself, I should rather choose to be exposed to the Weapons of Hannibal than to the Suffrages of my fellow Citizens, whose rancour I am sure to increase against me if I avoid engaging the Enemy; yet since the life of Rome is at stake, I will rather in my conduct please and obey Fabius than all the world besides. But these good measures were broken by the ambitious importunity of Varro; for when they were both come to the Army, nothing would consent this Favourite of the People but a separate Command, that each Consul should have his day; and when his turn came, he posted his Army close to Hannibal, at a Village called Cannae, 
Varro 's fatal engagement with the Carthaginians at Cannae.  by the River Aufidius. It was no sooner day, but he set up the red Flagg over his Tent, which was the signal of Battle. This boldness of the Consul, and the numerousness of his Army (double to theirs) startled the Carthaginians; but Hannibal commanded them to their Arms, and with a small train he went forth to take a full prospect of the Enemy, upon a rising ground not far distant. One of his followers, called Gisco (a Nobleman of Carthage) told him, that the number of the Enemy was very astonishing; to whom Hannibal replied, with a serious countenance; There is something yet more astonishing, which you take no notice of; that in all that Army there is not one man whose name is Gisco. This jest of their General made all the company laugh, and as they returned to the Camp, they told it to those whom they met, which caused a general laughter amongst them all. The Army, seeing Hannibal's attendants come back from viewing the Enemy in such a laughing condition, did verily believe, that from the good posture of their affairs, and from the contempt of the Enemy this laughter had proceeded; which did not a little serve to raise the drooping spirits of the Soldiers. According to his usual manner, Hannibal failed not by his Stratagems to advantage himself. In the first place, he so drew up his men, that the wind was on their backs, which was at that time very violent; and by reason of the great plains of sand, carried before it a great cloud of dust, which striking upon the faces of the Romans, did very much disable them in the fight. In the next place, all his best men he put into his Wings; and in the Body, which was somewhat more advanced than the Wings, he placed the worst and the weakest of his Army. Then he commanded those in the Wings, that when the Enemy had made a thorough charge upon that middle advanced Body, which he knew would recoil, as not being able to stand their shock; and that, when the Romans, in their pursuit, should be far enough engaged within the two Wings, they should, both on the right and the left, charge them in the Flank, and endeavour to encompass them. This design had all the success imaginable; for the Romans pressing upon Hannibal's Front, which gave ground, reduced the form of his Army into a perfect half Moon; and blinded with the dust, they followed on so far, that they gave room for the Enemy's Wings to join behind them, and so to enclose and charge them both Flanks and Rear; which they did with an incredible slaughter of the Romans: To whose Calamity, it is also said, that a casual mistake did very much contribute; For the Horse of Aemilius receiving a hurt, 
Aemilius the Consul dismounted.  and throwing his Master, those about him immediately alighted to aid the Consul; the Roman Troops seeing their Commanders thus quitting their Horses, took it for a sign that they should all dismount and charge the Enemy on foot. At the sight of this, Hannibal was heard to say, This pleaseth me better than if they had been delivered to me bound hand and foot. For the particulars of this Engagement, we refer our Reader to those Authors who have writ at large upon the Subject.  
The Consul Varro with a thin company fled to Venutia; and Paulus Aemilius, unable any longer to oppose the flight of his men, or the pursuit of the Enemy, his Body all covered with wounds, and his Soul no less wounded with grief, sat himself down upon a Stone, expecting the kindness of a dispatching blow. His Face was so disfigured, and all his Armour so stained with Blood, that his very Friends and Domestics passing by knew him not. At last Cornelius Lentulus, of a Patrician Race, perceiving who he was, alighted from his Horse, and tendering it to him, desired him to get up, and save a life so necessary to the safety of the Commonwealth, which at this time would dearly want so great a Captain. But nothing could prevail upon him to accept of the offer; with tears in his eyes he obliged young Lentulus to remount his Horse; then standing up, he gave him his hand, and commanded him to tell Fabius Maximus, that Paulus Aemilius had followed his directions to his very last, and had not in the least deviated from those measures which were agreed between them; but that it was his hard fate, to be overpowered by Varro in the first place, and secondly by Hannibal. Having dispatched Lentulus with this Commission, he marked where the slaughter was greatest, and there threw 
He dies valiantly.  himself upon the Swords of the Enemy. In this Battle it is reported, that fifty thousand Romans were slain, four thousand Prisoners taken in the Field, and ten thousand in the Camp of both Consuls.  
The Friends of Hannibal earnestly persuaded him to follow his Victory, and pursue the flying Romans into the very Gates of Rome; assuring him, that in five days march he might sup in the Capitol: Nor is it easy to imagine, what hindered him from it. I am apt to believe, that the excess of his good fortune, or some Tutelary God of the Romans blinded his reason, and made him loiter away his time; which made Barcas, a Carthaginian, tell him with indignation; You know, Hannibal, how to get a Victory but not how to use it. Yet, though he failed in making the best advantage of so mighty a Victory, however it produced a strange turn and improvement in his affairs; For he, who hitherto had not one Town, nor a Seaport in his possession, who had nothing for the subsistence of his men but what he pillaged from day to day; who had no place of Retreat, nor any reasonable hopes to make the War continue, nor his Army to hold together, now became Master of the best Provinces and Towns of Italy, and of Capua itself (next to Rome 
Capua revolts to Hannibal.  the most flourishing and opulent City) all which came over to him, and submitted to his Authority.  
It is the saying of Euripides, that a man is in no good condition when he is obliged to try a Friend, nor a State when it stands in need of an able General. And so it was with the Romans; who (before the Battle) branded the counsels and actions of Fabius with the infamous note of cowardice and fear, but now in the other extreme, they admire and adore his prudence, as something divine, that could see so far, and foretell what would happen so contrary to, and so much above the judgement of all others. In him therefore they place their only hope; his wisdom is the sacred Anchor, which fixed them in so great a fluctuation, and his Counsels alone preserve them from dispersing, and deserting their City; as in the time when the Gauls took possession of Rome. He, whom they esteemed fearful 
Fabius of an even temper in the greatest consternation.  and pusillanimous, when they were (as they thought) in a prosperous condition, is now the only man in this general dejection, who shows no fear, but walking the Streets with an assured and serene countenance, comforts the afflicted, invigorates the weak, and encourageth all to a brave and resolute defence of their Country. He caused the Senate to meet, he heartened the Magistrates, and was as the Soul of their Body giving them life and motion; He placed Guards at the Gates of the City, to stop the frighted Rabble from flying; He regulated and confined their Mournings for their slain Friends, both as to time and place; That each Family within its own Walls, and not in Public, should perform such Obsequies; and that the ceremony of them should continue only the space of one Month, and then the whole City should be lustrated and purified. The Feast of Ceres happening to fall within this time, it was decreed, that the Solemnity should be intermitted; lest the fewness and the sorrowful countenance of those who should celebrate it, might too much expose to the People the greatness of their loss; Besides, the worship most acceptable to the Gods, is that which comes from cheerful hearts; But those Rites which were proper and peculiar for appeasing their anger, and procuring auspicious signs and presages, were by the direction of the Augurs carefully performed. Also Fabius Pictor (a near Kinsman to Maximus) was sent to consult the Oracle of Delphos; and about the same time, two Vestals having been detected to have been violated, the one killed herself, and the other according to custom was buried alive.  
But now let us admire the moderation 
An Instance of a generous disposition in the Romans.  and generosity of this Roman Commonwealth; that when the Consul Varro came beaten and flying home, full of infamy and shame, after he had so foully and calamitously managed their affairs, yet the whole Senate and People went forth to meet him at the Gates of the City, and received him with all the honour and respect due to their Consul: And silence being commanded, the Magistrates and chief of the Senate, and principally Fabius, commended him before the People, for that he did not despair of the safety of the Commonwealth after so great a loss, but was come to take the Government into his hands, to execute the Laws, and comfort his fellow-Citizens, by this means not yet abandoned and forlorn.  
When word was brought to Rome that Hannibal, after the Fight, had marched with his Army into the remoter parts of Italy, the hearts of the Romans began to recover again their ancient vigour and resolution; they sent forth an Army under the command of Fabius Maximus, and Claudius 
Marcellus chosen joint-Commander with Fabius.  Marcellus; both great Generals, equal in Fame, but very unlike and opposite in their ways. For Marcellus, as we have formerly set forth in his Life, was a man of action, bold, vigorous and enterprising, and (as Homer describes his Warriors) fierce, and delighting in fights. So that having to do with Hannibal, a man of his own temper, they never failed upon all occasions to come to an Engagement. But Fabius adhered to his former principles, still persuaded, that by following close and not fight him, Hannibal and his Army would at last be tired out and consumed; like an able Wrestler, who with too much exercise and toil grows languid and weak. Wherefore Possidonius tells us, that the Romans called Marcellus their Sword and Fabius their Buckler; and that the vigour of the one mixed with the steadiness of the other, made a happy Compound, very salutiferous to Rome. So that Hannibal found by experience that encountering the one, he met with a rapid impetuous River, which drove him back and still made some breach upon him; and by the other, though silently and quietly passing by him, he was insensibly washed away and consumed: at last he was brought to this, that he dreaded Marcellus when he was in motion, and Fabius when he sat still. During the whole course of this War, he had still to do with one or both of these Generals; for each of them had been five times Consul; and either as Praetor, or Proconsul, or Consul, they had always a part in the government of the Army; till at last Marcellus fell into the trap 
He is circumvented and slain by Hannibal.  which Hannibal had laid for him, and was killed in his fifth Consulship. But his craft and subtlety was unsuccessful upon Fabius, who only once was in some danger of being caught; For he had sent counterfeit Letters to him from the principal Inhabitants of Metapont, wherein they engaged to deliver up their Town if he would come before it with his Army: This train had almost drawn him in, for he had resolved to march to them with part of his Army, but was diverted only by consulting the flight of the Birds, which he found to be inauspicious: And not long after he came to understand that those Letters had been forged by Hannibal, who for his reception had laid an Ambush to entertain him. This perhaps we must rather attribute to the favour of the Gods than to the prudence of Fabius.  
But in preserving the Towns and his Allies 
The winning behaviour of Fabius towards his fickle Allies.  from revolting, with fair and gentle usage, and in not using rigour, or showing a suspicion upon every light suggestion, his conduct was very singular. It is reported of him, that being informed of a certain Marsian (an eminent Man for his courage and quality) who had dealt underhand with some of the Soldiers to make them desert, Fabius was so far from using severity against him, that he called for him, and told him, he was sensible of the wrong which had been done him, and that his merit and good service had been neglected, which he said was a great fault in the Commanders, who reward more by favour than by desert; Therefore, when ever you are aggrieved (said Fabius) I shall take it ill at your hands, if you apply yourself to any but to me; when he had so spoken, he bestowed an excellent Horse and other good gifts upon him: And from that time forwards, there was not a faithfuller and more trusty man in the whole Army than this Marsian. With good reason our General did judge, that if those who have the government of Horses and Beasts, endeavour by gentle usage to make them tractable and fit for service, rather than by cruelty and beating; much more those who have the command of Men, should bring them to order and discipline by the mildest and fairest means; not treating them worse than Gardiner's those wild Plants, which by careful looking to and good usage, lose the savageness of their nature, and bear excellent fruit.  
At another time, some of his Officers 
A pleasant fetch of his to reduce a common Soldier.  informed him, that one of their Men did very often depart from his Colours, and lie out at nights; he asked them what kind of man he was; they all answered, that the whole Army had not a better man; that he was a native of Lucania; and so they fell relating several actions which they had seen him perform. Immediately Fabius made a strict inquiry to find what it was that led him so often out of the Camp: and at last he discovered, that his frequent excursions were to visit a young Woman, with whom he was in love. Hereupon he gave private order to some of his men, to find out the Woman and secretly to convey her into his own Tent; and then sent for the Lucanian, and calling him aside, told him, that he very well knew how often he had lain at nights out of the Camp, which was a Capital transgression against military Discipline and the Roman Laws; but he knew also how brave he was, and the good services he had done, and therefore in consideration of them he was willing to forgive him his fault; But to keep him in good order, he was resolved to place one over him, to be his keeper, who should be accountable for his good behaviour; having said this, he produced the Woman, and told the Soldier, (terrified and amazed at the adventure) This is the person who must answer for you; and by your future behaviour we shall see whether your night rambles were upon the account of love, or upon any other worse design.  
Another passage there was, something of 
His Policy in regaining Tarentum.  this nature, which also fell under the management of Fabius, and proved highly advantageous to the Roman affairs, whereby he gained Tarentum. There was a young Tarentine in the Army, that had a Sister in Tarentum (then in possession of the Enemy) who entirely loved her Brother and wholly depended of him; He being informed, that a certain Brutian, whom Hannibal had made Governor of that Garrison, was deeply in love with his Sister, conceived hopes, that he might possibly turn it to account in behalf of the Romans. And having first communicated his design with Fabius, he left the Army as a Deserter (in show) and went over to Tarentum. At his first coming, the Brutian abstained from visiting the Sister; for neither of them knew that the Brother had notice of the Amour between them: whereupon the young Tarentine took an occasion to tell his Sister, how he had heard, that a man of quality and great authority had made his addresses to her; Therefore he desired her to tell him who it was; for (said he) if he be a man that has bravery and reputation, it matters not what Countryman he is; since at this time the Sword mingles all Nations and makes them equal; and an alliance with such a person, in this Reign of Mars, is both honourable and profitable. Hereupon the Woman sends for her Gallant, and makes the Brother and him great Friends: and whereas she henceforth showed more countenance to her Lover than formerly, by the same degrees that her kindness increased did his friendship also with the Brother advance. So that at last our Tarentine thought this Brutian Officer well enough prepared to receive the offers he had to make him; and that it would be easy for a Mercenary Man, who was in love, to accept (upon the terms proposed) of great Sums promised by Fabius, and of a Mistress whom he passionately loved. In conclusion the bargain was struck, and the promise made of delivering the Town. This is the common tradition, though some relate this story otherwise, and say, that this Woman, by whom the Brutian was inveigled to betray the Town, was not a native of Tarentum but a Brutian born, and that she had been kept by Fabius as his Concubine; and being a Countrywoman and an acquaintance of the Brutian Governor, he privately sent her to him to corrupt him.  
Whilst these matters were thus brewing, to draw off Hannibal from scenting the design, Fabius sends orders to the Garrison in Rhegium, that they should waste and spoil the Brutian Country, and should also lay siege to Caulonia, and storm the place with all possible vigour; These were a Body of eight thousand men, the worst of the Roman Army, who had most of them been runaway, and had been branded by Marcellus with the ignominious note of Cowardice; so that the loss of them would not be great, nor much lamented by the Romans. Fabius therefore threw out these men as a bait 
Hannibal diverted by a subtlety of Fabius.  for Hannibal, to divert him from Tarentum; who instantly bit at it, and led his forces to Caulonia; and in the mean time Fabius lay down before Tarentum. The sixth day of the Siege, his young Tarentine slips by night out of the Town, and having well observed the place where the Brutian Commander, according to agreement was to let in the Romans, he gives an account of the whole matter, as they had laid it to Fabius; who thought it not safe to rely wholly upon the information given him, and the bargain which was made, but went himself with great privacy to take a view of the Post and the avenue; and then gave order for a general assault to be made on the other side of the Town, both by Land and Sea. This being accordingly executed, when the Tarentines, and most of the Garrison ran to defend the Town on that side where the attack was made, Fabius with the men reserved for that purpose scales the Walls at the place designed, and enters the Town without opposition.  
Here we must confess, that the Ambition 
The inhuman cruelty of Fabius at the sacking of Tarentum.  of Fabius was both cruel and unfaithful; For to make it appear to the world, that he had taken Tarentum by force and his own prowess, and not by treachery, he commanded his men to do execution upon all the Brutians, and not to spare a man of them; many of the Tarentines were also killed, and thirty thousand of them were sold for Slaves. The Army had the plunder of the Town, and there was brought into the Treasury three thousand Talents: whilst they were thus ordering and distributing the Spoils, the Officer who took the Inventory, asked what should be done with their Gods, meaning the Statues and Images in the Temples; to whom Fabius answered, Let us leave their angry Gods to the Tarentines. And yet one Statue of Hercules, which was of extraordinary bigness, he caused to be set up in the Capitol, next to his own in Brass, which stood there on Horseback. The severe and sanguinary proceeding on this occasion, as it reflects on the memory of Fabius, so also it did very much set off in the eyes of the world the clemency and humanity of Marcellus, as in his Life we have already shown.  
When Hannibal had the news brought 
Hannibal in vain attempts to relieve it.  him that Tarentum was besieged, he marched with great diligence to relieve it; and being come within five miles, he was informed that the Town was taken; which made him say, that Rome had also got a Hannibal, and by the same Art Tarentum was lost, by which he formerly had gained it: And being in private with some of his Confidents, he plainly told them, that he always thought it difficult, but now he held it impossible with the Forces he then had to master Italy.  
Upon this success, Fabius had a Triumph decreed him at Rome, much more splendid than the former; for they looked upon him now as a Champion who had clearly worsted his Antagonist, and been too hard for him in his own way and at his own Weapon: And indeed the Army of Hannibal was at this time partly worn away with continual action, and partly become soft and dissolute with great opulency and luxury. When the Senate had before them the business of this Triumph, Marcus Livius (who was Governor of Tarentum when it was betrayed to Hannibal, and then retired into the Castle, which he kept till the Town was retaken) openly declared, that by his resistance more than by any action of Fabius, Tarentum had been recovered; to whom Fabius, laughing at his envy and ambition, replied; You say very true, for if Marcus 
Fabius 's jocular reply to Marcus Livius.  Livius had not lost Tarentum, Fabius Maximus had never recovered it. The People of Rome thought no honour too great for him; they gave his Son the Consulship of the next year; who when he was entered upon his Office, there being some business then on foot about provisions for the War, his Father, either by reason of Age and infirmity, or perhaps out of design to try his Son, came up to him on Horseback. Whereupon the young Consul presently bid one of his Lictors command his Father to alight, and tell him that if he had any business with the Consul he should come on foot. This infinitely pleased the old man, and although the standers by seemed offended at the imperiousness of the Son towards a Father, so venerable for his age and his authority, yet he instantly lighted from his 
The transcendent dignity of a Magistrate.  Horse, and with open arms and great speed, came up and embraced his Son, telling him, Now thou art my Son indeed, since thou dost understand thyself in the Authority thou hast received, and knowest whom thou art to command. This was the way by which we and our forefathers have advanced the dignity of the Commonwealth, in preferring that to our own Fathers and Children.  
And indeed it is reported, that the great Grandfather of our Fabius, who was undoubtedly the greatest man of Rome in his time, both in Reputation and Authority, who had been five times Consul, and had been honoured with several Triumphs for as many Victories obtained by him, took pleasure in serving (as Legate) under his own Son, when he went Consul into his Province: And when afterwards his Son had a Triumph bestowed upon him for his good service, the old man followed on Horseback his triumphant Chariot, as one of his Attendants; and made it his glory to be the greatest man in Rome, and to have such a Son, and yet to be subject to the Law and the Magistrate.  
But the praises of our Fabius are not bounded here; his manly courage in bearing his losses, more eminently showed the greatness of his Soul than his prosperous successes. For losing this Son of his in the flower of his age, and in the height of his promotion, with wonderful moderation he did the part of a pious Father and of a Hero, whom nothing could daunt. For as it was the custom amongst the Romans, upon the death of any illustrious person, to have a Funeral Oration recited by some of the nearest Relations, he himself took upon him that office, and delivered himself upon the subject to the great satisfaction and applause both of Senate and People.  
After Publius Cornelius Scipio, who was sent Proconsul into Spain, had driven the Carthaginians (defeated by him in many Battles) out of that Province, and had reduced several Towns and Nations under the obedience of Rome, he was received at his coming home with a general joy and acclamation of the People; who to show their gratitude and high esteem of him, designed him Consul for the year ensuing. Knowing what high expectation they had of him, he thought the design of only driving Hannibal out of Italy, not great enough to answer the hopes and the happiness they promised themselves from his Consulship. He therefore proposed no less a task to himself than to make Carthage the seat of the War; and so to oblige Hannibal, instead of invading the Countries of others, to draw back and defend his own. To this end he made use of all the credit and favour he had with the People; and assiduously courting them, left no popular art untried that he might gain them to second his design. Fabius on the other side 
Scipio thwarted in his designs by Fabius.  opposed with all his might this undertaking of Scipio, telling the People, that nothing but the temerity of a hot young man could inspire them with such dangerous Counsels, which by drawing away their Forces to parts so remote, might expose Rome itself to be the conquest of Hannibal. His authority and persuasions prevailed with the Senate to espouse his Sentiments, but the common People thought that he envied the Fame of Scipio, and that he was afraid lest this young Conqueror should have the glory to drive Hannibal out of Italy, and to end the War, which had for so many years continued and been protracted under his Government.  
To say the truth, when Fabius first opposed this project of Scipio, I believe he did it in consideration only of the public safety, and of the danger which the Commonwealth might incur by such a way of proceeding: but when he found Scipio every day increasing in the esteem of the People, envy then and ambition took hold of him, which made him so violent in his opposition. For he applied himself to Crassus, the Colleague of Scipio, and persuaded him not to yield that Province to Scipio, but that (if his inclinations were for that War) he should himself in person lead the Army to Carthage. He also hindered the giving money to Scipio for the War, who was forced to raise it upon his own credit and interest, and was supplied by the Cities of Hetruria, which were wholly devoted to him. On the 
Crassus no promoter of martial exploits.  other side, Crassus would not stir against him, nor remove out of Italy, as being in his own nature an Enemy to strife and contention, and also as having the care of Religion, by his Office of high Priest. Wherefore Fabius tried other ways to break the design; He declaimed both in the Senate and to the People that Scipio did not only himself fly from Hannibal, but did also endeavour to drain Italy of all their Forces, and to spirit away the youth of the Country to a Foreign War, leaving behind them their Parents, Wives and Children a defenceless Prey to the Enemy at their doors. With this he so terrified the People, that at last they would only allow to Scipio for the War the Legions which were in Sicily, and three hundred of those men who had so bravely served him in Spain. In these transactions hitherto Fabius only seemed to follow the dictates of his own wary temper.  
But, after that Scipio was gone over into 
The deserved renown of Scipio in afric.  Africa, when news was brought to Rome of his wonderful exploits and Victories (of which the fame was confirmed by the Spoils he sent home) of a Numidian King taken Prisoner, of a vast slaughter of their men, of two Camps of the Enemy burnt and destroyed, and in them a great quantity of Arms and Horses; when hereupon the Carthaginians had been compelled to send their Envoys to Hannibal to call him home, and leave Italy, to defend Carthage; when for so eminent and transcending services, the whole People of Rome, with no less gratitude than acclamation, cried up and extolled the Actions of Scipio; even than did Fabius contend 
He is envied by Fabius.  that a Successor should be sent in his place, alleging for it only the old threadbare and pitiful reason of the mutability of Fortune, as if she would be weary of long favouring the same person. But this too manifestly laid open his envious and morose humour, when nothing (not done by himself) could please him; Nay, when Hannibal had put his Army on Shipboard, and taken his leave of Italy, and when the People had therefore decreed a Thanksgiving-day, did Fabius still oppose and disturb the universal joy of Rome, by spreading about his fears and apprehensions, and by telling them, that the Commonwealth was never more in danger than now, and that Hannibal was a more dreadful Enemy under the Walls of Carthage than ever he had been in Italy; that it would be fatal to Rome when ever Scipio should encounter his victorious Army, still warm with the blood of so many Roman Generals, Dictatours and Consuls slain. Some of the People were startled with these declamations, and were brought to believe, that the farther off Hannibal was the nearer was their danger. But Scipio afterwards fought Hannibal and defeated him, and sufficiently humbled the pride of Carthage; whereby he raised again the drooping spirits of the Romans, no more to be dejected; and firmly established their Empire, which the tempest of this Punic War had so long caused to fluctuate.  
But Fabius Maximus lived not to see the prosperous end of this War, and the final overthrow of Hannibal, nor to rejoice in the well established happiness and security of the Commonwealth; for about the time that Hannibal left Italy, he fell sick and died. We find in the History of Thebes, Epaminondas died so poor that he was buried upon the public charge: Fabius, on the contrary, died very rich, yet such was the love of the People towards him, that every man of them, by a general Tax, did contribute to defray his Funeral; thereby owning him their common Father; which made his End no less honourable than his Life.  

THE COMPARISON OF FABIUS with PERICLES'.  
YOU have here had the Lives of two persons very illustrious for their Civil and Military Endowments; Let us first compare them in their warlike Capacity. Pericles presided in his Commonwealth, when it was in a most flourishing and opulent condition, great in Power and happy in Success; so that he seemed to stand rather supported by, than supporting the Fortune of his Country. But the business of Fabius, who undertook the Government in the worst and most difficult times, was not to conserve and maintain a well established felicity of a prosperous State, but to raise and uphold a sinking and ruinous Commonwealth. Besides the Victories of Cimon, of Myronides and Leocrates, with those many famous exploits of Tolmides, were made use of by Pericles only to entertain the People at home, and to please their Fancy with Triumphs, Feasts and Games of the Circus and Theatre; not to enlarge their Empire by prosecuting the War: Whereas Fabius, when he took upon him the Government, had the frightful object before his eyes of Roman Armies destroyed, of their Generals and Consuls slain, of all the Countries round strewed with the dead Bodies, and the Rivers stained with the Blood of his fellow Citizens; and yet with his mature and solid Counsels, with the firmness of his Resolution, he, as it were, put his Shoulders to the falling Commonwealth, and kept it up from foundering, through the failings and weakness of others. Perhaps it may be more easy to govern a City broken and tamed with calamities and adversity, and compelled to obey by danger and necessity, than to rule a People pampered and resty with long Prosperity, as were the Athenians when Pericles held the reins of Government. But then again, not to be daunted nor discomposed with the vast heap of Calamities under which the people of Rome did at that time groan and succumb, argues the temper of Fabius to be invincible, and his courage more than humane.  
We may set Tarentum retaken, against Samos won by Pericles, and the conquest of Euboea we may put in balance with the Towns of Campania; though Capua itself was afterwards subdued by the Consuls Furius and Appius. I do not find that Fabius won any set Battle, but that against the Ligurians, for which he had his Triumph; whereas Pericles erected nine Trophies for as many Victories obtained by Land and by Sea. But no action of Pericles can be compared 
Pericles 's numerous Victories eclipsed by one of Fabius ' s.  to that memorable rescue of Minutius, when Fabius redeemed both him and his Army from utter destruction; an Action, which comprehends the height of Valour, of Conduct and Humanity. On the other side, it does not appear, that Pericles was ever so overreached as Fabius was by Hannibal with his flaming Oxen; never was there so certain, and so great an advantage lost over an Enemy: For in the Valley of Casilinum Hannibal was shut up without any possibility of forcing his way out, and yet by Stratagem in the night he frees himself out of those Straits, and when day came, worsted the Enemy, who had him before at his mercy.  
It is the part of a good General, not only to provide for, and judge well of the present, but also to have a clear foresight of things to come. In this Pericles excelled, for he admonished the Athenians, and told them beforehand, what ruin their last War would bring upon them, by grasping more than they were able to manage. But Fabius was not so good a Prophet, when he denounced to the Romans, that the undertaking of Scipio would be the destruction of the Commonwealth. So that Pericles was a good Prophet of bad success, and Fabius was a bad Prophet of success that was good. And indeed, to lose an advantage through diffidence, is no less unblamable in a General than to fall into danger for want of foresight; For both these faults, though of a contrary nature, spring from the same root, which is want of judgement and experience.  
As for their Civil Policy; it is imputed to Pericles that he was a lover of War, and that no terms of Peace, offered by the Lacedæmonians, would content him. It is true, that Fabius also was not for yielding any thing to the Carthaginians, but would rather hazard all than lessen the Empire of Rome; yet this difference there was between them, that Fabius made War only to preserve and recover his own, and Pericles to gain what belonged to others. But then, the mildness of Fabius towards his Colleague Minutius does, by way of comparison, highly reproach and condemn the eager prosecution of Pericles, and his practices to banish Cimon and Thucydides, who held with the Nobility, and were true lovers of their Country. Indeed the authority of Pericles in Athens was much greater than that of Fabius in Rome; for which reason it was more easy for him to prevent miscarriages commonly arising from weakness and insufficiency of Officers, since he had got the sole nomination and management of them; only Tolmides broke loose from him, and contrary to his orders, unadvisedly fought with the Boeotians, and was slain: whereas Fabius, for want of that general power and influence upon the Officers, had not the means to obviate their miscarriages; but it had been happy for the Romans if his Authority had been greater; for so we may presume, their disasters had been fewer.  
As to their liberality and public spirit, Pericles was eminent in never taking any gifts, and Fabius for giving his own money to ransom his Soldiers; though the sum did not exceed six Talents. This right we must do Pericles, that no man had ever greater opportunities to enrich himself (as having had presents offered him from so many Kings and Princes, and States of his Alliance) yet no man was ever more free from corruption. And for the beauty and magnificence of Temples and public Edifices, with which he adorned his Country, it must be confessed, that all the Ornaments and Structures of Rome, to the time of the Caesars, had nothing to compare, either in greatness of design or of expense, with the lustre of those which Pericles only erected at Athens.   
The End of the First Volume.