Plutarch Lives vol: 2d▪    

THE Second Volume OF PLUTARCH'S LIVES.  
Translated from the Greek, BY SEVERAL HANDS.  
The Second Edition.  
LONDON, Printed for Jacob Tonson, at the Judges-Head in Chancery-Lane, near Fleetstreet. 1688.   

A Chronological Table to the Second Volume of Plutarch 's Lives.  
 The Julian Period. Before the Coming of Christ. After the World's Creation. After the building of Rome. The Year of the Olympiad. The Olympiad. Alcibiades. 90 3 335 3532 416 4296 C. M. Coriolanus his Banishment. 73 2 266 3463 485 4227 Timoleon. 108 4 408 3605 343 4369 Paulus Aemil. overcame K. Perseus. 152 3 583 3780 168 4544 Pelopidas the Battle at Leuctrum. 102 3 383 3580 368 4344 Marcellus took Syracuse. 142 2 542 3739 209 4503 Aristides. 72 1 261 3458 490 4222 Marcus Cato. 144 2 550 3747 201 4511 Philopoemen. 147 3 563 3760 1884 524 T. Quintius Flaminius Consul. 145 3 555 3752 196 4516   


The LIVES contained in the Second Volume.  
ALcibiades, page 1  
Coriolanus translated by Dr. Blomer, p. 81  
Paulus Emilius, Mr. Arrowsmith, 171  
Timoleon, Dr. Blomer, 241  
Pelopidas, Mr. Creech, 317  
Marcellus, Dr. Charlton, 369  
Aristides, Mr. Cooper, 433  
Marcus Cato, Mr. Lydcot, 485  
Philopoemen, Dr. Short, 549  
Titus Flaminius, Mr. Whitaker, 583    



ALCIBIADES.  
M. Burghers sculp.  
See with what joy the Exile is restored,  
So Hated once, and now so much adored;  
His fortune various, & no less his mind,  
Where every vice with every virtue joined.  
Nothing seemed hard to his courage, will, or pride,  
Success still following as he changed his side.   
THE LIFE OF ALCIBIADES. Translated from the Greek. Volume II.  
ALcibiades, as it is supposed, was anciently 
His Family and Education.  descended from Eurysaces, the Son of Ajax, by his Father's side, and by his Mother's side from Alcmeon, for Dinonache, his Mother, was the Daughter of Me●acles. His Father Clinias, having fitted out a Galley at his own expense, gained great Honour in a Sea-fight near Artimisium, and was afterwards slain in the Battle of Coronea, fight against the Baeotians. Pericles and Ariphron, the Sons of Xantippus, being nearly related to Alcibiades, were his Guardians. 'Tis said, and not untruly, that the Kindness and Friendship which Socrates showed to him, did very much contribute to his Fame. Hence it is, that tho' we have not an account from any Writer, who was the Mother of Nicias or Demosthenes, of Lamachus or Phormio, of Thrasybulus or Theramenes, notwithstanding they were all of them Illustrious Persons, and of the same Age; yet we know even the Nurse of Alcibiades, that her Country was Lacedaemon, and her Name, Amyclas; and that Zopyrus was his Schoolmaster; the one being recorded by Antisthenes, and the other by Plato.  
It is not perhaps material to say any thing 
His Beauty.  of the Beauty of Alcibiades, only that it lasted with him in all the Ages of his Life, in his Infancy, in his Youth, and in his Manhood; and thereby rendered him lovely and agreeable to every one. For it is not universal what Euripides saith, that, Of all Fair things the Autumn is most Fair. But this happened to Alcibiades, amongst few others, by reason of his happy Composition, and the natural Vigour of his Body. It is said, that his Lisping, when he spoke, 
He lisped.  became him well, and gave a Grace to his Pronunciation. Aristophanes takes notice, that he lisped in those Verses wherein he jeers Theorus, because Alcibiades, speaking of him, instead of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 pronounced 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and so called him Flatterer unawares to himself. From whence the Poet takes occasion to observe, How very luckily he lisped the Truth. Archippus also makes mention of it, thus reflecting upon the Son of Alcibiades: 
His Father he will imitate in all;  
Like one dissolved in Ease and Luxury,  
His long loose Robe he seems to draw with pain,  
Carelessly leans his Head, and in his Talk Affects to lisp.   
His Manners were very different, nor is it strange that they varied according to the many and wonderful Vicissitudes of his Fortune.  
He was naturally subject to great Passions, but the most prevailing of all was his Ambition, and Desire to be esteemed the first: 
He was naturally Ambitious.  which appeared by several memorable Things spoken by him whilst he was a Child. Once being hard pressed in Wrestling, and fearing to be thrown, he got the Hand of the Person who strove with him to his Mouth, and bit it with all his source; his Adversary loosed his hold presently, and said, Thou bitest, Alcibiades, like a Woman: No, replied he, I by't like a Lion. Another time as he played at Cockal in the Street, being then but a Boy, a loaded Cart came that way, when it was his Turn to throw; at first he required the Driver to stay, because he was to cast in the way over which the Cart was to pass; but the rude Fellow did not hearken to him, and driving on still, when the rest of the Boys divided and gave way, Alcibiades threw himself on his Face before the Cart, and stretching himself out, bid the Carter drive on, if he would: This so startled the Man, that he put back his Horses, while all that saw it were terrified, and crying out, ran to assist Alcibiades. When he began to study, he obeyed all his other Masters with great Respect, but refused to learn upon the Flute, as a sordid thing, and not becoming 
He refuses to learn to play on the Flute.  a Gentle man; for he would say, To play on the Lute or the Harp, does not disorder the Posture of a man's Body, or the Air of his Face; but one is hardly to be known by his most intimate Friends, when he play on the Flute. Besides he who plays on th● Harp, may discourse or sing at the sam● time; but the use of the Flute does so contract the Mouth, that the Voice is intercepted, and all Speech taken away. Therefore said he, let the Theban Youths pipe, because they know not how to discourse; but we Athenians, (as our Ancestors have told us,) have Minerva for our Patroness, and Apollo for our Protector, one of which threw away the Flute, and the other stripped off his Skin who played upon it. Thus between Raillery and good Earnest, Alcibiades not only kept himself but others from learning upon that Instrument; for it presently became the Talk of the young Gentlemen, that Alcibiades with good Reason despised the Art of playing on the Flute, and ridiculed those who studied it. Whereupon it quickly ceased to be reckoned amongst the Liberal Arts, and became universally exploded.  
It is reported in the Invective which Antiphon wrote against Alcibiades, That once when he was a Boy, he fled to the House of Democrates, one of his Lovers, and that Ariphron had determined to cause Proclamation to be made for him, had not Pericles diverted him from it, by saying, That if he were dead, the Proclaiming of him could only cause it to be discovered one day sooner, and if he were safe, it would be a Reproach to him whilst he lived. Antiphon does also say, That in the public Place of Exercises in Syburtius, he slew one of his own Servants with the blow of a Staff. But it may be unreasonable to give Credit to all that is objected by an Enemy, who makes profession of his Design to defame him.  
It was manifest, that the many Persons of 
The ground of Socrates 's love to Alcibiades.  Quality who were continually waiting upon him, and making their Court to him, were surprised and captivated by his extraordinary Beauty only. But the Affection which Socrates expressed for Alcibiades, was a great Evidence of his Virtue and good Disposition, which Socrates perceived to appear and shine through the Beauty of his Person; and fearing lest his Wealth and Quality, and the great Number both of Strangers and Athenians, who flattered and caressed him, might at last corrupt him, he therefore resolved to interpose, and take care to preserve so hopeful a Plant from perishing in the Flower, and before its Fruit came to perfection. For never did Fortune surround and enclose a Man with so many of those things which we vulgarly call Goods, whereby to keep him from being touched or approached, by the free and clear Reasonings of Philosophy, as she did Alcibiades: who from the beginning was softened by the Flatteries of those who conversed with him, and hindered from harkening to such as would advise or instruct him. Yet such was the happiness of his Genius, that he discerned Socrates from the rest, and admitted him, whilst he drove 
His Reverente for Socrates.  away the Wealthy and the Noble who made Court to him. And in a little time they grew into a Familiarity; Alcibiades observing that his Discourses aimed not at any effeminate Pleasures of Love, nor sought any thing wanton or dishonest, but laid open to him the Imperfections of his Mind, and repressed his vain and foolish Arrogance. Then like the Craven Cock he hung his Wings. Esteeming these Endeavours of Socrates, as Means which the Gods made use of, for the Instruction and Preservation of Youth. So that he began to think meanly of himself, and to admire Socrates; to be pleased with his Kindness, and to stand in awe of his Virtue: and unawares to himself there was formed in his Mind an Idea of Love, or rather of that mutual Affection whereof Plato speaks. Insomuch that all men wondered at Alcibiades, when they saw Socrates and him eat together, do their Exercises together, and lodge in the same Tent, whilst he was reserved and rough to all others who made their Addresses to him, and carried himself with great Insolence to some 
His Insolence to others.  of them. As in particular to Anytus the Son of Anthemion, one who was very fond of him, and invited him to an Entertainment which he had prepared for some Strangers: Alcibiades refused the Invitation; but having drank to excess at his own House with some of his Companions, he went thither to play some Frolic; and as he stood at the Door of the Room where the Guests were treated, and perceived the Tables to be covered with Vessels of Gold and Silver, he commanded his Servants to take away the one half of them, and carry them to his own House; and then disdaining so much as to enter into the Room himself, as soon as he had done this, he went away. The Company was extremely offended at the Action, and said He behaved himself rudely and insolently towards Anytus: But Anytus made Answer, That he had used him kindly and with great Humanity, in that he left him part, when he might have taken all. He behaved himself after the same sort to all others who courted him, except only one Stranger, who (as it is reported) having but a small Estate, sold it all for about a 100 Staters, which he presented to Alcibiades, and besought him to accept: Alcibiades smiling and well pleased at the thing, invited him to Supper, and after a very kind Entertainment, gave him his Gold again, withal requiring him, not to fail to be present the next day, when the public Revenue was offered to Farm, and to outbid all others. The Man would have excused himself, because the Farm was so great, and would be let for many Talents; but Alcibiades, who had at that time a private Picque against the old Farmers, threatened to have him beaten if he refused. The next morning the Stranger coming to the Marketplace, offered a Talon more than the old Rent: The Farmers were enraged at him, and consulting together, called upon him to name such as would be Sureties for him, concluding that he could find none. The poor Man being startled at the Proposal, began to retire; but Alcibiades, standing at a distance, cried out to the Magistrates, Set my Name down, he is a Friend of mine, and I will undertake for him. When the old Farmers heard this, they perceived that all their Contrivance was defeated; for their way was, with the Profits of the present year, to pay the Rent of the year preceding; So that not seeing any other way to extricate themselves out of the Difficulty, they began to entreat the Stranger, and offered him a Sum of Money. Alcibiades would not suffer him to accept of less than a Talon; but when that was paid down, he commanded him to relinquish the Bargain, having by this Device relieved his necessity.  
Tho Socrates had many and powerful 
Alcibiades addicted to pleasure.  Rivals, yet he still prevailed most with Alcibiades, by reason of the excellency of his natural Parts. His Discourses mastered him to that degree, as not only to draw Tears from his Eyes, but to change his very Soul. Yet sometimes he would abandon himself to Flatterers, when they proposed to him varieties of Pleasure, and would desert Socrates▪ who then would pursue him, as if he had been a fugitive Slave. The truth is, Alcibiades despised all others, and did reverence and stand in awe of him alone. And therefore it was that Cleanthes said, He had given his Ears to Socrates, but to his Rivals, other Parts of his Body, with which Socrates would not meddle. For Alcibiades was certainly very much addicted to Pleasures, and that which Thucydides says, concerning his Excesses in his course of Living, gives occasion to believe so. But those who endeavoured to corrupt Alcibiades, took advantage chiefly of his Vanity and Ambition, and thrust him on to undertake unseasonably great things, persuading him, that as soon as he began to concern himself in public Affairs, he would not only obscure the rest of the Generals and Statesmen, but exceed the Authority and the Reputation which Pericles himself had gained in Greece. But in the same manner as Iron which is softened by the Fire, grows hard with the Cold, and all its Parts are closed again; so as often as Socrates observed. Alcibiades to be misled by Luxury or Pride, he reduced and corrected him by his Discourses, and made him humble and modest, by showing him in how many things he was deficient, and how very far from perfection in Virtue.  
When he was past his Childhood▪ he went once to a Grammar School, and asked the Master for one of Homer's Books; and he making Answer, that he had nothing of Homer's, Alcibiades gave him a Blow with his Fist, and went away. Another Schoolmaster telling him, that he had Homer corrected by himself; How, said Alcibiades, and do you employ your time in teaching Children to read? You who are able to amend. Homer, may well undertake to instruct Men. Being once desirous to speak with Pericles, he went to his House, and was told there, that he was not at leisure, but busied in considering how to give up his Accounts to the Athenians; Alcibiades as he went away, said, It were better for him to consider how he might avoid giving up any Accounts at all.  
Whilst he was very young, he was a Soldier 
His first Appearng in Arms.  in the Expedition against Potidaea, where Socrates lodged in the same Tent with him, and seconded him in all Encounters. Once there happened a sharp skirmish, wherein they both behaved themselves with much Bravery; but Alcibiades receiving a Wound there, Socrates threw himself before him to defend him, and most manifestly saved him and his Arms from the Enemy, and therefore in all Justice might have challenged the Prize of Valour. But the General's appearing earnest to adjudge, the Honour to Alcibiades, because of his Quality, Socrates, who desired to increase his Thirst after Glory, was the first who gave Evidence for him, and pressed them to Crown him, and to decree to him the complete Suit of Armour. Afterwards in the Battle of Delium, when the Athenians were routed, and Socrates with a few others was retreating on Foot, Alcibiades who was on Horseback observing it, would not pass on, but stayed to shelter him from the danger, and brought him safe off, tho' the Enemy pressed hard upon them, and cut off many of the Party. But this happened some time after.  
He gave a Box on the Ear to Hipponicus, the Father of Callias, whose Birth and Wealth made him a Person of great Power and Esteem. And this he did unprovok'd by any Passion or Quarrel between them, but only because in a Frolic he had agreed with his Companions to do it. All men were justly offended at this Insolence, when it was known through the City: But early the next Morning Alcibiades went to his House, and knocked at the Door, and being admitted to him, stripped off his Garment, and presenting his naked Body, desired him to beat and chastise him as he pleased. Upon this Hipponicus forgot all his Resentment, and not only pardoned him, but soon after gave him his Daughter Hipparete in Marriage. 
His Marriage.  Some say, that it was not Hipponicus, but his Son Callias, who gave Hipparete to Alcibiades, together with a Portion of 10 Talents, and that after, when she had a Child, Alcibiades forced him to give 10 Talents more, upon pretence that such was the Agreement if she brought him any Children. And yet after, Callias for fear of being assassinated by him, in a full Assembly of the People did declare, that if he should happen to die without Children, Alcibiades should inherit his House and all his Goods. Hipparete was a virtuous Lady, and fond of her Husband; but at last growing impatient of the injuries done to her Marriagebed, by his continual entertaining of Courtesans, as well Strangers as Athenians, she departed from him, and retired to her Brother's House. 
His Wife leaves him.  Alcibiades seemed not at all concerned at it, and lived on still in the same Luxury; but the Law requiring that she should deliver to the Archon in Person, and not by Proxy, the Instrument whereby she sought a Divorce; when in obedience to the Law, she presented herself before him to perform this, Alcibiades came in, and took her away by force, 
He takes her again by force.  and carried her home through the Marketplace, no one all this while daring to oppose him, nor to take her from him. And she continued with him till her death, which happened not long after, when Alcibiades made his Voyage to Ephesus. Nor was this Violence to be thought so very enormous or unmanly. For the Law, in making her who desires to be divorced, appear in pubblick, seems to design to give her Husband an opportunity of discoursing with her, and of endeavouring to retain her. Alcibiades had a Dog which cost him 70 Mina, and was a very great one, and very handsome; his Tail, which was his principal Ornament, he caused to be cut off; and his Acquaintance childing him for it, and telling him, that all Athens was sorry for the Dog, and cried out upon him for this Action; he laughed, and said, It is then come to pass as I desired, for I would have the Athenians entertain themselves with the Discourse of this, lest they should be talking something worse of me.  
It is said, that the first time he came into 
The occasion of his first Appearance in Public.  the Assembly, was upon occasion of a Largess of Money which he made to the People. This was not done by Design, but as he passed along he heard a Shout, and enquiring the Cause, and having learned that there was a Donative made to the People, he went in amongst them, and gave Money also. The Multitude thereupon applauding him, and shouting, he was sotransported at it, that he forgot a Quail which he had under his Robe and the Bird being frighted with noise, fled from him: Thereupon the People made louder Acclamations than before, and many of them rose up to pursue the Bird; but one Antiochus, a Pilot, caught it, and restored it to him, for which he was ever after very dear to Alcibiades.  
He had great Advantages to introduce 
Alcibiades eloquent.  himself into the Management of Affairs: His noble Birth, his Riches, the personal Courage he had shown in divers Battles, and the multitude of his Friends and Dependants. But above all the rest, he chose to make himself Considerable to the People by his Eloquence: That he was a Master in the Art of Speaking the Comic Poets bear him witness; and Demosthenes, the most eloquent of men, in his Oration against Midias, does allow, that Alcibiades, among other Perfections, was a most exact Orator. And if we give Credit to Theophrastus, who of all Philosophers was the most curious Enquirer, and the most faithful Relator, he says, that Alcibiades was very happy at inventing Things proper to be said upon the Occasion. Nor did he consider the Things only which ought to be said, but also what Words and what Expressions were to be used; and when those did not readily occur, he would often pause in the middle of his Discourse for want of apt words, and would be silent and stop till he could recollect himself, and had considered what to say.  
His Expenses in Horses kept for the public 
His Victories at the Olympic Games.  Games, and in the number of his Chariots, were very magnificent; for never any one besides himself, either private Person or King, sent seven Chariots to the Olympic Games. He carried away at once the first, the second, and the fourth Prize, as Thucydides says, or the third, as Euripides relates it; wherein he surpassed all that ever pretended in that kind. Euripides celebrates his success in this manner. 
Thee lovely Son of Clinias will I sing,  
Thy Triumphs down to future Ages bring.  
Thou Pride of Greece! which never saw till now,  
So many Crowns adorn one conquering Brow.  
With how much ease the threefold Prize he gains,  
And smiles to see from far his Rivals Pains.  
Their Chariots lagging on the distant Plains,  
His Temples thrice the willing Judge's crown,  
And general Shouts do the just sentence Own.  The Emulation which those who contended with him, expressed in the Presents which they made to him, rendered his Success the more illustrious. The Ephesians erected a Tent for him adorned magnificently: The City of Chios furnished him with Provender for his Horses, and with great numbers of Beasts for Sacrifice. And the Lesbians sent him Wine and other Provisions, for the many great Entertainments which he made. Yet in the midst of all this, he escaped not without Censure, occasioned either by the Malice of his Enemies, or by his own ill Carriage. For 'tis said, that one Diomedes, an Athenian, a good man, and a Friend to Alcibiades, passionately desiring to obtain the Victory at the Olympic Games, and having heard much of a Chariot which belogned to the State ●t Argos, where he had observed that Alcibiades had great Power and many Friends, ●e prevailed with him to undertake to buy ●he Chariot. Alcibiades did indeed buy it, ●ut then claimed it for his own, leaving ●iomedes to rage at him, and to call upon he Gods and Men to bear witness of the ●njustice. There was a Suit at Law comnenced upon this Occasion, and there is ●et extant an Oration concerning a Cha●ot, written by Iscrates in Defence of Al●●biades, than a Youth. But there the plaintiff in the Action is named Tisias, and ●ot Diomedes.  
As soon as he began to intermeddle in 
Nicklas and Pheax his Rivals in the Pecptes Favour.  〈◊〉 Government, which was when he was very young, he quickly lessened the Credit of all who pretended to lead the People, except Pheax the Son of Erasistratus, and Nicias the Son of Niceratus, who alone durst contend with him. Nicias was arrived at the Age which is proper for War, and was esteemed an excellent General; but Pheax was but beginning to grow in Reputation, (as Alcibiades was.) He was descended of noble Ancestors, but was inferior to Alcibiades, as in many other things, so principally in Eloquence. He could speak well, and had the Art of Persuading in private Conversation, but could not maintain a Debate before the People; that being true which Eupolis said of him, That he could talk well, but was not good at making Speeches. There is extant an Oration written against Pheax and Alcibiades, wherein, amongst other things, it is said, that Alcibiades made daily use at his Table of many gold and silver Vessels, which belonged to the Commonwealth, as if they had been his own.  
There was one Hyperbolus, a Native of 
The Sentence of Ostracism pronounce against Hyperbolus.  Perithoide, (of whom Thucydides makes mention, as of a very ill man) who furnished Matter to all the Writers of Comedy in that Age for their Satyrs. But he was unconcerned at the worst things they could say, and being careless of Glory, he was also insensible of Shame. There are some who call this Boldness and Courage, whereas it is indeed Impudence and Madness. He was liked by no body, yet the People made frequent use of him, when they had a mind to disgrace or calumniate any Persons in Authority. At this time the People by his Persuasions were ready to proceed to pronounce the Sentence of ten years' Banishment, which they called Ostracism. This was a way they made use of to lessen and drive out of the City such Citizens, as exceeded the rest in Credit and Power, therein consulting their envy rather than their fear. And when at this time there was no doubt but that the Ostracism would fall upon one of those three, Alcibiades contrived to unite their several Factions, and communicating his Project with Nicias, he turned the Sentence upon Hyperbolus himself. Others say, that it was not with Nicias but Pheax that he consulted, and that by the help of his Party he procured the Banishment of Hypenbolus himself, when he suspected nothing less. For never any mean or obscure person fell under that Punishment before that time. Which gave occasion to Plato the Comic Poet, speaking of this Hyperbolus, to say that he was, 
Worthy to suffer what he did and more,  
But not in such an honourable way:  
The abject Wretch the Sentence did disgrace.  But we have in another place given a fuller account of all that History has delivered down to us of this Matter.  
Alcibiades was not less disturbed at the 
Alcibiades breaks the Nician Peace.  Reputation which Nicias had gained amongst the Enemies of Athens, than at the Honours which the Athenians themselves paid to him. For tho' Alcibiades was the Person who did publicly receive the Lacedæmonians when they came to Athens, and took particular Care of such of them as were made Prisoners at the Fort of Pylos, yet after they had obtained the Peace and Restitution of the Captives by the Procurement of Nicias, they began to respect him above all others. And it was commonly said in Greece, that the War was begun by Pericles, and that Nicias made an end of it, and therefore as being his Work, this Peace was by most men called the Nician Peace. Alcibades was extremely troubled at this, and being full of Envy, set himself to break the League. First therefore observing that the Argives, as well out of fear as hatred to the Lacedæmonians, sought for protection against them, he gave them a secret Assurance of a League offensive and defensive with Athens And transacting as well in Person as by Letters, with those who had most Authority amongst the People, he encouraged them neither to fear the Lacedæmonians, nor submit to them, but to betake themselves to the Athenians, who, if they would expect but a little while, would repent of the Peace, and soon put an end to it. And afterwards when the Lacedæmonians had made a League with the Baeotians, and had not delivered up Panactum entire, as they ought to have done by the Treaty? but defaced and slighted it, which gave great offence to the People of Athens, Alcibiades laid hold of that opportunity to exasperate them more highly. He exclaimed fiercely against Nicias, and accused him of many things, which seemed probable enough: As that when he was General, he would not seize upon those men who were deserted by the Enemy's Army, and left in the Isle of Sphacteria; and that when they were afterwards made Prisoners by others, he procured them to be released, and sent back to the Lacedæmonians, only to get favour with them; that he would not make use of his Credit with them, to prevent their entering into this Confederacy with the Baeotians. and Corinthians; and yet on the other side he sought to hinder those Grecians who were inclined to make an Alliance and Friendship with Athens, if the Lacedæmonians were not pleased with it.  
It happened at the very time when Nicias was by these Arts brought into disgrace with the People; that Ambassadors arrived from Lacedaemon, who at their first coming said what seemed very satisfactory, declaring that they had full power to concert all Matters in difference upon equal terms. The Council received their Propositions, and the People was to assemble on the morrow to give them Audience. Alcibiades grew very apprehensive of this, and ordered Matters so, that he had a secret Conference with the Ambassadors. When they were met, he said; What is it you intent, you Men of Sparta? Can you be ignorant, that the Council always carry themselves with Moderation and Respect towards Ambassadors, but that the People are haughty, and affect great things? So that if you let them know what full Powers your Commission gives you, they will urge and press you to yield to unreasonable Conditions. Quit therefore this indiscreet Method, if you expect to obtain equal Terms from the Athenians, and would not have things extorted from you contrary to your Inclination; and begin to treat with the People upon some reasonable Articles, not owning at the first that you are Plenipotentiaries, and I will be ready to assist you, as being very zealous to serve the Lacedæmonians. When he had said thus, he gave them his Oath for the performance of what he promised, and by this way drew them from Nicias to rely entirely upon himself, and to admire him as a Person extraordinary for Wisdom and Dexterity in Affairs. The next day when the People were assembled, and the Ambassadors introduced, Alcibiades with great Civility demanded of them, with what Powers they were come? they made answer, That they were not come as Plenipotentiaries.  
Instantly upon that Alcibiades with a loud Voice, (as tho' he had received, and not done the wrong) began to call them faithless and inconstant, and to show that such men could not possibly come with a purpose to say or do any thing that was sincere. The Council was highly incensed, the People were in a rage, and Nicias, who knew nothing of the Deceit and the Imposture, was in the greatest Confusion imaginable, being equally surprised and ashamed at such a Change in the Men. So that without more ado, the Lacedaemonian Ambassadors were utterly rejected, and Alcibiades was declared General, who presently drew the Argives, the Elians, and those of Mantinoea, into a Confederacy with the Athenians.  
No man commended the Method by which Alcibiades effected all this, yet it was a great reach in the Politics, thus to divide and shake almost all Peloponnesus, and to bring together so many men in Arms against the Lacedæmonians in one day before Mantinoea; thereby removing the War and the Danger so far from the Frontier of the Athenians, that even success would profit the Enemy but little should they be Conquerors, whereas if they were defeated, Sparta itself was hardly safe.  
After this Battle at Mantineoea, the Officers of the Army of the Argives attempted 
Alcibiades restores the Democracy et Argos.  to destroy the Government of the People in Argos, and make themselves Masters of the City; and by the Assistance of the Lacedæmonians they abolished the Democracy. But the People took Arms again, and having gained some Advantage, Alcibiades came in to their Aid, and made their Victory complete. Then he persuaded them to build long Walls, and by that means to join their City to the Sea, that so at all times they might more securely receive Succour from the Athenians. To this purpose he procured them many Masons and Hewers of Stone from Athens, and in all things made show of the greatest Zeal for their Service, and thereby gained no less Honour and Power to himself, than to the Commonwealth of Athens. He also persuaded the Patroeans to join their City to the Sea, by lengthening their Walls; and when they were warned, That the Athenians would swallow them up at last; Alcibiades made Answer, that possibly it might be so, but it would be by little and little, and beginning at the Feet, whereas the Lacedoemonians will begin at the Head, and devour you all at once. He did also advise the Athenians to make themselves strong at Land, and often put the young Men in mind of the Oath which they had made at Agraulos, and excited them to the effectual performance of it; for there they were wont to swear, that they would repute Wheat and Barley, and Vines and Olives, to be the Limits of Attico; by which they were taught to claim a Title to all Lands that were manured and fruitful.  
But with all these excellent Things which he said and did, with all this Wisdom 
His Luxury.  and Eloquence, he intermingled exorbitant Luxury in his Eating and Drinking, and in his Loves, joined with great Insolence, and Effeminacy. He wore a long purple Robe, which dragged after him as he went through the Marketplace. He caused the Planks of his Galley to be cut away, that so he might lie the softer, his Bed not being placed on the Board's, but hanging upon Girths. And his Shield, which was richly gilded, had not the usual Ensigns of the Athenians, but a Cupid holding a Thunderbolt in his Hand, was painted upon it; which when those of the best Quality in the City saw, they did not only detest it, and resent it highly, but were afraid of his dissolute Manners, and insolent Contempt of Laws, as things monstrous in themselves, and tending to a Change of the Government. Aristophanes has well expressed in what manner the People stood affected towards him: 
They hate him, yet they love to see him too,  
Still Popular amidst his wild Debauches.  And in another place he doth more plainly discover the Jealousy which was conceived of him: 
'Tis folly to breed up an infant Lion,  
But to provoke him after, downright Madness.  The truth is, his Liberalities, his public Shows, and other Munificence to the People, (which were such as nothing could exceed,) the Glory of his Ancestors, the Force of his Eloquence, the Loveliness of his Person, his Strength of Body, joined with his great Courage, and extraordinary Knowledge in Military Affairs, prevailed upon the Athenians to endure patiently his Excesses, to indulge many things to him, and to give the softest Names to his Faults, attributing them only to his Youth and good Nature. He kept Agatharcus the Painter a Prisoner, till he had painted his whole House, but then dismissed him with a Reward. He publicly struck Taureas, who exhibited certain Shows in opposition to him, and contended with him for the Prize. He took to himself one of the captive Melian Women, and had a Son by her, whom he took care to educate. This the Athenians styled great Humanity: and yet he was the principal Cause of the Slaughter of all the Inhabitants of the Isle of Melos, who were of Age to bear Arms, by speaking in favour of that cruel Decree. When Aristophon the Painter had drawn Nemea the Courtesan, sitting and holding Alcibiades in her Arms, the Multitude seemed pleased with the Piece, and thronged to see it, but the graver sort were highly offended, and looked on these things as great Enormities, and savouring of a Tyranny. So that it was not said amiss by Archestratus, that Greece could not bear two Alcibiades. Once when Alcibiades 
Timon's Opinion of him.  succeeded well in an Oration which he made, and the whole Assembly attended upon him to do him Honour, Timon, surnamed the Man-hater, would not pass slightly by him, nor avoid him as he did others, but purposely met him, and taking him by the Hand, said, Go on boldly, my Son, mayst thou increase in Credit with the People, for thou wilt one day bring them Calamities enough. Some that were present laughed at the Saying, and some reproached Timon; but there were others upon whom it made a deep Impression: So various was the Judgement which was made of him, by reason of the Inequality of his Manners.  
The Athenians in the Life-time of Pericles 
Alcibiades pr●●●tes the Sicilian Expedition  had cast a longing Eye upon Sicily, but did not attempt any thing in relation to it, till after his Death. For then, under pretence of aiding their Confederates, they sent Succours upon all Occasions to those who were oppressed by the Syracusans, and thereby made way for the sending over of a greater Force. But Alcibiades was the Person who inflamed this Desire of theirs to the height, and prevailed with them no longer to proceed secretly in their Design, and by little and little, but to set out a great Fleet, and undertake at once to make themselves Masters of the Island. To this purpose he possessed the People with great Hopes, whilst he himself had much greater; and the Conquest of Sicily, which was the utmost Bound of their Ambition, was but the beginning of those things which he thought of. Nicias endeavoured to divert the People from this Expedition, by representing to them, that the taking of Syracuse would be a work of great Difficulty. But Alcibiades dreamt of nothing less than the Conquest of Carthage and Lybia, and by the Accession of these, fancied himself already Master of Italy and of Peloponnesus; so that he seemed to look upon Sicily as little more than a Magazine for the War. The young Men were soon raised with these Hopes, and hearkened gladly to those of riper years, telling them strange things of this Expedition; so that you might see great Numbers sitting in Rings in the Places of Exercise, some describing the Figure of the Island, and others the Situation of Lybia and Carthage. But it is said, that Socrates the Philosopher, and Meton the ginger, never hoped for any good to the Common wealth from this War: The one, (as 'tis probable,) presaging what would ensue, by the Assistance of his Daemon, who conversed with him familiarly; and the other, either upon a rational Consideration of the Project, or by making use of the Art of Divination, was become fearful of the success: and therefore, dissembling Madness, he caught up a burning Torch, and seemed as if he would have set his own House on fire: Others report, that he did not take upon him to act the Mad man, but that secretly in the night he set his House on fire, and the next morning besought the People, that for his Comfort after such a Calamity, they would spare his Son from the Expedition. By which Artifice he deceived his fellow-Citizens, and obtained of them what he desired.  
Together with Alcibiades, Nicias, much 
Is made General, together with Nicias and Lamachus.  against his Will, was appointed General for he endeavoured to avoid the Command as disliking his Colleague. But the Athenians thought the War would proceed mor● prosperously, if they did not send Alcibiades free from all Restraint, but tempered hi●▪ Heat with the Caution of Nicias. Thi● they chose the rather to do, because Lamachus the third General, tho' he was in hi● declining years, yet in several Battles had appeared no less hot and rash than Alcibiades himself. When they began to deliberate of the number of Forces, and of th● manner of making the necessary Provisions Nicias made another Attempt to oppose th● Design, and to prevent the War; but Alcibiades contradicted him, and carried his Point with the People. And one Demostrates, an Orator, proposing to them, that they ought to give the General's absolute Power, both as to the greatness of the Preparations, and the management of the War, it was presently decreed so. But just when all things were fitted for the Voyage, many unlucky Omens appeared. At that very time the Feast of Adonis happened, in which the Women were used to expose in all Parts of the City, Images resembling dead men carried out to their Burial, and to represent Funeral Solemnities by their Lamentations and mournful Songs. The maiming also of the Images of Mercury, most of which in one night had their Faces broken, did terrify many persons who were wont to despise things of that nature. It was given out, that this was done by the Corinthians, for the sake of the Syracusans, who were a Colony of theirs, in hopes that the Athenians observing such Prodigies, might be induced to repent of the War. Yet this Report gained not any Credit with the People, nor the Opinion of those, who would not believe that there was any thing ominous in the Matter, but that it was only an extravagant Action, committed by some wild young men coming from a Debauch; but they were both enraged and terrified at the thing, looking upon it to proceed from a Conspiracy of persons, who designed some great Commotions in the State. And therefore as well the Council, as the Assembly of the People, which upon this Occasion was held frequently in a few days space, examined diligently every thing that might administer ground for Suspicion. During this Examination, Androcles, one of the Demogogues, produced certain Slaves and Strangers before them, who accused Alcibiades and some of his Friends for defacing 
Is suspected of breaking the Mercuries, and accused for profaning the Mysteries.  other Images in the same manner, and for having profanely acted the sacred Mysteries at a drunken Meeting. Wherein one Theodorus represented the Herald, Polytion the Torchbearer, and Alcibiades the Chief Priest, and that the rest of his Companions were present, as persons initiated in the holy Mysteries, and acting the Part of Priests. These were the Matters contained in the Accusation, which Thessalus the Son of Cimon, exhibited against Alcibiades, for his impious Mockery of the Goddesses, Ceres and Proserpina. The People were highly exasperated and enraged against Alcibiades upon this Accusation, which being aggravated by Androcles, the most malicious of all his Enemies, at first disordered him exceedingly. But when he perceived that all the Seamen designed for Sicily, were fond of him, and that at the same time the Forces of the Argives and the Mantineans, which consisted of a 1000 men at Arms, spared not to say openly, that they had undertaken this tedious maritime Expedition for the sake of Alcibiades, and that if he was ill used, they would all presently be gone, he recovered his Courage, and became eager to make use of the present opportunity for justifying himself. At this his Enemies were again discouraged, as fearing lest the People should be more gentle towards him in their Sentence, by reason of the present Occasion which they had for his Service. Therefore to obviate this Mischief, they contrived that some other Orators, who did not appear to be Enemies to Alcibiades, but really hated him no less than those who avowed themselves to be so, should stand up in the Assembly, and say, that it was a very absurd thing, that one who was created General of such an Army with absolute Power, after his Troops were completed, and the Confederates were come, should lose the present Opportunity, whilst the People were choosing his Judges by Lots, and appointing times for the hearing of the Cause. And that therefore he ought to set Sail presently, (and may good Fortune attend him,) but when the War should be at an end, he might then in Person make his Defence according to the Laws.  
But Alcibiades soon perceived the Malice of this Delay, and appearing in the Assembly, represented to them, that it was a very grievous thing to him, to be sent forth with the Command of so great an Army, when he lay under such Accusations and Calumnies, that he deserved to die, if he could not clear himself of the Crimes objected to him. But when he had purged himself, and appeared to be innocent, he should then cheerfully apply himself to the War, as standing no longer in fear of false Accusers. But he could not prevail with the People, 
Departs for Sicily.  who commanded him to sail immediately. So he departed together with the other Generals, having with them near 140 Galleys, 5100 men at Arms, and about 1300 Archers, Slingers, and light armed men, and all the other Provisions were answerable, and every way complete.  
Arriving on the Coast of Italy, he landed at Rhegium, and there proposed his Advice in what manner they should manage the War. Wherein he was opposed by Nicias, but Lamachus being of his opinion, they sailed for Sicily forthwith, and took Catana. That was all which was done while he was there, for he 
I● retalled to answer the accusaion.  was soon after recalled by the Athenians, to abide his Trial. At first, (as we before said,) there were only some slight suspicions offered against Alcibiades, and accusations by certain slaves and strangers. But afterwards in his absence his Enemies attacked him more fiercely, and confounded together the breaking the Images with the pro 〈…〉 anation of the holy Mysteries, as tho' Span● been committed in pursuance of the ●ame Conspiracy for changing the Government. Thereupon the People imprisoned all that were accused, without distinction, and without hearing them, and repented themselves exceedingly, that having such pregnant Evidence, they had not immediately brought Alcibiades to his Trial, and given Judgement against him. And if any of his Friends or Acquaintance fell into the People's hands, whilst they were in this Fury, they were sure to be used very severely. Thucydides hath omitted to name his Accusers, but others mention Dioclides and Teucer. Amongst whom is Phrynichus the Comic Poet, who introduces one speaking thus: 
Hear Hermes thy deceived Athenians call!  
Preserve thy Image from a second fall.  
Lest Dioclydes once again accuse,  
And sacred Justice by false Oaths abuse.   
To which he makes Mercury return this Answer. 
Safe from Affronts my Statues I will guard,  
False Teucer shall not meet with new Reward,  
Nor shall his impious Lies obtain Regard.  The truth is, his Accusers alleged nothing that was certain or solid against him. One of them being asked, How he knew the men who defaced the Images; when he said, He saw them by the light of the Moon, was grossly mistaken, for it was just New Moon when the Fact was committed. This made all men of Understanding cry out upon the thing as a Contrivance, but the People were as eager as ever to receive further Accusations, nor was their first Heat at all abated, but they instantly seized and imprisoned every one that was accused. Amongst those who were detained in Prison in order to their Trials, there was Andocides the Orator, whom the Historian Hellanicus reports to be descended from Ulysses. He was always looked upon to hate the Popular Government, and to affect an Oligarchy. The chiefest ground of causing him to be suspected for defacing the Images, was because the great Mercury which was placed near his House, and was an ancient Monument of the Tribe of the Aegeides, was almost the only Statue, of all the remarkable ones, which remained entire. For this Cause it is now called the Mercury of Andocides, all men giving it that Name, tho' the Inscription is an Evidence that it belongs to another Tribe. It happened that Andocides, above all others who were Prisoners upon the same account, did contract a particular Acquaintance and Friendship with one Timaeus, a Person not equal to Andocides in Quality, but very extraordinary both for Parts and Boldness. He persuaded Andocides 
Andocides accuses himself and other of breaking the Mercuries.  to accuse himself and some few others, of this Crime, urging to him, that upon his Confession he would be secure of his Pardon, by the Decree of the People, whereas the event of Judgement is uncertain to all men, but to great Persons, as he was, most terrible. So that it was better for him, if he regarded himself, to save his Life by a Falsity, than to suffer an infamous Death, as one really guilty of the same Crime. And if he had a regard to the public Good, it was commendable to sacrifice a few suspected men, by that means to rescue many excellent Persons from the Fury of the People. The Arguments used by Timaeus so far prevailed upon Andocides, as to make him accuse himself and some others, and thereupon, according to the Decree of the People, he obtained his Pardon, and all the persons which were named by him, (except some few who saved themselves by Flight) suffered Death. To gain the greater Oredit to his Information, he accused his own Servants amongst others. But notwithstanding this, the People's Anger was not appeased; and being now no longer diverted by those who had violated the Images, they were at leisure to pour out their whole Rage upon Alcibiades. And in conclusion, they sent the Galley called the Salaminia, to recall him. but they gave it expressly in Command to those that were sent, that they should use no violence, nor seize upon his Person, but address themselves to him in the mildest terms, requiring him to follow them to Athens, in order to abide his Trial, and purge himself before the People. For indeed they feared a Mutiny and a Sedition in the Army in an Enemy's Country, which they knew it would be easy for Alcibiades to effect, if he had a mind to it. For the Soldiers were dispirited upon his departune, expecting for the future tedious delays, and that the War would be drawn out into a lazy length by Nicias, when Alcibiades, who was the Spur to Action, was taken away. For tho' Lamachus was a Soldier, and a Man of Courage, yet being poor he wanted Authority and Respect in the Army. Alcibiades just upon his departure prevented Messina from falling into the hands of the Athenians. There were some in that City who were upon the point of delivering it up, but he knowing the persons, discovered them to some Friends of the Syratusans, and thereby defeated the whole Contrivance. When he arrived at Thuria he 
Alcibiades escapes from those who were to bring him task.  went on shore, and concealing himself there, escaped those who searched after him. But to one who knew him, and asked him, If he durst not trust his native Country? he made Answer, Yes, I dare trust her for all other things; but when the Matter concerns my Life, I will not trust my Mother, lest she should mistake, and unwarily throw in a black Bean instead of a white one. When afterwards he was told, that the Assembly had pronounced Judgement of Death against him, all he said was. I will make them sensible that I am yet alive.  
The Information against him was conceived 
The Information against him.  in this Form:  
Thessalus, the Son of Cimon, of the Town of Laciades, doth accuse Alcibiades, the Son of Clinias, of the Town of Scambonides, to have offended the Goddesses Ceres and Proserpina, by representing in derision the holy Mysteries, and showing them to his Companions in his own House. Where being habited in such Robes as are used by the Chief Priest, when he shows the holy things, he named himself the Chief Priest, Polytion the Torchbearer, and Theodorus, of the Town of Phy●ea, the Herald, and saluted the rest of his Company as Priests and Novices. All which was done with design to expose the Rites and Institutions of the Eumolpides, and the Priests, and other Officers of the holy Mysteries of the Temple at Eleusis. He was 
He is condemned.  condemned as contumacious upon his not appearing, his Estate confiscated, and it was decreed that all the Priests and Priestesses should solemnly curse him. But one of them, Theano, the Daughter of Menon, of the Town of Agraulos, is said to have opposed that part of the Decree, saying, That her holy Office obliged her to make Prayers, but not Execrations,  
Alcibiades lying under these heavy Decrees and Sentences, when first he fled from Thuria, passed over into Peloponnesus, and remained some time at Argos, But being there in fear of his Enemies, and seeing himself utterly rejected by his native Country, he sent to Sparta, desiring Letters of safe Conduct, 
He goes to Sparta.  and assuring them, that he would make them amends by his future Services for all the Mischief he had done them, while he was their Enemy. The Spartans' giving him the Security he desired, he went thit her cheerfully, and was well received. At his first coming he brought it to pass, that laying aside all further Caution or Delay, they should aid the Syracusans, and he quickened and excited them so, that they forth with dispatched Gylippus into Sicily at the Head of an Army, utterly to destroy the Forces which the Athenians had in Sicily. Another thing which he persuaded them to do, was to make War also upon the Athenians, on the side of Peloponnesus. But the third thing, and the most important of all the rest, was to make them fortify Decelea, which above all other things did straighten and consume the Commonwealth of Athens.  
As Aloibiades gained Esteem by the Services 
Takes up the Laconic way of living.  which he rendered to the Public, so he was no less respected for his manner of living in private, whereby he wholly captivated the People, and made them dote on him. For he conformed himself entirely to the Laconic way, so that those who saw him shaved close to the Skin, and bathe himself in cold Water, and feed upon a course Cake, and use their black Broth, would have doubted, or rather could not have believed, that he ever had a Cook in his House, or had ever seen a Perfumer, or had worn a Robe of Milesian Purple. For he had (as it was observed) this peculiar Talon and Artifice, whereby he gained upon all men, that he could presently conform himself to, and take up their Fashions and way of Living, more easily than a Chameleon can change himself into new Colours. For a Chameleon, they say, cannot imitate one Colour, that is, White; but Alcibiades, whether he conversed with debauched or virtuous persons, was still capable of imitating and complying with them. At Sparta he was diligent at his Exercises, frugal, and reserved. In jonia he was luxurious, frolic, and lazy. In Thracia he was always drinking, or on Horseback. And when he transacted with Tisaphernes, the King of Persia's Lieutenant, he exceeded the Persians themselves in Magnificence and Pomp▪ Not that his natural Disposition changed so easily, nor that his Manners were so very variable, but being sensible that if he pursued his own Inclinations, he might give offence to those with whom he had occasion to converse, he therefore transformed himself into such. Shapes, and took up such Fashions, as he observed to be most agreeable to them. So that to have seen him at Lacedaemon, if a Man judged by the outward appearance, he would say of him: 
'Tis not Achilles' Son, but it is He,  
The very man the wise Lycurgus taught.  But if one looked more nearly into his Manners, he would cry out, according to the Proverb: 'Tis the old Woman still, still lewd as ever. For while King Agis was absent, and abroad 
He ● the ●● King  with the Army, he corrupted his Wife Timaea, and got her with Child. Nor did she deny it, but when she was brought to Bed of a Son, called him in public Leotychides, but when she was amongst her Confidents and her Attendants, she would whisper that his Name ought to be Alcibiades. To such a degree was she transported by her passion for him. But he on the other side would say in sport, he had not done this thing out of Revenge or Lust, but that his Race might one day come to Reign over the Lacedoemonians.  
There were many who acquainted Agis with these Passages, but the time itself gave the greatest Confirmation to the Story. For Agis being frighted with an Earthquake, fled out of Bed from his Wife, and for ten months after never lay with her, and therefore Leotychides being born after those ten months, he would not acknowledge him for his Son; which was the Reason that at last he never came to the Kingdom.  
After the Defeat which the Athenians received in Sicily, Ambassadors were dispatched to Sparta at once from Chios, and Lesbos, and Cyzicum, to signify their purpose of deferting the Interests of the Athenians. The Boeotians interposed in favour of the Lesbians, and Pharnabazus of the Cyzyanians, but the Lucedoemonians, at the persuasion of Alcibiades, chose to assi●● those of Chios before all others. He himself also went instantly to Sea, and procured almost all jonia to revolt at once, and joining himself to the Lacedaemonian Generals, did great mischiof to the Athenians. But Agis was his Enemy, hating him for having dishonoured his Wife, which he resented highly, and also not able to bear patiently the Glory he acquired, for most of the great Actions, which succeeded well were universally ascribed to Alcibiades. Others also of the most powerful and ambitious amongst the Spartans', were ready to burst with Envy against Alcibiades, and laboured it so, that at last they prevailed with the Magistrates in the City to send Orders into 
The Lacedæmonians design his Death.  jonia that he should be killed. But Alcibiades had secret Intelligence of it, and was afraid, so that tho' he communicated all Affairs to the Lacedæmonians, yet he took care not to fall into their hands. At last he retired 
He flees to Tisaphernes.  to Tisaphernes, the King of Persia's Lieutenant, for his security, and immediately became the first and most considerable Person about him. For this Barbarian not being himself sincere, but artificial and full of deceit, admired his Address and wonderful subtlety. And indeed his Carriage was so agreeable in their daily Conversations and Pleasures; that it could not but soften the worst Humour, and take with the roughest Disposition. Even those who feared and envied him, could not but take delight and have a sort of Kindness for him, when they saw him, and were in his Company. So that Tisaphernes, who was otherwise fierce, and above all other Persians hated the Greeks, yet was so won by the Flatteries of Alcibiades, that he set himself even to exceed him in Civility; to that degree, that being owner of some Gardens which were extremely delightful, by reason that they were near Fountains and sweet Meadows, wherein there were Apartments and Houses of Pleasure, royally and tightly furnished, he caused them to be called Alcibiades, and afterwards every one gave them that Name. Thus Alcibiades, quitting the Interests of the Spartans', as those whom he could no longer trust, because he stood in fear of Agis, endeavoured to do them all ill Offices, and render them 
And does ill Offices in the Lacedæmonians.  odious to Tisaphernes, who by his means was hindered from assisting them vigorously, and from finally ruining the Athenians. For his advice was to furnish them but sparingly with Money, whereby he would wear them out, and consume the● insensibly, and when they had waste● their strength upon one another, they would both become an easy prey to 〈◊〉 King. Tisaphernes did readily pursue 〈◊〉 Counsel, and did so openly express the Value and Esteem which he had for him, that Alcibiades was considered highly by th● Grecians of all Parties. The Athenians now in the midst of their Misfortunes, repent●● them of their severe Sentence against him▪ And he on the other side began to be troubled for them, and to fear, lest if th●● Commonwealth were utterly destroyed he should fall into the hands of the Lacedæmonians, his mortal Enemies. At that time the whole Strength of the Athenian was at Samos. And their Fleet which ro●● there, was employed in reducing such 〈◊〉 had revolted, and in protecting the rest of their Territories, for as yet they were in a manner equal to their Enemies at Sea. But they stood in fear of Tisaphernes and the Phaenician Fleet, consisting of an 150 Galleys, which was said to be already under Sail, and if those came, there remained then no hopes for the Commonwealth of Athens. When Alcibiades understood this, he sent secretly to the chief of the Athenians, who were then at Samos, giving them hopes that he would make Tisaphernes their Friend, 
Alcibiades makes Offers to the Athenians.  not with any Design to gratify the People, whom he would never trust, but out of his Respect to the Nobility, if like men of Courage, they durst attempt to repress the Insolence of the People, and by taking upon them the Government, would endeavour to save the City from Ruin. All of them gave a ready Ear to the Proposal made by Alcibiades, except only Phrynichus, one of the Generals, who was a Native of the Town of Dirades. He opposed him, suspecting, as the truth was, that Alcibiades concerned not himself, whether the Government were in the People or the Nobility, but only sought by any means to make way for his Return into his native Country, and to that end inveighed against the People, thereby to gain the Nobility, and to insinuate himself into their good Opinion. But when Phrynichus found his Counsel to be rejected, and that he was now become a declared Enemy of Alcibiades; he gave secret Intelligence of this to Astyochus, 
Phrynichus Treachery.  the Enemy's Admiral, cautioning him to beware of Alcibiades, and to look upon him as a double Dealer, and one that offered himself to both sides, not understanding all this while that one Traitor was making Discoveries to another. For Astyochus, who was zealous to gain the Favour of Tisaphernes, observing the great Credl● which Alcibiades had with him, reveal●● to Alcibiades▪ all that Phrynichus had sai● against him. Alcibiades presently dispatch●● away some to Samos, to accuse Phrynich●● of the Treachery. Upon this all the Commanders were enraged at Phrynichus; and 〈◊〉 themselves against him, and he seeing no ●●ther way to extricate himself from the present Danger, attempted to remedy one Ev●● by a greater. For he sent away to Astyoch●● to reproach him for betraying him, and 〈◊〉 make an Offer to him at the same time 〈◊〉 deliver into his hands both the Army 〈◊〉 the Navy of the Athenians. But neither di● this Treason of Phrynichus bring any Damage to the Athenians, by reason that Astyochus repeated his Treachery, and revea●●● also this proposal of Phrynichus to Alcibiades This was foreseen by Phrynichus, who fea●ing a second Accusation from Alcibiades to prevent him, advertised the Athenians beforehand that the Enemy was ready to sail, in order to surprise them, and therefore advised them to fortify their Cam● and to be in a readiness to go aboard the●● Ships. While the Athenians were inten● upon doing these things, they received other Letters from Alcibiades, admonishing them to beware of Phrynichus, as one who designed to betray their Fleet to the Enemy, to which they then gave no credit at all, conceiving that Alcibiades, who knew perfectly the Counsels and Preparations of the Enemy▪ made use of that Knowledge, in order to impose upon them in this false Accusation of Phrynichus. Yet afterwards when Phrynicus was stabbed with a Dagger in the Marketplace by Hermon, who was then upon the Watch, the Athenians, entering into an Examination of the Cause, solemnly condemned Phrynichus of Treason, and decreed Crowns to Hermon and his Associates. And now the Friends of Alcibiades carrying all before them at Samos, they dispatched Pisander to Athens, to endeavour a Change in the State, and to encourage the Nobility to take upon themselves the Government, and destroy the Republic, representing to them, that upon those Terms, Alcibiades would procure that Tisaphernes should become their Friend and Confederate.  
This was the Colour and the Pretence made use of by those, who desired to reduce 
The Government changed in Athens.  the Government of Athens to an Oligarchy. But as soon as they prevailed, and had got the Administration of Affairs into their hands, they took upon themselves the Name of the 5000. whereas indeed they were but 400. and began to slight Alcibiades extremely, and to prosecute the War with less Vigour than formerly. Partly because they durst not yet trust the Citizens, who secretly detested this Change, and partly because they thought the Lacedæmonians, who did ever affect the Government of the Few, would now press them less vehemently.  
The People in the City were terrified into a Submission, many of those who had dared openly to oppose the 400 having been put to death. But they ●●ho were at Samos, were enraged as soon as they heard this News and resolved to set Sail instantly for the Piraeum. And sending for Alcibiades, they declared him General, requiring him to lead them on to destroy these Tyrants. But in that Juncture he did not act like one raised on a sudden by the Favour of the Multitude, nor would yield and comply in every thing, 
Alcibiades made General of the Athenians at Samos.  as being obliged entirely to gratify and submit to those, who from a Fugitive and an Exile, had created him General of so great an Army, and given him the Command of such a Fleet. But as becmae a great Captain, he opposed himself to the precipitate Resolutions which their Rage led them to, and by restraining them from so great an Error as they were about to commit, he manifestly saved the Commonwealth. For if they had returned to Athens, all jonia and the Isles of the Hellespont, would have fallen into the Enemy's hands without opposition, while the Athenians, engaged in Civil Wars, destroyed one another within the Circuit of their own Walls. It was Alcibiades principally who prevented all this Mischief, for he did not only use Persuasions to the whole Army, and inform them of the Danger, but applied himself to them one by one, entreating some, and forcibly restraining others. And herein he was much assisted by Thrasybulus of Stira, who having the loudest Voice of all the Athenians, went along with him, and cried out to those who were ready to be gone. Another great Service which Alcibiades did for them was, his undertaking that the Phaenician Fleet, which the Lacedæmonians expected to be sent to them by the King of Persia, should either come in Aid of the Athenians, or otherwise should not come at all. He went on board with all expedition in order to perform this, and so managed the thing with Tisaphernes, that tho' those Ships were already come as far as Aspendos, yet they advanced no farther, so that the Lacedæmonians were disappointed of them. It was by both sides agreed that this Fleet was diverted by the Procurement of Alcibiades. But the Lacedæmonians openly accused him, that he had advised this Barbarian to stand still, and suffer the Grecians to waste and destroy one another, For it was evident that, the Accession of so great a Force to either Party, would have enabled them to have ravished entirely the Dominion of the Sea from the other side. Soon after this the 400 Usurpers were driven out, the Friends of Alcibiades vigorously assisting those who were for the popular Government. And now the People in the City not only desired, but commanded 
Is recalled by the Athenians.  Alcibiades to return home from his Exile. However he disdained to owe his Return to the mere Grace and Commiseration of the People, and therefore resolved to come back with Glory, and upon the Merit of some eminent Service. To this end he sailed from Samos with a few Ships, and cruised on the Sea of Gnidos, and about the Isle of Coos, and got Intelligence there that Mindarus, the Spartan Admiral, was sailed with his whole Army into the Hellespont, in pursuit of the Athenians. Thereupon he made haste to succour the Athenian Commanders, and by good fortune arrived with 18 Galleys at a critical time. For both the Fleets having engaged near Abydos, the Fight between them had lasted from morning till night, the one side having the Advantage on the right Wing, and the other on the left. Upon his first Appearance, both sides conceived a false opinion of the end of his coming, for the Enemy was encouraged and the Athenians terrified. But Alcibiades 
Alcibiades defeats the Lacedæmonians at Sea.  suddenly advanced the Athenian Flag in the Admiral Ship, and with great Fury fell upon the Peloponnesians, who had then the Advantage, and were in the pursuit. He soon put them to flight, and followed them so close that he forced them on shore, broke their Ships in pieces, and slew the men who endeavoured to save themselves by Swimming; altho' Pharnabazus was come down to their Assistance by Land, and did what he could to cover the Ships as they lay under the shore. In fine, the Athenians having taken 30 of the Enemy's Ships, and recovered all their own, erected a Trophy. After the gaining of so glorious a Victory, his Vanity made him affect to show himself to Tisaphernes, and having furnished himself with Gifts and Presents, and an Equipage suitable to so great a General, he set forwards towards him. But the Thing did not succeed as he had imagined, for Tisaphernes 
Is made Prisoner by Tisaphernes.  had been long suspected by the Lacedæmonians, and was afraid to fall into Disgrace with his King upon that account, and therefore thought that Alcibiades arrived very opportunely, and immediately caused him to be seized, and sent away Prisoner to Sardis; fancying by this Act of Injustice, to purge himself from all former Imputations. But about 30 days after Alcibiades escaped from his Keepers, and having go● a Horse, fled to Clazomene, where he accused Tisaphernes as consenting to his Escape. From thence he sailed to the Athenian Camp, and being informed there that Mindarus and Pharnabazus were together at Cyzicum, he made a Speech to the Soldiers, showing them that it was necessary to attack the Enemies both by Sea and Land, nay even to force them in their Fortifications; for unless they gained a complete Victory, they would soon be in want of necessary Provisions for their subsistence. As soon as ever he go● them on Shipboard, he hasted to Proconesus, and there gave Command to place all the smaller Vessels in the midst of the Navy, and to take all possible care that the Enemy might have no notice of his coming, and a great Storm of Rain, accompanied with Thunder and Darkness, which happened at the same time, contributed much to the concealing of his Design. So that it was not only undiscovered by the Enemy, but the Athenians themselves were ignorant of it, for he suddenly commanded them on board, and set Sail before they were aware. As soon as the Darkness was o●er, he perceived himself to be in sight of the Peloponnesian Fleet, which 
Destroys the Lacedaemonian 〈◊〉 at Cyzicum.  road at Anchor before the Port of Cyzicum. Alcibiades fearing lest if they discovered the number of his Ships, they might endeavour to save themselves by Land, commanded the rest of the Captains to slacken their Sails, and follow after him slowly, whilst he advancing with 40 Ships, showed himself to the Enemy, and provoked them to fight. The Enemy being deceived in their Number, despised them, and supposing they were to contend with those only, made themselves ready and began the Fight. But as soon as they were engaged, they perceived the other part of the Fleet coming down upon them, at which they were so terrified that they fled immediately. Upon that Alcibiades with 20 of his best Ships breaking through the midst of them, hastened to the shore, and suddenly making a Descent, pursued those who abandoned their Ships and fled to Land, and made a great Slaughter of them. Mindarus and Pharnabazus coming to their Succour, were utterly defeated. Mindarus was slain upon the Place, fight valiantly, but Pharnabazus saved himself by flight. The Athenians slew great Numbers of their Enemies, won much Spoil, and took all their Ships. They also made themselves Masters of Cyzicum, it being deserted by Pharnabazus, and put to death all the Peloponnesians that were there, and thereby not only secured to themselves the Hellespont, but by force drove the Lacedæmonians from out of all the other Seas. They intercepted als● some Letters written to the Ephori, whic● gave an account of this fatal Overthrow▪ after their short Laconic manner. Our Hope● are at an end. Mindarus is slain. The Soldiers starve; and we know not what Measures to take. The Soldiers who followed Alcibiades in this last Fight, were so exalted with the Success, and come to that degree of Pride, that looking on themselves as Invincible, they disdained to mix with the other Soldiers, who had been often overcome. For it happened not long before, Thrasyllus▪ had received a great Defeat near Ephesus, and upon that Occasion the Ephesians erected a brazen Trophy to the Disgrace of the Athenians. The Soldiers of Alcibiades reproached those who were under the Command of Thrasyllus, with this Misfortune, at the same time magnifying themselves and their own Commander, and it went so far at last, that they would not do their Exercises with them, nor lodge in the same Quarters. But soon after Pharnabazus with a great Strength of Horse and Foot, falling upon the Soldiers of Thrasyllus, as they were laying waste the Territory of the Abydenians, Alcibiades coming to their Aid, routed Pharnabazus, and together with Thrasyllus, pursued him till it was night. Then their Troops united and returned together to the Camp, rejoicing and congratulating one another. The next day he erected a Trophy, and then proceeded to lay waste with Fire and Sword the whole Province which was under Pharnabazus, where none durst appear to oppose them. In this Action he took divers Priests and Priestesses, but released them without Ransom. He prepared next to make War upon 
He makes War upon the Chalcedonians.  the Chalcedonians, who had revolted from the Athenians, and had received a Lacedaemonian Governor and Garrison. But having Intelligence that they had removed their Corn and cattle out of the Fields, and had sent all to the Bithynians, who were their Friends, he drew down his Army to the Frontier of the Bithynians, and then sent a Herald to accuse them of this Procedure. The Bithynians being terrified at his Approach, delivered up to him the whole Booty, and entered into an Alliance with him. Afterwards he proceeded to the Siege of Chalcedon, and enclosed it with a wall from Sea to Sea. Pharnabazus advanced with his Forces to raise the Siege, and Hypocrates, the Governor of the Town, at the same time gathering together all the strength he had, made a Sally upon the Athenians. Alcibiades divided his Army so, as to engage them both at once, and not only forced Pharnabazus to a dishonourable flight, but slew Hippocraces, and a great number of th● Soldiers which were with him. After this he satled into the Hellespont, in order to raise supplies of Money, and took the Cit● of Selybria, in which Action through hi● 
Takes the City of S●lybria.  precipitancy, he exposed himself to grea● Danger. For some within the Town had undertaken to betray it into his hands, and by Agreement were to give him a Signal by a lighted Torch about midnight. But one of the Conspirators beginning to repent himself of the Design, the rest for fear of being disovered, were driven to give the signal before the appointed hour. Alcibiades as soon as he saw the Torch lifted up in the Air, tho' his Army was not in readiness to march, ran instantly towards the Walls, taking with him about 30 Men only, and commanding the rest of the Army to follow him with all possible Diligence. When he came thither, he found the Gate opened for him, and entered with his 30 Men, and about 20 more light armed Men, who were come up to them. They were no sooner fallen into the City, but he perceived the Selybrians all armed coming down upon him: so that there was no hope of escaping if he stayed to receive them; and on the other side, having been always successful till that day, wherever he commanded, his Glory would not suffer him to fly. But on the sudden he thought of this Device: he required Silence by sound of a Trumpet, and then commanded one of his Men to make Proclamation, that the Selybrians should not take Arms against the Athenians. This cooled such of the Inhabitants as were fiercest for the Fight, for they supposed that all their Enemies were got within the Walls, and it raised the hopes of others who were disposed to an Accommodation. Whilst they were parlying, and Propositions made on one side and the other, Alcibiades whole Army came up to the Town. But then conjecturing rightly that the Selybrians were well inclined to Peace, and fearing lest the City might be sacked by the Thracians, (who came in great Numbers to his Army to serve as Volunteers, out of their particular Kindness and Respect for him) he commanded them all to retreat without the Walls. And upon the Submission of the Selybrians, he saved them from being pillaged, and only taking of them a Sum of Money, and placing an Athenian Garrison in the Town, he departed.  
During this Action, the Athenian Captains who besieged Chalcedon, concluded a Treaty 
Treaty between Pharnabazus and the Athenians.  with Pharnabazus upon these Articles: That he should give them a Sum of Money: That the Chalcedonians should return to the Subjection of Athens, and that the Athenians should make no Inroad into the Province whereof Pharnabazus wa● Governor; and Pharnabazus was also to provide safe Conducts for the Athenian Ambassadors to th● King of Persia. Afterwards when Alcibiades returned thither, Pharnabazus required that he also should be sworn to the Treaty▪ but he refused it, unless Pharnabazus would swear at the same time. When the Treaty was sworn to on both sides, Alcibiades 
He besieges and takes Byzantium.  went against the Byzantines, who had revolted from the Athenians, and drew a Line of Circumvallation about the City. But Anaxilaus and Lycurgus, together with some others, having undertaken to betray the City to him, upon his Engagement to preserve the Lives and Estates of the Inhabitants, he caused a Report to be spread abroad as if by reason, of some unexpected Commotion in jonia, he should be obliged to raise the Siege. And accordingly that day he made a show to depart with his whole Fleet; but returned the same night, and went ashore with all his Men at Arms, and silently and undiscovered marched up to the Walls. At the same time his Ships were rowed into the Haven with all possible Violence, coming on with much Fury, and with great Shouts, and Outcries. The Byzantines being thus surprised, and quite astonished, while they were universally engaged in defence of their Port and Shipping, gave opportunity to those who favoured the Athenians, securely to receive Alcibiades into the City. Yet the Enterprise was not accomplished without Fight, for the Peloponnesians, Baeotians, and Megareans, not only repulsed those who came out of the Ships, and forced them to get on board again, but hearing that the Athenians were entered on the other side, they drew up in order, and went t● meet them. But Alcibiades gained the Victory after a sharp Fight, wherein he himself had the Command of the right Wing, and Theramenes of the left, and took about 300 of the Enemy Prisoners. After the Battle, not one of the Byzantines was slain, or driven out of the City, according to the Terms upon which the City was put into his hands, that they should receive no prejudice in their Persons or Estates. Whereupon Anaxilaus being afterwards accused at Lacedaemon for this Treason, he neither disowned nor was ashamed of the Action: For he urged that he was not a Lacedaemonian, but a Byzantine, and that he saw not Sparta, but Bysantium in extreme Danger; the City so straight begirt, that it was not possible to bring in any new Provisions, and the Peloponnesians and Baeotians which were in Garrison, devouring their old Stores, whilst the Byzantines with their Wives and Children were ready to 〈◊〉▪ That he had not betrayed his Country to Enemy's, but had delivered it from the Calamit●●● of War, wherein he had followed the Example of the most worthy Locedaemonians, wh● esteemed nothing to be honourable and jus● but what was profitable for their Countr●●▪ The Lacedæmonians upon the hearing h● Defence, were so well pleased, that they discharged all that were accused.  
And now Alcibiades began to desire to 〈◊〉 
Alcibiades returns ●o. Athens.  his native Country again, or rather to show his fellow-Citizens a Person who had gain so many Victories for them. To this 〈◊〉 he set Sail for Athens, his Ships being adorn● on every side with great Numbers ●● Shields and other Spoils, and towing after them many Galleys taken from the Enemy and the Ensigns and Ornaments of many others which he had sunk and destroyed; all of them together amounting to 200. But there is little Credit to be given to what Daris the Samian (who pretended himself to be descended from Alcibiades) does add that Chrysogonus, who had won the Prize at the Pythian Games, played upon his Flute as the Galleys passed on, whilst the Oars kept time with the Music; and that Calipides the Tragedian, attired in his Buskins, his purble Robes, and other Ornaments which he used in the Theatre, excited those who laboured at the Oars; and that the Admiral Galley entered into the Port with a purple Sayl. For these things are such kind of Extravagances as are wont to follow a Debauch, and neither Theopompus, nor Euphorus, nor Xenophon, mention them. Nor indeed is it credible, that one who returned from so long an Exile, and such variety of Misfortunes, should carry himself with so much Insolence and Luxury. On the contrary he entered the Harbour full of Fear, nor would afterwards venture to go on shore, till standing on the Deck, he saw Euryptolemus his Nephew, and others of his Friends and Acquaintance, who were ready to receive him, and invited him to Land. As soon as he was landed, the Multitude 
His Reception there.  who came out to meet him, disdained to bestow a Look on any of the other Captains, but came in Throngs about Alcibiades, and saluted him with loud Acclamations, and still followed him. They who could press near him, crowned him with Garlands, and they who could not come up so close, yet stayed to behold him a far off, and the old Men pointed him out, and showed him to the young ones. Nevertheless this public Joy was mixed with some Tears, and the present Happiness was allayed by the remembrance of all the Miseries they had endured. They made Reflections, that they could not have so unfortunately miscarried in Sicily, or been defeated in any 〈◊〉 those things which they had ever hoped 〈◊〉 if they had left the management of their Affairs, and the Command of their Forces, 〈◊〉 Alcibiades. Since upon his undertaking 〈◊〉 Administration, when they were in a ma●ner ruined at Sea, and could scarce defen● the Suburbs of their City by Land, and the same time were miserably distract●● with intestine Factions, he had raised the● up from this low and deplorable Condition and had not only restored them to their ancient Dominion of the Sea, but had 〈◊〉 made them every where victorious ov●● their Enemies at Land. There had b●●n decree for recalling him from his Banishment already passed by the People, at the Instanc● of Critias, the Son of Calleschrus, as appea● by his Elegies, in which he puts Alcibiad● in mind of this Service: 
From my proposal the Decree did come, (hom●  
Which from your tedious Exile brought yo●  
That you're restored, you to my Friendship ow●  
I was the first durst press it should be so.  The People being summoned to an Assembly, Alcibiades came in amongst them and first bewailed and lamented his ow● Sufferings, and gently and modestly complained of their Usage, imputing all to hi● hard Fortune, and some ill Genius that attended him. Then he discoursed at large of the great Assurance of their Enemies, but withal exhorted them to take Courage. The People crowned him with Crowns of Gold, ●nd Created him General both at Land and Sea with absolute Power. They also made Decree, that his Estate should be restored to ●im, and that the Eumolpides and the holy Heralds should again absolve him from the Curses which they had solemnly pronounced ●gainst him, by Sentence of the People. Which ●hen all the rest obeyed, Theodorus the Highpriest excused himself, For, said he, I never ●enounc'd any Execration against him, if he have ●one nothing against the Commonwealth.  
But notwithstanding the Affairs of Al●●biades succeeded so prosperously, and so ●uch to his glory, yet many were still much ●●sturb'd, and looked upon the time of his arrival to be ominous. For on the same ●ay that he came into the Port, the Feast ●f the Goddess Minerva, which they call 〈◊〉 Plynteria, was kept. It is the 25th. ●ay of September, when the Praxiergides ●o solemnize those Mysteries which are ●ot to be revealed, taking all the Ornaments from off her Image, and keeping 〈◊〉 Image itself close covered. Hence it that the Athenians esteem this day most ●auspicious, and never go about any thing of Importance upon it: and therefore th●● imagined, that the Goddess did not recei●● Alcibiades graciously and propitiously, ●h● hid her Face from him, and rejected hi●● Yet notwithstanding every thing succeed●● according to his Wish. When the 100 Galleys 
Alcibiades conducts the Procession to Eleusis with his Army.  were fitted out and ready to sail, 〈◊〉 honourable Zeal detained him till the Celebration of those Mysteries was fully pa●●●● For since the time that Decelea was fortii●● the Enemies had made themselves Masters 〈◊〉 the Ways which lead from Athens to El●●sis, and by reason thereof, the Procession being of necessity to go by Sea, could not 〈◊〉 performed with Solemnity; but they we●● forced to omit the Sacrifices, and Dance● and other holy Ceremonies, which were us●● to be done in the way, when they brin● forth jacchus. Alcibiades therefore judged 〈◊〉 would be a glorious Action, whereby h● should do Honour to the Gods, and gai● Esteem with Men, if he restored the ancient Splendour to these Rites, in conducting th● Procession again by Land, and protecting it with his Army from the Enemy. Fo● thereby he was sure, if Agis stood still an● did not oppose him, it would very much diminish and obscure his Glory, or otherwise that he should engage in a Holy War in the Cause of the Gods, and in defence of the most sacred and solemn Ceremonies and this in the sight of his Country, where he should have all his fellow-Citizens Witnesses of his Valour. As soon as he had resolved upon this Design, and had communicated it to the Eumolpides, and other holy Officers, he placed Sentinels on the ●ops of the Mountains, and at the break of day sent forth his Scouts. And then taking with him the Priests, and consecrated Persons, and those who had the Charge of initiating others in the holy Mysteries, and compassing them with his Soldiers, he conducted them with great Order and profound Silence. This was an august and venerable Procession, wherein all who did not envy him said, He performed at once the Office of an Highpriest and of a General. The Enemy durst not attempt any thing against them, and thus he brought them back in safety to the City. Upon which as he was exalted in his own Thought, so the opinion which the People had of his Conduct, was raised to that degree, that they looked upon their Armies as irresistible and invincible while he commanded them. He so won upon the lower and meaner sort of People, that they passionately desired he would take the Sovereignty upon him, some of them made no difficulty to tell him so, and to advise him to put himself out of the reach of Envy, by abolishing the Laws and Ordinances of the People, and suppressing those ill affected person's who would overturn the State, that 〈◊〉 he might act and take upon him the management of Affairs, without standing in fea● of being called to an Account. How far hi● own Inclinations led him to usurp sovereign Power, is uncertain, but the most considerable Persons in the City were so much afraid of it, that they hastened him on Ship boa●● all they could, granting him Liberty 〈◊〉 choose his own Officers, and allowing hi● all other things as he desired. Thereupon 〈◊〉 set Sail with a Fleet of an 100 Ships, an● 
He defeats the Lacedæmonians at Andros.  arriving at Andros, he there fought with an● defeated as well the Inhabitants, as the Lacedæmonians who assisted them. But yet 〈◊〉 took not the City, which gave the first occasion to his Enemies for all their Accusat●ons against him. Certainly if ever 〈◊〉 was ruined by his own Glory, it was Alcibiades. For his continual Success had bego● such an opinion of his Courage and Conduct▪ that if he failed in any thing he undertook, 〈◊〉 was imputed to his Neglect, and no one woul● believe it was through want of Power. Fo● they thought nothing was too hard fo● him, if he went about it in good earnest▪ They fancied also every day that they should hear News of the reducing of Chios and of the rest of jonia, and grew impatient that things were not effected as fa● and as suddenly as they imagined. They never considered how extremely Money was wanting, and that being to make War with an Enemy, who had Supplies of all things from a great King, he was often forced to forsake his Camp, in order to procure Money and Provisions for the Subsistance of his Soldiers. This it was which gave occasion for the last Accusation which was made against him. For Lysander being sent from Lacedaemon 
The Athenian Fleet is defeated in his absence.  with a Commission to be Admiral of their Fleet, and being furnished by Cyrus with a great Sum of Money, gave every Mariner four Obols a day, whereas before they had but three. Alcibiades could hardly allow his Men three Obols, and therefore was constrained to go into Caria to furnish himself with Money. He left the Care of the Fleet, in his absence, to Antiochus, an experienced Seaman, but rash and inconsiderate, who had express Orders from Alcibiades not to engage, tho' the Enemy provoked him. But he slighted and disregarded the Orders to that degree, that having made ready his own Galley and another, he presently stood for Ephesus, where the Enemy lay, and as he sailed before the Heads of their Galleys, used the highest Provocations possible both in Words and Deeds, Lysander at first manned out a few Ships, and pursued him. But all the Athenian Ships coming in to his Assistance, Lysander also brought up his wh●● Fleet, which gained an entire Victory. H● flew Antiochus himself, took many Men and Ships, and erected a Trophy.  
As soon as Alcibiades heard this News▪ he returned to Samos, and losing from thence with his whole Fleet, he came an● offered Battle to Lysander. But Lysander content with the Victory he had gained, 〈◊〉 not stir. Amongst others in the Arm● who had a malice to Alcibiades, Thrasybul●●▪ the Son of Thrason, was his particular E●●my, and went purposely to Athens to acc●●● 
Alcibiades is accused again at Athens.  him, and to exasperate his Enemies in th● City against him. In an Oration to the P●●ple he represented that Alcibiades had ruin'● their Affairs, and lost their Ships, by insolently abusing his Authority, committing the Government of the Army in his absence's to such as by their Debauchery and scur●lous Discourses were got most into Cre●● with him, whilst he wandered up and down 〈◊〉 pleasure to raise Money, giving himself up 〈◊〉 all Luxury and Excesses amongst the Abyd●nian and Ionian Courtesans, at a time wh●● the Enemy's Navy road at Anchor so 〈◊〉 his. It was also objected to him, that he h●● fortified a Castle near Byzanthe in Thr●● for a safe retreat for himself, as one th●● either could not, or would not live in 〈◊〉 own Country. The Athenians gave Cred●● to these Informations, and discovered the Resentment and Displeasure which they had conceived against him, by choosing other Generals.  
As soon as Alcibiades heard of this, he immediately forsook the Army, being afraid of 
He forsakes the Army.  what might follow. And getting many Strangers together, he made War upon his own account against those Thracians who pretended to be free, and acknowledged no King. By this means he amassed to himself a great Treasure out of the Spoils which he took, and at the same time secured the bordering Grecians from the Incursions of the Barbarians.  
Tydeus, Menander and Adimantus, the new made Generals, were at that time riding 
The Atheniars create new Generals.  in the River Aegos, with all the Ships which the Athenians had left. From whence they were used to go out to Sea every Morning, and offer Battle to Lysander, who lay at Anchor near Lampsachus: and when they had done so, returning back again, they lay all the rest of the day carelessly, and without order, as Men who despised the Enemy. Alcibiades who was not far off, did not think so slightly of their Danger, nor did neglect to let 'em know it, but mounting his Horse, he came to the Generals, and represented to them, that they had chosen a very inconvenient Station, as wanting a safe Harbour, and far distant from any Town: so that they were constrained to send for their necessary Provisions as far as Sestos. He als● reproved them for their Carlesness, in suffering the Soldiers when they went ashore, 〈◊〉 disperse themselves, and wander up and down at their pleasure, when the Enemy's Fleet, which was under the Command of one General, and strictly obedient to Discipline, lay so very near them. Alcibiades admonished them of these things, and advised them to remove the Fleet to Sestos. But the Admirals did not only disregard what he said, but Tydeus with great Insolence commanded him to be gone, saying, that now not he, but others had the Command of the Forces. Whereupon Alcibiades suspecting something of Treachery in them, departed. But he told his Friends who accompanied him out of the Camp, that if the Generals had not used him with such insupportable Contempt he would within a few days have forced the Lacedæmonians, however unwilling, either to have fought the Athenians at Sea, or to have deserted their Ships. Some looked upon this as a piece of Ostentation only, but others said, the thing was probable, for that he might have brought down by Land great Numbers of the Thracian Cavalry and Archers, to assault and disorder them in their Camp. The Event did soon make it evident, how very rightly he judged of the Errors which the Athenians committed. For Lysander fell upon them on a sudden, when they least 
The Athenians finally overthrown.  suspected it, with such Fury, that Conon with 8 Galleys only escaped him, all the rest, (which were about 200) he took and carried away: together with 3000 Prisoners, which he afterwards put to death. And 
Athens taken.  within a short time after he took Athens itself, burned all the Ships, which he found there, and demolished their long Walls.  
After this Alcibiades standing in dread of 
Alcibiades flies into Bythinia.  the Lacedæmonians, who were now Masters both at Sea and Land, retired into Bythinia. He sent thither great Treasure before him, took much with him, but left much more in the Castle where he had before resided. But he lost great part of his Wealth in Bythinia, being robbed by some Thracians who lived in those Parts, and thereupon he determined to go to the Court of Artaxerxes, not doubting but that the King, if he would make trial of his Abilities, would find him not inferior to Themistocles, besides that he was recommended by a more honourable Cause. For he went, not as Themistocles did to offer his Service against his fellow-Citizens, but against their Enemies, and to implore the King's Aid for the defence of his Country. He concluded that Pharnabazus would most readily procure him a safe Conduct, and therefore went into Phrygia to him, and continued to dwell there some time, paying him great Respect, and being honourably treated by him. The Athenians in the mean time were miserably afflicted ●● 
Lysander sets 30 Governors over Athens  their loss of Empire, but when they wer● deprived of Liberty also, and Lysander had imposed 30 Governors upon the City, and their State was finally ruined, than they began to reflect on those things, which they would never consider whilst they were in a prosperous condition: then they did acknowledge and bewail their former Errors and Follies, and judged this second ill Usage of Alcibiades to be of all others the most inexcusable. For he was rejected, without any Fault committed by himself, and only because they were incensed against his Lieutenant, for having shamefully lost a few Ships, they much more shamefully deprived the Commonwealth of a most valiant and most accomplished General. Yet in this sad state of Affairs they had still some faint Hopes left them, nor would they utterly despair of the Athenian Commonwealth while Alcibiades was safe. For they persuaded themselves before when he was an Exile, he could not content himself to live idly and at ease, much less now (if he could find any favourable opportunity) would he endure the Insolence of the Lacedæmonians, and the Outrages of the 30 Tyrants. Nor was it an absurd thing in the People to entertain such Imaginations, when the 30 Tyrants themselves were so very solicitous to be informed, and to get Intelligence of all his Actions and Designs. In fine, Critias represented to Lysander, that the Lacedæmonians could never securely enjoy the Dominion of Greece, till the Athenian Democracy was absolutely destroyed. And tho' now the People of Athens seemed quietly and patiently to submit to so small a number of Governors, yet Alcibiades, whilst he lived, would never suffer them to acquiesce in their present Circumstances.  
Yet Lysander would not be prevailed upon by these Discourses, till at last he received secret Letters from the Magistrates of Lacedaemon, 
The Lacedæmonians send Orders that Alcibiades should be slain.  expressly requiring him to get Alcibiades dispatched. Whether it was that they feared the vivacity of his Wit, or the greatness of his Courage in enterprizing what was hazardous, or whether it was done to gratify King Agis. Upon receipt of this Order, Lysander sent away a Messenger to Pharnabazus, desiring him to put it in execution. Pharnabazus committed the Affair to Magaeus his Brother, and to his Uncle Susamithres. Alcibiades resided at that time in a small Village in Phrygia, together with Timandra, a Mistress of his. As he slept, he had this Dream: He thought himself attired in his Mistress' Habit, and that she, holding him in her Arms, dressed his Head, and painted his Face, as if he had been a Woman. Others say, he dreamed that Magaeu● cut off his Head, and burned his Body. And it is said, that it was but a little while before 
The-manner of his Death.  his Death, that he had these Visions. They who were sent to assassinate him, had not Courage enough to enter the House, but surrounding it first, they set it on fire. Alcibiades as soon as he perceived it, getting together great Quantities of clothes and Furniture, threw them upon the Fire, with a Design to choke it, and having wrapped his Robe about his left Arm, and holding his naked Sword in his right, he cast himself into the middle of the Fire, and escaped securely through it, before his clothes were burnt. The Barbarians, as soon as they saw him, retreated, and none of them durst stay to expect him, or to engage with him, but standing at a distance, they slew him with their Darts and Arrows. When he was dead, the Barbarians departed, and Timandra took up his dead Body, and covering and wrapping it up in her own Robes, she buried it as decently and as honourably as her present Circumstances would allow. 'Tis said, that the famous Lais, (who was called the Corinthian, tho' she was a Native of Hyccaris, a small Town in Sicily, from whence she was brought a Captive) was the Daughter of this Timandra. There are some who agree with this Relation of Alcibiades Death in all things except only that they impute not the Cause of it either to Pharnabazus, Lysander, or the Lacedæmonians. But they say, that he kept a young Lady of a noble House, whom he had debauched, and that her Brothers not being able to endure the Indignity, by night set fire to the House where he dwelled, and as he endeavoured to save himself from the Flames, slew him with their Darts, in the manner before related.   


CORIOLANUS.  
M Burghers sculp.   
THE LIFE OF CAIUS MARCIUS CORIOLANUS.  Translated from the Greek: By Thomas Blomer D. D. 
Volume II.  
THE House of the Marcii in Rome, did produce many noble Patricians, that were Men of great Renown; and among the rest, Ancus Marcius, Grandson to Numa by his Daughter, who reigned there after Tullus Hostilius. Of the same Family were also Publius, and Quintus Marcius, which two conveyed into the City the best Water the● have at Rome, and that in the greatest quantity. As likewise Censorinus, who having been twice chosen Censor by the People did afterward himself persuade them t● make a Law, that no body should bear th●● Office a second time. But Caius Marcius▪ of whom I now write, being left an Orphan, and brought up under the Widowhood of his Mother, has shown by Expe●●ence, that although the early loss of a Father may be attended with other disadvantages, yet it can hinder none from bein● either virtuous or eminent in the Wor●● and that it is no obstacle to true Goodness and Excellence; however bad men 〈◊〉 pleased to lay the blame of their corruption and debauched lives upon that misfortune and the neglect of them in their Minority▪ as if they fell into Vice and Meanness, rathe● by a loose and careless Education, than 〈◊〉 degenerate and ignoble Mind. And 〈◊〉 very Man comes in as a Witness to the trut● of their Opinion, who conceive that a generous and worthy Nature, if it want Discipline and Breeding, (like a fat Soil which lies unimproved and without Culture ●● does with its better productions bring forth a mixture of vicious and faulty things For as the force and vigour of his Soul and a persevering Constancy in all he undertook, did supply him with great and effective Instincts for many handsome Actions, so likewise on the other side by indulging the vehemence of his Passion, and through an obstinate stiffness which knew not how to yield, or accommodate his Humours and Sentiments to those of other men, he became harsh and disagreeable, and wholly unfit for the easiness of Friendship, and the gentler parts of Conversation; insomuch that those who did esteem his other good Qualities, and admired to see that he was the same equal proof against all the softnesses of Pleasure, and the hardships of Travel, and the allurements of Gain, allowing that universal Firmness of his, the respective Names of Temperance, Fortitude and Justice, yet as to the Virtues of Humanity and civil Intercourse, he was so defective therein, that they could not choose but be disgusted at him for the hateful Severity, and unpleasant Ruggedness of his stern deportment, as being one of an over-bearing, haughty, and imperious Temper. It was therefore a thing much to be desired, that Marcius had spent some time in Philosophy, and studying the Art how he might sweeten his Address, and polish his Demeanour; for indeed men can draw no great Advantage from the Mildness and Benignity of the Muses than to civilize and cultivate their Nature by Rules of Prudence, and the Precepts o● Morality, while they observe those Limits and Boundaries which are set by Reason, 〈◊〉 as always to embrace the sober mean, and avoid the wildness of Extremities.  
Now those were the Times wherein tha● kind of Worth and Gallantry was in high Credit, and preferred at Rome above all th● rest, which did appear in martial Deeds an● military Achievements; as an Evidenc● whereof, the Latin word for Virtue came the● to signify Prowess, and as if Valour and a● Virtue had been the same thing, they di● confine the general notion, and appropriate the common term to that particular Excellence. But Marcius having a more passionate Inclination, than any of that Age fo● Feats of Chivalry, began presently from his Childhood to handle Arms, and being o● opinion, that adventitious Implements and artificial Arms would effect little, and b● of small use to such as have not their native and congenite Weapons well fixed and prepared for Service, he did so exercise and inure his Body to all sorts of Activity, and the different ways of Encounter, that he became swift and nimble to pursue, and beside the lightness of a Racer, had that weight and heaviness in close Seizures and Wrestle with an Enemy, from which it was hard for any to get loose, or forcibly clear and disengage himself; so that his domestic Rivals, and those that stood ●n competition with him for true Courage and Magnanimity, being loath to own themselves inferior in that respect, were fain to excuse their foils and Deficiencies, by saying he had a robust, inflexible Body, that was hardened against all Fatigues, and the utmost stress of Opposition.  
The first time he went out to the 
His first going to the Wars▪  Wars, being yet a Stripling, was when Tar●uinius Superbus (who had been King of Rome, but driven thence for his Pride and Lewdness) after many Skirmishes, and no fewer Defeats, did now enter upon his last Effort, and hazard all as it were upon a single Throw; for a great number of the Latins, and other People of Italy, had joined their Forces, and were marching with him toward the City, as resolved to procure his Restoration and Settlement in the Regal Throne; but this however not so much out of a desire to serve and oblige Tarquin, as to gratify their own Fear and Envy, at the growth and increase of the Roman Greatness, which they did intend to pull down from its late Advancements, under a pretence of raising him to his ancient Royalties. The Armies then being met and engaged in a decisive Battle, which had divers Turns and Variations on both sides, Marcius fight bravely in the Dictator's presence, saw a Roman Soldier struck down at a little distance, whom he did not abandon in that posture, but immediately stepped in, and stood before the Man, and made so vigorous a defence, that he slew the Aggressor which bore furiously upon him. The General having gotten the Victory, did not forget how well he had behaved himself, whom he therefore crowned▪ one of the first with 〈◊〉 Garland of Oaken branches; for it was the Roman Custom thus to adorn those wh● had protected a Citizen; whether that Law did intend some special Honour to the Oak, in memory of the Arcadians, 〈◊〉 People the Oracle had made famous by the Name of Acorn-eaters; or whether the Reason of it was, because they might easily and in all places where they fought, have plenty of Oak▪ for that purpose; or last o● all, the Oaken Wreath, being otherwise sacred to Jupiter, the great Guardian of their Cities, they might therefore think it the most proper Ornament for him who had preserved a Citizen; Beside that the Oak, as it is a Tree which bears the most and the prettiest Fruit of any that grow wild and without Improvement, so likewise is it stronger than any of those which are dressed and manured by us; its Acorns too were the principal Diet of the old Mortals, and the Honey which was lodged there, did help to make them a pleasant Liquor; yea, I may say, it furnished out Fowl and other Creatures for their Dainties, in producing Misselto for Bird-lime, that artful Instrument to ensnare them. But that I may return from these wand'ring Speculations, and keep the way of my History, it is reported, that Castor and Pollux appeared in the Battle before mentioned, and that presently after it they were seen at Rome, just by the Fountain where their Temple now stands, upon Horses all foaming with a white frothy Sweat, as if they had rid Post to bring tidings thither of the Victory, on which account the 15th. of July, (being the day of this Conquest) became a solemn Holiday to the kind and Officious Brethren.  
Now from the Grace which was then done Coriolanus, and the manner how it did affect him, I may observe in general, That when young Men do arrive at Fame and Reputation betimes, if they happen to be of a Nature that is but slightly touched with Emulation, this early Attainment does soon extinguish their thirst, and satiate the desire they have for Glory; whereas the first Honours that dignify and illustrate those who ar● of a more solid and weighty Mind, make them study to grow still in merit, and to shine the brighter, and are so far from dulling, that they even whet their appetite, and carry them on, like a fair wind, in the pursuit of every generous thing and applauded Enterprise; while they look upon these Marks and Testimonies of their Virtue, not as a recompense received for what they have already done, but as a Pledge given by themselves of what they will perform hereafter, being ashamed now to forsake or under-live the Credit they have won, yea, not to exceed and obscure all that is gone before, by the lustre and worthiness of their following Actions. Marcius therefore, having a Spirit of this noble Make, was ambitious always to get the better of himself, and did nothing how extraordinary soever, but thought he was bound to outdo it at the next occasion, so that his own deeds provoked him daily to▪ excel, and being infinitely desirous to give some fresh Instance, and new Experiment of his prowess, he added one Exploit to another piece of Bravery, and heaped up Trophies upon Trophies, by all which he brought in many rich Spoils from the Enemy. This also became the Matter of a glorious Contest among the Roman Generals, the latter still striving with the former, which of them should pay him the greatest Respect, and speak highest in his Commendation; for there being frequent Wars and numerous Conflicts in those days, Marcius was present at them all, and returned back from none without Laurels and without Rewards; and whereas others made Glory the end of their daring, the end of his Glory was his Mother's gladness; for the delight she took to hear him praised, and to see him crowned, and her weeping for joy in his Embraces, did render him in his own thoughts the most honourable and most happy Person in the World. An Affection or Sentiment not unlike that of Epaminondas, who made no scruple to profess, that he reckoned it the greatest Felicity of his whole Life, that his Father and Mother did still survive to behold his Conduct and Victory in the Plains of Leuctra; he had the Advantage indeed to have both his Parents partake with him, and enjoy the pleasure of his good Fortune; but Marcius believing himself obliged to pay his Mother Volumnia, all that Gratitude and Duty which belonged to his Father, had he also been alive, could never satisfy his mind, or think he did enough, in all the Consolations and Caresses she received from him, but took a Wife also at her motion and entreaty, and lived still with his Mother, without parting Families, wh●● she had brought him Children. The ●●pute of his Integrity and Courage, had 〈◊〉 this time gained him a considerable Inter●●● and Authority in Rome, when the Senate favouring the wealthier sort of Citizens, happened to be at odds and variance with the common People, who made very sad Complaints, touching that rigorous and inhuman▪ Usage they found among the Usurers which had lent them Money; for as many as wer● behind with them, and had any small matter in possession, they presently stripped even o● that little Stock, by the way of Pawns and Auctions; but such as through former Exactions were reduced already to extreme Indigence, and had nothing more to be deprived of, these they led away in person, and put their Bodies under constraint, notwithstanding they did expose the Scars and Slashes of their Wounds, and show their mangled Limbs, as a proof of that Service they had done the Public in several Expeditions, the last whereof was against the Sabins, which they undertook upon a promise made by their rich Creditors, that they would treat them with more Gentleness for the future, Marcus Valerius the Consul, having by Order from the Senate, engaged also for the performance of it; but seeing, that after they had fought courageously, and acquitted themselves so well in the late Action, as to vanquish the Enemy, there was however no such Moderation and Forbearance used, as they had reason to expect, since the Senate also did pretend to remember nothing of that Agreement, and sat without testifying the least concern to see them dragged away like Slaves, and their Goods seized upon as formerly, there began now to be open Mutinies, and dangerous Factions in the City, insomuch that the Enemy being aware of that popular Tumult, did invade and lay waste the Country; upon which when the Consuls gave notice, that all who were of an age to bear Arms, should make their personal Appearance, and no body for all that did regard the Summons, the chief Magistrates then coming to consult what course should be taken, were again of several minds, and still differed in opinion: for some thought it most advisable to comply a little, and yield somewhat in favour of the poor Plebeians, by relaxing their over-s●rain'd Rights, and that excessive ridgedness of the Law, whereas others did withstand this Proposal, but Marcius in particular, and with more vehemence than the rest, alleging that the business of money on either side was not the main thing in question, or to be most minded, but he looked upon this disorderly proceeding as an Essay and Rudiment of the People's Insolence, and their hardiness to affront and defy the stablish● Laws, that it would therefore become the wisdom of the Government to stop them▪ in their first Career, and stifle those unruly heats that were now flaming out into a Combustion.  
There had been frequent Assemblies of the whole Senate, and that within a small compass of time, about this ticklish Affair, but without any certain issue or final resolution: the poor Commonalty perceiving then there was like to be no redress of their grievances, came suddenly together in a body, and after some warm discourses among themselves, forsook the City with one accord, and marching up that Ascent which is now called the Holy Mount, they sat down by the River Anien, doing no sort of violence or seditious outrage all the while, only they made loud and heavy outcries as they went along, that the rich men, having endeavoured it of old, did now actually expel and thrust them out of Rome, but that Italy however would every where afford them the benefit of Air and Water for the small remainder of their days, and a place of burial, when they died, which was all they could expect by their continuance in the City, beside the privilege of being cut and killed in a time of War for the defence of those cruel Banquiers. The Senate apprehending the dangerous consequence of this Rupture, sent away the gravest of their own Order, and such as had been most moderate, and were most gracious among the people, to treat with them.  
Menenius Agrippa their chief Spokesman, after much Courtship to the Rabble, and no less freedom used on behalf of the Senate, came at length to conclude his discourse with this celebrated Fable. It once happened, says he, that all the other Members of a man fell to mutiny against the Stomach, which they accused as the only idle uncontributing part in the whole Body, while the rest were put to mighty hardships, and the expense of much labour to supply that and minister to its Appetites: but the provident and painful stomach hearing such a senseless charge brought against her, could not choose but laugh at the ignorance and ill breeding of those dissatisfied members, who either wanted the wit to understand, or else the civility to acknowledge that she receives the nourishment into her Office out of mere charity to the public, which she returns ever with advantage, that being prepared by the art of her Chemistry, it may pass and circulate to all, and so furnish them with spirits for life and acti●●● Now this is exactly the case betwixt you a●● the Senate, O ye Roman Citizens, and the very image of its care and kind dealing as 〈◊〉 your regard; for there they mingle counsels and digest matters, which become the strength and maintenance of the whole state, and that secretly disperse and bring home all manner of support and convenience to every one of you.  
This ingenious and sensible representation of things, did pretty well pacify and reconcile the Multitude, the Senate too having granted their request for an annual choice o● five Patrons or Protectors of such among them as should need assistance, which Patron● are now called the Tribunes of the People; th● two first they pitched upon were Junius Brut●● and Sicinnius Vellutus the prime Author's o● that Apostasy.  
The City being thus united, the Commo●● stood presently to their Arms, and followed their Commanders to the War with grea● alacrity. As for Marcius, though he w●● not a little vexed himself to see the Populace prevail so far, and get ground of the Senators, and might observe many other Patricians have the same dislike of their late Concessions, yet he besought them after all not to yield at least to the common people in that zeal and forwardness they now showed for their Country's service, but make it evidently appear that they were superior to them, not so much for their power and riches, as their heroic minds and noble resolutions.  
The Romans were now at War with 
The Romans besiege Corioli.  a Nation called the Volscians, whose principal Seat or City of the greatest note and eminence, was that of Corioli; when therefore Cominius the Consul had invested this important Place, the rest of the Volscians, fearing it should be taken, mustered up what ever force they could make from all parts, in order to relieve it, designing to give the Romans Battle before the City, and so attack them on both sides: Cominius to avoid this Inconvenience, divided his Army, marching himself with one body to encounter those Volscians that made towards him from without, and leaving Titus Larcius (the bravest Roman of his time) to command the other, and still carry on the Siege. Those within Corioli despising now the smallness of that number, made a brisk sally upon them, wherein they prevailed at first, and pursued the Romans into their Trenches: Here it was that Marcius flying out with a slender Company, and cutting those in pieces that were nearest and did first engage him, obliged the other Assailants to slacken the speed they were making to fall on, and then with a strong forcible Cry, did as it were sound in the Romans to renew the Skirmish; for he was a man (that which Cato required in a Warrior) not only dreadful to meet with in the Field by reason of his hand and stroke, but insupportable to an Enemy for the very tone and accent of his voice, and the sole terror of his aspect. Divers of his own party then rallying and making up to him the Enemies soon retreated for fear of a smarter onset from those they had but now routed; but Marcius not content to see them draw off and retire, pressed hard upon the Rear, and drove them, as they fled away in haste, to the very Gates of their City; where perceiving the Romans to fall back from the pursuit, beaten off by a multitude of Darts poured in upon them from the Walls, and that none of his followers had the hardiness to think of falling in Pell-mell among the Runagates, or forcing an entrance into the City, which had a strong Garrison armed at all points, and ready to give them a warm reception; he was however instant with, and did mightily encourage them by his words and actions, crying out, That Fortune had now set open Corioli, not so much to shelter the Vanquished, as to receive the Conquerors; which he had no sooner spoken, but seconded by a few that were willing to venture with him, he bore along the Crowd, and made good his passage, and thrust himself into the Gate through the midst of them, no body daring to resist, or sustain the violence of his first impressions; but after he had looked well about him, and could discern but a very small number of Assistants who had slipped in to engage in that hazardous service, and saw that Friends and Enemies were now mingled together, he was said to commence a Combat within the Town, wherein he performed the most extraordinary and incredible things, as well for the mightiness of his force, as the nimbleness of his motion, and the audacity of his mind, breaking through all he made any attempts upon, constraining some to shift for themselves in the farthest corners of the City, and others to throw down their Weapons as despairing they should be able to oppose him: By all which he gave Titus Lartius a fair occasion to bring in the rest of the Romans with ease and safety.  
Corioli being thus surprised and taken, 
Corioli taken.  the greater part of the Soldiers fell presently to spoil and pillage it, and were employed still in Rapine, or carrying off their Booty: that which Marcius was highly offended at, and reproached them for it as a dishonourable and unworthy thing, that when the Consul and their fellow-Citizens had now perhaps encountered the other Volscians, and were hazarding their lives in Battle, they should basely misspend the time in running up and down for Pelf and Treasure, and under a pretence of enriching themselves, decline the present jeopardy; yet for all he could allege, there were not many that would leave plundering for a share in glory: Putting himself then at the head of those generous Spirits that were still ready to deserve well, he took that Road where the Consul's Army had marched before him, often exciting his Companions, and beseeching them as they went along that they would not falter and give out, praying often to the Gods too, that he might be so happy as to arrive before the Fight was over, and come seasonably up to assist Cominius, and partake in the peril of that action.  
It was customary with the Romans of that Age, when they stood in Battle-array, and were now taking up their Bucklers, and girding their Gowns about them, to make a● the same time an unwritten Will or mee● verbal Testament, and to name who should be their Heirs in the hearing of three or fou● Witnesses: In this posture did Marcius fin● them at his arrival, the Enemy being advanced within view.  
They were not a little disordered by his first appearance, seeing him all over bloody and sweeting as he was, and attended with a small Train; but when he hastily made up to the Consul with an air of gladness in his looks, giving him his hand, and recounting to him how the City had been taken; when they saw Cominius also embrace and salute Marcius upon that discourse, than every one took heart a fresh, and both such as were near enough to hear the Relation of his Success, and those that, being at a greater distance, could only guests what had happened by the manner of their greeting, besought the Consul with a loud voice, that he would lead them on to engage the Enemy: but, before he did that, Marcius desired to know of him, how the Volscians had disposed the order of their Battalia, where they had placed the Men of Metal, and the more stout and pugnacious part of their whole Army; who answering, that he took those Troops of the Antiates in the middle Rank to be their prime Warriors, and that would yield to none for Prowess and Bravery; let me then demand and obtain of you, says Marcius, that I may be directly confronted to these daring People. The Consul then favoured him in that request, admiring much the forwardness and ardour of his mind; when the Conflict was begun by darting at each other, and Marcius sallied out before the rest, the Vanguard of the Volscians was not able to make head against him, for wheresoever he fell in, he presently broke their Ranks, and made a Lane through them; but the Parties turning again, and enclosing him on each side with their Weapons, the Consul, who observed the danger he was in, dispatched some of the choicest Men he had for his speedy rescue. The Dispute then growing warm and sharp about Marcius, and many falling dead in a little space; the Romans bore so hard upon the Enemies, and pressed them with such violence, that they were forced at length to abandon their Stations, and to quit the Field; and going now to prosecute the Victory, they besought Marcius, tired out with his Toils, and faint and heavy through the loss of Blood, that he would retire himself to the Camp; but he replying, that Weariness was a thing which did not befit Conquerors, joined with them in the pursuit; the rest of the Volscian Army was in like manner defeated, a 
The Volscian Army is routed.  great multitude being slain, and no less taken. The day after, Marcius, with a numerous Assembly of other Persons; appearing at the Consul's Tent, he mounted up to his Chair of State, and having rendered al● due Gratulation and Acknowledgement to the Gods for the prosperity of that Enterprise, he applies himself immediately to Marcius, and first of all he made an admirable Panegyric upon his rare Exploits, which he had partly been an Eye-witness of himself in the late Battle, and had partly known from the Testimony of T. Lartius, reporting what had been done at the Siege and Conquest of Corioli. And then he required 
The tenth part of the Spoils offered to Marcius.  him to choose a tenth part of all the Treasure, and Horses, and Captives, that had fallen into their hands, before any division should be made to others; beside which, he made him the Present of a goodly Horse with Trappings and Military Ornaments, as a mark and cognizance of his signal Fortitude; which being highly applauded by the whole Army, Marcius stepped forth, and declared his thankful acceptance of that single Horse, and how extremely satisfied he was with the Praise and Elegy which his General had vouchsafed to bestow upon him, but as for other things, which he looked upon rather as Mercenary Accruements, than any significations of Honour, he did wave them all, and should be content that his proportion of such Rewards might not 
He nobly refuses 'em.  exceed that of the meanest Soldier. I have only, says he, one singular Grace to beg, and this, Sir, I hope you will not deny me: There was a certain hospitable and courteous Friend of mine among the Volscians, a Person of great Probity and Virtue, who is now become a Prisoner, and from the Wealth and Freedom wherein he lived, reduced to Poverty and present Servitude; the man has fallen under many Misfortunes, but he would think it a sufficient Deliverance, if my Intercession shall redeem him from this one at least, that he may not be sold as a common Slave. Now so handsome a Refusal in Marcius, was followed still with louder Acclamations, than the Consuls Offer had been before, and he had many more Admirers of that generous Resolution whereby he conquered Avarice, than of the warlike Stoutness he had shown in subduing Enemies; for those very persons who did conceive some Envy and Despite, to see him thus infinitely honoured, could not choose then but acknowledge, that he was worthy to receive the greatest things, even for his noble declining the reception of them; and they were more deeply in love with that Virtue of his, which made him despise so many fair Advantages, than any of his former Actions, whereby he did so well deserve they should be conferred on him; for it is much more commendable to be dextrous and skilful in the use of Riches than of Arms, and yet a man shall have higher Veneration still, who does not w●nt or desire Money, than he that understands how to use and employ it as he ought.  
When the noise of Approbation and Applause ceased, Cominius turning to the Company: There is no way, says he, fellow-soldiers, to force and obtrude those other Gifts of ours, on a person who seems to be above such Gratuities, and is so unwilling to accept them; let us therefore give him that which is so proper and suitable to the Service he has done, that he cannot well reject it; let us pass a Vote, I mean, that he shall hereafter be called Coriolanus, unless you think that his performance at Corioli has itself prevented us in decreeing him the privilege of that Title. Hence therefore he came to acquire his third Name of Coriolanus; by which it is manifest, that Caius 
The Name of Coriolanus is given to him.  was a personal proper Name, that the second or Surname of Marcius, was a Name in common to his House and Family, and that the third Roman Appellative was a peculiar Note of distinction, drawn afterwards and imposed either from some particular Fact, or Fortune, or Signature, or Virtue of him that bore it; for thus also the Grecians in old time, were wont to fix an additional Character on their great Men, for any famous Achievement, such as Soter, that is, a preserver, and Callinicus, one renowned for his Victories; or to express something remarkable in their shape and figure, as Physcon a Gorge-belly, and Grypus, Eagle-nosed; and then upon the account of their Virtue and Kindness, as Euergetes, a Benefactor, and Philadelphus, a lover of his Brethren; or because of their unusual Felicity and good Fortune, as Eudaemon, the prosperous or happy, an Epithet given to the second Prince of the Race of Battus; yea, and several Monarches have had Names appropriated to them in reproach and mockery, as Antigonus that of Doson, or one that was liberal only in the future, since he did always promise, but never came to performance; and Ptolemy who was styled Lamyrus for the fond opinion he had of his own wit and pleasantness; which latter kind of denomination by way of rail, lery the Romans did very much delight in; for one of the Metelli was surnamed by them Diadematus, because he had for a long time together walked about with his head bound up by reason of an Ulcer in his Forehead.  
Another of the same Family they called Celer, i. e. the swift or nimble, for that expedition and dispatch he made to procure them a Funeral Entertainment of so many pair of Gladiators within a few days after his Father's death, the haste and magnificence of which provision was thought very strange and extraordinary for so short a time: there are some that even at this day derive Names from certain casual Incidents at their Nativity; one for instance, who happens to be born when his Father is abroad in a foreign Country, they term Proculus, but if after his decease, they style him Posthumus; and when two Twins come into the World, whereof one dies at the Birth, the Survivor of them is called Vopiscus; nay, they use to denominate not only their Sylla's and Nigers, that is, men of a pimpled or swarthy Visage, but their Caeci and Claudii, the blind and the lame from such corporal blemishes and defects; thus wisely accustoming their people not to reckon either the loss of sight, or any other bodily misfortune, as a matter of ignominy and disgrace to them, but that they should ansswer to such Names without shame or confusion, no otherwise than the most familiar and civil Compellations: But to treat of these things is not so proper to the Argument I have now in hand.  
The War against the Volscians was no sooner at an end, but the popular Tribunes and factious Orators fell again to revive domestic troubles, and raise another Sedition, without any new cause of complaint or just grievance to proceed upon; but those very mischiefs that did unavoidably ensue from their former differences and contests, were then made use of as a ground and pretence to quarrel with the Nobility: The greatest part of their Arable Land had been left unsown and without tillage, and the time of War allowing them no means or leisure to fetch in Provision from other Countries, there was an extreme scarcity of things in Rome: The Movers of the People then observing that there was neither Corn brought into the Market, or if there had been Grain to supply them, yet they wanted Money to buy it, began to calumniate the Wealthy with false stories, and whisper it about, as if they out of an old grudge,, and to revenge themselves, had purposely contrived it thus to bring a Famine upon them. While these things were in agitation, there came an Embassy from the Velitrani, who delivered up their City to the Romans, desiring that they would send some new Inhabitants to people it, inasmuch as a late Pestilential Disease had swept away so many of the Natives, and made such havoc and destruction among them, that there was hardly a tenth part remaining of their whole Community. Now this sad necessity of the Velitrani, was considered by the more prudent sort as a seasonable relief unto themselves, and seemed to happen very opportunely for the present state of their Affairs; for not only the dearth of Victuals had made it needful to ease and unburden the City of its superfluous Members, but they were in hope also at the same time, and by this means to scatter and dissolve the Faction which now threatened them, through a purgation and discharge of the more restless and inflamed Party, that like a redundancy of morbid humours, put them all into so dangerous a ferment. Such as these therefore the Consuls singled out to supply the desolation at Velitrae, and gave notice to others that they should be ready to march against the Volscians, which was politicly designed to prevent intestine Broils by employing them abroad. And there was some reason to presume, that, when as well the rich, as the poor, those of the Plebeian side, and the Patrician Interest, should be mingled again in the same Army, and the same Camp, and engage in one common service and jeopardy for the Public, it would mutually dispose them to reconciliation and friendship, and to live upon gentler terms, and after a more sweet and benign fashion with each other.  
But Sisinius and Brutus, a couple of seditious Tribunes, did presently interpose here, crying out, That the Consuls went about to disguise the most cruel and barbarous action in the World, under that so mild and plausible name of a Colony, for no other end, but that they might precipitate so many poor Citizens, as it were, into the very gulf of Perdition, by removing them to settle in an infectious Air, and a place that was covered with noisome Carcases, and sending them to sojourn, not only under a strange Deity, but an angry and revengeful Genius; and then, as if it would not satisfy their hatred, to destroy some by hunger, and expose others to the mercy of a Plague, they must proceed to involve them also in a needless War of their own choosing, that all other Calamities might fall upon the City at once, because it did refuse to bear that of being any longer in slavery to the rich.  
By which kind of discourses, the people were so filled with aversion and insolence, that none of them would appear upon the Consular Summons to be listed for the War, and they did as little relish the Proposal for a new Plantation; This put the Senate into such perplexity that it was utterly at a loss what to say, or do. But Marcius, who began now to swell and bear himself higher than ordinary, and to take more Spirit and Confidence from his noble Actions; being admired too by the best and greatest men of Rome, did openly oppose the harangues and practices of these Popular Incendiaries; so that in spite of them a Colony was dispatched to Velitrae, those that were chosen by lot, being obliged to depart and repair thither upon high Penalties; but when he saw them obstinately persist in refusing to Enrol themselves for the Volscian Service, Marcius then mustered up his own Clients, and as many others as could be wrought upon by persuasion, and with these he made an inroad into the Territories of the Antiates, where finding a considerable quantity of 
Coriolanus invades the Antiates.  Corn, and lighting upon much booty both of cattle and Prisoners, he reserved nothing for himself in private, but returned safe and empty to Rome, while those that ventured out with him were seen loaden with rich Pillage, and driving their Prey before them; which made the rest that stayed at home repent of their perverseness, and envy such as had sped so well by the Enterprise; yea, and to be aggrieved and repine at Marcius, and the power and reputation he still got, as that which did increase and rise only to the lessening and ruin of the People's Interest. It was not long after that he stood for the 
Stands for the Consulship.  Consulship, when the people however did relent and incline to favour him, as being sensible what a shame it would be to repulse and affront a man of his Family and Courage, and that too after he had done them so many signal Services, and been the Author of so much good and benefit to the Public; for it was the custom of those that pretended to Offices and Dignities among them, to solicit and caress the people at their General Assemblies, clad only in a loose Gown without any Coat under it, either to promote their Supplications the better, by suing in such an humble Habit, or that such as had received Wounds might thus more readily demonstrate the visible tokens of their fortitude: for it was not from any suspicion the people than had of bribery and corruption, that they required such as did petition them to appear ungirt and open without any close Garment; for it was much later, and many Ages after this that buying and selling crept in at their Elections, and Money was an Ingredient into the Public Suffrages; but Gifts and Presents had no sooner shown what influence they had, and what Parties they could make for choosing Magistrates, but the same practice came to attempt their Tribunals, and even attack their Camps, till by hiring the Valiant, and enslaving Iron to Silver, it grew Master of the State, and turned their Commonwealth into a Monarchy; for it was well and truly said by him, who did affirm that the person who began to give Treats and Largesses to the people, was he that first deprived them of their strength and power; but the mischief it seems stole secretly in and by little and little, not being presently discerned and taken notice of at Rome; for it is not certainly known who the Man was that did there first either bribe the Citizens, or corrupt the Bench; but in Athens it is said, that Anytus the Son of Anthemion, was the first that gave Money to the Judges toward the latter end of the Peloponnesian War, he being then accused of Treachery, for delivering up the Fort of Pylus; while those of the pure golden kind did as yet preside and give sentence in the Roman Courts: Marcius therefore, as the fashion of pretenders was, laying open the scars and gashes that were still extant in his body, from those innumerable Skirmishes and Conflicts wherein he had successively engaged, and always signalised himself for seventeen years together; they had a certain reverence for his Virtue, and told one another that they ought in common modesty create him Consul; but when the day of Election was now come, and Marcius appeared at the place where they were to give their Votes with a pompous Train of Senators attending him, and all the Patricians did manifestly express a greater concern, and acted more vigorously in his particular, than they had ever done before on the like occasion; the Commons than fell off again from all the kindness they had conceived for him, and in stead of their late Benevolence, were carried to Indignation and Envy on the sudden: the Malignity of which Passions was assisted too by the general fear they were in, that if a man who was clearly to have the Senate govern, and was so mightily respected by the Nobles, should be invested with all the Power which that Office would give him, he might employ it to their prejudice, and utterly deprive the People of that Liberty which was yet left them: Being therefore so ill affected, and reasoning thus among themselves, in conclusion, they rejected Marcius; but when 
Is rejected.  two other Persons were declared Consuls, the thing was taken very heinously by the Senate, as reckoning that the Indignity of such a Slur did reflect rather upon itself than Marcius, who for his part was more sensibly nettled at their proceeding, and could not bear that disgrace with any temper or patience, having commonly used himself to follow the more wrathful and stickling motions of the Soul, as if there were somewhat of Grandeur and bravery in those Transports, without a due mixture of that gravity and meekness, which are the effects of Reason and Discipline, and Virtues so necessary for Civil Conduct, and not considering that whoever undertakes to manage public Business and Converse with men, should above all things avoid opiniateness and pertinacy in his own way, which (as Plato speaks) belong to the Family of Solitude, and become a lover of that forbearance, and those enduring qualities that are so much derided by some ridiculous persons; whereas Marcius being plain and artless; but ever rigid and inflexible, and strongly persuaded that to prevail and vanquish all he had to do with, was the proper work of Fortitude, and not rather a weakness and effeminacy of mind, which bushes out Fury from within, like the swelling of a bruised and painful part, flung away in great disorder, and bitterly enraged against the People: Those also of the young sparkish Gallants that did most flourish and flutter it in the City upon the score of their Noble Birth, as they had been always marvellously devoted to his Interest, so adhering to him at that time, and unhappily present when he was thus slighted, did by their Resentments and Condolence much aggravate the Baffle, and blow up his heat into a flame; for he was not only their Captain and Leader, but a kind Instructor of the Roman Gentlemen, when they went out with him, as to all that did belong unto the Art of War; and taught them a true virtuous Emulation, how they should mutually exalt, and without Envy extol one another for any brave Achievement.  
In the midst of these Distempers, a great 
A great quantity of Corn brought to Rome.  deal of Corn happened to come into Rome, a considerable part whereof had been bought up in Italy, which was equalled by another Stock arriving from Syracuse, as a Present from Gelo, the King of Sicily; insomuch that many began now to hope well of their Affairs, supposing the City by this means would be delivered at once both of its Wa● and Discord. A Council therefore being presently held, the People came flocking about the Senate-house, and did there eagerly attend the issue of that Deliberation, a● expecting that the Market Rates would be more gentle and easy, for that which should be exposed to sale, and also that which wa● sent in as a Gift, should come on free cost and be distributed gratis among them, fo● there were some within who advised the Senate thus to moderate the price of one, and give such Orders for the disposal of the other. But Marcius standing up, did sharply inveigh 
Coriolanus 's Speech against its being distributed among the People.  against those who spoke in favour of the Multitude, calling them Flatterers of the base Rabble, but downright Traitors to the Senate and alleging that by such mean and foolish Gratifications, they did nothing else 〈◊〉 cherish those ill seeds of Boldness and Petu●●ance that had been sown among the People, against themselves and to their own prejudice, which they should have done well to observe and stifle at their first appearance, and not have suffered the Plebeians to grow so strong, by giving such Authority to their Tribunes; for now they were become formidable, through a compliance with their humour in all they did demand and insist upon, and for want of constraining them to any thing which was contrary to their own will; so that living, as it were, in Anarchy, they would no longer obey the Consuls, or acknowledge any superior Magistrate, but the Heads and Leaders of their own Faction. And when things are come to such a pass, for us to sit here, and decree Largesses and Dividends for them, like those Grecians where the Populace is supreme and absolute, what would it be else, says he, but to foster and supply their Stubbornness for the common ruin of us all? for sure they will not look upon these Liberalities as a Reward of public Service, which themselves know they have so oft deserted; nor yet of those Apostasies and Departures from us, whereby they did openly renounce and betray their Country, and much less of the Calumnies and Slanders they have been always so ready to entertain, against the just and honourable Proceedings of this Senate, but will rather conclude that a Bounty, which seems to have no other visible Cause or Reason, must needs be the effect of our Fear and Flattery; so that hoping we shall go on to yield and condescend still to any further Submissions, which may serve to pacify and gain them, they will come to no end of their Disobedience, nor ever cease from Riots and Uproars, and seditious Practices. It is therefore a direct madness in us to be so tame and coming, as we have hitherto shown ourselves; nay, if we had but the Wisdom and Resolution which becomes those of our Rank and Order, we should never rest till we had retrieved that Tribunitian Power they have extorted from us, as being a plain subversion of the Consulship, and a perpetual ground of separation in our City, that is no longer one as heretofore, but has thereby received such a Wound and Rupture, as, for aught I can foresee, is never likely to close and unite again, or suffer us to be of a joint Body and the same Mind, and so much in our right wits, as to leave heightening our own Distempers, & being a Plague and Torment to each other.  
Marcius discoursing many things to this purpose, did strangely inspire the brisk Youngsters with the same furious Sentiments, and had almost all the wealthy on his side, who cried him up as the only Person their City had, that was both insuperable by Force and above Flattery; but some of the more grave and elderly sort did 〈◊〉 him herein, suspecting the ill consequence of his Procedure, as indeed there came no good of it; for the Tribunes that were present at this Consultation, perceiving how the Proposal of Marcius took and carried it against them, ran out into the Crowd with Exclamations, calling on the Plebeians to stand together, and come in to their assistance. The Assembly then being grown tumultuous, and the sum of what Marcius had spoken, having been reported to them, the Rabble fell into such a Rage, that they were 
The People rise against him.  ready to break in upon the Senate; but the Tribunes prevented that, by laying all the blame on Coriolanus, whom therefore they cited by their Messengers to come before them, and give an account of his late violent Oration; and when he contemptuously repulsed the Officers who brought him such a Summons, they came presently themselves with the Aediles, or Overseers of the Market, designing to carry him away by force, and accordingly began to lay hold on his Person; but the Nobility striking in to his rescue, did not only thrust off the Tribunes, but also beat the Aediles that were their Seconds in the Quarrel, and then the Night approaching, put an end to their present Scuffle. But as soon as it was day, the Consuls observing the People to be highly exasperated, and that they ran from al●●●arters, and met together in the Marketplace, were afraid for the whole City, lest the business should come to a general Uproar; so that convening the Senate afresh, they desired them to advise how by gentle Speeches and more benign Edicts, they might best qualify and compose that incensed Multitude: for if they did wisely consider the state of Things, they must needs find that it was no longer time to stand upon terms of Reputation, and that the matter of this Contest was not a mere point of Glory, but that such a ticklish and critical Conjuncture did oblige them to kind Methods, and require temperate and good-natured Counsels. The majority therefore of the Senators submitting to new Measures and a milder Sentence, the Consuls proceeded to bespeak and pacify the People in the best manner they were able, answering gently to such Imputations and Charges as had been cast upon the Senate, and using much Tenderness and Modesty in those Admonitions and Reproofs they gave them for their late exorbitant Demeanour. And as for a supply of the Market with Provisions, or the moderate and reasonable Rates of what should be there exposed to Sale, they said, there should be no difference at all between them upon that Subject. When a great part of the Commonalty was grown cool, and it appeared from their orderly and peaceful Audience, that they had been wrought upon, and very much appeased by what was spoken, the Tribunes standing up declared in the name of the People, that since the Senate was pleased to act soberly, and do them Reason, they likewise should be ready to condescend in all things that were fair and equitable on their side; however they did peremptorily insist that Marcius should give in his Answer to the several particulars he was accused of; as first, whether he could deny that he did instigate and provoke the Senate to confound the Government, and dissolve the Authority of the People; and in the next place, if being called to account for it, he did not insolently slight and disobey their Summons; and last of all, whether by the blows and other public affronts given to the Aediles, he did not as much as in him lay, introduce and commence a Civil War, and become a Leader to the rest of the Citizens to take up Arms one against another.  
Now these Articles were brought in against him, with a design either to humble Marcius, and make it appear he was one of a mean Spirit, if contrary to his nature he should now Court and Caress the people; or, if he did still maintain the usual haughtiness of his mind, (which they did rather hope and expect as guessing rightly at the man) he might work up their Choler to such a height, that they should remain implacable, and never more be reconciled to him.  
He came therefore as it were to make his Apology, and clear himself from the Impeachment; in which belief the People kept silence, and gave him a quiet hearing: But when, in stead of the submissive and deprecatory language was expected from him, he began to use not only an offensive kind of freedom, wherein he seemed rather to accuse then apologise; but, as well by the tone and sierceness of his Voice, as the stern and searless air of his Countenance, did demonstrate a security that was not far from disdain and contempt of them, the whole multitude than was ruffled and incensed to purpose; and gave sufficient indication of their uneasiness and disgust, and that they could no longer endure the pride and arrogance of such a scornful Orator; hereupon 
Sicinnius the Tribune pronounces Sentence of Death against Co●iolanus.  Sicinnius the most hardy and violent of all their Tribunes, after a little private Conference with the rest of his Colleagues, did solemnly pronounce before them all that Marcius was condemned to die by the Tribunes of the People, and without more ado, bid the Aediles hurry him up to the Tarpeian Rock, and presently throw him headlong from that precipice; but when they, in compliance with their Order, came to seize upon his body, the action did appear horrible and insolent to many even of the Plebeian Party; but the Patricians being wholly beside themselves, and infinitely affected with it, began to cry out for help; and while some made use of their hands to hinder the Arrest, and surrounding Marcius, got him in among them, others stretched out theirs unto the multitude, beseeching them that they would not proceed to such furious Extremities; but in so great a hurly-burly and tumult, there was no good to be done by words and outcries, till at length the Friends and Acquaintance of the Tribunes wisely perceiving how impossible it would be to carry off Marcius to punishment without much bloodshed and slaughter of the Nobility, persuaded them to take off that which was unusual and odious therein, and that they would not dispatch him by such a sudden violence, or without regular Process and the due Forms of Justice, but refer what did concern the life of so eminent a Person to the general Suffrage of the People: Sicinnius then after a little sober pause, turning to the Patricians, demanded what their meaning was thus forcibly to rescue Marcius out of the People's hands as they were going to punish him for such high Misdemeanours; when it was replied by them on the other side, and the question put, yea rather, how came it into your mind? and what is it you design, thus to hale one of the chief and the worthiest men of Rome, to such a barbarous and illegal Execution, and not allow him so much as a free Trial, which is the right and privilege of the meanest Citizen? Very well, said Siccinnius, i● that be all, it shall be no ground of your squabling and factious differences with the People, which grants all you require as to this particular; namely, that your swaggering Hero may be judged and sentenced according to the course of Law: And as for you, Sir, directing his speech to Marcius, we assign you the third Term of Judicature which shall next ensue, to make your appearance and defence in, and to try if you can satisfy the Roman Citizens of your Innocence, who will thoroughly examine the Case, and then put it to a Vote, which shall decide your doom. The Noblemen were content with such a Truce and respite for that time, and gladly returned home; having weathered the present storm, and brought off Marcius in safety.  
During the Interval of that appointment, (for the Romans hold their Sessions every Ninth day, which from thence are called Nundinae in Latin) there fell out a War with the Antiates, which, because it was like to be of some continuance, gave them hope they might one way or other elude the Judgement, as presuming the People would become mild and tractable, and that their Indignation must needs lessen and languish by degrees in so long a space, if it did not totally cease while they were taken up with the business of that Enterprise; but when contrary to expectation; they quickly made an agreement with those of Antium, and the Army came back to Rome, the Patricians were again in great perplexity about the affair of Marcius, and had frequent Meetings and Consultations among themselves, the subject whereof was, how things might be so ordered, that they should neither abandon him, nor yet give an occasion to those that did influence the People to put them into new disorders. Now Appius Claudius, whom they reckoned among those Senators that were most of all averse to the Popular Interest, made a solemn Declaration, and told them before hand, that the Senate would utterly destroy itself, and betray the Government if they should once suffer the People to become their Judges, and assume the Authority of pronouncing Capital Sentence upon any of the Patricians; but then the most aged and most inclined to Popularity, did allege on the other side, and deliver it as their Opinion that the People would not be so harsh and severe upon them, as some were pleased to imagine, but rather become more gentle and courteous through the concession of that Power, since it was not their contempt of the Senate, but the fear of being despised by it, which made them pretend to such a Prerogative of judging, the allowance whereof would be a Testimony of Respect, and a means of Consolation to them; insomuch, that at the very time of receiving a liberty to Vote in these Cases, they would presently dismiss and let fall their Animosities and Displeasures.  
When therefore Coriolanus saw that the Senate was in no little pain and suspense upon his account, divided as it were betwixt the kindness they had for him, and their apprehensions from the People, he desired to know of the Tribunes, what the Crimes were they did intend to charge him with, and what the Heads of that Indictment they would oblige him to plead to before the People; and being told by them, that he was to be Impeached for a tyrannical Usurpation, and that they would 
His Accusation.  prove him guilty of designing to introduce Arbitrary Government; Stepping forth hereupon, let me go then, says he, to clear myself from that Imputation before an Assembly of them, and as I do freely expose my person to any sort of Cognizance touching this Article, so neither will I refuse any kind of Punishment whatsoever, if I be convicted of it; only, says he, let what you now mention, be made the true Title of my Accusation, and be sure you do not falsify or impose upon the Senate in this matter: when they gave consent thereto, and promised they would stick to that as the chief ground of their prosecution; he came to his Trial upon these terms. But the People being met together, the Tribunes, contrary to all former practice, did extort and obtain first, that Voices should be given, not according to their Hundreds, but their Tribes; by which Inversion of Order, the indigent and factious Rabble, that had no respect for Honesty and Justice, and would be sure to carry it by Number at the Poll, were to have a Precedency in Voting before the rich and eminent, and military sort of men, who did serve and support the Public with their Lives and Fortunes: And then in the next place, whereas they had engaged to prosecute Marcius upon no other head but that of Tyranny (which could never be made out against him) they did wave and relinquish this Plea, and instead thereof, fell to repeat and aggravate some words of his which had been formerly spoken in the Senate; as, that he did there oppose and dissuade an abatement of the price of Corn, but advise and encourage them to resume the Tribunitian Power; adding further as a new Impeachment, the distribution that was made by him of the spoil and booty he had taken from the Antiates, when he overrun their Country, which upon his own head, and to gain the Soldiery, he had divided among those that were readiest to follow him; whereas it ought rather to have been brought into the public Storehouse, and disposed of by Authority of the Senate for the common Interest; which last Accusation did, they say, more surprise and discompose Marcius than all the rest, as not expecting he should ever be questioned upon that subject, and therefore less provided to give a plausible and satisfactory Answer to it on the sudden; but when, by way of excuse, he began to magnify the Merits of those who had been Partakers with him in the Action, such as stayed at home being more numerous than the other, and not enduring to hear them commended, did so disturb him by the noise they made, that he could not proceed upon that Argument: In conclusion, when they came to Vote, there were three entire Tribes that did condemn him more than those that gave their Suffrage in his Favour, and the Penalty they adjudged him to, was perpetual banishment. The Sentence of his Condemnation being pronounced, 
He is banished.  the People went away with greater joy and triumph, and exaltation of mind, than they had ever shown for any Victory against their Enemies: But the Senate was all in heaviness, and a deep dejection, repenting now and vexed at the very Soul that they had not done and suffered all things rather than give way to the insolence of the People, and permit them to assume and abuse so great an Authority: there was no need then to look upon their habit or other marks of distinction, for discerning a Senator from any vulgar Citizen, for it did plainly appear that the brisk and jocund were all Plebeians, and you might presently know a Nobleman by his sad Countenance; only Marcius himself was not struck or humbled in the least by that severe Judgement which had passed upon him, appearing still by his gesture and motion, and aspect to be the same steady person, and when all others of the same Rank were so passionately touched therewith, he alone did not seem t● be any whit affected at his own misfortune▪ but this however was not so much an effect of reason, and the meekness of his Tempe●▪ or because he bore the Accident with Patience, as a certain Transport of Fury and profound Displeasure, which with ordinary an● ignorant Judges does not then pass for a grie● of Mind, for when this passion lighting 〈◊〉 a fiery Nature, does as it were kindle an● flame out into Choler, it throws off all th●● depression and sluggishness, which is otherwise so proper to it; from whence it happens that an angry Man is sometimes thought t● be extreme vigorous and active; just as o● in a Fever, may seem to have a hot Constitution, when all this high beating is no mo●● than a disorderly Pulse and Palpitation 〈◊〉 the heart, or as it were a painful Distension and shooting Tumour of the Soul: Now, th● such was the Distemper of Marcius, it immediately appeared by his following Actions for upon his return home, after saluting hi● Mother and his Wife, that were all in Tea● and full of loud Lamentations, and exhorting them to moderate the sense they had of hi● Calamity, he presently went toward the Cit● Gates, whither all the Nobility did atten● him, and so not so much as taking aught with him, or making any Request to the Company, he departed from them, having 
He leaves Rome.  only three or four Clients about his Person. He continued solitary and musing for a few days in some Villages he had, tossed and distracted with great variety of Counsels, such as Rage and Indignation did suggest to him; in all which therefore he did not propose to himself any honourable or useful end, but only how he might best satisfy his Revenge in persecuting the Romans, and for this purpose he resolved at length to raise up a heavy War against them from their nearest Neighbours.  
In order hereunto, his business was in 
He goes to the Volscians.  the first place to make trial of the Volscians, whom he knew to be still vigorous and flourishing enough both in Strength and Treasure, and did imagine their Force and Power was not so much abated, as their Spite and wrathful Pertinacy was increased, by the late Overthrows they had received from the Romans. Now there was a Man of Antium, called Tullus Ausidius, who, for his Wealth and Prowess, and the Splendour of his Family, had the Respect and Privilege of a King among all the Volscians, but ●ne whom Marcius knew to have a particular Pique and an inveterate Malice against him above any Roman whatsoever; for ●here having frequent Menaces and Challenges passed between them, as they met together in the Field, and by often defying each other through a competition of their Valour (as the Strife and Emulation of youthful Spirits does usually prompt them to such Braveries) they had, beside the common Quarrel of their Country, conceived a mutual Enmity and private Hatred to each other; but for all this, considering the great Generosity of Tullus, and that none of the Volscians did so much desire an occasion, to return back upon the Romans some part of the Evils they had done them, he ventured at a thing, which mightily confirms that Saying of the Poet: 
Hard and unequal is with Wrath the Strife,  
Which makes us buy its pleasure with our life.  For putting on such clothes and Habiliments, by which he might appear most unlike the Person he was, to all that should see him in that Equipage, as Homer says of Vlysse●▪ The Town he entered of his mortal Foes. His Arrival at Antium was about Evening 
His Arrival at Antium.  and though several met him in the Street● yet he passed along without being know● to any, and went directly on to the Hou●● of Tullus; where stealing in undiscovered he presently made up to the Fire-hearth (a Place that was sacred to their Lares and seated himself there without speaking a word, or using any motion, after he had covered his Head, to prevent observance. Those of the Family could not choose but wonder at the man's Confidence, and yet they were afraid either to raise or question him, (for there was a certain air of Majesty about him, which showed itself both in his Posture and his Silence) but they recounted to Tullus (being then at Supper) the strangeness of this Accident, who immediately rose from Table, and coming to Coriolanus, asked him, who he was, and for what business he came thither: whereupon Marcius unmuffling himself, and pausing a while, If, says he, you cannot 
His Speech to Tullus Aufidius.  yet call me to mind, Tullus, if you do not believe your eyes concerning me, I must of necessity be my own Accuser; know therefore that I am Caius Marcius, the same Man that has been Author of so much Mischief to the Volscians, which if I should offer to deny, the Surname of Coriolanus I now bear, would be a sufficient Evidence against me, for I have no other Recompense to boast of, for all the Hardships and Perils I have gone through during the Wars between us, but a Title that proclaims my Enmity to your Nation, and this is the only thing which ●s still left me; as for other Advantages, I have ●een stripped and deprived of them all at once by ●he Envy and Outrage of the Roman People, and through the Cowardice and Treachery of the Magistrates, and those of my own Order; so the I am driven out as an Exile, and become as humble Supplicant before your household Gods, not so much for safety and protection, (for wh●● should make me come hither had I been afraid to die?) as to seek and procure Vengeance against those that did expel me from my Country, which, methinks, I have already obtained, by putting myself into your hands; if therefore you have really a mind to attack and defeat you Enemies, come on, noble Sir, make use of the Affliction you see me in to assist the Enterprise and let my personal Infelicity prove a comm●● Blessing to the Volscians; for I am like to be s● much more serviceable in fight for, than against you, as they who understand the Secrets ●● their Enemies, do manage the War better, th●● such as are unacquainted with the way and ma●ner of their Conduct: But if you despond 〈◊〉 give out, and refuse to make any further Attempts upon them, I am neither willing to li●● myself, nor will it be safe and prudent in 〈◊〉 to preserve a Person who has been your Ri●● and Adversary of old, and now, when he offe●● you his Service, is so far slighted, as to ●● thought unprofitable and useless to you.  
Tullus having heard the Discovery an● Discourse he made, was wonderfully please with it, and giving him his right Hand, ●rise, says he, Marcius, and be of good Courage for it is a considerable Happiness you bring 〈◊〉 Antium, in that welcome Present you do here make us of yourself, and you may look for all manner of Civility and respectful Usage from the Volscians; and so for that time he did only feast and entertain him with great Kindness, but for several days after they held private Conference, and were in close Deliberation touching the Means and Requisites of a War. While this Design was forming, there were great Troubles and Commotions at Rome, from the Animosity of the Senators against the People, which came to be heightened too at present by a new Grudge, for the late Condemnation of Marcius; beside that their Soothsayers and Priests, and even private Persons, brought in fearful tidings of Signs and Prodigies, that were very much to be regarded, one whereof I shall mention here, which they report to have happened in this manner. Titus Latinus, one of ordinary Condition, but yet a sober and virtuous man, free from all superstitious Fancies on one hand, and much more from Vanity and Boasting on the other, had an Apparition in his Sleep, as if Jupiter came within view and bid him tell the Senate, that they had sent a very uncouth and disagreeable Dancer, to march before the Pomp of that Supplication they designed him; but having beheld the Vision, he said, he did not much mind it, or the words spoken at the first Appearance, and having seen and slighted it a second and third time, he then saw the most hopeful Son he had, expire before his Eyes, and his own Body was so struck and loosened on a sudden, that himself became utterly impotent. These things he related, being brought hastily into the Senate on a Couch, and the Story goes, that he had no sooner delivered his Message there, but he presently felt his Strength and Vigour to return, insomuch that he got upon his Legs, and went home alone, without need of any assistance or support, which the Senators much wondering at, made a diligent search into the Matter. Now that which his Dream alluded to was this: A Person whose Name I know not, had for some heinous Offence, given up a Servant of his to the rest of his Fellows, with charge to whip him first through the Market, and then to kill him; while they were executing this Command, and scourging the poor Creature, that skrew'd and turned himself into all manner of Shapes and unseemly Motions, through the Pain and Torture he was in, a solemn Procession made in Honour of Jupiter, chanced to follow at their heels; several of the Assistants therein were very much scandalised at such a sight, the horrible sufferings and the indecent postures of that Wretch, being equally offensive to the Spectators, and detested by them; yet no body would interpose, or call the Actors to account for it, they did only spend some Reproaches and Curses on the Master, who was so bitter and barbarous in his Inflictions: for the Romans treated their Servants with much Humanity in those days, because they did then work and labour themselves, and live together among them, and so were apt to be more gentle and familiar with their own Domestics; for it was one of the greatest Pennances for a Servant who had highly misdemeaned himself to take up that piece of Wood upon his shoulders wherewith they did support the Thill of a Wagon, and carry it round about through the Neighbourhood, and he that had once undergone the shame of this, and was seen by those of the Household and other Inhabitants of the place, with that infamous burden, had no longer any trust or credit among them, but was styled Furcifer by way of ignominy and reproach; for what the Greeks in their Language call Hypostates, i. e. a Prop or Supporter, is by the Latins termed Furca, from the forked Figure of that rustical Instrument.  
When therefore Latinus had given in such a Relation of his Dream, and all the Senators were devising who this disagreeable and ungainly Dancer should be, some of the Company (having been much affected with the strangeness of his punishment) did call to mind and mention the miserable Slave which was lashed through the Streets, and afterward put to death; the Priests then being consulted in the Case, did all unanimously agree, that this must be the same ungraceful and odious Tripper, which Jupiter complained of; whereupon his Master was punished, and they renewed the Supplication to their God, with all the Shows and Solemnities of that Performance. By which it appears, that Numa was both in other respects a very wise Author of what did belong to holy Offices, and that this in particular was an excellent institution of his, to make the People attentive at their Religious Ceremonies; for when the Magistrates or Priests do perform any Divine Worship, there is a Herald goes before, and proclaims with a loud voice, Hoc age, which signifies, Do this you are about, and so warns them heedfully to mind whatever Sacred Action they are engaged in, not suffering any other business, or worldly avocation to come in between, that may disturb their thoughts, and interrupt the Exercise; and this he judged to be the more necessary here, inasmuch as most of the things which men do, especially of this kind, are in a manner forced from them, and effected by constraint. Now it is usual with the Romans to begin their Sacrifices, and Processions, and Sights afresh, not only upon such a Cause as this, but for any slighter reason; for if but one of the Horses which drew the Chariots called Tensae, upon which the Images of their Gods were placed, did happen to fail and falter, or if the Coachman took hold of the Reins with his left hand, they made a Vote that the whole Operation should commence anew; and in latter ages one and the same Sacrifice was performed thirty times over, because there seemed always to be a defect or mistake, or some vicious and offensive Accident in that Service; so great was the Reverence and Caution which the Romans than showed towards the Deity in all things.  
But Marcius and Tullus did now secretly discourse of their Project before the chief men of Antium, advising them to invade the Romans while they were at odds among themselves, and embroiled in Dissensions and Contests with each other; and when the Respects of Shame and Decency did hinder them from embracing the motion, inasmuch as they had agreed and sworn to a Truce and Cessation of Arms for the space of two years, the Romans▪ themselves soon furnished them with a Pretence, by making Proclamation (out of a certain jealousy, or slanderous report) in the midst of their Shows and Exercises, that all the Volscians who came thither to see them, should depart the City before Sunset: there are some who affirm, that all this was a Contrivance and Trick of Marcius, who sent one privately to the Consuls that should falsely accuse the Volscians, as if they did intend to fall upon the Romans while they were at their Plays and Pastimes, and set the City on fire. Now so public an Affront did extremely nettle those of that Nation, and dispose them more than ever to Hostility and hatred against the Romans; which Tullus perceiving, made his advantage of it, much aggravating the Fact, and working on their present Indignation, till he did provoke and persuade them at last to dispatch Ambassadors to Rome, that should require them to restore that part of their Country, and those Towns which they had taken from the Volscians in the late War: When the Romans heard such a Message, they were in great wrath, and smartly replied, That if the Volscians were the first that did take up Arms, the Romans should be the last that would lay them down. This Answer being brought back, Tullus made a General Assembly of the Volscian States, in which Convention the Vote passing for a War; he did propose that they should call in Marcius, laying aside the remembrance of former grudges, and assuring themselves that the Services they should now receive from him as a Friend and Associate, would abundantly outweigh any harm or damage he had done them when he was their Enemy: Marcius having made his Entrance, and spoken to the People, he was thought to be a shrewd Warrior no less by his Discourse than by his Deeds, and to excel in Prudence as well as Courage; whereupon they joined him in Commission with Tullus, to have full Power as General of their Forces in all that related to the War; who fearing lest the time that would be requisite to bring all the Volscians together, with their Ammunition and Equipage for that Service, might be so long as to make him lose the opportunity of some considerable Action; he left order with the chief Persons and Rulers of the City to provide and furnish out other things, while he himself, prevailing upon the most brisk and forward, to assemble themselves, and march out with him as Volunteers, without staying to be enroled, made a sudden Inroad into the Roman Confines when no body did expect him, by which nimble surprisal he possessed himself of so much Booty, that the Volscians were encumbered with their Prey, as unable to drive away and carry it all off, or when they had done so, to consume and spend it in their Camp; but the abundance of Provision which he gained, and that waste and havoc of the Country which he made, were of themselves and in his account, the smallest things in that Invasion, the great mischief he intended, and for the sake whereof he did all the rest, was to increase at Rome their slanders and jealousies of the Nobles, and to make them still upon worse terms with the People; for which end, in spoiling all the Fields, and destroying the Goods of other men, he took special care to preserve their Farms and Villages untouched, and would not allow his Soldiers to ravage there, or seize upon any thing which belonged to them; from whence their Invectives and Quarrels against one another, broke out afresh, and rose to a greater height than heretofore; the Senators reproaching those of the Commonalty, with their late injustice to Coriolanus, as if they were rightly served for banishing a man of so great Importance; while the Plebeians on their side did not stick to accuse them for having, out of mere spite and revenge, solicited Marcius to this Enterprise, and that, when others were involved in the miseries of a War by their means, they sat like unconcerned Spectators, as being secure themselves, and furnished with a Guardian or Protector abroad of their own Wealth and Fortunes, in the very person of him who was a Mortal Enemy to the People. After this Incursion and Exploit which was of great use and singular advantage to the Volscians, inasmuch as they learned by it to grow more hardy, and then first of all to contemn those Enemies they so much dreaded before, Marcius drew them off, and returned in safety. But when the whole strength of the Volscians was with great Expedition and Alacrity brought together into the Field, it appeared so considerable a body, that they agreed to leave part thereof in Garrison for the security of their Towns, and with the other Moiety to march against the Romans: Coriolanus then desired Tullus to consider which of the two Charges would be most agreeable to him, and that he would choose accordingly; to which Tullus make answer, That since he knew Marcius to be equally valiant with himself, but far more fortunate in all Rencounters, he would have him take the Command of those that were going out to the War, while he made it his care and business to defend their Cities at home, and provide all Conveniences for the Army abroad. Marcius therefore, being thus reinforced, and much stronger than before, moved first toward the City called Circaeum, that was a Roman Colony, which being freely delivered up, he did not the least harm there to the Place or its Inhabitants: And passing thence, he entered and laid waste the Country of the Latins, where it was expected the Romans should have come in to their assistance, and fought against him in behalf of the Latins, who were their Confederates and Allies, and had often sent to demand Succours from them; but because as well the People on their part showed little inclination for the Service, and the Consuls themselves were unwilling now to run the hazard of a Battle, when the time of their Office drew so near its end, and was almost ready to expire, they dismissed the Latin Ambassadors without any effect: So that Marcius finding no Army to oppose him, marched up to their very Cities themseives, and having taken by force that of the People called Tolerienses, and of the Vicani and Pedani, and of the Belani too, who stood it out against him; he not only plundered their Houses, but made a Prey likewise of their Persons: But he had a particular regard for all such as came over to his Party, and was so tender of them, that for fear they might sustain any damage against his will, he encamped still at the greatest distance he could, and wholly abstained from the Lands of thei● Propriety. After he had made himself Master of Bola, a City that was not above a hundred Furlongs from Rome, where he met with great Treasure, and put almost all to the Sword that were of an age to carry Weapons; the other Volscians that were ordered to stay behind as a safeguard to their Cities, hearing of his Achievements and Success, had not the patience to remain any longer at home, but came running with their Arms to Marcius, and saying, that he alone was their General, and the sole person they would own as a Commander in Chief over them; upon which he had a mighty Name, and the Renown of him spread throughout all Italy, with a marvellous Opinion of his single Prowess; who, by changing sides, had himself alone given that sudden turn to the Affairs of two Nations, and made such a strange and notable alteration in the state of things.  
All was at Rome now in very great disorder, for they were utterly averse from Fight, and spent their whole time in Cabals and Conspiracies, and seditious words, and perpetual Bandying against each other; until News was brought that the Enemy had laid close Siege to Lavinium, wherein were all the Images and Sacred things of their tutelar Gods, and from whence they did derive the Original of their Nation, that being the first City which Aeneas built in Italy; which tidings did produce great variety of Sentiments, and wrought a wonderful difference all at once as to the Thoughts and Inclinations of the People, but a very odd and unexpected change of Mind among the Patricians; for the former now was for repealing the Sentence against Marcius, and calling him back into the City; whereas the Senate, being assembled to deliberate and resolve upon that Point, did finally dislike and oppose the Proposition; either out of a cross humour, to contradict and withstand the People in whatever they should motion, or because they were unwilling perhaps, that he should owe his Restoration to their Kindness; or having now conceived a Displeasure against Marcius himself, who did harass and plague them all alike, though he had not been ill treated by all, and was become a declared Enemy to the whole Country, though he knew well enough that the principal Men, and all the better sort, did condole with him, and suffer in his Injuries.  
This Resolution of theirs being made public, the People was utterly at a loss, and could proceed no further, as having no Authority to pass any thing by Suffrage, and enact it for a Law, without a previous Decree from the Senate. But when Marcius came to hear of that Vote for prohibiting his Return, he was more exasperated than ever, insomuch that quitting the Siege of Lavinium, he marched furiously towards Rome, and encamped at a Place called Fossa Claelia, about five miles from the City; but as the nearness of his Approach was terrible, and did create much Trouble and Disturbance, so likewise did it surcease their Animosities and Dissensions for the present; for no body now wheth●● Consul or Senator, durst any longer contradict the People in their design of recalling Marcius; but seeing their Women run frighted up and down the Streets, and the old Men at Prayer in every Temple with Tears and earnest Supplications, and that, in short, there was a general defect among them both of Courage and Wisdom, to provide for their own safety, they came at last to be all of one mind, that the People had been very much in the right, to propose and endeavour, as they did a Reconciliation with Marcius, but that the Senate was extremely out, and guilty of a fatal Error, then to begin a Quarrel with, and provoke Marcius, when it was a time to forget Offences, and they should have studied rather to appease him. It was therefore unanimously agreed by all Parties, that Ambassadors should be dispatched away, offering him the liberty of a Return to his former state at home, and desiring he would free them from the Apprehensions and the Straits of that War. The Persons sent by the Senate with this Message, were chosen out of his Kindred and acquaintance, who did therefore expect a very kind Reception at their first Interview and Audience, upon the score of that Relation, and their old Familiarity and Friendship with him; but it seems they were very much mistaken in their Count, for being led through the Enemy's Camp, they found him sitting in great State amidst a crowd of Officers, with insupportable Arrogance and a sullen Gravity; the Chief of the Volscians being then present, he bid them openly declare the Cause of their coming, which they did in the most gentle and benign terms, and with a Behaviour suitable to the modesty of that Language. When they had made an end of speaking, he returned them a sharp Answer, full of Bitterness and angry Resentments, as to what concerned himself, and the ill Usage he had received from them; but as General of the Volscians, he demanded restitution of the Cities and the Lands they had seized upon during th● late War, and that the same Rights and Franchises should be granted them at Rome, which they had before accorded to the Latins, since there could be no assurance that a Peace would be firm and lasting, without fair Condition's on both sides, and if it had not Justice and Equality to secure it; and having made these Proposals, he allowed thirty days to consider and resolve about them. The Ambassadors being departed, he prefently withdrew hi● Forces out of the Roman Territory; that which those of the Volscians, who had long envied his Reputation, and could not endure to see the Interest and Sway he had with that People, did lay hold of, as the first matter of an Impeachment against him. Among his chief Maligners was even Tullus himself, not for any personal Offence or private Injury, but out of humane passion, and a Vice so incident to Mankind, he felt an inward Pique, to find his own Glory thus totally obscured, by that of Marcius, and himself overlookt and neglected now by the Volscians, who had so great an Opinion and Esteem of their new Leader, that he alone was instead of all to them, and they would have other Captains be content with that share of Government and Power, which he should think fit to vouchsafe them. From hence the first Seeds of Complaint and Accusation were scattered about in secret, and the Heads of that Conspiracy assembling together, did help to raise and heighten each others Indignation, saying, that to retreat as he did, was in effect to betray and deliver up, though not their Cities and their Arms, yet the proper Times and Opportunities for Action, which is a damage of no smaller consequence than the other, inasmuch as the preservation or the loss of all these, and every thing else, does naturally depend on them, seeing in less than thirty days space, for which he had given a respite from th● War, there might happen the greatest changes in the World. Albeit Marcius spent not any part of the time idly, but did attack and damnify the Confederates of the Enemy, yea, and took from them seven great and populous Cities in that Interval. The Romans in the mean while durst not venture out to their relief, but were of a sluggish and unactive Spirit, feeling no more disposition or Capacity for the Affairs of War, than 〈◊〉 their Bodies too had been struck and benumbed with a dead Palsy, and so become utterly destitute of sense and motion: Bu● when the thirty days were expired, an● Marcius appeared again with his whole A●my, they sent another Embassy to besee●● him that he would moderate his Displeasure and marching off with the Volscians consider what was fit to be done, and propose th●● which he judged most agreeable to the ●nterest of both Parties, remembering always that the Romans were not men to be wrought upon by Menaces, or that would yield any thing out of Fear, but if it were 〈◊〉 Opinion that the Volscians ought to hav● some favour shown them, upon laying dow● their Arms, they might obtain all the● could in reason desire and fairly prete●● to.  
The Reply of Marcius was, That 〈◊〉 should answer nothing thereto as General of the Volscians, but in the quality still of a Roman Citizen, he would advise and exhort them, as the case stood, not to carry it so high, but think rather of a just Compliance, and return to him before three days were at an end, with a Ratification of those equal demands he had formerly made, and did insist upon; for otherwise they should not have the same freedom and security of passing through his Camp again upon such idle Errands, and for like impertinent and fruitless Treaties. When the Ambassadors were come back and had acquainted the Senate with this resolute Answer, seeing the whole State now threatened as it were by a Tempest, and the Waves ready to overwhelm them, they were forced as we say, in extreme Perils, to handle and let down the Sacred Anchor; for there was a Decree made, that the whole Order of their Priests, with such as did initiate in Mysteries, or had the care and custody of Holy Things, or the skill of Prophesying by Birds (an ancient way of Divination among the Romans) should all and every one of them go in full Procession to Marcius with their Pontifical Array, and the same Dress and Habit which they respectively used in their several Functious or Religious Ceremonies; which venerable Orators were to bespeak him as before, and recommend the former Request; that, upon their instance at least, he would be persuaded to surcease the War, and then discourse with his Countrymen about the Volscian Articles; he consented so far indeed as to give these reverend and peaceful persons an Admittance into his Camp, but granted nothing at all out of respect and complaisance for them, nor did he so much as behave or express himself with more civility or smoothness upon their account; but without capitulating further, or receding from his main point, bid them once for all choose whether they would yield or fight, for the old terms were the only terms of Peace. When there was no better effect of such a solemn Application, (the Priests too returning unsuccessful) they determined to sit still within the City, and keep Watch about their Walls, intending only to repulse the Enemy, should he offer to attack them, and placing their hopes chiefly in the strange and extraordinary Accidents of Time and Fortune: for as to themselves, they had neither the Wit to contrive, nor the Courage to undertake aught for their own deliverance, but confusion and terror, and illboding Reports run through the whole City; till a certain thing did arrive, not unlike those we so often read of in Homer, (which however most people will hardly believe) for when he upon great occasions, and some rare and unusual events does affirm and exclaim in this manner.— But him the Goddess Pallas did inspire.— And elsewhere, 
But some Immortal being turned their mind,  
Who left another tale and bruit behind.—  And then, Whether 'twere his own thought, or God's Command. Men are ready here to despise or censure the Poet, as if he went about to destroy the Credit and the use of Reason, and indeed the very freedom of their Choice, by submitting all to such impossible things and absurd Fictions; whereas Homer can no way be supposed to attempt or design this, for what is probable and usual, and brought about by the ordinary way of Reason, he ascribes that to humane performance, and leaves it wholly to our own power and management, frequently discoursing to this effect,— But I consulted with my own great Soul. And in another passage. 
This said, Achilles was with grief possessed,  
And various thoughts did bustle in his breast▪  And then again, 
Yet brave Bellerophon her charms withstood,  
On Virtue fixed, and ever true to good.  But in such things and actions as are unaccountably daring, and of a prodigious and transcendent kind, and therefore need some touches of Enthusiasm and divine hardiness that may instigate and carry us thereto: Here, I say, he does introduce God not as taking away the liberty of our Will, but as moving it to act freely; neither as working in us the Inclinations and Pursuits themselves▪ but as offering those Phantasms and Objects to our Minds, from whence the Impulse is conceived, and the Resolution taken; by which Representments however, he makes not the Deed involuntary, but only gives a beginning to spontaneous Operations, and superadds confidence and good hope to what is thus willingly undertaken: for we must either totally discharge and remove God from all manner of causality as to what we do, and a prime Original Influence on our Affairs, or be forced to confess that there is no other way of Insinuation beside this whereby he does secretly assist men and cooperate with them; for sure the help which he affords us, cannot be imagined to consist in fashioning the postures of our body, or directing the motions of our hands and feet, so as they may be serviceable to us for the use of life, but in exciting the practical part, and the elective powers of our Soul, by initial overtures and certain Images and Instincts from above; or else on the contrary, in a sudden aversion or seasonable restraint of them from other▪ things, and that also by hints and apprehensions of his sending.  
Now in this perplexity of Affairs which I before mentioned, the Roman Women went some of them to other Temples, but the greater part, and the Ladies of best quality were at high Devotion about the Altar of Jupiter Capitolinus; Among these Supplicants was also Valeria, Sister to the great Publicola, a person who had done the Romans that eminent service both in Peace and War: Publicola himself was now deceased (as I have written in the History of his Life) but Valeria lived still with a mighty Reputation and Esteem at Rome, as one whose Conduct was thought not to disparage her Kindred, or any way shame the Relation she had to him. She therefore being suddenly seized with an instinct or emotion of mind not unlike those I but now spoke of, and happily lighting (not without Divine Guidance) on the right Expedient, both arose herself, and caused the rest of the Votaries to get up, and made directly with them toward the House of Volumnia, the Mother of Marcius; when she came in, and found her sitting with her Daughter-in-law, and having her little grandchildren on her Lap, Valeria then surrounded by her Female-companions, spoke in the name of them all to this purpose.—  
We that now make our appearance, O Volumnia, 
Valeria 's Speech to Volumnia, etc.  and you, Madam Vergilia, approach as women unto women, being come hither not by direction of the Senate, or an Order from the Consuls, or the appointment of any other Magistrate; but God himself, as I conceive, moved first to compassion by our Prayers, has consequently moved us to visit you in a body, and request a thing wherein our own and the common safety is concerned, and which, if you consent to it, will raise your Glory above that of the Daughters of the Sabines, who, by hazarding themselves, did reduce their Fathers and their Husbands from mortal enmity to peace and friendship. Come along then, my good Ladies, and join with us in our Supplication to Marcius, and do your Country the right of giving him this true and just testimony on her behalf; that notwithstanding the many mischiefs and calamities she has suffered, yet she did never outrage your Persons, nor could so much as think of treating you ill, in the midst of all her Resentments, but does now restore and present you safe into his hands, though there is small likelihood she should obtain from him any better terms for herself, or the least favourable and gentle usage on that account.  
This Discourse of Valeria was seconded by loud Approbations and Incentives of the other women; to which Volumnia made answer.—  
Both I myself, Ladies, and my Daughter 
Volumnia 's Answer.  Vergilia, have an equal share with you all in the common miseries, beside this particular affliction which is wholly ours, that we have lost the merit and the fame of Marcius, and may perceive his person to be secured, rather than protected by the Arms of the Enemy; but I reckon this the greatest of all Misfortunes, if indeed the Affairs of Rome be sunk to that desperate and feeble state, as to have its last dependence upon two simple insignificant women; for it is hardly imaginable he should have any consideration left for us, when he has no regard for his Country, a man who was wont to prefer that before his Mother, and Wife and Children put together. Yet notwithstanding this, if it be your opinion that we may do any good here, vouchsafe to make use of our service, and lead us to him, who, if we fail of every thing else, at least can die for, though not redeem our Country, and spend the last breath we have in making suit to him for its deliverance.  
Having spoken thus, she took Vergilia by the Hand, and the young Children, and so accompanied those other Ladies to the Volscian Camp. So lamentable a sight did very much affect the Enemies themselves, and create in them a respectful Silence. Marcius was then sitting in an elevated Place▪ with his chief Officers about him, and seeing that female Party advance toward them, he wondered what should be the Matter; but came to perceive at length that his own Wife Vergilia was at the head of their Company; whereupon he endeavoured to harden himself in his former obstinacy, and would fain have kept up the same inexorable Stiffness against all Entreaties; but overcome by Affection, and strangely disordered at such an Appearance, he could not endure they should approach him sitting in that Stately posture, but came down hastily to meet them, saluting his Mother first, and embracing her a long time, and then his Wife and Children, sparing neither▪ Tears nor Caresses on this occasion, but suffering himself to be born away, and carried headlong as it were by the impetuous Torrent, and the pleasing Violence of his present Passion. When he had taken his fill of these Sweetnesses and Endearments and observed that his Mother Volumnia was desirous to say something, the Volscian Council being first called in, he heard her Discourse before them to this effect: You may easily conjecture, Son, though we should say nothing our 
Volumnia 's Speech to her Son Marcius.  selves, and might conclude from the very form and habit of these wretched Bodies you behold here, in how forlorn a condition we have lived at home since your unhappy Banishment and Absence from us; and now consider with yourself, whether we are not to pass for the most unfortunate of Women, and if ours be not the hardest of all Cases, seeing that, which ought to prove the most delightful thing, and a very gladsome Spectacle, is, through I know not what Fatality, become of all others the most formidable and dreadful to us, when poor Volumnia has the Displeasure to see her Son, and that sad Vergilia the Regret to find her Husband now planting his Batteries against the Walls of Rome; yea even the business of Prayer itself, from whence others do fetch Comfort and Relief in all manner of Misfortunes and Distresses, is that which adds to our Confusion, and does entangle and perplex us above all the rest; for our best wishes are grown inconsistent with themselves, nor can we at the same time petition the Gods for Rome's Victory, and your Preservation; but what the worst of our Enemies would imprecate as a Curse, that is the very Subject of our Vows, or at least is interwoven and mingled with them; for your Wife and Children lie under this w●ful necessity, that they must either be deprived of you, or of their native Soyl. As for myself, I am resolved not to live till Fortune put an end to this War, and determine the Advantage for one side; but if I cannot prevail with you to prefer Amity and Concord before Quarrelling and hostile Practices, and shall not persuade my Son Marcius to become a Benefactor to both Parties, rather than a Plague to either, be assured of this from me, and reckon steadfastly upon it, that you shall not be able to stir a foot towards treading down your Country, unlest you trample first upon the dead Corpse of her, that brought you into the World, and who will deserve to be so treated for having given you Life; for it will be indecent for me to wait and loiter in the World till that dismal day come, wherein I shall see a Child of mine either led in Triumph by his own Countrymen, or else erecting Trophies on the Waste and Ruin of that City where he was born. Did I require you at once to save your Country, and destroy the Volscians, here, I confess, the Case would be a little hard, and you might well pretend some difficulty to resolve it; for as it seems unnatural and barbarous to slaughter our fellow Citizens, so likewise it is unjust and perfidious to betray those who have placed their Confidence in us. But now without doing the least harm to others, we desire only a Deliverance from our own Evils; and though the thing be equally expedient for them and us, yet will it look more handsome and honourable on the Volscian side, who having so much the better of us at present, will be thought freely to bestow the two greatest Blessings of Peace and Friendship, even when they receive no less at our hands than is conferred by them. If we obtain these, the common Thanks and Acknowledgement will be chiefly owing to you, as the principal Cause of such a Reconciliation between us; but if they be not granted, you alone must expect to bear the blame of that, and whatever Mischief does ensue, from both Nations. And when the Chance of all War is uncertain, this will be the certain Event of that you are engaged in, that, by conquering the Romans, you shall only get the reputation of having undone your Country; but if the Volscians happen to be defeated under your conduct, than the World will say, that to satisfy a revengeful Humour, you have been the Author of the greatest Misery to your Friends and Patrons, and procured the Overthrow even of a kind and obliging People. Marcius listened to his Mother, while she went on with her Discourse, and answered not a word; but Volumnia seeing him stand mute for a long time after she had left speaking, fell again to press him: O my Son, says she, why will you not vouchsafe to answer me, or what can be the meaning of this profound Silence? Does it become you thus to comply with Passion, and yield all things to a sense of Injuries? And will you not think it fit to gratify your Mother, that does now appear i● so worthy a Cause, and solicit Matters of such weight and consequence? Can it pass for the property of a noble Mind and a gallant Person, to preserve the memory of Affronts and ill Usage? And shall we not reckon it the Character and Business of a great and a good Man to remember Benefits, and own the Obligation which Children receive from Parents, by a return of Honour and Reverence to the Authors of them? But you above all Persons in the World, aught to show a very grateful Resentment of the Fovours have been done you, since no body living did ever punish Ingratitude, and persecute that Vice in others, with so much Severity as yourself; and, to say the truth, you have been sufficiently avenged of your Country, for requiting your services so ill, but the amends of al● mine towards you is behind still, and I wait now for the Recompense of a Mother's Care and Kindness; the most sacred Ties both of Nature and Religion, without any other constraint, should methinks oblige you to grant me things that are so fair and equal; but if, after all, I am s● unhappy as to be denied, why should I spare myself any longer, and to what purpose do I spi● out my last Hope? Having said this, she threw herself down at his Feet, and so did his Wife and Children; upon which Marcius crying out, O Mother! what is it you have done to me, and whither am I reduced by it? raised her up from the ground, and pressing her right Hand with more than ordinary vehemence, You have gained a Victory, says he, over me, that is fortunate enough for the Romans, but destructive to myself, for I am preparing to depart hence, as vanquished and driven away by you only. After which, and a little private Conference with his Mother and his Wife, he sent them back again to Rome, as they desired of him.  
The next Morning he discamped and led the Volscians homeward, who were variously affected with what was done, nor did they all testify a like Concern at it; for some of them did both complain of the man, and condemn the action; while others inclining to reconciliation and a peaceable composure of things, did blame neither; and there was a third sort, which very much disliked his proceedings; yet they could not look upon Marcius as a treacherous person, but thought it pardonable in him, to be thus shaken and broke, and forced to surrender at last, through the stress and pressure of so many violent assaults and redoubled applications; however none were so hardy as to contradict his orders, but they did all obediently follow him, moved rather by the admiration of his Virtue, than any regard they now had to his Authority. As for the Roman people they did more effectually discover how much fear and danger they had been i● while the War lasted, by the manner o● their deportment after they were freed fro● it; for those that guarded the Walls had ●● sooner given notice that the Volscians were dislodged and drawn off, but they set ope● all their Temples in a moment, and bega● to Crown themselves with Flowers, and prepare for Sacrifice, as they were wo●● to do upon Tidings brought of any signal Victory: But the joy and transport of the whole City became chiefly remarkabl● from that honour and courtship of the Women, which was jointly paid them 〈◊〉 well by the Senate as the Vulgar, every one declaring it his Opinion, that they were evidently the Causes and Instruments of their public safety; and the Senate having past a Decree, that whatsoever they would ask by way of Recompense as a Memorial and acknowledgement of their Fame and Merit, should be allowed and done fo● them by the Magistrates; they demande● nothing else but that a Temple might b● erected to Female Fortune, all the Expense whereof they did offer to defray out of their own Stock, if the City woul● be at the cost of Sacrifices, and furnis● them with other things which appertain to the due Honour of the Gods, out of their common Treasury. The Senate then very much commending the Forwardness and Bounty of their Minds, caused the Temple to be built, and a Statue to be set up therein at the public Charge; nevertheless they would needs make a Purse among themselves, for another Image of Fortune, which as the Romans say, at the time of Dedication and placing of it, spoke to this purpose: O ye Ladies, great is your Piety and Devotion in the Present you have made of me. And they fabulously report that the same words were repeated a second time, endeavouring to make us believe things that were never done, and so like Impossibilities, that it is very hard to credit them. For I think it possible enough, that Statues may seem both to sweat, and to run with Tears, yea, and stand with certain dewy drops of a sanguine Dye; for Timber and Stones are frequently seen to contract a kind of Scurf and Rottenness, that does produce moisture; and they do not only send forth many different Colours of themselves, but receive variety of Tinctures from the ambient Air, by which it is not absurd to imagine, that the Deity may advertise and forewarn us of several things. It may happen also, that these Images and Statues shall sometimes make a noise not unlike that of a Squeak or Groan, through a rupture at the bottom, or the violent separation of their inward Parts; but that articulate Voice, and such express words, and so clear and accurate, and even Language, should be thus form by inanimate beings, is, in my judgement, a thing utterly unfeasible; seeing it was never known, that either the Soul of Man, or even God himself, did utter vocal Sounds and Discourse alone, without an organised Body, and Instruments fitted for Elocution. But where History does in a manner force our Assent by the Concurrences of many credible Witnesses, in this Case we are to conclude, that an Impression not unlike that which does affect Sense, falling then upon the Fancy, draws in the Imaginative part to comply therewith, and take it for a true Sensation; just as it happens to us when we are fast asleep, our Eyes and Ears seem to be entertained with those things which we neither see nor hear. As for those Persons who, out of good will towards God, and their friendly inclination for him, and a great Tenderness as to all religious Matters, are so overfond and passionate herein, that they cannot easily persuade themselves to despise or reject any thing of this kind, they have th● admirable efficiency of divine Power (which surpasses our Comprehension) as a mighty Motive and Support to the belief thereof. For God has no manner of Resemblance, either as to his Nature, or his Motion, or his Skill, or his Ability, with what is humane, and therefore it is no wonder at all if he should devise and perform that, which cannot be contrived or accomplished by any Mortal; and though he differs from, and does infinitely excel us in all things else, yet the dissimilitude and distance betwixt Him and Men appears no where so much, as in the Prodigiousness of his Working, and the strange Effects of his Omnipotence; however a considerable part of the Divine Operations (as Heraclitus affirms) do pass by unobserved, and escape our Knowledge, because we are Infidels in the Point, and have not Faith enough to believe them.  
But let us now look after Marcius, and inquire how he was treated upon his Return to Antium; where we shall find Tullus, a Man that did perfectly hate him, and could not longer endure one he was so much afraid of, consulting how he might immediately dispatch him, who, if he did escape at present, was never like to afford him such another Advantage for that purpose. Having therefore got together, and suborned several Partisans against him, he required Marcius to resign his Charge, and give the Volscians an account of his Administration of Affairs; who apprehending the danger of a private Condition, if Tullus should be made Commander in Chief, that of all others had the greatest Power and Interest with those of Antium, made Answer, That he was ready to lay down his Commission, whenever the Volscian States, from whose common Authority he had received it, should think fit to command him, and that in the mean time he did not refuse to give the Antiates satisfaction, as to all Particulars of his Conduct, if they were desirous of it.  
An Assembly then being called, there arose certain Orators, appointed for that Design, who by their popular Harangues did exasperate and incense the Multitude; but when Marcius stood up to answer those Objections and Impeachments they had brought against him, the more unruly and tumultuous part of the People waxed calm and quiet on the sudden, and out of Reverence to his Person, gave him liberty to speak without the least disturbance; beside that all the better sort of Antium, and such as were most delighted with a Peace, made it evident by their whole Composure, that they would give him a favourable Hearing, and then judge and pronounce according to Equity.  
Tullus therefore began to dread his Apology, and suspect the issue of that Defence he was going to make for himself; for he was an excellent Spokesman, and one of singular Eloquence; and the former Services he had done the Volscians, did procure and still preserve for him a much greater Kindness, than could possibly be outweighed by that new Displeasure, and the Blame of his late Conduct; yea, the very Crime and Accusation itself, was a proof and testimony of the greatness of his Merits, for that People could never have complained or thought that he had been injurious to them, because Rome was not then brought into their Power, without a plain Confession, that by his means only they were so near taking it. For these Reasons the Confederates judged it prudent not to make any further Delays, or Attempts upon the Vulgar, and so the boldest of their Faction crying out, that they ought not to listen to a Traitor, nor allow him still to bear Rule, and play the Tyrant among them, fell upon Marcius in a Body, and slew him there, none of those that were present so much as offering to defend him. But it quickly appeared, that this base and unworthy Action was in no wise approved by the Majority of the Volscians, for they came running out of their several Cities, to show Respect unto his Corpse, which they did by an honourable Interment of it, adorning his Sepulchre with Arms and Trophies, as the Monument of a noble Hero and a famous General. When the Romans heard tidings of his death, they gave no other signification either of Honour or of Anger towards him, but only granted this Request of the Women, that they might put themselves into Mourning, and bewail him for ten Months, as their Custom was upon the loss of a Father, or a Son, or a Brother; that being a period set for the longest Lamentation in such Cases, by the ancient Laws of Numa Pompilius, as it is more amply related in what I have written of his Life and Actions. Now Marcius was no sooner deceased, but the Volscians came to need his Assistance, and wish for him again; for they fell to swabble first with the Sicani, (their Confederates and their Friends) about the nomination of a ●●neral, that should be Commander in Chief of their joint Forces, which Dispute for Pre-eminence was carried on with so much fierceness, that it came at length to Bloodshed and Slaughter on both sides. After this they were defeated by the Romans in a pitched Battle, where not only Tullus lost his Life, but the principal Flower of their whole Army was cut in pieces; so that they were forced to submit, and accept of Peace upon very dishonourable terms, promising to observe the Roman Orders, and obey their Enemy in whatever he should impose.    



See where Emilius does a conqueror stand  
While at his feet the once great Perseus lies▪  
A generous valour may the world command  
And Kings may fall thus low by Avarice▪   
THE LIFE OF PAULUS EMILIUS.  Englished from the Greek: By Mr. Joseph Arrowsmith, late Fellow of Trin. Coll. Camb. 
Volume II.  
I First undertook this History, that I 
The use of History.  might be serviceable unto others, but go on and persevere in my Design, that I may advantage myself; whilst the Virtues of these great Men are as a Looking-glass, by which I learn how I ought to order and adorn my own Life. For by this means I enjoy the greatest Familiarity, and am no less conversant with them all by Turns, than if the same Table and Bed were common to us both. When I read their Story, each particular Virtue and Excellence makes a deep Impression in my Mind, and hence I gather, how great and valuable the Owner of these Accomplishments must needs have been, and with Care collect the most beautiful and remarkable Passages of their Lives, as Patterns for Imitation. A greater Pleasure than which, the Gods can scarce grant us, or a more ready way to teach us Virtue. Democritus laid it 
Democritus his Opinion of Phantasms.  down as a Principle in his Philosophy, (though utterly false, and tending to endless Superstitions,) That there were Phantasms appearing in the Air, and tells us that we ought to pray, that such may present themselves as are propitious, and that we may see those that are agreeable to our Natures, and would instruct us in that which is good, rather than such as are unfortunate, and would lead us into Vice. But my Method is, by daily conversing with History, and a diligent Collection of what I read, to fix in my Mind things worthy Memory of the best and most virtuous of Men. For thus am I enabled to free myself from that Contagion of Idleness & Vice, which I may have contracted from the ill company I am sometimes forced to converse with; it being a powerful Remedy, with a sedate and quiet Mind, seriously to consider such noble Examples. Of this kind are those of Timoleon the Corinthian, and Paulus Emilius, to write whose Lives is my present Business; Men not only equally famous for their Virtues, but Success; insomuch that they have left it doubtful, whether they owe their greatest Achievements to good Fortune, or their own Prudence and Conduct.  
Almost all Historians agree, That the Family of the Emilii was one of the most ancient 
Emilius his Extraction.  of the Roman Nobility; and those Authors who affirm that King Numa was Pupil to Pythagoras, tell us, that the first who gave the Name to his Posterity was Marcus, the Son of that wise Man, who for his particular Eloquence and grace in Speech was called 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Facundia lepor.  Emilius. The greatest part of this Race that have been celebrated for their Virtue, which they with Zeal pursued, have been crowned with Success; and even the Misfortune of Lucius Emilius at the Battle of Canna, gave ample Testimony of his Wisdom and Valour. For not being able to persuade his Colleague from hazarding the Battle, he, though against his Judgement, engaged with him, but was no Companion in his flight: on the contrary, when he that was so resolute to engage, deserted him in the midst of danger, 〈◊〉 kept the Field and died fight. This Emilius had a Daughter named Emilia, that 〈◊〉 married to Scipio the Great, and a Son Paul●●, who is the Subject of my present History.  
His Youth fell out, and he was remarkable, 
His way to Honour.  in a time which flourished, by reason of the Virtues and Reputations of most excellent and great Persons, though he followed not the ordinary Studies with the young men of Quality of that Age, nor trod the same Paths to Fame. For he did not exercise himself in pleading Causes, nor would he stoop to salute, embrace, and entertain the Vulgar, which were the usual insinuating Arts by which many grew Popular. Not that he was incapable of either, but chose to purchase a much more lasting Glory by his Valour, Justice and Integrity, and 'twas by these Virtues he soon outstripped all his Equals.  
The first honourable Office he pretended 
Is chosen Aedile.  to was that of Aedile, which he carried against twelve Competitors of such considerable Worth and Quality, that all of them in process of time were Consuls. Being afterwards chose into the number of Priests called Augurs, who amongst the Romans 
Then Augur.  were to observe and register such Divinations as were made by the flight of Birds, or Prodigies in the Air; he with such Intention studied the ancient Customs of his Country, and so throughly understood the Religion of his Ancestors, that his Office which was before only esteemed a Title of Honour, and upon that account sought after, by his means appeared to be one of the most sublime Arts: and that definition of the Philosophers of Religion true, that it was the knowing how we ought to worship the Gods. When he performed any part of his Duty he did it with great Skill and utmost Care, making it his only Business, not omitting any one Ceremony, or adding the least Circumstance, but always contending with his Companions of the same Order, about things that might seem inconsiderable, and instructing them, that though they might think the Deity was easily pacified, and ready to forgive Faults of Inadvertency and Negligence, yet would such Favour and Pardon be dangerous for a Commonwealth to grant. Because no Man ever began the Disturbance of his Country's Peace, by a notorious breach of its Laws, but they by degrees grew negligent in things of greatest concern, who gave themselves liberty in Matters of lesser moment. Nor was he less severe, in requiring 
His strictness in Military Discipline.  and observing the ancient Roman Discipline in military Affairs; not endeavouring, when he had the Command, to ingratiate himself with his Soldiers by popular flattery, though this Custom prevailed at that 〈◊〉 amongst many, who by their Courtship and seeming affable and mild to those 〈◊〉 were under them in their first Employment sought to be promoted to a second; but 〈◊〉 instructing them in the Laws of military Discipline, with the same Care and Exactness a Priest would teach his Ceremonies an● dreadful Mysteries, by being severe to suc● as transgressed and contemned those Law● he re-established his Country in its form●● Glory, esteeming Victory itself but as a● accession to the well disciplining of Soldiers.  
Whilst the Romans were engaged in a 〈◊〉 with Antiochus the Great, against whom the● most experienced Commanders were employed, there arose another War in the West, an● they were all up in Arms in Spain. Thither they sent Emilius, in the Quality of Praetor, not with six Axes, which number other 
Emilius sent Praetor into Spain.  Praetors were accustomed to have carried before them, but with twelve, so that in hi● Praetorship he was honoured with the dignity of a Consul. Twice he overcame the Ba●barians in Battle, of whom 30000 wer● slain; which Victory is chiefly to be ascribed to the Wisdom and Conduct of the Commander, who by his great Skill in choosing the Advantage of the Ground, and makin● the Onset at the Passage of a River, led 〈◊〉 Soldiers to an easy Conquest. Having made himself Master of 250 Cities, whose inhabitants voluntarily yielded and obliged themselves by Oath to Faithfulness, he left ●he Province in peace, and returned to Rome, ●ot enriching himself a Drachma by the War. The truth is, he never gave himself ●he trouble of heaping up Riches, but always ●●v'd splendidly and generously on the pre●ent Stock, which was so far from being ●reat, (as was evident after his death) that ●here was scarce enough left to answer his Wife's Dowry.  
His first Wife was Papiria, the Daughter 
His Wives and Children.  of Masso, who had formerly been Con●●l, with whom he lived a long while in Wedlock, and afterwards divorced her, ●●ough she bore him a beautiful and illu●●rious Offspring, for she was Mother to ●●e so renowned Scipio, and Fabius Maxi●us. The Reason of this Separation is not ●●me to our Knowledge; but there seems to 〈◊〉 truth in another Roman's being divorced ●●om his Wife, which may be applicable to 〈◊〉 purpose. This Person being highly ●●am'd by his Friends, who demanded, ●as she not chaste? Was she not fair? ●as she not fruitful? Putting forth his ●oe, asked them, Whether it was not new, and ●ell made? Yet, added he, none of you 〈◊〉 tell where it wrings me. Certain it is, that great and open Faults are the usu●● occasions of men's putting away their Wive●▪ yet do liatle Jarrings and private Distaste which arise from the disagreeableness of the●● Tempers, and peevishness of Dispositions though they may be concealed from other● often make so great an estrangement an● alteration in affections, that it is not possible for them to live together with any content.  
Emilius having thus put away Papyri●● married a second Wife, by whom he h●● two Sons, which he brought up in hi● own House, adopting the two former into the greatest and most noble Families 〈◊〉 Rome. The elder was adopted by Fabi●● Maximus, who was five times Consul; 〈◊〉 younger by the Son of Scipio African●s his Cousin-german, and was by him named Scipio. One of Emilius his Daughter was married to the Son of Cato, the ●ther to Elius Tubero, the very best of Me● 
The Character of Elius Tubero.  and one who knew how to support ev●● his Poverty with Magnificence. For the●● were 16 near Relations all of them of 〈◊〉 Family of the Elii, who were possessed of 〈◊〉 one Farm, which sufficed them all, whi●● a small House or rather Cottage contain●● them, their numerous Offspring, and 〈◊〉 Wives: amongst whom was the Daught●● of our Emilius, who although her Father 〈◊〉 been twice Consul, and twice triumphed, was so far from being ashamed of her Husband's Poverty, that she admired his Virtue, that had reduced him to that condition. Far otherwise it is with the Brothers and Relations of this Age, who if different Countries, or at least, Walls and Rivers, part not their Inheritances, and they live at a distance, never cease ftom mutual Quarrels. This History will suggest good Counsel to ●uch as endeavour to make their Improvement of it, by well considering and weighing things.  
But to proceed. Emilius being chosen 
He is chosen Consul, and wages War with the Ligurians.  Consul, waged War with the Ligurians, ●r Ligustines', a People dwelling near the Alps. They were a valiant and warlike Nation, and from their Neighbourhood to the Romans, well skilled in the same Discipline and Arts of War. For they possessed the utmost Bounds of Italy, which bor●ers upon the Alps, and that part of the ●ame Mountain which is washed by the Tuscan ●ea, and were mingled with the Gauls and Spaniards, who inhabited the Coasts. Besides ●t that time they were busy at Sea, and ●ayling as far as the straits mouth, in light Vessels fitted for that purpose, robbed and destroyed all that trafficked in those Parts. These waited the coming of Emilius with ●n Army of 40000, who brought with him not above 8, so that the Enemy was 〈◊〉 to one when they engaged; yet did he vanquish and put them to flight, forcing them 〈◊〉 retire into their walled Towns, and in 〈◊〉 condition gave them hopes of an Accommodation; it being the Policy of the Romans not utterly to destroy the Ligurian whilst they were as a Guard and Bulwark ●gainst the Gauls, who made such frequent Attempts to overrun Italy. Trusting who●● therefore to Emilius, they delivered up th● Towns and Shipping into his hands: ●●ras'd only the Fortifications, and deliver'● their Towns to them again, but all th● Shipping he took away with him, lea●ing them no Vessels bigger than those 〈◊〉 three Oars, and set at liberty great numbers of Prisoners they had taken both by 〈◊〉 and Land, Strangers as well as Romans, Th●● were the things most worthy of Remark, the first year of his Consulship.  
Afterwards he frequently declared 〈◊〉 Desire of being a second time Consul, a● 
He stands to be Consul a second time, but is ●●puls'd.  was once Candidate; but meeting with Repulse, and being passed by, moved no 〈◊〉 in it, but was wholly intent upon his 〈◊〉 of Augur, and the Education of his Childre● whom he not only brought up as he himself was, in the Roman and ancient Discipli●● but also in that of Greece, which was steemed more genteel and honourable. 〈◊〉 this purpose he not only entertained Masters 
The Education of his Children.  to teach them Grammar, Logic, and Rhetoric, but the Arts of making Statues and Painting, and also such as were skilful in breeding Horses and Dogs, and could instruct them in Hunting and Riding. And if he was not hindered by public Affairs, he himself would be with them at their Studies, and see them perform their Exercises, being the most indulgent of Fathers amongst the Romans.  
As to Matters relating to the Commonwealth, 
The Romans at War with Perseus, King of Macedon.  at that time the Romans were engaged in a War with Perseus, King of the Macedonians, and highly blamed their Commanders, that either through their want of Skill or Courage, they so ill and shamefully managed the Concerns of the Commonwealth, that they did less hurt to the Enemy than they received from him. For they that not long be●ore had forced Antiochus the Great to quit the ●est of Asia, and driving him beyond Mount ●aurus, confined him to Syria, glad to buy his ●eace with 15000 Talents. They that not ●ong since had vanquished King Philip in Thes●aly, and freed the Greeks from the Macedonian Yoke, nay, had overcome Han●ibal himself, who far surpassed all King's 〈◊〉 Bravery and Courage, thought it scorn ●hat Perseus should think himself an Enemy fit to match the Romans, and to be ●ble to wage War with them on equal terms, with the remainder only of his Father's routed Forces; but they little weighed, that the Macedonian Army was become much more powerful and expert after the Overthrow of Philip. To make which appear, I shall briefly recount the Story from the beginning.  
Antigonus, who was the most potent a●ongst the Captains and Successors of Alexander, 
Perseus' his Extraction.  having obtained for himself and his Posterity the Title of King, had a Son named Demetrius, Father to Antigonus, called Gonatu●, and he, to Demetrius, who reigning some short time, died, and left a young Son called Philip. The Nobility of Macedon fearing great Confusions might arise in the Minority of their Prince, trusted the Government in the hands of Antigonus, Cousin german to the late King, and married him to his Widow the Mother of Philip. At first they only styled him Regent and General, but when they found by experience that he governed the Kingdom with Moderation, and to their Advantage, they gave him the Title of King▪ This was he that was surnamed 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, q●an ●aturus.  Doson, as if he was only a promiser, not a performer of his words. To him succeeded Philip, who in his Youth gave great hopes of equalling the best of Kings, and that he one day would restore Macedon to its former State and Dignity, and be alone able to give a stop to the Power of the Romans, which was now a general Oppression to the World. But being vanquished in a pitched Battle by Titus Flaminius, near to Scotusa, his Resolution was dashed, and he yielded himself and all that he had to the Mercy of the Romans, well contented that he could escape with paying a small Tribute. Yet afterwards recollecting himself, he bore it with great Regret, and thought he lived rather like a Slave that was pleased with ease, than a Man of Sense and Courage, whilst he held his Kingdom at the pleasure of his Conquerors, which made him resolve upon a War, and prepare himself with as much Cunning and Privacy as possible. To this end, he left his Cities on the high-Roads and Sea-Cost ungarrisoned, and almost desolate, that they might seem inconsiderable; in the mean time furnishing his midland Castles, strong-holds and Towns, with Arms, Money, and Men fit for Service, he provided himself for War, and yet kept his Preparations close. He had in his Armoury Arms for 30000 Men; in Granaries, in Places of Strength, 8 millions of Bushels of Corn, and as much ready Money, as would defray the Charge of maintaining 10000 mercenary Soldiers, to defend his Country for 10 years. But before he could put these things into motion, and bring his Designs to effect, he died for grief and anguish of Mind, being sensible he had put his innocent Son Demetrius to death upon the Calumnies of one that was far more guilty. Perseus' his Son that survived inherited his Hatred to the Romans as well as his Kingdom, but was very unfit to carry on his Designs, through his want of Courage, and the viciousness of his Manners, especially when amongst the Vices and Diseases of his Mind of all sorts, Covetousness bore the chief sway. There is a Report also of his not being legitimate, but that the Wife of King Philip took him from his Mother Grathania, (a Woman of Argos, that earned her living by Botching) as soon as he was born, and brought him up privately as her own. And this might be the chief Cause of his contriving the Death of Demetrius, for the might well fear, that whilst there was a lawful Successor in the Family, his being illegitimate would not lie concealed.  
Notwithstanding all this, and tho' his Spirit was so mean, and temper so sordid, yet trusting to the strength of his Preparations, he engaged in a War with the Romans, 
His War with the Romans.  and for a long time maintained it. Some of their Captains, and those of Consular Dignity and great Armies and Fleets he repulsed, and some of them he vanquished. For he overcame Publius Licinius, who was the first that invaded Macedonia, in a Battle of Horsemen; 
He over-comes Licinius.  in which he slew 2500 stout Soldiers, and took 600 Prisoners: and surprising their Fleet, as they road at Anchor before Orcum, 
Surprises their Fleet.  he took 20 Ships of Burden, with all their Lading, and sunk the rest that were freighted with Corn. Besides this, he made himself Master of 4 Galleys, with 5 Oars in a Seat; and fought another Battle with Hostilius the Consul, 
Fights with Hostilius.  who making an Inroad into his Country by the way of Emilia, he forced to retreat; and when he afterwards by stealth designed an Invasion through Thessaly, he urged him to fight, which the other feared to hazard. Nay more, to show his Contempt of the Romans, and that he wanted Employment; as a War by the By, he made an Expedition against the Dardanians, in which he slew 10000 of those barbarous People, and brought a very great Spoil away with him. He privately also solicited the Gauls, (they are also called Basternae) 
Solicits the Barbarians to join with him.  a warlike Nation, and famous for Horsemen, dwelling near the Danube; and practised with the Illyrians, by the means of Genthius their King, to join with him in this War. It was also reported that the Barbarians being alured by him through the promise of Rewards, were to make an Irruption into Italy, through the lower parts of Gallia Cisalpina, near the Adriatic Sea.  
The Romans being advertised of these things, thought it necessary no longer to choose their Commanders for Favour or Solicitation, but to pitch upon one for their General, that was a Man of Wisdom, and versed in the management of great Affairs. And such was Paulus Emilius, one 
Emilius a 2d. time Consul.  well stricken in years, as being near threescore, yet vigorous in his own Person, and surrounded with his valiant Sons and Sons-in-law, besides a great number of very considerable Relations and Friends, who all of them persuaded him to yield to the Desires of the People, who called him to the Consulship. But he at first carried it nicely to the Vulgar, and as one averse to govern, refused both the Honour and Care that attended it; yet when they daily came to him to his Gate, urging him to come forth to the place of Election, and prosecuting him with noise and clamour, he granted their Request. When he appeared amongst such as were Candidates, he did not look as if he were about to receive the Consulship, but to bring Victory and Success to the War; and as soon as he yielded to come down into the Field, they all received him with so great hopes and cheerfulness of mind, that they unanimously chose him a second time Consul; nor would they suffer the Lots to be cast as was usual to determine which Province should fall to his share, but immediately decreed him the Command of the Macedonian War. It is reported, that when he was 
General against the Macedonians.  designed General against Perseus, and was honourably accompanied home by great numbers of People, he found his Daughter Tertia, a very little Girl, weeping, and making 
A good Omen.  much of her, demanded why she cried? She catching him about the Neck and kissing him, said, O Father, know you not that our Perseus is dead? meaning a little Dog of that Name that was brought up in the House with her: to which Emilius replied, Good Fortune, my Daughter, I embrace the Omen. This Cicero the Orator relates in his Book of Divination.  
It was the Custom for such as were chosen Consuls, from a Pulpit designed for such purposes, kindly to bespeak the People, and return them thanks for their Favour. Emilius 
Emilius his Speech to the People.  therefore having gathered an Assembly, spoke as follows. That he sued for the first Consulship, because he himself stood in need of such Honour; but for the second, because they wanted a General; upon which account he thought there was no thanks due: if they judged they could manage the War by any other to more Advantage, he would willingly yield up his Charge; but if they confided in him, they were not to make themselves his Colleagues in his Office, or raise Reports, and censure his Actions, but without Reply, and to their utmost, to obey such Commands as were necessary to the carrying on the War; for if they endeavoured to gover● him who was to command, they would render this Expedition more ridiculous than the former▪ By this Speech he imprinted a Reverence for him amongst the Citizens, and great expectations of future Success, being all of them well pleased, that they had passed by such as sought to be preferred by Flattery, and pitched upon a Commander endued with Wisdom and Courage to tell them the truth. Thus the People of Rome were Servants, and obedient to Reason and Virtue, that they might Rule, and make themselves Masters of the World.  
Now that Emilius, setting forward to 
His Success not to be ascribed to Fortune.  the War, by a prosperous Voyage and successful Journey, arrived with speed and safety at his Camp, I attribute to good Fortune: but when I consider the Concerns of the War and his Government, managed partly by his own daring Boldness, partly by his good Counsel, partly by the ready administration of his Friends, partly by his presentness of Mind, and skill to embrace the most proper Advice in the extremity of danger, I cannot ascribe any of his remarkable and famous Actions, (as I can those of other Commanders) to his so much celebrated good Fortune; unless you will say, that the Covetousness of Perseus was the good Fortune of Emilius. The truth is, the fear 
Perseus' ruined by his Covetousness.  of spending his Money, was the destruction and utter ruin of all those splendid and great Preparations, by whose Help the Macedonians were in hopes to carry on the War with Success. For there came at his Request 10000 Horsemen of the Basternae, and as 
A Description of the Basternae.  many Foot, who were to keep Peace with them, and supply their Places in case of failure, all of them mercenary Soldiers, a People neither skilled in tilling of Land, or Merchandise, or able to get their Livings by grazing, but whose only business and perpetual study it was to fight and conquer those that resisted them. When these came near Medica, and were encamped and mixed with the King's Soldiers, being Men o● great Stature, admirable at their Exercises, great Boasters, and loud in their Threats against their Enemies, they added Courage to the Macedonians, who were ready to think, the Romans would not be able to abide their coming, struck with terror at their Looks and Motions, they were so strange and terrible to behold. When Perseus had thus encouraged his Men, and puffed them up with so great Hopes, as soon as a 1000 Crowns were demanded for each Captain, he was so astonished and besides himself at the vastness of the Sum, that his Covetousness made him send them back, and refuse their Assistance, as if he had been the Steward, not the Enemy of the Romans, and was to give an exact account of the Expenses of the War, to those with whom he waged it. Nay, when he had his Foes for his Tutors, to instruct him what he had to do, who besides their other Preparations, had a 100000 Men drawn together, and in a readiness, when occasion should require their Service; yet he that was to engage against so considerable Force, and in such a War, whose necessary Expenses must needs be very great, weighed and sealed up his Money, as if he feared or had no right to touch it. And all this was done by one, not descended from the Lydians or Phoenicians, but who challenged to himself the Virtues of Alexander and Philip, from his Alliance to them; Men who conquered the World by judging, that Empire was to be purchased by Money, not Money by Empire; whence it grew a Proverb, that not Philip but his Gold took the Cities of Greece. And Alexander, when he undertook an Expedition against the Indians, and found his Macedonians encumbered, and to march heavily with their Persian Spoils, first set fire to his own Carriages, and thence persuaded the rest to imitate his Example, that thus freed, they might proceed to the War without hindrance. Whereas Perseus, abounding in Wealth, would not preserve himself, his Children, and his Kingdom, at the expense of a small part of his Treasure; but amongst a great many others, our wealthy Slave chose to be carried away Captive, and show the Romans what great Riches he had husbanded and preserved for them. For he did not only falsify with the Gauls, and send them away, but also alluring Genthius, King of the Illyrians, by the 
He cheats Genthius.  hopes of 300 Talents, to assist him in the War, he caused the Money to be told out by his Ambassadors, and suffered it to be sealed up. Whereupon Genthius thinking himself possessed of what he desired, committed a wicked and dreadful Crime; for he imprisoned the Ambassadors which were sent to him from the Romans. Whence Perseus concluding that there was now no need of Money, to make Genthius an Enemy to the Romans, but that he had given a lasting Earnest of his Enmity, and by his great injustice sufficiently involved himself in the War, defrauded the unfortunate King of his 300 Talents, and without any Concern beheld him, his Wife and Children, in a short time after carried out of their Kingdom, as from their Nest, by Lucius Anicius, who was sent against him with an Army.  
Emilius coming against such an Adversary, made light of his Person, but admired his Preparations and Force. For he had 4000 
Perseus' his strength.  Horse, and not much fewer than 40000 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Macedonian Foot, and planting himself along the Seaside, at the foot of Mount Olympus in a Place impossible to be approached, and on all sides fortified with Fences and Bulwarks of Wood, remained in great security, thinking by Delay and Charge to weary out Emilius. But he in the mean time, 
Emilius his Conduct.  wholly intent on his Business, weighed all Counsels, and all ways of Attack, and perceiving his Soldiers, from their former want of Discipline, to be impatient of Delay, and ready on all turns to teach their General his Duty, angrily reproved them, and commanded that they should not intermeddle with what was not their Concern, but only take care that they and their Arms were in a readiness, and to use their Swords like Romans, when their Commander should think fit to employ them. Further, he ordered, that the Sentinels by Night should watch without Javelins, that thus they might be more careful and able to resist Sleep, having no Arms proper to withstand the Assaults of their Enemies.  
That which most infested the Army, was the want of Water, (for only a little, and 
His Army wants W●ter, how supplied.  that foul, flowed out, or rather came by drops from a Spring near the Sea;) but Emilius considering that he was at the foot of the high and woody Mountain Olympus, and conjecturing by the flourishing of the Trees, that there were Springs that had their course under ground, dug a great many Holes and Wells in the side of the Mountain, which were presently filled with pure Water, by the current and force of that, which being freed from restraint, had now space to unite. Although some deny, that 
Of the Original of Springs.  there are any Sources of Water ready provided and concealed in the Places from whence they flow, which by their course are discovered and break forth; but affirm, that they owe their Being and Consistence to the Matter that then grows liquid: now this change is made by Density and Cold, when the moist Vapour by being closely pressed together, becomes fluid. As women's Breasts are not like Vessels full, of Milk, always prepared and ready to flow from them; but their Nourishment being changed in their Breasts, is there made Milk, and from thence strained. In like manner, the Places of the Earth that are cold and stored with Fountains, do not contain any hidden Waters or Receptacles which are capable as from a Source always ready and furnished, to supply so many Brooks, and the depths of so great Rivers; but pressing by crowding together, and condensing the Vapours and Air, they turn them into that Substance. Whence those Places that are opened, by that means do flow and afford more plenty of Water, as the Breasts of Women do Milk by their being sucked) by moistening the Vapour, and rendering it fluid; whereas the Earth that remains idle and undug, is not capable of producing any Water, whilst it wants that motion which is the true Cause of it. But those that assert this Opinion, give occasion to the doubtful to argue, that on the same ground there should be no Blood in living Creatures, but that it must be formed by the Wound, some sort of Spirit or Flesh being changed into a Matter that is liquid, and proper to flow. Moreover, these are refuted by such, who digging deep in the Earth to undermine some strong-Hold, or search for Metals, meet with Rivers, which are not collected by little and little, (which must necessarily be, if they had their Being's at the very instant the Earth was opened) but break out at once with violence; and upon the cutting through a Rock, there often gushes out great quantities of Water, and then as suddenly ceases. But of this enough. 
This Place is still called Pythagone in the modern Greek▪ Emilius sends Nasica to surprise the Enemy by the way of Perrebia.   
Emilius lay still for some days, and it is said, that there were never two great Armies so nigh, that enjoyed so much Quiet. When he had tried and considered all things, he was informed, that there was y●● one Passage left unguarded through Perrebi● 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  by the Temple of Apollo, and the great Pea● Having therefore more Hopes, by reaso● the Place was left defenceless, than Fears, because of the roughness and difficulty of the Passage, he proposed it to be consulted on. Amongst those that were present at the Counsel, Scipio surnamed Nasica, Son-in-law to Scipio Affricanus, who afterwards bore such great Sway in the Senate-house, was the first that proffered himself to command those that should be sent to encompass the Enemy. Next to him Fabius Maximus, eldest Son of Emilius, although yet very young, offered himself with very great Cheerfulness. Emilius rejoicing at this, gave them, not so many as Polybius relates, but as many as Nasica himself tells us he took, in that short Epistle he writ to a certain King concerning this Expedition: for he had 3000 Italians that were not Romans, and his left Wing consisted of 5000; besides these, taking with him 120 Horsemen, and 200 Thracians and Cretans intermixed, that Harpalus had sent, he began his Journey towards the Sea, and encamped near the Temple of Hercules, as if he designed to embark, and so to sail round and environ the Enemy. But when the Soldiers had supped, and that it was dark, he made the Captains acquainted with his real Intentions, and marching all night a quite contrary way to that of the Sea, till he came under the Temple of Apollo Pithius, he there rested his Army. In this Place, Mount Olympus stretches itself in 
To height of Mount Olympus.  height more than ten Furlongs, as appears by this Epigram made by him that measured it. 
Thy top, Olympus, measured from the Place,  
The Pythian Temple does so nobly grace,  
Ten complete Furlongs does in height exceed.  
— Xenagoras this did leave upon Record,  
He travelled here, here he that God adored.  'Tis confessed, Geometricians affirm, that no Mountain in height or Sea in depth, exceeds ten Furlongs; yet it seems probable, that Xenagoras took not his Measures at all adventures, but according to the Rules of Art, and with Instruments fit for that purpose. Here it was that Nasica passed the night.  
A traitorous Cretian who fled to the Enemy in the March, discovered to Perseus 
Nasica his Design discovered.  the Design which the Romans had to encompass him: who seeing Emilius lay still, mistrusted no such Attempt. He was startled at the News, yet removed not his Camp, but sent 2000 mercenary Soldiers, and 2000 Macedonians, under the Command of Milo, with Order to hasten with all Diligence, and possess themselves of the straits. Polybius relates, that the Romans set upon them whilst they slept; but Nasica, that there was a sharp and dangerous Conflict on the top of the Mountain; that he himself encountered a mercenary Thracian, pierced him through with his dart and slew him; and that the Enemy being forced to retreat, and Milo stripped to his Coat, shamefully flying without his Armour, he followed without danger, and all the Army marched down into the Country.  
These things happening to Perseus, now grown fearful, and fallen from his Hopes, he removed his Camp in all haste, yet 
Perseus removes his Camp.  was it necessary for him either to stop before Pydne, and there run the hazard of a Battle, or disperse his Army into Cities, and there expect the event of the War, which being once entered into his Country, could not be driven out without great Slaughter, and Bloodshed. But Perseus being told by his Friends, that he was much superior in number, and that such as fought in the defence of their Wives and Children, must needs be endued with great Courage, especially when all things were done in the sight of their King, who himself was engaged in equal danger, was again encouraged, and pitching his Camp, prepared himself to fight, viewed the Country, 
Prepares to fight.  gave out the Commands, as if he designed to set upon the Romans as soon as they approached. The Place was a Field both proper 
The Places of Battle.  to draw up a Phalanx, which required a plain Valley and even Ground, and also had divers little Hills one joined to another which served for a Retreat to such as were lightly armed, and fitted to skirmish, and gave them withal Opportunities to encompass the Enemy; through the middle ru● the Rivers Aeson and Leucus, which though not very deep, it being the latter end of Summer, yet were they likely enough to give the Romans some trouble.  
As soon as Emilius was joined to Nasica 
Emilius joins again with Nasica.  he advanced in Battle-array against the Enemy; but when he found how they were drawn up, and the number of their Force● he stood still as one amazed, and considering within himself. But the young Commande●● being eager to fight, pressed him earnestly not to delay, and most of all Nasica flushed with his late Success on Olympus. To whom E●●lius answered with a Smile: So would I d● were I of your Age, but my many Victories have taught me the Miscarriages of the Conquered and forbid me to engage such as are weary with their long March, against an Army so well dra●● up and prepared for Battle.  
Then he gave Command, that the Front of his Army, and such as were in sight of the 
Emilius encamps.  Enemy, should imbattel themselves, as ready to engage, and those in the Rear should cast up the Trenches, and fortify the Camp; so that the foremost of his Men still wheeling of● by degrees, their whole Order was changed, the Battle insensibly broke, and all his Army encamped without noise.  
When it was Night, and no Man after his 
An Eclipse of the Moon.  Supper thought of any thing but Sleep and Rest, all on a sudden the Moon, which was then at Full, and great height, grew dark, and by degrees losing her Light, cast divers sort of Colours, till at length she was totally eclipsed. The Romans, according to their Custom, with the noise of brass Pan's, and lifting up a great many Firebrands and Torches endeavoured to recover her Light: whilst the Macedonians behaved themselves far otherwise; for Horror and Amazement seized their whole Army, and a Rumour crept by degrees into their Camp, that this Eclipse portended no less than that of their King. But Emilius, that was no Novice in these 
The Reason of an Eclipse.  things, but very well understood the seeming Irregularities of Eclipses, and that in a certain Revolution of Time, the Moon in her Course was obscured and hid by the Shadow of the Earth, till passing that Region of Darkness, she is again enlightened by the Sun. Yet being very devout, a religious Observer of Sacrifices, and well skilled in the Art of Divination, as soon as he perceived the Moon regained her former Lustre, he offered up to her a 11 Heifers; at the break of day he sacrificed 20 to Hercules, without any token that his Offering was accepted; but at the one and twentieth the Signs promised Victory to such as were forced to defend themselves. Then he vowed a Hecatomb and Solemn Sports to Hercules, and commanded his Captains to make ready for Battle, staying only till the Sun should decline, and come about to the West, lest being in their Faces in the Morning, it should dazzle the Eyes of his Soldiers; so he whiled away the time in his Tent, which was open towards the Valley where his Enemies were encamped. When it grew 
The Rise of the Battle.  towards Evening, some tell us, Emilius himself laid the following Design, that the Enemy might first begin the Fight: he turned lose a Horse without a Bridle, and sent some of the Romans to catch him, upon whose following the Beast, the Battle begun. Others relate, that the Thracians, under the Command of one Alexander, set upon the Roman Carriages that brought Forage to the Camp: that to oppose these, a Party of 700 Ligurians were immediately detached and that Relief coming still from both Armies, the main Bodies were at last engaged. Emilius, like a wise Pilot, foreseeing by the present Waves and Motion of the Armies, the greatness of the following Storm, came out of his Tent, went through the Legions, and encouraged his Soldiers Nasica in the mean time, who was advanced to the Place where the Skirmish began, saw the whole force of the Enemy preparing to engage. First marched the Thracians, who, 
The Army of the Macedonians, and Order of their March.  he himself tells us, were very terrible to behold; for they were Men of great Stature, with bright and glistering Shields, their Cassocks were black, their Legs armed with Greaves, and as they moved, their weighty long Spears shook on their Shoulders. Next the Thracians, marched the mercenary Soldiers, armed after the different Fashions of their Countries; and with these the Peonians were mingled. These were followed by a 3d. Body of Macedonians, all chosen Men, of known Courage, and all in the prime of their Age, who glittered in their gilt Armour, and new scarlet Coats. Behind these were the old Bands drawn out of the Camp, all armed with brass Targets; the whole Plain shined with the brightness of their Arms, and the Mountains rang with their Noises and Shouts, by which they gave mutual Encouragement one to the other. In this Order they marched, and that with such Boldness and Speed, that those that were first slain, died but at two Furlongs distance from the Roman Camp. The Battle being begun, Emilius 
The Battle between Emilius and Perseus.  came in, and found that the foremost of the Macedonians, had already pitched the end of their Spears into the Shields of his Romans, so that it was impossible to come near them with their Swords. When he saw this, and that the rest of the Macedonians took the Shields that hung on their Backs, and brought them before them, and all at once stooped their Pikes against their Enemy's Bucklers, and well considered the great Strength of their united Targets, and dreadful Appearance of a Front so armed, he was seized with Amazement and Fear, as not having seen any thing more terrible, nor would he stick afterwards to give a Relation of this Sight, and his own Dread. But this he dissembled, and road through his Army without either Breastplate or Helmet, with a pleasant and cheerful Countenance.  
On the contrary, (as Polybus relates) no sooner was the Battle begun, but the Macedonian 
Perseus' his Cowardice.  King basely withdrew to the City Pidne, under a pretence of sacrificing to Hercules; a God that is not wont to regard the faint Offerings of Cowards, or grant such Requests as are unjust, it not being reasonable, that he that never shoots, should carry away the Prize; he triumph, that sneaks from the Battle; he that takes no pains meet with success, or the wicked man prosper. But to Emilius his Petitions the God listened, for he prayed for Victory with his Sword in his hand, and 'twas fight that he implored his divine Assistance.  
But Possidonius, who writ the History of 
Perseus' vindicated by Possidonius.  Perseus, and tells us he lived at that time, and was himself in this Battle, denies that he left the Field either through fear or pretence of Sacrificing, but that the very day before the Fight, he received a Kick from a Horse on his Thigh; that though very much indisposed, and dissuaded by all his Friends, he commanded one of his Pads to be brought, and entered the Field unarmed; that amongst an infinite number of Darts that flew about on all sides, one of Iron lighted on him, and though not with the point, yet by a glance hit him with such force on his left Side, that it rend his clothes, and so bruised his Flesh, that the Scar remained a long time after. This is what Possidonius says in defence of King Perseus.  
The Romans not being able to make a 
Salius flings his Ensign amongst his Enemies.  Breach in the Phalanx, one Salius, a Commander of the Pelignians, snatched the Ensign of his Company, and threw it amongst the Enemies; which as soon as the Pelignians perceived, (for the Italians esteem it base and dishonourable to abandon their Standard) they rushed with great violence towards that Place, and the Conflict was very fierce, and the Slaughter terrible on both sides: for these endeavoured to cut their Spears a sunder with their Swords, or to beat them back with their Shields, or put them by with their Hands; on the other side, th● Macedonians held their Pikes in both hand● and pierced those that came in their wa●▪ and their Armour quite through, no Shield or Corslet being able to resist the force of their Spears. The Pelignians were thrown headlong 
The Romans forced to retreat.  to the Ground, who against all Reason, and more like Bruits than Men, had run upon unavoidable Dangers, and certain Death: and their first Ranks being 〈◊〉, those that were behind were forced to give back; it cannot be said they fled, but that they retreated towards Mount Olocrus. When Emilius sa● 
The Phalanx broken by Emilius.  this (as Possidonius relates) he rend his clothes, for some of his Men were ready to fly, the rest were not willing to engage with a Phalanx, into which they could hope for no Entrance, but seemed altogether unconquerable, and as secure as if entrenched, whilst guarded with such great numbers of Pikes, which on al● sides threatened the Assailers. Nevertheless the Unequalness of the Ground, would not permit the Body that was long, to be so exactly drawn up, as to have their Shields every where joined: but Emilius perceived, that there were a great many Interstices and Breaches in the Macedonian Phalanx; as it usually happens in all great Armies, according to the different Efforts of the Combatants, whilst in one part they press forward with eagerness, and in another are forced to giv● back. Wherefore taking this Occasion, with all speed he divided his Men into small Companies, and gave them Order to fall into the Intervals, and void Places of the Enemy's Body, and to make their Attack not in any one Place with them all, but to engage, as they were divided into Parties, in several. These Commands Emilius gave to his Captains, and they to their Soldiers; who had no sooner entered the Spaces, and separated their Enemies, but some charged them on their sides where they were naked and exposed, others fetching a Compass, set on them behind, and these destroyed the force of the Phalanx, which consisted in their mutual Help, and being closely united. And now come to fight Man to Man, or in small Parties, the Macedonians smote in vain upon firm and long Targets with their little Swords, whilst their slight Shields were not able to sustain the weight and force of those of the Romans, which pierced through all their Armour to their Bodies, so that at length they fled. Very sharp was the Fight, in the Place where Marcus, the Son of Cato, and Son-in-law of Emilius, whilst he showed all possible 
The Valour of Marcus Cato.  Courage, let fall his Sword: for he being a young Man, educated according to the Principles of Honour, and as Son of so renowned a Father, obliged to give Testimonies of more than ordinary Virtue, thought his Life but a burden, should he live and permit his Enemy's to enjoy this Spoil. Wherefore 〈◊〉 sped through the Army, and wherever he spied a Friend or Companion, 〈◊〉 declared his Misfortune, and begged 〈◊〉 Assistance: the number of these being great and valiant, they with one accord made their way through their Fellows after their Leader, and fell upon the Enemy; who● after a sharp Conflict, many Wounds, and much Slaughter, they repulsed, possessed th● Place that was now deserted and free, and set themselves to search for the Sword, whic● at last they found covered with great heap● of Arms and dead Carcases. Overjoyed with this Success, they sang Songs of Triumph, and with more eagerness than eve● charged the Foes that yet remained firm and unbroke. In the end, 3000 of the chose● Men, who kept their Stations, and fought valiantly to the last, were all cut in piece● and very great was the Slaughter of such 〈◊〉 fled, insomuch as the Plain and the 〈◊〉 were filled with dead Bodies, and the Water of the River Leucus, which the Romans did not pass till the next day after the B●ttel was then mingled with Blood; for it is said there fell more than 25000 of the Enemy of the Romans, as Possidonius relates, a 100L as Nasica, only fourscore. This Battle though so great, was very quickly decided it being 
* Three in the Afternoon.  9 of the Clock when they first engaged, and not 10 when the Enemy was vanquished; the rest of the day was spent in the pursuit of such as fled, whom they followed 120 Furlongs, so that it was far in the Night when they returned.  
All the rest were met by their Servants with Torches, and brought back with Joy and great Triumph to their Tents, which were set out with Lights, and decked with Wreaths of Joy and Laurel. But the General himself was overwhelmed with Grief; 
Emilius his grief for the supposed loss of his S●n Scipio.  ●or of the two Sons that served under him ●n the War, the youngest was missing, whom he held most dear, and whose Courage and good Qualities, he knew, much excelled those of his Brethren; and though yet a Stripling, that he was valiant, and thirsting ofter Honour, which made him conclude he was lost, whilst for want of Experience he had too far engaged himself amongst his Enemies. The whole Army was sensible of his Dejection and Sorrow, and quitting their Sup●ers, ran about with Lights, some to Emilius his Tents, some out of the Trenches, to seek him amongst such as were slain in the first Onset. There was nothing but Grief in the Camp, and the Valley was filled with ●he Cries of such as called out for Scipio; for from his very Youth, he was endued above 
Scipio his Character.  ●ny of his Equals, with all the good Qualities requisite either to command or Counsel. At length when it was late, and they almost despaired, he returned from the Pursuit, with only two or three of his Companions, all covered with the fresh Blood of his Enemies, having, like a well-bred Dog followed the Chase with too eager pleasure of Victory. This was that Scipio that afterwards destroyed Carthage and Numantiu●, that was, without Dispute, the valiantest of the Romans, and had the greatest Authority amongst them. Thus Fortune deferring the execution of her Spite at so brave a● Exploit, to some other time, let Emilius at present enjoy this Victory, with full Satisfaction and Delight.  
As for Perseus, from Pydne he fled to Pell●, 
Perseus flies in Disguise.  with his Horsemen, which were as yet almost entire. But when the Foot met them, and upbraiding them as Cowards and Traitors, threw them off their Horses, and fell to Blows, Perseus, fearing the Tumult, forsook the common Road, and lest he should be known, pulled off his Purple, and carried it before him, and took his Crown in his hand, and that he might the better convers● with his Friends, alighted from his Hors● and led him. Of those that were about him, one pretended to tie his shoe that was loose, another to water his Horse, a thi●● to drink himself; so that thus lagging behind they by degrees left him, as having not so much reason to fear their Enemies, as his cruelty, who fretted at his misfortune, sought to 
His Cruelty.  free himself, by laying the cause of the overthrow upon every body else. He arrived at Pella in the night, where Eactus and Eudeus two of his Treasurers came to him, and what with their reflecting on his former miscarriages, and their free and mistimed admonitions and counsels, so exasperated him, that he killed them both, stabbing them with his own dagger. After this, no body stuck to him but Evander the Cretan, Archedemus the Etolian, and Neo the Beotian: and of the common Soldiers there followed him only those from Crete, not out of any good will, but that they were as constant to his Riches, as the Bees to their Hive. For he carried a great treasure with him, out of which he had suffered them to take Cups, Bowls, and other vessels of Silver and Gold, to the value of fifty talents. But when he was come to Amphipolis, and afterwards to Alepse, and his fears were a little abated, he relapsed into his old and natural disease of Covetousness, and bewailed to his Friends that he 
And Covetousness.  had through inadvertency distributed the gold Plate belonging to Alexander the Great amongst the Cretans, and beseeched those that had it, with tears in his eyes, to exchange with him again for money. Those that understood him throughly knew very well he only played the Cretan with those of Crete, but those that believed him, and restored what they had, were cheated; for he not only did not pay the Money, but by craft got thirty Talents more of his friends into his hands; (which in a short time after fell to the Enemy) and with them sailed into Samothracia, and there fled to the Temple of Castor and Pollux for refuge.  
The Macedonians were always accounted great lovers of their Kings, but now, as if their chief prop was broken; they submitted 
All M●cedonia de ●ver'd up to Emilius.  themselves with an unanimous consent to Emilius, and in two days made him Master of their whole Country. Which seems to confirm their opinion, who ascribe whatsoever he did to his good fortune; to which agreed the Omen that happened to the Sacrifice at Amphipolis, where Emilius being about to offer, and the holy Rites begun, on a sudden the Lightning fell upon the Altar, set the Wood on fire, and sanctified the Sacrifice. But above all, that of Fame does far exceed all they tell us of the Gods, or his good Fortune: for the 4th. day after Perseus was vanquished at Pydne, whilst the People were beholding the running of the Horses in the Place designed for those Games, there arose 
This News miralously conveyed to Rome.  an unexpected Report at the entrance of the Theatre, that Emilius had overcome Perseus, and brought all Macedonia under his Power, and from thence, when the Rumour was spread amongst the People, there was a general Joy, with Shouting and Acclamations for that whole day through the City. But when no certain Author was found of the News, and every one alike had taken it on trust, it vanished for the present and came to nothing, till within a few days after these tidings came certainly confirmed, and then the first Intelligence was looked upon as no less than a Miracle, whilst it could be no other than feigned, though it contained in it what was real and true. It is reported 
Examples of the like.  also, that the News of a Battle that was fought in Italy, near the River Sagra, was carried into Peloponnesus the same day, and of that nigh Mycala, against the Medes, to Platee. When the Romans had defeated the Tarquins, who were combined with the Latins, there were almost at the same time at Rome seen two goodly tall Men, who themselves brought the News from the Camp. The first Man that spoke to them in the Marketplace near the Fountain, where they were refreshing their Horses which were all of a Foam, much wondered at the Report of the Victory, when, 'tis said they both smiled and gently stroked his Beard with their hands, the Hairs of which from being black, was on the Spot changed to be yellow. This Circumstance gave credit to what they said, and fixed the Name of Enobarbus (which is as much as yellow Beard) on the Man. But that which happened in our own Time, will make all these credible? for when Antony rebelled against Domitian, and Rome was in a Consternation, expecting great Wars in Germany, all on a sudden, and no body knows upon what account, the People spread abroad a Rumour of the Victory, and the News ran current through the City, that Antony himself was slain, his whole Army destroyed, and that not so much as a part of it escaped: nay this belief carried with it such Clearness and Force, that many of the Magistrates offered up Sacrifices. But when at length the Author of this Report was sought, and none was to be found, it vanished by degrees, whilst every one shifted it off, from himself to another, and at last was lost in the numberless Crowd, as in a vast Ocean, and having no solid Ground to support its Credit, was in a short time not so much as named in the City. Nevertheless when Domitian marched out with his Forces to the War, he met with Messengers and Letters, that gave him a Relation of the Victory; and the Fame of this Conquest came the very day it was gained, though the distance of the places was more than 2500 miles. The truth of this no Man amongst us can be ignorant of.  
But to proceed: Cneius Octavius, who was 
Perseus' surrenders himself.  joined in Command with Emilius, came to an Anchor with his Fleet under Samothrace, where out of his Devotion to the Gods, he permitted Perseus to enjoy the benefit of Refuge, but took care that he should not escape by Sea. Notwithstanding Perseus secretly practised with Oroandes of Crete, who was Master of a Bark, to convey him and his Treasure away. He, making use of the common Arts of his Country, took in the Treasure, and advised him to come in the Night with his Wife, Children, and necessary Attendants, to the Port called Demetrius, but as soon as it was Evening, set Sail without him. Miserable was now the Fate of Perseus, who was forced to let down himself, his Wife and Children, through a narrow Window by a Wall, People altogether unaccustomed to hardship and Flying. But that which yet fetched deeper Sighs from his Heart was, when he was told by one, as he wondered on the Shore, that he saw Oroandes under Sail in the Main Sea, for now it was Day. So that there being no Hopes left of Escaping, he fled back again to the Wall, which he and his Wife recovered (though they were seen by the Romans) before they could reach them. His Children he himself had delivered into the hands of jon, one that had been his Favourite, but now proved his Betrayer, and was the chief Cause that forced him (and 'tis no other than Beasts themselves will do when their young ones are taken) to come and yield himself up to those that had them in their Power. His greatest Confidence was in Nasica, and 'twas to him he called, but he not being there, he bewailed his Misfortune, and seeing there was no possible Remedy, surrendered himself to Octavius. And here it was that he made it manifest, that he was possessed with a Vice more sordid than Covetousness itself, to wit▪ the fondness of Life; by which he deprived himself even of Pity, the only thing that Fortune never takes away from the most wretched: for he desired to be brought to Emilius, who arose from his Seat, and accompanied with his Friends, went to receive him with Tears in his Eyes, as a great Man fallen by the Anger of the Gods, and his own ill Fortune; whilst Perseus, which was the most scandalous of Sights, threw himself at his Feet, embraced his Knees, and uttered such unmanly Cries and Petitions, as Emilius was not able to bear, or would vouchsafe to hear: but looking on him with a sad and angry Countenance; What 
Emilius his Speech to Perseus.  (says he) miserable as thou art, dost thou thus discharge Fortune, of what might seem her greatest Crime? for by these Actions thou appearest worthy of thy Calamity, and that it is not your present Condition, but your former Happiness, that was more than your Deserts. What! do you thus take away from my Victory, and make my Conquest little, by proving yourself a Coward and a Foe below a Roman? The most unhappy Valour challenges a great Respect, even from Enemies; but Cowardice, though never so successful, from the Romans always met with Scorn. Yet for all this he took him up, gave him his Hand, and delivered him into the Custody of Tubero.  
After this, he carried his Sons, his Sons-in-law, and others of the chiefest Quality, especially those of the younger sort, back with him into his Tent, where for a long time he sat down without speaking one word, insomuch that they all wondered at him. At last, he began to discourse of Fortune and humane Affairs. Is it meet (says 
His Speech to the young Men.  he) for him that knows he is but a Man, in his greatest Prosperity to pride himself, and be exalted at the Conquest of a City, Nation, or Kingdom, and not rather well to weigh this Change of Fortune, which proposes a great Example to all Warriors of our common Frailty, and teaches them this Lesson, that there is nothing to be accounted durable or constant? For what time can Men choose to think themselves secure, when that of Victory itself must chiefly force us to dread our own Fortune, and a little Consideration of the Fate of Things, and how all are hurried round, and each man's Station changed, will introduce Sadness in the midst of greatest Mirth? Or can you, when you see before your Eyes the Succession of Alexander himself, who arrived at the height of Power, and ruled the greatest Empire, in the short space of an hour trodden under foot? When you behold a King, that was but even now surrounded with so numerous an Army, receiving Nourishment to support his Life, from the Hands of his Conquerors: can you, I say, believe, there is any Certainty in what we now possess, whilst there is such a thing as Chance? No, young Men, cast off that vain Pride, and empty Boast of Victory; sit down with Modesty, and always think on what's to come, and what, through the spite of Fortune, may be yet the end of this our present Happiness. 'Tis said, Emilius having spoke much more to the same purpose, dismissed the young Men well chastised, and with this Oration, as with a Bridle, curbed their Vainglory and Insolence.  
When this was done, he put his Army into Garrisons, to refresh themselves, and went himself to visit Greece; a Pleasure 
Emili●s goes in●o Gree●●.  not more honourable, than conducing to the Benefit of Mankind. For as he passed, he eased the People's Grievances, reformed their Government, and bestowed Gifts upon them; to some Corn, to others Oil out of the King's Storehouses, in which (they report) there was so vast Quantities laid up, that there sooner wanted Receivers, and such as needed, than they could be exhausted. In Delphos he found a great square Pillar of white Marble, designed for the Pedestal of King Perseus his Statue, on which he commanded his own to be placed, alleging, that it was but just, that the Conquered should give place to the Conquerors. In Olympia he is said to have uttered that so known Speech, That Phidias had carved Homer's Jupiter. When the ten Commissioners arrived from Rome, he delivered up again to the Macedonians their Cities and Country, granting them to live at liberty, and according to their own Laws, only yielding to the Romans the Tribute of a hundred Talents, when they were wont to pay double the Sum to their Kings. Then he celebrated all manner of Shows, and Games, and Sacrifices to the Gods, and made great Entertainments and Feasts; the Charge of all which he liberally defrayed out of the King's Treasury; and showed that he understood the ordering and placing of his Guests, and how every Man should be received, answerable to their several Ranks and Qualities, with such nice Exactness, that the Greci●●● very much wondered, that the Care and Experience of these things of Pleasure should not escape him, and that a Man involved in so great Business, should observe the Decency of such little Matters. That which very much satisfied him was, that amidst such magnificent and splendid Preparations, he himself was always the most grateful Sight, and greatest Pleasure to those he entertained. And he told them that seemed to wonder at his Diligence, That there was the same Spirit shown in marshalling a Banquet as an Army, whilst the one was to be rendered very dreadful to the Enemy, the other very acceptable to the Guests. Nor did Men less praise his Liberality, and the greatness of his Mind, than his other Virtues: for he would not so much as see those great Quantities of Silver and Gold, which were heaped together out of the King's Palaces, but delivered them to the Questors, to be put into the Public Treasury. He only permitted his own Sons, who were great Lovers of Learning, to take the King's Books; and when he distributed such Rewards as were due to extraordinary Valour, he gave his Son-in-law, Elius Tubero, a Bowl that weighed five pounds: this is that Tubero we have already mentioned, who was one of the sixteen Relations that lived together, and were all maintained out of one little Farm: and 'tis said, that this was the first Plate that ever entered the House of the Elians, and that brought thither, as an Honour and Reward of Virtue; for before this time, neither they nor their Wives would ever make use either of Silver or Gold.  
Having thus well settled Things, taking his leave of the Grecians, and exhorted the Macedonians, that mindful of that Liberty they had received from the Romans, they should endeavour to maintain it, by their Obedience to the Laws, and Concord amongst themselves, he departed for Epire; 
He goes into Epire.  for he had Orders from the Senate, to give the Soldiers that followed him in the War against Perseus, the Pillage of the Cities of that Country. Wherefore that he might set upon them all at once, and that by Surprise and unawares, he summoned ●en of the principal Men out of every City, whom he commanded on such an appointed day, to bring all the Gold and Silver they had either in their private Houses ●or Temples; and with every one of these, as if it were for this very purpose, and under a pretence of searching for and receiving the Gold, he sent a Centurion, and a Guard of Soldiers; who, the set day being come, rose all at once, and at the very selfsame time fell upon them, and set themselves to invade and ransack their Enemies so that in one hour a hundred and fifty thousand Persons were made Slaves, and threescore and ten Cities sacked. Yet what was given to each Soldier, out of so vast Destruction and utter Ruin, amounted 〈◊〉 no more than eleven Drachms; which made all Men dread the Issue of a War, when the Wealth of a whole Nation thus divided, turned to so little Advantage and Profit to each particular Man.  
When Emilius had done this, which was perfectly contrary to his gentle and mild Nature, he went down to Oricum, where he embarked his Army for Italy. He sailed 
He returns into Italy.  up the River Tibur in the King's Galley, that had sixteen Oars on a side, and was richly adorned with the Armour of the Prisoners, and with clothes of Purple and Scarlet; so that rowing the Vessel slowly against the Stream, the Romans that crowded on the Shore to meet him, had a taste of his following Triumph. But the Soldiers who had cast a covetous Eye on the Treasures of Perseus, when they did not obtain what they thought they so well deserved, were not only secretly enraged and angry with Emilius for it, but openly complained, that he had been a severe and tyrannical Commander over them; no● were they ready to show their desire of his Triumph. When Servius Galba, who was 
Galba endeavours to hinder his Triumph.  Emilius his Enemy, though he commanded a thousand Men under him, understood this, he was so hardy, as plainly to affirm, that a Triumph was not to be allowed him, and sowed divers Calumnies amongst the Soldiers, which yet further increased their ●ll will? nay more, he desired the Tribunes of the People, because the four hours that were remaining of the day, could not suffice for the Accusation, that he would put it off till another. But when the Tribunes commanded him to speak then, if he had any thing to say, he began a long Oration, stuffed with all manner of Reproaches, in which he spent the remaining part of the time, and the Tribunes, when it was dark, dismissed the Assembly. The Soldiers growing more vehement by this, thronged all to Galba, and entering into a Conspiracy, early in the Morning again beset the Capitol, where the Tribunes had appointed the following Assembly to be held. As soon as it was day, it was put to the Vote, and the first Tribe with a general Consent rejected the Triumph. When what was done, was spread about, and understood by the rest of the Assembly, the common People declared themselves very much grieved, that Emilius should meet with such Ignominy: but this was only in words, which had no effect: whilst the chief of the Senate exclaimed against it as a base Action, and excited one another to repress the Boldness and Insolence of the Soldiers, which, if not timely prevented, would in a while become altogether ungovernable and violent, when they sa● already they went about to deprive Emilius of his Triumph. Wherefore driving away the Crowd, they came up in great Number● and desired the Tribunes to defer Polling till they had spoken what they had to say to the People. All things thus suspended, and Silence being made, Marcus Servili●● stood up, a Man of Consular Dignity, and who had killed 23 of his Enemies, that had challenged him in single Combat. 'Tis 〈◊〉 
Servilius his Speech.  more than ever (says he) that I understa●● how great a Commander our Paulus Emilius it when I see he was able to perform such 〈◊〉 and great Exploits, with an Army so full of Sedition and Baseness: nor can I enough admire, that a People that seemed to glory i● the Triumphs over the Illyrians and Africans should now through Envy refuse to see th● Macedonian King led alive captive, and all th● Glory of Philip and Alexander subdued by th● Roman Power. For is it not a strange thing fo● you, who upon a slight rumour of Victory, th●● came by chance into the City, did offer Sacrifices, and put up your Requests unto the Gods that you might see the Report verified, now when the General is returned with an undoubted Conquest, to defraud the Gods of Honour, and yourselves of Joy, as if you feared to behold the greatness of his warlike Deed, or were resolved to spare the King. And of the two, much better were it to put a stop to the Triumph, out of pity unto him, than out of envy to your General: yet to such a height of Power is Malice arrived amongst you, that one in a whole Skin, shining fat with Ease, and nicely bred in Shades, dares talk of the Office of a General and a Triumph, and that before you, who by your own many words, have learned to judge of the Valour or the Cowardice of your Commanders. And at the same time putting aside his Garment, he showed an infinite number of Scars upon his Breasts, and turning about, discovered those Parts which it ●s not decent to expose. Then applying himself to Galba: You (says he) deride me for these, in which I glory before my fellow-Citizens, for 'tis in their Service in which I have rode night and day, that I received them; but go on to collect the Votes, whilst I follow after, and note the base and ungrateful, and such as ●hoose rather to obey the Rabble in War, than to be commanded by their General. 'Tis said, ●his Speech so stopped the Soldier's Mouths, and altered their Minds, that ●ll the Tribes decreed a Triumph for Emilius; which was performed after this manner:  
The People erected Scaffolds in the Market, 
Emilius his Triumph described.  and Places where the running of Horses used to be seen, (they are called by them Cirques) and in all other Parts of the City, where they could best behold the Pomp▪ The Spectators were clad in white Garments▪ all the Temples were open, and full of Garlands and Perfumes, the Ways cleared and cleansed by a great many Officers and Tip staves, that drove such as thronged the Passage, or straggled up and down. This Triumph lasted three days. On the first, which was scarce long enough for the Sight, was to be seen the Statues, Pictures, and Images, of an extraordinary bigness, which were taken from the Enemy, drawn upon 750 Chariots. On the second, was carried in a great many Wains, the fairest and richest Armour of the Macedonians, both of Brass and Steel▪ all newly furbished and glistering; which although piled up with the greatest Art and Order, yet seemed to be tumbled on heaps carelessly and by chance; Helmets were thrown upon Shields, Coats of Male upon Greaveses, Cretian Targets, and Thracian Bucklers, and Quivers of Arrows, lay huddled amongst the Horse's Bits, and through these there appeared the points of naked Swords, intermixed with long Spears. All these Arms were tied together with such a just liberty, that they knocked against one another as they were drawn along, and made a harsh and terrible noise, so that the very Spoils of the Conquered could not be beheld without dread. After these Wagons loaden with Armour, there followed 3000 Men, who carried the Silver that was coined, in 750 Vessels, each of which weighed three Talents, and was carried by four Men. Others brought silver Bowls, and Goblets, and Cups, all disposed in such Order as to make the best Show, and all valuable, as well for their bigness as the thickness of their engraved Work. On the 3d. day, early in the Morning, first came the Trumpeters, who did not sound as they were wont in a Procession or solemn Entry, but such a Charge as the Romans use when they encourage their Soldiers to Fight. Next followed young Men girt about with Girdles curiously wrought, which led to the Sacrifice sixscore stalled Oxen, with their Horns gilded, and their Heads adorned with Ribbons and Garlands, and with these were Boys that carried Platters of silver and gold. After this was brought the gold Coin, which was divided into Vessels, that weighed three Talents, like to those that contained the silver; they were in number fourscore wanting three. These were followed by those that brought the consecrated Bowl, which Emilius had caused to be made that weighed ten Talents, and was all be●e● with precious Stones. Then were exposed to view the Cups of Antigonus and Seleucus, and such as were made after the fashion invented by Thericles, and all the gold Plate that was used at Perseus his Table. Next to these came Perseus his Chariot, in the which his Armour was placed, and on that his Diadem. And after a little intermission, the King's Children were led Captives, and with them a Train of Nurses, Masters, and Governors, who all wept, and stretched forth their Hands to the Spectators, and taught the little Infants to beg and entreat their Compassion. There were two Sons and a Daughter, who by reason of their tender Age, were altogether insensible of the greatness of their Misery, which Insensibility of their condition, rendered it much more deplorable; insomuch that Perseus himself was scarce regarded as he went along, whilst Pity had fixed the Eyes of the Romans upon the Infants, and many of them could not forbear Tears, all beheld the Sight with a mixture of Sorrow and Joy, until the Children were passed. After his Children and their Attendants came Perseus himself, clad all in black, and wearing Slippers after the fashion of his Country; he looked like one altogether astonished and deprived of Reason, through the greatness of his Misfortunes. Next followed a great Company of his Friends and Familiars, whose Countenances were disfigured with Grief, and who testified to all that beheld them, by their Tears, and their continual looking upon Perseus, that it was his hard Fortune they so much lamented, and that they were regardless of their own. Perseus' sent to Emilius to entreat, that he might not be led in Pomp, but be left out of the Triumph; who deriding (as was but just) his Cowardice, and fondness of Life, sent him this Answer; That as for that, it was before, and is now, in his own power; giving him to understand, that this disgrace was to be prevented by Death: which the faint-hearted Wretch being not able to sustain, and made effeminate by I know not what Hopes, became a part of his own spoils. After these were carried 400 Crowns, all made of Gold, and sent from the Cities by their respective Ambassadors to Emilius, as a Reward due to his Valour. Then he himself came seated on a Chariot magnificently adorned, (a Man worthy to be beheld, even without these Ensigns of Power) he was clad in a Garment of Purple, inter woven with Gold, and held out a Laurel Branch in his right hand. All the Army in like manner with Boughs of Laurel in their hands, divided into Bands and Companies, followed the Chariot of their Commander, some singing Odes (according to the usual Custom) mingled with Raillery; others, Songs of Triumph, and the Praise of Emilius his Deeds; who was admired and accounted happy by all Men, and unenvied by every one that was good: only that it seems the Province of some God, to lessen that Happiness which is too great and inordinate, and so to mingle the Affairs of Humane Life, that no one should be entirely free and exempt from Calamities; but (as it is in Homer) that those should think themselves truly blessed, to whom Fortune has given an equal share of Good and Evil.  
Emilius had four Sons, of which Scipio and 
Two of Emilius his Sons die about the time of his Triumph.  Fabius (as is already related) were adopted into other Families; the other two, which he had by a second Wife, and were yet but young, he brought up in his own House. One of these died at 14 years of age, five days before his Father's Triumph; the other at 12, three days after: so that there was no Roman without a deep sense of his Suffering, and every one dreaded the Cruelty of Fortune, that did not scruple to bring so much Sorrow into a House replenished with Happiness, Rejoicing and Sacrifices, and to intermingle Tears and Complaints, with Songs of Victory and Triumph. But Emilius reasoning according to Judgement, considered that Courage and Resolution was not only requisite to resist Armour and Spears, but also to withstand all the Shocks of ill Fortune, and so did he adapt and temper the necessity of his present Circumstances, as to overbalance the Evil with the Good, and his private Concerns with those of the public, that thus they might neither take away from the Grandeur, nor sully the Dignity of his Victory. For as soon as he had buried the first of his Sons, (as we have already said) he triumphed; and the second deceasing almost as soon as his Triumph was over, he gathered together an Assembly of the People, and made an Oration to them, not like a Man that stood in need of Comfort from others, but of one that undertook to support his fellow Citizens, who grieved for the Sufferings he himself underwent.  
I (says he) that never yet feared any 
Emilius his Speech upon the death of his Sons.  thing that was humane, amongst such as were divine, have always had a dread of Fortune as faithless and unconstant, and on the very account that in this War she had been as a favourable Gale in all my Affairs, I still expected some Change and Reflux of Things. For in one day (says he) I passed the Ionian Sea, and arrived from Brundisium at Corsica; thence in five more I sacrificed at Delphos, and in other five days came to my Forces in Macedonia, where after I had finished the usual Sacrifices for the purifying of the Army, I fell to my designed Business, and in the space of 15 days put an honourable period to the War. But when I still had a jealousy of Fortune, even from the smooth Current of my Affairs, and saw myself secure and free from the Danger of an Enemy, I chiefly dreaded the Change of the Goddess at Sea, whilst through my Success I brought home with me so great and victorious an Army, such vast Spoils, and Kings themselves Captives. Nay more, after I was returned to you safe, and saw the City full of Joy, Congratulating and Sacrifices, yet still did I suspect Fortune, as well knowing, that she never conferred any Benefits that were sincere; and without some Alloy. Nor could my mind (that was still as it were in Labour, and always foreseeing something to befall this City) free itself from this Fear, until so great a Misfortune befell me in my own Family, and that in the midst of those days set apart for Triumph, I carried two of the best of Sons one after another to their Funerals. Now therefore am I myself safe from Danger, at least as to what was my greatest Care, and I trust and am verily persuaded, that for the time to come Fortune will prove constant and harmless unto you; for she has sufficiently wrecked her Envy at our great Exploits on me and mine; nor is the Conqueror a less famous Example of humane Frailty, than the Man he led in Triumph, with this only difference, that Perseus though conquered does yet enjoy his Children, and the Conqueror Emilius is deprived of his. This was the generous and magnanimous Oration Emilius is said to speak to the People, from a Heart truly sincere, and free from all Artifice.  
Although he very much pitied Perseus 
Perseus' his Death.  his condition, and studied to befriend him in what he was able, yet could he procure no other Favour, than his removal from the common Prison, into a more cleanly and humane Place of Security, where whilst he was guarded, (it is said) he starved himself to death. Others relate a very particular and unheard of manner of his dying: That the Soldiers that were his Guard, having conceived a Spite and Hatred against him for some certain Reasons, and finding no other way to grieve and afflict him, kept him from Sleep, with all diligence disturbed him when he was disposed to rest, and found out Contrivances to continue him still waking, by which means at length he was quite tired out, and gave up the Ghost. Two of his Children also died soon after him; the third, who was named Alexander, (they say) proved an exquisite Artist in turning and graving in little, and withal learned so perfectly to speak and write the Roman Language, that he became Clerk to the Senate, and behaved himself in his Office with great Skill and Conduct.  
They ascribe to Emilius his Conquest in Macedonia, this most acceptable Benefit to the People, viz. that he brought so vast a quantity of Money into the public Treasury, that they never paid any Taxes, until Hircius and Pansa were Consuls, which was in the first year of the War between Anthony and Caesar. There was this peculiar and remarkable in Emilius, That though he was extremely 
Emilius always▪ sided with the Nobles.  beloved and honoured by the People, yet he always sided with the Nobles, nor would he either say or do any thing to ingratiate himself with the Vulgar, but constantly adhered to the Nobility, and Men of the chiefest Rank, in all matters of Government. Which thing in aftertimes was cast in Scipio Africanus his Teeth by Appius; for these two were in their Time the most considerable Men in the City, and stood in Competition for the Office of Censor. The one had on his side the Nobles and the Senate, (to which Party the Family of the Appians were always true;) the other, although his own Interest was great, yet did he make use of the Favour and Love of the People. When therefore Appius saw Scipio come to the Marketplace surrounded with Men of mean Rank, and such as were but newly made free, yet were very fit to manage a Debate, gather together the Rabble, and carry whatsoever they designed by Importunity and Noise, crying out with a loud voice: Groan now, (says he) O Paulus Emilius, if you have knowledge in your Grave of what is done above, that your Son pretends to be Censor, by the help of Emilius a common Cryer, and Licinius, a Barriter. As for Scipio, he always had the Good will of the People, because he was still heaping up Favours on them; but Emilius, although he still took part with the Nobles, yet was he as much their Darling, as he that was esteemed most popular, and sought by little Arts to ingratiate himself with the Multitude. and this they made manifest, when amongst other Dignities, they thought him worthy of the Office of Censor, a Trust accounted most sacred, and of very great Authority, as well in other things as in the strict examination into men's Lives: for the Censors had power to expel a Senator, and inrol whom they judged most fit in his room, and to disgrace such young Men as lived licentiously, by taking away their Horses. Besides this, they were to value and cess each Man's Estate, and register the number of the People: there were numbered by Emilius, 337452 Men. He declared Marcus Emilius Lepidus, Prince of the Senate, who had already four times arrived at that Honour, and removed from their Office three of the Senators of the least Note. The same Moderation he and his fellow - Censor, Marcius Philippus, used at the Muster of the Horsemen.  
Whilst he was thus busy about many and weighty Affairs, he son sick of a Disease, 
Emilius his Sickness and Death.  which at first seemed hazardous; and although after a while it proved without Danger, yet was it very troublesome and difficult to be cured: so that by the Advice of his Physicians he sailed to Velia, a Town in Italy, and there dwelled a long time near the Sea, where he enjoyed all possible Quietness. The Romans in the mean while longed for his Return, and often times by their Speeches in the theatres, gave public Testimonies of their great Desire and Impatience to see him. When therefore the time drew nigh, that a solemn Sacrifice was of necessity to be offered, and he found, as he thought, his Body strong enough, he came back again to Rome, and there performed the Holy Rites with the rest of the Priests, the People in the mean time crowding about him, and congratulating his Return. The next day he sacrificed again to the Gods for his Recovery; and having finished the Sacrifice, returned to his House, and set him down to Dinner, when all on a sudden, and when no Change was expected, he fell into a raving Fit, and being quite deprived of his Senses, the third day after ended his Life, in which he had wanted no manner of thing, which is thought to conduce to Happiness. Nay, his very Funeral Pomp had something in it remarkable, and to be admired, and his Virtue was graced with the most solemn and happy Rites at his Burial; for these did not consist of Gold and Ivory, or in the usual Sumptuousness and Splendour of such Preparations, but in the goodwill, Honour and Love, not only of his fellow-Citizens, but of his Enemies themselves. For as many Spaniards, Ligurians, and Macedonians, as happened to be present at the Solemnity, that were young, and of vigorous Bodies, took up the Bed and carried it, whilst the more aged followed, calling Emilius the Benefactor and Preserver of their Countries. Nor did he only at the time of his Conquest, demean himself to all with Kindness and Clemency, but through the whole course of his Life continued to do them good, and look after their Concerns, as if they had been his Familiars and Relations. They report, that the whole of his Estate scarce amounted to three hundred threescore and ten thousand Drachms, to which he left his two Sons Coheirs; but Scipio, who was the youngest, being adopted into the more wealthy Family of Africanus, gave it all to his Brother. Such is said to have been the Life and Manners of Emilius.   

TIMOLEON Compared with PAULUS EMILIUS.  
IF we consider these two Heroes, as Historians have represented them to us, without doubt in the Comparison very little difference will be found between 'em. They made War with two powerful Enemies: The one against the Macedonians, and t'other against the Carthaginians, and the Success was glorious. One conquered Macedon from the seventh succeeding Heir of Antigonus; the other freed Sicily from usurping Tyrants, and restored that Isle to its former Liberty. Unless this be disputed for, that Emilius engaged with Perseus, when his Forces were entire, and composed of such Men as had often with Success fought with the Romans: And that Timoleon found Dionysius in a despairing condition, his Affairs being reduced to the last Extremity. On the contrary, this may be said in favour of Timoleor: That he vanquished several Tyrants, and a powerful Carthaginian Army, with an inconsiderable number of Men gathered together from all Parts: Not with such an Army as Emilius had, of well disciplined Soldiers, experienced in War, and accustomed to obey; but such as through the hopes of Gain resorted to him, unskilled in Fight and ungovernable. And when Actions are equally glorious, and the means to compass them unequal, the greatest Esteem is certainly due to that General who conquers with the smaller Power.  
Both have the Reputation of behaving themselves with an uncorrupted Integrity, in all the Affairs they managed: But Emilius had the advantage of being from his Infancy, by the Laws and Customs of his Country, brought up to the well management of public Affairs, which Timoleon wanted, but by use brought himself to. And this is plain; for at that time all the Romans were educated with the greatest Modesty and Temperance, and paid an inviolable Observance to the Laws of their Country: Whereas 'tis remarkable, that not one of the Grecian Generals commanding in Sicily, could keep himself uncorrupted, except Dion, and of him they entertained a Jealousy, that he would establish a Monarchy there after the Lacedaemonian manner. Timaeus writes, that the Syracusians sent Gylippus home loaden with infamy, for his unsatiable Covetousness, and the many Bribes he took when he commanded the Army. Divers Historians mention, that Pharax the Spartan, and Calippus the Athenian, committed several wicked and treacherous Acts, designing to make themselves Kings of Sicily.— But what were these Men, and what strength had they to nourish so vain a Thought? For the first of them was a Follower of Dionysius, when he was expelled Syracuse, and the other a hired Captain of Foot under Dion, and came into Sicily with him.— But Timoleon at the Request and Prayers of the Syracusians, was sent to be their General, not seeking for the Command, but when placed in his hands, managing it to the best advantage, and no sooner had he restored Sicily to her Liberty, but he willingly resigned his Charge.  
This is truly worthy our Admiration in Emilius, That though he conquered so great and so rich a Realm as that of Macedon, yet he would not touch, nor see any of the Money, nor did he advantage himself one farthing by it, though he was very generous of his own to others.— This is not mentioned to reflect on Timoleon, for accepting of a fair House and handsome Estate in the Country, which the Syracusians presented him with; for on that occasion it was not dishonest to receive 'em: But yet there is greater glory in a Refusal; and that is the supremest Virtue, which lets the praise of good Men be the Reward of its actions, and refuses all gifts, how well soever it may have deserved them. And as that Body is without doubt, the most strong and healthful, which can the easiest support extreme Cold, and excessive Heat, in the change of Seasons; and that the most firm and collected Mind, which is not puffed up with Prosperity, nor dejected with Adversity: so the Virtue of Emilius was eminently seen, in that his Countenance and Carriage was the same upon the loss of two dear Sons, as when he achieved his greatest Victories and Triumphs. But Timoleon, after he had justly punished his Brother, a truly heroic Action, let his Reason yield to a causeless Sorrow, and, dejected with Grief and Remorse, he forbore for 20 years to appear in any public Place, or meddle with any Affairs o● the Commonwealth. 'Tis truly very commendable to shun and abhor the doing o● any base Action; but to stand in fear o● the People's Censure or common Talk, may argue a harmless and peaceable Mind, bu● never a brave and truly heroic Soul.   


Timoleon.  
T. Sturt sculp:   
THE LIFE OF TIMOLEON.  Translated from the Greek: By Tho. Blomer, D. D. 
Volume II.  
THE Affairs of the Syracusians, before Timoleon was sent into Sicily, were in this posture: After Dion had driven out Dionysius the Tyrant, he was slain by Treachery, and those that had assisted him in delivering Syracuse were divided among themselves, so that the City, by a continual change of Governors, and a train of Mischiefs that succeeded each other, became almost desolate and forsaken. As for the rest of Sicily, part thereof was now utterly destroyed and ruined, through a long continuance of the Wars, and most of the Cities that had been left standing, were seized upon by a mixed Company of Barbarians, and Soldiers under no Pay, that were ready to embrace every Turn of Government. Such being the state of Things, Dionysius takes the Opportunity, and in the tenth year of his Banishment, by the help of some foreign Troops he had got together, force's out Nysaeus, than Master of Syracuse, recovers all afresh, and was again settled in his Dominion. And as he had been at first strangely deprived, of the greatest and most absolute Power that ever was, by a very small Party, so now after a more wonderful manner, being an Exile, and of mean condition, he became the Sovereign Lord of those that did eject him. All therefore that remained in Syracuse, were made to serve under a Tyrant, who at the best was of an ungentle Nature, and that exasperated them to a greater degree of Savageness, by the late Misfortunes and Calamities he had suffered But those of the better sort, and such as were of Note and Eminence, having timely retired thence to Icetes, that bore sway over the Leontines, put themselves under his Protection, and chose him for their General in the War; a Person hardly preferable to any of those that were open and avowed Tyrants: but they had no other Sanctuary at present, and it gave them some ground of confidence, that he was both of a Syracusian Family, and had an Army besides able to encounter that of Dionysius. In the mean time the Carthaginians appeared before Sicily with a great Navy, watching when and where they might make a Descent upon the Island; the terror of which Fleet, made the Sicilians incline to send an Embassy into Greece, that should demand Succours from the Corinthians, whom they did address to and confide in rather than any others, not only upon the account of their near Kindred, and by reason of the great Benefits they had often received by trusting them heretofore, but because Corinth had ever shown herself an entire Lover of Freedom, and the most averse from Tyranny, by the many noble Wars she had engaged in, not upon the score of Empire and Avarice, but for the sole Liberty of the Greeks. But Icetes, who made it the business of his Command, not so much to deliver the Syracusians from other Tyrants, as to enslave them to himself, had already held some secret Conferences with those of Carthage, while in public he commended the Design of his Syrac●sian Clients, and dispatched Ambassadors from himself, together with those which they sent into Peloponnesus; not that he really desired there should come any Relief from thence, but, in case the Corinthians (as it was likely enough) should, by reason of the Troubles of Greece, and those Diversions that were given them at home, refuse their Assistance, hoping than he should be able with less difficulty to dispose and incline things for the Carthaginian Interest, and so make use of these foreign Pretenders, as Instruments and Auxiliaries for himself, either against the Syracusians, or their common Enemy Dionysius, as occasion served; which Project and Subtlety of his was discovered a while after. But the foresaid Ambassadors being now arrived, and their Request known, the Corinthians, who were wont to have a particular Concern for all their Colonies and Plantations, but especially for that of Syracuse, since by good fortune too there was nothing to molest them in their own Country, but they enjoyed Peace and leisure at that time, did readily and with one accord pass a Vote for their Assistance. And when they were deliberating about the choice of a Captain for that Expedition, and the Magistrates of their City did nominate and propose several Persons, that had made it their Care and Study to be esteemed among them, one of the Plebeians standing up, happened to name Timoleon, the Son of Timodemus, who had long ago left off to concern himself in public Business, and had neither any hopes of, nor the least pretention to an Employment of that nature; insomuch that the thing was thought to proceed from a divine Instinct, and that some God or other had put it in the man's heart to mention him; so great an indulgence of Fortune did then immediately appear at his Election, and so much of her Favour did accompany his following Actions, as it were on purpose to recommend his worth, and add some grace and ornament to his personal Virtues. If you regard his Parentage, both Timodemus his Father, and his Mother Demariste, were of a Noble and Illustrious Rank in that City; as for himself, he was a mighty Lover of his Country, and one of admirable Meekness towards all, excepting that extreme hatred he bore to Tyrants and wicked men. His Natural Abilities for the War were so happily tempered, and of that excellent and even mixture, that, as a rare and extraordinary Prudenee might be seen in all the Enterprises of his younger years▪ so a strange firmness of Mind, and the most undaunted Courage did attend him still, even to the last Exploits of his declining Age. He had an Elder Brother, whose Name was Timophanes, one of a different Make, and every way unlike him, being indiscreet, and rash, and corrupted with a Love of Monarchy, by the suggestion of some lewd Friends and foreign Soldiers, which he kept always about him. He seemed to have a certain Force and Vehemence in all Attempts, and even to delight in Dangers, whereby he took much with the People, and upon that account did not only aspire, but was advanced to the highest Charges, as a vigorous and effective Warrior; for the obtaining of which Offices and Promotions, Timoleon did very much assist him, who either helped wholly to conceal his Errors and Defaults, or at least to lessen and diminish those he was thought guilty of, and beside this, took care to magnify and adorn whatever was commendable in him, and set off his good Qualities to the best advantage. It happened once in a Battle of the Corinthians, against those of Argos and Cleone, that Timoleon served among the Infantry, when Timophanes, commanding their Cavalry, was brought into extraordinary danger, for his Horse being wounded fell forward, and threw him head long amidst the Enemies, whereupon part of his Companions were presently dispersed through a sudden fear, and the small number that remained, bearing up against a great Multitude, had much ado to maintain the Fight, and make any long Resistance. As soon therefore as Timoleon was aware of that Accident, he run hastily in to his Brother's rescue, and covering the fallen T●nophanes with his Buckler, after having received abundance of Darts, and several Strokes by the Sword into his Body and his Armour, he at length with much difficulty obliged the Enemies to retire, and brought off his Brother alive and safe out of that desperate extremity. But when the Corinthians, for fear of losing their City a second time, by taking in Associates, (a thing they had formerly suffered from them) made a Decree to entertain 400 Strangers for the security thereof, and gave Timophanes the Command over them, he, without any regard to Honour and Equity, put all those things in speedy Execution, whereby he might become absolute, and bring the Place under his own Power; and having cut off many principal Citizens, uncondemned and without Trial, that were most likely to hinder his Design, declared himself to be King of Corinth; a Procedure that did infinitely afflict the good Timoleon, as reckoning the Wickedness of such a Brother, to be his own Reproach and Calamity. He therefore undertook to persuade him by his Discourse, that, desisting from that 〈◊〉 and unhappy Ambition, he would bethink himself how he should make the Corinthians some Amends, and find out an Exp●●●ent to remedy and correct the Evils he had done them. But when his single Admonition was rejected and contemned by him, he makes a second and more powerful Attempt, taking with him one Aeschylus his Kinsman, Brother to the Wife of Timophanes, and a certain Prophet or Diviner, that was his Friend, whom Theopompus in his History calls Satyrus, but Ephorus and Timaeus mention in theirs by the Name of Orthagoras. After a few days than he returns to his Brother with this Company, all three of them surrounding and earnestly importuning him upon the same Subject, that now at length he would listen to sober Counsel, and use Reason, and be of another mind. But when Timophanes began first to laugh at the men's simplicity, and being vehemently pressed, fell afterwards into Rage and Indignation against them, Timoleon stepped aside from him, and stood weeping, with his Face covered, while the other two, drawing out their Swords, dispatched him in a moment. The rumour of this Fact being soon scattered about, the better and more generous sort of the Corinthians did highly applaud Timoleon for his detestation of Improbity, and extol the greatness of his Soul, that being of a sweet and gentle Disposition, and having so much Love and Kindness for his Family, he should however think the Obligations to his Country much stronger than the Ties of Consanguinity, and prefer that which is handsome and just, before Gain and Interest, and his own particular Advantage; for the same Brother, which with so much Bravery had been saved by him, when he fought valiantly in the Cause of Corinth, he had now as nobly sacrificed, for enslaving her afterward by his base and treacherous Usurpation. But then on the other side, those that knew not how to live in a Democracy, and had been used to make their humble Court unto the Men of Power, though they did openly pretend to rejoice at the death of such a Tyrant, yet secretly reviling Timoleon, as one that had committed the most impious and abominable Act, they cast him into a strange Melancholy and Dejection. And when he came to understand how heavily his Mother took it, and that she likewise did utter the saddest Complaints and terrible Imprecations against him, he went to satisfy and comfort her as to what had happened; who would not endure so much as to look upon him, but caused the Doors of her House to be shut, that 〈◊〉 might have no admission into her prese●●● the grief whereof did so disorder his 〈◊〉 and make him grow so hugely disconsolate, that he determined to put an end 〈◊〉 that perplexity with his Life, and sta●● himself by abstaining from all manner 〈◊〉 Sustenance; but through the Care and Diligence of his Friends, who were very instant with him, and added force to th●● Entreaties, he came to resolve and prom●● at last, that he would endure Living, provided it might be in Solitude, and remo●● from Company: so that quitting all civ●● Transactions, and his former Commerce 〈◊〉 the World, for a long while after his first Retirement, he never came into Corinth, but wandered up and down the Fields, full of anxio● and tormenting Thoughts, and spent his tim● in those desert Places, that were at the farthest distance from society and humane Intercourse▪ Which Behaviour of his may give us occasion to observe, that the Minds of Men are easily 
A moral reflection.  shaken and carried off from their own Sentiments, through the casual Commendation or Reproof of others, unless the Judgements that we make, and the Purposes we conceive, be confirmed too by Reason and Philosophy, which give strength and steadiness to our Undertake, for an Action must not only be just and laudable in its own nature, but it must proceed likewise from solid Motives, and a lasting Principle, that so we may fully and constantly approve the thing, and be perfectly satisfied in what we do: for otherwise having once finished a Design, and brought our Resolution to Practice, we shall out of pure weakness come to be troubled at the Performance, when the grace and goodliness thereof begins to decay and wear out of our Fancy, which rendered it before so amiable and pleasing to us. As it happens to those liquorish sort of People, that seizing on the more delicious Morsels of any Dish with a keen Appetite, are presently disgusted when they grow full, and find themselves oppressed and uneasy now, by what they did before so greedily desire: for a succeeding Dislike is enough to spoil the very best of Actions, and Repentance makes that which was never so well done, ●o become base and faulty; whereas the Choice and Procedure that is founded upon Knowledge and wise Reasoning, does not change by Disappointment, or suffer us to re●ent, though it happen perchance to be less prosperous in the issue. And therefore Photion of Athens, having still vigorously opposed ●he Attempts of Leosthenes, which however did succeed contrary to his Opinion, ●nd all the appearance of things, when he 〈◊〉 the Athenians fall to sacrifice, and look very big and haughty upon a Victory that ●●gotten by him, I should have been glad▪ 〈◊〉 he to them, that I myself had been the ●thor of what Leosthenes has achieved for 〈◊〉 but cannot wish that I had offered you ●●●ther Advice than what I always gave, and then appear to be most reasonable. But A●●des the Locrian, one of Plato's Companion made a more sharp and severe Reply to D●onysius the elder, who demanding one 〈◊〉 his Daughters in Marriage, I had 〈◊〉 says he to him, see the Virgin in her G●●●than in the Palace of a Tyrant. And wh● the same Dionysius, enraged at the 〈◊〉 made his Sons be put to death a while 〈◊〉 and did then again insultingly ask, 〈◊〉 he were still in the same mind as to the 〈◊〉 of his Daughters? His Answer was 〈◊〉 cannot but grieve at the cruelty of your dee● but am not a whit sorry for the freedom of 〈◊〉 own words. Now such Expressions as th● may peradventure pass for the Effects of more sublime and accomplished Virtue.  
But as for that passionate Disorder of T●moleon upon the late Fact, whether it 〈◊〉 from a deep commiseration of his Brother Fate, or the Reverence he bore his Mother it did so shatter and dissolve his Spirits, th● for the space of almost 20 years, he had 〈◊〉 offered to concern himself in any honourable or public Action. When therefore 〈◊〉 was pitched upon for a General, and joyfully accepted as such by the Suffrages of the People, Teliclides, one of the greatest Power and Reputation in Corinth, began to exhort him, that he would act now like a Man of Worth and Gallantry: For, says he, if you appear magnanimous, and do bravely in this Service, we shall then believe that you delivered us from a Tyrant; but if you behave yourself basely, and come off ill, it will be thought by all that you killed your Brother. While he was yet preparing to set Sail, and listing Soldiers to embark with him, there came Letters to the Corinthians from Icetes, that plainly discovered his Revolt and Treachery; for his Ambassadors were no sooner gone for Corinth, but he openly joined himself to the Carthaginians, and furthered them in their Designs, that they likewise might assist him to throw out Dionysius, and become Master of Syracuse in his room. And fearing he might be disappointed of his Aim, if any considerable Force and a skilful Leader should come from Corinth before this were effected, he sent a Letter of Advice thither in all haste to prevent their setting out, telling them, they needed not be at any cost and trouble upon his account, or run the hazard of a Sicilian Voyage, especially since the Carthaginians would dispute their Passage, and lay in wait to attack them with a numerous Fleet, 〈◊〉 he had now engaged himself, (being 〈◊〉 thereto by the slowness of their motions) ●●lend him all necessary Assistance against ●●onysius. This Letter being publicly 〈◊〉 if any had been cold and indifferent 〈◊〉 as to the Expedition in hand, yet that 〈◊〉 dignation they conceived against the 〈◊〉 of Icetes, did now exasperated and 〈◊〉 them all, insomuch that they willingly ●●●tributed to supply Timoleon, and jointly 〈◊〉 deavoured to hasten his departure.  
When the Vessels were equipped, and 〈◊〉 Soldiers every way provided for, th●●●male Priests of Proserpina had a Dream● Vision, wherein she and her Mother 〈◊〉 appeared to them in a travelling Garb, 〈◊〉 were heard to say, that they would sail 〈◊〉 Timoleon into Sicily; whereupon the Corinthians having built a sacred Galley, it 〈◊〉 devoted to them, and called the Galley 〈◊〉 the Goddesses. Timoleon went in Person 〈◊〉 Delphi, where he sacrificed to Apollo, 〈◊〉 descending into the Place of Prophecy, 〈◊〉 was surprised with this marvellous Occurrence: A Wreath or Garland interwoven with Crowns and Trophies, slipped off 〈◊〉 among the Gifts that were there consecrated and hung up in the Temple, which 〈◊〉 directly down upon his Head; so that apollo seemed already to crown him with Success, and send him thence to conquer and triumph in that Enterprise. He put to Sea only with seven Ships of Corinth, two of Corcyra, and a tenth which was furnished out by the Leucadians; being now entered into the deep by night, and carried with a prosperous gale, the Heaven seemed all on a sudden to be rend in sunder, and a bright spreading Flame to issue from the division, and hover over the Ship wherein he was, which having formed itself into a Torch, not unlike those that are used in their religious Mysteries, began to steer the same course, and run along in their company, guiding them by its light to that Quarter of Italy where they designed to go ashore. The soothsayers affirmed, that this Apparition did agree with that Dream of the holy Wo●en, and make good what they had happily foretold, since the Goddesses did now visibly join in the Expedition, and set up ●hat heavenly Lamp to march before them ●s a Convoy; Sicily being thought sacred 〈◊〉 Proserpina, for Poets feign, that the Rape ●as committed there, and that the Island ●as given her in Dowry when she married ●luto. Now these early demonstrations of divine Favour did mightly encourage his ●hole Army; so that making all the Sail ●ey were able, and nimbly crossing the ●ea, they were soon brought upon the Coast of Italy: but the tidings that came 〈◊〉 Sicily did very much perplex Timoleon, 〈◊〉 dishearten his Soldiers, for Icetes hav● already beaten Dionysius out of the Field, 〈◊〉 reduced the greater part of Syracuse it 〈◊〉 did now, straiten and besiege him in the citadel, and that Remnant which is called 〈◊〉 Isle, whither he was lately fled for his 〈◊〉 Refuge; while the Carthaginians by Agreement, were to make it their business to 〈◊〉 Timoleon from landing in any Port 〈…〉; so that he and his Party being driv●● back, they might with more ease and 〈◊〉 their own leisure divide the Island 〈…〉 themselves. In pursuance of which 〈◊〉 the Carthaginians send away 20 of their ●●leys to Rhegium, having aboard them 〈◊〉 Ambassadors from Icetes to 〈◊〉 that carried Instructions suitable to 〈◊〉 Proceedings, which were nothing else 〈◊〉 specious Amusements and plausible 〈◊〉 to colour and conceal his knavish 〈◊〉 for the Men had Order to propose and ●●mand, that Timoleon himself (if he 〈…〉 Offer) should come to advise with 〈◊〉 and partake of all his Conquests, but tha● he might send back his Ships and Forces unto Corinth, since the War was in a 〈◊〉 finished, and the Carthaginians had block'● up all the Road, as resolving to oppose then if they should press towards the Shore. Whe● therefore the Corinthians met with these ●nvoys at Rhegium, and received their Mes●●ge, and saw the Punic Vessels riding at anchor in the Bay, they became deeply ●●nsible of the Abuse that was put upon ●hem, and had a general Indignation against ●●etes, and mighty Apprehensions for the ●oor Sicilians, whom they now plainly perceived to be as it were a Prize and Recompense betwixt the Falsehood of Icetes ●n one side, and the Ambition of Carthage 〈◊〉 the other; for it seemed utterly imposable to force and overbear the Carthaginian ●hips that lay before them, and were dou●●e their number, as also to vanquish the 〈◊〉 victorious Troops which Icetes had ●ith him in Syracuse, for the Conduct and ●●ief whereof they had undertaken that ●●yage. The Case being thus, Timoleon, 〈◊〉 some Conference with the Legates Icetes, and the Carthaginian Captains, ●ld them, he should readily submit to ●●eir Proposals, (for it would be to no purpose to refuse Compliance) he was desirous only before▪ his Return to Corinth, ●●at what had passed between them in pri●ate, might be solemnly declared before the people of Rhegium, which was a Grecian ●ity, and a common Friend to the Parties; ●r this would very much conduce to his ●wn Security and Discharge; and they likewise would more strictly observe such Articles of Agreement, on behalf of the Syra●●sians, which they had obliged themselves to in the presence of so many Witnesses. The Design of all which was, only to give them Diversion, while he got an opportunity of ●lipping through their Fleet: a Contrivance that all the principal Rhegians were pri●● and assisting to, who had a great desire that the Affairs of Sicily should fall into Corinthian hands, but dreaded nothing so much as the consequence of a Punic Neighbourhood. An Assembly was therefore called, and the Gates shut, that the Burghers might have no liberty to scatter and apply themselves to other Business: being met together, they made tedious Harangues, and spoke one by one upon the same Argument, without driving the Matter to any certain Head, but purposely spinning out the 〈◊〉 by that and other artificial ways, till the Corinthian Galleys should get clear of the Haven, the Carthaginian Commanders being detained there without any suspicion, because Timoleon was still present, and gave Signs as if he were just now preparing to make an Oration. But upon secret notice that the rest of the Galleys were already gone off, and that his only remained waiting for him, by the Help and Concealment of those Rhegians that were about the Chair, where they made Speeches, and favoured his Departure, he made a shift to slide away through the Crowd, and running down to the Port, hoist up Sail with all speed, and having reached his other Vessels, they came all safe to Taurome●●●m in Sicily, whither they had been formerly invited, and where they were now kindly received by Andromachus, the Guardian and Ruler of that City. This Man was Father of Timaeus the Historian, and incomparably the best of all those that bore Sway in Sicily at that time, for he governed his Citizens according to Law and Justice, and had ever openly professed an Aversion and Enmity to all Tyrants; upon which account he gave Timoleon leave to muster up his Troops there, and to make that City the Seat of War, persuading the Inhabitants to join their Arms with the Corinthian Forces, and assist them in the Design of delivering Sicily. But the Carthaginians who were left in Rhegium perceiving, when the Assembly was dissolved, that Timoleon had given them the Go-by, were not a little vexed to see themselves out-witted, which did occasion much Pastime and Pleasantness to the Rhegians, who could not choose but smile and rally them, when they heard those exquisite Masters in all Cunning and Subtilty, to complain, forsooth, of such slippery Tricks, and testify their dislike of Fraud, and Fetches, and deceitful Doings. However they dispatched a Messenger aboard one of their Galleys to Tauromentum, who after much Blustering, in the Barbaric way, and mighty Menaces to Andromachus, if he did not forthwith send the Corinthians packing, stretched out his Hand with the inside upward, and then turning it down again, threatened he would handle their City just in that fashion, and turn it topsy-turvy in as little time, and with as much ease. Andromachus then laughing at the Man's boisterous Confidence, made no other Reply, but in contempt thereof fell to imitate his Legerdemain, and bid him presently be gone, unless he had a mind to see that kind of Dexterity practised first upon the Galley which brought him thither. Icetes being certified, that Timoleon had made good his Passage, he was in great fear of what might follow thereupon, and sent to desire the Carthaginians, that more Galleys might be ordered to attend and secure the Coast. And now it was that the Syracusians began wholly to despair of Safety, seeing the Carthaginians possessed of their Haven, and Icetes Master of the City, and Dionysius commanding in the Fortress; whereas Timoleon had as yet but a very slender hold of Sicily, which he only seized upon as it were by the Fringe or Border in that small City of the Tauromenians, with a feeble Hope and a poor Company; for he had but a 1000 Soldiers at the most, and no more Provisions either of Corn or Money, than were just necessary for the Maintenance and the Pay of that inconsiderable number. Nor did the other Towns of Sicily confide in him, being lately overrun with Violence and Outrage, and then exasperated against all that should offer to lead Armies, for the sake chiefly of Calippus an Athenian, and Pharax a Lacedaemonian Captain, and the Mischiefs they had suffered by their Treachery; for both of them having given out that the design of their coming was to introduce Liberty, and depose Tyrants, they. did so tyrannize themselves, that the Reign of former Oppressors seemed to be a Golden Age, if compared with the Lordliness and Exaction of these pretended Deliverers, who made the Sicilians reckon them to be far more happy that did expire in Servitude, than any that had lived to see such a dismal Freedom; so that looking for no better Usage from this Corinthian General, but imagining that the same Devices and Wheadles were now again set a foot, to allure and sweeten them by fair Hopes and kind Promises into the Obedience of a new Master, they did all generally (unless it were the People of Adranum) suspect the Exhortations, and reject the Overtures that were made them in his 〈◊〉. Now these were Inhabitants of a small City, but that consecrated to Adra●us, (a certain God that was in high Veneration throughout Sicily) and they happened then to be at variance among themselves, insomuch that one Party called in Icetes and the Carthaginians to assist them, while the other sent addresses to Timoleon, that he would come and espouse their Quarrel. Now it so fell out, that these Auxiliaries, striving which should be there soon, did both arrive at Adranum about the same time; Icetes brought with him at least 5000 Fight Men, but all the Force Timoleon could make, did not exceed 1200: with these he marched out of Tauromenium, which was above 42 miles distant from that City. The first day he moved but slowly, and took up his Quarters betimes after a short Journey; but the day following he much quickened his pace, and having passed through many difficult Places, towards Evening he received Advice, that Icetes was newly come to Adranum, and lay encamped before it: upon which Intelligence, his Captains and other Officers caused the Vanguard to make a halt, that the Army being refreshed, and having reposed a while, they might engage the Enemy with greater Briskness. But Timoleon coming up in haste, desired 〈◊〉 not to stop for that Reason, but rather use all possible Diligence to surprise the Icet●ans, whom probably they would now find in Disorder, as having lately ended their March, and being taken up at present in erecting Tents, and preparing Supper; which he had no sooner said, but laying hold on his ●●ckler, and putting himself in the Front, he led them on as it were to a certain Victory; the braveness of such a Leader made them all follow him with a like Courage and Assurance. They were now within less than 30 Furlongs of Adranum, which having soon got over, they immediately fell in upon the Enemy, that was seized with Confusion, and begun to retire at their first Approaches; whence also it came to pass, that amidst so little Opposition, and so early and general a Flight, there were not many more than 300 slain, and about twice the number made Prisoners, but their Camp and Baggage was all taken. The Fortune of this Onset soon obliged the Adranitans to unlock their Gates, and embrace the Interest of Timoleon, who recounted to him in a strange Affrightment, and with great Admiration, how at the very minute of that Encounter, the Doors of their Temple flew open of their own accord, that the Javelin also which their God held in his hand, was observed to tremble at the Point, and that drops of Sweat had been seen running down his Face; which prodigious Accidents did not only presage the Victory that was then gotten, but were an Omen it seems of all his future Exploits, to which the leading Felicity of this Action gave him so fair an Entrance. For now the neighbouring Cities and Potentates sent Deputies one upon another, to seek his Friendship, and make the Offer of their Service; among the rest, Mamercus, the Tyrant of Catana, both a stout Warrior and a wealthy▪ Prince, struck up an Alliance with him; and, what was of greater Importance still, Dionysius himself being now grown desperate, and well nigh forced to surrender, began to despise Icetes, as one shamefully baffled; but much admiring the Valour of Timoleon, found means to advertise him and his Corinthians, that he should be content to deliver up himself and the Arsenal into their hands. Timoleon, gladly embracing this unlooked for Advantage, sends away Euclides and Telemachus, two Corinthian Captains, with 400 Men, for the Seizure and Custody of the Castle, who had Directions to enter not all at once, or in open view, (for that was not to be done while the Enemy kept a Guard upon the Haven) but only by stealth, and in small Companies. And so they took possession of that Fortress, and the Palace of Dionysius, with all the Stores and Ammunition he had prepared and laid up, as useful to maintain the War; for there was found within a good number of Horses, and all manner of Engines, and a multitude of Darts, and Weapons to Arm out 70000 Men, that had been the Magazine of old, beside 2000 Soldiers that were then with him, which he gave up likewise among the rest for Timoleon's Service. But Dionysius himself putting his Treasure aboard, and a few Friends, sailed away without the knowledge of Icetes, and being brought to the Camp of Timoleon, he there appeared first in the lowly Guise and ignoble Equipage of a private Person, and was shortly after sent to Corinth with a single Ship, and a small sum of Money. He who had been born and educated in the most splendid Court, and the most absolute Monarchy that ever was, which he held and kept up for the space of ten years after his Father's Death, and since the Attempts of Dion, who constrained him to quit the Empire, had spent twelve years more in a continual Agitation of Wars and Scuffling, and great variety of Fortune, during which time, all the Mischiess and Vexations ●● his former Reign, were abundantly 〈◊〉 and outdone by those Evils and Calamities which he then suffered; for he lived ●● see both the Funeral of his Sons, being now about the Prime and Vigour of th●● Age, and the Rape of his Daughters; ●● the flower of their Virginity: he had a●●ther mortifying sight too, from the 〈◊〉 and prostitution of his own Sister that become his Wife, who being first villaino●●y treated, and her Person exposed to all the Lust and Lewdness of the common Soldiery, was then murdered with her Children, and their Bodies cast into the 〈◊〉; the Particulars whereof I have more exactly related in the Life of Dion.  
Upon the fame of his landing at Corin●●, there was hardly a Man in Greece, which had not the Curiosity to come and 〈◊〉 the late formidable Tyrant, and discourse with him: some, rejoicing at his Disasters, were led thither out of mere 〈◊〉 and Hatred, that they might have the pleasure of seeing him in such a despicable state, and of trampling on the Ruins of his broken Fortune; but others who 〈◊〉 a ferious and good-natured use of that Accident, did so consider the Change, as ●● reflect upon it with Pity and Compassion 〈◊〉 him, contemplating withal that marvellous and mighty Power, which invisible and divine Causes do exercise here below, in the great and notorious Examples of humane Weakness. For neither Art or Nature did in that Age produce any thing, comparable to this Work and Wonder of Providence, which showed the very same Man, that was not long before supreme Monarch of Sicily, holding Conversation now, perhaps with a greasy Cook, or sitting whole days in a Perfumer's Shop, or drinking the diluted Wine of Taverns, or squabbling in the Street with common Strumpets, or pretending to instruct the Musical in their Odes, and seriously disputing with them, about the measure and harmony of certain Airs that were sung in the Theatre. Which Behaviour of his met with different Censures; for being lustful and vicious in himself, and of an immodest Temper, he was thought by many to do this, out of pure compliance with his own natural Inclinations: but the ●iner sort of Judges were of Opinion, that all this while he was acting a sly politic Part, with design hereby to be more contemned among them; that the Corinthians might not suspect or dread him, as if he did ill brook such a Vicissitude of Fortune, and were secretly contriving ways to undermine the State, or advance himself to his former Dignity. For prevention of which Surmises; and those Dangers they might create him, he did purposely seem delighted with many sordid things that were against his Genius, and affect an appearance of much ridiculous Folly, in the choice and manner of all his public Divertisements. However it be, there are certain Sayings and Repartees of his left still upon Record, which sufficiently declare, that he was not dejected under so great a Fall, and whereby it seems he did handsomely accommodate himself to his present Circumstances; as may appear in part from the Ingenuity of that Confession▪ when being come to Leucadia, which▪ was a Corinthian Colony as well as Syracuse▪ he told the Inhabitants thereof, that he found something in himself not unlike the Passion and Humour of those Children▪ which had been guilty of some Misdemeanour; for as they did cheerfully converse among their Brethren, but were ashamed to come into their Father's presence; so likewise should he gladly reside with them in that Island, having a certain awe upon his Mind, which made him fearfully decline the sight of Corinth, that was a common Mother to them both. But the thing is further evident, from that Reply he once made to a Stranger in Corinth, who deriding him in a very rude and scornful manner, about the Conferences he used to have with Philosophers, whose company had been so delightful to him, while yet a Monarch, and demanding, in fine, what his Highness was the better now for all those wise and learned Discourses of Plato? Do you think, says he, I have made no advantage of his Philosophy, when you see me bear the late Alteration in my Fortune, and this Insolence of yours, with such an even Temper? And when Aristoxenus the Musician, and several others, desired to know wherein Plato had offended him, and what was the ground of his Displeasure to that worthy Man, he made Answer, That the condition of Sovereign Princes, being attended with many other Misfortunes, had this great Infelicity above all the rest, that none of those who were accounted their Friends, and had the liberty of Favourites, would venture to speak freely, or tell them the plain honest truth, and that by means of such he had been deprived of Plato 's Kindness, the only Person from whom he was like to hear it. At another time, one of those pleasant Companions, that are desirous to pass for Wits or Humourists, in Abuse and Mockery to Dionysius, as if he were still the same guarded and suspicious Tyrant, fell himself to examine and shake his own Cloak, as he was entering into the Room, where he was, to show there were no hidden Daggers or concealed Weapons about him. But Dionysius wounded the Man with the sharpness of his own Jest, in retorting smartly, Do you hear, Friend, it would be more satisfactory from one of your thievish Looks, and I should like it much better, if you would th●● open and shake your Garment, when you departed hence, that I might be sure you had stolen nothing out of my Chamber. And whe● Philippus Macedo, as they two were to 〈…〉 it together, began to talk, after a dro 〈…〉 way, about the Verses and Tragedies whic● his Father, Dionysius the elder, had left behind him, and pretended to wonder how he could get any time from his other ●●siness, to compose such elaborate and in●●nious Pieces, he replied very much to the purpose, It was at those leisurable ho●●▪ when such as you and I, and all that see● or count themselves the happy men, were employed in Merriment and Revelling, and the sottish Follies of Intemperance. Now Pl●●● had not the opportunity to see Dionysius 〈◊〉 Corinth, being already dead before he came thither; but Diogenes Sinopensis at their first meeting in the Street there, saluted him with this ambiguous expression, O Dionysius, how little dost thou deserve to live thus. Upon which Dionysius stopped and replied I am much obliged to thee, Diogenes, that thou dost so kindly commiserate my case, and seem to be concerned for the Disasters that have befallen me: Dost thou imagine then, says Diogenes, that I condole with thee for what has happened? and am not rather heartily vexed, that such a Slave as thou, who, if thou hadst thy due, shouldst have been let alo●e to grow old, and die in the wretched state of Tyranny, as thy Father did before thee, does now enjoy the quietness and ease of private Persons, and is here at his own disposal, to s●●rt and frolic it in our Society. So that when I compare with the words of this Philosopher, those sad Stories of Philistus, touching the Daughters of Leptines, where he makes pitiful moan on their behalf, as fallen from all the Blessings and Advantages of powerful Greatness, to the Miseries of an humble Life, they seem to me like the Lamentations of a poor Lady, who had lost her Box of Ointment, and her purple Colouring, and her golden Trinkets. Now that which I have inserted here, is agreeable enough to my Design of writing Lives, and representing the true Characters of Men, neither will it, I presume, be thought useless and impertinent, by such Readers as are not in too much haste, or busied and taken up with other Concerns.  
But if the unhappiness of Dionysius appear strange and extraordinary, we shall have no less Reason to admire at the good Fortune of Timoleon, who within 50 days after his landing in Sicily, both recovered the Citadel of Syracuse, and sent Dionysius an Exile into Peloponnesus. Which lucky beginning, did so animate the Corinthians, that they ordered him a supply of 2000 Foot, and 200 Horse, who being come as far as Thuriu●, intended to cross over thence into Sicily; but finding all beset with Carthaginian Ships, which made the Road unpassable, they were constrained to stop there, and watch their opportunity: which time however was employed in a noble Action; for the Thurians going out to war against those of Brutium, left their City in charge with these Corinthian Strangers, who defended it as carefully as if it had been their own Country, and then resigned it up again with the Justice and Faithfulness of honest Guardians.  
Icetes in the interim continued still to besiege the Castle of Syracuse, and hindered all Provisions from coming in by Sea, to relieve the Corinthians that were in it. He had engaged also, and dispatched towards Adranum, two unknown Foreigners to assassin Timoleon, who at other times did not use to have any standing Guard about his Person, and was then altogether secure, diverting himself without Jealousy or Caution, among the Citizens of that Place, through the Confidence he had, not only in them, but in the Favour and Protection of their God Adranus. The Villains that were sent upon this Enterprise, having casually heard that Timoleon was about to sacrifice, came directly into the Temple with Poniards under their Cloaks, and pressing in among the Crowd, by little and little got up close to the Altar; but as they were just looking for a Sign from each other to begin the Attempt, a third Person struck one of them over the Head with a Sword, who suddenly falling down, neither he that gave the Blow, nor the Partisan of him that received it, kept their Stations any longer; but the one making way with his bloody Sword, put no stop to his Flight, till he gained the top of a certain lofty Precipice, while the other laying hold of the Altar, besought Timoleon to spare his Life, and he would reveal to him the whole Conspiracy; his Pardon being granted, he confessed, that both himself and his dead Companion, were sent thither purposely to slay him. While this Discovery was made, he that killed the other Conspirator, had been fetched down from his Sanctuary of the Rock, who loudly and often protested as he came along, that there was no Injustice in the Fact, for he only took righteous Vengeance for his Father's Blood, of a Man that had murdered him before in the City of Leontium; the truth whereof was attested by several there present, who could not choose but wonder too at the curious Intrigues, and the rare management of Providence, which does so dextrously proceed, and work in that admirable Order, as to make this little Event the Spring and Motion to that great Emergency, uniting every scattered Accident, and lose Particular, and remote Action, and interweaving them together to serve its purposes: from whence we see it frequently arrive, that things otherwise extremely different, and that seem to have no connexion or dependence among themselves, do interchangeably and by turns become the end and the beginning of each other. The Corinthians therefore being satisfied as to the Innocence and Equity of this seasonable Feat, did honour and reward the Author with a Present of 10 l. in their Money 
* About 31 l. 5 s. sterling. , because he made use of his own just Indignation, to gratify the good Genius or guardian-Angel of Timoleon, and did not spend those Resentments he had treasured up of old before that time, but luckily defer the Revenge of a private Quarrel for his preservation.  
But this so fortunate an Escape had Effects and Consequences beyond the present, for it inspired the Corinthians with mighty Hopes and future Expectations of Timoleon, seeing the People now reverence and protect him as a sacred Person, and one sent by God to avenge and redeem Sicily. Icetes having missed of his aim in this enterprise, and perceiving also that many went off, and sided with Timoleon, he began to chide himself for his foolish Modesty, that when so considerable a Force of the Carthaginians lay ready to be commanded by him, he should employ them hitherto by degrees and in small numbers, introducing their Auxiliaries by stealth, and after a sneaking clandestine manner, as if he had been ashamed of the Action. Therefore now laying aside his former Niceness and Caution, he calls in Mago, their Admiral, with his whole Navy, who presently set Sail, and seized upon the Port with a formidable Fleet of at least a 150 Vessels, landing there 60000▪ Foot, which were all lodged within the City of Syracuse: so that in all men's opinion, the time anciently talked of, and long expected, wherein Sicily should be overrun by a barbarous People, was now come to its fatal period; for in all their preceding Wars, and so many desperate Conflicts with those of Sicily, the Carthaginians had never been able, before this, to take Syracuse; but Icetes then receiving them, and putting the City into their hands, you might see it become now as it were a Camp of these Barbarians. By this means the Corinthian Soldiers that kept the Castle, found themselves brought into great Danger and Hardship; for beside that their Provision grew scarce, and they began to be in want, because the Havens were strictly guarded and blocked up, the Enemy did excercise them still with Skirmishes and Combats about their Walls, and they were not only obliged to be continually in Arms, but to divide and prepare themselves for Assaults and Encounters of every kind, and to sustain the shock of all those forcible Engines and Instruments of Battery, which are devised and made use of by such as besiege Cities.  
Timoleon however made a shift to relieve them in these Straits, sending Corn from Catana by small Fisherboats and little Skiffs, which commonly got a Passage through the Carthaginian Galleys in the most tempestuous season, creeping over the Waves and Billows, and stealing up to the Castle, when those other were driven and dispersed by the stress of weather: which Mago and Icetes observing, they agreed to fall upon Catana, from whence these Supplies were brought in to the Besieged, and accordingly put off from Syracuse, taking with them their prime chosen Men, and the stoutest Soldiers in their whole Army. Then Leo the Corinthian, (who was Captain of those that kept the Citadel) taking notice that the Enemies which stayed there behind, were very negligent and careless in keeping Guard, made a sudden Sally upon them as they lay scattered, wherein killing some, and putting others to Flight, he took and possessed that Quarter which they call Acradina, and was thought to be the best and strongest, and the most entire part of Syracuse, a City made up and compacted as it were of several Towns put together: having thus stored himself with Corn and Money, he did not abandon the Place, nor retire again into the Castle, but fortifying the Precincts of Acradina, and joining it by certain Works to the Citadel, he undertook the defence of both. Mago and Icetes were now come near to Catana, when a Horseman dispatched from Syracuse, brought them tidings that Acradina was taken; upon which they returned in all haste with great Disorder and Confusion, having neither been able to reduce the City they went against, nor to preserve that they were Masters of.  
Now these Adventures were such, as might leave Foresight and Courage a pretence still of disputing it with Fortune, which did contribute most to the Success of them. But the following Event seems altogether an Effect of good Luck, and can be ascribed to nothing but pure Felicity; for the Corinthian Soldiers which stayed at Thurium, partly for fear of the Carthaginian Galleys, which lay in wait for them under the Command of Hanno, and partly because of the tempestuous Wether which had lasted for many days, took a resolution to march by Land over the Brutian Territories, and what with Persuasion and Force together, made good their Passage through those Barbarians to the City of Rhegium, the Sea being still rough and raging as before. But Hanno not expecting the Corinthians would venture out, and supposing it would be in vain to wait there any longer, be thought himself, as he imagined, of a very notable Stratagem, and such a cunning Invention, as would be apt to delude and ensnare the Enemy; in pursuance of which Subtlety, he commanded the Seamen to crown themselves with Garlands, and adorning his Galleys with Bucklers both of the Greek and Carthaginian Make, he sailed away for Syracuse in this triumphant Equipage, and using all his Oars as he passed under the Castle with much Clapping and Laughter, he cried out on purpose to dishearten the Besieged, that he came from vanquishing and taking the Corinthian Succours, which he fell upon at Sea, as they were passing over into Sicily. While he was thus trifling and playing his Tricks before Syracuse, the Corinthians, now come as far as Rhegium, observing the Coast clear, and that the Wind was laid as it were by Miracle, to afford them in all appearance a quiet and smooth Passage, went immediately aboard on such little Barks and Fisher-boats as were then at hand, and got over to Sicily with so much safety and such a strange calmness, that they drew their Horses by the Reins, swimming along by them as the Vessels were under Sayl. When they were all landed, Timoleon came to receive them, and presently took in Messina by their means, from whence he marched in good order to Syracuse, trusting more to his late prosperous Achievements, than his present strength, for the whole Army he had then with him, did not exceed the number of 4000; however Mago was troubled and fearful at the first notice of his coming, but grew more apprehensive and jealous still upon this occasion. The Marshes about Syracuse, that receive agreat deal of fresh Water, as well from Springs and Fountains, as from Lakes and Rivers, discharging themselves into the Sea, do breed abundance of Eels, which may be always taken there in great quantities, by any that will fish for them. Now the mercenary Soldiers that served on both sides, were wont to follow the Sport together at their vacant hours, and upon any cessation of Arms; who being all Greeks, and having no Cause of private Enmity to each other, as they would venture bravely in Fight, so in the times of Truce, they did meet and converse amicably together; and at that season, happening to be employed about the common business of Fishing, they fell into various Conference, some expressing their admiration as to the nature and fruitfulness of that Sea, and others telling how much they were taken with the Convenience, and commodious situation of the adjacent Places, which gave a hint to one of the Corinthian Party to demand thus of the others: And is it possible that you who are Grecians born, should be so forward to reduce a City of this Greatness, and endued with so many rare Advantages, into the state of Barbarism? and lend your Assistance to plant Carthaginians, that are the worst and bloodiest of men, so much nearer to us; whereas you should rather wish there were many more Sicily's to lie between them and Greece: have you so little sense as to believe, that they come hither with an Army from Hercules his Pillars, and the Atlantic Sea, to hazard themselves for the establishment of Icetes? who if he had had the Consideration which becomes a General, would never have thrown out his Ancestors and Founders, to bring in the Enemies of his Country in the room of them, but might have enjoyed all suitable Honour and Command, with consent of Timoleon and the rest of Corinth. The Greeks that were in Pay with Icetes, noising these Discourses about their Camp, gave Mago some ground to suspect (who had long sought for a Pretence to be gone) that there was Treachery contrived against him; so that albeit Icetes entreated him to tarry, and made it appear how much stronger they were than the Enemy, yet conceiving they came far more short of Timoleon, both as to Courage and Fortune, than they did surpass him in number, he presently went aboard, and set Sail for Africa, letting Sicily escape out of his hands with dishonour to himself, and for such unknown Causes, that no humane Reason could give an account of his departure. The day after he went away, Timoleon came up before the City, appointed for a Battle; but when he and his Company both heard of their sudden Flight, and saw the Haven empty, they could not forbear laughing at the Cowardice of Mago, and by way of Mockery caused Proclamation to be made throughout, that he should have a good Reward for his Intelligence, who could bring them tidings whither it was that the Carthaginian Fleet had conveyed itself from them. However Icetes resolving to fight it out alone, and not quitting his hold of the City, but sticking close to those Quarters he was in possession of, as Places that were well fortified, and not easy to be attacked, Timoleon divided his Forces into three parts, and fell upon that side himself, where the River Anapus run, and which was most strong and difficult of access, commanding others that were led by Isias, a Corinthian Captain, to make their Assault from the Post of Acradina, while Dinarchus and Demaretus, that brought him the last Supply from Corinth, should with a third Division attempt that Quarter which is called Epipolae. So that a forcible Impression being made from every side at once, by which the Soldiers of Icetes were beaten off and put to flight, that the City now came to be taken by Storm, and fall suddenly into their hands, upon such a Defeat and Recession of the Enemy, we must in all justice ascribe this to the Valour of the Combatants, and the wise Conduct of their General; but that not so much as a Man of the Corinthians was either slain or wounded in the Action, that the Good Fortune of Timoleon seems to challenge for her own Work, and boast of the Protection, as striving out of a jealous Fondness, to exceed and obscure his Fortitude by her extraordinary Favours, that those who hear him commended for his noble Deeds, may rather admire the Happiness, than the Merit of them: for the Fame of what was done, did not only pass through all Sicily, and run over Italy in a trice, but even Greece itself after a few days came to ring also with the greatness of his Exploit, insomuch that those of Corinth, who could hardly believe their Auxiliaries were yet landed on the Isle, had tidings brought them at the same time that they were safe and Conquerors; in so prosperous a course did Affairs run, while Fortune added haste and quickness as a new Ornament, to set off the native Lustres of that Performance. Timoleon being Master of the Citadel, did avoid the Error which Dion had been guilty of before; for he spared not that Place for the beauty and sumptuousness of its Fabric, but declining the Causes of that Suspicion, which did first slander, and then destroy him, he made a public Cryer give notice, that all the Syracusians who were willing to have a hand in the Work, should bring Pick-axes and Mattocks, and other Instruments, and help him to demolish that Fortress of Tyranny. When they all came up with one accord, looking upon that order and that day, as the surest foundation of their Liberty, they not only pulled down the Castle, but overturned the Palaces and Monuments adjoining, and whatever else might preserve any Memory of former Tyrants. Having soon levelled and cleared the Place, he there presently erected a Common-Hall, for the Seat of Judicature, gratifying the Citizens by this means, and building Popular Government on the Fall and Ruin of Tyranny. But since he had recovered a City, that was now destitute of Inhabitants, some of them perishing in their Civil Wars and Insurrections, and others being fled to escape Tyrants, through Solitude and want of People, the great Marketplace of Syracuse was overgrown with such quantity of rank Herbage, that it became a Pasture for their Horses, the Grooms lying along in the Grass as they fed by them; inasmuch also as other Towns, (very few excepted) were become full of Stags and Wild Boars, and such as had nothing else to do, went frequently a Hunting, and found Game in the Suburbs and about the Walls: but not a Man of those who had possessed themselves of Castles, or made Garrisons in the Country, could be persuaded to quit their present Abode, or would accept an Invitation of returning back into the City, so much did they all dread and abhor the very Name of Assemblies, and Corporations, and Tribunals, that did produce the greater part of those Usurpers, which had successively assumed a Dominion over them. Timoleon therefore, with the Syracusians that remained, considering that vast Desolation, and how little hope there was to have it otherwise supplied, thought good to write unto the Corinthians, that they would send a Colony out of Greece to repeople Syracuse, for else the Land about it would lie fallow and unimproved; and beside this Inconvenience, they did expect to be involved in a greater War, from Africa, having News brought them, that when Mago had killed himself, the Carthaginians, out of Rage for his ill Conduct in the late Expedition, did cause his Body to be nailed upon a Cross, and that they were raising a mighty Force, with design to make their Descent upon Sicily the next Summer. These Letters from Timoleon being delivered at Corinth, and the Ambassadors of Syracuse beseeching them at the same time, that they would take upon them the Care of their poor City, and once again become the Founders of it, the Corinthians were not tempted by a greedy Humour to lay hold of that Advantage, nor did they seize and appropriate such a famous City to themselves, but going about first to those Games and Exercises, which they term sacred in Greece, and their solemn Meetings of greatest Confluence, they made Publication by Heralds, that the Corinthians having destroyed the Usurpation that was at Syracuse, and driven out the Tyrant, did thereby call home the Syracusian Exiles, and any other Sicilian that would come and dwell in the City, to an enjoyment of freedom under their own Laws, with promise that the Land should be divided among them in just and equal Proportions. And after this, sending Messengers into Asia, and the several Islands, where they understood that most of the scattered Fugitives did then reside, they made it their Request, that they would all repair to Corinth, upon assurance that the Corinthians would afford them Vessels, and Commanders, and a safe Convoy, at their own Charges; which noble Atchieument of theirs, and such a generous Proposal, being thus spread about, they had the due Tribute, and most honourable Recompense of Praise and Benediction, for delivering the Country from Oppressors, and saving it from Barbarians, and restoring it at length to the rightful Owners of the Place; who whe● they were assembled at Corinth, and found how insufficient their Company was, besought the Corinthians, that they might have a Supplement of other Persons, as well out 〈◊〉 their City as the rest of Greece, to cohab●●● with them, which being made up to the number of 10000, they sailed together unto Syracuse. By this time great Multitudes from Italy and Sicily had flocked in to Timoleon, so that, as Athanis reports, their entire Body did amount now to 60000 Men: among these he divided the whole Territory, and sold the Houses for 1000 Talents; by which Contrivance, he both left it in the power of the old Syracusians to redeem their own, and made that an occasion too of raising a Stock for the Community, which had been so much impoverished of late, and was so unable to defray other Expenses, and especially those of a War, that they exposed their very Statues to Sale, a kind of regular Process being formed in the Business, and sentence of Auction passed upon each of them by most Voices, as if they had been so many Criminals and Condemned Persons: but it is said, the Syracusians did then agree to exempt and preserve the Statue of Gelo, one of their ancient Kings, when all the rest were doomed to suffer a common Sale, in Admiration and Honour of the Man, and for the sake of that Victory he got over the Carthaginian Forces at the River Himera.  
Syracuse being thus happily revived, and replenished again by a general Concourse of its Inhabitants from all Parts, Timoleon was desirous now to rescue other Cities from the like Bondage, yea even wholly and once for all to extirpate Arbitrary Government out of Sicily; and for this purpose, marching into the Territories of those that used it, he compelled Icetes first to renounce the Carthaginian Interest, and further to consent, that, demolishing the Fortresses which were held by him, he should live among the Leontinians as a private Person. Leptines also, the Tyrant of Apollonia, and divers other little Towns, after some Resistance made, seeing the danger he was in to be taken by Force, surrendered himself; whereupon Timoleon spared his Life, and sent him away to Corinth, counting it a very glorious thing both for himself and Country, that their Mother-City should expose those Sicilian Tyrants to the view of other Greeks living now in an Exiled, and a low condition. After this he returned to Syracuse, that he might have leisure to attend the Constitution of their Community, and assist Shafalus and Dionysius (who were sent from Corinth to make Laws) in establishing the principal Things, and the best Orders for a public Settlement. In the mean while, having a mind that his hired Soldiers should not want Action, but rather enrich themselves by some Plunder from the Enemy, he dispatched Dinarchus and Demaretus with a select Body of them, into a certain Province that belonged to the Carthaginians, who obliging several Cities to revolt from the Barbarians, did not only live in great abundance themselves, but raised Money from their Captives and their Prey to carry on the War. But when these Matters were transacting, the Carthaginians landed at the Promontory of Lilybaeum, bringing with them an Army of 70000 Men, aboard 200 Galleys, besides a 1000 other Vessels, laden all with Engines of Battery, and Chariots, and quantity of Corn, and other military Preparations, as if they did intend not to manage the War by piece-meal, and in parts as heretofore, but to drive the Grecians altogether and at once out of all Sicily. And indeed it was a Force sufficient to seize and subdue the Sicilians, though they had then had the Entireness and the Strength of a perfect Union among themselves, and much more when they were so enfeebled through their own Distempers, and harassed in pieces by one another. Hearing therefore that a Territory of their Dependence was laid waste, they presently made toward the Corinthians with great Fury, having. Asdrubal and Hamilcar for their Generals; the report of whose multitude and Approach flying suddenly to Syracuse, they were so terrified there at the greatness of such a Power, that hardly 3000, among so many Myriad of them, had the Courage to take up Arms, and join themselves with Timoleon. The Strangers that served for Pay, were not above 4000 in all, and about a 1000 of those grew faint-hearted by the way, and forsook Timoleon in his March toward the Enemy, looking on him as a frantic and distracted Person, destitute of that Sense and Consideration, which might have been expected from one of his Age▪ who must needs venture out against an Army of 70000 Men, with no more than 5000 Foot, and a 1000 Horse, and when he should have stayed to defend the City with the small Forces which he had, chose rather to remove them eight days journey from Syracuse, so that if they were beaten out of the Field, there was no Place of Retreat whither they might retire with safety, or, if they happened to die upon the spot, there would be none to take care of their Burial. Timoleon however reckoned it some kind of Advantage, that they had thus discovered themselves before the Battle, and encouraging the rest, he led them with all speed to the River Crimesus, where it was told him the Carthaginians were drawn together; and as he was marching up an Ascent, from the top of which they might take a view of the Army, and strength of the Enemy, there met him by chance a company of Mules loaden with Parsly, that which his Soldiers conceived to be an ominous Occurrence or illboding Token, because this is the very Herb wherewith we usually adorn the Sepulchers of the Dead, which Custom gave birth to that despairing Proverb, when we pronounce of one who is dangerously sick, that he has need of nothing but Parsley, which is in effect to say, He is a dead Man, and ready for his Grave. Now that Timoleon might ease their Minds, and free them from these superstitious Thoughts, and such a fearful Expectation, he put a stop to his March, and having alleged many other things in a Discourse suitable to the Occasion, he concluded it by saying, That a Garland of Triumph was here luckily brought them, and had fallen into their hands of its own accord, as an Anticipation of Victory; inasmuch as the Corinthians do crown those that get the better in their Isthmian Games, with Chaplets of Parsley, accounting it a sacred Wreath, and proper to their Country; for Parsley was ever then the conquering Ornament of the Isthmian, as it is now of the Nemean Sports, and it is not very long that Branches of the Pinetree came to succeed, and be made use of for that purpose.  
Timoleon therefore, as I said, having thus bespoke his Soldiers, took part of the Parsley, wherewith he made himself a Chaplet first, and then his Captains and their Companies did all crown themselves with it, in imitation of their Leader. The Soothsayers then observing also two Eagles on the wing toward them, one of which bore a Dragon struck through with her Talons, and the other, as she flew, made a great and terrible kind of noise, which argued Boldness and Assurance, they presently showed them to the Soldiers, who with one consent fell to supplicate the Gods, and call them in to their Assistance. It was now about the beginning of Summer, and conclusion of the Month called 
* Which answers to our May.  Thargelion, when the season of the year inclines toward the Solstice, the River then sending up a thick Mist, all the adjacent Plain was first darkened with the Fog, so that in a while they could discern nothing from the Enemy's Camp, only a confused Buz and undistinguished mixture of Voices came up to the Hill, from the distant Motions and Clamours of so vast a Multitude. When the Corinthians were mounted and stood upon it, and had laid down their Bucklers to take breath and repose themselves, the Sun coming about, and drawing up the Vapours from below, the gross foggy Air that was now gathered and condensed above, did overcloud the Mountains, and all the under Places being clear and open, the River Crimesus appeared to them again, and they could easily descry the Enemies passing over it, who moved in this order: First with their warlike Chariots, that were terribly appointed for the Conflict; after these came 10000 Footmen, with white Targets on their Arms, whom they guessed to be all Carthaginians, from the splendour of their Weapons, and the slowness of their motion, and the order of their March; and when several other Nations, flowing in behind them, did throng for Passage in a turbulent and unruly manner, Timoleon perceiving that the River gave them opportunity to single out as many of their Enemies, as they had a mind to engage at once, and bidding his Soldiers observe how their Forces were divided into two separate Bodies by the intervention of the Stream, some being already got over, and others still to ford it, he gave Demaretus Command to fall in upon the Carthaginians with his Horse, and disturb their Ranks, before they should be cast into a form of Battle: and coming down into the Plain himself, he made up his right and left Wing of other Sicilians, intermingling a few Strangers in each, but placed the Natives of Syracuse in the middle, with the stoutest Mercenaries he had, about his own Person, and then stayed a little to observe the Action of his Horse; but when he saw they were not only hindered from grappling with the Carthaginians, by those armed Chariots that run to and fro before their Army, but forced continually to wheel about, to avoid the danger of having their Ranks broken, and then to make frequent Careers, as they had means to return upon them, he took his Buckler in his hand, and crying out to the Foot, that they should follow him with Courage and Confidence, he seemed to speak with a more than humane Accent, and a Voice stronger than ordinary; whether he strained it to that loudness, through an apprehension of the present danger, and from the vehemence and ardour of his mind to assault the Enemy, or else (as many than were of opinion) some God or other did exclaim with him in such a thundering Utterance. When his Soldiers gave a dreadful Echo thereto, and besought him to lead them on without any further delay, he made a sign to the Horse, that they should draw off from the Front where they had placed the Chariots, and fetching a side compass, attack the Enemies in the Flank; then making his Vanguard firm, by joining Man to Man, and Buckler to Buckler, he caused the Trumpet to sound, and so bore in with the Carthaginians; who did stoutly receive and sustain his first Onset; for having their Bodies armed with Breastplates of Iron, and Helmets of Brass, beside great Bucklers to cover and secure them, they could easily repel the force of their Javelins: but when the business came to a decision by the Sword, where Mastery depends no less upon Art than Strength, all on a sudden there broke out terrible Thunders and fiery Flashes, darting forth from the Mountain tops; after which, the Gloominess that hovered about the upper Grounds and the rocky Cliffs, descending to the Place of Battle, and bringing a Tempest of Rain, and of Wind and Hail along with it, was driven upon the Greeks behind, and fell only at their Backs, but discharged itself in the very Face of the Barbarians, and through the stormy Showers, and continual Flames pouring down together from the Clouds, did dazzle and confound their sight: in which Accident, there were many things that did sorely afflict them all, but chiefly their unexperienced Men, who had not been used to such Hardships, among which the very Claps of Thunder, and the sounding noise of their Weapons, beaten with the violence of Rain and Hailstones, were not their least Annoyance, as that which kept them from hearing the Commands of their Officers. Beside this, the very Dirt also was a great hindrance to the Carthaginians, as lest expedite and nimble in their Harness, they being, as I said before, all loaden with heavy Armour; and then their Jackets too, drenched through with Water in the foldings thereof about their Bosom, grew unwieldy and cumbersome to them as they fought, but gave the Greeks an Advantage of overturning them with ease, and when they were once down, it was impossible under that weight, to disengage themselves from the Mire, and rise again with Weapons in their Hand: for the River Crimesus swollen partly by the Rain, and partly by the stoppage of its Course, from the multitude of those that were passing through, did overflow its Banks, and the Level on each side lying under several Cavities and Confluences of Water, was filled with Rivulets and Currents that had no certain Channel, which the Carthaginians rolling about in, were very hardly bestead; so that in fine, the Storm and Torrent bearing still upon them, and the Greeks having cut in pieces 400 Men of their first Ranks, the whole Body of their Army began to fly, great numbers of which being overtaken in the Plain, were put to the Sword there; and many of them as they fled, falling foul upon others that were yet coming over, they all tumbled and perished together, born down and overwhelmed by the impetuousness o● the River; but the major part attempting to get up the Hills, and so make their Escape, were prevented and slain by those that were lightly armed. It is said that of 10000 which lay dead after the Fight, 3000 at least were all Natives of Carthage, a lamentable and uncommon loss to that City, for those that fell therein were inferior to none among them, as to the quality of their Birth, or the wealthiness of their House, or the reputation of their Courage: nor do their Records mention that so many natural Carthaginians were ever cut off before in any one Battle; for they did usually employ the Africans, and Spaniards, and Numidians, in their Wars, so that if they chanced to be defeated, it was still at the cost and damage of other Nations. Now the Greeks did easily discover of what condition and account the Slain were, by the richness of their Spoils; for when they came to seize upon the Prey, there was very little reckoning made either of Brass or Iron, so great was the plenty of better Metals, and that abundance of Silver and Gold which fell into their hands, for passing over the River, they became Masters of their Camp and Carriages: as for the Captives, a great many of them were filched away, and sold privately by the Soldiers, but about 5000 were brought in, and delivered up for the benefit of the Public; they took beside 200 of their warlike Chariots. The Tent of Timoleon did then afford a very graceful Sight and magnificent Appearance, being heaped up and hung round with all variety of Spoils and military Ornaments, among which there were a 1000 Breastplates of rare workmanship and Beauty, and 10000 Bucklers exposed to view: but the Victor's being but few to strip so many that were vanquished, and meeting too with great Boo●y, it was the 3d day after the Fight before they could erect and finish the Trophy of their Conquest. Timoleon sent tidings of his Victory to Corinth, with the best and goodliest Arms he had taken, as a Proof of it, that he might render his Country an object of Emulation to the whole World, when of all the Cities of Greece, men should there only behold their chief Temples adorned, not with Grecian Spoils, nor Offerings that were got by the Bloodshed and Plunder of their own Countrymen and Kindred, (which must needs create very unpleasing Remembrances) but such as had been stripped from Barbarians, and Enemies to their Nation, with the most handsome Titles inscribed, which did manifest the Justice as well as Fortitude of the Conquerors, namely, that the People of Corinth, and Timoleon their General, having redeemed the Grecians that dwelled in Sicily, from Carthaginian Bondage, did make an Oblation thereof to the Gods, in acknowledgement of the Advantage they had gained by their Favour. Having done this, he left his hired Soldiers in the Enemy's Country, to drive and carry away all they could throughout the Province of Carthage, and so marched with the rest of his Army to Syracuse, where he made an Edict for banishing the 1000 Mercenaries, which had basely deserted him before the Battle, and obliged them to quit the City before Sunset, who sailing into Italy, lost their Lives there by the hands of the Brutians, though they had given them the assurance of public Faith; thus receiving from God (the avenger of Perfidiousness and Falsehood) a very just Reward of their own Treachery. But Mamercus the Tyrant of Catana, and Icetes after all, either envying Timoleon the Glory of his Exploits, or fearing him as one that would keep no Agreement, nor have any Peace with Tyrants, made a League with the Carthaginians, and pressed them very much to send a new Army and Commander into Sicily, unless they would be content to hazard all, and to be wholly ejected out of that Island. Whereupon they dispatched Gisgo with a Navy of 70 Sail, who took several Grecians into Pay, that being the first time they had ever been listed for the Punic Service; but than it seems they began to admire them, as the most insupportable and pugnacious of Mankind. The Inhabitants of Messina entering now with one accord into a general Conspiracy, slew 400 of those Strangers which Timoleon had sent to their Assistance; and within the Dependencies of Carthage, at a Place called Hierae, (i. e. Sacred) the Mercenaries that served under Euthymus the Leucadian, were all cut off by an Ambush that was laid for them: from which Accidents however the Felicity of Timoleon grew chiefly remarkable, for these were the men that with Philodemus of Phocis and Onomarchus, had forcibly broke into the Temple of Apollo at Delphi, and were partakers with them in the Sacrilege; so that being hated and shunned by all, as so many execrable Persons, they were constrained to wander about in Peloponnesus, when for want of others, Timoleon was glad to entertain them in his Expedition for Sicily, where they happened to be successful, in whatever Enterprise they engaged under his Conduct. But the most and greatest of those Rencounters being now ended, he sent them abroad for the relief and defence of his Party in several Places, and here they were lost and consumed at a distance from him, not altogether, but in small parcels; the Vengeance then inflicted making Timoleon's Prosperity an excuse of its delay, that good Men might not suffer any harm or prejudice, by the punishment and ruin of the wicked; insomuch that the Benevolence and Kindness which the Gods had for Timoleon, came to be discerned and admired no less, from his very Miscarriages and Disasters, than any of those former Achievements he had been the most fortunate and successful in.  
But amidst their late Misadventures, that which did vex and provoke the Syracusians most, was their being affronted too by the insolent Behaviour of these Tyrants; for Mamercus in particular valuing himself much, upon the faculty he had to make Poems and Tragedies, took occasion to boast of that and his Victory together, when coming to present the Gods with the Bucklers of their hired Soldiers that were slain by him, he caused such an abusive Elegy or Epigram to be under-written. 
These Shields, with Purple, Gold, and Ivory wrought,  
Were taken by us that with poor ones fought.  After these things, while Timoleon marched to Calauria, Icetes made an Inroad into the Borders of Syracuse, where he met with considerable Booty, and having done great mischief and havoc, he returned back even by Calauria itself, in contempt of Timoleon, and the slender Force he had then with him, who suffering Icetes to pass along before, pursued him with his Horsemen and light Infantry, which Icetes perceiving, crossed the River Damyrias, and then stood as it were in a posture to receive him; for the difficulty of that Passage, and the height and steepness of the Bank on each side, gave advantage enough to make him thus confident. But there happened a strange Contention and Dispute among the Officers of Timoleon, which did a little retard the Conflict, for there was none of them that would let another pass over before him to engage the Enemy, but every one did challenge it as a Right, to venture first and begin the Onset▪ so that their fording over was like to be tumultuous and without order, while they did mutually justle and press forward, striving which should be the foremost. Timoleon therefore desiring this Controversy might be decided by Lot, took a Ring from each of the Pretenders, which he cast into his own Robe, and having shaked them together, the first he drew out and exposed to view, had by good Fortune the Figure of a Trophy engraven for the Seal of it, which when the younger Captains saw, they all shouted for joy, and without waiting any longer, to see how Chance would determine it for the rest, every man took his way through the River with all the speed he could make, and fell to buckle with the Enemies, who were not able to bear up against the violence of their Attack, but running away in haste, they left their Arms behind them all alike, and a 1000 dead upon the Place. It was not long after that Timoleon marching up to the City of Leontium, took Icetes alive, and his Son Eupolemus, and Euthymus the Commander of his Horse, that were bound and brought to him by their own Soldiers: Icetes, with the Stripling his Son, were then executed as Tyrants and Traitors; and Euthymus, though a brave Man, and one of singular Courage, was slain without Mercy, being charged with some contemptuous Language that had been used by him, in disparagement of the Corinthians; for it is said, that when they first sent their Forces into Sicily, he told the People of Leontium in a Speech of his, That the News did not sound terrible, nor was any great danger to be feared— If the Corinthian 
N.  Dames were come abroad. Now, from hence we may remark, that men are usually more stung and galled by a few reproachful words, than many hostile actions; for they bear the slight of Disdain and Affront with less patience, than they will Harm, or Mischief, since to plague and damnify by Deeds, is what the World does allow and count pardonable from Enemies, because it is a necessary thing, and no less can be expected in a state of War; whereas the Virulence and Contumely of the Tongue, is an Argument and Expression of needless Hatred, and seems to proceed from a superfluity of Malice and excessive Rancour. When Timoleon came back to Syracuse, the Citizens brought the Wives and Daughters of Icetes and his Son to a public Trial, who, being there condemned to die, did all suffer accordingly; which seems to have been the most disagreeable and unhandsome Action of Timoleon's Life, for if he had interposed his Authority to hinder it, the poor Women doubtless had never come to this unhappy End; but he was thought to connive thereat, and give them up to the incensed Multitude, that did thus revenge the Injuries of Dion, who expelled Dionysius; for it was this very Icetes which took Arete the Wife, and Aristomache the Sister of Dion, with a Son of his, that had not yet passed his Childhood, and threw them all together into the Se● alive, as I have related that Villainy in the Life of Dion. After this he moved towards Catana against Mamercus, who giving him Battle near the River Abolus, was overthrow● and put to flight, losing above 2000 men, 〈◊〉 considerable part of which were the Punic Troops, that Gisco sent in to his Assistance.  
Upon this Defeat, the Carthaginians besought him to make a Peace with them, which he consented to, under the observance of these Articles: 1. That they should confine themselves to that part of the Country, which lies within the River Lycus. 2. That such as were desirous to transplant themselves, and remove thence to the Syracusians, should have the liberty of doing it with their whole Family and Fortune. And last of all, That they of Carthage should from that day forward renounce all Leagues and Associations, whereby they might any ways stand engaged to succour and relieve the Sicilian Tyrants. Mamercus, forsaken now, and despairing of Success, went aboard for Italy, with a Design to bring in the Lucanians against Timoleon, and the People of Syracuse: but when those of his Company tacked about with their Galleys, and landing again at Sicily, delivered up Catana to Timoleon, he was forced to shift for himself, and make his Escape to Messina, that was under the Tyranny of Hippo. Timoleon then coming up against them, and besieging the City both by Sea and Land, Hippo, fearful of the Event, endeavoured to slip away in a Vessel, which the People of Messina surprised as it was putting off, who seizing on his Person, and bringing his Children from School into the Theatre, to be entertained as it were with the most goodly Spectacle of a Tyrant punished, they first publicly scourged, and then put him to death. Whereupon Mamercus made Surrender of himself to Timoleon, with this Proviso, that he should be tried at Syracuse, and Timoleon have no hand in his Accusation: whither he was brought accordingly, and appearing to plead before the People, he essayed to pronounce an Oration he had long before made in his own Defence; but finding himself interrupted by Noise and Clamours, and observing from their Aspect and Demeanour, that the whole Assembly was inexorable, he threw off his upper Garment, and running cross the Theatre as hard as he could drive, violently dashed his Head against one of the Posts where they were sitting, with intention to have killed himself; but he had not the fortune to perish, as he designed, but was taken up alive, and hurried to the same Execution by which they dispatch Robbers.  
After this manner did Timoleon cut the Nerves of Tyranny, and put a period to their Wars: for whereas at his first entering upon Sicily, the Island was all savage and hateful to the very Natives, by reason of the Evils and Miseries they suffered there, he did so civilize, and quiet, and reform the Country, and render it so desirable to all men, that even Strangers now came by Sea to inhabit those Towns and Places, which their own Citizens had forsaken and left desolate: for Agrigentum and Gelo, two famous Cities, that had been ruined and laid waste by the Carthaginians after the Attic War, were then peopled again, the one by Megellus and Pheristus, that came from Elea in Peloponnesus, the other by Gorgus from Cea, one of the Isles called Cyclades, who having picked up some of the old Inhabitants among other Company, brought them back with the rest to their former Dwellings; to all which Timoleon did not only afford a secure and peaceable Abode in their new Settlement, after so obstinate a War, but making provision of other Necessaries, and giving them a cheerful Assistance in all things, he had the same Love and Respect from them, as if he had been their Founder; which Inclination and Esteem for him running through all the rest of the Sicilians, there was no Proposal for Peace, nor Sanction by Law, nor Assignation of Dwelling, nor any Form and Order of Government, which they did acquiesce in, or could think well of, unless he were at the end of it, as a chief Architect to finish and adorn the Work, supperadding some graceful Touches from his own Hand, which might render it agreeable and pleasing both to God and Man: for although Greece had produced several Persons of extraordinary Worth, and much renowned for their Achievements in his time, such as Timotheus, and Agesilaus, and Pelopidas, and the great Epaminondas, whom Timoleon did admire, and most endeavour to imitate, above all the rest, yet the lustre of their brightest Actions, was mingled with an allay of certain Violence and Labour, insomuch that some of them became matter of Reproof, and a Subject of Repentance; whereas there is not any one Fact of Timoleon's (setting aside the necessity of that in reference to his Brother) whereunto, as Timaeus does observe, we may not fitly apply that Exclamation of Sophocles:— 
O Gods! what Venus, or what Grace divine,  
Touched the Performance here, and made it shine?  For as the Poetry of Antimachus, and the Painting of Dionysius, both Natives of Colophon, having force and vigour enough in them, did yet appear to be strained and claborate Pieces, when the Pictures of Nicomachus, and the Verses of Homer, besides other Advantages of Strength and Beauty, have this peculiar Excellence, that they seem to come readily from them, and to be wrought off with ease, and a stroke of Mastery; so likewise if with the Expeditions and Conduct of Epaminondas, or Agesilaus, that were full of Toil and Struggling, we compare that of Timoleon, which had much smoothness and facility, joined with the Splendour and worthiness of what he did, it will appear to all that consider well, and judge rightly, to be the effect not of simple Fortune, but rather of a prosperous and happy Courage; though he himself did modestly ascribe the great Success of his Undertake to the sole Favour of Providence; for both in the Letters which he wrote to his Friends at Corinth, and in those Speeches he made to the People of Syracuse, he would say, That he was very thankful unto God, who (having a mind to preserve Sicily) was pleased to honour him with the Name and Title of that Deliverance he vouchsafed it; and having built a Chapel in his House, he there sacrificed to good Hap, as a Deity that much favoured him, and devoted the House itself to the same sacred Genius, that being a Fabric which the Syracusians had raised for him, as a Reward and Monument of his brave Exploits, whereunto they annexed the most delicious and goodly Manor of their whole Country, where he kept his Residence for the most part, and enjoyed a sweet Privacy with his Wife and Children that came to him from Corinth, for he returned thither no more, as unwilling to be concerned in the Broils and Tumults of Greece, or expose himself to the public Envy, (that ever fatal Mischief which many great Commanders do run upon, from an unsatiable Appetite of Honour and Authority) but wisely chose to spend the remainder of his days in Sicily, and there to partake of those Blessings he had brought among them, the greatest whereof was, to behold so many City's flourish, and so many thousands of People live happy through his means and procurement. But seeing not only all the Larks of that tufted sort which the Latins call Cassitae, must, as Simonides Proverbially speaks, have a Crest growing on their Heads, but in every Republic there will start up some lewd Sycophant to raise Calumnies, it so happened at Syracuse, that two of their popular Spokesmen, Laphystius and Demaenetus by Name, fell to slander Timoleon; the former of which requiring him to put in Sureties, that he would answer to a certain Indictment should be brought against him, Timoleon would not suffer the Citizens who were incensed at his Demand, to oppose the Man, and hinder him from proceeding, since he of his own accord had been at all that trouble, and run so many dangerous Risks for this very end and purpose, that every one of them who had a mind to try Matters by Law, should freely have recourse to it. And when Demaenetus, in a full Audience of the People, laid several things to his charge, which had been done while he was General, he made no other reply to him, but only said, He was much indebted to the Gods, for granting the Request he had so often made them, namely, that he might live to see the Syracusians enjoy that liberty of Speech, which they now seemed to be Masters of. Timoleon therefore having by confession of all, done the greatest and the noblest things of any Grecian of his Age, and alone gotten the pre-eminence in those Actions, to which their Orators did always exhort the Greeks, by such Harangues and Panegyrics as they usually made at their solemn National Assemblies, and being carried off thence by Fortune unspotted and without blood, from the Calamities of Civil War, wherein ancient Greece was soon after involved; having also given sufficient proofs, as of his sage Conduct and manly Courage to the Barbarians and Tyrants, so of his Justice and Gentleness to the Greeks, and all his Friends in General; having raised too the greater part of those Trophies he won in Battle, without any Tears shed, or any Mourning worn, by the Citizens either of Syracuse or Corinth, and within less than 8 years' space delivered Sicily from its old Grievances and Mischiefs, and intestine Distempers, and given it up free to the native Inhabitants, his Eyes began to fail him, as he grew in Age, and a while after he became perfectly blind; not that he had done any thing himself which might occasion this Defect, or was deprived of his Sight by any outrage of Fortune, but it seems to have been some inbred and hereditary weakness that was founded in natural Causes, which by length of time came to discover itself; for it is said, that divers of his Kindred and Family were subject to the like gradual Decay, and lost all use of their Eyes, as he did, in their declining years, but Athanis the Historian tells us, that even during the War against Hippo and Mamercus, while he was in his Camp at Myloe, there appeared a white Speck within his Eye, from whence all did foresee the total Blindness that was coming on him; however this did not hinder him then from continuing the Siege, and prosecuting that War, till he got both the Tyrants into his power; but upon his coming back to Syracuse, he presently resigned the Authority of sole Commander, and besought the Citizens to excuse him from any further Service, seeing things were already brought to so fair an issue. Now it is not so much to be wondered, that he himself should bear the Misfortune without any marks of Trouble, but that Respect and Gratitude which the Syracusians showed him when he was stark blind, may justly deserve our Admiration, going themselves to visit him in Troops, and bringing all the Strangers that travelled through their Country, to his House and Manor, that they also might have the pleasure to see their noble Benefactor; making it the great matter of their Joy and Exultation, that, when, after so many brave and happy Exploits, he might have returned with Triumph into Greece, he should despise all the glorious Preparations that were there made to receive him, and by a strange kind of Endearment, chose rather to abide there, and end his days among them: whereas therefore several other things were decreed and done in honour of Timoleon, I reckon this Vote of the Syracusians, to be a signal Testimony of their value for him, viz. that whenever they did happen to be at War with any foreign Nation, they should make use of none but a Corinthian General; and the method of their proceeding in Council, was a handsome demonstration of the same Deference for his Person; for determining Matters of less Consequence themselves, they ever called him to advise in the more difficult Cases, and such as were of greater moment; who being carried through the Marketplace in a Litter, and that brought with him sitting into the Theatre, the People with one Voice saluted him by his Name; then returning that Civility, and pausing for a time, till the noise of their Gratulations and Blessings began to cease, after hearing the Business in Debate, he delivered his Opinion, which being confirmed by a general Suffrage, his Servants went back with the Litter through the midst of their Assembly, the People waiting on him out with Acclamations and Applauses, and so returning to consider of such public Causes, as they used to dispatch in his absence; being thus cherished in his old Age, and with that Honour and Benevolence as if he had been their common Father, he was seized with a very slight Indisposition, which however did assist and enable Time to put a period to his Life. There was an Allotment then of certain days given, within the space whereof the Syracusians were to provide whatever should be necessary for his Burial, and all the neighbouring Inhabitants and Sojourners were to make their Appearance in a Body; so that the Funeral Pomp was set out with great Splendour and Magnificence in all other Respects, and the Hearse being decked with rich Ornaments and Trophies of War, was born by a select number of young Gentlemen, over that Ground where the Palace and Castle of Dionysius stood, before they were demolished by Timoleon. There attended on the Solemnity several thousands of Men and Women, all crowned with Flowers, all arrayed in fresh and cleanly Attire, which made it look like the Procession of a public Festival; the Discourse of all which, and their Tears mingled with the Praise and Benediction of the dead Timoleon, did manifestly show, that it was not any superficial Honour, or commanded Homage, which they then paid him, but the testimony of a just sorrow for his Death, and the expression and recompense of true Kindness. The Bier at length being placed upon the Pile of Wood that was kindled to consume his Corpse, Demetrius, one of their loudest Criers, began to read a Proclamation or written Edict to this purpose: — The People of Syracuse has made a special Decree to inter Timoleon, the Son of Timodemus, that noble Corinthian, at the common Expense of 200 Attic 
* valued at 625 l. in our Money.  pounds, and to honour his Memory for ever by an Appointment of annual Prizes to be celebratee in Music, and Horse-races, and all sorts of bodily Exercise, and that, because he destroyed Tyrants, and overthrew the Barbarians, and replenished many great Cities, that were ruinous and desolate before, with new Inhabitants, and then restored the Sicilians to a State of Freedom, and the Privilege of living by their own Laws. Beside this, they made a Tomb for him in the Marketplace, which they afterward built round with Galleries, and joined certain Cloisters thereto, as a Place of Exercise for their Youth, which had the Name of Timoleont●um; and then keeping to that Form and Order of Civil Policy, and observing those Laws and Constitutions which he left them, they lived themselves a long time in all manner of Prosperity.    



PELOPIDAS.  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
M Burg. sculp.   
THE LIFE OF PELOPIDAS.  Translated from the Greek: By Thomas Creech of Wadham College in Oxon. 
Volume II.  
CAto Major hearing some commend one that was rash, and inconsiderately daring in a Battle, said, There is a difference between a man's prising Valour at a great rate, and valuing Life at little: an excellent Saying; for Antigonus had a Soldier, a venturous Fellow, but of an ill Complexion, and very meager; and the King ask the Cause of his Paleness, and understanding from him that 'twas a secret Disease, he strictly commanded his Physicians to employ their utmost Skill, and recover him, if possible: but this brave Fellow being cured, never afterward sought Danger, never appeared venturous in a Battle; insomuch that Antigonus wondered, and upbraided him with his Change: but the Man told him the Reason, and said, Sir, You are the Cause of my Cowardice, by freeing me from those Miseries, which made me despise Life. And upon the same account, the Sybarite seems to have said concerning the Spartans', That 'twas no commendable thing in them to die in the Wars, since by that they were freed from such hard Labour, and miserable Diet; but in truth the Sybarites, a soft and dissolute People, might imagine that they hated Life, because in their eager pursuit of Virtue and Glory they were not afraid to die: yet the Lacedæmonians esteem it a Virtue to be willing either to die or live, as that Epicedium testifies: 
They died, but not as lavish of their Blood,  
Or thinking Death itself was simply good;  
Or Life, both these the strictest Virtue tried,  
And as that called, they gladly lived, or died.  For an Endeavour to avoid Death is not discommendable, if we do not basely desire to live; nor willingness to die good and virtuous, if it proceeds from a Contempt of Life: and therefore Homer always takes care to bring his brave and stout Men well armed into the Battle; and the Greek Lawgivers punished those that threw away their Shields, but not him that lost his Sword or Spear, intimating, that they should be more careful to defend themselves, than offend their Enemies. This every one ought to mind, but especially a Governor of a City, or a General; for if, as Iphicrates divides, the light armed are the Hands; the Horse the Feet; the Infantry the Breast; and the General the Head; when he puts himself upon danger, he doth not only venture his own Person, but all those whose safety depend on his; and so on the contrary. And therefore Callicratides, though in other things a great Man, did not answer the Augur well, who advised him, the Sacrifice being unlucky, to be careful of his Life; Sparta, says he, doth not consist in one Man: 'tis true, Callicratides in any Engagement either at Sea or Land, was but a single Person, but being General, he seemed to contain the Life of all, and so must be more than one, since by his Death so many must be ruined. But better was the Saying of old Antigonus, who when he was to fight at Andros, and one told him, The Enemy's Ships are more than ours; replied, For how many then wilt thou reckon me? intimating, that a stout and experienced Commander is highly to be valued, whose principal care it is to save him that preserves the rest: and therefore I applaud Timotheus, who when Chares showed the Wounds he had received, and his Shield pierced by a Dart, told him, Indeed I should have been ashamed, if when I fought against Samos, a Dart should have fallen near me, as behaving myself more rashly than became a General of such an Army. Indeed where the General's hazarding himself will do a great deal of good, there he must fight and venture his Person, and not mind their Maxims; who would have a General still die with Age, or at least an old Man; but when the Advantage will be but small if he gets the better, and the Loss considerable if he falls, who then would desire that good which a common Soldier might perform, with the danger of the Commander? This I thought fit to premise before the Lives of Pelopidas and Marcellus, who were both great Men, but both ruin'd by their Rashness; for being stout Men, and having gotten their Country great Glory and Reputation by their Conduct, and fight against terrible Enemies, the one (as History delivers) overthrew Annibal, who was till then invincible; the other in a set Battle beat the Lacedæmonians, the Commanders at Sea and Land; but they ventured too far, and were heedlessly prodigal of their Lives, when there was the greatest need of such Men, and such Commanders: and this Agreement in their Tempers and their Deaths, is the Reason why I compare their Lives.  
Pelopidas, the Son of Hippoclus, was descended, as likewise Epaminondas was, from an honourable Family in Thebes; and being 
Pelopidas of a good Family.  bred in Gallantry, and having a fair Estate left him whilst he was young, he made it his business to relieve the good and deserving amongst the Poor, that he might show himself Lord and not Slave to his Estate. For amongst Men, (as Aristotle observes) some are too narrow-minded to use their Wealth, and some are loose, and abuse it; and these live perpetual Slaves to their Pleasures, the others to their Gain. Others permitted themselves to be obliged by Pelopidas, and thankfully made use of his Liberality and Kindness; but amongst all his Friends, he could never persuade Epaminondas to be a sharer in his Wealth; therefore he stepped down into his Poverty, and pleased himself in mean Attire, spare Diet, unwearied diligence in labour, and plaindealing in the Art of War: like Capaneus in Euripides, who had abundance of Wealth, but no Pride with it; he was ashamed any one should think that he spent more upon his Body than the meanest Theban. Epaminondas made his familiar and hereditary Poverty more light and easy, by his Philosophy and single Life, but Pelopidas was matched to a Woman of a good Family, and got Children; but yet still forgetful of the main Chance, 
Careless of his Estate.  and spending all his time on the Public, he ruin'd his Estate; and when his Friends advised him, and told him, That Money, which he now neglected, was a necessary thing; Yes, he replied, 'tis necessary to that same Nicodemus, pointing to a Cripple. Both seemed equally born to all sorts of Virtue, but Exercise chiefly delighted Pelopidas, Learning Epaminondas, and the one spent his spare hours in Hunting, and the Palestra, the other in hearing Lectures or Philosophising. And though there are a thousand Excellencies which commend both, yet the judicious esteem nothing equal to that constant Benevolence and Friendship, which they inviolably preserved in all their Expeditions, 
T●● Friendship 〈…〉 and 〈…〉.  public Actions, and Administrations of the Commonwealth: for if any one looks on the Administrations of Aristides and Themistocles, of Cimon and Pericles, of Nicias and Alcibiades, good Gods! what Confusion, what Envy, what mutual Jealousy appears? And then if he casts an eye on the Kindness and Reverence that Pelopidas showed Epaminondas, he must needs confess, that these are more truly and more justly styled Companions in Government and Command than the others, who strove rather to overcome one another, than their Enemies. But the true cause of this was their Virtue; upon whose account they did not make their Actions aim at Wealth and Glory, which troublesome and contentious Envy necessarily attends, but both from the beginning being inflamed with a divine desire of seeing their Country glorious by their Endeavours, they used to that end one another's Excellencies as their own. Many indeed think, this strict and entire Friendship is to be dated from the Battle at Mantinaea, where they both fought being part of those Succours that were sent from Thebes to the Lacedæmonians, their then Friends and Allies; for being placed together amongst the Infantry, end engaging the Arcadians, when the Lacedaemonian Wing, in which they fought, gave Ground, and many fled, they joined one another, and resisted the Invaders. Pelopidas having received seven Wounds in the forepart of his Body, fell upon an heap of slain Friends and Enemies; but Epaminondas, though he thought him past recovery, advanced to defend his Arms and Body, and singly fought a Multitude, resolving rather to die than forsake his helpless Pelopidas. And now he being much distressed, wounded in the Breast by a Spear, in the Arm by a Sword, Agesipolis, the King of the Spartans', came to his Succour from the other Wing, and beyond hope, delivered both. After this, the Lacedæmonians pretending themselves Friends to Thebes, but in truth having an eye on the Designs and Power of the City, and chiefly hating the Combination of Ismenius and Androclides, in which Pelopidas also was an Associate, as tending to Liberty, and Advancement of the People, Archias, Leontidas, and Philip, all rich Men, and of Oligarchical Principles, and immoderately ambitious, persuaded Phaebidas the Spartan to surprise the 
Phaebidas surpriseth the Cadmea.  Cadmea with a considerable Force, and banishing the contrary Faction, establish an Oligarchy, and by that means make the City obnoxious to the Power of the Spartans'. He accepting of the Motion, and at the Festival of Ceres' unexpectedy falling on the Thebans, made himself Master of the Castle: Ismenius was taken, carried to Sparta, and in a short time murdered; but Pelopidas, Pherenicus, and many more that fled, were publicly proclaimed Outlaws. Epaminondas stayed at home, being not much looked after, as one whom Philosophy had made unactive in Affairs, and Poverty unable to pursue a Design. the Lacedæmonians cashiered Phaebidas, and fined him 100000 Drachmas, yet still kept a Garrison in the Cadmea, which made all Greece wonder at the Inconsistency of their Actions, since they punished the Doer, but approved the Deed. Now though the Thebans, having lost their Polity, and being enslaved by Archias and Leontidas, had no Hopes to get free from this Tyranny, which they saw supported by the Spartan Commonwealth, and no means to break the Yoke, but such as was sufficient to beat them from the Command of Sea and Land, yet Leontidas and his Associates understanding that the Exiles lived at Athens, were gracious with the People, and honoured by all the good and virtuous, they formed secret Designs against their Lives, and dispatching some unknown Fellows, they snapped Androclides, but were not successful on the rest; besides, Letters were sent from Sparta to Athens, warning them neither to receive, nor cherish the Exiles, but expel them as declared common Enemies by their Allies. But the Athenians, besides their natural Inclination to be kind, to make a grateful return to the Thebans, (who had very much assisted them in restoring their Democracy, and publicly enacted, that if any Athenian would march armed through Beotia against the Tyrants, that no Beotian should either see or hear it) did the Thebans no harm. Now Pelopidas, though one of the youngest, privately excited each single Exile, 
Pelopidas excites the 〈…〉 to fr●e their Country.  and often told them at their Meetings, that 'twas both dishonourable and impious to neglect their enslaved and ingariso●'d Country, and lazily contented with their own Lives and Safety, depend on the Decrees of the Athenians, and for fear fawn on every smooth-tongued Orator, that is able to work upon the People: no, they must venture for this great Prize, taking Thrasybulus his bold Courage for Example, that as he advanced from Thebes, and broke the Power of the Athenian Tyrants, so they should march from Athens, and free Thebes. When by this method he had persuaded them, they privately dispatched some Persons to those Friends they had left at Thebes, and acquainted them with their Designs. They applauded the Contrivance, and Charon, a Man of the greatest Quality, offered his House for their Reception: Philidas had contrived to get himself Secretary to Archias and Philip, who were then Captains of the Militia; and Epaminondas had already inflamed the Youth, for in their Exercises he advised them to challenge and wrestle with the Spartans', and when he saw them puffed up with Victory and Success, he sharply told them, 'twas the greater shame to be such Cowards, as to serve those whom in Strength they so much excelled. But the day for Action being set, it was agreed upon by the Exiles, that Pherenicus with the rest should stay at Thriacium, and some few of the younger Men try the first Danger, by endeavouring to get into the City, and if they were surprised by their Enemies, the others should take care to provide for their Children and Parents. Pelopidas first undertook the Business, than Melon, Damoclides, and Theopompus; Men of noble Families, 
He goes to Thebes.  and in other things loving and faithful to one another, but constant Rivals in Glory, and courageous Exploits. They were twelve in all, and having taken leave of those that stayed behind, and sent a Messenger to Charon, they went forward, clad in short Coats, and carrying Hounds and hunting Poles with them, that they might be taken for Hunters beating o'er the Fields, and prevent all suspicion in those that met them on the way. Now when the Messenger came to Charon, and told him they were approaching, he did not change his Resolution at the ●ight of Danger, but being a Man of his word, offered them his House. But one Hipposthenides, a Man 
The Plot almost ruined.  of no ill Principles, and a Lover of his Country, and a Friend to the Exiles▪ but not of as much Resolution, as the shortness of Time, and the quality of the Action required, as it were dizzyed at the greatness of the approaching Enterprise, and not able to comprehend, how relying on that weak Assistance which could be expected from the Exiles, they should be strong enough to shake the Spartan Government, and free themselves from that Power, went privately to his House, and sent a Friend to Melon and Pelopidas, desiring them to forbear for the present, but return to Athens, and expect a better opportunity. The Messenger's Name was Clidon, who going home presently, and bringing out his Horse, asked for the Bridle; but his Wife being at a Stand, and when it could not be found, telling him she had lent it to a Friend, first they began to chide, then curse one another, and his Wife wished the Journey might prove ill to him, and those that sent him; insomuch that Clidon's passion made him spend most of the day in these Brawls, and then looking on this Chance as an Omen, he laid aside all thoughts of his Journey, and heeded other Business: so near had these great and glorious Designs, even in their very Birth, lost their opportunity. But Pelopidas and his Companions dressing themselves like Clowns, divided, and whilst it was yet day, entered at several Quarters of the City; besides it was a stormy day, and it began to snow, which contributed much to their Concealment, because most of the Citizens kept within doors to avoid the Wether; but those that were concerned in the Design, received them as they came, and presently conducted them to Charon's House, and together with the Exiles made up forty eight in number. Now the Tyrant's Affairs stood thus: Secretary Philidas (as I have already observed) was an Accomplice in, and privy to all the Contrivance of the Exiles, and he a while before had invited Archias with others to an Entertainment on that day, to drink freely, and accompany some married Whores, on purpose that when they were drunk, and softened with Pleasures, he might deliver them over to the Rage of the Conspirators. But before Archias was throughly heated, notice was 
Archias informed that the Exiles were come.  given him that the Exiles were privately in Town; a true Report indeed, but obscure, and not well confirmed: nevertheless though Philidas endeavoured to divert the Discourse, Archias sent one of his Guard to Charon, and commanded him presently to attend. Now it was Evening, and Pelopidas, and his Friends with him in the House, were putting themselves into a fit posture for Action, having their Armour on already, and their Swords girt: but at the sudden knocking at the door, one stepping forth to inquire the Matter, and learning from the Sergeant that Charon was sent for by the Officers, in great confusion he returned, and acquainted those within; and this made all presently conjecture, that the whole Plot was discovered, and they should be cut in pieces, before any Action worthy Men of their Bravery was performed; yet all agreed that Charon should obey, and attend the Officers, to prevent Suspicion. Now tho' Charon was a Man of Courage and Resolution in all Dangers, yet in this Case he was extremely concerned, lest any should suspect that he was the Traitor, and the Death of so many and so brave Citizens be laid on him. And therefore when he was ready to depart, he brought his Son out of the women's Apartment, a little Boy as yet, but very pretty, and stronger than his Equals, 
Charon 's bravery.  and delivered him to Pelopidas with these words: If you find me a Traitor, use that Boy as an Enemy, and be cruel in the Execution. This Concernment and Affection of Charon drew Tears from many: but all were extremely troubled, that any one of them should be thought so mean spirited, and grown so base, at the appearance of approaching danger, as to suspect or blame him; and therefore desired him not to involve his Son, but set him out of harms way, that so scaping the Tyrant's Power, he might live to revenge his City, and his Friends. But he refused to remove him, and said, What Life, what Safety can be more honourable, than to die bravely with his Father, and such generous Companions? Thus imploring the Protection of the Gods, and saluting and encouraging them all, he departed, considering with himself, and composing his Voice and Countenance, that he might look like one not at all concerned in the Design. When he was come to the Door, Archias with Philidas came out to him, and said, I have heard, Charon, that there are some come to Town, and lurk here, and to whose Cabal some of the Citizen's resort. Charon was at first disturbed, but presently returned, who are they? and who conceals them? But finding Archias did not throughly understand the Matter, he conjectured, that none that was privy to the Design, had made this Discovery, and therefore told them, Perhaps 'tis an empty Rumour that disturbs you, yet however I●le examine, for no Report in such a Case is to be neglected. Philidas that stood by, commended him, and leading back Archias, drank him to a pitch, still prolonging the Entertainment with the hopes of the women's Company at last. But when Charon was returned, and found the Men prepared, not as if they hoped for Safety and Success, but to die bravely, and with the Slaughter of their Enemies, he told Pelopidas the truth, but deceived the rest, pretending that Archias discoursed him about other Matters. This Storm was just blown over, when Fortune brought another; for a Messenger came with a Letter from one Archias, 
A Letter sent to Archias concerning the Design.  the Pontifick of Athens, to his Namesake Archias, who was his Friend and Guest: this Letter was not filled with an idle and feigned Suspicion, but as appeared afterwards, discovered each particular of the Design. The Messenger being brought in to Archias, who was now pretty well drunk, and delivering the Letter, said to him, He that sent this, desires you to read it presently, for it contains Matters of Concern; but Archias smilingly returned, Matters of Concern to morrow: and so receiving the Letter, he put it under his Pillow, and then fell to his ordinary Discourse with Philidas; and these words of his are a Proverb to this day amongst the Greeks. Now when the Opportunity seemed convenient for Action, they marched out in two Companies; Pelopidas and Damoclides with their Party went against Leontidas and Hypates, that lived near together; Charon and Melon against Archias and Philip, having put on women's Apparel upon their Armour, and thick Garlands of Fir and Pine to shade their Faces; and therefore as soon as they came to the Door, the Guests clapped and gave an Huzza, thinking those had been the Women they expected. But when the Conspirators had looked about the Room, and diligently viewed all that were at the Entertainment, they drew their Swords, and making at Archias and Philip 
Archias and Philip killed.  over the Table, presently discovered what they were: Philidas persuaded some few of his Guests to sit still, and those that stirred, and endeavoured to assist their Officers, being all drunk, were easily dispatched. But Pelopidas and his Party met with a harder Task; for they attempted Leontidas, a sober and stout Man, and when they came to his house, they found his Doors shut, he being already gone to Bed: they knocked a long time before any one would answer, but at last a Servant that heard them, coming out▪ and unbarring the Door, as soon as the Gate gave way, they rushed in, and overturning the Man, made all haste to Leontidas his Chamber. But Leontidas guessing at the Matter by the noise and running, leaped from his Bed, and drew his Dagger, but forgot to put out the Lights, and by that means make them fall foul on one another in the dark. But now being easily seen by reason of the Light, he received them at his Chamber-door, and stabbed Chephisidorus, the first Man that entered: he falling, the next that he engaged was Pelopidas; between whom, the Passage being narrow, and Chephisidorus his Carcase lying in the way, there was a fierce and dangerous dispute. But at last Pelopidas prevailed, and having killed 
Pelopidas kills Leontidas and Hypates.  Leontidas, he and his Companions went in pursuit of Hypates, and after the same manner broke into his House; but he perceiving the Design, and flying to his Neighbours, they closely followed, and caught and killed him. This done, they joined Melon, and sent to hasten the Exiles they had left in Attica: they proclaimed Liberty to the Citizens, and taking down the Spoils from the Porches, and breaking open all the Shops of Armoury that wear near, they armed those that came to their Assistance. Epaminondas and Gorgidas came in provided with a gallant Train of young Men, and best of the old. Now the City was in a strange Confusion, a great noise and hurry, Lights set up in every House, Men running here and there; yet the People did not gather into a Body, but all amazed at the Actions, and not clearly understanding the Matter, waited for the Day. And therefore the Spartan Officers are to be blamed for not falling on presently, since their Garrison consisted of about 1500 Men, and many of the Citizens ran to them; but terrified with the noise, the Fires, and the confused Running of the People, they kept quietly within the Cadmea. As soon as day appeared, the Exiles from Attica came in armed, and there was a general Assembly of the People: Epaminondas and Gorgidas brought forth Pelopidas and his Party, encompassed by the Priests, who held out their Garlands, and exhorted the People to fight for their Country and their Gods. The Assembly excited at this Appearance, with Shouts and Acclamations received the Men as their Deliverers and Benefactors. Then Pelopidas being chosen Governor of Beotia, together with Melon and Charon, presently blocked 
Pelopidas r●gains the Cadmea.  up the Castle, and stormed it on all sides, being extremely desirous to beat out the Lacedæmonians, and free the Cadmea, before an Army could come from Sparta to their Relief; and he was so quick, that they surrendering upon Articles, met Cleombrotus at Megara marching towards Thebes with a considerable Force. The Spartans' condemned and executed Hermippides and Acissus, two of their Governors at Thebes, and Duscoridas the third being severely fined, fled to Peloponnesus. This Action being so like that of Thrasybulus, in the Courage of the Actors, the Danger, the Encounters, and equally crowned with Success, is called its Sister by the Greeks; for we can scarce find any others, who being few and weak, by their bold Courage overcame their more numerous and more powerful Enemies, and brought greater Blessings to their Country. But the following change of Affairs made this Action the more famous; for that War which broke the Spartan's Power, and for ever ruined their Pretensions to command, proceeded from that night, in which Pelopidas not surprising any Castle, Garrison, or Town, but coming the twelfth Man to his own private House, loosed and broke (if we may speak Truth in Metaphor) the Chains of the Spartan Government, which before seemed Adamant, and indissoluble. Now when the Lacedæmonians invaded Beotia with a great Army, the Athenians frighted 
The Athenians refused to assist Thebes.  at the Danger, declared themselves no Allies to Thebes, and prosecuting those that stood for the Beotian Interest, some they executed, some they banished, and fined some: and thus the Affairs of Thebes, having no Allies for their Support, seemed in a desperate condition. But Pelopidas and Gorgidas being Governors of Beotia, and designing to breed a Quarrel between the Spartans' and Athenians, made this Contrivance: One Sphodrias, a Man famous indeed for Martial Exploits, but of no sound Judgement, full of ungrounded Hopes and foolish Ambition, was left with an Army at Thespia, to receive and succour the Theban Renegades. Pelopidas privately sent a Merchant, a Friend of his, to carry him Money, and what proved more prevalent, advice, that it more became a Man of his Worth, to set upon some great Enterprise; and making 
Sphodrias the Spartan designs against the Athenians  a sudden Incursion on the unprovided Athenians, surprise the Pireum; for nothing could be so grateful to Sparta, as to take Athens, and to be sure, the Thebans would not stir to their Assistance, whom they now hated, and looked upon as Traitors. Sphodrias being at last wrought upon, with his Army marched into Attica by Night, and advanced as far as Eleusina; but there his Soldier's Hearts failing, and his Design discovered, when by this Action he had engaged the Spartans' in a dangerous War, he retreated to Thespia: for upon this the Athenians very readily sent Supplies to Thebes, and putting to Sea themselves, sailed to many Places, and received and engaged those who were willing to revolt. Now 
The Thebans prevailed against the Spartans'.  the Thebans singly having many Skirmishes with the Spartans', and fight some Battles, not great indeed, but fit to train them up, and instruct them, their Minds were raised, and their Bodies inur'd to Labour, and they got both Experience and Courage by these frequent Encounters: insomuch that 'tis reported Antaclides the Spartan said to Agesilaus returning wounded from Beotia, Indeed, Sir, the Thebans have given you a very fair Reward, for instructing them in the Art of War against their Wills: but in truth, Agesilaus was not their Master in this, but those that did prudently and opportunely, as Men do young Mastiffs, set them on their Enemies, and then cherish them after they had tasted the Sweets of Victory and Resolution. Of all those Leaders, Pelopidas deserves the most Honour; for after they had once chosen him General, he was every year in Command as long as he lived; either Captain of the sacred Band, or, what was most frequent, Governor of Beotia. About Platea and Thespia the Spartans' were routed and fled, and Phebidas, that surprised the Cadmea, slain; and at Tenagra they worsted a considerable Force, and killed the Leader Panthoides. But these Encounters, though they raised the Victor's Spirits, did not quite dishearten the Unfortunate; for there was no set Battle, or regular Fight, but Incursions on Advantage, Charges and Pursuits, and thus they fought and got the better. But the Battle at Tegura, which seemed a Praeludium to Leuctra, won Pelopidas a great Reputation; 
Pelopidas beats the Spartaus at Tenagra.  for none of the other Commanders could pretend an hand in the Design, nor the Enemies a show of Victory: for the City of the Orchomenians siding with the Spartans', and receiving two Companies for their Guard, he kept a constant Eye upon them, and watched his Opportunity. Now when he heard that the Garrison drew off to Locris. hoping to find Orchomenum defenceless, he marched with his sacred Band, and some few Horsemen; but when he approached the City, and found that a reinforcement of that Garrison was on its March from Sparta, he fetched a Compass round the foot of the Mountains, and retreated with his little Army through Tegura, that being the only way he could march; for the River Melas, almost as soon as it rises, spreads its self into Marshes and navigable Pools, and makes all the Plain unpassable: a little below the Marshes stands the Temple of Apollo Tegureus, now forsaken, nor was it famous long, but flourished till the Medes Wars, Echecrates being then Priest. Here they report that the God was born; the neighbouring Mountain is called Delos, and there the River Melas comes again into a Channel; behind the Temple rise two Springs, admirable for the sweetness, abundance, and coolness of the Streams; one they call Phoenix, the other Elaea, as if Lucina had not been delivered between two Trees, but Fountains: besides there is a Place hard by called Ptoum, where they say she was affrighted by the appearance of a Boar; and all the Stories of the Python, Tytius, and the like, these Places apply to the Birth of the God. I omit a thousand other Conjectures, for our Tradition doth not rank this God amongst those that were born, and so made immortal, as Hercules and Bacchus, whom their Virtue raised above a mortal and passable condition; but he is one of the eternal, if we may gather any certainty concerning these things, from the Discourses of the oldest and wisest in these Matters. Now the Thebans retreating from Orchomenum towards Tegura, the Spartans' at the same time marching from Locris, met them, and as soon as they had passed the Straits, and came in view of one another, and one told Pelopidas, We are fallen into our Enemy's hands, he replied, And why not they into ours as well? and presently commanded his Horse to advance from the Rear, and charge, and he himself drew his Infantry, being three hundred in number, into a close Body, hoping by that means, whatsoever way he pressed, he should make the greater Slaughter on his more numerous Enemies. The Spartans' had two Divisions, (each consisted, as Ephorus reports, of five hundred; Calisthenes says seven hundred; others, as Pollybius, nine hundred) and their Leaders, Gorgoleon and Theopompus, confident of success, pressed upon the Thebans. The Charge being made against the Leaders of both Divisions with much Fury and Bravery, the Spartan Captains that engaged Pelopidas, were first killed, and then their Companies being most wounded or slain, the whole Army was disheartened, and a Lane opened for the Thebans, as if they desired to pass through and escape. But when Pelopidas entered, and turning against those that stood their ground, still went on with a bloody Slaughter, there began an open Flight amongst the Spartans'. They pursued but a little way, because they feared the neighbouring Orchomenians, and the Reinforcement from Lacedaemon, but they pressed on to a full Victory, and a total Rout of the flying Army; then erecting a Trophy, 
The Spartans' Courage.  and spoiling the slain, they returned home extremely raised with the Success: for in all the great Wars managed against the Greeks or the Barbarians, the Spartans' were never before beaten by a smaller Company than their own, nay, nor when their Number was equal; and thus their Courage seemed irresistible, their Fame wounded their Enemies before the Battle, and made them afraid to venture an Engagement, though on equal terms. But this Battle first taught the other Greeks that not only Eurotas, or the Country between Bubace and Cnation, breeds Men of Courage and Resolution; but wherever the Youth is ashamed of Baseness, and would venture in a good Cause; wherever they fly Disgrace more than Danger, there are the stoutest Men, than the most dreadful to their Enemies. Gorgidas (as some report) first formed the sacred Band of three hundred chosen Men, to whom being a Guard for the Castle, the City allowed Provision, and all things necessary▪ for Exercise: and hence they were called the City Bands, for Castles of old were usually called Cities. Others say, that it was composed of Lovers and their Beloved; and there goes a merry Saying of Pammenes, that Homer's Nestor was not well skilled in ordering an Army, when he advised the Greeks to rank Tribe and Tribe, and Family and Family together: he should have joined Lovers and their Beloved, for Men of the same Tribe or Family, little value one another when Dangers press; but a Band cemented by Friendship grounded upon Love, is never to be Broken, and 
The sacred Band of Lovers.  invincible, since the Lovers, ashamed to be base in sight of their Beloved, and the Beloved before their Lovers, willingly rush into Danger for the Relief of one another: and Reason good, since they have more Regard for their absent Lovers than others present; an Instance of which that Man gave, who, when his Enemy was ready to kill him, earnestly requested to run him through the Breast, that his Lover might not blush to see him wounded in the Back. 'Tis reported likewise, that jolaus, being the Lover of Hercules, assisted him in his Labours: and Aristotle observes, that even in his Time, the Lovers plighted their Faith at jolaus his Tomb. 'Tis likely therefore this Band was called sacred on this account; as Plato calls a Lover, a divine Friend; and Fame says, that it was never beaten till the Battle at Cheronaea: and when Philip after the Fight took a view of the slain, and came to that Place where the three hundred that fought his Phalanx, lay dead together, he wondered, and understanding that 'twas the Band of Lovers, he wept, and said, Let them be damned, who suspect that these Men either did or suffered any thing that was base. Indeed it was not the Disaster of Laius, as the Poets imagine, that first raised these Lovers amongst the Thebans, but their Lawgivers, who designing to soften, whilst they were young, their natural Fierceness, brought the Pipe into great Esteem both in serious and ludicrous Concerns, and encouraged an excellent Love in their Palestra's, to temper the Manners of the Youth: and therefore they did very well to make Harmony, the Daughter of Mars and Venus their Tutelar, because where Force and Courage is joined with Gracefulness, and winning Behaviour, the most admirable and best contrived Government is framed. All things being then Harmoniously disposed, Gorgias dividing this sacred Band into the Front Ranks of his Infantry, their Courage seemed not so conspicuous; for not being ordered in one Body, they were weakened, by being mingled with others of lesser Resolution. But Pelopidas having sufficiently tried their Bravery at▪ Tegura, and that they kept their Ground, and fought well, he never afterwards divided them, but keeping them entire, as one Body, he gave the first Charge in the greatest Battles: for as Horses run brisker in a Chariot than single, not that their joint Force divides the Air with greater ease, but because they run together, and their Emulation raiseth their Courage; thus he thought, stout Men provoking one another to commendable Actions, would prove more useful, and more resolved, in an Enterprise where they were all concerned. Now when the Lacedæmonians had made Peace with the other Greeks, and warred upon the Thebans only, and their King Cleombrotus marched with 10000 Foot and 1000 Horse, and not only Slavery, as heretofore, but total Destruction threatened, and Beotia was in a greater fear than ever, Pelopidas going out of his own House, and his Wife bringing him on his way, and with tears begging him to be careful of his Life, he replied, Wife, Private Men should be 
Pelopidas his Saying.  advised to look to themselves, Generals to save others. And when he came to the Camp, and found the General's disagreeing, he first joined with Epaminondas, who advised to fight the Enemy; he was not then Archon▪ but Captain of the sacred Band, and a Man in Trust, as 'twas fit he should be, who had given his Country so great proof of his sincere Endeavours for their Freedom. Well then, when a Battle was agreed on, and they faced the Spartans' at Leuctra, Pelopidas saw a 
Pelopidas his Vision.  Vision, which very much discomposed him: for in that Plain lie the Bodies of the Daughters of one Scedasus, called from the Place, Leuctridae, for there they were buried, having been ravished by some Spartan Strangers. When this base and impious Deed was done, and their Father could get no Satisfaction at Lacedaemon, with bitter imprecations on the Spartans', he killed himself at his Daughter's Tombs: and from that time the Prophecies and Oracles still warned them to have a great Care of the God's Revenge at Leuctra; but many did not understand the meaning, being uncertain of the Place, because there was a little maritime Town of Laconia called Leuctron, and near Megalopolis in Arcadia a Place of the same Name; and the Villainy was committed long before this Battle. Now Pelopidas being asleep in the Camp, thought he saw the Maidens weeping about their Tombs, and cursing the Spartans', and Scedasus commanding, if they desired the Victory, to sacrifice a red Virgin to his Daughters. Pelopidas looking on this as an harsh and impious Injunction, rose, and told it to the Prophet, and Commanders of the Army, some of which contended, that 'twas fit to obey, and brought for Examples from the Ancients, Meneceus, the Son of Creon; Macaria, 
Of Men-Sacrifices.  the Daughter of Hercules: and from latter Times, Pherecydes, the Philosopher, slain by the Lacedæmonians, and his Skin, as the Oracles advised, still kept by their Kings: that Leonidas, warned by the Oracle, did as it were sacrifice himself for the Good of Greece: that Themistocles offered some to Bacchus Omestes, before the Engagement at Salamis, and that the Success showed their Actions to be good. On the contrary, Agesilaus going from the same Place, and against the same Enemies that Agamemnon did, and being commanded in a Dream at Aulis to sacrifice his Daughter, he being too fond, denied it, and therefore his Expedition was unsuccessful and inglorious. But some on the other side urged, that such a barbarous and impious Oblation could not be pleasing to any of those above: that Typhons and Giants did not preside over the World, but the Father of the Gods and Men: that 'twas absurd to imagine, any Daemons delighted in Slaughter and Sacrifices of Men; or if there were any such, they were to be neglected, as weak and unable to assist; for unreasonable and impious Desires could only proceed from, and live in weak and depraved Minds. The Commanders thus disputing, and Pelopidas being in a great Perplexity, a Mare▪ Colt breaking from the Herd, ran through the Camp, and when she came to the place where they were, stood still; and whilst some admired the sparkling Redness of her Colour, others her Mettle, or the strength and fury of her Neighing, Theocritus the Augur having considered the Matter, cried out to Pelopidas, Happy Man! look, the Sacrifice is come, expect no other Virgin, but use that which the Gods have sent thee: with that they took the Colt, and leading her to the Maiden's Sepulchers, with the usual Solemnity and Prayers, offered her with joy, and then told the whole Army Pelopidas his Dream, and how they had given the required Sacrifice. Now in the Battle Epaminondas bending his Phalanx to the left, 
The Battle at Leuctra.  that, as much as possible, he might divide the right Wing, composed of Spartans', from the other Greeks, and distress Cleombrotus, by a brisk Charge on that Wing, the Enemies perceived the Design, and began to change their Order, to open their right Wing, and far exceeding him in Number, encompass Epaminondas. But Petopidas came briskly up before Cleombrotus could open, and close his Divisions, and so fell upon the disordered Spartans'; tho' the Lacedæmonians are the most expert 
The Spartans' very expert.  and cunning in the Art of War, and are trained up, and accustomed to nothing more, than to keep themselves from Confusion, when their Order is disturbed; but to follow any Leader, or Right hand Man, and order themselves, and fight on what part soever Dangers press, in this Battle Epaminondas his Phalanx neglecting the other Greeks, and charging them alone, and Pelopidas coming up with such incredible speed and fury, so broke their Courage, and baffled their Art, that there began such a Flight and Slaughter amongst the Spartans', as was never before known: and so Pelopidas being neither Archon nor General, but only a Captain of a small Band, got as much Reputation by the Victory, as Epaminondas who was both General and Archon. The two Archons marched into Peloponnesus, and recovered many Places from the Spartans'; Elis, Argos, all Arcadia, and much of Laconia itself. Now it was the dead of Winter, and but few days remained of the last declining Month, and in the beginning of the next new Governors were to succeed, and whoever refused to deliver up his Charge, forfeited his Head: therefore the other Archons fearing the Law, and to avoid the sharpness of the Winter, advised a Retreat. But Pelopidas joined with Epa●inondas, and encouraging his Citizens, led them against Sparta, and passing the Eu●●tas, took many of their Towns, and wasted their Country as far as the Sea. This Army consisted of 70000 Greeks, of which number the Thebans could not make the 12th part; but the Reputation of the Men made all their Allies contented to follow them as Leaders, tho' no Articles had been made; for it seems the first and chiefest Law, That he that wants a Defender, is naturally a Subject to him that ●s able to defend: as Mariners, tho' in a Calm 〈◊〉 in the Port they grow insolent, and brave the Pilot, yet when a Storm comes, and Danger is at hand, they all attend, and put their Hopes in him; so the Argives, Eleans, and Arcadians, in their Consults, would contend with the Thebans for Superiority in the Army, yet in a Battle. or any hazardous Undertaking, they willingly followed their Captains. In this Expedition they united all Arcadia into one Body, and destroying the Spartans' that inhabited Messenia, they called back the old Messenians and gave them Ithone to possess, and returning through Cenchrea, they dispersed the Athenians, who designed to set upon them in the straits, and hinder their March. For these Exploits, all the other Greeks loved their Courage, and admired their Success; but their Citizen's Envy still increasing with their Glory, provided for them no pleasing nor agreeable Reception: for both were tried for their 
Pelopidas toyed for his Life.  Lives, because they did not deliver up their Command in the first Month (Bucation) as the Law required, but kept it four Months longer, in which time they did all those memorable Actions in Messenia, Arcadia, and Laconia: Pelopidas was first tried, and therefore in greatest danger, but both were freed. Epaminondas bore the Accusation and Trial very patiently, esteeming it a great piece of Courage and Generosity, not to resent the Injuries of his Citizens; but Pelopidas being a Man of a fiercer Temper, and stirred on by his Friends to revenge the Affront, took this occasion: Meneclides the the Orator was one of those that caballed with Melon and Pelopidas at Charon's House; but not receiving a suitable Reward, and being powerful in his Speech, but loose in his Manners, and ill-natured, he abused his natural Endowments, even after this Trial, to accuse and calumniate his Betters. He put by EPaminondas from the Archonship, and a long time kept the upper hand of him: but he was not powerful enough to bring Pelopidas out of the People's Favour, and therefore endeavoured to raise a Quarrel between him and Charon: and since 'tis some Comfort to the Envious, to make those Men whom themselves cannot excel, to appear worse than others, he studiously enlarged upon Charon's Actions in his Speeches to the People, he made Panegyrics on his Expeditions and Victories; and of that Victory which the Horsemen won at Platea, before the Battle at Leuctra, under Charon's Command, he endeavoured to make this sacred Memorial: Androclydes, a Cyzicenian, undertaking to paint another Battle for the City wrought at Thebes; but when the Revolt began, and the War came on the Thebans kept the Picture that was then almost finished: this Picture Menaclides persuaded them to dedicate, and subscribe Charon's Name, designing by that means to obscure the Glory of Epaminondas and Pelopidas. Now this was an absurd Ambition, to prefer a single Victory, where only one Gerandias', an obscure Fellow, and 40 more were slain, before so great and noble Encounters. This Motion Pelopidas opposed, as 
Pelopidas generous.  contrary to Law, alleging that it was not the Custom of the Thebans to honour any single Man, but attribute the Victory to their Country; yet in all the Contest, he extremely Commended Charon, and showed Menaclides to be a troublesome and envious Fellow, earnestly ask the Thebans, if they had done nothing that was excellent: insomuch that Menaclides was severely fined, which he being not able to pay, endeavoured afterwards to disturb the Government; and these things give us some light into Pelopidas his Life. Now when Alexander, the Pherean Tyrant, made open War against some of the Thessalians, and had Designs against all, the Cities sent an Embassy to Thebes, to desire Succours and a General; Peloptdas knowing that Epaminondas was detained 
Pelopidas assists the Thessalians against Alexander.  by the Peloponnesian affairs, offered himself to lead the Thessalians, being unwilling to let his Courage and Skill lie idle, and thinking it unfit that they should be destitute of a Leader, till Epaminondas could be ready. When he came into Thessalia with his Army, he presently took Larissa, and endeavoured to reclaim Alexander, who submitted, and bring him from being a Tyrant, to govern gently, and according to Law; but finding him untractable and brutish, Pelopidas began to be severe, and used him roughly, insomuch that the Tyrant stole away privately with his Guard. But Pelopidas leaving the Thessalians fearless of the Tyrant, and Friends amongst themselves, marched into Macedonia, for Ptolemy then warred with Alexander, the King of Macedon, and both sent for him to hear and determine their Differences, and assist him that appeared injured. When he came, he 
Settles Macedon.  reconciled them, called back the Exiles, and receiving for Hostages, Philip, the King's ●rother, and 300 Children of the Nobles, ●e brought them to Thebes, showing the other Greeks, how much the Thebans had gained by the Reputation of their Honesty and Courage. This was that Philip, which 
Of Philip of Macedon.  afterward endeavoured to enslave the Grecians: then he was a Boy, and lived with one ●ammenes; and hence some conjecture, that be took Epaminondas his Actions for the Rule of his own; perhaps indeed he observed his Conduct, and Excellence in the Art of War, which was but a small portion of that Man's ●●rtue; but of his Temperance, Justice, Generosity and Mildness, in which he was truly great, Philip enjoyed no share, either 〈◊〉 Nature or Imitation. After this, upon a ●●cond Complaint of the Thessalians against Alexander the Pherean, as a Disturber of the Cities, Pelopidas was joined with Ismenius, 〈◊〉 an Embassy to him; he led no Forces from ●●ebes, not expecting any War, and therefore was necessitated to make use of the Thessalians in those urgent Affairs. At the same time also Macedon was in confusion again, for Ptolemy had murdered the King, and seized the Government: but the King's Friends sent for Pelopidas, and he being willing to be meddling in the Matter, but having no Soldiers of his own, listed some Mercenaries in the Country, and with those marched against Ptolemy. Now when they faced one another, Ptolemy corrupted these Mercenaries with a sum of Money, and persuaded them to revolt to him; but yet fearing the very Name and Reputation of Pelopidas, he came to him as his Superior, submitted, begged his Pardon, and protested that he kept the Government only for the Brothers of the dead King, and would prove a Friend to the Friends, and an Enemy to the Enemies of Thebes; and to confirm this, he gave his Son Philoxenus, and 50 of his Companions for Hostages. These Pelopidas sent to Thebes; but he himself being vexed at the Treachery of the Mercenaries, and understanding that most of their Goods, their Wives and Children, lay at Pharsalus, (so that if he 
Pelopidas go●s to Pharsalus.  could take them, the Injury would be sufficiently revenged) he got together some of the Thessalians, and marched to Pharsalus. When he was just entered the City, Alexander the Tyrant appeared before it with an Army; but Pelopidas and his Friends thinking that he came to purge himself from those Crimes that were laid to his charge, went to him, and tho' they knew very well that he was profligate and cruel, yet they imagined that the Authority of Thebes, and their own Dignity and Reputation, would secure them from Violence. But the Tyrant 
Pelopidas taken by Alexander.  seeing them come unarmed, and alone, seized them, and made himself Master of Pharsalus. Upon this, his Subjects were extremely afraid, that after so great and so bold an Injury, he would spare none, but behave himself toward all, and in all Matters, as one just despairing of his Life. The Thebans, when they understood this, were very much enraged, and dispatched an Army, Epaminondas being then in Disgrace, under the Command of other Leaders. Now when the Tyrant brought Pelopidas to Phera, at first he permitted those that desired it, to speak with him, imagining that this Disaster would break his Spirit, and make him appear contemptible. But when Pelopidas advised the complaining Phereans to be comforted, 
Pelopidas his Bravery in Prison.  as if the Tyrant in a short time would smart for his Injuries, and sent to tell him, That 'twas absurd, daily to torment and ●●rder his wretched innocent Subjects, and yet spare him, whom, he well knew, if ever he got his Liberty, would be bitterly revenged; the Tyrant wondering at his Bravery, replied, And ●hy is Pelopidas in haste to die? And he hearing of it, returned, That thou mightest be the sooner ruined, being then more hated by the Gods than now. From that time he forbade any to discourse him; but Thebes, the Daughter of Jason, and Wife to Alexander, understanding from the Keepers, the Bravery and generous Carriage of Pelopidas, had a great desire to see and speak with him. Now when she came into the Prison, and, as a Woman, could not presently perceive his Greatness in his Calamity, but guessing by the meanness of his Attire and Provision, that he was used basely and not befitting a Man of his Reputation, she wept. Pelopidas at first not knowing who she was, stood amazed; but when he understood her Quality, he saluted her by her Father's Name, for Jason and he had been Friends and Familiars; and she saying, I pity your Wife, Sir; he replied, And I you, that being not in Chains, can endure Alexander. This touched the Woman, for she already hated Alexander for his Cruelty and Injustice, for his other Debaucheries, and for abusing her younger Brother to his Lust; and therefore going often to Pelopidas, and speaking freely of the Indignities she suffered, she grew more enraged, and more exasperated against Alexander. The Theban Generals that were sent into Thessaly did nothing, but being both unskilful and unfortunate, made a dishonourable Retreat, for which the City fined each of them 10000 Drachmas, and sent Epaminondas with their Forces. The Thessalians raised with the Fame of this General, presently began to stir, and the Tyrant's Affairs sank into a very dangerous condition, so great was the fear that possessed his Captains, and his Friends, so eager the desire of his Subjects to revolt; so much they rejoiced at Alexander's approaching Ruin, which they so passionately expected. But Epaminondas being more solicitous for the Safety of Pelopidas than his own Glory, and fearing that if things came to Extremity, Alexander would grow desperate, and like a wild Beast, turn and worry him, did not vigorously prosecute the War: but hover still over him with his Army, he so handled the Tyrant, as not to make him despair, nor exasperate his Fury; for he understood his Savageness, and the 
Alexander's Savageness  little Value he had for Right and Just; insomuch that sometimes he buried Men alive, sometimes he dressed them in Bears and Boars Skins, and then baited them with Dogs, or shot at them for his Divertisement. At Melibea and Scotusa, two Cities, his Allies, he called all the Inhabitants to an Assembly, and then surrounded them, and cut them to pieces with his Guards. He consecrated the Spear with which he killed his Uncle Polyphron, and crowning it with Garlands, sacrificed to it as a God, and called it Tychon. And once seeing a Tragedian act Euripides his Troades, he went out of the Theatre, but sending for the Actor, bade him not to be concerned at his Departure, but go on with the Play, for 'twas not in Contempt of him that he departed, but he was ashamed that his Citizens should see him, who never pitied any Man that he murdered, weep at the Sufferings of Hecuba and Audromache. This Tyrant, startled at the very Name, Glory and Appearance of an Expedition under the Conduct of Epaminondas, presently sent an Embassy to entreat and offer Satisfaction; but Epaminondas refused to admit such a Man for an Ally to the Thebans, but granted him a Truce of 30 days, and Pelopidas and Ismenius being delivered, he returned. Now the Thebans understanding 
Pelopidas set free.  that the Spartans' and Athenians had sent an Embassy to the Persian for Assistance, they likewise sent Pelopidas; an excellent Design 
Pelopdas goes Ambassador to Persia.  to increase his Glory, no Man of so great Fame and Reputation, having ever before entered the Dominions of the King: for the Glory that he won against the Spartans', did not creep slowly or obscurely, but after the Fame of the first Battle at Leuctra was gone abroad, the Report of some new Victories continually following, exceedingly increased and far and near spread his Reputation▪ When he came to the Nobles and Captains that waited at the King's Palace, he was the Object of their Wonder and Discourse; This is the Man, said they, who hath beaten the Lacedæmonians from their Principality of Sea and Land, and confined Sparta within Geta and Eurotas, which but a little before, under the Conduct of Agesilaus fought the great King about Susa and Ecbatana. This pleased Artaxerxes, and he increased Pelopidas his Reputation and Honours, being desirous to seem reverenced, and sought to by the greatest. But when he saw him, and heard his Discourse, more solid than the Arthenians, and not so haughty as the Spartans', his Love was heightened, and truly acting like a King, he concealed 
Is honoured by Artaxerxes.  not the Respect that he had for him: and this the other Ambassadors perceived, tho'he seemed to have done Antaclidas, the Spartan, the greatest Honour, by sending him that Garland dipped in Ointment, which he himself had worn at an Entertainment. Indeed he did not deal so wantonly with Pelopidas, but according to the Custom, gave him the most splendid and considerable Presents, and granted him his Desires; that the Grecians should be free; Messena inhabited; and the Thebans accounted the King's ancient Friends: with these Answers, but not accepting one of the Presents, except what was a Pledge of Kindness and goodwill, he returned. This Behaviour of Pelopidas ruin'd the other Ambassadors: The Athenians condemned and executed their Timagoras, and indeed if they did it for receiving so many Presents from the King, their Sentence was just and good; for he not only took Gold and Silver, but a rich Bed, and Slaves to make it, as if the Greeks were unskilful in that Art; besides 80 Kine and Herdsmen, as if he needed Cow's Milk for some Distemper; and lastly, he was carried in a Chair to the Seaside, and 4 Talents given to the Chair-men by the King. But the Athenians were not so much concerned at his greediness for the Presents, (for one Epicrates a Scullion, did not only confess to the People, that he had received Gifts from the King▪ but made a Motion, that instead of 9 Governors, they should yearly choose nine poor Citizens to be sent Ambassadors to the King, and enriched by his Presents, and the People only laughed at the Motion) but were vexed that the Thebans obtained their Desires, never considering, that Pelopidas his Fame was more powerful than all their Rhetorical Discourse, with a Man who still inclined to the most victorious; and this Embassy having obtained the Restitution of Messena, & the Freedom of the other Greeks, got Pelopidas a great deal of Love at his Return. At this time Alexander 
Pelopidas goes against Alexander  the Pherean falling back to his old Nature and having seized many of the Thessalians and put Garrisons upon the Pthiotae, Achaean and Magnesians, the City's hearing that Pelopidas was returned, sent an Embassy to Thebes, requesting Succours, and him for their Leader. The Thebans willingly granted their desire; and now when all things were prepared, and the General beginning to march, the Sun was eclipsed, and darkness spread o'er the City at Noonday. Now when Pelopidas saw them startled at the Prodigy, he did not think it fit to force them on who were afraid, and out of heart, nor to hazard 7000 of his Citizens; and therefore only with 300 Horse Volunteers, he set forward to Thessaly, much against the will of the Augurs & his Citizens, who all imagined this considerable Accident to portend somewhat to this great Man. But he was fierce against Alexander for the Injuries he received, and hoped likewise by the Discourse which formerly he had with Thebes, that his Family by this time was divided, and out of order. But the Glory of the Expedition chiefly excited him; for he was extremely desirous at this time, when the Lacedæmonians assisted Dionysius, the Sicilian Tyrant, and the Athenians took Alexander's Pay, and honoured him with a brazen Statue as a Benefactor, to show the other Greeks, that the Thebans alone undertook their Cause, who were oppressed by Tyrants, and destroyed▪ the violent and Illegal Forms of Government in Greece. When Pelopidas was come to Pharsalus, he formed an Army, and presently marched against Alexander; and Alexander understanding that Pelopidas had few Thebans with him, and that his Inafntry was double the number of the Thessalians, faced him at Thetidium: and when one told Pelopidas, The Tyrant meets us with a great Army; So much the better, he replied, for than we shall overcome the more. Between the two Armies lay some steep high Hills about Cynocephale, which both Parties endeavoured to take by their Footmen. Pelopidas commanded his Horse, which were good and many, to charge 
The Battle.  the Enemies, and those they routed, and pursued through the Plain. But Alexander took the Hills, and charging the Thessalian Footmen that came up later, and strove to climb the steep and craggy Ascent, killed the foremost, and the others much distressed, could do the Enemies no harm. Pelopidas observing this, sounded a Retreat to his Horse, and gave Orders, that they should charge the Enemies that kept their ground; and he himself taking a Shield in his hand, quickly joined those that fought about the Hills, and advancing to the Front, filled his Men with such Courage and Alacrity, that the Enemies imagined they came with other Spirits and other Bodies to the Onset. They stood 2 or 3 Charges, but finding they came on briskly, and the Horse returning from the pursuit, they gave ground, and retreated in order. But Pelopidas perceiving from a rising ground, that the Enemy's Army was not yet routed, tho' full of Disorder and Confusion, he stood, and looked about for Alexander; and when he saw him in the right wing, encouraging and ordering his Mercenaries, he could not moderate his Anger, but inflamed at the sight, and blindly and heedlessly following his Passion, he advanced far before his Soldiers, crying out, and challenging the Tyrant: he did not dare to receive him, but retreating, hid himself amongst his Guard. The foremost of the Mercenaries that came hand to hand, were cut down by Pelopidas, and many killed, but many at a distance shot through his Ar●our and wounded him, till the Thessalians deeply concerned at the Matter, ran down from the Hill to his Relief. Now when he was slain, the Horse came up, and routed the Phalanx, 
Pelopidas slain.  and following the pursuit a great way, filled the whole Country with the slain, which were above 3000. 'Tis no wonder, that the Thebans then present, were very much grieved for the Death of Pelopidas, calling him their Father, Deliverer, and Instructor, in all that was good and commendable. But the Thessalians and the Allies, exceeding by their public Edicts, all the just Honours that could be given to Courage, by their Concernment gave more certain demonstrations of the Kindness they had for him; for 'tis reported, that none of the Soldiers when they heard of his Death, would put off their Armour, unbridle their Horses, or dress their Wounds, but still hot and with their Arms on, ran to his Carcase, as if he had been yet alive; they heaped up Spoils about his Body, cut off their Horses Mains, and their own Hair, and many kindled no Fire in their Tents, took no Supper, and Silence and Sadness was spread o'er all the Army, as if they had not gotten the greatest and most victorious Victory, but were overcome by the Tyrant, and enslaved. As soon as this was noised about the Cities, the Magistrates, Youth, Children, & Priests came out to meet the Body, and brought Trophies, Crowns, and Suits of golden Armour: and when he was to be interred, the Elders of the Thessalians came and begged the Thebans, that they might give the Funeral; and one of them said, Friends, we ask a favour of you, that will prove both an Honour and Comfort to us in this our great Misfortune; for the Thessalians shall never again wait on the living Pelopidas, never give Honours, of which he can be sensible, but if we may have his Body, adorn his Funeral, and inter him, we shall certainly show th' at we esteem his Death a greater loss to the Thessalians than the Thebans: you have lost only an expert General, we a General and our Liberty, for how shall we desire from you another Captain, since we cannot restore Pelopidas? The Thebans granted their Request, and there was never a more splendid Funeral in their opinion, who do not think the Glory of such Solemnities consists only in Gold, Ivory and Purple; as Phili●●us, who extravagantly celebrates the Funeral of Dionysius, where his Tyranny concluded like the pompous Exit of some great Tragedy. Alexander, at the Death of Hephesti●●, did not only cut off the Mains of his Horses and his Mules, but took down the Battlements from the City-Walls, that even the Towns might seem Mourners, and instead of their former beauteous Appearance, look bald at his Funeral. But these things being commanded and forced from the Mourners, attended with the Envy of those that enjoyed them, and hatred of those that compelled them, were no Testimonies of Love and Honour, but of the barbarous Pride, Luxury, and Insolence of those, who lavished their Wealth in these vain and inimitable Fancies. But that a Man of common Rank, dying in a strange Country, neither his Wife, Children, nor Kinsmen present, none either desiring or compelling it, should be attended, buried, and crowned by so many Cities, that strove to exceed one another in the Demonstrations of their Love, seems to be the height of Happiness: for (as Aesop observes) the Death of the happy Men is not the most grievous, but most blessed, since it secures their Felicity, and puts it out of Fortune's Power. And that Spartan advised well, who embracing Diagoras, who had himself been crowned in the Olympian Games, and saw his Sons and Grandchilds Victors, said, Dye Diagoras, for thou canst not be a God: and yet who would compare all the Victories in the Pythian and Olympian Games with one of those Erterprises of Pelopidas, of which he successfully performed many, and having spent his Life in brave and glorious Actions; he died fight for the Liberty of the Thessalians? His Death, as it brought Grief, so likewise Profit to the Allies; for the Thebans as soon as they heard of his fall, delayed not their Revenge, but presently sent 7000 Foot, and 700 Horse, under the Command of Malcitus and Diogiton: and they finding Alexander weak, and without Forces▪ compelled him to restore the Cities he had taken; to draw his Garrisons from the Magnesians, Pthiotae, and Achaians, & swear to assist the Thebans against whatsoever Enemies they should require. This contented the Thebans, but Punishment followed the Tyrant for his wickedness, and the Death of Pelopidas was revenged in 
Alexander 's death  this manner: Pelopidas (as I have already mentioned) taught his Wife Thebes, not to be afraid of the outward Bravery and Guard of the Tyrant, since she was within his Arms, & Slaves. Now she feared his Inconstancy, and hated his Cruelty, and therefore conspiring with her three Brothers, Tisiphonus, Patholaus, and Lychophron, dispatched him in this manner: All the other Apartments were full of the Tyrant's Night-Guards, but their Bedchamber was an upper Room, and before the Door lay a chained Dog to guard it, which would fly at all but the Tyrant, and his Wife, and one Servant that fed him: now when Thebes had a mind to kill him, she hid her Brothers all day in a Room hard by, and she going in alone, according to her usual custom, to Alexander, that was asleep already, in a little time came out again, and commanded the Servant to lead away the Dog, for the Tyrant would take some rest; she covered the Stairs with Wool, that the young Men might make no noise as they came up; and then bringing up her Brothers, and leaving them at the Chamber-door, she went in, and brought away the Tyrant's Sword that hung over his head, and showed it them, for a confirmation that he was fast asleep: now the young Men appearing fearful, and unwilling to do the Murder, she chid them, and angrily swore she would wake Alexander, and discover the Conspiracy; so with a Candle in her Hand, she conducted them in, being both ashamed and afraid, and brought them to the Bed, one of them caught him by the Feet, the other pulled him backward by the Hair, and the third ran him through. The Death was more speedy than was fit, but in that he was the first Tyrant that was killed by the contrivance of his Wife, and his Carcase abused, thrown out, and trodden under foot by the Phereans, he seems to have suffered what his Villainies deserved.   


Marcellus.   
THE LIFE OF M. MARCELLUS.  Englished from the Original, by Walter Charleton, Dr. of Physic, and Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians, London. 
Volume II.  
THey say, that MARCUS CLAUDIUS', who was five times Consul of the Romans, was the Son of Marcus: and that he was the First of his Family called MARCELLUS, that is, Martial, Posidonius affirms. For he was by long experience skilful in the art of War, of a strong body, valiant of his hands, and by natural inclination addicted to War. This great fierceness therefore, and heat he brought with him to battles: in other things modest, obliging, and so far studious of Greek and Learning Discipline, as to honour and admire those that were therein excellent; but he attained not to a proficiency in them equal to his desire, by reason of his employments. For if God ever destined any other men, as Homer saith, To be from their first years to their last day, Viersed in fierce War; he certainly destined the Roman Princes of that time. Who in their youth had War with the Carthaginians, in their middle age in Sicily, with the Gauls in the defence of Italy itself; at last, being now grown old, struggled again with Hannibal and the Carthaginians, and wanted in their old age, what is granted to the Vulgar, vacation from the toils of War; because they were according to their Nobility and Virtue, advanced to the management of Wars, and to Empire: And Marcellus, ignorant or unskilful of no kind of fight, contending in single Combat upon a Challenge, overcame himself. Wherefore by whomsoever he was challenged, he declined not the provocation, and killed all by whom he was challenged. His Brother Oracilius circumvented in Sicily, he protected and saved, and slew the Enemies that pressed him; for which facts he was by the Generals, while he was yet but young, presented with Crowns and other honourable Rewards. But when his Virtue more and more shined forth, the people created him Aedilis Curulis; and the High-Priests, Augur (which is that Priesthood to which chiefly the Law assigns the procuration and observation of Auguries) In his Aedility, by a certain mischance he was brought to a necessity of commencing a Suit, and bringing an impeachment into the Senate. He had a Son named Marcus, both of excellent beauty in the flower of his Age, and of such sweet manners, and rare Erudition, that the Citizens admired him. This Youth, one Capitolinus, a lascivious and audacious man, Marcellus his Colleague, vehemently loved, and attempted. Whose temptation the Lad at first by himself rejected: but when the other again solicited him, he discovered the thing to his Father. Marcellus highly offended with the indignity, accuses the man in the Senate. Who having appealed to the Tribunes of the people, endeavoured by various shifts, and various exceptions to elude the impeachment: and the Tribunes not receiving the appeal, by flat denial rejected the charge. But because there was no witness of the fact, Capitolinus having attempted the Youth privately and alone; therefore the Senate thought fit to call the Youth himself before them. Whose blushing, and tears, and bashfulness mixed with highest indignation, when the Fathers observed, seeking no farther evidence of the Crime, they condemn Capitolinus, and set a fine upon him according to the estimation of the injury; of the money of which mulct, Marcellus caused to be made a Silver Table, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, mensam argentariam reddit interpres Latinus, verum rectius reddi potest, in usum eorum qui nummorum commutationem exercent in foro. Name 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 retributionem, permutationem, commercium, & poenae responsionem indicat.  which he dedicated to the Gods. But after the end of the first Punic War, that lasted one and twenty years, the Seeds of the Gallic tumults sprang up, and began again to trouble Rome. The Iberes, a people inhabiting the Subalpine region of Italy, strong in their own forces, raised out of the rest of the Gauls aids of mercenary Soldiers, which are called Goesatoe [from the heavy Darts or Javelins used by them in Fights.] And it was a miracle, and the good fortune of Rome, that the Gallic War was not coincident with the Punic, but that they had with fidelity stood quiet as Spectators, while the Punic war continued, that they might with their whole power set upon the Conqueror; and deferred their invasion till the Romans were at leisure to resist them. Yet the Neighbourhood and ancient renown of the Gauls struck no little fear into the minds of the Romans, who were about to undertake a War so near home and upon their own borders. For that they feared more than any other Nation the Gauls, because they had once taken their City, is apparent. From which time it was by a special Law provided, that the High Priest should enjoy an exemption from all military Offices, except only in Gallic insurrections.  
The great preparations made by the Romans for War (for it is not reported that the people of Rome ever had at one time so many Legions in Arms, either before or since) and their extraordinary Sacrifices, were plain arguments of their fear at that time. For though they were most averse from the Institutions and Rites of barbarous and cruel Nations, and above all had with the Grecians pious and reverend Sentiments of the Gods; yet when this year was coming upon them, they then, from some Prophecies in the Sibyls Books, put alive under ground a pair of Greeks, one male, the other female; and likewise two Gauls, one of each Sex, in the Market called the Beast-market: continuing even to this day the same secret and abominable Sacrifices of Greeks and Gauls, in the month of November. In the beginning of this War, when the Romans sometimes obtained remarkable Victories, sometimes were shamefully beaten; nothing was done toward the final determination of the Contest, until C. Quintius Flaminius, and P. Furius Philo being Consuls, brought mighty forces against the Insubres, a people of Gallia on the farther side of the River Po. Then they saw the River that runs through the Country of Picenum, flowing with blood. There was a report, that three Moons had been seen at once at Ariminum. And in the Consular Assembly, the Augurs declared, that the Consuls had been unduly created. The Senate therefore immediately sent Letters to the Camp, recalling the Consuls to Rome with all possible speed; and commanding them to desist from acting farther against the Enemies, and to abdicate themselves from the Consulship on the first opportunity. These Letters being brought to Flaminius, he deferred to open them till having defeated and put to flight the Enemy's forces, he wasted and ravaged their borders: Wherefore the people went not forth to meet him returning with huge spoils; nay, because he had not instantly obeyed the command in the Letters, by which he was recalled, but slighted and contemned them, they wanted not much of denying him the honour of a Triumph. Nor was the Triumph sooner passed, than they deposed him with his Colleague from the Magistracy, and reduced them to the state of private Citizens. So much did all things at Rome depend upon Religion. Though the course of their Affairs were smooth and prosperous, yet if their Erterprises met not with successes happy enough to answer their wishes; presently they gave out, that the Auspexes and ancient Rites were neglected; thinking it to be of more importance to the Public Safety, if the Magistrates reverenced the Gods, than if they overcame their Enemies. And so Tiberius Sempronius, whom for his probity and Virtue the Citizens highly esteemed, created Scipio Nafica and Caius Martius Consuls, successors [to those that had been exauctorated.] When these were gone into their Provinces, he lighted upon books concerning the Religion of the people, where he found somewhat he had not known before; which was this. When the Consul made his solemn Auspice, he sat without the City in a house, or Tabernacle hired for that occasion: but if it happened that he, for any emergent cause, returned into the City having not yet seen any certain signs; he was obliged to leave that first Tabernacle, and to seek another, out of which he might survey the Heaven round about, and finish his Contemplation. This having (as I conceive) deceived Tiberius, who twice used one and the same Tabernacle; he renounced or protested against the Consuls, [as not legitimately and with due Ceremonies elected.] And afterwards understanding his error, he referred the matter to the Senate: nor did the Senate neglect this minute fault, but soon wrote expressly of it to Scipio Nasica and C. Martius; who leaving their Provinces, and without delay returning to Rome, laid down their Magistracy. But these things followed afterward. At the same time the Priesthood was taken away from two men of very great honour, Cornelius Cethegus and Q. Sulpitius: from the former, because he had not rightly held forth the entrails of a Beast slain for Sacrifice; from the latter, because while he was immolating, the little woollen tuft, which the Flamens wear on the top of their Cap, had fallen from his head. Minutius the Dictator, who had named C. Flaminius' Master of the Horse, they deposed from his Command, because the noise of a gnawing Rat was heard: and they put others into their places. And yet notwithstanding, by observing so anxiously these punctilioes and little niceties, they stumbled not upon any Superstition, because they neither varied nor exceeded the Institutes of their Ancestors. So soon as Flaminius with his Colleague had resigned up the Consulate, M. Marcellus is by the Regent's or Viceroy's during the interregnum or vacancy, declared Consul; who entering into the Magistracy, chose Cn. Cornelius his Colleague. There was a report that the Gauls endeavouring a pacification, and the Senate also inclining to peace, yet still Marcellus inflamed the people to War. But notwithstanding a Peace was agreed upon, which the Gesatae are said to have broken: who to the number of thirty thousand passing the Alps, stirred up the Insults, and conjoined themselves with them; of whom there were far more Legions, and proud of their strength, they marched directly to Acerrae, a City seated on the bank of the River Po. From thence Viridomarus, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  King of the Gesatae, taking with him ten thousand Soldiers, harassed the Country round about. Of which the news being brought to Marcellus, leaving his Colleague at Acerrae with the foot, and all the heavy Arms, with a third part of the Horse, and carrying with him the rest of the Horse, and six hundred light armed Foot, marching night and day without remission, he stayed not till he came up to the Enemy near to a Village of Gallia, called Clastidium 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , which not long before had been subjected to the Roman jurisdiction. Nor had he time to refresh his Soldiers, or to give them rest. For the Barbarians that were then present, immediately seeing his approach, contemned him, because he had very few foot with him. And the Gallic Horse being singularly skilful in Horsemanship, and therefore thought to be therein excellent; and at present in number also exceeding Marcellus, made no account of him. Instantly therefore they rush upon him, as if they would trample him under their Horse's feet, threatening all kind of cruelties. Before their Ensigns road the King. But Marcellus because his Men were few, that they might not be encompassed and charged on all sides by the Enemy, extended his wings of Horse, and riding about, made thinner and drew forth in length his wings of Foot, till he came near to the Enemy. Then, while he directed his Vanguard to charge the Enemy, his Horse, frighted by their yelling and shouts, gave back, and by force carried Marcellus aside. He fearing lest this accident, converted into an Omen, might discourage his Soldiers; quickly turning his Horse to the left, again confronted the Enemy, and adored the Sun, as if he had wheeled about his Horse, not by chance, but out of Devotion. For it was customary to the Romans, when they adored the Gods, to turn themselves round in a circle. When they came up now to charge, 'tis reported he vowed the best of the Enemy's Arms to Jupiter Feretrius or the Helper. Then the King of the Gauls beholding Marcellus, and from the signs or badges of his Authority, conjecturing him to be the General, advanced far before his embattled Army, and with a loud voice challenged him, and brandishing his Lance, fiercely ran with a full career at him; exceeding the rest of the Gauls in stature, and by reason of his Armour, that was adorned with gold and silver, and painted with various colours, shining like lightning. These Arms seeming to Marcellus, while he viewed the Enemy's Army drawn up in Battalia, to be the best and fairest, and he thinking them to be those he had vowed to Jupiter; instantly ran upon the King, and pierced through his Breast▪ plate with his Lance; then pressing upon him with the weight of his Horse, threw him to the ground, and with two or three strokes more slew him. Immediately he leapt from his Horse, laid his hand upon the dead King's Arms, and looking up toward Heaven, thus spoke: O Jupiter Feretrius, Arbiter of the remarkable Exploits of Captains, and of the acts of Emperors in War and Battles, thou being witness, I a General have slain a General, I a Consul have slain a King with my own hand: to thee I consecreate these first and most excellent of the Spoils. Give thou to us now proceeding to dispatch the relics of the War, the same course of Fortune. Then the Roman Horse joining Battle not only with the Enemy's Horse, but also with the Battalion of Foot charging upon them; obtained a singular, and even now a new and stupendous Victory. For never before or since have so few Horse and Foot defeated so numerous forces; at least no such achievement is recorded in History. The Enemies being to a great number slain, and the Spoils collected, he returns to his Colleague: who managing the War against the Enemies at the greatest and most populous City of Gallia (they call it Milan) had ill success. This City the Gauls on this side the Alps have for their Head City. Wherefore fight valiantly in defence of it, they were not so much besieged by Cornelius, as they besieged him. But Marcellus returned and the Gaesatae, so soon as they were certified of the death of the King, and the defeat of his Army, retiring; Milan is taken. The rest of their Towns, and all they had, the Gauls deliver up of their own accord to the Romans, Peace upon conditions equitable enough was granted to the Gauls. Marcellus alone by a decree of the Senate triumphed. The triumph was in magificence, opulency, spoils, and the gigantic Bodies of the Captives, exceeding noble and memorable. But the most grateful and most rare Spectacle of all was the General himself, who carried the Arms of the barbarous King to the God [to whom he had vowed them.] Of a tall and strait stock of an Oak lop'd off, he had prepared a bearer shaped like a Trophy. Upon this he bound, and hung round about the Arms of the King, fitly and decently ●ying on every piece of them. The pomp advancing solemnly before, he carrying this Trophy ascends the Chariot; and being himself the fairest and most graceful triumphant Image, was carried into the City. The Army adorned with shining Armour followed in order, and with Verses on that occasion composed, and with songs of Victory, celebrated the praises of Jupiter and of their General. Then entering the Temple of Jupiter Feretrius, he dedicated his gift: the third, and to our memory the last that ever did so. The first, Romulus, who having slain Acron King of the Coeninenses, brought home and dedicated rich spoils: the second, Cornelius Cossus, from Volumnius the Hetruscan: after them Marcellus, from Viridomarus King of the Gauls; after Marcellus, no man. The God to whom they are consecrated, is called Jupiter Feretrius, from the Trophy carried on feretrum, [a bearer, on which spoils were carried in triumph] the name being deduced from the Greek Language, which at that time was every where confused with the Latin. Others affirm that this Surname of Jupiter fulminans is derived à feriendo, from striking; because Lightning strikes, and to strike, is in the Roman Language ●erire. Others there are, who would have this name to be deduced from the strokes that are given in fight; for now also in all conflicts when they press upon their Enemies, they mutually encourage each other to strike. These Spoils are properly called Opima, i. e. magnify and ample; though in their Commentaries they say, that Numa Pompilius made mention of first, second, and third opime Spoils; and that he prescribes, that the first taken be consecrated to Jupiter Feretrius, the second to Mars, the third to Quirinus; as also that the reward of the first be three hundred asses or half-pennies; of the second, two hundred: of the third, one hundred: but fame hath obtained, that those Spoils only are honourable, which the General first takes in Battle, and takes from the Enemies chief Captain whom he hath slain with his own hand. But of these things enough.  
This Victory and the ending of the War was so highly grateful to the people of Rome, that they sent to Apollo of Delphos, in testimony of their gratitude, a Present, a golden Cup of an hundred pound weight; and gave a great part of the prey to their associate Cities, and took care that many Presents should be carried also to Hiero King of the Syracusans their Friendand Ally. But at what time Hannibal made an irruption into Italy, Marcellus was dispatched with a Fleet into Sicily. Soon after, the Roman Army having suffered that sad defeat in the Battle of Cannae, in which many thousands of them perished, when few had saved themselves by flying to Cannusium, and all feared lest Hannibal, who had destroyed the strength of the Roman Army, should strait post with his Victorious Troops to Rome: Marcellus first sent for a guard of the City 1500 Soldiers, which were designed for the Fleet. Then by decree of the Senate going to Cannusium, having heard that many of the Soldiers had come together in that place, he brought them out of the Fortifications to prevent the Enemies ravaging and depopulation of the Country. And the Princes and chief Noblemen of Rome had most of them fallen in Battles. But the Citizens complained, that the anxious care of Fabius Maximus, (who for his Faith and Prudence was of greatest authority) in bewaring lest the Commonwealth might sustain any detriment, 〈◊〉 too slow for the management of Affairs, a●d full of fear. They thought him indeed ●t, and confided in him for providing for the● safety: yet they held him not to be a Captain brisk and daring enough to repel th● Enemy. Wherefore converting their thought upon Marcellus, and tempering and compounding his boldness, confidence, an● promptitude with Fabius' caution and providence; they sent one while both wit● Consular command, otherwhile one as Consul, the other as Proconsul, against the Enemy. Posidonius writes, that Fabius wa● called the Buckler, Marcellus the Sword o● Rome. Certainly Hannibal himself confessed that he feared Fabius as a Schoolmaster, Marcellus as an Adversary: the former, lest he should be hindered from doing mischief; the latter, lest he should receive harm▪ And when among Hannibal's Soldiers, proud of their late Victory, licentiousness and cruelty was grown to a great height; Marcellus setting upon them dispersed without their Camp, and loaden with prey and plunder gotten in the Country, cut them off, and by little and little diminished his Forces▪ Hence bringing aid to the Neapolitans and Nolans; he confirmed the minds of the former, of their own accord faithful enough to the Romans. But entering Nola, he there found discord: the Senate not being able ●o rule and keep in the common people, ●ho were generally favourers of Hannibal. There was in the Town one Bantius 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. , a man renowned for Nobility and Virtue. This man, after he had fought most fiercely at Cannae, killed many of the Enemies, and at last lying in a heap of dead bodies, covered with Darts, being found and brought ●o Hannibal; Hannibal so honoured him, ●hat he not only dismissed him without ran●om, but also contracted an entire friendship with him, and became his guest. In gratitude for this great favour, he became ●ne of those that drew all things to Han●ibal's interest, and being powerful in Richeses, solicited the people to Sedition. Marcellus could not be induced to put this man to death, a man so eminent, and who had passed so great dangers in fight on the Romans side: but knowing that himself was able, not only by singular humanity, ●ut also by gentle and winning Speech to meeten and endear men, and to gain up●n even a proud mind; when Bantius came ●ne day to salute him, he asked him who ●e was; not that he knew him not be●●re, but seeking an entrance and occasion ●f conference. When Bantius had told who he ●as, Marcellus seeming surprised with joy and wonder, replied; art thou that Bantius whom the Romans commend above the rest that fought at Cannae, and praise as the person that did not only not forsake the Consul Paulus Aemilius, but receive in his own body many Darts thrown at him? Bantius owning himself to be that very man, and showing his Scars: why then, saith Marcellus, didst not thou, having so great marks of thy good affection toward us, come to me at my first arrival here? Dost thou think that we are unwilling to requite with favour those who have well deserved, and who are honoured even by our Enemies? Besides this obliging courtesy of Speech, embracing the young Gentleman, he gave him an excellent Horse, and five hundred Bigates [that is, pieces of money stamped with a Chariot drawn by two Horses.] From that time Bantius became a most faithful Assistant and Ally of Marcellus, and a most sharp Discoverer and Delator of those that attempted Innovation and Sedition. These were many, and had entered into a Conspiracy to plunder the Wagons and other Carriages of the Romans when they should make an eruption against the Enemy. Wherefore Marcellus, having marshaled his Army within the City, placed the baggage near to the Gates, and by an Edict forbade the Nolans to go to the Walls. Without the City no Arms appeared, by which prudent device he alured Hannibal to move with his Army in some disorder, to the City, thinking that there all things were full of tumult. Then Marcellus, the next Gate being, as he had commanded, thrown open, issuing forth with the flower of his Horse in front, fights with the Enemy. By and by the Foot sallying out of another Gate, with a loud shout ran up to them. And while Hannibal opposes to these part of his forces, the third Gate also is opened, out of which the rest break forth, and on all quarters charge the Enemies surprised with fear at this unexpected encounter, nor strongly enough resisting those with whom they had been first engaged, because of their attack by others that sallied later. Here it was that Hannibal's Soldiers with huge consternation and many wounds beaten back even to their Camp, first turned their backs to the Romans pursuing them. There fell in this Action, as it is related, of them more than five thousand; of the Romans, not above five hundred. Livy affirms, that neither the Victory, nor the slaughter of the Enemies, was so great: but certain it is, that the adventure brought great glory to Marcellus, and to the Romans mighty confidence after their Calamities; because they now conceived a strong hope, that the Enemy with whom they contended, was not invincible, but obmoxious to Defeats. Therefore, the other Consul being deceased, the people recall absent Marcellus, that they might put him into his place, and in spite of the Magistrates obtained, that the Consular Assembly should be prorogued till his arrival; and that he was by all the Suffrages created Consul. But because it happened to thunder, the Augurs muttering that he was not legitimately created, and yet not daring, for fear of the people, to declare this their Sentence openly; Marcellus voluntarily resigned the Consulate, but declined not the Sovereign Command of the Army. So being created Proconsul, and returning to the Camp at Nola; he with fire and Sword wasted the fields of those that followed the Party of the Carthaginian. Who coming with speed to succour them, Marcellus, though provoked by Hannibal, declined fight a set Battle with him. But when Hannibal had sent forth a Party to plunder, and now expected no Fight; Marcellus broke forth upon him with his incensed Army. He had distributed to the Foot long Lances, such as are commonly used in Naval fights; and instructed them to throw them with great force at convenient distance against the Enemies unexperienced in that way of Darting, and used to Fight with short Darts. Which seems to have been the cause why in that conflict the Carthaginians, as many as were engaged, turned their backs, and shamefully fled. There fell of them five thousand. Of Elephants four were killed, two taken. But what was of greatest moment, on the third day after more than three hundred Horse, Spaniards and Numidians mixed, fled over to him, a disaster that had never to that Day happened to Hannibal, who had long kept together in highest Concord a fierce Army gathered out of the sink and dregs of dissonant and disagreeing Nations. Marcellus and his Successors in all this War made good use of the faithful service of these Horsemen. Now he a third time created Consul sailed over into Sicily. For the success of Hannibal had excited the Carthaginians to lay claim to that whole Island; chiefly because after the murder of the Tyrant Hieronymus, all things had been in tumult and confusion at Syracuse. For which reason the Romans also had sent before to that City some Legions under the conduct of Appius, Praetor. While Marcellus was receiving that Army, the Roman Soldiers in great numbers cast themselves at his feet, upon occasion of this calamity. Of those that survived the Battle at Cannae, some had escaped by flight, some were taken alive by the Enemy, in so great a multitude, that it was thought there were not remaining Romans enough to defend the walls of the City. And yet the magnanimity and constancy of the City was so great, that it would not redeem the Captives from Hannibal, though it might have done so for little ransom; nay by a decree of the Senate denied it, and chose rather to leave them to be killed by the Enemy, or sold out of Italy: and commanded that all who had saved themselves by flight, should be transported into Sicily, nor permitted to return into Italy, until the War with Hannibal should be ended. These therefore, when Marcellus was arrived in Sicily, addressed to him in great numbers: and casting themselves at his feet, with much lamentation and tears humbly besought him to admit them into the honourable Order of Soldiers, and promised to make it appear by their future fidelity and services, that that defeat had been received rather by some misfortune than by any cowardice of theirs. Marcellus pitying them, petitioned the Senate by Letters, that he might have leave at all times to recruit his Legions out of them. But after much debate about the thing, the Senate Decree●, They were of opinion, that the Commonwealth ought not to be committed to Cowardly Soldiers: if Marcellus perhaps thought otherwise, he might make ufe o● them; provided no one of them be by the General honoured with a Crown or military Gift, as a reward of his Virtue or Courage. This Decree pinched Marcellus, who being returned to Rome, after the Sicilian War was ended, smartly upbraided the Senate, that they had denied to him, who had so highly deserved of the Republic, Liberty to relieve so great a number of Citizens in great calamity. About the same time Marcellus first incensed by injuries done him by Hypocrates Praetor of Syracuse (who to give proof of his good affection to the Carthaginians, and to acquire the Tyranny to himself, had made a great slaughter of the Romans upon the borders of the leontin's) besieged and by force took the City of the leontin's: yet violated none of the Townsmen. Only Deserters, as many as he took, underwent the punishment of the Rods and Ax. But Hypocrates, first sending a report to Syracuse, that Marcellus had put all the young men to the Sword; and then coming upon the Syracusans risen up into a tumult upon that false Report, surprised the City. Hereupon Marcellus moved with his whole Army to Syracuse, and encamping near the Wall, sent Ambassadors into the City to relate to the Syracusans the truth of what had been done in Leontium. When these could not prevail by Treaty, the Syracusans being now no longer at their own will and pleasure, because the whole power was in the hands of Hypocrates; the City began to be oppugned both by Land and by Sea. All the Foot, Appius brought up. Marcellus with LX. Galleys each with five Oars in a Seat, furnished with all sorts of Arms and Weapons to be thrown, and a huge Bridge of Planks laid upon eight Ships chained together, upon which he carried the Engine to cast stones and Darts, assaulted the Walls: animated with confidence by the abundance and magnificence of his preparations, and by his own glory. All which were easily eluded by Archimedes and his Machine's. Of these he had designed and contrived none as worth the pains and cost, but to divert and sport himself in the exercise of his skill in Geometry. A good while before King Hiero had courted and induced Archimedes to put into practice some part of his admirable speculations in this Art, to show some example of the power of it, and to exhibit to the sense an experiment accommodated to use. For Eudoxus and Archytas had first begun to set on foot this celebrated and admired Machinal Science, by this elegancy illustrating Geometry and Propositions by demonstration, that may be explicated by reason and clear evidence; and confirming the more remote by examples of Organs or Instruments objected to Sense. As both of them brought to light that abstruse and by demonstration inexplicable Proposition of two middle lines (an Element necessary to delineate many things) by contriving Instruments, by certain intermediate lines deflecting from Curve Lines and Sections. But as Plato being offended sharply inveighed against these eminent Geometricians, saying, that they corrupted and destroyed the good of Geometry, which leaving those things that are free from body, and consist only in notion of the mind, was now converted to things obnoxious to sense, and forced to reassume bodies, where much of odious and sordid idleness would be required: So the Mechanics or Art of making Engines came to be rejected and separated from Geometry, and being despised by Philosophers, lay long hid among Arts military. But Archimedes wrote to King Hiero, whose near kinsman and friend he was, that by little force any weight how great soever might be moved. He boasted also, relying on the strength of Demonstration, that if there were another Earth, he going into it would remove this out of its place. Hiero struck with amazement at this, and entreating him to make good this Problem by some effect, and show some great weight to be moved by a small Engine: he fixed upon a Ship of burden bought out of the King's Arcenal, which could not be drawn out of the Dock without mighty labour and many men; and loading her with many Passengers and a full freight, sitting himself the while far off, with no great endeavour, but only holding the head of the Poultry in his hand, and drawing the Cord by degrees, he drew the Ship in a straight line, without stop or sticking, nay swiftly sliding along, as if she had been in the Sea. The King astonished at this, and convinced of the power of the Art; prevailed upon Archimedes to make for him Engines accommodate to all ways of assaulting an Enemy, by which he might either beat off danger, or Batter Cities. These the King himself never made use of, because he spent almost all his life in a profound quiet and highest affluence of fortune. But then this apparatus was in a most opportune time ready at hand for the Syracusans, and with it also the Engineer himself. When therefore the Romans assaulted the Walls in two places at once, fear and consternation so stupefied the Syracusans, that nothing was able to resist that violence and those forces. But when Archimedes played his Engines, he at once shot against the Land-forces all sorts of missile Weapons, and huge stones with horrible noise and violence: against which no man could stand, but they knocked down those in heaps, upon whom they fell, and broke their Ranks and Files. The arms of Mainsail Yards suddenly put forth from the Walls, [and catching hold of Ships] they sunk some by mighty weight let down from on high upon them; others they lifted up into the Air by an iron hand or beak like a Crane's beak, and when they had hung them up by the Prow, and set them an end upon the Poop, they plu●ged them to the bottom of the Sea; or else the Ships drawn by Engines within, and whirled about, were dashed against steep Rocks, that stood jutting out under the Walls, with great destruction of the Soldiers that were aboard them. A Ship several times lifted up to a great height in the Air (a dreadful thing to behold) was rolled to and fro, and kept swinging, until the Mariners being thrown down and struck against the Wall, at length it was dashed against the Rocks, or let fall. At the Engine that Marcellus brought upon the Bridge ('twas called Sambuca from some resemblance it had of an Instrument of Music, [in respect chiefly of the many chords by which it was bend]) when it was from afar driven to the Wall, was discharged a piece of a Rock of ten Talents weight, than a second and a third, which striking upon it with mighty force and thundering noise shook the Basis of it, loosened the joints of the Engine, and tore it from the Bridge. So Marcellus, doubtful what counsel to pursue, drew off his Ships to a safer distance, and sounded a retreat to his forces on Land. Then they took up a resolution of coming up close under the Walls, if it were possible in the night; thinking that because Archimedes was necessitated to use Ropes stretched at length in playing his Engines, the Soldiers would be under the shot, and the Darts would, for want of sufficient distance to throw them, fly over their heads without effect. But he had long before framed for that purpose Engines accommodate to any distance, and shorter Weapons, but such that might be thrown thicker, to give many and frequent wounds at a blow. He had already provided also small Scorpions, not to be perceived by the eyes of the Enemies, by which they might be wounded near at hand. As they therefore, who thought then to deceive the Defendants, came close up to the Walls; instantly a shower of Darts and other missile Weapons was again cast upon them. And when stones tumbled down as it were perpendicularly upon the heads of the Assailants, and Arrows from all parts of the Wall were shot at them; they retired. Of whom, as they were going off, by Arrows and Darts discharged at greater distance great slaughter was made, and their Ships knocked one against another; while themselves were not able to offend their Enemies in the least. For Archimedes had provided and fixed most of his Engines under the Wall. Whence the Romans, seeing that a Sea of mischiefs o●●er whelmed them from a concealed source, thought they fought with the Gods. Yet Marcellus escaped unhurt, and deriding his own Artificers and Carpenters; What, saith ●e, do we proceed to fight with this Geometrical Briareus, who fitting still hath shamefully eluded our Naval assault by Sea? Truly 〈◊〉 that at one time hath poured upon us so great a power of Weapons, excels those fabulous Giants with an hundred hands. And doubtless the rest of the Syracusans were all but the body of Archimedes' apparatus, which one Soul moved and governed: for the Enemies, laying aside all other Arms, did with his alone both infest the Romans, and protect their own safety. In fine, when so great terror had seized upon the Romans, that if they had but seen a little Rope or a piece of wood from the Wall, instantly crying out that Archimedes was about to let fly some Engine at them, they turned their backs and fled: Marcellus desisted from the Conflicts and Assaults, putting all his hope in a long Siege. But Archimedes had so high a Spirit, so sublime a Wit, and such a treasure of Theorems Mathematical; that having now by those Engines of his Invention acquired to himself Renown, and the Fame of not human, but Divine Science, he could not condescend to leave any Commentary or Writings concerning them behind him: but repudiating as vile and ●●●did, that industry in contriving Engines▪ and the Art of Mechanics accommodating Mathematic knowledge to use and prof●●●ble practice, placed his whole study and delight only in those Speculations, which being noble and excellent in themselves, nor tied to any necessity, not indeed to be compared with others, but which may raise a contest with matter for Demonstration; since that excels in bulk and show, but this in exquisite certainty and incredible power. For in Geometry you cannot find more implicate and entangled questions or hypotheses, written in more simple and clearer Elements. This some attribute to the dexterity of his Wit: others think it ought rather to be referred to his indefatigable labour, by which it is probable that he was able with ease and without sweat to effect any thing. For if you seek, you will not by yourself find a demonstration of his Questions: but when you have once learned it, you will think that you might by your own Wit have found it; so plain and smooth is the way, by which he leads to what he intends to demonstrate. Wherefore those things are not to be rejected, which are reported of him; that he was perpetually soothed and charmed by a certain familiar Siren, so that he was wont to forget his food, and neglect the care of his body, and when he was now and then carried against his will to have his body Anointed and Bathed, he would draw Geometrical Figures in the ashes, and lines with his finger; so much was he taken with the sweetness of the Art, and his mind so ravished with the intellectual delight of the Theorems thereof. And after he had found out many and excellent things, he is said to have begged of his friends, that they would after his death put upon his Sepulchre a Cylindre comprehending a Sphere, and inscribe the proportion, how much a solid containing exceeds the contained. And Archimedes being this great man [we have described] rendered himself, and, as much as lay in him, the City also invincible. While the Siege is prolonged, Marcellus takes by assault Megara the most ancient City of Sicily. He expugns also the Camp of Hypocrates, and coming upon them fortifying themselves, slew above eight thousand. He also runs through all Sicily: At which time he reduced many Towns from the Carthaginians, and overcame all that dared to encounter him. During the Siege, one Damasippus 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  a Lacedaemonian putting to Sea in a Ship from Syracuse, was taken by Marcellus. When the Syracusans much desired to redeem this man, and there were many meetings and Treaties about the matter betwixt them and Marcellus; he takes exact notice of a Tower that might receive Soldiers into it secretly, by reason that the Wall near to it was not difficult to be passed over, and he observed it to be neglected. Coming often thither, and entertaining Conferences [with the Commissioners about the Redemption of Damasippus] the height of the Tower was exactly calculated, and Ladders prepared. The Syracusans celebrated a Feast to Diana. This juncture of time, when they were given up entirely to Wine and Sport, Marcellus laid hold of, and before the Citizens perceived it, not only possessed himself of the Tower, but before the break of day filled the Wall round with Soldiers, and broke open the Hexaphylum [or place with six Gates.] The Syracusans now beginning to stir, and trembling at the Tumult, and the sound of the Trumpets, so soon as they heard it; he frighted them all into flight, and vehemently amazed them, thinking that all places of the City were already won. But the most fortified and the fairest, and most ample part remained still ungained. It is called Arcadina, because it was by a Wall divided from the outward City, one part of which they call Neapolis, [or the new City] the other Tycha [or Fortune.] These being possessed, Marcellus, about break of day, entered from the Hexaphylum into the City, all his Praefects congratulating him. Who looking down from higher places upon the most beautiful and very great City below, is said to have wept much, commiserating the calamity that hung over it, when his thoughts represented to him, how dismal and foul the face of the City would in a few hours be, when plundered and sacked by the Soldiers. For among the Praefects [or chief Officers of his Army] there was not one man that durst deny the plunder of the City to the Soldiers demanding it; nay, many were instant that the City might be set on fire and laid level to the ground. But this Marcellus plainly denied. Yet he granted, but with great unwillingness and reluctancy, that the money and bondmen should be made prey. And he sent forth an Edict, that none should violate any free body, nor kill any Citizen, nor ravish or drag any into servitude. Though he had used this moderation, yet he esteemed the condition of that City to be miserable, and even in so great a congratulation of his friends for the Victory, expressed grief of mind and sorrow, beholding all the riches accumulated during a long felicity, now dissipated in a moment of an hour. For it is related tbat no less of prey and plunder was taken here, than afterward in Carthage. For not long after, they furiously plundered also the other parts of the City, taken by treachery, leaving nothing untouched but the King's money, which was brought into the public Treasury. Of all these doleful events nothing afflicted Marcellus his generous Soul so much as the death of Archimedes. Who was [then as Fate would have it] with his mind intent upon some Diagramms or Geometrical figures: and having fixed not only his mind upon that Speculation, but his eyes also upon the lines he was drawing, perceived not the hurry of the Romans, nor that the City was taken. In this transport of study and Contemplation, a Soldier unexpectedly coming up to him, commanded him to follow him to Marcellus: which he declining to do before he had finished his Problem or Proposition, and fitted it to demonstration; the Soldier, enraged with anger, drew his Sword, and ran him through. Others write, that a Roman Soldier running upon him with a drawn Sword offered to kill him; and that Archimedes, looking back, earnestly besought him to hold his hand a little while, that he might not leave what he was then searching for, imperfect and rude; but the Soldier, nothing moved by his entreaty, instantly killed him. Others again relate, that as Archimedes was carrying to Marcellus Mathematical Instruments, Horologes, or dials, Spheres, Angles, by which the magnitude of the Sun might be measured to the sight; some Soldiers seeing him, and thinking that he carried Gold in a Vessel, slew him. Fer certain it is, that his death was highly afflicting to Marcellus, and that Marcellus ever after hated him that killed him as a nefarious Murderer, and having sought for his kindred honoured them with signal favours. Indeed foreign Nations held the Romans to be excellent Soldiers and formidable in fights; but since they had given no memorable example of gentleness, or humanity, or civility, Marcellus seems first to have shown to the Grecians that the Romans were more illustrious for their justice. For such was his moderation to all with whom he had any thing to do, and such his benignity also to many Cities and private Men; that if any thing too hard or sever was decreed concerning the Aetnensians, or Megarensians, or Syracusans, the blame thereof seems to belong rather to them upon whom the storm fell, than to those who brought it upon them. One example of many I will commemorate. In Sicily there is a Town, called Enguium, not great indeed; but very ancient and ennobled by the presence of the Goddesses called the Mothers. The Temple, they say, was built by the Cretians; and they show some Spears and brazen Helmets, partly of Merion, partly of Ulysses, who consecrated them to the Goddesses. This City highly favouring the party of the Carthaginians, Nicias the most eminent of the Citizens counselled them to make a defection to the Romans; to that end acting most freely, and openly in Harangues to their Assemblies, arguing the Adversaries guilty of imprudence and madness. They fearing his wealth, power, and authority, resolved to deliver him in bonds to the Carthaginians. This their design when he had smelled out, and knew it to be kept secret: he spoke irreligiously to the vulgar of the Mothers, and showed many signs of disrespect, as if he denied and contemned the received Opinion of the presence of those Goddesses; his Enemies the while rejoicing, that he of his own accord sought the destruction hanging over his head. When they were just now about to lay hands upon him, the people were assembled together to hear him haranguing. Here Nicias making a Speech to the people concerning some Affair then under deliberation in the midst of his Speech cast himself upon the ground, and soon after, while amazement (as usually it happens on such surprising occasions) held the Assembly immovable, raising and turning his head round, he began in a trembling and deep Tone, but by degrees sharpened his Voice. When he saw the whole Theatre struck with horror and silence, throwing off his Mantle, and rending his Tunick, he leaps up half naked, and runs towards the Door, crying out aloud that he was driven by the Furies of the revenging Mothers. When no man durst, out of religious fear, lay hands upon him, or stop him, but all gave way to him, he ran out of the Gate, not omitting any shriek or gesture of men possessed and mad. His Wife conscious of his counterfeiting, and privy to his design, taking her Children with her, first cast herself a supplicant before the Temple of the Goddesses; then pretending to seek her wandering Husband, no man hindering her, went out of the Town in safety; and by this means they all escaped to Marcellus at Syracuse. Now after many other such practices and affronts offered him by the men of Enguium, Marcellus having taken them all Prisoners, and cast them into bonds, resolved to inflict upon them the last punishment; Nicias with tears in his eyes addressed himself to him. In fine, casting himself at Marcellus' feet, and deprecating for his Citizens, begged most earnestly their lives, chiefly of his Enemies. Marcellus herewith relenting, set them at liberty, and rewarded Nicias with ample Lands and rich Presents. This History Posidonius the Philosopher hath committed to memory. Marcellus at length recalled by the people of Rome to a near and suburban War, to illustrate his Triumph, and adorn the City, carried away with him very many and the most beautiful Ornaments of Syracuse. For before that, Rome neither had, nor had seen any thing of those polite and exquisite Rarities; nor were there any pieces of workmanship of the like Elegancy and Skill. Stuffed with barbarous Arms and Spoils, stained with blood, and every where crowned with triumphal Ornaments and Trophies: she was no pleasant or delightful Spectacle, fit to feed the eyes of peaceful or delicate Spectators: But as Epaminondas named the Fields of Boeotia, the Stage of Mars; and Xenophon called Ephesus, the workhouse of War; so in my judgement, may you call Rome, at that time, (that I may use the words of Pindarus) the Temple of Mars rustling in Armour. Whence Marcellus was more grateful to the People, because he had adorned the City with delights that had the Grecian gracefulness, and symmetry of parts, exhibiting grateful variety to the beholders. Fabius Maximus touched not, nor brought away any thing of this kind from Tarentum, when he had taken it. The Money and Riche●●e carried thence, but forbade the Statues to be moved: adding withal, as it is vulgarly related, Let us leave to the Tarentines these offended Gods. But they reprehended Marcellus, first that he had raised up envy against the City, in which there was now a Triumph, not only over men, but also over the Gods as Captives: then that he had cast into idleness, and prattling about the curious Artifices and Artificers, the common people, which bred up in Wars and Agriculture, had never tasted of Luxury and Sloth, and as Euripides said of Hercules, 
Rude in ill Arts,  
Skilful in things of Use;  so that now they misspent much of their time (in gazing upon, and prattling about these new-induced Monuments of the Grecian Magnificence and Delicacy.) And yet notwithstanding this Reprimand, Marcellus gloried even before the Greeks themselves in this, that he had taught the Romans, till then rude and unskilful in such Masterpieces of Art, to esteem and admire the Elegant and wonderful things of Greece. But when the Envious opposed his being brought triumphant into the City, because there were some relics of the War in Sicily, and a th●● triumph would offer itself to the eyes of men, he gave way. He triumphed in monte Albano, thence entered the City in Ovation; but in this Ovation, he was neither carried in a Chariot, nor crowned with Laurel, nor ushered by Trumpets sounding; but went a foot with shoes on, many Flutes or Pipes sounding in consort the while he passed along, wearing a Garland of Myrtle; as peaceable, with an aspect raising rather love and respect than fear. Whence I am by conjecture led to think, that heretofore the difference betwixt Ovation and Triumph was, not from the greatness of Achievements, but from the manner of performing them. For they who having fought a set Battle, and slain the Enemies, returned Victors; led that Martial, and (in my judgement) cruel Triumph, and as the custom than was, in lustrating the Army, adorned their Arms and Soldiers with a great deal of Laurel: but they who without force, by benevolence, favour, and civil Language had done the business (and prevented shedding of human blood) to these Captain's custom gave the honour of this Pacate and plausible Ovation. For a Pipe is the Ensign or badge of Peace, and Myrtle the plant of Venus, who more than the rest of the Gods and Goddesses abhors force and War. It is called Ovation, as most think, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because they act it with shouting and Songs of Bacchus. But the Greeks have wrested the word to their own Language, thinking that this honour also aught to be in part referred to father Bacchus, whom we called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. But the thing is otherwise. For it was the custom for Emperors in their triumph to immolate an Ox, but in their Ovation, a Sheep: hence they named it Ovation. But it is worth our labour to contemplate the Laconic Legislator, who instituted Sacrifices contrary to the Roman. For at Lacedaemon, a Captain, who had performed the work he undertook, by cunning or courteous Treaty, laying down his Command, immolated an Ox; he that did the business by Battle, offered a Cock: the Lacedæmonians, though most warlike, thinking an Exploit performed by Eloquence and subtlety, to be more excellent and more congruous to man, than one effected by mere force and courage. But whether of these two is to be preferred, I leave to the determination of others. Marcellus being the fourth time Consul, his Enemies suborned the Syracusans to come to Rome to accuse him, and to complain that they had suffered indignities and hostile wrongs, contrary to the League. It happened that Marcellus was in the Capitol offering Sacrifice, when the Syracusans petitioned the Senate yet sitting, that they might have leave to accuse him and present their grievances. Marcellus' Colleague put them out of the Court, taking it extremely ill, that the business was moved Marcellus being absent. Which when he understood, he made haste thither. And first presiding as Consul, he referred to the Senate the cognizance of other matters: but when that charge against him came to be explicated, rising from his Seat, he passed as a private man into the place where the accused were wont to make their defence, and gave free liberty to the Syracusans to impeach him. But they struck with vehement consternation by his Majesty and confidence, stood astonished: and the power of his presence now in his Robe of Estate appeared far more terrible and severe, than it had done when covered with Armour. Yet reanimated at length by Marcellus' Rivals, they began their impeachment, and made an Oration composed of Lamentation and Complaint, whereof this was the sum. That being Allies and Friends of the people of Rome, they had notwithstanding suffered those things, which other Emperors had abstained from inferring upon many Enemies. To this Marcellus answers; That though they had committed many acts of hostility against the people of Rome, yet they had suffered nothing but what Enemies conquered by War, and by force taken Captives, cannot possibly be defended from suffering. That it was their own fault they had been made Captives, because they refused to give ear to him attempting all fair and gentle means; neither were they by the power of Tyrants drawn into War, but rather imposed upon the Tyranny, to the end they might make War. The Orations ended, and the Syracusans, according to the custom turned out of the Court; Marcellus left his Colleague to ask the Sentences [of the Senators] and together with the Syracusans went out of the Temple, and stayed expecting at the folding Doors of the Court; not in the least discomposed in Spirit, either by the accusation, or by anger against the Syracusans; but with high civility and modesty attending the issue of the cause. The Sentences at length all asked, and a decree of the Senate made in Vindication of Marcellus, the Syracusans with tears flowing from their eyes, cast themselves at his knees, beseeching him to forgive them present, and to be moved by the misery of the rest of their City, which would ever be mindful of and grateful for his benefits. Thus Marcellus softened by their tears and distress, was not only reconciled to them, but most generously received the rest of the Syracusans into his faith and protection. The Liberty which he had restored to them, and their Rights, Laws, and Goods that were left, the Senate confirmed. Upon which account the Syracusans both decreed other Honours to Marcellus, and made a Law, that if Marcellus should at any time come into Sicily, or any of his Posterity, the Syracusans crowned should offer Sacrifices to the Gods. After this he moved against Hannibal. Now whereas the other Consuls and Emperors since the defeat received at Cannae, had all made use of the same stratagem against Hannibal, namely to decline coming to a Battle with him; and that none had the courage to encounter him in the Field, and put themselves to the decision by the Sword: Marcellus entered into a divers way of Counsel, thinking that Italy would be destroyed by the very same thing, viz. delay, by which they looked to consume Hannibal; and that Fabius who was excessively cautious, expecting that the Enemy's forces by length of time wasting away, the War would at length fall of itself without blows, after the manner of timid and fearful Physicians, who dreading foe administer opportune Remedies, stay waiting till the decay of the Patient's strength put an end to the Disease; took not a right course to heal the sickness of his Country. And first, great Cities of the Samnites, which had revolted, came in to his power: in which he found a huge quantity of Corn and Money, and three thousand of Hannibal's Soldiers, that were left for the defence of those places. After this, the Proconsul Cn. Fulvius, with eleven Tribunes of the Soldiers being ●ain in Apulia, and the greatest part of the Army also at the same time cut off: he by Letters dispatched to Rome, bade the people ●e of good courage, for that he was now ●pon his march against Hannibal, to drive him out of that Country. These Letters being read, Livy writes that the people were not only not encouraged, but more discouraged than before. For the Romans expected so much a greater danger than the ●ast, by how much Marcellus excelled Fulvi●s in Virtue and Conduct. He, as he had written, advancing in the Territories of the Lucan's, came up to him at Numistro, and 〈◊〉 a plain place, the Enemy keeping himself upon the Hills, pitched his Camp, and he next day drew forth his Army in order for Fight. Nor did Hannibal refuse the ●hallenge. They fought stoutly and long ●n both sides; Victory yet seeming un●●solv'd on which to place the Laurel: and after three hours' Conflict, Night hardly parted them. The next Day as soon as the Sun was risen, he again brought forth his Troops, and ranged them among the dead bodies of the slain, challenging Hannibal to decide the question, to which of the two Fortune would give the Victory. When he dislodged and drew off, Marcellus gathering up the spoils of the Enemies, and burning the bodies of his slain Soldiers, closely followed him. And though Hannibal often used stratagems, and laid Ambushes to entrap Marcellus, yet he could never circumvent him. By tumultuary fights and skirmishes, which were all successful to Marcellus, he raised so great a fame of himself, that when the time of the Comitia at Rome was near at hand, the Senate thought fit rather to recall the other Consul from Sicily, than to recall Marcellus pursuing Hannibal. At his return to Rome, the Fathers enjoined him to name Q. Fabius Dictator. For the Dictator is created neither by the people, nor by the Senate; but either the Consul or Praetor before the Assembly pronounces him to be Dictator, whom he hath approved. Wherefore that great Magistrate is called Dictator à dicendo. Others affirm that he is named Dictator, not from a decree of the Senate, nor from an Order of the common-people; but because his word is a Law, and he commands what he pleases. For the Romans call the Magistrates Commands, Edicts. But now because Marcellus' Colleague, who was recalled from Sicily, had a mind to name another Man Dictator, and would not be forced to change his Opinion, he sailed away by Night into Sicily. So the common people made an Order, that Q. Fabius should be chosen Dictator: and the Senate by an express commanded Marcellus to nominate him. He obeying, proclaimed him. Dictator according to the order of the common people; but the Office of Proco●●●● was continued to himself for a Year. 〈◊〉 when he had before resolved with Fabius, that while he besieged Tarentum, himself would by following and drawing up and down Hannibal, detain him from coming to the relief of the Tarentins; he overtook him at Cannusium: and as Hannibal, often shifted his Camp, and still declined the Combat, he every where attended to engage him. At ●ast pressing upon him encamping, by light skirmishes he provoked him to a Battle; but Night again divided them in the very heat of the Conflict. The next day Marcellus again showed himself in Arms, and brought up his Forces in array. Hannibal enraged with extreme grief, calls his Carthaginians *********** together to an Harangue; and vehemently prays them, to enter into Battle with courage, that they might maintain the honour and renown they had formerly acquired; For you see, saith he, how after so great Victories we have not liberty to respire, nor to repose ourselves, though Victors; unless we drive this man back. Then the two Armies joining Battle, they fought most fiercely; when the event of an untimely stratagem showed that Marcellus was guilty of an Error. The Right wing being hard pressed upon, he commanded the twelfth Legion to be brought up to the front of his engaged 〈◊〉. This change perturbing the 〈◊〉 and posture of the Legions, gave the Victory to the Enemies: and there fell two thousand seven hundred Romans. Marcellus, after he had retreated into his Camp, calling his Soldiers together; I see, said he, many Roman Arms and Bodies, but I see not so much as one Roman▪ To them imploring his pardon, he refused to give it while they remained beaten, but promised to give it so soon as they should overcome; and that he resolved to bring them into the Field again the next day, that the fame of their Victory might arrive at Rome before that of their flight. Dismissing the Assembly, he commanded Barley instead of Wheat to be given to those Companies of Foot that had turned their ba●●●s. These things were so bitter to the Soldiers, that though a great number of them were grievously wounded, yet they report, there was not one to whom the General's Oration was not more painful and smarting than his wounds. The Day breaking, a Scarlet Cassock, the sign of instant Battle, was shown forth. The Foot-Companies marked with ignominy, begged they might be posted before the Ensigns, and obtained their request. Then the Tribunes, [or Colonels] bring forth the rest of the forces, and strengthen the first Battle with aids or reserves inserted. Whereof Hannibal being advertised, O strange saith he, what will you do with this man, who can bear neither good nor bad fortune? He is the only man, who neither suffers us to rest when he is Victor, nor resteth himself when he is overcome. Shall we perpetually fight with him, who both in prosperous and adverse successes hath modesty to cover his fierceness and boldness? Then the Armies rush upon each other. When the Fight was doubtful, Hannibal commanded the Elephants to be brought into the first Battalion, and to be driven upon the Van of the Romans. When the Beasts, trampling upon many, soon disordered the Ensigns, Flavius, a Tribune of Soldiers, snatching an Ensign, meets them, and wounding the first Elephant with the Ensign-staff, puts him to flight. The Beast turned back upon the next, averts both him and the rest that followed. This Marcellus seeing, pours in his Horse with great force upon the disordered Elephants; and commands terror to be added to their confusion, that they might tread and crush each other under their feet. The Horse making a fierce impression, pursued the Carthaginians home to their Camp, cutting down a great number in the pursuit. The Elephants also wounded and running upon their own Party, made a very great slaughter of the Enemies. 'Tis said; more than eight thousand were slain; of the Roman Army three thousand were slain, and almost all wounded. This was the thing that gave Hannibal opportunity to dislodge in the silence of the Night, and to remove to greater distance from Marcellus; whom care and solicitude for his wounded men kept from pursuing him, though he vehemently desired so to do. Wherefore by soft and small Marches he removed into Campania, and to refresh his Soldiers, he kept them during the heat of the Summer lodged in Houses But because Hannibal, having disentangled himself from Marcellus, rambled with his Army round about the Country, and wasted Italy, as now free from all fear; at Rome Marcellus was evil spoken of. Whose Detractors induced C. Publicius Bibulus Tribune of the People, a man Eloquent and fierce, to undertake his accusation. He by assiduous Harangues prevailed upon the People to abrogate from Marcellus the command of the Army; Seeing that Marcellus, saith he, a little time exercised in the War, hath retired himself to take care of his Body, as if from the wrestling place to hot Baths. Marcellus hereof advertised, appointed Lieutenants to govern his Camp, and hasted to Rome to refute the Crimes charged upon him: and he there found ready drawn up against him an Impeachment consisting of those Calumnies. At the Day prefixed, in the Flaminian Circus, into which place the people had assembled themselves, Bibulus from a higher place accused him. Marcellus answered, using a succinct and plain Speech. But the Lords and Princes of the City discoursed many things of the greatness of his Exploits and Achievements, very freely advising the People not to show themselves worse Judges than the Enemy, condemning Marcellus of timidity, from whom alone of all their Captains the Enemy fled, and perpetually endeavoured, not to come to blows with him, but to fight with the rest. When they made an end of speaking, the Accuser's hope to obtain Judgement [on his side] so far deceived him, that Marcellus was not only absolved, but the fifth time created Consul. No sooner had he entered upon the Consulate, but he surpressed a huge commotion in Hetruria, that had proceeded near to a Defection, and entering the Towns softened the minds of the Citizens. Hence, when the dedication of the Temple, which he had vowed out of the Sicilian Spoils to Honour and Virtue, was hindered by the Priests, because they denied that one Temple could be lawsully dedicated to two Gods; he began to adjoin another to it, highly resenting the Priest's Objection, and almost converting the thing into an Omen. And truly many other Prodigies also affrighted him; as some Temples struck with Lightning, and that in Jupiter's Temple Mice had gnawn the Gold. It was reported also, that an Ox had spoke, and that a Boy born with a head like an Elephant's was yet living. All which Predigies were indeed expiated, but no Atonement succeeded, nor was peace and reconciliation obtained from the Gods. Wherefore the Aruspices [or Diviners from the entrails and vital parts of the Sacrifices] detained him at Rome glowing and burning (with desire to return to the War.) For no man was ever inflamed with so great desire of any thing, as that man was to fight a Battle with Hannibal. That was the Object of his Dreams in the Night, the subject of all his Discourses with his friends and familiars, nor did he present to the Gods any other wish, but that he might take Hannibal in fight. And I think, that he would most gladly have set upon him, both Armies being environed with a Wall or Trench. Had he not been even loaded with Honours, and given proofs many ways of his maturity [of judgement] and prudence above other Emperors; you might have said, that he was agitated by a juvenile ambition, above what became a man of that age: for he had passed the sixtieth year of his life when he began his fifth Consulship. The Sacrifices offered, and all things that belong to the propitiation of the Gods, performed according to the prescript of the Diviners; he with his Colleague went to carry on the War. Many ways he provoked Hannibal at that time having a standing Camp betwixt Bantia and the City Venusia [in Apulia.] But he held it not safe to commit the Dispute to the hazard of a Battle. And when he had gotten intelligence, that some Foot-Companies were sent to the Locri Epizephyrii [a people of the Brutii in Italy, seated near the Promontory of Zephyrium, whence they are called Epizephyrii, i. e. the Western Locrians] placing an ambush under the little Hill of Pitetia [a City of the Brutii, now called Policastro] he slew two thousand five hundred Soldiers. This incensed Marcellus to revenge. Wherefore he removed his Camp nearer to Hannibal. Betwixt the two Camps was a little Hill, affording a station not enough secure, but woody, and having watchtowers overlooking both sides: and below were Fountains of Rivulets sliding down in sight of the Spectators from above. This place so fit and advantageous, the Romans admired that Hannibal, come thither before them, had not seized upon, but left it to the Enemies. But to him the place seemed commodious indeed for a Camp, yet more commodious for an Ambuscade: and to that use he chose to put it. So in the lawns of the Wood and the hollows he hid a great power of Archers and Spear-men, most confident that the commodiousness of the place would allure the Romans. Nor was he deceived in his expectation. For presently in the Roman Camp they muttered and disputed as if they had all been Captains, that that place was to be seized, and how great opportunities they should thereby snatch from the Enemies beforehand, chiefly if they transferred their Camp thither, and strengthened the place with a fortress: and they moved Marcellus to go with a few Horse to view it. He, having called a Diviner to him, sacrificed. In the first slain Beast the Aruspex showed him the Liver without a head; in the second the head appeared grown above measure great, and all the rest fair and highly promising good success. When these seemed to free them from the dread of the former, the Diviners declared that they were more terrified by the latter: because entrails too fair and promising, when they appear after maimed and monstrous, render the Novity of the change of doubtful signification. But Nor fire nor brazen Wall can keep out fate; as Pindarus observes. Marcellus therefore taking with him his Colleague Crispinus, and his Son a Tribune of Soldiers, with two hundred and twenty Horse at most, among whom there was not one Roman, but all were Hetruscans, besides forty Fregellans, of whose courage and fidelity he had in all occasions received full proof; goes to view the [inviting] place. The Hill was full of high woods, and darksome; on the top of it sat a Centinel, covered from the sight of the Enemy, but having the Roman Camp exposed to his eyes. Upon a sign received from him, they that were placed in Ambush, stirred not till Marcellus came near. Then all rising up in an instant, and encompassing him from all sides, they fell to invade him with Darts, to strike, and wound the backs of those that fled, to press upon those who bravely resisted. These were the forty Fregellans. And though the Hetruscans fled in the very beginning of the fight, the Fregellans cast themselves into a Ring, bravely defending the Consuls, till Crispinus, struck with two Darts, turned his Horse to fly away; and Marcellus' side was pierced through with a Lance with a broad head. Then the Fregellans also, the few that remained alive, leaving the fallen Consul, and rescuing young Marcellus, wounded also, got into the Camp by flight. There were slain not many above forty; five Lictors, and twelve Horsemen came alive into the Enemy's hands. Crispinus also died of his wounds a few days after. This Defeat, in which both Consuls fell together, was the first of that kind that ever befell the Romans. Hannibal little valuing the other events, so soon as he was told of Marcellus' death, immediately hasted to the Hill. From him viewing the Body, after he had long considered the strength and shape thereof, there fell not a word expressing the least of pride or arrogancy, nor did he show in his countenance any sign of gladness, as another perhaps would have done, when his fierce Enemy had been taken away: but amazed by the so sudden and unexpected fall of so great a man, and taking off his Ring, gave order to have the Body, most magnificently clad and adorned, honourably burned. The Relics, put into a silver Urn, with a Crown of Gold to cover it, he sent back to his Son. But some of the Numidians setting upon those that were carrying the Urn, took it from them by force, and cast away the bones. Which being told to Hannibal, How impossible is it, saith he, to do any thing against the will of God Then he punished the Numidians with Death: but took no farther care of sending or recollecting the bones; conceiving that Marcellus so rashly fell, and lay unburied, by a certain fate. So Cornelius Nepos and Valerius Maximus have left upon Record: but T. Livius and Augustus Caesar affirm, that the Urn was brought to his Son, and then carried forth with a magnificent Funeral. Besides the Monuments raised for him at Rome, there was dedicated to his memory at Catana in Sicily an ample Wrestling-place called Gymnasium Marcelli. Statues and Pictures, of those he took from Syracuse, were set up in Samothracia in the Temple of the Gods named Cabiris [Phaenician Gods, chiefly worshipped at Berytus] and in the Temple of Minerva at Lindum [one of the three best Towns in the Island Rhodes] where to a Statue of his was added (as Posidonius delivers) this Epigram. 
This (Stranger) was to Rome a Glorious Star,  
Noble by Blood, but nobler much by War,  
Marcellus Claudius; seven times Consul made,  
His Sword sent Foes in millions to the shades.  The Author of this Epigram accounts to Marcellus' five Consulates, his two Proconsulates. His Progeny continued in high honour even to Marcellus Son of Octavia Sister of Augustus, whom she brought to her Husband C. Marcellus. He deceased a Bridegroom in the year of his Aedileship, having not long before married Caesar's Daughter. His Mother Octavia dedicated a Library to his honour and memory: and Caesar, the Theatre, on which he caused to be engraven Theatrum Marcelli.   

The PARALLEL.  
THESE are the memorable things I have found in Historians of Marcellus and Pelopidas. Betwixt which two [great Men] though in Wit, Inclinations, and Manners they nearly resembled each other; because both were valiant, and diligent, and daring, and haughty: there was yet some diversity in this, that Marcellus in many Cities that he reduced into his Power, committed great slaughter; but Epaminondas and Pelopidas, when they had gotten a Victory, never killed any Man, nor deprived the Citizens of their Liberty. They report, that the Thebans also would not, when they were present, have so resolved against the Orchomenians. Marcellus' Exploits against the Gauls are admirable and ample: when guarded by a few Horse he defeated and put to flight a vast number of Horse and Foot together (an action you cannot easily in Historians find to have been done by any other Captain) and took their King Prisoner. To which honour though Pelopidas aspired, he attained not to it, but was killed by the Tyrant, and prevented. But to these you may perhaps oppose those two most noble and very great Battles, the one at Leuctra, the other at Tegyrae. But there is extant no Memoir of any Achievement of Marcellus, by stealth, or treachery, or Ambuscade: such as were those of Pelopidas, when he returned from Exile, and killed the Tyrants at Thebes. But in this he seems to be worthy of commendation, more than for all his Achievements performed in the dark and by cunning and stratagems. Now Hannibal, a terrible Enemy, and a hard, urged the Romans: as in truth the Lacedæmonians did then the Thebans. But that these were in the Fights of Leuctra and Tegyrae beaten and put to flight by Pelopidas; is confessed. Polybius writes, that Hannibal was never so much as once vanquished by Marcellus, but remained in all Encounters invincible until Scipio (managed the War against him.) But we believe rather Livius, Caesar, Cornelius Nepos, and among the Greeks King Juba, who all expressly affirm, that the whole Army of Hannibal was in some Fights routed and put to flight by Marcellus, though these defeats conduced little to the sum of the War. And it appears, that the Carthaginians cunning and stratagems deceived him in those Conflicts. But this may seem truly admirable, that Marcellus made the Romans, after the defeat of so many Armies, the slaughter of so many Captains, and in fine, the confusion of almost the whole Roman Empire, valiant still, and of courage equal to their losses, and fit to engage in new Battles. For Marcellus was the only man, that took from them that great and inveterate fear and dread, and revived, raised, confirmed the Spirits of the Soldiers fight with the Enemies for Glory and Victory, to that degree of bravery, that they would not easily yield the Victory, but contend for it [to the last.] For the same men, whom assiduous Defats had accustomed to think themselves happy, if they could but save themselves by running from Hnnibal; These he taught to esteem it base and ignominious to return safe after a loss of the Victory; lest thereby they should implicitly confess, that they had given back in the ardour of the Fight; and to grieve to extremity, they had not forced the Palm out of the Enemy's hands. Truth is, though Pelopidas was never overcome in any Battle, where himself was present, and commanded in Chief; and Marcellus referred many Victories to his equals: truly he that could not be easily overcometh was of right to be compared with the most invincible. But Marcellus took Syracuse; whereas Pelopidas was frustrated of his hope to reap the spoils of Sparta. But in my judgement, 'twas more difficult to advance his Standard even to the Walls of Sparta, and to be the first of Mortals that ever passed the River Eurotas in Arms, than it was to tame Sicily; unless it be your judgement, that that Adventure, is with more of right to be attributed to Epaminondas, as was also the Leuctrick Battle. Whereas Marcellus' Renown, and the glory of his brave Actions came entire and undiminished to him alone. For he alone took Syracuse; and without a Companion or Rival, fought with Hannibal; and quite changing the face of the War, was the first Captain that durst attempt any thing memorable upon him, even at a time when all other Captains declined to fight him. The Gauls in like manner he routed and put to most shameful flight, without his Colleague. I commend not the death of either of these, nay rather I sigh and groan, and am truly afflicted for their sudden and unexpected fall. But I much admire, that in so many sharp Conflicts, more than can be reckoned in one day, Hannibal received not so much as one wound. I commend also Chrysantes (in Xenophon's Cyrot●dia) who having lost his Sword, and about to strike his Enemy, so soon as a Retreat was sounded, left his Enemy, and retired himself sedately and modestly. Yet the anger, which provoked Pelopidas to pursue revenge in the heat of fight, may excuse him. 
The first thing for a Captain is to gain  
Safe Victory; the next to be with honour slain.  as Euripides teacheth. For than no incommodity is offered, but Death is called the action of him going off. Now the end of Pelopidas' Victory, which consisted in the slaughter of the Tyrant, besides the flame presenting itself to his eyes, did not wholly carry him away unadvisedly: because it was not easy to lay hold of another glorious occasion conjoined with matter so honourable and splendid. But Marcellus, when it made little to his advantage, and when no violent ardour (as it usually falls out in present danger) transported him to passion, throwing himself into danger, fell into an unexplored Ambush: he who had born five Consulates, three Triumphs, won the spoils and glories of Kings and Victories, to act the part of a forerunner, Scout, or Centinel, and to expose all his Achievements to be trod under foot by the mercenary Spaniards that served the Carthaginians, and by Numidians; so that even themselves envied to themselves that unhoped success, that they had oppressed among a few Fregellans, that were Scouts, the most Valiant, the most Potent, and most Renowned man among the Romans. Let no man think that we have said these things out of design to accuse, but of freely reprehending, in their names, those and their Virtue and Courage, or to which when they despise Life, and refer the rest of their noble Endowments; they perished not more to their Country, Allies and Friends, than to themselves. After Pelopidas his death, his friends, for whom he died, made a Funeral for him; the Enemies, by whom he had been killed, made one for Marcellus. That was to be wished for, and fortunate. For he that honours Virtue pursuing him with enmity, is more noble and excellent, than he that requites a benefit. Since virtue alone challenges to itself the honour of the former: but in the latter, profit and private advantage is rather beloved, than Virtue.    



Asked by th' illiterate Clown his vote to wit  
Tho against himself does the Good man submit  
No wrong. to him had Aristides done,  
But he was just and that disgusts the Clown  
Thus where the Rabble rule the Great th'y erislave,  
And virtue's self's destructive to the Brave▪   
THE LIFE OF ARISTIDES.  Translated from the Greek, by John Cooper, Fellow of Trinity College in Cambridg. 
Volume II.  
ARISTIDES the Son of Lysimachus was of the Tribe Antiochis and Borough of Alopece; but concerning what Estate he had there are various Discourses: some that he passed his Life in extreme Poverty, and left behind him two Daughters, whose Indigence long continued them unmarried. But Demetrius the Phalerian opposing this general Report in his Socrates, professes to know a Farm at Phalera, going by Aristides' Name, where he was interred, and as marks of the plentiful Condition of his Family supposeth first the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉: Because at Atbens they reckoned the years by their Archons, as the Romans by their Consuls. One of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 was to this purpose chose by lot out of the rest, and his Name Inscribed in the public Records.  Office of Archon to be one, which he obtained by the lot of the Bean drawn amongst those Families of the most considerable Possessions whom they called Pentacotiomedimnos. Secondly the Ostracism, accustomed to be inflicted on none of the poorer sort but those of great Houses, and who were by their eminent Quality exposed to Envy; The third and last, that he left certain Tripodes in the Temple of Bacchus' Offerings for his Victory in the Stage-Plays, which are even in our Age to be seen retaining this Inscription upon them, The Tribe Antiochis obtained the Victory: ARISTIDES defrayed the Charges: ARCHESTRATUS 's Play was Acted. But this Argument, though in appearance the greatest, is of the least moment of any. For Epaminondas, whom all the World knows was Educated and lived in much poverty, and Plato the Philosopher exhibited very Magnificent shows, the one setting forth an Entertainment of Flutenists, the other of the Singers of Dithigrambicks: Dion the Syracusian supplying the expenses of the latter, and Pelopidas those of Epaminondas. For good men are not irreconcilable Enemies to the receiving Presents from their friends, but looking upon those that are taken to hoard, and with an avaricious intention as sordid and mean, refuse not such as are had on the score of Ambition and Splendour whence no gain accrueth. But Panaetius showeth that Demetrius was mistaken concerning the Tripod through the likeness of the Name. For from the Persian War to the end of the Pelopennesian there are upon Record only two by the Name of Aristides, who have set forth Plays and carried the Prize, neither of which was the same Son of Lysimachus; but the Father of the one was Xenophylus, and the other much more modern; As the way of writing by the Grammar in use since the time of Euclid, and the addition of the Name of Archestratus prove, whom in the time of the Wars with the Medes no one Writer mentions, but several during those of Peloponnesus Chronicle as a Dramatic Poet. But this of Panaetius ought to be more nearly considered. As for the Ostracism; every one was liable to it, who for his Reputation, Quality, or Eloquence; was esteemed above the common Level; In so much as even Damon Praeceptor to Pericles was banished thereby because he seemed a man of more than ordinary Sense. And more Idomeneus saith, that Aristides was not made Archon by the lot of the Bean but the free Election of the People. And if he governed after the Battle of Plateae, as Demetrius himself hath written, it is very probable that by reason of his so great Reputation and success in the Wars, he was preferred to that for his Virtue which others received in consideration of their wealth. But Demetrius manifestly endeavoureth not only to exempt Aristides, but Socrates likewise from Poverty as a great Ill; for he saith the latter had not only an House of his own, but also seventy Minae put out to use with Crito.  
But Aristides being the familiar acquaintance of that Clesthenes, who settled the Government after the Expulsion of the thirty Tyrants, and above all Politicians imitating and admiring Lycurgus the Lacedaemonian, adhered to the Aristocratical way of Government; but had Themistocles Son to Neocles his Adversary in behalf of the Populacy. Some say that, being Boys and bred up together from their Infancy, they were always at variance with each other in all their Words and Actions as well serious as divertive, and that from this their contention they soon made discovery of their natural Inclinations; the one being ready, adventurous and subtle, soon and with much ease carried to any thing: the other a stayed and settled Temper and intent on the exercise of Justice, not admitting in any degree falsifying, ill language or deceit, no not so much as at his play. Aristo of Chios saith, their Enmity had its beginning from Love, and thence increased to so great an height; for being both enamoured of Stesilaus of Cea, the most beautiful of Youths, they were passionate beyond all moderation, neither laid they down their Rivalship even with the decaying Beauty of the Boy; but as it were exercised therein, they immediately applied themselves to public business with Heats and Differences.  
Themistocles therefore joined to a Party fortified himself with no inconsiderable strength, insomuch as to one who told him were he impartial he would govern Athens well; I wish, replied he, I may never sit on that Tribunal where my Friends shall not plead a greater Privilege than strangers. But Aristides was in a manner singular in his Politics, being unwilling in the first place to go along with his Associates in ill doing, or by not gratifying them therein to become displeasing to them; secondly, observing that many were encouraged by the Authority of their Friends to act injuriously; he was cautious; being of Opinion that the integrity of of his Words and Actions was the only security to a good Citizen. Howbeit Themistocles making many dangerous alterations, and withstanding and interrupting him in the whole Series of his Actions, he also was necessitated to set himself against all Themistocles did, partly in consideration of his Revenge, and partly to impede his Power still increasing by the favour of the Multitude; esteeming it better to forget some public conveniences rather than he by prevailing should be powerful in all things. In fine, when he once opposed Themistocles in an Action that was expedient and had the better of him, he could not refrain saying when he left the Assembly, that unless they sent Themistocles and himself to the 
* A Prison or Dungeon in Athens.  Barathrum there could be no safety for the Affairs of Athens. Another time moving a certain matter to the people, though there were opposition and stirring against it, yet he carried it. But the Precedent of the Assembly being about to put it to the Vote, perceiving by the Debates the inconvenience thereof, he let it fall. Also he often brought in his Bills by other persons, lest Themistocles, through his strife with him, should be any hindrance to the good of the Public.  
In any alteration of Affairs his Constancy was admirable, as not being puffed up with Honour, and demeaning himself undisturbed and sedately in Adversity, and also of Opinion that he ought to offer himself to the service of his Country unmercinary and without the Reward not only of Riches but even glory itself. Whence it is likely, at the recital of these Verses of Aeschylus in the Theatre relating to Amphiaraus.  
He aims at being just, not seeming so:  
Profound of Mind the fruit thereof to show;  
Where sage Advice, and prudent Counsels grow.  
The eyes of all the Spectators were converted on Aristides, as if this Virtue did in a most especial manner appertain unto him. For he was a most strong Champion for Justice, not only against Friendship and favour but wrath and malice. Therefore it is reported of him that prosecuting the Law against one who was his Enemy, and the Judges after accusation refusing to hear the Criminal, but immediately proceeding to pass Sentence upon him, he rose in haste from his Seat, and joined in Petition with him for a hearing, and that he might enjoy the privilege of the Law. Another time Judging between two private persons, the one declaring his Adversary had very much injured Aristides; Relate rather good Friend, he said, what wrong he hath done thee. For it is thy cause, not my own, which I now sit Judge of. Being chosen public Treasurer, he made it appear, that not only those of his time, but the preceding Officers had alienated much Treasure, and especially Themistocles. For he was a wise Man, but light fingered. Wherefore [Themistocles] associating several persons against Aristides and impeaching him when he gave in his Accounts, caused him to be condemned of robbing the Public; but the best and chiefest men of the City ill resenting it, he was not only exempt from the Fine imposed upon him, but likewise again designed to the same Employment. But pretending to repent him of his former practices, and carrying himself with more remissness, he became acceptable to such as had pillaged the Treasury, by not detecting or calling them to an exact account. So that those who had had their fill of the public Cash began highly to applaud Aristides, and sued to the people, making it their business to have him once more chosen Treasurer. But being upon the point of Election he reproved the Athenians. When I discharged you my Office well and faithfully, said he, I had dirt thrown in my face; but now I pass over many things in those who rob the Treasury, I seem an admirable Patriot. I am more ashamed therefore of this present Honour than the former Sentence, but I commiserate your condition, with whom it is more praiseworthy to oblige ill men, than conserve the Revenue of the Public. By saying thus and discovering their Thefts, he stopped the mouths of those who cried him up and vouched for him, but gained a real commendation from the best men.  
When Datis (being sent by Darius under pretence of revenging upon the Athenians. their burning of Sardis, but in reality to subjugate the Grecians to his Dominion) put in at Marathon and laid waste the Country, among the Commanders set over the Athenians to manage the War. Miltiades was of the greatest Authority; but the second place, both for Reputation and Power, was possessed by Aristides: and when his Opinion to join Battle was added to that of Miltiades, it did not a little incline the Balance. Every Leader by his Day having the Command in chief: When it came to [Aristides] his turn, he delivered it into the hands of Miltiades, giving his Fellow-Officers to understand that it is not dishonourable to obey and follow men of good Conduct, but the contrary and safe. So appeasing their contention, and exhorting them to acquiesce in one and the best Advice, he confirmed Miltiades in the strength of an undivided Authority. For now every one quitting their Day of Command had regard to him only. During the Fight the the main Body of the Athenians being the hardest put to it, the Barbarians for a long time making opposition there against the Tribes Leontis, and Antiochis, Themistocles and Aristides being ranged together fought valiantly; for the one was of the Tribe Leontis, the other of Antiochis. But after the had beaten the Barbarians back to their Ships, and perceived that they sailed not for the Isles, but were driven in by the force of Sea and Wind towards the Country of Attic; fearing lest they should take the City [of Athens] unprovided of defence, they sped away thither with nine Tribes, and reached it the same Day. But Aristides being left with his Tribe at Marathon to guard the Plunder and Prisoners deceived not the Opinion they had of him. For the abundance of Gold and Silver, of all sorts of Apparel, and an infinite number of other things that were in the Tents and Vessels they had taken, he had no desire to meddle with himself, nor suffered any else to do it, unless there were such who took away any thing unknown to him. Of this number was Callias the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Torchbearer; [in the Sacrifices of Ceres.] One of the Barbarians it seemeth prostrated himself before this man, supposing him to be a King by his Hair and Fillet: and when he had so done, taking him by the hand showed him a great quantity of Gold hid in a Ditch. But Callias the most cruel and impious of men, took away the Treasure but slew the Person, lest he should reveal it to any other. Hence they say the Comic Poets gave his Family the name of Laccopluti, or enriched by the Ditch, reflecting upon the place where Callias found the Gold. Aristides soon after this was Archon, although Demetrius the Phalerian saith he governed a little before he died, after the Battle of Plateae. But in the Records after Xanthippides in whose Year Mardonius was overthrown at Plateae, amongst very many there mentioned, there is not so much as one of the same Name as Aristides: But immediately after Phanippus, during whose Regency they obtained the Victory of Marathon, Aristides is Registered.  
Of all his Virtues the Vulgar were most affected with his Justice, because of its continual and common use. Whence being a Person of mean fortune and Birth, he possessed himself of the most Kingly and divine Appellation of Just. Which no King or Tyrant ever sought after; who have taken delight to be surnamed, 
a Demetrius, Polycrates,  Overcomers of Cities, 
b Seleucus, Ptolomeus Ceraunus,  Thunderers, 
c Demetrius Nicanor,  Conquerors, and some 
d Pyrrhus is surnamed 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, in the following Account of his Life.  Eagles, and 
e Antiochus' 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 etc.  Hawks; Affecting it seems the Reputation which proceeds from Power and Violence, rather than that of Virtue. Although the Divinity (to whom they desire to compare and assimilate themselves) excels in three things, Immortality, Power, and Virtue; but the most venerable and Divine is Virtue. For the Elements and Vacuum have Immortality; Earthquakes, Thunders, Storms, and Torrents, have great power; but as for Justice and Equity, nothing participates thereof except what is Divine, by the means of Sapience and Ratiocination. Wherefore there being three ways the Vulgar stand affected towards the Deity, an esteem of his happiness, a fear and honour of him; they seem to think him blest and happy for his want of Death and Corruption: to fear and reverence him for his Power and Dominion: But to love, honour, and adore him for his Justice. Nevertheless being thus disposed they covet that Immortality which our Nature is not capable of, and that Power the greatest part of which is at the disposal of Fortune; but foolishly postpone the only Divine good in us, Virtue: For as much as Justice makes such as are in Prosperty, Power and Authority to lead the life of a God, the contrary that of a Beast. Aristides therefore had, at first, the fortune to be beloved for this surname, but at length envied. Especially when Themistocles spread a Rumour amongst the people, that by determining and judging all matters by himself, having destroyed the Courts of Judicature, he secretly made way for a Monarchy in his own person without the assistance of Guards. Now the spirits of the people grown high, and set on great matters by reason of their late Victory, were offended at all of eminent Fame and Reputation. Coming together therefore from all parts into the City, they banished Aristides by the Ostracism, giving their Envy to his Reputation the Name of Fear of Tyranny. For it was not the punishment of any flagitious Act, but speciously termed the Depression and Restraint of exceeding Greatness and Power. It was a gentle mitigation of Envy, determining its malice to work Injuries in no intolerable thing, only a 10 years' Banishment. But after the People began to subject base and villainous Fellows hereunto, they desisted from it; Hyperbolus being the last whom they banished by the Ostracism.  
The cause of Hyperbolus his banishment is said to be this, Alcibiades and Nieias, Men that bore the greatest sway in the City were of different factions. As the people therefore were about to Vote the Ostracism and apparently to decree it against one of them; consulting together, and uniting their Parties, they contrived the Banishment of Hyperbolus. Whereupon the people being offended, as if some Contempt or Affront was put upon the thing, lest off and quite abolished it. It was performed, to be short in this manner, Every one taking the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or Shell, and writing upon it the Citizen's Name he would have banished, carried it to a certain part of the Marketplace surrounded with wooden Rails. First, the Magistrates numbered all the Shells in gross; (for if there were less than six hundred the Ostracism was imperfect,) then laying every Name by itself, they pronounced him whose Name was written by the major part banished for ten Years, enjoying his Estate. As therefore they were Inscribing their Shells, it is reported that a very illiterate clownish Fellow giving Aristides his Shel● as to one of the Mobile, entreated him to write Aristides upon it; but he being amazed and ask if Aristides had ever done him any injury, None at all, said he, neither know I the man, but am troubled to bear him spoken of every where, as a just Person. Aristides hearing this is said to have made no Reply but returned the Shell with the Inscription of his own Name. At his departure from the City, lifting up his Hands to Heaven, he prayed, as appears, contrary to Achilles, that the Athenians might never have any occasion which should constrain them to remember Aristides. Nevertheless three Years after, when Xerxes marched through Thessaly and Boeotia into the Country of Attica, Repealing the Law, they Decreed the return of the Banished; chiefly fearing Aristides, lest, joining himself to the Enemy, he should corrupt and bring over many of his Fellow Citizens to the party of the Barbarians, being mistaken in the Man, who, even before the Decree, was continually exciting and encouraging the Grecians to the defence of their Liberty; And afterwards when Themistocles was [General of the Athenians] he assisted him in all things both of Action and Council; rendering the greatest Enemy he had the most glorious of men in consideration of the common security. For when Eurybiades was deliberating to desert the Isle of Salamis, and the Galleys of the Barbarians putting out by Night to Sea, surrounded and beset the narro● passage and Islands; no body knowing ho● they were environed; Aristides undauntedly sailed from Aegina through the Enemy's Fleet, and coming by Night to Themistocle● his Pavilion, and calling him out by himself: If we are Wise, said he, Themistocle● laying aside at this time our vain and childish contention, let us enter upon a safe and honourable dispute, contending with each other fo● the preservation of Greece; you in the Ruling and Commanding, I in the Executive and Advising part. For as much as I now understand that you alone adhere to the best Advice in counselling without any delay to engage in th● Streights. And though our own party oppose● yet the Enemy seems to assist you herein. Fo● the Sea behind, and all around us is covered with their Fleet: so that we are under a necessity of approving ourselves men of Courage and Fight, whether we will or no; fo● there is no room left us for flight. To which Themistocles answered, I would not willingly Aristides, be overcome by you on this occasion: and shall endeavour, in emulation 〈◊〉 this commendable beginning to go beyond th● same in my Actions. Also relating to hi● the Stratagem he had framed against th● Barbarians, he entreated him to persuade Eurytiades and show him, how it was impossible they should save themselves without an Engagement. For he gave more to him. Whence in the Council of War, Cleocritus the Corinthian telling Themistocles that Aristides did not like his Advice, for he was present and said nothing: Aristides ●nswered, That he should not hold his peace if Themistocles did not speak that which was ●ost expedient, but that he was now silent not ●ut of any good will to the person, but in approbation of his Counsel. In this sort were ●he Grecian Captains busied. But Aristides ●erceiving Psyttalias a small Island that lieth within the straits over against Salamis whol● taken up by the Enemy, he put aboard ●is Tenders the most forward and courageous 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  of his Countrymen, and went ashore ●pon it; and joining Battle with the barbarous people, slew them all, except such remarkable Persons as were taken alive. A●ongst these were three Children of Can●auce the King's Sister, whom he immediately sent away to Themistocles, and it is re●orted, that according to a certain Oracle, ●hey were by the Command of Euphrantides ●he Seer, sacrificed to Bacchus Omestes, or ●he Devourer. But Aristides surrounding ●he Island with Armed Men, lay in wait ●r such as were cast thereon, to the intent none of his Friends should perish, or any of his Enemies escape. For the greatest engagement of the Ships, and the main fury of the whole Battle, seemeth to have been about this place. Wherefore a Trophy was erected in Psyttalias.  
After the fight Themistocles, to sound Aristides, told him they had performed a good piece of service, but there was a better yet to be done, the keeping Asia in Europe by sailing forthwith to the Hellespont and cutting in sunder the Bridg. But Aristides exclaiming, desired him to let fall the Discourse, but to deliberate and Essay, as soon as possible, to remove the Mede out of Greece, lest being enclosed through want of means to escape, necessity should convert him to force his way with so great an Army. So Themistocles once more dispatched Arnaces the Eunuch his Prisoner, giving him in Command privately to advertise the King that he had diverted the Greeks from their intention o● setting Sail for the Bridges out of a desire h● had to preserve him. Xerxes' being much terrified herewith, immediately sped t● the Hellespont. But Mardonius was le●● with the most serviceable part of the Army, about three hundred thousand 〈◊〉 and was formidable, through 〈◊〉 great confidence he had reposed in his Infantry menacing the Grecians and writing to the● in this manner, You have overcome by Sea Men accustomed to sight on Land and unskilled at the Oar; but now there is in the Champaign Country of Thessaly, and the Plains of Beeotia convenient for the Valiant, either Horse or Foot to contend in. But he sent privately to the Athenians both by Letter and word of Mouth from the King, promising to re-edify their City, to give them a vast sum of Money, and constitute them Lords of all Greece, on condition they were not engaged in the War. The Lacedæmonians being advertised hereof, and fearing, dispatched an Embassy to the Athenians, entreating that they would send their Wives and Children to Sparta, and receive Alimony from them for their superannuated. For being spoiled both of their City and Country an extreme poverty oppressed the people. Having given Audience to the Ambassadors, they returned an Answer upon the motion of Aristides, which was to admiration, declaring that they forgave their Enemies if they thought all things purchasable by wealth, than which they knew nothing of greater value; but that they were highly offended at the Lacedæmonians, because they ●ad respect only to their present poverty and exigence, without any remembrance of their ●alour and Magnanimity, when they ex●ort them to fight in the cause of Greece for the reward of their Bread. Aristides making this Proposal, and bringing back the Ambassadors into the Assembly, charged them to tell the Lacedæmonians, that all the Treasure in the whole World was 〈◊〉 of that value with the people of Athens as the liberty of Greece. And showing the Su● to those who came from Mardonius, as long as that retains the same course, so long said he, shall the Citizens of Athens wage War with the Persians for that Country which has been wasted, and those Temples that have been profaned and burnt by them. Moreover, he preferred a Decree that the Priests should Anathematise him who sent any Embassage● to the Medes, or deserted the Alliance of Greece.  
When Mardonius made a second Incursion into the Country of Attica, 
* The Athenians.  they passed over again to the Isle of Salamis. But Aristides being sent to Lacedaemon, reproved in them their delay and neglect, as abandoning Athens once more to the Barbarians but demanded their assistance for that par● of Greece which was not yet lost. The Ephori, hearing this, made show of sporting all Day, and carelessly keeping Holiday (fo● they celebrated the Hiacynthia.) But in th● night selecting five thousand persons, each o● which was attended by seven Ilotes, they sent them forth unknown to those o● Athens. And when Aristides came again to reprehend them, they told him in derision that he either doted or dreamt, for the Army was already at Oresteum in their march towards the Strangers; (for so they called the Persians.) But Aristides said they jested unseasonably, deluding their Friends instead of their Enemies. Thus says Idomeneus. But in the Decree of Aristides, not himself but Cimon, Xanthippus and Muronides are appointed Ambassadors. Being chose General of the War, he repaired to Plateae with eight thousand Athenians, where Pausanias' Generalissimo of all Greece, joined him with the Spartans', and the forces of the other Grecians came in to t●em. The whole Camp of the Barbarians being extended all along the Bank of the River Asopus, their numbers were so great there was no bounding them, but their Carriages and most valuable things they surrounded with a square Bulwark, each side of which was the length of ten furlongs.  
Now Tisamenes of this had prophesied ●o Pausanias and all the Grecians, and fore●old them the Victory if they made no attempt upon the Enemy, but stood on their defence. But Aristides sending to Delphos, ●he God answered, that the Athenians should overcome their Enemies, in case they made supplication to Jupiter and Juno of Cithaeron, Pan and the Nymphs Sphragitides, and sacrificed to the Heroes Androcrates, 〈◊〉, Pisander, Damocrates, Hypsion, Actaeon, and Polyidus; and if they fought within their own Territories in the Plain of Ceres Eleusina and Proserpina. Aristides was perplexed at the return of this Oracle: for the Heroes to whom it commanded him to Sacrifice, had been Chieftains of the Plataeans, and the Cave of the Nymphs Sphragitides was on the top of Mount Cithaeron, on that side which in the Summer season in opposed to the setting Sun; In which place, as Fame goeth, there was formerly an Oracle, and many that dwe●● 〈◊〉 those parts were inspired with it, whom t●●y called Nympholepti, possessed with th● Nymphs; But the Plain of Ceres Eleusina and giving Victory to the Athenians, if they fought in their own Territories, recalled again and transferred the War into the Country of Attica. In this Juncture Arimnestu● who commanded the Plataeans, dreamt that Jupiter the Saviour, ask him what the Grecians had resolved upon; he answered▪ To morrow, Lord, we march our Army to Eleusis and there give the Barbarians Battle according to the directions of the Oracle of Apollo; And that the God replied they were utterly mistaken, for that the places spoken o● by the Oracle were within the bounds of Plateae, and if they sought there they should find them. These things appearing plainly to Arimnestus, when he awoke, he sent for the most aged and experienced of his Countrymen, with whom communicating and examining the matter, he found that near Nysia at the foot of Mount Cithaeron, there was a very ancient Temple called the Temple of Ceres Eleusina and Proserpina: therefore he forthwith took Aristides to the place, as being very convenient to embattel an Army of Foot, because the bottom of the Mountain Cithaeron rendered the Plain, where it cometh up to the Temple, inaccessible to those whose strength consisted in Cavalry. Also in the same place there was the Fane of Androcrates environed with a thick shady Grove. And that the Oracle might be accomplished in all particulars for the hope of Victory, the Platoeans decreed, Arimnestus motioning the thing, that the frontiers of their Country towards Attica should be removed, and the ground where the bounds were set given to the Athenians that they might fight in defence of Greece in their own proper Dominions. This liberality of the Plataeans became so famous, that Alexander many years after having obtained the Dominion of all Asia, when he erected the Walls of Plataea, caused Proclamation to be made by the Herald at the Olympic Games, that the King did the Plataeans this favour in consideration of their good deed and magnanimity, because in the War with the Medes they freely gave their Land to the Grecians.  
The Tegeatae striving with the Athenians for place, demanded, That, according to custom, the Lacedæmonians being ranged in the right Wing of the Battle, they might have the left, alleging several things in commendation of their Ancestors. But the Athenians being moved to indignation, Aristides coming forth into the midst of them; To contend with the Tegeatae, said he, for good Quality and Valour the present time permits not: but this we say to you, O you Spartans, and you the rest of the Greeks, that the place neither takes away nor contributes courage: But we shall endeavour by crediting and maintaining the Post you design us, to reflect no dishonour on our former performances. For we are come, not to differ with our Friends, but, fight our Enemies; not to extol our Ancestors, but to behave ourselves towards Greece as valiant Men: For as much as this Battle will manifest what esteem each City, Captain and private Soldier is to bear in the Opinion of the Grecians. This the Council of War hearing, applauded the Athenians, and gave them the other Wing of the Battle.  
All Greece being in suspense, and especially the affairs of the Athenians unsettled, certain persons of great Families and Possessions, having been impoverished by the War, and seeing all their Authority and Reputation in the City vanished with their Wealth; others being possessed of their Honours and Places, convened privately at a House in Plataea and conspired the dissolution of the Commonwealth. And if the Plot should not succeed, to ruin things, and betray all to the barbarous people. These matters being in agitation in the Camp, and many persons already corrupted; Aristides perceiving the design, and dreading the present juncture of time, determined neither to let the business pass unanimadverted upon, nor yet totally to detect it, not knowing how many the Accusation might reach; willing rather to set bounds to his Justice than the public convenience. Therefore, of many that were concerned, he apprehended eight only, two of which, who were first proceeded against and most guilty (Aeschines of Lampra, and Agesias of Acharnae) made their escape out of the Camp. The rest he dismissed; giving opportunity to such as thought themselves concealed to be bold and repent; declaring that they had the War the great Tribunal to clear their guilt by manifesting their sincere and good intentions towards their Country.  
After this Mardonius made Trial of the Grecian courage, by sending a very great number of Horse, wherein he thought himself much the stronger against them, who were all pitched at the foot of Mount Cithaeron, in strong and rocky places, except the Megareans. But they being three thousand in number were encamped on the plainer ground, by which means they were damaged by the Horse charging and making inroads upon them on all hands. They sent ●herefore in haste to Pausanias, demanding relief, as not being able alone to sustain the great numbers of the Barbarians. Pausanias' hearing this, and perceiving the Tents of the Megareans already covered with a multitude of Darts and Arrows, and they contracted into a narrow space, was at a loss himself how to aid them with his Battalion of heavy-armed Lacedæmonians. But to the other Captains and Commanders about him, he proposed it as a subject of Emulation in Valour and Glory, if any would voluntarily take upon them the defence and succour of the Megareans. The rest being backward, Aristides undertook the enterprise for the Athenians, and sent Olympiodorus the most valiant of his inferior Officers with three hundred chosen Men and some Archers under his Command. These persons being soon in readiness, and running upon the Enemy, as soon as Masistius who commanded the Barbarians Horse, a man of wonderful strength and extraordinary Bulk and comeliness of person, perceived it, turning his Steed he made towards them. And they sustaining the shock and joining Battle with him, there was a sharp Conflict, as if by this Encounter they were to try the success of the whole War. But after Masistius his Horse being wounded with an Arrow, flung him, (and he falling could hardly raise himself through the weight of his Armour, and the Athenians pressing upon him with blows, was not without difficulty to be wounded, being armed completely with Gold, Brass, and Iron,) a certain person running him in at the Visor of his Helmet, slew him, and the rest of the Persians, leaving the Body, fled. The greatness of the Grecians success was known, not by the multitude of the slain (for an inconsiderable number were killed) but the sorrow the Barbarians expressed. For they shaved themselves, their Horses and Mules for the death of Masistius, and filled the Plain with howling and lamentation; having lost a Person who next to Mardonius himself, was by many degrees the Chief among them both for Valour and Authority.  
After this skirmish of the Horse they kept from fight a long time; for the Sooth sayers by the Sacrifices foretold the Victory both to Greeks and Persians if they stood upon the defensive part only, but if the Aggressors the contrary. At length Mardonius when he had but a few days provision, and the Grecian forces increased continually by some or other that came in to them, impatient of delay determined to lie still no longer; but, passing Asopus by day break, to fall unexpectedly upon the Grecians, and signified the same over Night to the Captains of his Host. But about Midnight a certain Horseman stole into the Greek Camp, and coming to the Watch desired them to call Aristides the Athenian to him, who with speed obeying the Summons; I am, said he, Alexander King of Macedonia, but am arrived here through the greatest danger in the World for the good will I bear you, lest a sudden Onsent should so dismay you, that you behave yourselves in the fight worse than usual. For to morrow Mardonius will give you Battle, not moved thereto by any hope of success or Courage, but want of Victuals. For the Prognosticators by their ill-aboding Sacrifices and Oracles prohibit him the Battle. And the Army is in great despair and Consternation; but necessity emboldens him to try his Fortune, or sit still and endure the last extremity of want. Alexander thus saying, entreated Aristides to take notice of and remember the same, and not reveal it to any other. But he told him, it was not convenient to conceal the matter from Pausanias (because he was General) but as for any other, he determined to keep it secret from them till such time as the Battle was fought; but if the Grecians obtained the Victory, that then no one should be ignorant of Alexander's good will and kindness towards them. After this, the King of Macedonia road back again, and Aristides went to Pausanias' his Pavilion and told him what had been said; and they sent for the rest of the Captains, and gave Orders that the Army should be in Battle Array.  
Here (according to Herodotus) Pausanias spoke to Aristides, desiring him to transfer his Athenians to the right Wing of the Army opposite to the Persians (for that they would do better service against them, having been experienced in their way of Combat, and emboldened with their former Victories) and give him the left, where the Medizing Greeks were to make their Assault. The rest of the Athenian Captains therefore looked upon Pausanias as very unjust and arrogant, because permitting the rest of the Army to keep their stations, he removed them only from place to place like so many Slaves opposing them 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  ********** to the greatest strength of the Enemy▪ 〈◊〉 Aristides said, they were altogether 〈◊〉 if they of late contended with the ●●geatae for the right Wing, and gloried in ●●ing preferred before them; but now wh●● the Lacedæmonians give them place in the l●ft, and yielded them in a manner the leading of the Army, they neither are contented with the honour that is done them, nor look ●●on it as an advantage not to fight against their Countrymen and Kindred, but Bar●arians, and such as were by nature their Enemies. Hereupon the Athenians very ●●dily changed places with the Lacedæmonians, and there went a great talk amongst them as they were encouraging each other, that the Enemy approached with no better Arms or stouter Hearts than those who fought the Battle of Marathon; but had the same embroidered Coats and Gold upon their delicate Bodies and effeminate Minds: but we have the same Weapons and Bodies, and our Courage augmented by our Victories; and fight not like them 
* The Lacedæmonians.  in defence of our Country only, but for the Trophies of Salamis and Marathon; that they may not be looked upon as due to Miltiades or Fortune, but the people of Athens. Thus therefore were they making haste to change the Order of their Battle. But the Thebans understanding it by their Fugitives, forthwith acquaint Mardonius; and he, either for fear of the Athenians, or a desire to engage the Lacedæmonians, marched over his Persians to the Right, and commanded the Greeks of his party to be posted opposite to the Athenians. But this Transposition being mainifest, both Pausanias, wheeling about again, ranged himself in the Right, and Mardonius, as at first took the left Wing over against the Lacedaenians. So the day passed without Action.  
After this the Grecians determined in Council to remove their Camp something further, to possess themselves of a place convenient for watering, because the Springs near them were troubled and polluted by the Barbarian Cavalry. But Night being come, and the Captains marching towards the place designed for their encamping, the Soldiers were not very ready to follow, and keep in a Body, but as soon as they passed the first fortifications made towards the City of Plateae, and a great Tumult was there caused by those who were dispersed, and pitched their Tents in disorder. The Lacedæmonians, though against their wills, had the fortune to be left by the rest. For Amompharetus a brave and daring Man, who being a long time before fired with a desire of the Fight, and ill resenting their many linger and delays, calling the removal of the Camp a mere running away and flight, protested 〈◊〉 would not desert his Post, but there to 〈◊〉 main with his Company, and sustain the charge of Mardonius. And when Pausanias came to him and told him he did the●● things by the Votes and determinations of the Grecians, Amompharetus taking up a great stone and flinging it at Pausanias his feet, and by this token, said he, do I give my suffrage for the Battle, not minding the cowardly Consultations and Decrees of other Men. Pausanias not knowing what to do in the present juncture sent to the Athenians, who were drawing off, to stay and accompany him; so he himself marched the rest of the Army to Plateae to the intent to make Amompharetus move.  
In the interim Day came upon them, and Mardonius (for he was not ignorant of the Grecians deserting their Camp) having his Army in Array, fell upon the Lacedæmonians with great shouting and noise of the barbarous people, as if they were not about to join Battle, but spoil the Greeks in their flight. Which within a very little time came to pass. For Pausanias' perceiving what was done made a halt, and commanded every one to put themselves in order for the Battle, but (either through his anger with Amompharetus, or the disturbance he was in by reason of the sudden approach of the Enemy) forgot to give the Grecians the Word. Whence it was that they came not immediately, or in a body, to their assistance, but by small Companies and straggling when the Fight was already begun. [For Pausanias] offering Sacrifice, he found it not acceptable to the Gods, so commanded the Lacedæmonians, laying down their Shields at their feet to abide quietly and attend his directions, making no resistance to any of their Enemies. And offering a second time, as the Hors● charged, one of the Lacedæmonians was 〈◊〉. At this time also Callicrates, who, by report, was the most comely proper man in the Army, being shot with an Arrow and upon the point of expiring, said, that he lamented not his death (for he came from home to lay down his life in the defence of Greece) but that he died without Action. The case was hard, and wonderful the forbearance of the Men; for they Repelled not the Enemy that charged them, but expecting their opportunity from the Gods and their General, suffered themselves to be wounded and slain in their ranks: some ●y, that Pausanias' being at Sacrifice and Prayers some space out of the Battle, that certain Lydians falling suddenly upon him plundered and squandered the Sacrifice. But that Pausanias and his Company having no Arms beat them with Staffs and Whips. W●●●●fore at this day in imitation of this Inva●●●● the whipping the boys about the 〈◊〉 in Sparta, and after that the Lydian ●●●cession is performed Pausanias' 〈◊〉 being troubled at these things, the 〈◊〉 offering one Sacrifice after another, 〈◊〉 himself towards the Temple with 〈◊〉 his eyes, and lifting up his hands to ●eaven, beseeched Juno of Cithaeron and the ●ther tutelar Gods of the Plataeans, if it 〈◊〉 not in the 〈…〉 the Grecians to 〈◊〉 the Victory, that ●●nt might perish, performing some remarkable thing, by their Actions demonstrating to their Enemies, that th●● waged war with men of Courage and Soul●●ers. These Prayers of Pausanias being heard 〈◊〉 he made his Supplications, the Sacrif●●● appeared propitious, and the Soothsayer foretold the Victory. The word being ●ven, the Lacedaemonian▪ Battalion of 〈◊〉 seemed on the sudden like some one fierce Animal, setting up his Bristles and betaking himself to the Combat. Then it was th●● the Barbarians considered they encountered with men who would fight it to the death wherefore holding their Targets befor● them they shot their Arrows amongst 〈◊〉 Lacedæmonians. But they keeping together in the order of a Phalanx, and ●●●ling upon them, forced their Targets 〈◊〉 of their hands, and smiting the breasts and faces of the Persians overthrew many of them, who fell not either unrevenged or without courage. For taking hold of the Spears with their bare hands, they broke many of them, and betook themselves not in vain to Swords drawing, but making use of their Battleaxes and Falchion's, and wresting the Lacedæmonians Shields from them, and grappling with them, it was a long time that they made resistance.  
In the mean time the Athenians stood still in expectation of the Lacedæmonians. But when they heard the noise of those that were engaged in the Fight, and a Messenger, ●s they say, came from Pausanias to advertise them of what was done, they soon sped to their assistance. And as they passed ●●rough the Plain to the place where the ●oise was, the Greeks who took part with ●he Enemy came upon them. But Aristides 〈◊〉 soon as he saw them going a considerable ●●ce before the rest, cried out to them, conkling them by the Guardian Gods of Greece 〈◊〉 forbear the fight, and be no impediment 〈◊〉 stop to them, who were succouring per●●●s that fought in defence of Greece. But ●●en he perceived they gave no attention 〈◊〉 him, and had prepared themselves for 〈◊〉 Battle, then turning from the present 〈◊〉 (of the Lacedæmonians) he engaged them being five thousand in number. But the gr●●test part soon gave way and retreated, for the Barbarians also were put to flight. The sharpest Conflict is said to have been against the Thebans, the chiefest and most powerful persons among them at that time ●●ding with the Medes, and leading the multitude not according to their own inclinations, but as being subjects of an Oligarchy. The Battle being thus divided, the Lacedæmonians first beat off the Persians; and a Spartan named Arimnestus, slew Mardonius by a blow on the head with a stone, as the Oracle in the Temple of Amphiaraus, foretold him. For Mardonius sent a Lydian thither, and another person a Carian to the Cave of Trophonius. This latter, the Priest o● the Oracle answered in his own Language▪ But the Lydian sleeping in the Temple o● Amphiaraus, it seemed unto him that a certain Minister of the Gods stood before him and commanded him to be gone; but refusing to do it, he flung a great stone at 〈◊〉 Head, so that he thought himself slain wit● the blow. In this manner are these things said to come to pass. But they 
* The Lacedæmonians.  blocke● up those that fled within their Walls 〈◊〉 Wood: and a little time after the Athenian put the Thebans to flight, killing three hundred of the chiefest and of greatest not among them in the Fight. For when the began to fly, news came that the Army of the Barbarians was besieged within their Rampires. So giving the Greeks opportunity to save themselves, they marched to assist them at the fortifications. And coming in to the Lacedæmonians who were altogether unhandy and unexperienced in Storming, they took the Camp with great slaughter of the Enemy; for of three hundred thousand, forty thousand only are said to escape with Artabasus; but on the Grecians side there perished in all thirteen hundred and sixty: of which were fifty two Athenians all of the Tribe Aiantis that fought (saith Clidemus) with the greatest courage of any, (wherefore those of that Tribe, according ●o the Oracle of Apollo, offered Sacrifice ●●r the Victory to the Nymphs Sphragitides at the expense of the public.) There were ninety one Lacedæmonians and sixteen Tegeatae. It is strange therefore upon what grounds Herodotus saith, that they only, ●●d none other, encountered the Enemy; ●or the number of the slain and their Monuments testify that the Victory was obtained ●y all in general: and if the rest standing ●ill, the Inhabitants of three Cities only had ●een engaged in the fight, they would not ●ave set this Inscription on an Altar.  
The Persians chased by valiant deeds of War, This common Altar the freed Greeks did rear, Sacred to Jupiter the 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Deliverer.  
They fought this Battle on the fourth day of the Month Boedromion, according to 
August.  the stile of the Athenians, but in that of the Boeotians the twenty seventh of Pa●● 〈…〉 s; on which day there is still a Convention of the Greeks at Plateae, and those of that place offer Sacrifice for the Victory to Jupiter the Deliverer. As for the difference of Days it is not to be wondered at, seeing at this time when there is a more accurate search made into matters relating to Astronomy, some make one some another beginning and ending of the Month.  
After this the Athenians, not yielding the honour of the Day to the Lacedæmonians, nor consenting they should erect 〈◊〉 Trophy, things were well nigh ruined by a dissension amongst the armed Greeks had not Aristides by much soothing and counselling the Commanders, especially Leocrites and Muronides, pacified and persuaded them to leave the thing to the Decision of the Grecians. And they debating the matter; Theogiton the Megarean declared the honour of the Victory was to b● given some other City, if they would prevent a Civil War. After him Cleocritus of Corinth rising up, made people think he would ask the Palm for the Corinthians (for next to Sparta and Athens Corinth was in greatest estimation;) But he delivered his Opinion, which had the good liking and Admiration of all, in favour of the Plataeans; and counselled to take away all contention by giving them the Reward and glory of the Victory, whose being honoured could be disgusted by neither Party. This being said, first Aristides gave consent in the name of the Athenians, and Pausanias for the Lacedæmonians. So being reconciled, they set apart fourscore Talents for the Plataeans, wherewith they built a Temple and dedicated an Image to Minerva, and adorned the Temple with Pictures which even to this very day retain their Lustre. But the Lacedæmonians and Athenians, each erected a Trophy apart by themselves. Consulting the Oracle about offering of Sacrifice, Apollo answered, that they should dedicate an Altar to Jupiter the Deliverer, but not to sacr●●●ce, till extinguishing the Fire throughout the Country, as having been defiled by the Barbarians, they kindled unpolluted Fire at the Common Altar at Delphos. The Magistrates of Greece therefore went forthwith and compelled such as had Fire to put it out; and Euclidas a Plataean, promising to fetch Fire, with all possible speed, from the Altar of the God, went to Delphos, and having sprinkled and purified his body, crowned himself with Laurel, and taking the fire from the Altar ran back to Plateae, and returned before Sun set: performing the same day a Journey of a thousand Stadiums'; but saluting his fellow Citizens, 
125 Italian Miles.  and delivering them the fire, he immediately fell down, and in a short time after expired. Bu● 〈◊〉 Plataeans taking him up interred him 〈◊〉 the Temple of Diana Euclia, setting this Inscription over him, Euclidas ran to Delphos and back again in one Day; Many are of Opinion that Euclia is Diana and call her by that Name. But some say she was the Daughter of Hercules and Myrto the Daughter of Menaetius and sister of Patroclus, who dying a Virgin was worshipped by the Baeotians and Locrians. Her Altar and Image are set up in all their Market-places, and those of bot● Sexes that are about Marrying, Sacrifice to her before the Nuptials.  
A general Assembly of all the Greeks being called, Aristides proposed a Decree, that the Deputies of Greece and the Overseers of things Holy might assemble annually at Plateae, and every fifth Year celebrate the Games of Liberty. And that there should be a Levy upon all Greece, for the War against the Barbarians, of ten thousand Spearmen, one thousand Horse, and an hundred Sail of Ships; but the Plataeans to be exempt and sacred to the service of the Gods, offering Sacrifice for the welfare of Greece. These things being ratified, the Plataeans undertook the performing an Annual Sacrifice to such as were slain and buried in that Place; which they still perform in this manner. On the sixteenth day of 
* Septem-  Maimacterion (which with the Baeotians is Alalcomenius) they make their Procession, the which, beginning by break of Day, is led by a Trumpeter sounding a Point of War; then follow certain Chariots loaden with Myrrh and Garlands, and a black Bull: then come the young men of free Birth carrying Libations of Wine and Milk in large two-eared Vessels, and Jars of Oil and precious Ointments (for it is not permitted any of servile condition to have any hand in this Ministration, because the men died in defence of their Liberty) after all comes the chief Magistrate of Plateae (for whom although it be unlawful at other times either to touch Iron or wear any other coloured Garment but wh●●e) at that time apparelled in a Purple 〈◊〉; and taking a Waterpot out of the City Chamber, proceeds, bearing a Sword in his Hand through the middle of the Town to the Sepulchers: Then drawing Water out of a Spring he washes and anoints the ellars of the Monuments, and sacrificing the Bull upon a Pile of Wood, and making supplication to Jupiter and Mercury of the Earth, invites those Valiant Men who perished in the defence of Greece to the Banquet and Parentations; After this filling a Bowl with Wine, and pouring it out, he saith, I drink to those persons who lost their lives for the liberty of Greece. These Solemnities even to this day do the Plataeans observe.  
Aristides perceived that the Athenians after their return into the City endeavoured at a Democracy, and as well deeming the People worthy his care in consideration of their valiant behaviour, as also that it was a matter of difficulty, they being powerful and much conceited of their Victories, to deal with them by force, he makes a Proposal that every one might share in the Government, and Magistrates be chosen out of the whole body of the Athenians. Themistocles telling the People in Assembly that he had some Advice for them, which was not to be given in Public, but of great advantage and security to the City; they commanded Aristides only to hear and consider of it with him. And he acquainting Aristides that his intent was to set fire on the Grecian Fleet (for by that means should the Athenians become most powerful and Lords of all) Aristides returning to the Assembly, told them, that nothing was more advantageous than what Themistocles designed, nor nothing more unjust; The Athenians hearing this, gave Themistocles order to desist; Such lovers of Justice were the People, and such Credit and confidence did they repose in this Man.  
Being sent in joint Commission with Cimon to the Wars, he took notice that Pausanias and the other Spartan Captains were morose and crabbed to the Confederates, and by being himself gentle and courteous in his Conversation, and making Cimon agreeable and sociable in his Expeditions, he stole away the chief Command from the Lacedæmonians neither by Weapons, Ships, or Horses, but by his civility and good behaviour. For the Athenians being endeared to the Grecians by the justice of Aristides and Cimon's moderation, the Tyranny and Austerity of Pausanias rendered them yet more desirable: for he always discoursed the Commanders of the Confederates hastily and roughly, and the Common Soldiers he punished with stripes, or standing under the Iron Anchor for a whole day together, neither was it permitted any to provide straw for themselves to lie on, or forage for their Horses, or come near the Springs to Water before the Spartans' were furnished, but servants with Whips drove away such as approached. Concerning which things when▪ Aristides once was about to expostulate with and reprimand Pausanias, he told him with an angry look that he was not at leisure, and gave no attention to him. Hereupon, both the Sea Captains and Commanders of the Land Army of the Grecians coming to Aristides persuaded him to be their General, and receive the Confederates into his Command who had long desired to relinquish the Spartans' and come over to the Athenians. But he answered, that he saw both Equity and Necessity in what they said, but their fidelity stood in need of some Action, the performance of which might keep the multitude from changing their minds, Vliades the Samian, and Antagoras of Chios, conspiring together boarded Pausanias his Galley, getting her between them as she was sailing before the rest. But when Pausanias beholding them rose up, and furiously threatened soon to make them know that they had not attempted upon his Galley, but their own natural Country, they willed him to depart and thank Fortune that fought for him at Plateae; for hitherto in reverence to that the Grecians did not inflict condign punishment upon him. In the end they revolted to the Athenians. And here the magnanimity of the Lacedæmonians was wondered. For when they perceived that their Generals were corrupted by the greatness of their Authority, they voluntarily laid down the chief Command, and left off sending any more of them to the Wars, choosing rather to have Citizens of Moderation and perseverance in their Customs and Manners than to possess the Dominion of all Greece.  
Now even during the Command of the Lacedæmonians, the Grecians paid a certain Contribution towards the maintenance of the War; and being desirous to have all particular, Persons, Town by Town, rated their due proportion, they desired Aristides of the Athenians, and gave him Command, surveying the Country and Revenue, to Sesse every one according to their ability and what they were worth. But he being so largely impowered, Greece as it were permitting all her Affairs to his sole management, went out Poor, and returned Poorer; laying the Tax not only without corruption and injustice, but with the good liking and convenience of all. For as the Ancients celebrated the age of Saturn; so did the Confederates of Athens, Aristides his Taxation▪ terming it the happy Time of Greece, and that more especially, the same being in a short time doubled, and soon after treble. For the Assessment which Aristides made was four hundred and sixty Talents. But to this Pericles added very near one third part more, for Thucydides saith, that in the beginning of the [Peloponnesian] War, the Athenians had coming in from their Confederates six hundred Talents. But after Pericles his death, the Demagogues increasing by little and little, raised it to the sum of thirteen hundred Talents, not through the Wars being so expensive and chargeable, either in the length or ill success thereof, as by their exciting the people to Largesses, Play-House-expences, and the erecting of Statues and Temples. Aristides therefore acquiring a wonderful and great Reputation by his levying the Tribute, Themistocles is said to deride him as if this were not the commendation of a Man but a Moneybag, making a dislike return to the free speech of Aristides. For he, when Themistocles once was saying, that he thought the chiefest Virtue of a General was to understand and foreknow the Measures the Enemy would take, replied, This indeed, Themistocles, is necessary, but abstinence from bribes is an excellent thing and truly worthy a General.  
Moreover, Aristides made all the people of Greece swear (to keep the League) and himself took the Oath in the name of the Athenians, flinging Wedges of red hot Iron into the Sea after Curses [pronounced against them that should make breach of their Vow.] But afterwards, it seems, when things were at such a pass as constrained them to govern with a stronger hand, he advised the Athenians, throwing the Perjury upon him, to manage Affairs as their convenience required. Upon the whole matter Theophrastus tells us, this Person was in his own private affairs, and those of his fellow Citizens nicely just, but that in public matters he did many things according to the state and condition of his Country, as frequently requiring acts of injustice. It is reported of him, that he should say to one who was in debate whether he should convey the Treasure from Delos to Athens contrary to the League at the persuasion of the Samians, that the thing indeed was not just but expedient.  
In fine, having established the Dominion of his City over so many people, he himself remained indigent; and always delighted as much in the glory of being Poor, as in that of his Trophies. And it is evident from this: Callias the Torchbearer 〈◊〉 related to him: This Person his Enemi●● prosecuting in a Capital cause, when they had slightly argued the matters whereof they indicted him; thus, nothing to the point, bespoke the Judges: You know, said they, Aristides the Son of Lysimachus, who is the Admiration of all Greece: In what 〈◊〉 condition do you think his Family is in at his House, when you see him appear in public in such a threadbare Cloak? Is it not probable therefore, that, not keeping the cold from him abroad, he wants food and other necessaries at home? yet this Man, though his Cousin-German, doth Callias the most wealthy of the Athenians take no care for, being with his Wife and Children in a necessitous condition; having made use of him in many cases, and often reaped advantage by his Interest with you. But Callias perceiving the Judges were moved hereby, and exasperated against him, Subpoena'd Aristides, requiring him to testify that when he frequently offered him divers presents, and entreated him to accept them, he refused, answering, that it became him better to be proud of his Poverty than Callias of his Wealth: for there are many to be seen that make a good and bad use of Riches, but it is hard to meet with one who bravely suffers Poverty; but that they should be ashamed of it who sustained it against their Wills. Aristides deposing these things in favour of Callias, there was none who heard them that went not away desirous rather to be Poor like Aristides, than Rich as Callias. Thus Aeschines the follower of Socrates writes. But Plato of all the great and renowned Men in the City of Athens, declares this person only worthy of consideration; for Themistoles, Cimon, and Pericles filled the City with Porticoes, Treasure, and many other vain things, but Aristides squared his Actions by the Rule of Justice. Great were the manifestations of his Moderation even towards Themistocles himself. For though he was his Adversary in all his undertake, and the cause of his Banishment, when he afforded an opportunity of Revenge being accused to the City he bore him no malice; but Alcmaeon, Cimon, and many others, Prosecuting and Impeaching him; Aristides only neither did nor said any ill against him, nor insulted over his Enemy in his Adversity, as he never envied him his Prosperity.  
Some say Aristides died in Pontus, going by Sea upon the Affairs of the Public. Others that he died of Old Age at Athens, being in great Honour and Veneration amongst his fellow Citizens. But Craterus the Lacedoemonian speaks of his Death in this manner. After the Banishment of Themistocles, he saith, the people growing insolent, there arose a great number of Evidences, who impeaching the Nobility and principal men in the City, subjected them to the Envy of the multitude, swelled with their good fortune and Power. Amongst which Aristides was condemned of Bribery, upon the Accusation of Diophantus of Amphitrope, for taking Money from the jonians, when he was Collector of the Tribute. But of this Craterus bringeth no written proof neither the Sentence of his Condemnation nor the decree of the People; though he is wont fairly to set down such things, and cite● his Authors: almost all others who have discoursed of the miscarriages of the People towards their Generals, collect together and treat of the Banishment of Themistocles, Miltiades his Bonds, Pericles his Fine, and the death of Paches in the Judgment-Hall, who upon receiving Sentence, slew himself before the Tribunal, with many things o● the like nature; and they add the Banishment of Aristides; but of this his condemnation they make no mention. Moreover, h●● Monument is to be seen at Phalera, whic● they say was built him by the City, a● not leaving enough even to defray Funeral Charges. And Story saith, that h● two Daughters were publicly married o● of the Prytaneum or Common Treasur● by the City, decreeing each of them three hundred Drachmas for her Portion; But upon his Son Lysimachus the people bestowed an hundred Minae of Silver, and a Plantation of as many Acres of ground, and ordered him besides, upon the motion of Alcibiades, four Drachmas a day. Furthermore, Lysimachus leaving a Daughter named Policrite, ●s Callicrates saith, the People Voted her also the same provision of Corn with ●hose that obtained the Victory in the Olympic Games. But Demetrius the Phalerian, Hieronymus the Rhodian, Aristoxenus the Musician and Aristotle (if the Treatise ●f Nobility is to be reckoned among the genuine Pieces of Aristotle) say that Myrto Aristides his Granddaughter was married ●o the wise Socrates having another Wife, ●ut taking her as remaining a Widow by ●●ason of her Indigence, and wanting the necessaries of life. But Panaetius sufficiently ●onfuteth this in the Books he hath written concerning Socrates. And Demetrius the ●halerian in his Socrates saith, he knew one ●ysimachus Son to the Daughter of Aristides ●●treamly necessitated, who sitting at a ●ace called the Jaccheum, sustained himself ●y a Table to interpret Dreams, and that ●e being the Author of the Decree induced ●e People to give his Mother and Aunt ●alf a Drachma a Day. Moreover, the same Demetrius saith, that reviewing the Laws he decreed each of these Women a Drachma a Day. And it is not to be wondered at, that the People of Athens should take such care of those that live in the City, since hearing the Granddaughter of Aristogiton was in a low condition in the Isle of Lemnos, and so poor no body would marry her, they brought her back to Athens, and marrying her to a Person of great Quality, gave with her a Farm in the Borough of Potam, of which Bounty and Humanity this City of Athens, even in this our Age, giving divers Demonstrations is had in Admiration, and celebrated deservedly.   


Labour and pain did Cato's years employ  
The Country gave his youth an honest joy  
Sometime he little Villages would see  
And plead the poor man's cause thou'lt a fee   
THE LIFE OF MARCUS CATO THE CENSOR.  By Sir John Litcott, late Fellow of King's College in Cambridge. 
Volume II.  
MArcus Cato (as it is reported) was born at Tusculum, though (till he betook himself to Civil and Military Affairs,) he lived and was bred up in the Country of the Sabines, where his Father's Estate lay. His Ancestors seeming to almost every one unknown, he himself is fain to praise his Father Marcus as a Worthy and Valiant Person, and Cato his great Grandfather too, as one who had often obtained the Military Prizes, and who, having lost five Horses under him, received, on the account of his Valour, the Worth of them out of the Public Exchequer. Now it being the custom among the Romans to call those (who, having no lustre by Birth, made themselves Eminent by their own Worth) Freshmen or Upstarts, they called even Cato himself so, and so he confessed himself to be, as to any public Eminency or Employment, but yet asserted that in reference to the Exploits and Virtues of his Ancestors, he was very ancient. His third name formerly was not Cato, but Priscus, though afterwards he had the Surname of Cato, by reason of his great Abilities; for the Romans signified by Cato a Prudent or Experienced Man. He was of a Ruddy complexion, and grey eyed, as he hints to us, who, with no good will, made the following Epigram upon him. 
Porcius, who snarls at all in every place,  
With goggling grey eyes, and his fi●ry face,  
Even after Death, will not received be  
By Proserpin, th' Infernal Deity.  He contracted even from his Childhood a very good habit of Body by his Exercises, so that he seemed to have an equal portion both of Health and Strength: But he exerted and used still his Eloquence through all the Neighbourhood and little Villages, it being as requisite as a second Body, and a necessary Organ to one who has great business. Nor would he ever deny to be Council for those who needed him, and he was indeed early reckoned a good Lawyer, and quickly after an Eminent Orator.  
Hence his Wisdom and depth of Capacity did appear more and more to those who used his Conversation, which Talents required an Employment in the management of great Affairs, and those even of the Roman Commonwealth itself. Nor did he only abstain from taking Fees for his Counsel and Pleading, but did not so much as affect the honour which proceeded from such kind of Combats, seeming much more desirous to signalise himself in the Camp and in real Fights; for being yet but a youth, his Breast was full of the scars he received from the Enemy; being (as he himself says) but seventeen years old when he 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  made his first Campagne: About which time Hannibal burnt and pillaged all Italy. In Engagements he would use to strike lustily, without the least flinching stand firm to his ground, with a fierce countenance stare upon his Enemies, and with a harsh threatening voice accost them. Nor was he out in his Opinion, whilst he taught, That such a rugged kind of Behaviour sometimes does strike the Enemy more than the Sword itself. In his Marches he bore his own Arms on foot, whilst one only Servant followed, to carry the Provisions for his Table, with whom he is said never to be angry or hasty whilst he made ready his Dinner or Supper, but would sor the most part, when he was free from Military Duty, assist and help him himself to dress it. Moreover, when he was with the Army, he used to drink only Water; but, when thirsty he would mingle it with a little Vinegar; or if he found his strength fail him, take a little Wine.  
The little Countryhouse of Marcus Curius, who had been thrice carried in Triumph, happened to be near his Grounds; so that going thither often, and contemplating the small compass of the Place, and littleness of the Dwelling, he could not but wonder at the mind of the Person, who being one of the greatest of the Romans, and having subdued the most Warlike Nations, nay and driven Pyrrhus out of Italy, should himself after three Triumphs dig in so small a piece of ground, and live in such a kind of Cottage. Here it was that the Ambassadors of the Samnites finding him boiling of Turnips in the Chimney-corner, offered him a good present of Gold; but he sent them away with this Saying; That He, whom such a Supper did suffice, had no need of Gold; and he thought it more honourable to conquer those who possessed the Gold, than to possess the Gold itself. Cato reflecting much upon these things, went his way, and reviewing his Farms, Servants and House-keeping; increased his Labour, and retrenched all superfluous Expenses. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
When Fabius Maximus took Tarentum, Cato, being then but a youth, was a Soldier under him, and being lodged once with one Nearchus a Pythagorean, he desired to understand some of his Doctrine, so that hearing the man discourse of a few Sentences which Plato uses, as, That Voluptuousness is the greatest Bait for Vice; The Body is the principal Calamity of the Soul; and that those Thoughts which do most separate and take it off from the Affections of the Body, do most affranchise and purify it; he indeed fell in love the more with Frugality and Temperance. Farthermore, He is said to have learned Greek late, and when he was pretty old; and that as to his Rhetoric, he profited a little by Thucydides, but much more by Demosthenes: and indeed his Writings are handsomely mixed both with Greek Sayings and Histories, nay many of them translated word for word, are interwoven with his own Apothegms and Sentences. Now there was a certain Nobleman, and one very powerful among the Romans, called Valerius Flaccus, who was wonderful skilful in discerning a budding Virtue, and also very much disposed to nourish and advance it: He, it seems, had Grounds bordering upon Cato's; nor could he but admire, when he understood by his Servants the manner of his Living, how he laboured with his own hands, went on foot betimes in the morning to the Pleading Courts to assist them who wanted his Counsel; how returning home again when it was Winter, he would throw a little Jacket over his shoulders; but in the Summertime work bare with his Domestics, sit down with them, eat of the same Bread, and drink of the same Wine. Whilst they related also his other Affabilities, and great Moderation, together with some of his Wise Sayings; he ordered, That he should be invited to him to Supper; from which time being well acquainted with his agreeable and facetious disposition, which, like a Plant, seemed to require cultivating, and to be grafted in a more eminent place: He did exhort and persuade him to apply himself to the study of State-Affairs at Rome. Thither therefore he went, and straight by his pleading got many Friends and Admirers; but Valerius chiefly promoting him to Honour and Power. He first of all got a Colonel's Place, and afterwards was made Questor or Treasurer. And now becoming eminent and noted he ran with him through the greatest Commands, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  being first his Fellow-Consul, and then Censor. But among all the ancient Senators, he did most keep company with Fabius Maximus; not so much for the honour of his Person, and greatness of his power, as that he might set before him his particular Worth and manner of life, as the best Examples to follow, whereupon he made nothing to oppose Scipio the Great, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  who being then but a young man, seemed to envy and set himself against the Power of Fabius; for being sent together with him as Treasurer, when he saw him according to his natural custom make great Expenses, and distribute among the Soldiers without sparing; he freely told him, That the Expense in itself was not the greatest thing to be considered, but that he corrupted the ancient Frugality, giving occasion to the Soldiers to abandon themselves to unnecessary Pleasures and Pastimes: But Scipio answered, That he had no need of too accurate a Treasurer, for he resolved to go, as it were, full sail to the War, and that he ought to give the People an account of his Actions, and not of the money he spent. Hereupon Cato returned from Sicily, and together with Fabius, made a huge noise in the open Senate against Scipio's lavishing of unspeakable Sums, and his childish loitering 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  away his time in Wrestling-Matches and Comedies, as if he were not to make War, but Holiday; so that he caused some of the Tribunes of the People to be sent to call him back to Rome, in case the Accusations should prove true: But Scipio demonstrating as it were to them, an ensuing Victory, and appearing only to live pleasantly with his Friends, when there was nothing else to do, showing also he was not by his Liberality the more negligent in things of consequence and moment, he forthwith set sail towards the War.  
Now Cato grew more and more powerful by his Eloquence, so that most called him the Roman Demosthenes, but his manner of Life was yet more famous and talked of; for Eloquence was as an Exercise commonly studied and affected by all the Youth, but he was very rare who would 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  endure bodily Labour, a light Supper, and a Dinner which never saw the Fire; or be 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  in love with a poor thin Garment, and a homely Lodging, nay and did more esteem a mind that wanted not great things, than the real possession of them: For now the State (unable to keep its Purity, by reason of its Greatness, and having so many Places and People from all Parts under its Government) was fain to receive many mixed customs, and new fashions of living: With reason therefore did every body admire Cato, when they saw others sink under their Labours, and grow quite effeminate by Pleasures; and yet beheld him unconquered by either, and that not only when he was young and desirous of Honour, but also when Old and Bald, after his Consulship and Triumphs. As a true Victor too in Wrestling, he would persevere and carry on that Exercise to his very last. He himself also says, That he never wore a Garment which cost more than a hundred Drachms, and that when he was General and Consul, he drank the same Wine which his Workmen did; and that the Provision which was bought in the Market for his Dinner cost not (usually) above thirty Asses. Now all this was for the sake of the Commonwealth, that so his Body might be the more Robust and Hardy for the War. Having a piece of the finest mixed Babylonian Tapestry left him, he sold it; for that none of his Country Houses were so much as Plastred. Nor did he ever buy a Slave for above 1500 Drachms, or seek for effeminate handsome ones, but able, sturdy Workmen, such as are Ostlers and Neatherds: And these he thought aught to be sold again, when once they grew old; nor would he allow them so much as Victuals, when they became useless. In short, He reckoned nothing a good penn'oth, which was superfluous; but whatever it was, though sold for a farthing, he would think it a great Price, if you had no need of it. He purchased also good Arable and Pasture-ground, rather than your well swept Gardens with their fine Water-works. Some did impute these things to the sordid Avarice of the Man, but others approve of him therein, as if he did only the more strictly deny himself for the rectifying and amending of others: But for my part, I impute it to an unnatural temper, when a Person uses his Servants like brute Beasts, by turning off and selling them in their old Age, and thnks there aught to be no farther Commerce between man and man, than whilst there arises some profit thereby. Besides, we see that good Nature or Humanity has a larger Field than bare Justice to exercise itself in; for naturally indeed we are born to deal with men according to Law and Justice; but we may extend our Goodness and Charity even to irrational Creatures, and such Acts flow from a mild good nature, as Water from an exuberant Fountain; so that 'tis doubtless the part of a good natured man to keep even cast Horses and Dogs, and not only take care of them when they are Foles and Whelps, but also when they are grown old. The Athenians, when they built their Hecatompodon, turned those Mules loose to feed freely, which they had observed to have undergone the greatest labour. One of these (they say) came once of itself to offer its service, and ran along with, nay and went before, the Teams which drew the Carriages up to the Castle, as if it would incite and encourage them to draw more stoutly; upon which there passed a Vote, That the poor Mule should be kept at the Public Charge even till it died. The Graves of Cimon's Horses, which won thrice the Olympian Races, are yet to be seen next his own Monument. Old Xantippus too (as well as many others who buried the Dogs they had bred up) entombed his which swum after his Galley to Salamina, when the People fled from their City [Athens] on the top of a Cliff, which they call the Dog's Tomb to this day. Nor are we to use Living Creatures like old Shoes or Platters, and throw them away when they are worn out or broken with service; but if it were for nothing else but to express the respect we have for Humanity, a man ought always to show himself in these things to be of a kind and sweet disposition. As to 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  myself, I would not so much as sell my Draught-Ox on the account of his Age, much less for a small piece of money sell a poor old man, and so chase him, as it were, from his own Country, by turning him not only out of the place where he has lived a long while, but also out of the manner of living he has been accustomed to, and that more especially when he would be as useless to the buyer as to the seller. Yet Cato for all this gloried that he left that very Horse in Spain, which he used in the Wars when he was Consul, only, because he would not put the Pubto the charge of his Freight. Now whether these things are to be ascribed to the greatness or poorness of his spirit, let every one argue as they please: However as to the Temperance he himself used, he was really to be admired, it being beyond even the ordinary course of nature; for when he commanded the Army, he never took for himself, and those that belonged to him, above three Bushels of Wheat for a Month, and about a Bushel, and a half a day for his Carriages and Horses: Nay when he entered upon the Government of Sardinia, though his Predecessors there used to require Tents, Bedding and clothes upon the public account, and to charge them heavily by furnishing Provisions and Entertainments for a great Train of Servants and Friends; He, on the contrary, by his Frugality showed an incredible difference, for in nothing wanted he the Contribution of the Public; nay he would walk without a Coach to visit the Cities, and with one only of the Common Town-Officers, who carried his Garment, and a Cup to offer Sacrifice in; yet though he seemed thus easy and sparing to all who were under his Power, he, on the other hand, showed great severity and strictness, being always inflexible in what related to Public Justice, and most upright and severe in what concerned the Ordinances of the Commonwealth; so that the Roman Government, where he was, never seemed more terrible, and yet more mild. Nay his very manner of speaking seemed to have such a kind of Idea with it, for it was Courteous, and yet Grave; Pleasant and Piercing; Facetious and Austere; Sententious, and yet Pithy: And (as Plato says) he was like Socrates, who seemed outwardly to those about him to be but a simple, blunt and sullen Fellow; whilst at the bottom he was full of such Gravity and Matter, as would even move Tears and touch the very Hearts of his Auditors. Wherefore I know not what has persuaded some to say, That Cato's Style was chiefly like that of Lysias; however, let us leave those to judge of these things, who profess most to distinguish between the several kinds of Roman Styles; whilst we write down some of his memorable Sayings; being of the opinion with some others, That a Man's Parts appear much more by his Words, than Looks.  
Being once desirous to dissuade the common people of Rome from their unseasonable and impetuous Clamour for Largesses and Distributions of Corn, he began thus to harangue them: 'Tis a difficult task, O Citizens, to make Speeches to the Belly, which has no Ears. Reproving also the ill managery of Affairs, he said, 'Twas hard to preserve that City, where a Fish was sold for more than a● Ox. He had a Saying also, That the Roman People were like Sheep; for they, when single obey not; but when altogether in a Flock they follow their Leaders: So ye (said he) are guided by those got together in a Body though singly you would not use the Counsel of a man of 'em. Discoursing of the Powe● of Women: All men, quoth he, usually command Women; We command all Men, and the Women command us. But this indeed is taken out of the Sayings of Themistocles, for he being in many things governed by his Son, by means of the Mother: Wife (says he) the Athenians govern the Greeks; I govern the Athenians, but thou governest me, and thy Son governs thee; wherefore pray let him use his Power sparingly, whereby as simple as he is, he can do more hurt than all the Athenians together. Another Saying of Cato's was, That the Roman People did not only prise such and such Purple Dies, but such and such Studies and Exercises also; For, said he, as Dyers do most of all die such Colours which they see most agreeable, so the young men learn, and zealously affect what is most cried up. He did also exhort them. That if they were grown Great by their Virtue and Temperance, they should not change for the worse; but if by Intemperance and Vice they became Great, they should change for the better, for by that means they were grown indeed too too great. He would say likewise, That they who endeavoured to have a share in the Government, aught like those who know not their way to go along with Beadles, who have long Sticks, ●est they should go astray. He did also reprove 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  the Citizens for choosing still the same Governors; for ye will seem (said he) either not to esteem the Government worth much, or that many are not worthy to Govern. Speaking too of a certain Enemy of his, who lived a very base and discreditable life: This Blade's Mother (quoth he) when she prays that he may survive her, is looked upon rather to curse than to pray. Pointing at one who had sold the Land which his Father had left him, lying near the Seaside, He made as if he wondered at him, being stronger even than the 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Sea itself; for what it washed away with a great deal of labour, he with a great deal of ease drank away. When the Senate with a 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  greet deal of splendour received King Eumenes at his entrance into Rome, and the chief Citizens strove who should be most about him; Cato seemed only to stare upon, and watch him as it were at a distance. One that stood by too, took occasion to say, That he was a very good Prince, and a great Lover of the Romans; It may be so, (quoth Cato) but by Nature that same Animal of a King, is a kind of Man-Eater. Nor were there ever Kings so fortunate as to be compared with Epaminondas, Pericles, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Themistocles, Marcus Curius, or Amilcar, surnamed Barcas. He used to say too, That his Enemies did envy him because he would rise before day, and neglected his own Business to follow that of the Public. He would also tell you, That he had rather be deprived of the Reward for doing well, than not to suffer the Punishment for doing ill; and that he could pardon all Offenders but himself. The Romans having sent three Ambassadors to Bythinia, of which one was Gouty, another had his Scull trepan'd, and the other seemed little better than a Fool; Cato laughing, gave out, That the Romans had sent an Embassy, which had neither Feet, Head nor Brains. Being entreated by Scipio, on the account of Polybius, for those who were banished out of Achaia, and there happening to be a great Dispute in the Senate about it, some being for, and some against their Return; Cato standing up, thus delivered himself: Here do we sit all day long, as if we had nothing to do but beat our brains whether these old Greeks should be carried to their Graves by the Bearers here, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  or by those in Achaia; But the Senate voteing their Return, it seems that a few days after Polybius' Party did farther request, that it should be moved in the Senate, that the said Banished Persons should again receive the honours which they first had in Achaia, and to this purpose they sounded Cato for his Opinion, but he smiling, answered, That Polybius, Ulysses-like, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  seemed to have a mind to go back to the Cyclops Den, as having forgot his Cap and Belt behind him. He would use to assert also, That wise Men profited more by Fools, than Fools by Wise Men; for that Wise Men would avoid the Faults of Fools, but that Fools would not imitate the good Examples of Wise Men. He would profess too, That he was more taken with young Men that blushed, than with those who looked pale; and that he never desired to have a Soldier that would use his hands too much in marcbing, and his feet too much in fight; or snored louder in his sleep, than he hallowed in an Engagement: Intending to put-upon a huge fat Fellow; How (quoth he) can that Body be profitable to the Commonwealth, when all the space between the Throat and Groin is taken up by the Belly? When one who was much given to Epicurism, desired his acquaintance, Begging his pardon (he said) He could not live with a Man whose Palate was of a quicker sense than his Heart or Brains. He would likewise say, That the Soul of a Lover lived in the Body of another; and that in his whole life he did most repent him of three things; One was, That he had trusted a Secret to a Woman; Another, That ever he went by Water when he might have gone on Foot; The third, That he had remained one whole day without doing any business 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  of moment. Applying himself to an old Man who was committing some Vice, Honest man (quoth he) being old age has of itself Blemishes enough, do not you add to it the deformity of Vice. Speaking to a Tribune, who was reputed a Poisoner, and was very violent for the bringing in of a Bill, in order to make a certain Law; Young man (cried he) I know not which would be better, to drink what you mix, or confirm what you would put up for a Law. Being reviled by a Fellow who lived a profligate and wicked life; A Contest (replied he) is unequal between thee and me, for thou canst hear ill words easily, and canst as easily give them; but it is unpleasant to me to give such, and unusual to hear them: And this was his manner of expressing himself in his memorable sayings.  
Now being chosen Consul, with his Friend and Acquaintance Valerius Flaccus, the Government of that part of Spain which the Romans call the Interior Spain, fell to his Lot; Having overthrown the people hereabouts, some by force, and overcome others by good words, a great Army of Barbarians fell in upon him, so that there was danger of being disgracefully forced out again. Wherefore he called upon his then neighbours the Celtiberians for help; but they demanding Two hundred Talents for their Auxiliaries, every body made as if it were intolerable that ever the Romans should promise Barbarians a Reward for their Assistance; but Cato said, There was no discredit or harm in it; for if they overcame, they would pay them out of the Enemy's Purse, and not out of their own; but if they were overcome, there would be no body left to demand the said Reward. But he stoutly won that Battle, and after that, all his other affairs succeeded splendidly; for Polybius says, That by his command the Walls of all the Cities, on this side the River Baetis, were in one days time demolished, and yet there were a great many of them full of stout and warlike men. Cato himself says, That he took more Cities than he stayed days in Spain. Neither is this a Rhodomantado, if it be true, that the number was Four hundred. Now though the Soldiers themselves had gotten much in the fights, yet he distributed a pound of silver to every man of them, saying, It was better, that many of the Romans should return home with Silver, rather than but a few with Gold.  
But he affirms, That of all the things that were taken, nothing came to him besides what he ate and drank. Neither do I find fault (continued he) with those that seek to get by these spoils, but I had rather strive with the Best for Valour's sake, than for Wealth with the Richest, or with the most covetous for love of Money. Nor did he only keep himself clear from taking any thing, but even all those who more immediately belonged to him.  
Now he had five servants with him in the Army; one of them, called Paccus, bought three Boys, out of those who were taken Captive; which Cato coming to understand, the poor fellow, rather than he would venture into his presence, hanged himself, so that Cato again sold the said Boys, and carried the Price he got for them into the public Exchequer.  
Scipio the Great being his enemy, and desiring, whilst he carried all things so successfully, to obstruct him, and take the affairs of Spain into his own hands, accordingly brought about his own ends, so as to be appointed his Successor in the Government, making therefore all possible haste he put an end to Cato's Authority; but he, taking with him a Convoy of five Companies of Foot, and five hundred Horse to attend him home, overthrew by the way the Lacetanians, and taking from them six hundred Deserters, he caused them all to be beheaded; Upon which Scipio seemed to be in Indignation, but Cato smiling, said, Thus Rome would become great indeed, if the most honourable and great men would not yield up the first Place of Valour to those who were more obscure, and when they who were of the Commonality (as he himself was) would contend in valour with those who were most eminent in Birth and Honour. Now the Senate having voted to change nothing of what had been established by Cato, that Government passed away under Scipio to no manner of purpose, in idleness and doing nothing; and so diminished his credit much more than Cato's. Nor did Cato, even after he had triumphed, remit, and slacken the Reins of Virtue, as many of those do, who strive not so much for virtue's sake, as Vainglory; and having attained the highest Honours, as the Consulship and Triumphs, pass the rest of their Life in Pleasure and Idleness, and so quit all affairs relating to the Public. But he, like those who are just got into Office, and thirst after Honour and Glory, would stretch himself, as if he were but just setting out; and offering still publicly his service to his Friends and Citizens, he would give over neither his plead or Soldiery. He did also as an Ambassador accompany and assist Tiberius Sempronius, when he went into Tracia and Istria; and in quality of a Colonel went along with Manlius Aquilius into Greece, against Antiochus the Great, who, after Hannibal, did more than any one strike terror into the Romans; for having taken as much of Asia as Seleucus Nicanor possessed, and having brought under his obedience many and warlike Nations of the Barbarians, he longed to fall upon the Romans, as if they only wer● now worthy to fight with him: So on h● came with his Forces, pretending as a specious Cause of the War, that it was to free the Grecians, who had indeed no need thereof, they having been but newly delivered from the power of King Philip and the Macedonians, and made Masters of their own Laws, and that by the goodness even of the Romans themselves; so that hereupon all Greece was in a Commotion and elevated, having been corrupted by the mighty hopes which the Governors of their Cities put them into. Manlius therefore sent Ambassadors to the said Cities, and Titus Flaminius (as it is written among the Affairs concerning him) did compose and quiet most of the Attempts of the Innovatours, and that without any trouble. Cato did also suppress the Corinthians, those of Patras, and the Aegians, and spent too a good deal of time at Athens. There is also an Oration of his said to be extant, which he spoke in Greek to the people, and wherein he highly commended the Virtue of the ancient Athenians, and signified, that he came with a great deal of pleasure to be a spectator of the Beauty and Greatness of their City. But this is not true; for he spoke to the Athenians by an Interpreter, though he was able to have spoken himself; but his intention thereby was to keep up the Fashion of his own Country, and as it were scornfully laugh at those who admired nothing but what was in Greek. Wherefore jesting upon Posthumius Albinus, who had written a Greek History, and begged pardon for doing so, he said, Pardon indeed aught to have been given him had he not undertaken the Work by the Votes or Orders of the Amphictyones. The Athenians, they say, did admire the quickness and celerity of his Speech, for an Interpreter would be very long a repeating what he expressed with a great deal of brevity. In short, he made them believe, that the words of the Greeks came only from their Lips, whilst those of the Romans came from their Hearts.  
Now Antiochus having guarded with his Army the narrow passages about the Mountains, called Thermopyloe, and added Trenches and Walls to the natural Fortifications of the place, sat down there thinking he had done enough to divert the War from thence, so that the Romans seemed wholly to despair of forcing the Passage; but Cato calling to mind the Compass and Circuit which the Persians had formerly made to come at this place, went forth in the night, taking along with him part of his Army; after which, whilst they were climbing up, the Guide who was a prisoner went out of his way, and wand'ring up and down by unpassable and crooked paths, struck the Soldiers with a terrible fear and consternation. Cato perceiving the danger commanded all the rest to halt, and stay where they were, whilst he himself, taking along with him one Lucius Manlius, a wonderful man at climbing of Mountains, went forward with a great deal of labour and danger, in the dark night, and without the least Moonshine, over the wild Olive-Trees, and steep craggy Rocks, there being (as has been hinted) nothing but Precipices, and darkness before their eyes, till they fell into a little pass which they thought might lead down into the Enemy's Camp; There they put up marks upon some of the most conspicuous tops which hung over the Mountain Callidromus, so that returning again they led the Army along with them to the said Marks, till they got into their little Path again, and there once made a halt; but when they began to go farther, the Path did (as it were) leave them, and a great Precipice seemed to receive them, and put them in another straight and fear; nor did they perceive all this while that they were near the Enemy. And now the day began to give some light, when they seemed to hear a noise, and presently after to see the Greek Trenches and Guard at the foot of the Rock. Here therefore Cato stayed his Forces, and commanded the Firmians only without the rest to stick by him, for them he had found always faithful and ready, and straight they stood round him at their close order, whilst he thus spoke to them. I desire (said he) to tak● one of the Enemy alive, that so I may understand what kind of Blades they are who guard the Passage; their number; and with what Discipline, Order and Preparation they expect us: but to bring about this Feat (continued he) you must snap him with a great deal of quickness and boldness, such as the courageous Lion's use, when unarmed they fall upon the timorous Beasts. Cato had no sooner thus expressed himself, but the Firmians forthwith rushed down the Mountains, and that in the very posture they were in upon the Guard, so falling unexpectedly in upon them, they frighted and dissipated them all; one armed man too they took, and brought to Cato, who quickly learned from him, That the rest of the Forces lay in the narrow Passage about the King; That those who kept the tops of the Rocks were Six hundred choice Aetolians; Now Cato despising the smallness of their number and carelessness, forthwith drawing his sword, fell upon them with a great noise of Trumpets and shouting. The Enemy perceiving them thus tumbling as it were upon them from the Precipices, flew to their Main Guard, and put all things into Disorder. In the mean time whilst Manlius was forcing the Works below, and pouring the thickest of his Forces into the narrow Passages, Antiochus was hit in the mouth with a stone, so that his teeth being beaten out thereby, he felt such excessive pain, that he was fain to turn tail with his Horse; nor did any part of their Army stand the shock of the Romans.  
Now though there seemed no hopes of Fight by reason of the inaccessible ways and By-paths, as also of the deep Marshes and steep Rocks, which looked as if they were ready to receive those who should tumble down; the Athenians nevertheless crowding and pressing together in the straight Passages, destroyed even one another whilst they seemed afraid of the Swords and Blows of the Enemy. Cato (as it plainly appears) was never over-sparing of his own Praises, and seldom shunned boasting of any Exploit, which quality indeed seems much to accompany great Actions, and with any such kind of Actions he was indeed usually puffed up; nay, he would say, That those who saw him pursue and slay his Enemies, sticked no● to assert, That Cato owed not so much to the Public, as the Public did to Cato: nay, and adds, that Manlius the Consul, coming hot from the Fight, embraced him for a great while, when all over in a sweat, than cried out with a deal of joy, That neither he himself, no, nor all the People together could make him Recompenses equal to his great Actions. After the Fight he was sent to Rome, that he himself might be the Messenger of it; so that with a favourable Wind he sailed to Brandusium, and in one day got from thence to Tarentum; and having travelled four days more, upon the fith, counting from the time he came from Sea, hearrived at Rome, and so he himself brought the first news of the Victory; whereby he filled the whole City with Joy and Sacrifices; and the People with an opinion, that they were able to conquer both Sea and Land.  
Now these are almost all the Eminent Actions of Cato, relating to military Affairs: but as to Civil Policy, he was of opinion, that a great part of it ought to be employed in accusing and enditing Malefactors; for he himself did prosecute many, and would also assist others who prosecuted them likewise; nay would even procure such, as he did Petilius' Party against Scipio; but not being able to destroy him, by reason of the greatness of his Family, and the integrity of his mind, he at last would meddle no more with him, yet joining with the Accusers against his Brother Lucius, he cast him in a great sum which was forfeited to the Public; but he being insolvent, and in danger of being thrown into Goal, was by a Petition to the Tribunes of the People with much ado, dismissed. 'Tis also said of Cato, that when he met a certain youth, who had with disgrace overthrown one of his Father's Enemies, walking in the Marketplace; He shaked him by the hand, telling him, That we ought to sacrifice to our dead Parents, not Lambs and Goats, but the Tears and Mulcts of our Adversaries. But neither did he himself 'scape scot-free in his Managery of Affairs; for if he gave his Enemies but the least Hold, he was still in danger, and ready to be brought to Justice, for he is reported to have escaped at least 50 Enditements; and one above the rest, which was the last, when he was fourscore and six years old, about which time, he had this remarkable Saying, That it was hard for him who had lived contemporary with others a great while ago, to plead now before a new Race of Men. Neither did he make this the last of hi● Lawsuits, for four years after, when 〈◊〉 was fourscore and ten, he accused Servil●● Galba: So that he arrived [we see, as N●●tor did] to three usual Ages of Man, and that in continual Action, for [as is 〈◊〉 of him] having had several Suits with Scipio the Great, about Affairs of 〈◊〉 he stretched them down even to Scipio 〈◊〉 younger, who was his adopted Grand 〈◊〉 and the Son of that Paulus, who ov●● threw Perseus and the Macedonians. Now Cato, ten years after his Consulship, pu● 〈◊〉 for the Office of Censor, which was indeed the Top of all Honour, and in 〈◊〉 manner the highest step in Civil Affairs ● for besides all other Power, it had also that of an Inquisition into any one's 〈◊〉 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and Manners; for the Romans thought that not so much as a Marriage, or 〈◊〉 night's lodging for the Procreation 〈◊〉 Children, nay not a Feast or Drinking bout ought to be permitted according 〈◊〉 every one's Appetite or Fancy, without ●●ing censured and enquired into; bein● therefore of opinion, That a Man's ●●mour was much sooner perceived in these kind of things, than in what is done publicly and in open day, they chose two Persons; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  one out of the Patricians, the other out of the Commons, who were to watch correct and punish, if any one ran too much after Voluptuousness, or transgressed the usual manner of living in the place where he was: And these they called Censors. They had power to take away a Horse, or expel out of the Senate any one who lived intemperately and out of order. 'Twas also their business to take an estimate of what every one was worth, and to put down in Registers every body's Birth and Quality: The said Office had also many other Prerogatives, wherefore the chief Nobility opposed his Pretensions to it; for Emulation vexed the Patricians, who thought that it would be 〈◊〉 stain to every body's Nobility, when men of no honour originally should rise to the ●ighest Dignity and Power. Others, conscious of their own evil Practices, with the Violation of the Laws and Customs of their own Country, were afraid of the Austerity of the Man; which, when he was ●n Power, was very uneasy and inexorable. Wherefore consulting among themselves, they set up in opposition to Cato, ●even Competitors, who with obsequiousness and fair hopes soothed the People, which seemed desirous of such a kind of Magistracy, which would govern gently, ●nd serve their Pleasures. Now Cato on ●he contrary promising no such mildness, but openly threatening evil Livers, from the very speaking Desk he thus expressed himself, and cried out, That the City wanted great Reformation, therefore persuaded the people, if they were wise, not to choose one of the gentlest, but roughest of Physicians; and that such a one he was; and Valeri●● Flaccus, one of the Patricians, another; so that, together with him, he doubted not (he said) but he should do something worth the while, and that by cutting to pieces, and burning like a Hydra, all Luxury and Voluptuousness. He added too, That he saw all the rest endeavouring after the Office with ill intent, because they were afraid of those who would exercise it justly, as they ought. Upon this occasion the People of Rome did really express themselves Great, and worthy also of great Officers▪ showing, that they feared not the severity and grim countenance of Cato, for rejecting those soothing Blades who seemed to do all things to ingratiate themselves, they took him, together with Flaccus; nay forth with harkened to, and obeyed him, not ● one who stood for the Place, but as if he ha● had the actual power of Commanding an● Governing already.  
By these means [I say] he put down th● name of this his friend Lucius Valerius Flac●● to be his Colleague in that Office, and thre● out of the Senate (among several others Lucius Quintus, who had been Consul seven years before, and (which was greater honour to him than the Consulship) Brother to that Titus Flaminius', who overthrew King Philip. Now the reason he had for the Expulsion was this; Lucius it seems took along with him a youth, whom he had kept always as a Minion from the very flower of his Age, and to whom he gave as much power and respect as to the chiefest of his Friends and Domestics.  
Now it happened that Lucius being Governor of one of the chief Provinces, the youth clapping himself down by him, as he used to do, among other Flatteries with which he did easily turn and wind him, when he was in his Cups, he thus expressed himself; I love you so dearly (quoth he) that though there was a prize to be seen of the Gladiators at home [viz. Rome] of which nature I never beheld one in my life; and though I, as 'twere longed to see a Man killed, yet did I make all possible haste to come to you. Upon this, Lucius mutually caressing him, replied, Prithee sit not so melancholy, for that longing of yours I will cure: Ordering therefore forthwith one of those condemned to 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  die to be brought to the Feast, together with the Headsman and Axe: He asked his Paramour, if now he desired to see the ●ellow executed? The Boy answering that he did: Lucius commanded the Executioner to cut off his Neck: and this several Historians mention; nay Cicero himself in his Dialogue de Senectute brings in Cato expressing the same thing; but Livy says, That he that was killed was a French Renegade, and that Lucius did not execute him by the stroke of the Public Executioner, but even with his own hand. And all this is written in a Speech of Cato's. Now Lucius being thus expelled out of the Senate by Cato, his Brother took it very ill, and addressing himself to the People, desired that Cato should declare how the said Execution was; which when he began to relate, and bring in the Transactions of the Feast, Lucius, with lifted up 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  hands, eadeavoured to deny it; but Cato calling him to his Oath, he fell off and refused it, so that he was then acknowledged to suffer deservedly. Afterwards when there was some show at the Theatre, he passed by the seat, where those who had been Consuls used to be placed, and sat a great way off, whereby he moved Compassion in the common people, who presently with a great noise made him go on forward, and so as much as possibly they could did set right and salve what had happened. Manilius also, who according to the public vogue, would have been next Consul, he threw out of the Senate, and that because in the presence of his Daughter, and in open day he was a little too sweet upon his own Wife. He would use to say too, That his Wife never hugged him so close as when there was a great Thunder; therefore when he had a mind to rally, he would add, That he was happy when Jupiter thundered. Lucius likewise, the Brother of Scipio, and one who had been honoured with a Triumph, occasioned some Envy against Cato for taking his Horse from him, and seeming to do it with a design of putting an affront on Scipio Africanus; but most of all he chocked the people, by retrenching from their Luxury, though (most of the youth being thereby already corrupted) it seemed almost impossible to take it away with an open hand and directly; wherefore going, as it were, obliquely round the hedge, he caused all Victuals, Voitures, women's Apparel, Utensils of Housewifery, whose price exceeded a Thousand and five hundred Drachms, to be rated at ten times as much as they were worth; intending by thus making the said Rates greater, to make greater also the public Tributes. He did also ordain, that for every thousand Asses, three should be paid; so that they who were pressed with these Taxes (and see others, of as good Estates, more frugal and sparing, pay less into the public Exchequer) should be tired out of their prodigality. Hereby, on the one side, not only they were disgusted at Cato who bore the Taxes for the sake of their Luxury, but those too who on the other side laid by their Luxury for fear of the Taxes; for the common people reckon, That an Order not to show their Riches, is equivalent to the taking away their Riches; because Riches are seen much more in superfluous, than in necessary things, though this made Aristo the Philosopher, much wonder that we should account them who possessed superfluous things more happy than those who abounded with what was necessary and useful. In troth, replied he, in these unuseful and unnecessary things am I happy and rich. Thus the ardent desire of Riches, proceeds not from any natural Passion within us, but arises rather from some vulgar and extrinsic opinion. Cato notwithstanding being little solicitous as to those who exclaimed against him, grew more stiff in his Austerity: He therefore caused the Pipes, through which some persons brought the public Water into their own Houses and Gardens to be cut, and threw down all the Porches which jetted out into the common streets. He beat down also the price of public Works, and, on the other side, raised the Imposts on all things that were sold; by which proceedings he contracted a great deal of hatred to himself. Now those who were of Titus Flaminius' Cabal, vacated in open Council all the Bargains and Contracts made by him for the repairing and carrying on of the sacred and public Buildings, as bringing no profit to the Commonwealth: They did incite also the boldest of the Tribunes of the people to accuse him to the Rabble, and to fine him two Talents. They did likewise very much oppose him in building the Palace which he caused to be erected at the common charge, just by the Senate-house, in the Marketplace, and called it by his own name, Porcia House. However the people it seems did like his Censourship wondrous well, for setting up a Statue for him in the Temple of the Goddess of Health, they put an Inscription under it, not of his Warlike Feats and Triumphs, but such a one as signified, That this was Cato the Censor, who by his good Discipline and Ordinances reclaimed the Roman Commonwealth when it was declining and supinely tumbling into Vice.  
Now before this Statue-honour was done to himself, he used to laugh at those who loved such kind of things, saying, They were not sensible that they gloried chiefly in the Workmanship of Engravers and Painters, but that the Citizens bore about his fairest Image in their Breasts. When any seemed to wonder at him, that he should have never a Statue, when many ordinary persons had one; I would (said he) much rather be asked why I have not one, than why I have one. In short, He would not have any honest Citizen endure to be praised, except it might prove advantageous to the Commonwealth; yet still he most of all commended himself; for he would often intimate, that they who were of an ill life, and found fault with, used to say, It was not sure so great a feat to blame them, for they pretended not all to be Cato ' s. He would also add, That they who did awkardly mimic some 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  of his Actions, were called lefthanded Cato's; and that the Senate in most perilous times would cast their eyes on him, as upon a Pilot in a Ship, and that often when he was not present would they put off Affairs of greatest consequence. These things are indeed too testified of him by others; for he had a great Authority in the City, both for his Life, Eloquence and Age. He was also a good Father, an excellent Husband to his Wife, and an extraordinary Oeconomist; nor did he manage all these his Affairs carelessly, and as things of little moment. Wherefore I think I ought to run over a little farther, whatever was commendable in him.  
He married a Wife more noble than rich; being of opinion nevertheless, that both of them so qualified are usually haughty and proud: but yet that those of noble blood, would be more ashamed of base things, and consequently more obedient to their Husbands in all that was fit and handsome for them. Him that beat his Wife or Child, he esteemed as one that laid violent hands on what was most sacred; and a good Husband he reckoned worthy of more Praise than a great Senator; wherefore he did in nothing more admire old Socrates, than that with a scolding Wife and blockheaded Children, he lived contented and quiet.  
As soon as ever his Son was born, though he had never such urgent business upon his hands, (if it related not to the Public) he would be by when his Wife did unswaddle and wash it; for she herself suckled it, nay did often too give her Breast to her Servants Children, to beget by sucking the same Milk a kind of natural Love in them to her Son. Now when he began to come to years of Discretion, Cato himself would teach him his Book, although he had a Servant, a very honest fellow and a good Grammarian, called Chilo, who also taught a good many others; but he thought not fit, as he himself said, to have his Son reprimanded by a Servant; or pulled it may be, by the Ears when found tardy in his Lesson: Nor would he have him owe to a Servant the obligation of so great a thing as his Learning; wherefore he himself (as we were saying) taught him Grammar, Law and Fencing: Nor did he only show him too how to throw a Dart, to fight with other Arms, and to Ride, but even to play at Fisticuffs, to endure both heat and cold, and to swim over the most rapid and rough Rivers. He says likewise, that he wrote Histories, in great Characters, with his own hand, that so his Son without stirring out of the House, might learn the Experience and virtuous Exploits of his Forefathers: Nor did he less abstain from speaking any thing obscene before his Son, than if it had been in the presence of those sacred Virgins, which we call Vestals: Nor would he ever go into the Bagno with him, which seems to be according to the common custom of the Romans; for Sons-in-Law avoided still bathing with Fathers-in-Law, being ashamed to see one another naked: But having in time learned of the Greeks to strip with the Men, they have since taught the Greeks to do it even with the Women themselves.  
Thus Cato formed and fashioned his Son to Virtuous Inclinations, who was not to be found fault with as to his spritefulness; but being of too weak a constitution for hardships, he required not of him any austere or hard way of living.  
However, though he was thus tender and delicate, he proved a stout man in the Field, and valiantly behaved himself when Paulus Aemilius fought against Perseus, where when his Sword was struck from him by a blow, or rather slipped out of his hand by reason of the moistness thereof; He so far resented it, that he turned to some of his friends about him, and taking them along with him again fell upon the Enemy; and having by along Fight and much force cleared the place at length found it among great heaps of Arms, and the dead Bodies of his Friends as well as Enemies piled one upon another. Whereupon Paulus the Governor very much recommended the youth; and there is even a Letter of Cato's to his Son, which does very highly praise this his honourable Exploit and Prowess for the Recovery only of his Sword. Afterwards he married, Tertia Paulus Aemilius' Daughter, and Sister to Scipio; nor did he match into this Family less for his own Worth than his Father's, so that Cato's care in his Son's Education had an effect suitable. He purchased still a great many Slaves out of the Captives taken in War, but chiefly he bought up the young ones, who were capable to be (as it were) broken and taught like little Whelps and Colts; but none of these ever went into another man's house, except sent either by Cato himself or his Wife. If any one of them were asked what Cato did; they answered, Nothing that they knew of. When a Servant was at home, he was obliged either to do● some work, or sleep; for indeed Cato loved those most, who used to lie down often to take a nap, accounting them mure docile than those who sat up much, and more 〈◊〉 for any thing when they were refreshed with a little slumber. Being also of an opinion, that Servants would take the greatest pains imaginable to satisfy their Venery; he set a certain price to be paid by those who consorted with his Bondwomen, but would suffer none to be concerned with any others abroad. At first when he was but a poor Soldier, he would not be difficult in any thing which related to his Diet, but looked upon it as a pitiful 〈◊〉 thing to quarrel with a Servant for the 〈◊〉 of his own belly; but afterwards, when 〈◊〉 grew richer, and made any Feasts for his Friends and Comrades, presently when Supper was done, would he with a Leathern Thong scourge those who had waited and dressed the meat carelessly. He always contrived too, that his Servants should have some difference one among another, always suspecting and fearing a good Understanding between 'em▪ Now those who had committed any thing worthy of Death, he accordingly punished, if in the opinion of their Fellow-servants they were found guilty. But being after all much given to an extravagant desire of Gain, he looked upon Agriculture rather as a pleasure than Profit; resolving therefore to lay out his money in lasting and solid things, he purchased Ponds, Hot baths, Grounds full of Fuller's Earth, Pastures and Wood, whereby a great Revenue flowed in unto him, and such a one (he used to say) as Jupiter himself could not hurt. He was also given to a most unblamable Usury in his Traffic by Sea; and that thus: He would that those whom he put out his money to, should have many Partners; now when the number of them and their Ships came to be Fifty, he himself would put in but one share; for which Quintion, whom he had made a Freeman, and who traded and sailed along with the said Adventurers, was to be his Factor; so that thus there was no danger of losing his whole stock, but only a little part, and that with a prospect of great profit. He likewise lent money to those of his Slaves, who would borrow any, with which they bought also other young ones, whom, when they had taught and bred up at his Charges, they would sell again at the years end; but some of them Cato would keep for himself, giving just as much for them as another had offered. To incline his Son to be of this kind of Temper, he would use to say, That it was not like a solid man to lessen an Estate, but rather like a weak W●●dow. But a farther Argument of Cato's avaricious humour, was, when he took the boldness to affirm, That he was a most wonderful nay a Godlike man, who left more behind him than he received.  
He was now grown old, when Carneades the Academic, and Diogenes the Stoic came Ambassadors from Athens to Rome, with request of releasing a Fine of 500 Talents laid on the Athenians; in which the Oropians were Plaintiffs, and the Sicyonians Judges. Now all the most studious Youths straight waited on the old Gentlemen, and frequently with admiration, heard them speak: But the Gracefulness of Carneades his Oratory (which had greatest force, and was not inferior to the Fame of it) (especially when he had a great and good natured Auditory) filled, like a sudden Wind, all the City with the sound of it; so that it soon flew about, that a Grecian, famous even to Admiration, winning upon, and carrying all before him, had impressed so strange a Love upon the young men, that quitting all their Pleasures and Pastimes, they ran mad, as it were, after Philosophy, which indeed did much 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  please all the Romans in general; nor could they but with much pleasure see the Youth receive so welcomely the Greek Literature, and frequent the company of these Learned men: But Cato on the other side, seeing this same Zeal for the Greek flowing into the City, did, from the beginning, take it in dudgeon, fearing lest the youth should be diverted that way, and so prefer the Glory of Speaking well before that of Arms, and Doing well: Now when the Fame of these Philosophers increased in the City, and Caius Aquilius, one of the principal Senators, at his own Request became their Interpreter, Cato resolved under some specious pretence to have all Philosophers sent packing out of the City; and coming into the Senate, did, as it were, accuse the Magistrates, That the Ambassadors stayed a long time without being dispatched, they being persons that could easily persuade the People to what they pleased; that therefore in all haste something should be concluded as to their Embassy, that so being sent home again to their own Schools, they might declaim to the Grecian Children, and the Roman Youth, might, as they formerly did, be obedient to their own Laws and Governors. Yet this he did not out of any anger (as some think) to Carneades; but because he wholly despised Philosophy, and out of a kind of Pride, scoffed at the Greek Muses and Literature; for indeed he would use to say, That Socrates was a prating seditious fellow, and endeavoured by all means possible to tyrannize over his Country, to violate the ancient Customs, and to entice and withdraw the Citizens to Opinions contrary to the Laws; then scoffing at Socrates' School, he would add, That his Scholars grew so old before they had done Learning with him, as if they were to use their Art and plead Causes in the next World; and to fright his Son from any thing that was Greek, he used a much harsher tone than was usual with one of his age, pronouncing, as it were, with the voice of an Oracle, That the Romans would certainly be destroyed when they began once to be infected with Greek, though time showed the Vanity of this his wayward Saying; for in truth, the City of Rome grew never 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  greater than when they entertained the Grecian Learning; nor had he an aversion only against the Grecian Philosophers, but the Physicians also, for having it seems heard, how Hypocrates should say, when the King of Persia sent for him, and would have feed him even with several Talents; That he would never assist Barbarians, who were Enemies to the Grecians; he affirmed, that this was now become a common Oath to be taken by all Physicians, and so enjoined his Son to have a care and avoid them; for that he himself had written a little Treatise; whereby he gave Prescriptions, and cured those who were sick in his Family; that he never enjoined Fasting to any one, but ordered them a little Duck, Pigeon or Leuret, such kind of Diet being of light digestion, and fit for sick folks, only it made those who eat it, rave and dream a little too much; and by the use of this kind of Physic, he would tell them, he did not only make those about him well, but kept them so: However, for this his presumptuous bragging, he seemed not to escape unrevenged; for he lost both 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  his Wife and his Son, though he himself being of a strong robust constitution, held out longer, so that he would often, even in his old days, make use of Women, nay when he was past a Lover's Age, he married a young Woman, and that upon this pretence: You must know, that having lost his own Wife, he married his Son to the Daughter of Paulus Aemilius, who was Sister to Scipio; so that being now a Widower himself, he made use of a small Girl, who came privately to him; but the House being very little, and a Daughter-in-law also in it, the Intrigue was quickly discovered; for the young wench seeming once to pass by a little too boldly to Cato's Bedchamber, the youth, his Son, though he said nothing, seemed to look a little grim upon her; the old man perceiving it a little offensive, without finding any fault, or saying a word, away he goes, as his custom was, with his usual company to the Market: Among the rest, he called aloud to one Salonius, a Clerk of his, and asked him whether he had married his Daughter? He answered no, nor would not, till he had consulted him: Quoth Cato, then by Jove I have found out a fit Son-in-law for thee, if he may not displease by reason of his Age, for in all other things there is no fault to be found in him: but he is indeed, as I said, a little Old. However, Salonius straight desired him to undertake the business, and to give the Virgin to whom he pleased, she being an humble Servant of his, and one who stood in need of his Care and Patronage: Upon this Cato, without any more ado, told him, he desired to have the Damosel himself. These words did (as you may well imagine) at first astonish the fellow, conceiving that Cato was as far off from marrying, as he from a likelihood of being allied to the Family of one who had been Consul, and triumphed; but perceiving him in earnest, he took hold of it willingly; and going onwards to Market, they quickly struck up the match.  
Now whilst this same Marriage was in hand, Cato's Son taking some of his friends along with him, went and asked his Father for what offence he brought in a Mother-in-law upon him? but Cato presently cried out, Soft and fair, good Son, what thou dost is a agreeable enough to me, nor do I find any fault with it; only I desire to have many Children, and to leave the Commonwealth more such Citizens as thou art. Pisistratus, the Tyrant of Athens, made, they say, such a kind of Answer to his Sons, when they were grown men, and when he married his second Wife Timonassa of Argos, by whom he had (as is reported also) Jophon and Thessalus. Now Cato had a Son by this same second Venture, to whom from his Mother, he gave the Surname of Salonius; in the mean time his eldest died in his Praetorship, of whom Cato makes often mention in his Books, as having been a very good man: However, he is said to have born the Loss moderately, and like a Philosopher, and that he was never the more remiss in minding Affairs of State; so that he did not, as Lucius Lucullus and Metellus did, afterwards grow languid in his old Age under the burden of Public business, looking still upon that as a sacred 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Duty incumbent upon him.  
Nor did he, as Scipio Africanus had done before, who because Envy had struck at his Glory, turned from the Public, and so changed and passed away the rest of his Life without doing any thing. But as one persuaded Dionysius, that the most honourable Tomb he could have, would be to die in the exercise of his Dominion; so he thought that Age to be the most honourable, which was busied in public Affairs, though he would now and then, when he had leisure, recr●rate himself with Husbandry and Writing▪ and indeed he composed several Books and Histories, nay in his youth addicted kimself to Agriculture, and that for Profit's sake; for he used to say, he had but two ways of getting by, Agriculture and Parsimony; the first of which gave him, in his old Age, both Pleasure and Contemplation. One Book he wrote of Countrey-affairs, in which he treated particularly of making Cakes, and preserving Fruit; being emulous to be excellent, and singular in all things. His Suppers at his Countryhouse used also to be plentiful, for he daily invited his Friends and Neighbours about him, and passed away the time merrily with them; so that his company was not only agreeable to those of the same Age, but even to the younger Fry; for he had experience in a great many things, and had been concerned in much Business and Conversation worth ones hearing. He looked upon a good Table, for the most part, to be fittest to make Friends with, where the Commendations of brave and good Commonwealthsmen was usually introduced, but not a word of base and ill ones; for Cato would. not give leave in his company to have either good or ill spoken of such kind of men.  
Some will have the Overthrow of Carthage to have been one of his last Feats of State, when indeed Scipio the younger did by his Valour give it the Necking-blow, though indeed chiefly by the Counsel and Advice of Cato. The War happened upon this occasion, Cato was sent to the Carthaginians and Massanissa, King of Numidia, who were at War with one another, to know the cause of their difference. He, it seems was a Friend of the Romans from the beginning; and they too, since they were conquered by Scipio, were their Confederates, and kept in awe by taking away their Dominion, and laying a heavy Tax upon them. Now he finding Carthage, not (as the Romans thought) low and in an ill condition, but well manned, full of Riches, all sorts of Arms and Ammunition, and perceiving the Carthaginians thereupon carry it high, he conceived that the Romans had not time to adjust Affairs between them and Massanissa, but rather that they themselves would fall into danger, except they kept under that same City, which had of old been an Enemy, and still bore a grudge to Rome, and grew incredibly stronger and stronger: Wherefore returning quickly to Rome, he acquainted the Senate, That the former Defeats and Blows given to the Carthaginians, had not so much diminished their Strength, as it had abated their Imprudence and Folly; that they were not become weaker, but more experienced in War, and did only skirmish with the Numidians, to exercise themselves the better to cope with the Romans: That the Peace and League they had made was but a kind of Suspension of Arms, till they expected a fairer opportunity to break again. Moreover they say, That shaking his Gown, he took occasion to let drop some Africa Figs before the Senate. Now they admiring the bigness and fairness of them, he presently added, That the Place that bore them was but three days sail from Rome; Nay, he never after this gave his Opinion; but at the end he would be sure to come out with this Sentence, CARTHAGE METHINKS AUGHT UTTERLY TO BE DESTROYED. But P. Scipio Nasica would always declare his opinion to the contrary, in these words, It seems requisite to me that Carthage should still stand. Now P. Scipio seeing the Romans very haughty, and by reason of their prosperity, growing obstinate and disobedient to the Senate; as also drawing the whole City whither they would after them. He would have had the Fear of Carthage to serve as a Bit to hold in the Contumacy of the Multitude; for though he looked upon the Carthaginians too weak to overcome the Romans, yet he thought them too Great to be despised. On the other side, it seemed a dangerous thing to Cato, that a City which had been always great, and was now grown sober and wise by reason of its former Calamities, should still lie as it were upon the Catch with the Romans, who were now become wanton and faulty by reason of their Power; so that he thought it the wisest course to have all outward dangers removed when they had so many inward ones among themselves.  
Thus Cato (they say) stirred up the third and last War against the Carthaginians: But no sooner was the said War begun, but he died, prophesying of the Person that should put an End to it (viz. Scipio the second) who was then but a young man; but being a Colonel, he in several Fights gave proof of his Courage and Conduct. The news of which being brought to Cato's Ears at Rome, he thus expressed himself.  
He only breathes courageously,  
Whilst others like swift shadows fly.  
This same Prophecy Scipio soon confirmed by his Actions. In fine, Cato left no Posterity, besides one Son, by his second Wife, who was named (as we said) Cato Salonius; and a little Grandson by his Eldest Son, who died. Cato Salonius died when he was Praetor, but his Son Marcus was afterwards Consul, and Grandfather of that Cato the Philosopher, who for Virtue and Renown was one of the most Eminent Personages of his time.   

THE COMPARISON OF ARISTIDES With MARCUS CATO.  By Edward Blount, Esquire. 
HAving mentioned the most Memorable Actions of these Great Men, if the whole Life of this be compared with that of the other, it will not be easy to discern the difference between them, being involved under so many like circumstances, by which they resemble each other; But if we examine them apart, as we should consider a piece of Poetry, or some Picture, we shall find this common to them both, that they advanced themselves to great Honour and Dignity in the Commonwealth, by no other means than their own virtue and industry: But it seems when Aristides appeared, Athens was not in its grandeur and plenty, the chief Magistrates and Officers of his time being Men only of moderate and equal fortunes among themselves: The estimate of the greatest Estates then, was 500 
A Measure containing six Bushels.  Medimns; The second of Knights 300; The third andlast, called Zeugitae, 200. But Cato out of a petty Village from a Country life, leapt into the Commonwealth, as it were into a vast Ocean; at a time when there were no such Governors as the Curit, Fabricii, and Hostilii: Poor labouring Men were not then advanced from the Plough and Spade to be Governors and Magistrates; but greatness of Families, Riches, profuse Gifts, large Distributions among the People, Ambition and Power were the only things regarded, keeping a high hand, and in a manner insulting over 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  those that courted them for Preferment: It was not equal to have Themistocles for an Adversary, a Person of mean extraction, and small Fortune, (for he was not worth, 
The difference between their Adversaries.  as it's said, more than four or five Talents when he first applied himself to Public affairs) and to contest with Scipio Africanus, Sergeus. Galba and Quintius Flaminius, having no other aid but a Tongue free to assert right: Besides Aristides at Marathon, and again at Plateae, was but the tenth Commander; whereas Cato was chosen second Consul, having many Competitors, and was preferred before seven most Noble and Eminent pretenders to be second Censor too: But Aristides was never Principal in any Action, for Miltiades carried the day at Marathon, at Salamis Themistocles, and at Plateae, Herodotus tells us, Pausanias got the glory of that Noble Victory; Moreover Sophanes, and Aminias Callimachus, and Cynaegyrus behaved themselves so well in all those Engagements, that they contended with Aristides even for second place.  
Now Cato not only in his Consulship was esteemed as Chief for Courage and Conduct, 
Cato always esteemed for his Courage and Counsel.  but even whilst he was only Colonel at Thermopylas, under another's Command, he gained the glory of the Victory, for having, as it were, opened a large Gate for the Romans to rush in upon Antiochus, and brought War on his back, whilst he only minded what was before him: For that Victory, which was beyond dispute all Cato's own work, cleared Greece of Asia, and by that means made way thither afterwards for Scipio: Both of them indeed were always Victorious in War; but at home Aristides 
Aristides supplanted by Themistocles.  stumbled, being banished and oppressed by the faction of Themistocles; yet Cato, notwithstanding he had almost all the chief and most powerful of Rome his Adversaries, and wrestled with them even to his old age, kept still his footing; engaged also in many public Suits, sometimes plaintiff, sometimes Defendant; he cast the most, and came off clear with all; thanks to his Eloquence, that bulwark and powerful instrument of life, to which more truly, than to chance or his fortune, he owed, that he sustained his Dignity to the last: for Antipater gives this high commendation to Aristotle the Philosopher, writing of him after his death, That among his other Virtues, he was endowed with a faculty of persuading people which way he pleased; questionless there is no perfecter endowment in man than Politics, whereof Economics is commonly esteemed not the least part; for a City which is a Collection of private houses, grows into a Commonwealth by the particular manners of the Citizens that compound it. Also Lycurgus prohibiting Gold and Silver in Sparta, made the Citizen's money of Iron spoiled by the fire, did not discharge them from minding their household Affairs, but cutting off Luxury, the corruption and tumour of riches, he provided there should be an abundant supply of all necessary and useful things for all persons, as much as any other Lawmaker ever did; always being more apprehensive of a poor, needy, and indigent Citizen, than of one that was rich and haughty: And truly Cato seemed no less 
Cato 's excellent husbandry.  wise in the management of domestic concerns, than in the government of public affairs; for he increased his Estate, and became a Master to others in Oeconomy and Husbandry; concerning which he collected in his Writings many useful things: But on the contrary, Aristides by his poverty made 
Aristides an ill manager of his own private concerns.  Justice odious, as if it were the Pest and Impoverisher of a family, and more beneficial to all, rather than those that were endowed with it; yet Hesiod said many things to exhort us both to Justice, and a care of our own private concerns, and inveighs against idleness as the Origine of injustice; and Homer excellently sung, 
— 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 
Vid. Homer in his 14 Odyss.   
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉,  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  
— I loved not Work,  
Nor house affairs, or breeding up fine boys,  
But well rig'd Ships were always my delight  
And Wars, keen Darts and Arrows—  As if those were alike that carelessly embezzled their own Estates, and who lived by Rapine; for it is not as the Physicians say of Oil; that outwardly applied its very wholesome; but taken inwardly very destructive; so a just man provides carefully for others, and is heedless of himself and his own affairs: but in this Aristides' Politics seemed to be defective; for (as most say) he took no care to leave his Daughters a Portion, or himself enough to defray his Funeral-charges: whereas Cato's family produced Senators and Generals to the fourth generation, for his grandchildren and their Children came to the highest preferments: But Aristides, who was the principal man of Greece, through extreme poverty reduced some of his to get their living by showing Juglars-tricks, others for want, to hold out their hands for public Alms; leaving none means to perform any noble Action, or worthy his Dignity: But why must this needs follow? for poverty is dishonourable not in itself, but when it is a sign of laziness, intemperance, luxury and carelessness; yet in a person that is temperate, industrious, just and valiant, employed in public affairs, furnished with all manner of Virtues, it shows a great and lofty mind; for he is unfit for great matters, who concerns himself with petty ones; nor can he relieve many needy, who himself needs many: But the main inablement to serve the Public is not wealth, but a selfsufficiency; which virtue requiring no superfluity at home, distracts not the mind from the Commonwealth: For God is entirely exempt from all want: of humane Virtues, that which needs least, is the most absolute and most divine: For as a Body bred▪ to a good habit, requires no exquisite, either clothes or food; so a man and a sound house keep themselves up with a small matter. Now Riches ought to be proportioned to the use we have of them; for he that scrapes together a great deal, making use of but little, is not content; but whether he wants them not, he is vain in preparing those things he relishes not; or if he doth relish them, and restrains his enjoyment out of sordidness, he is miserable: I would fain know of Cato himself, if we therefore seek riches, that we may enjoy them; why doth he boast in that having a great deal, he is contented with little? But if it be noble, as it is, to feed on course Bread, and drink the same Wine with our Hinds, and not to covet Purple and Plastered Houses; neither 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Aristides nor Epaminondas, nor Manius Curius, nor Caius Fabricius wanted necessaries, who took no pains to get those things whose use they approved not; for it was not worth his while who esteemed Turnips a most delicate food, and who boiled them himself, whilst his Wife baked the Bread, to brag so often of a halfpenny, and write how 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, three Asses made two pence.  a man may soon grow rich; for its a vast good to be contented with very little; because at once it cuts off the desire and care of superfluities: Therefore they say Aristides thus delivered himself in Callias' case; It is for them to blush at poverty, who are poor against their wills, they, who like him, are willingly so, may glory in it; for it is ridiculous to think Aristides' neediness imputable to his sloth, who might handsomely enough by the spoil of one Barbarian, or seizing one Tent, have become wealthy: But enough of this.  
Moreover Cato's Expeditions added no great matter to the Roman Empire, which already was so great, as in a manner it could receive no addition; but those of Aristides are the noblest, most splendid and prime actions the Grecians ever did, viz. the Battles at Maratha, Salamis and Plateae: Nor indeed is Antiochus, nor the Walls of the Spanish Towns demolished at the cost of innumerable Legions both by Land and Sea, to be compared with Xerxes; in all which noble exploits Aristides yielded to none but he left the Glory, the Laurels, the Wealth and Money to those who needed and thirsted more greedily▪ after them for that he was above all those things I don't blame Cato for perpetually boasting and preferring himself before all others, though in one of his Orations h● says, It's equally absurd to praise and dispraise one's self: yet he seems to me more perfectly virtuous, who doth not so much as desire others praises, than he who is always extolling himself; for a mind free from Ambition is a main help to Meekness: Ambition, on the contrary, is rough, and the greatest fomenter of Envy, from which Aristides was wholly exempt, Cato very subject to it; for Aristides assisted Themistocles 
Ambition odious in a Commonwealth.  in matters of highest importance, and as his Officer, in a manner, raised Athens: Cato, by opposing Scipio, almost broke and defeated his expedition against the Carthaginians, in which he overthrew Hannibal, who till then was even invincible; and at last by raising always 
Cato 's worst actions reckoned up.  some suspicions and calumnies or other of him, he chased him from the City, and basely condemned his Brother for robbing the State: Finally that temperance which Cato always highly cried up, Aristides preserved truly pure and untainted: But Cato's Marriage unbecoming his Dignity 
Cato 's second marriage condemned.  and Age, drew upon him no slight or improbable aspersion; for it was not at all decent for him at that age to bring home to his Son and his Wife, a young woman, the Daughter of an Apparitor, and one that worked publicly for wages: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  But whether he did this out of Lust or Anger, to be revenged of his Son, for his Harlot's sake, both the fact and the pretence were unhandsome; for the reason he pretended to his Son was false: for if he desired to get more as worthy Children, he ought to have married some Person of Quality, and one well looked on from the beginning, not to forbear as long as he could conceal his keeping her a Miss; and when it was discovered, to choose such a Father-in-law as was easiest to be got, instead of one whose affinity might be a credit to him.  
The End of the Comparison of Aristides with Marcus Cato, the Censor.    


PHILOPAEMEN.   

THE LIFE OF PHILOPOEMEN.  Translated out of the Greek, By Thomas Short, M. D. 
Volume II.  
CAssander was a Man of great quality and power in the City of Mantinaea, but by the revolution of Fortune happened to be driven from thence. There being an intimate friendship betwixt him and Crausis, the Father of Philopoemen, who was a Person of extraordinary Worth; he settled at Megalopolis, where while his friend lived, he had all he could desire. When Crausis died, he repaid the Father's hospitable kindness in the care of the Orphan-Sons; by which means Philopoemen was Educated by him, as Homer says Achilles was by Phoenix, and from his Infancy moulded to great and virtuous Inclinations. But Ecdemus and Demophanes had the principal tuition of him, after he was past the years of Childhood. They were both Megalopolitans; who had been Scholars in the Academic Philosophy, and friends to Arsesilaus, and above all men of their time, applied Learning to Action, and State-Affairs. They had freed their Country from slavery, by the death of Aristodemus, whom they caused to be killed: They had assisted Aratus in driving out the Tyrant Nicocles from Sycione; and at the request of the Cyreneans, where the Public was in much confusion, went thither by Sea, instituted for them excellent Laws, and settled their Commonwealth in exact Discipline. Of all their Actions, they most valued the Education of Philopoemen, thinking they had done a general good to Greece, by training him to so much Worth. And indeed all Greece (which looked upon him as a kind of latter brood, brought forth, after so many famous Captains in her decrepit age,) loved him wonderfully; and as his Glory grew, increased his Power. A certain Roman, to praise him, calls him the last of the Grecians; as if after him Greece had produced no great man, nor who deserved the name of Grecian.  
His Person was not, as some fancy, deformed; for his Statue is yet to be seen at Delphos. As for the mistake of the Hostess of Megara, they say it was occasioned by the meanness of his habit, the homeliness of his garb, and the easy plainness of his conversation. This Hostess having word brought her that the General of the Achaeans was coming to her House in the absence of her Husband, was all in a hurry about providing of his Supper. Philopoemen, in a threadbare unfashionable Cloak, arriving in this point of time, she took him for one of his own train, and prayed him to lend her his hand in her Houshold-work: He presently threw off his Cloak, and fell to Cleaving of Logs: The Husband returning, and catching him at it, Why, what, says he, may this mean, my Lord Philopoemen? I am, replied he in his Doric dialect, paying the fine of my deformity and ungraceful presence. Flaminius seeming to rally the fashion of his body, told him one day, he had well-shaped hands and feet, but no belly: And he was indeed slender in the waste. But this raillery was meant to the poverty of his fortune; for he had good Horse and Foot, but often wanted money to entertain and pay them. And these pleasant stories go about of Philopoemen.  
As he was insatiably covetous of honour, his conditions were somewhat rough and choleric, and not altogether free from censure. He strove to be like Epaminondas, and came not much behind him in Valour, good conduct and uncorruptible integrity: But his boiling contentious humour not suffering him in civil Contests, to keep within the bounds of gravity, sweetness and obliging condescendence, he was thought more proper for the Camp than for the City; for he was strongly inclined to War, even from his childhood, he both studied and practised things belonging to it, taking great delight in managing of Horses, and handling of Weapons. Because he was naturally disposed for Wrestling, his Friends and Tutors persuaded him to bestow some pains that way. But he would first be satisfied whether it would not hinder him from becoming a Soldier. They told him as it was, that the one was directly opposite to the other, their ways of living, and exercises quite different: the Wrestler sleeping much, and feeding plentifully, punctually regular in his set-times of exercise and rest, and apt to spoil all by every little excess, or breach of his usual method; whereas the Soldier by all variety of irregular changes was, to bring himself to endure hunger, and watching without difficulty. Philopoemen hearing this, not only laid by all thoughts of Wrestling and contemned it then, but when he came to be General, discouraged it by all marks of reproach and infamy he could imagine, as a thing which made men, otherwise excellently fit for War, to be utterly useless and unable to fight on necessary occasions:  
When he left off his Masters and Governors, and began to bear Arms in the incursions which his Citizens used to make upon the Lacedæmonians for pillage or sudden surprises, he would always march out the first, and return the last. When there was nothing to do, he sought to harden his body, and make it strong and active by hunting or labouring in his ground: For he had a good Estate about 20 furlongs from the Town, and thither he would go every day after Dinner and Supper; and when night came, throw himself upon the first Mattras in his way, and there sleep as one of the Labourers. At break of day he would rise with the rest, and work either in the Vineyard or at the Blow, from thence return again to the Town, and employ his time with his friends, or the Magistrates in public business. What he got in the Wars, he laid out on Horses, Arms, or redeeming Captives; but endeavoured to improve his own Estate, the justest way, by Tillage. And this not slightly, by way of diversion, but thinking it precise duty, so to manage his own fortune, as to be out of the temptation of wronging others.  
He spent much time on Eloquence and Philosophy, but selected his Authors, and cared only for those by whom he might profit in Virtue. In Homer's fictions he attentively minded whatever he thought apt to raise the Courage. But he studied principally the Commentaries of Evangelus for the Marshalling of Armies. He took delight also in the Histories of Alexander at leisure hours, still considering how to bring what he read into practice: For never heeding what such Books use for speculation sake to draw out in figures; He loved to see, and discourse of what the nature of places and their situations would bear. So that he would be exercising his thoughts, and considering, as he travelled, and arguing with those about him of the difficulties of steep or broken ground; what might happen at Rivers, Ditches or Straits; in marching close or open; in this or that particular form of battle. The truth is, he was too much addicted to War, which he passionately loved as the means to exercise all sorts of virtue, and utterly contemned those who were not Soldiers, as Drones and useless in the Commonwealth.  
When he was thirty years of age, Cleomenes, King of the Lacedæmonians, surprised Megalopolis by ●●ght, forced the Guards, broke in, and seized the Marketplace. Philopoemen ran in at the noise, and fought with extreme courage and danger, but could not beat the enemy out again. Yet he saved the Citizens, who got away while he made head against those who pursued them, and amused Cleomenes, till after he had lost his Horse, and received several wounds, he had much ado to get off himself, being the last man in the retreat. The Megalopolitans saved themselves at Messene, whither Cleomenes sent to offer them their Town and goods again. Philopoemen perceiving them transported with the news, and eager to return, stopped them with a Speech, in which he made them sensible that what Cleomenes called restoring the City, was taking the Citizens, and holding it with more security. That bare solitude would without more ado force him presently away, since there was no staying for him to guard empty Houses and naked Walls. These reasons stayed the Megalopolitans, but gave occasion to Cleomenes to pillage and destroy a great part of the City, and carry away a great booty.  
A while after King Antigonus coming down to succour the Achoeans, they marched with their united forces against Cleomenes; who having seized the Avenues, lay advantageously posted on the Hills of Sellacia. Antigonus drew up close by him, with a resolution to force him in his strength. Philopoemen with his Citizens, was that day placed among the Horse, followed by the Illyrian foot, a great number of tried and able m● who brought up the rear of the Army. The Orders were to keep their ground, and not engage till from the other wing where t● King fought in person, they should see a r●● Coat of Arms lifted up on the point of a Spe●● The Achaeans obeyed their Orders, and sto●● fast; but the Illyrians fell briskly in. Euc●●das the Brother of Cleomenes, seeing the Fo●● thus severed from the Horse, detacht the be● of his light armed men, commanding them t● wheel about, and charge the naked Illyrians behind, This charge putting things in confusion, Philopoemen considering those light armed men would be easily squandered went first to the King's Officers to make them sensible what the occasion required. But they not minding what he said, but slighting hi● as harebrained, because he was yet of sma●● credit, and not reputed a man of Conduc● he charged upon them with his own Citizens', and at the first encounter disordered and soon after put those men to flight wit● great slaughter. Then to encourage th● King's Army, to bring them all upon the Enemy while he was in confusion, he quitte● his Horse, and fight with extreme difficulty in his heavy Horse-arms, in rough uneven ground, full of Springs and Bogs, ha● both his thighs below the buttock struck through with a Thonged Javelin. It was thrown with a good will, so that the head came out on the other side, and made a great, though not a mortal wound. There he stood a while, as if he had been shackled and unable to remove. The Thong in the middle of the Weapon hindered it from being drawn out, nor would any about him venture to do it. But the fight being now at the hottest, and like to be quickly over, he was transported with desire of Combat, and struggled and strained so long, setting one leg forward, the other back, till at last he broke the Staff, and made the pieces be pulled out. Being in this manner set at liberty, he caught up his Sword, and running through the midst of those who were fight in the first ranks, strangely animated his Men, and set them a fire with emulation. Antigonus, after the Victory, asked the Macedonians, to try them, how it happened the Horse had charged without order before the Signal? They answering, that they were against their wills forced to it by a young Gentleman of Megalopolis, who had fallen in before his time; that young Gentleman, replied Antigonus smiling, did like an experienced Commander.  
This, as needs it must, brought Philopoemen into great repuration. Antigonus was earnest to have him in his service, and offered him very advantageous conditions both as to Command and Pay. But Philopoemen, who knew that his nature brooked not to be under another, would not accept them; yet not enduring to live idle, and hearing of Wars in Crete, he passed over thither. He spent some time among those very war-like, but withal sober, temperate men, improving much by experience in all sorts of service, and then returned with so much fame, that the Achoeans presently chose him General of the Horse. These Horse at that time had neither experience nor heart, having gotten a custom to serve on pitiful Jades, the first and cheapest they could procure, when they wereto march, which too they seldom did, but hired others in their places, and stayed at home themselves. Their former Commanders winked at this, because it being a degree of honour among the Achoeans to serve on Horseback, they had a great deal of power in the Commonwealth, and were able to gratify or molest whom they pleased. Philopoemen finding them in this condition, yielded not to such respects, nor would pass it over as formerly. But went himself from Town to Town, where speaking with the young Gentlemen man by man, he endeavoured to bring them in love with praise and honour, and making a handsome appearance in the Field, setting Fines on them who came unfurnished of what was requisite for their parade. Where they were like to have most Spectators, there he would be sure to exercise them, and make them skirmish in sport one with another. In a little time he made them wonderful strong and bold, and which is reckoned of greatest consequence in War, quick and vigorous. With use and industry they grew so perfect, to such a command of their Horses, such a ready exactness in wheeling whole or half turns, and all motions, that in the change of postures the whole body seemed as easily and as steadily moved as one Man. In the great Battle which they fought with the Aetolians and Elians by the River Larissus, he set them an example himself. Demophantes, General of the Elian Horse, singled out Philopoemen, and ran with full speed at him. Philopoemen prevented, and with a violent blow of his Spear overthrew him dead to the ground: Upon whose fall the Enemy fled immediately. And now Philopoemen's name was in every body's mouth, as a man who in fight valiantly with his hands yielded not to the youngest, nor to the oldest in good conduct, and than whom there came not into the Field a better Soldier or Commander.  
Aratus indeed was the first who raised the Achoeans, inconsiderable till then, into reputation and power, by uniting the divided Cities into one Commonwealth, and settling a way of Government moderate, and becoming Grecians. Whence it happened as in running waters, where when few and little bodies once stop, others stick to them, and one part strengthening another, the whole becomes firm and solid; So in a general weakness, when every City relying only on itself, all Greece lay exposed to an easy destruction. The Achaeans first united themselves into a body, then drawing in their neighbours round about, some by protection, others by Naturalisation, designed at last to bring all Peloponnesus into one Community. Yet while Aratus lived, they depended much on the Macedonians, courting first Ptolemy, than Antigonus and Philip, who had a great influence on the affairs of Greece. But when Philopoemen came to command, the Achaeans growing strong enough for the most powerful of their Enemies, would march no longer under Foreigners. The truth is Aratus, as we have written at large in his Life, was not of so Warlike a temper, but did most by sweetness, and his taking carriage and friendship with Foreign Princes. But Philopoemen being a man both of Execution and Command, a great Soldier, and fortunate in his first attempts, wonderfully heightened both the Power and courage of the Achaeans, accustomed to Victory under his Conduct.  
But first he altered what he found amiss in their Arms, and form of battle. Formerly they used light, thin Bucklers, too narrow to cover the body, and Javelins much shorter than Pikes. By which means they were practised in skirmishing at a distance, but in a close Fight had much the disadvantage. Then in their form of Battle, they understood nothing of fight in a Ring, nor any figure but a Square; To which too not allowing front enough, nor closing it strongly, as in the Macedonian Phalanx, where the Soldier's shoulder close, and their Bucklers touch, they were easily opened and broken. Philopoemen reformed all this, persuading them to change the narrow Target and short Javelin, into a large Buckler and long Pike; to arm their heads, bodies, thighs and legs; and instead of loose skirmishing, fight firmly and foot to foot. After he had brought them all to wear Armour, and by that means, into the confidence of thinking themselves now invincible, he turned their wanton riotous profusions into an honourable expense. For being long used to vie in clothes, furniture of their Houses, and service of their Tables, and to glory in outdoing one another, the disease by custom was grown incurable, and which there was no thinking to take quite away. But he diverted the humour, and brought them, instead of these superfluities, to love useful and more manly bravery, and sparing from other things, to take delight in appearing magnificent in their Equipage of War. Nothing then was to be seen in the shops but Plate breaking or Melting down, gild of Backs and Breasts, studding Bucklers and Bits with Silver: Nothing in the places of Exercise, but Horses managing, and young men Exercising their Arms: Nothing in the Lady's hands, but Helmets and Crests, Feathers of all colours, Embroidered Coat-armours, and Caparisons for Horses. The sight of which bravery quickening and raising their Spirits, made them contemn dangers, and ready to venture on any honourable dangers.  
Their former Gallantry did indeed please; but withal effeminate: the tickling of the sense slackening the vigour of the mind; but in these it strengthened and heightened their courage, as Homer makes Achilles at the sight of his new Arms springing with joy, and on fire to use them. When Philopoemen had obtained of them to Arm, and set themselves out in this manner, he proceeded to Train them, Mustering and Exercising them perpetually, and they obeyed him with great exactness. For they were wonderfully pleased with their new form of battle, which being so knit and cemented together, seemed almost impossible to be broken. And then their Arms, which for their Riches and Beauty they wore with pleasure, becoming light and easy with constant use, they longed for nothing more than to try them with an Enemy, and fight in earnest.  
The Achaeans at that time were at War with Machanidas the Tyrant of Lacedaemon, who having a strong Army, watched all opportunities of becoming entire Master of Peloponnesus. When intelligence came that he was fallen upon the Mantineans, Philopoemen presently took the field, and marched towards him. They met near Mantinaea, and drew up in sight of the City. Both, besides the whole strength of their several Cities, had a good number of Mercenaries in pay. When they came to fall on, Machanidas, with his hired Soldiers, beat the Darts and Lances which Philopoemen had placed in the Front. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  But when he should have charged immediately into the main Battle, which stood close and firm, he hotly followed the chase; and instead of routing the Achaeans Army, disordered his own. With so untoward a beginning the rest of the Confederates gave themselves for lost; but Philopoemen seemed to slight, and make it a matter of small consequence: And observing the Enemy's oversight, who left his main body undefended behind, and the ground clear, would not make head against him, but let him pursue the chase freely, till he had run himself a great distance from his main body. Then seeing the Lacedæmonians before him deserted by their Horse, with their flanks quite bare, he charged suddenly, and surprised them without a Commander, and not so much as expecting an Encounter: For when they saw Machanidas driving the beaten enemy before him, they thought the Victory already gained. He overthrew them with great slaughter, for they report above 4000 killed in the place, and then faced about against Machanidas, who was returning with his Mercenaries from the pursuit. There happened to be a broad deep ditch between them, where both strove a while, one to get over and fly, the other to hinder him. It bore a resemblance of wild beasts, forced to fight for their Lives, when pressed by so eager a Huntsman as Philopaemen, rather than of Generals in a field. The Tyrant's Horse was mettled and strong; and feeling the bloody Spurs in his sides, ventured to take the ditch. He had already planted his hinder-feets on the bank, and raised his fore-feets to leap, when Simmias and Polyaenus, who used to fight by the side of Philopoemen, came up on Horseback to his assistance. But Philopoemen, preventing both, stood Machanidas himself; and perceiving that the Horse with his head high reared, covered his Master's body; he turned his own a little, and striking at the Tyrant with all his force, tumbled him dead into the ditch.  
The Achaeans wonderfully taken with his Valour in this single Combat, and conduct the whole day, set up his Statue in Brass at Delphos, in the posture in which he killed the Tyrant. The reports goes, that at the Nemaean-games, a little after the Victory, Philopoemen being then General the second time, and at leisure by reason of the solemnity, first showed the Grecians his Army, drawn up as if they were to fight, with all the motions occurring in a battle performed with wonderful order, strength and nimbleness. After which he went into the Theatre, while the Musicians were singing for the prize, waited on by Gentlemen in their Leaguer-cloaks, and Scarletarming Coats, all handsome men and in the flower of their age, and all carrying a great respect to their General; yet breathing out a noble confidence in themselves, raised by success in many glorious Encounters. At their coming in, by chance one Pylades, with a voice well suited to the lofty style of the Poet, was Singing this Verse out of the Persians of Timotheus.  Under his Conduct Greece was free and great. 
The whole Theatre presently cast their eyes on Philopoemen, and fell a clapping with wonderful joy, and ravished with hopes to recover again their former fame, and a confidence little short of their ancient virtue.  
Now it was with the Achaeans, as with young Horses, which go quietly with their usual riders, but boggle and grow unruly under strangers. The Soldiers, when any hot service was towards, and Philopoemen not at their head, grew dejected, and looked about for him; but if he once appeared, came presently to themselves, and recovered their confidence and courage. Of which their very Enemies being sensible, they could not endure to look him in the face; but as appeared in several occasions, were frighted with his very name.  
Philip, King of Macedon, thinking to terrify the Achaeans into subjection again, if he could rid his hands of Philopoemen, employed some privately to assassinate him. But the treachery coming to light, he became infamous, and mortally hated through all Greece. The Baeotians besieging Megara, and ready to carry the Town by Storm, upon a groundless feigned rumour, that Philopoemen was at hand with succour, ran awy, and left their scaling Ladders at the Wall behind them. Nabis, (who was Tyrant of Lacedaemon after Mechanidas) had surprised Messene at a time when Philopoemen was out of Command. He tried to persuade Lysippus, than General of the Achaeans, to succour Messene: but not prevailing with him, because he said the Enemy being now within it, the place was irrecoverably lost, resolved to go himself, without order or commission, but followed by his own Citizens, who went all with him as their General by commission from nature, which had made him fittest to Command. Nabis hearing of his coming, though his Army quartered within the Town, thought it not convenient for him to stay; but stealing out of the farthest gate with his men, marched away with all the speed he could, thinking himself a happy man if he could get off with safety. And he did escape, but Messene was rescued.  
All hitherto makes for the praise and honour of Philopoemen. But when at the request of the Gortynians he returned again into Crete to Command for them, at a time when his own Country was distressed by Nabis, he was taxed either of cowardice, or unseasonable ambition of honour amongst Foreigners. For the Megalopolitans were then so pressed, that the Enemy being master of the Field, and encamping almost at their Gates, they were forced to keep themselves within their Walls, and sow their very Streets. And he flying from a War at home, and commanding in chief in a foreign Nation, furnished his ill-willers with matter enough for their reproaches. Some said he took the offer of the Gortynians, because the Achaeans chose other Generals, and left him but a private man. For he could not endure to sit still, but looking upon War, and commanding in it as his great business, always coveted to be employed. And this agrees with what he once said smartly of K. Ptolemy. Somebody was praising him for keeping his Army and himself in perpetual exercise: And what praise, replied Philopoemen, for a King of his years, to be always preparing, and never performing? However, the Megalopolitans thinking themselves betrayed, took it so ill, that they were about to banish him. But the Achaeans dashed that design, by sending their Praetor Aristanetus to Megalopolis, who though he were at difference with Philopoemen about affairs of the Commonwealth, yet would not suffer him to be banished. Philopoemen being upon this account out of favour with his Citizens, cajoled divers of the little neighbouring places from obeying them, putting in their heads to say, that from the beginning they were not subject to their Taxes, or Laws, or any way under their Command. In these pretences he openly took their part, and at the same time fomented seditions in the City against the Achaeans. But these things happened a while after.  
While he stayed in Crete, in the service of the Gortynians, he made War not like a Peloponnesian or Arcadian fairly in the open Field, but fought with them at their own weapon, and turning their stratagems and tricks against themselves, showed them to play Craft against Skill, and were but Children to an experienced Soldier. Having managed it then with great bravery, and great reputation to himself, he returned into Peloponnesus, where he found Philip beaten by T. Quintius, and Nabis at War both with the Romans and Achaeans. He was presently chosen General against Nabis, but venturing to fight by Sea, seemed to have split upon the same Rock with Epaminondas, and by a success very different from the general expectation, and his own fame, lost much of his former reputation. But for Epaminondas, some report he was backward by design, to disgust his Countrymen with the Sea, lest of good Soldiers, they should by little and little turn as Plato says, ill Mariners. And therefore returned from Asia and the Islands without doing any thing on purpose. Whereas Philopoemen thinking his skill in Land-service would prevail likewise at Sea, learned how great a part of valour experience is, and how much it imports in the management of things to be accustomed to them. For he was not only put to the worst in the fight for want of skill, but having rigged up an old Ship, which had been a famous Vessel forty years before, and shipped his Citizens in her; she foundering, he had like to have lost them all. But then finding the Enemy, as if he had been driven out of the Sea, had, in contempt of him, besieged Gytheon, he presently set sail again, and taking them unexpectedly, disperssed, and careless after their Victory, Landed in the night, burnt their Camp, & killed of them a great number.  
A few days after, as he was marching through rough ways, Nabis came suddenly upon him. The Achaeans were dismayed, and in so straight a place, and which was seized by the Enemy, despaired to get off with safety. Philopoemen made a little halt, and when he had viewed the ground, made it appear, that the greatest thing in War is skill in drawing up an Army. For by advancing only a few paces, and without any confusion or trouble altering his order according to the nature of the place, he presently took away all apprehension from his men, and then charging, put the enemy to flight. But when he saw they fled not towards the City, but dispersed every man a several way all over the Field, which for Wood and Hills, Brooks and Ditches was not passable by Horse, he sounded a retreat, and encamped by broad daylight. Then foreseeing the enemy would endeavour to steal scatteringly into the City in the dark, he posted strong parties of the Achaeans all along the Banks and Hillocks near the Walls. Many of Nabis' men fell into their hands. For returning not in a body, but as the chance of flight had disposed of every one, they were caught like birds e'er they could enter into the Town.  
For these things he was wonderfully loved, and was also honoured in all the Theatres of Greece, but got the secret ill-will of Titus Flaminius, a man covetously ambitious of glory. For he thought it but reasonable a Consul of Rome should be otherwise esteemed by the Achaeans, than a Gentleman of Arcadia; especially seeing there was no comparison between what he, and what Philopoemen had done for them. For he by one Proclamation had restored all Greece, as much as had been under Philip and the Macedonians, to liberty. After this Titus made peace with Nabis, and Nabis was circumvented and slain by the Aetolians. Things being then in confusion at Sparta, Philopoemen laid hold on that occasion, and coming upon them with his Army, prevailed with some by persuasion, with others by fear, till he brought the whole City over to the Achaeans. As it was no small matter for Sparta to become a member of Achaia, this action gained him infinite praise from the Achaeans, for strengthening the Union by the addition of so great and powerful a City, and not a little goodwill from the Nobility of Sparta itself, who hoped they had now procured a General who would defend their freedom.  
Wherefore having made 120 Silver Talents 
Above 2000 pound.  by sale of the House and Goods of Nabis, they decreed him the money, and sent some in the name of the City to present it. But here the honesty of Philopoemen appeared as it was, a real uncounterfeited virtue. There was not a man among them durst mention the matter to him, but every one excusing himself, and shifting it off to his fellow, they laid it at last on Timolaus, with whom he had lodged at Sparta. Timolaus came to Megalopolis, and was entertained by Philopoemen, but struck into admiration with his grave manner of discourse, his thrifty and upright way of living, judged him not a man to be tempted, and, so pretending other business, returned without a word mentioned of the Present. He was sent again, and did just as formerly. But the third time with much ado, and faltering in his words, he acquainted Philopoemen with the good will of the City of Sparta to him. Philopoemen hearkened to him obligingly and gladly, and then went himself to Sparta, where he advised them not to bribe good men and their friends, of whose virtue they might be sure without charge to themselves; but buy off and silence ill Citizens, who were perpetually disquieting the City with their seditious Speeches in the Senate, or to the People. For it was better to bar liberty of speech in Enemies, than Friends. Thus it appeared how much Philopoemen was above bribery.  
Diophanes being afterwards General of the Achaeans, and hearing the Lacedæmonians were bend on new commotions, resolved to chastise them. They on the other side being set upon War, embroiled all Peloponnesus. Philopoemen did what he could to sweeten Diophanes, and make him sensible that as the times went, while Antiochus and the Romans were disputing their vast Pretensions with vast Armies in the heart of Greece, it concerned a man in his employment to keep a watchful eye over them, and dissembling and putting up many injuries to preserve all quiet at home. Diophanes would not be ruled, but joined with Titus, and both together falling into Laconia, marched directly to Sparta. Philopoemen was so nettled, that he did an action, in itself not justifiable, but which proceeded from a great spirit, and involved in it a great design. For getting into the Town himself, he, a private man as he was, kept out both the Consul of Rome and General of Achaia, quieted the disorders in the City, and reunited it once again to the Achaians.  
Yet afterwards, when he was Praetor himself, upon some new misdemeanour of the Lacedæmonians, he brought back those who had been banished, put, as Polybius writes 80, according to Aristocrates 350 Citizens to death, razed the Walls, took away a good part of their Territory, and laid it to the Megalopolitans, forced out of the Country, and carried into Achaia all who had been made free of Sparta by Tyrants, except 3000 who would not submit to Banishment. Those he sold for Slaves, and with the money, as if to insult over them, built a Porch at Megalopolis. Lastly, Unworthily trampling upon the Lacedæmonians in their calamities, and even glutting his hatred with a most cruel and inhuman action; he abolished the Laws of Lycurgus, and forced them to educate their Children, and live after the manner of the Achaeans. For while they kept to the Discipline of Lycurgus, there was no pulling down their haughty spirits but now their calamities had given Philopoemen opportunity to cut the sinews of their Commonwealth asunder, they were brought low, and grew tame and humble. Yet this lasted not long; for applying themselves to the Romans, and getting their consent, they soon threw off their new Achaean fashions; and as much as in so miserable and depraved a condition they could, re-establish their old discipline.  
When the War betwixt Antiochus and the Romans broke out in Greece, Philopoemen was a private man. At which he repined grievously, when he saw Antiochus lay idle at Calcis, spending his time in unseasonable Courtship and Weddings, and his Men dispersed in several Towns without Order or Commanders, and minding nothing but their pleasures. He used to tell the Romans that he envied their Victory; and that if he had had the fortune to be then in Command, he would have surprised the Enemy, & cut all their throats at their debauches.  
When Autigonus was overcome, the Romans pressed harder upon Greece, and surrounded the Achaeans with their power; The leading men in the several Cities grew out of heart; the the great strength of the whole body insensibly vanished, and the rolling of fortune began to settle on the Roman basis. Philopoemen in this conjuncture carried himself like a good Pilot in a high Sea, sometimes shifting sail, and sometimes yielding, but still steering steady; and omitting no opportunity nor earnestness to keep all who were considerable, whether for eloquence or riches, fast to the defence of their Common liberty.  
Aristaenetus, a Megalopolitan of great credit among the Achaeans, but always a favourer of the Romans, said one day in the Senate, that the Romans were not to be displeased, or refused any thing. Philopoemen heard him with an impatient silence: But at last, not able to hold longer, said angrily to him, And why in such haste, wretched Man, to behold the Grecian ruin? Manlius, the Roman Consul, after the defeat of Antiochus, moved the Achaeans to restore the banished Lacedæmonians to their Country, which motion was seconded and supported by all the interest of Titus. But Philopoemen crossed it, not for any ill will to the men, but because they should be beholding to him and the Achaeans, not to Titus and the Romans. For when he came to be Praetor himself, he restored them. So impatient was his great Spirit of doing things by command, and so prone his nature to shock and contend with men in power.  
Being now Threescore and ten, and the eighth time General, he was in hope to pass in quiet not only the year of his Magistracy, but his remaining life. For as diseases are weaker in weaker bodies, the quarrelling humour of the Grecians abated much with their power. But envious Fortune threw him down in the close of his life, like one who with unmatchable speed runs over all the race, and stumbles at the Goal. 'Tis reported, that being in company where one was praised for a great Commander, he replied, There was no great account to be made of a man, who had suffered himself to be taken alive by his Enemies.  
A few days after, news came that Dinocrates a Messenian, a particular Enemy to Philopoemen, and for his wickedness and villainies generally hated, had brought Messene to revolt from the Achaeans, and was about to seize upon a little place called Colonis. Philopoemen lay then sick of a Fever at Argos. Upon the news he hasted away, and reached Megalopolis, which was distant above 400 furlongs 
Fifty Miles.  in a day. From thence he presently drew out the Horse, the chiefest of the City, and who in the vigour of their age and mettle were forward in the matter, both for their extraordinary love to Philopoemen and compassion of the case. As they marched towards Messene, they met with Dinocrates about Evander's Tomb, charged and routed him. But five hundred fresh men, who being left for a guard to the Country came late in, happening to appear, the flying Enemy rallied again about the hills. Philopoemen fearing to be enclosed, and solicitous for his men, retreated over ground extremely disadvantageous, bringing up the rear himself. As he often faced, and ran upon the Enemy, he drawn them all upon himself; yet they caracolled aloof, and shouted about him, no body daring to approach him. With care to save every single man, he left his main body so often, that at last he was left himself alone among the thickest of his Enemies. Yet even than none durst come up to him, but being pelted at a distance, and driven to stony steep places, he was fain with much spurring to wind up and down as he was able: His age was no hindrance to him, for with perpetual exercise it was both strong and active. But being weakened with sickness, and tired with his long journey, his Horse stumbling, threw him encumbered with his arms, and faint upon a hard and rugged piece of ground. His head being grievously bruised with the fall, he lay a while speechless, so that the Enemy thinking him dead, began to turn and strip him. But when they saw him lift up his head, and open his eyes, they threw themselves in crowds upon him, bound his hands behind him, and carried him off with all the provoking scorn and opprobrious language of insulting insolence; him (I say) who had never so much as dreamt of being led in triumph by Dinocrates.  
The Messenians wonderfully puffed up with the news, thronged in swarms to the City gates. But when they saw Philopoemen in a posture so unsutible to the glory of his great Actions and famous Victories, most of them struck with grief, and cursing the deceitful vanity of humane fortune, fell a weeping with compassion. Their tears by little and little turned to kind words, and 'twas almost in every body's mouth that they ought to remember what he had done for them and the Common liberty, which by driving away Nabis, he had perserv'd. Some few, to make their court to Dinocrates, were for tormenting, and putting him to death as a dangerous and irreconcilable Enemy; and who, if he once got loose, Dinocrates was lost, who had taken him prisoner, and used him basely. They put him at last into a Dungeon underground, which they called the Treasury, a place into which there comes no air nor light from abroad; and which having no doors, is closed with a great stone; which rolling to the entrance, they fixed; and placing a guard about it, left him. In the mean time Philopoemen's Soldiers recovering themselves after their flight, and fearing he was dead when he appeared nowhere, made a stand, calling him with loud cries, and reproaching one another with their unworthy and shameful escape; and, betraying their General, who to preserve their lives, had lost his own. Then they fell to searching curiously everywhere, till hearing at last he was taken, they sent away Messengers round about with the news. The Achaeans resented the misfortune deeply, and decreed to send and demand him, and in the mean time drew their Army together for his rescue.  
While these things passed in Achaia, Dinocrates fearing all delay would save Philopoemen, and resolved to be beforehand with the Achaeans, as soon as dark night had dispersed the multitude, sent in the Executioner with poison, and order not to stir from him till he had taken it. Philopoemen was then laid down, wrapped up in his Cloak, not sleeping, but oppressed with grief and trouble. But seeing light, and a man with poison by him, struggled to sit up; and taking the Cup, asked the Hangman if he heard any thing of the Horsemen, particularly Lycortas? The fellow answering, that the most part had got off safe, he nodded, and looking cheerfully upon him, 'Tis well, says he, that we are not every way unfortunate. And without a word more drank it off, and laid him down again. His weakness struggling but little with the poison, it dispatched him presently.  
The news of his death filled all Achaia with grief and lamentation. The Youth, with some of the chief of the several Cities met at Megalopolis with a resolution to take revenge without delay. They chose Lycortas General, and falling upon the Messenians, put all to fire and sword, till the City by common consent yielded. Dinocrates' with as many as had voted for his death; prevented their revenge, and killed themselves. Those who would have had him tormented, Lycortas put in Chains. They burned his Body, and put the ashes into an Urn, and then marched homeward, not in a disordered hurry, but with a kind of solemn pomp, half Triumph, half Funeral, Crowns of Victory on their heads, and tears in their eyes, their Captive Enemies in Fetters by them. Polybius, the General's Son, carried the Urn, whereof there was hardly any thing to be seen but Garlands and Ribbons. The chief of the Achaeans went round about it. The Soldiers followed bravely armed and mounted, with looks neither altogether sad as in Mourning, nor lofty as in Victory. The people from all Towns and Villages in their way, flocked out to meet him, as at his return from conquest, and saluting and touching the Urn, fell in with the Company, and followed on to Megalopolis. Where when the old Men, the Women and Children were mingled with the rest, the whole City was filled with sighs, complaints and cries, looking upon the loss of Philopoemen as the loss of their Greatness, and on themselves as no longer Chief among the Achaeans. So he was honourably buried according to his Worth, and the Prisoners stoned about his Tomb.  
Many Statues were set up, and many Honours decreed him by the several Cities: all which a certain Roman, who after the destruction of Corinth, prosecuted him as if he had been alive for an Enemy to the Romans, would have removed. The business made a noise, and Polybius answered the Sycophant at large. But neither Mammius nor the Legates would suffer the honourable Monuments of so great a Man to be defaced, though he had often crossed both Titus and Manlius. They distinguished well in my opinion, and as became honest men, betwixt Interest and Virtue, Honest and Profitable, when they thought thanks and reward due to him who does a benefit, from him who receives it, and Honour never to be denied by the good to the good. And so much concerning Philopoemen.   


T. Q. FLAMINIUS'.   
THE LIFE OF TITUS Q. FLAMINIUS'.  Englished from the Original, By Charles Whitaker, of the Inner-Temple, Esquire. 
Volume II.  
Titus' Quintius Flaminius (whom we pitch upon for a Parallel to Philopoemen) what he was to his outward appearance, they who are led with a Curiosity that way, may view him in his Brazen Statue, which stands in Rome next that of the Great Apollo, brought from Carthage, opposite to the Circus Maximus, with a Greek Inscription upon it. But for the Temper of his mind, 'tis said to have been somewhat 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Titus his Character.  of the hottest both in his angry and in the kinder expressions of himself, but not to an equal pitch or continuance in both; for when he came to Punishing, he was ever moderate, not inflexible. But whatever courtesy or good turn he set about, he went through with it. So civil, so obliging was he always to them on whom he poured his Favours, as if they, not he, had been the Benefactors; he practised as much observance and care towards all that had tasted of his Beneficence, as if in them had been lodged his choicest Treasures: But being ever thirsty after Honour, and a mighty affecter of Glory, if any thing of a greater and more extraordinary nature, were to be done, he would be sure to be the doer of it himself: He took more pleasure in those that needed, than in those that were capable of conferring Courtesies; looking on the former as proper objects for his virtue, and on the latter as his Competitors in Glory.  
Rome had then many and sharp Contests abroad, and her Youth betaking themselves early to the Wars, learned betimes the Art of Commanding; when Flaminius, having passed through the Rudiments of Soldiery, began his first Charge in the War against Hannibal, as Commander of 1000 Foot under Marcellus the then Consul. Marcellus, indeed, falling into an Ambuscade, was cut off. But Titus getting the Governourship as well of Tarentum (then retaken a second time) as of the Country about it, grew no less famous for his Administration of Justice, than for his military Skill. This raised him to the Triumvirate Dignity of Leader and Chieftain of those two Colonies which were sent into the Cities of Narnia and Cossa; which filled him with loftier thoughts, and made him step over those previous Honours which such young Candidates use to pass through of Tribune, Praetor and Aedile, and levelly his first aim at the Consulship. Having therefore these Colonies, and all that Interest ready at his Devotion, without more ado, he stands for it: But the Tribunes of the People, Fulvius and Manlius, and their Party, strongly opposed 
Liv. L. 2. Dec. 4.  him; alleging how undecent a thing, how ill a Precedent 'twas, that a Man of such raw years, one who was yet, as 'twere, untrained, never initiated in the first sacred Rights and Mysteries of Government, should, in contempt and opposition of their Laws, intrude and force himself into the Sovereignty.  
However the Senate remitted it to the People's choice and suffrage; who Elect him (though not then arrived as his Thirtieth year) and Sextus Aelius Consuls. The 
Chosen Consul at thirty  War against Philip and the Macedonians fell to Titus by Lot, and surely some kind Genius propitious at that time to the Roman affairs 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 But I read 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  had a hand in the drawing it; for the Macedonians were not men of that stubborn nature, as to need a General to be sent against them, who would always be upon the point of force and dry blows, but were rather reducible by persuasion and gentle usage. 'Tis true that the Kingdom of Macedon furnished supplies enough to Philip to enable him to adventure on ● single Battle with the Romans: But to maintain a long and lingering War, he must call in Ai● from Greece; from Greece must he recruit hi● strength; from Greece replenish his stores; from thence must he borrow his Strong-holds and retreating-places; and in a word, all the Materials of War must the Macedonian Army fetch from thence. Unless therefore that the Grecians could be taken off from siding with Philip, this War with him must not expect its Decision from a single Battle. Now Greece (who had not hitherto held much Correspondence with the Romans, but first began an Intercourse under this Scene of affairs) would no● so soon have embraced a Foreign Authority instead of the Governors she had been enured to; Had not the Roman Consul been of a sweet and winning nature, one who worked rather by fair means than force; of a most insinuating address in all Applications of himself to others, and no less easy▪ courteous, and open to all Addresses of others to him. But above all, had a constant Eye to Justice; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  but the after-account of his Actions will best illustrate him as to these Particulars.  
Titus finding that as well, Sulpitius, as Publius, who had been his Predecessors in that Command, had not taken the Field against the Macedonians till late; and when their Consulships were on the point of Expiring: And then 
Sets out immediately for the War.  too set their hands but tenderly to the War, but stood skirmishing and scouting here and there for Passes and Provisions, and never came to close fight with Philip. He thought it not meet to trifle away an year, as they did, at home in Ostentaton of their new-gotten Honours, and in the Administration of Civil Affairs, and after, in the close of the year, to betake themselves to the Army, a mere artifice to eke out their Dignity and Government a year longer, acting the Consul in the first, and the General in the latter. But Titus was withal infinitely desirous to employ his Authority with effect upon the War; which made him slight those Home-Honours and Prerogatives. Requesting, therefore, of the Senate, that his Brother Lucius might go Admiral of the Navy, and taking with him 3000 gallant and stout men 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. ●IV. Ibid.  as so many sure Cards, which he drew out of those who, under Scipio, had defeated Asdrubal in 
† Spain.  Iberia, and Hannibal in Africa, he got safe into Epirus; and finding Publius encamped with his Army over against Philip, who had long made good the Pass over the River Apsus, and the Straits there; Publius' not having been able, for the the natural strength of the place, to effect any thing upon him. Titus therefore takes upon him the Conduct of the Army, and 
Takes the Army of Publius.  having dismissed Publius, views the Coast.  
The place is no less inaccessible and 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  impregnable than the craggy Rocks of Tempe, but falls short of that goodly Ornament of Trees, that Verdant prospect of the Woods; it lacks Tempe's pleasant Fields and Walks at the foot of it; for the Apsus (falling from those great and 
The Apsus.  lofty Mountains, which, standing as a mighty Bank on each side the River, make a deep and large Channel in the midst) is not unlike the River Peneus, either for the swiftness of its Current, or the manner of it; for it swells over, and covers the foot of those Hills, insomuch that there's left only a cragged narrow path cut out hard by the stream, not easily passable at any time for an Army, but not at all when guarded by the Enemy. There were some, therefore, who would fain have had Titus fetch a Compass through Dassaretis, along the River Lycus, which was a passable and easy Tract. But 
Liv. ibid.  he fearing, if he should engage himself too far from the Sea, into barren and untilled Countries, and Philip should decline Fight, he might, through want of Provisions be constrained to march back again to the Seaside without effecting any thing, as his Predecessor had done before him. This put him upon a resolution of forcing his way over the Mountains. But Philip, having possessed himself of them with his Army, show'rd down his Darts and Arrows from all parts about the Romans Ears. Sharp were the skirmishes, and many fell wounded and slain on both sides, and small appearance there was of thus ending the War. When some of the men, who fed their cattle thereabouts, came to Titus with a 
Liv. ibid. Herdsmen discover a way to Titus to bring his Men up the Mountains.  Discovery, that there was a Round-about-way which the Enemy neglected to Guard; through which they undertake to conduct his Army, and to bring them, within three days at farthest, to the top of the Hills; and to gain the surer credit with him, they alleged that Charops of Machara, was not only privy unto, but would make good all they had promised (this Charops was at that time Prince of Epirus, and a Well-willer to the Romans, and one that gave them assistance, but underhand, for fear of Philip.) Titus, crediting the Intelligence, sends away a Captain with 4000 Foot, and 300 Horse: These Herdsmen were their Guides, but kept in Bonds. In the daytime, they lay still under the Covert of the hollow and woody places, but in the night they marched by Moonlight (for the Moon was then at full:) Titus having detached off this Party, lay still afterwards with his main body, unless it were that he sometimes galled and incommoded the Enemy's Camp by shooting up amongst them.  
But when the day arrived, that those who stole round, were expected upon the top of the Hill, he drew up his Forces early into Battalia, as well the light-armed as the heavy, and dividing them into three Parts; Himself led the Van, marching his Men along the Bank, up the narrowest point of those Straits, darted at by the Macedonians, and engaging, amidst those Rocks, hand to hand with all his Assailants. Whilst the other two Squadrons, on either side of him, with a Transcendent Alacrity and Courage clinging to the Rocks, as if they had grown to them, contended all they could to come to Action. But when the Sun was up, a thin smoke discovers itself rising afar off, (like Mists that usually hang upon the Hills,) but unperceived by the Enemy (for 'twas behind them who were at top already,) And the Romans as yet under a doubt and suspense in the toil and difficulty they were in, construed their Hopes according to their Desires. But as it grew thicker and thicker, spreading Darkness over the Air, and mounting to a greater height, they no longer doubted but 'twas the Fiery-signal of their Companions; whereupon they give a mighty shout, and climbing up stoutly and courageously, they drove the Enemy into the most craggy places; in the interim those behind the Enemy Echoed back their Acclamations from the top of the Mountain. Quickly then did the Macedonians 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  fly with all the heels they could make; there fell not more than 2000 of them, for the difficulties 
The Macedonians routed.  of the place rescued them from a long and close pursuit. But the Romans pillaged their Camp, seized upon their Wealth and Slaves, becoming absolute Masters of those Straits, traversed over all Epirus; but with such Order and Discipline, with such Temperance and Moderation, that though they were far from the Sea, at a great distance from their Vessels, and stinted of their Monthly allowance of Corn, and the like Provisions, and wanting the opportunities of Markets to furnish themselves from; yet plundered they not the Country which had Provisions 
Titus plunders not the Country.  enough of all sorts in it. For Titus receiving an Intelligence that Philip rather fled than marched through Thessaly, that he forced the Inhabitants from the Towns to take shelter in the Mountains, that the Towns themselves he burned down, that a great part of their goods, which for the quantity or cumbersomness of them, they could not carry with them was left a Prey to the Victor; in so much that the whole Country in a manner was quitted to the Roman Army: He therefore was very desirous, and entreated his Soldiers, that they would pass through it as their own; as a Place put into their hands: and indeed they quickly perceived by the Event what Benefit they derived from that Orderliness. For they no sooner set Foot in Thessaly, but the Cities Surrender to him, and the Grecians, within the Pylae, did perfectly long for and were quite transported with a Zeal of Committing themselves into the hands of Titus. The Acheans not only broke their League with Philip, but, at the same time, voted to join with the Romans in actual arms against him. As for the Opuntians; the Aetolians (who though they then acted with a mighty forwardness and Valour in Confederacy with the Roman) did strongly Solicit them to put their City under their protection, but they embraced not the Proposition; But sending for Titus, to him they intrust and commit themselves.  
'Tis reported of Pyrrhus, that when at first from an adjacent Hill or watch-Tower which gave him a full prospect of the Roman Army, he descried them so orderly drawn up; he should openly declare," he espied no" Barbarity in the Barbarians Ranks. All that came near Titus, could not choose but say as much of him, at their first view. For they who had been told by the Macedonians of an Invader at the head of a Barbarian Army, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  carrying every where Slavery and Destruction on his Sword's point; when in lieu of such an one, they meet a man, in the Flower of his Age, of a graceful Aspect, and full of Humanity, a Grecian in his Voice and Language, and a lover of true Honour, they were most wonderfully pleased and satisfied in him; and when they left him, they filled the Cities and all places where they came with a value and esteem for him, as reckoning they had now got a Leader to Liberty. And when afterwards Philip made as if he would 
Titus proffers Philip a peace, on condition that Greece be left free.  condescend to Terms of Peace, ●●tus came, and made a Tender to him o● Peace and Friendship, upon the Conditions that the Grecians be left to their own Laws and Liberties, and that he withdraw his Garrisons thence. This he refused to comply with. But 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  now after these easy proposals, the general voge of all, even of the Favourers and Partisans of Philip, was, that the Romans came not to fight against, but for the Grecians, and against the Macedonians. As for the rest of Greece, all closed with him in a yielding Peaceable way.  
As he marched into Boeotia, without committing the least act of Hostility, The Nobility 
The Nobles of Thebes come to meet Titus.  and Chief-men of Thebes came out of their City to meet him. These Thebans, by the Influence of Brachyllelis and his Faction, favoured the Macedonian State, but however complimented, and paid their Honour and deference to Titus; for they were, yet, at Amity with both parties. Titus received them in the most obliging and courteous manner, but keeps going gently on, Questioning and Enquiring of them, after this and that, and sometimes entertaining them with Narratives, and apposite Replies and Relations of his own, till his Soldiers might a little recover the weariness of their Journey. Thus passing easily on, He and the Thebans came together into their City, not much to their Satisfaction; But to deny him Entrance they durst not, for a good competen●●umber of his men followed him in. Titus s●●ll Proceeded by way of address to them, as if he had not had the City at his mercy, and set a persuading them to take in with the Roman Interests. King Attalus, joins with him in the same requests, pressing the Thebans so to do. But Attalus, being ambitious to give Titus a Specimen of his Rhetorical faculty beyond what, it seems, his age could bear; a Dizziness or Flux of Rheum surprising him in the midst of his Speech, he swooned away, and, being not long after conveyed by Ship into Asia, died there. As for the Boetians, they sided with the Romans.  
But now when Philip sent an Embassy to 
An Embassy sent to Rome.  Rome, Titus dispatched away Agents on his part too, to Solicit the Senate to decree him a Continuance in his Command, if they did so, to the War; or if they determined an end to that, that he might have the Honour of striking up the Peace. For having a great Itch after Glory, his fear was, that if another General were Commissioned to carry on the War, the Honour even of what was passed would be lost to him; but his Friends transacted matters so well on his behalf, that neither Philip prevailed in his Proposals, and the management of the War was confirmed in his hands. He no sooner received the Senate's 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Determination in this point, and the Ratification of his Authority; But, big with hopes, he marches directly into Thessaly, 
Titus advances with an Army against Philip.  to Engage Philip. His Army consisted of 26000 Men, whereof the Aetolians furnished 6000 of the Foot and 400 of the Horse. The Forces of Philip were much about the same Number. In this Eagerness to encounter they advance each against the other, till both drew near unto Scotusa, where they resolved to hazard a Battle. The Vicinity of two such Puissant Armies had not the Effect that might have been easily supposed, to strike into the Generals a mutual Terror of each other, but rather inspired them with Ardour and Ambition; on the Romans part' to be the conquerors of Macedon; a name which was Famous and Formidable amongst them, for strength and Valour on the score of Alexander's Grandeur: whilst the Macedonians on the other hand, esteeming of the Romans as another-guess Enemy than the Persian, hoped, that if Victory stood on their side, to make the name of Philip shine brighter in the Annals of Fame than that of Alexander. Titus therefore presses and incites his Soldiers to play the part of Valiant and Daring men for that they were now to enter the Lists upon the most glorious Theatre of the World, Greece, and with Champions that stand in Competition with the foremost for Valour. Philip on the other side begins an Harangue to his Men, as is usual to do just before an Engagement, to whet and call up their Courage: and in order to his being the better heard (whether 'twere merely accidental, or out of an unseasonable haste, not observing what he did;) he mounts upon an Eminence without their Camp, which proved indeed a Buryingplace. Philip himself was not a little concerned for the strange Damp and Despondency that seized his Army at the unluckiness of the Omen, in so much that all that day he kept in his Camp, and declined Fight. But on the morrow, as day came on, after a slabby, wet night, the Clouds changing into a mist filled all the Plain with a mighty Darkness; and a foggy thick Air descending, by that time 'twas full day, from the adjacent Mountains betwixt the two Camps, covered their Stations from each others view: Whereupon the Parties sent out on either side, some for an Ambuscade, some for Discovery; these falling in upon one another, quickly after they were thus detached from their main Bodies, began the Fight at the 
The second Engagement betwixt Titus and Philip.  narrow Passage called Cynocephalae (that is, Dogs-heads, which are sharp tops of Hills that stand thick and close to one another, and have gained the name from the Likeness of their shape to a Dog's-head.) Now many turns and changes happening, as may well be expected in such uneven passages, sometimes hot in the Pursuit, and sometimes the same Party flying as fast; each General commands out Succours and Recruits from their Camp, as they see their own pressed or giving ground, till at length the Heavens clearing up, let them into a fairer Prospect of all that passed; upon which the whole Armies became Engaged. Philip who was in the Right Wing, from the advantage of the hanging ground which he had, poured down his Forces upon the Romans with such briskness that the stoutest of them could not stand the roughness of the Shock, nor bear up against the pressure of so close-compacted Files. But the Left Wing being, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  by reason of the Hilliness of the Place, more shattered and broken, Titus observing it, and cherishing little or no hopes on that side where his own gave ground, makes in all haste to the other; and there charges in upon the Macedonians; who, in regard of the Inequality and Roughness of the Country, could not keep their Body Entire, nor line their Ranks to any great Depth (which is the Principal point of their strength) but were forced to fight man for man, under heavy and unwieldy Armour: For the Macedonian Phalanx is, for its strength, like some masterless Beast, whilst 'tis embodied into one as 'twere, and keeps locked together, Target to Target, all as in a Piece; but, if once broken, every single Soldier that composed it loses of his own private strength; the nature of their Armour is such; and besides, each of them is strong, rather, as he among the rest makes a part of the whole, than in his single self. When these were routed, some gave chase to the Flyers, others charged those Macedonians in the Flanks who were still Fight, so that the conquering Wing was quickly shattered, put to Flight, and threw down their Arms. There were then slain no less than 8000, and about 5000 were taken Prisoners. The Aetolians were the main occasion that Philip himself got safe off. For whilst the Romans were yet in Pursuit, these fell to ravaging and plundering the Camp to that degree, that when the others returned they found no booty in it. This bred at first hard words, Quarrels and misunderstandings betwixt them. But ever after they galled Titus more, in ascribing the Victory to themselves, and Prepossessing the Grecians with Reports on their own behalf; in so much that their Poets, and the vulgar sort in the Pamphlets and Songs that were Sung or written of this action, still ranked the Aetolians foremost: but the Verses that were most in every body's mouth were these; 

Without a Tear, without a Sigh  
Without a Monument or Grave  
Here, Passenger! thou may'st descry  
On heaps we thrice ten Thousand Lie,  
Alas! no Burial we could have.   

Aetolian Prowess was our overthrow  
And Latian Bands  
Which Titus did Command  
From the broad Italian Strand  
Has laid us Low.   

Sad Fate of Macedon! Philip's daring Soul,  
Which Lion like when first he took the Field  
Thought that he might the Universe, Control;  
But when, alas! he once began to yield,  
Like Stags pursued, he fled away,  
But far more Swift and more afraid than they.   This was of Alcaeus his Composing which he did in a Jeer and mockery to Philip, though indeed he belied him in it, as to the number of the slain. However being frequently repeated and by almost every body, Titus was more nettled at it than Philip, for the latter played upon. Alcaeus again, annexing the following verses by way of Elegy upon him. 
What, Traveller! on yonder Hill you see  
A Lofty Bark-less, Leave-less Gallow-tree  
Stands to reward Alcaeus' Poetry.  But such little matters heinously fretted Titus, who affected a Reputation among the Grecians, and therefore he managed all after occurrences by himself, and had but a very slender regard for the Aetolians. This stuck in their Stomaches; and when Titus listened to terms of accommodation, and had admitted of an Embassy upon the proffers of the Macedonian King; these Aetolians made it their business to divulge it through all the Cities of Greece, that he sold Philip his Peace, and that, at a time, when 'twas in his hand to have cut up all the springs and roots of War, and have laid waste that Empire which first put the yoke of servitude upon Greece. But whilst, with these and the like Rumours, the Aetolians laboured to shake the Roman Confederates; Philip, making overtures of Submission of himself and Kingdom to the Discretion of Titus and the Romans, puts an end to those Jealousies; as Titus, by accepting them, did to the War; for he reinstated Philip in his Kingdom of Macedon, but enjoins him at the same time, that he Quit Greece, that he pay 1000 Talents; and withal, he took from him all his shipping, save 10 Vessels; and sent away Demetrius, one of his Sons, Hostage to Rome; Improving that short time of the Treaty to the best advantage could then be made of it, and by way of Provision against an after - clap. For Hannibal the African, a professed Enemy to the Roman name, an Exile from his own Country, and not long since arrived at King Antiochus his Court, lay at that Prince, not to be wanting to the good Fortune that had been hitherto so propitious to his Affairs: for his Arms as yet had never wanted a Success, and the Grandeur of his actions had purchased him the Surname of GREAT; in so much that he began to levelly his aim at the Universal 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Monarchy, but above all to make some attempt upon the Romans. Had not therefore Titus upon a principle of Prudence and Foresight lent an Ear to Peace, but, instead of that, Antiochus had found Philip holding the Romans play in Greece; and these two the most Puissant and Warlike Princes of that age, and confederated for their common Interests against the Roman State, Rome might once more have run as great a Risk and been afresh reduced to no less extremities than she had felt under Hannibal. But now Titus opportunely clapping in this Peace between the Wars; pruning away thereby the present danger, before that which was but in expectation had sprouted out: He at once disappointed Antiochus of his first Hopes, and Philip of his last Refuge; now when the ten Commissioners, delegated to Titus from the Senate, advised him to restore the rest of Greece to their Liberty, but that Corinth, Chalcis and Demetrias should be kept Garrisoned for a Bulwark and protection against Antiochus.  
The Aetolians, ever 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  eminent in the way of slandering, shook the Faith of the Cities here in an eminent degree, for they call upon Titus to knock off the Shackles of Greece (for so Philip used to term the aforesaid three Cities.) They ask the Grecians, whether 'twere not matter of much consolation to them, that, though their Chains weighed heavier, yet they were now neater and better polished than formerly? Whether Titus were not deservedly admired by them as their Benefactor, who had unshackled the feet of Greece, and tied her up by the Neck? Titus' vexed and angry hereat, made it his Request to the Senate, and at last prevailed in it, that the Garrisons in these Cities should be dismantled, that so the Grecians might be no longer Debtors to him, for a partial, but entire Favour. The Isthmian Games were now renewed, and multitudes set crowded in 
Liv. Dec. 4. L. 3.  the Theatre to see the Exercises; for Greece, who of late days not only found Respite from War, and was in a full Possession of Peace, but entertained farther hopes of regaining their Liberty too, made Holiday for it; as these were in celebrating, silence was commanded by sound of Trumpet; and the Crier, stepping forth amidst the Spectators, makes Proclamation, That the Roman Senate, and Titus Quintius the Proconsular General, having vanquished King Philip and the Macedonians, restored the Corinthians, Locrians, Phocaeans, Eubaeans, Achaians, Pthiotaeans, Magnetians, Thessalians, and Perraebians to their own Country, Laws and Liberty; took off all Impositions upon them, and withdrew their Garrisons thence. At the first, many heard not at all, and others not Distinctly, what was said; but an odd kind of Bustle and Stir there was in the Theatre, some wondering, some ask, some calling out to the Crier; Repeat that again, Repeat that again. When therefore fresh silence was made, the Crier raising his Voice, his Speech more easily reached the Ears of the Company. The shout which in that Ecstasy of Joy they gave was so incredibly great that 'twas heard to Sea. The people all jump up upon their Legs, there was no farther regard to the Diversions they came for; but all fell a leaping, and Dancing, and hugging one another. And all salute Titus with the Title of Saviour and Defender of Greece. 
† 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  The strength there is in Voices and the many Relations we have, speaking excessive things that way, were seen verified upon this occasion. For the Crows, that were then accidentally flying over the Stage, fell down dead into it upon the shout. The breaking the Air must needs be the cause of it, for the Voices being numerous, and the Acclamation violent, and the air thereby scattered and routed thence as 'twere, it could no longer give support to the Birds but lets them tumble, like one that should 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  attempt to walk upon a Vacuum, or such empty space, which affords nothing to set the Foot upon, unless we should rather imagine these Crows to fall and die, shot with the noise as with a Dart. And withal, there may possibly be a circular agitation of the air, acquiring (like Marine Vortexes) an additional strength from the excess of its Fluctuation which whirls it round.  
But for Titus; (The sports being now quite at an end) so beset was he on every side, and by such multitudes, that had he not, spying the throng and concourse of the people, timely withdrawn, he would scarce 'tis thought have ever got clear of them. But when they had tired themselves with Acclamations all about his Pavilion, and night was now come, whatever Friends or Fellow-Citizens they saw, they fell embracing and hugging them, and from that, to Feasting and Carousing together. At which, no doubt, redoubling then their Joy, they begin to recollect and talk of the State of Greece, what Wars She had run through in defence of her Liberty, yet was ever perhaps Mistress of a more settled or grateful one than what others arms put into her hands: that by the Bounty of Titus She now bears away without, almost, one-drop of Blood, without the mournful effects of War, the most glorious of rewards, and best worth the contending for. That courage and wisdom are, indeed, Rarities amongst men. But of all that's good, a just man is the most scarce. For such as Agesilaus, Lysander, Nicias and Alcibiades, knew how to play the General's par● how to manage a War, how to bring off their men Victorious by Land and Sea; but how to employ that Success to generous and honest purposes, they were far enough to seek. For should a man except the achievement at Marathon, the Sea-Fight at Salamis, the Engagements at Plataeae and Thermopylae, Cimon's Exploits at Eurymedon, and on the coasts of Cyprus, Greece fought all her other Battles against and to enslave herself. She erected all her Trophies to her own shame and misery, and was brought to ruin and desolation by the Villainy and ambition of her Rulers. But a Foreign Nation who might rather be expected to retain some small Sparks, something of a Tincture derived to them from their ancient Sires; a Nation from whom it may be wondered that Greece should 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  reap any designed benefit, or indeed a good word; yet these are they who have retrieved Greece from her severest Pressures, and deepest Extremities; have rescued her out of the hands of insulting Lords and Tyrants and reinstated her in her former Liberties.  
Thus they entertained their tongues and thoughts; whilst Titus his actions made good what had been Proclaimed. For he immediately dispatched away Lentulus to Asia, to set the Bergillians free, Titillius to ●●r●ce, to see the Garrisons of Philip removed out of the Towns and Islands there; Publius' Julius set Sail in order to the treating with Antiochus about the freedom of the Grecians under him. Titus himself passed on to Chalcis, and after sailing thence to Magnesia he dismantled the Garrisons there, and surrendered the Government into the people's hands. At Argos he was chosen Judge or Moderator of the Nemaean Games, and did his part in the management of that Solemnity extraordinary well; there he made a second Publication by the Crier, of Liberty to the Grecians: And still through all the Cities he passed, he pressed upon them conformity to their Laws; A constant practice of Justice, and Unity and Friendship one towards another. The Seditious among them he Quelled, the Banished he reduced, and in short, his conquest over the Macedonians, gave him not a more sensible pleasure, than to find himself prevalent in reconciling Greeks with Greeks, so that their Liberty seemed now the least part of the kindness he conferred upon them.  
The story goes that when Lycurgus the Orator had rescued Xenocrates the Philosopher from the Collectors who were hurrying him away to Prison for the Metoecia (Taxes which Strangers residing at Athens were to pay) and prosecuted them at Law for the 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  affront offered to the Philosopher, he afterwards meeting the Children of Lycurgus, Children (says he) I am not now behindhand with your Father in point of gratitude; for all THE WORLD cries him up for what he did for me. But the Returns which attended Titus Quintius and the Romans, for their beneficence to the Greeks terminated not in empty Praises only, for these proceedings gained them a deserved Credit and Trust in the World, and opened a new door to Empire. For now many Nations not only admitted of the Governors set over them by Rome, but even sent and entreated to be under their Protection. Neither was this done by the Populacy alone, by some petty Commonwealths, or single Cities. Bu● King oppressed by Kings cast themselves into their Protecting hand. In so much that in a very short time, (though perchance notwithout the finger of God in it) all the World did Homage to them. Titus also himself valued himself most upon the Liberty he restored to Greece, for having dedicated silver Targets, together with his own Shield, to Apollo at Delphos, he Inscribed upon them the following Verses. 
Triumph, ye Spartan Kings, ye Royal Twins,  
The equal Sons of Tyndarus and Jove,  
Who in swift Horsemanship have placed your Love;  
Titus, sprung from the Great Aeneas Loins,  
Presents to you, of Grecian Progeny,  
The best of Gifts, a regained Liberty.  He offered also to Apollo a golden Crown, with this Inscription on't,  
This Golden Crown upon thy locks Divine,  
Thou bright Latona's Son, did Titus place;  
Titus, the Leader of th' Aenean Race:  
Bestow on him some equal strength to Thine,  
Thou distant-striking God that he  
May share a Glory with thy Deity.  
Now hath the same thing twice betided the Grecians in the City of Corinth; For Titus then, and Nero again in our days, both at Corinth, and both alike, at the Celebration of the Isthmian Games, permitted the Grecians to enjoy their own Laws and Liberty. The former (as hath been said) proclaimed it by the Crier, but Nero did it in the public meetingplace, from the Tribunal, in an Oration he there made to the People. (But this happened a good while after:) Titus after this commences a gallant and just War upon Nabis, that most Profligate and Villainous Tyrant of the Lacedæmonians, but herein at long-run he failed the expectations of the Grecians. For when he had an opportunity of taking him, he Industriously slipped it, and struck up a Peace with him, leaving 
Titus' made Peace with Nabis.  Sparta to bewail an undeserved Slavery: whether it were that he feared, if the War should be protracted, Rome would send a new General who might rob him of the Glory of it; or that the Emulation and Envy of Philopoemen's wreaths, (a Man that had signalised himself among the Grecians upon all other occasions, but in that War especially had done wonders both for matter of Courage and Counsel; one whom the Grecians celebrated in their Theatres, and put into the fame Balance of Glory with Titus,) touched him to the Quick. For he scorned that an Arcadian; a Captain and Leader, in a few Rencounters upon the confines of his Country should be looked on by them with an equal admiration to the Roman Consul, who Warred on the behalf of all Greece. But besides, Titus was not without an Apology too for what he did, (to wit,) that he put an end to the War only then when he foresaw that the Tyrant's Destruction must have been attended with a sweeping train of Ruin upon the other Spartans'.  
The Achaeans indeed decreed, and studied, to honour Titus in many things, but none seemed to come up to the height of the Actions that merited them, unless it were one Present they made him, which affected and pleased him beyond all the rest; and 'twas this: The Romans, who in the War with Hannibal had the misfortune to be taken Captives, were sold about here and there, and dispersed into Slavery; 1200 in number, were at that time in Greece. That turn of their Fortune always rendered them Objects of Compassion, but more particularly then, as well it might, when some met their Sons, some their Brothers, some their Acquaintance; Slaves, Freemen; Captives, Conquerors, Titus though deeply concerned on their behalf, yet took none of them from their Masters by Constraint. But the Achaeans redeeming them at five Pounds a Man, brought them altogether into one place, and made a Present of them to Him, as he was just going on Shipboard, so that he now Sailed with a full Gale of Satisfaction; His generous Actions procured him as generous Returns, worthy of so brave a Man, and so intimate a Lover of their Country. This seemed the most Pompous part of 
Titus his triumph.  all his succeeding Triumph, for these Redeemed Romans, (as 'tis the custom for Slaves upon their manumission, to shave their Heads and wear a peculiar kind of Caps,) followed in that Habit, Titus' Triumphant Chariot; But to add to the Glory of this Show, there were the Grecian Helmets, the Macedonian Targets and Javelins, and the rest of the Spoils bore along in Pomp and Ostentation before him; besides vast Sums of Money, for as Itanus relates it, there was carried in this Triumph 3713 pounds' weight of Massy Gold, 43270 of Silver, 14514 pieces of coined Gold, called Philipicks, all this over and above the 1000 Talents which Philip owed, and which the Romans were afterwards prevailed upon, but chiefly by the agency and mediation of Titus, to remit to Philip, withal declaring him their Ally and Confederate, and sending him home his Hostage-Son.  
After this Antiochus makes an Expedition into Greece attended with a numerous Fleet, and powerful Army, soliciting the Cities there to Sedition and Rebellion: The Aetolians did abet and second him, for they of a long time had born a grudge and secret Enmity to the Romans, and now suggest to him as matter of manifesto, for a cause and pretext of War, that he came to bring the Grecians Liberty. When alas! they never less wanted it, for they were free before, but, for lack of a more smooth and specious Pretence, they intrust him to use a word of the nearest and dearest Import: The Romans, in the interim, (fearing from them, an Insurrection and Revolt; and, from him, the Reputation of his Puissance) Dispatched away the Consul Manius Attilius to take the charge of the War, with regard to Antiochus; and Titus, as Ambassador, out of regard to the Grecians; some of whom he no sooner saw but he confirm's them in the Roman Interests: others who began to falter (like a Physician that prescribes Remedies in time, before the Disease seize the Vitals) he 
† 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  underproped, and kept their affections and goodwill they had born to him, from warping. Some few there were whom the Aetolians were beforehand with, and had so wholly tainted and perverted that he could do no good on them; yet these, howsoever angry and exasperated he was against them before, he saved and Protected, when the Engagement was over. For Antiochus, receiving a Defeat at Thermopylae, not only fled the Field, but hoist Sail instantly for Asia. Manius the Consul laid Siege himself to some of the Aetolians; others he allowed King Philip to ravage and waste at his pleasure; for instance the Dolopis and Magnetians on one hand, the Athamani and Aperanti on the other were harassed and ransacked by the Macedonians, whilst Manius laid Heraclae waste, and besieged Naupactus, then in the Aetolians hands. But Titus still with a commiserating care for Greece, makes over from Peloponnesus to the Consul; at first he falls a chiding him, that the Victory should be owing alone to his arms, and he to suffer Philip to bear away the Prize and profit of the War: he to sit lazily wreaking his anger upon a single Town, whilst the Macedonians overran several Nations and Kingdoms. Titus happened to stand then in view of the Besieged, they no sooner spied him out, but they call to him from their Wall, they stretch forth their hands, they supplicate and entreat him; at that time he said not, a word more, by way of answer to them or otherwise, by turning himself above with tears in his Eyes, he went his way; some little while after, he discoursed the matter so effectually with Manius, that he wrought him off from his Passion, and prevailed with him to give a Truce and time to the Aetolians, to send Deputies to Rome to Petition the Senate for terms of Moderation. But the hardest task, and that which put Titus to the greatest plunge▪ was to entreat with Manius for the Chalcidians, who had incensed him on account of a Marriage, which Antiochus had made in their City, even whilst the War was on Foot: A match no-ways suitable for their Age, he an ancient man, she a very Girl; and as little proper for the time, for a General to Marry at the Head of an Army, and unbend his thoughts, to such dalliances, in the midst of a War. But deeply smitten and charmed he was with the Damsel. She was the Daughter of Cleoptolemus, and none of the young Ladies there, were comparable to her for Beauty: on this occasion, the Chalcidians both embraced the King's Interests with zeal and alacrity, and yieded him their City for his Retreat and Refuge during the War. Thither therefore he made with all speed when he was routed and fled; and sheltered himself in Chalcis, but without making any stay, for taking this young Lady, and his Money and Friends with him, away he Sails to Asia. And now Manius' Indignation carrying him in all haste against the Chalcidians, Titus posts after him, endeavouring to assuage and divert the Stream; at length what with much Entreaties to him, what with a sedulous application to others of the greatest Quality and Interest in Rome, he worked upon him.  
The Chalcidians thus deriving their safety from Titus, dedicated to him all the best and most magnificent of their Structures which they had before consecrated to other 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Gods, whose Inscriptions may be seen to run thus to this Day. THE PEOPLE dedicate THIS 
† The place where the Exercises of Wrestling and the like were performed.  GYMNASIUM TO TITUS AND TO HERCULES: so again, THE PEOPLE consecreate THIS 
* Th● Tem● of Apollo.  DELPHINIUM TO TITUS AND TO HERCULES, and what's yet more, even to our time, there is a Priest of Titus formally Elected and Declared; besides, they Sacrifice to him as to a God, and when their 
† Eating and drinking in a Festival w●y, of part of th● things Sacrificed, and after the offering thereof.  Libations are over, they sing a set Song, much of which for the length of it we omit, but shall transcribe what they have in the close of this Sonnet, 
Roman Faith we all adore.  
A Faith so white, a Faith so pure:  
By all that's Sacred we ourselves adjure  
To honour Roman Faith for evermore.  
Sing, Muses, sing of mighty Jove,  
Sing of Rome 's and Titus 's Love,  
Repeated Io's, Poean's too,  
All to Roman Faith are due  
O Saviour Titus, and to you.  Other parts of Greece also heaped Honours upon him suitable to his merits, but that which conferred Honour on his very Honours, and stamped sincerity and truth upon them, was the wonderful heartinesses and affection they did them with, upon a sense of that Moderation and Equity that was natural to him. For if he were at any 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  time at variance with any body upon the account of business, or in point of Emulation and Honour (as once with Philopoemen, and another time with Diophanes Praetor of the Achaeans▪) his Resentments 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  went not far, nor did they ever break out into acts, but when it had vented itself with a civil boldness in words, there was an end of it. In fine, no body charges malice or bitterness upon his Nature, but many have imputed Hastiness and Levity to it; but otherwise he was the most complaisant, sweet man, for Conversation in the World; and spoke the most pleasant obliging things, with a great 
Titus bis witty answers.  deal of acuteness and wit. For instance, defigning once to divert the Achaeans from their purpose, who had the Conquest of the Isle Zacynthus in their Eye, If (says he) they but put their Head out of Peloponnesus, they may hazard themselves as much as a Tortoise out of its shell. Again when he and Philip first met to treat of a Cessation and Peace, The latter complaining that Titus came with a mighty train, but himself came ALONE, and unattended: Yes, replies Titus smartly, you have made yourself ALONE, by killing your Friends 
Polybius (in his 17 book p. 747 Ed. Caus.) tells this, a little differently▪  and Relations out of the way. At another time Dinocrates the Messenian, having been fuddled at a merry meeting in Rome, danced there in a Woman's habit, and the next day addresses to Titus for assistance in his design to get Messene out of the Achaeans hands. I shall (says he) consider of it, but can't but wonder that you who are enterprizing Designs of that moment can find leisure to revel and sing in your Cups. When again the Ambassadors of Antiochus were recounting to those of Achaea, the various multitudes of their Royal Master's Forces, and ran over a long Catalogue of hard and sundry names that they had: Isupped once, (says Titus) with mine Host, and could not but chide him for that choice of Dishes he had got me, and withal I admired whence he had so readily furnished himself with that store and variety; Mine Host tells me, Sir, to confess the truth 'tis all Hogs-meat, but the Sauce and Cookery has made it as so many several things. My Advice to you is the same, ye men of Achaeà, stand no more amazed at Antiochus his might when ye hear tell of Pikemen, Pioneirs, Halberdiers and the like, for they are all but STRIANS differently armed.  
After these his Gallantries performed in 
Titus' made Censor.  Greece, and that the War with Antiochus was at an end; Titus was created Censor, (which is the most eminent Office, and in a manner the Top-preferment, in that Commonwealth.) The Son of Marcellus, who had been fiive times Consul, was his Colleague. These by virtue of their Office cashiered four of the Senators, for not having Nobility enough of Birth to qualify them for the Place: They admitted all that offered themselves, to be Enrolled free Denizens of Rome, whose Parents had Enjoyed a Freedom before. But this was more by constraint, than their cum Choice; for, Terentius Leo, the then Tribune of the People, to spite the Nobility, spurred on the Populacy to order it to be done. There were at this time in the City two most Eminent and brave Persons, Africanus Scipio, and Marcus Cato, but there was no good understanding betwixt them: The former Titus made Precedent of the Senate, as a man of principal Dignity and worth, but grew an Enemy to Cato upon this unlucky 
an Enemy to Cato.  occasion; Titus had a Brother Lucius Flaminius, in no respects of a Nature comparable to his, but withal highly dissoluteand licentious in point of his Pleasures, and a Scoffer at all Sobriety: There was a Youth whom he loved, for a vicious purpose, and used to be naught with: Him Lucius carried with him not only 
* 
Cum Consul esset in Gallia.  
Say● Cato. in Cicero de senectute.   when he had the Army under him, but even when the charge of a Province was committed to him, this Lad still accompanied him thither: one day at a drinking-bout, the Youngster wantoning with Lucius; I love you, Sir, so dearly (says he) that, preferring your satisfaction before my own, I have forebore seeing the Sword-Players, though I have never seen a Man killed in my Life. Lucius delighted with what the Boy said; Let not that trouble thee, my Dear (says he) for if thou hast a mind to see a Man killed I'll quickly satisfy thy longing; and with that, orders a condemned Man to be fetched out of the Prison, and the Executioner to be sent for, and commands 
Cicero in his Cato Major agrees with Antias, the words are, Exoratus in Convivio a Scorto est.  him to strike off the Malefactour's Head in the midst of their Jollity, before they rose from Table. Valerius Antias varies the story a little, in that he tells us Lucius did not this to gratify his Boy, but his Miss. But Livy out of the Oration of Cato, relates it, that a revolted Gaul coming with his Wife and Children to the Door, Lucius took him into the Banqueting-Room and killed him with his own hand to gratify his Paramour Boy. Cato 'tis probable, might say this by way of aggravation of the Crime he stood charged with: But that the slain was no such Fugitive, but a Prisoner, and one Condemned to die, as well Cicero, (as others,) in his Treatise of Old Age confirms; where he brings in Cato himself giving that account of the matter. However this is certain, Cato during his Censorship, made a narrow and severe scrutiny into the Senators Lives, in order to the Purging and Reforming the House, and then put Lucius out, though he had been once Consul before: His Brother looks upon this as a Proceeding that reflected Dishonour upon himself; Hereupon both of them come out, and appeal to the People in a suppliant submissive manner, not without tears in their Eyes, requesting 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  barely that Cato might but show the reason and cause of his fixing such a Stain and Infamy upon so honourable a Family. The Citizens thought it a modest and moderate request. Cato for all this, ne'er shrinks for the matter, but out he comes, and standing up with his Colleague, Interrogates Titus whether he knew the Story of the Treat. Titus answering in the Negative, Cato gives him a Relation of it, conjuring withal his Brother Lucius to say, whether every syllable of it were not true. Lucius made no reply, whereupon the People adjudged the disgrace just and suitable to his Demerits, and waited upon Cato home from the Tribunal in great State. But Titus still so deeply resented his Brother's degrading, that he struck in with those who had born a long grudge to Cato; and winning over a major part of the Senate to him, he revoked and made void all the Contracts, Leases and Bargains made formerly by Cato, relating to the public Revenues, and stirred up many and violent actions and accusations against him: But how well, and how like a good Citizen, I know not, for a person to reserve an Inveterate hatred against a lawful Magistrate, an excellent Commonwealths-man, and in the cause of a private man, who stood indeed related to him, but unworthy to be so, and a man that had but his Desert. But notwithstanding all this, when afterwards a Show was exhibited to the people in the Theatre, the Senators sitting orderly up above as they were wont, Lucius was spied at the lower end, set in a mean dishonourable place: it made an Impression upon the people, nor could they longer endure the sight, but set a crying, up, up, up, till he was got in among those of Consular Dignity, who received him into their Seat. This natural Ambition of Titus was well enough looked upon by the World, whilst the Wars we have given a Relation of, afforded competent Fuel to feed it (for after the expiration of his Consulship he had a command of Military Tribune, which no body pressed upon him:) But being now out of all Employ in the Government, and advanced in years, he stands more condemned, that that poor remainder of Life, wholly unfit for action, should 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  strut and swell with thoughts of Glory, and put on such youthful passions which made him not master of himself. Some such transport, 'tis thought, set him against Hannibal, an action, which lost him the love and hearts of many. For Hannibal having fled his Country, first took Sanctuary with Antiochus; but he having been glad to strike up a Peace, after the Battle in Phrygia, Hannibal was put to shift for himself by a second Flight, and, after a Ramble through many Countries, fixeth at length in Bythinia, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  proffering the Service of his Sword to their King Prusias. None at Rome, but knew where he was, but they looked upon him, at the same time, with contempt, for his little Power, and great Age; one whom Fortune had quite cast off. Titus, coming Ambassador thither, (though 'tis true he was 
Titus' Ambassador to Prusias, Procures the death of Hannibal.  sent from the Senate to Prusias upon another Errand,) yet, seeing Hannibal resident there, it stirred up Resentments in him to think that he was yet alive. And though Prusias used much Intercession and Entreaties in favour of him, as a man of his acquaintance, a Friend, a Suppliant that cast himself into his arms for refuge, Titus was not to be entreated. There was an ancient Oracle it seems, which prophesied thus of Hannibal's End. Libyssan Earth shall Hannibal Enclose. He interpreted this to be meant of Libya that is afric, and that he should be Buried in Carthage, as if he might yet expect to return and live there again, and only there to Die. But there is a Sandy place in Bythinia bordering on the Sea, and near that a little Village called Libyssa. Hither 'twas Hannibal's chance to retire himself, and having ever from the beginning had a distrust of the easiness and ductile Nature of Prusias, and a fear of the Romans, he had long before, ordered seven Vaults, as so many Outlets, to be digged in his house, leading from his Lodging, and running a great way under ground, and so many several ways opposite to one another, but all undiscernible from without; As soon, therefore, as he heard what Titus had ordered, he attempted through these Caves to make his Escape; but finding them beset with the King's Guards, he resolved upon making away with himself. Some say that wrapping his outward Garment about his Neck, he commanded his Servant to set his Knee against his Backparts, and not to leave twisting, and pulling of it, till he had quite strangled and killed him. But others say, he drank Bulls-blood after the Example of Themistocles and Midas: Livy writes that he had Poison in a readiness which he mixed for the purpose, and that taking the Cup into his hand, Let us ease (says he) the Romans of their continual dread and care, who think it long and tedious to await the Death of an Hated Old man. Yet shall not Titus bear away a Glorious Victory, nor worthy of those Ancestors who sent to caution Pyrrhus, an Enemy, and a Conqueror too, against the Poison prepared for him by Traitors. Thus various are the Reports of Hannibal's Death, but when the News of it came to the Senators Ears, some had an Indignation against Titus for it, blaming as well his officiousness, as his Cruelty; who, when there was neither Reason of State, nor other Circumstance to oblige it, but out of Preposterous affectation of Glory, and to raise himself a Name from his dead ashes, sent him to his Grave, who, like a Bird that hangs his Wings, or has moulted his Tail through age, was let alone to live Tamely.  
Then began they to set out, with fresh Eulogies, the Clemency, the Courage, the Gallantry of Scipio Africanus; they admire him 
The Commendations of Scipio.  now more than ever, for when he had vanquished in Africa the till then Invincible and Terrible Hannibal, he neither banished him his Country, or exacted it of his Countrymen, that they should put him into his hands. Nay at a Parley just before they joined Battle, Scipio embraced him, and in the Peace made after it, 
† 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  he put no hard Article upon him, nor insulted over his declined Fortune. Report goes, that they had another meeting again at Ephesus, and, as they were walking together, Hannibal Industriously took the upper hand, Africanus let him alone, and kept walking on without the least Concern: Afterwards they fell to talk of Generals; Hannibal affirming that Alexander was the bravest Commander the World had ever seen, but next to him Pyrrhus, and the third was Himself: Africanus, with a Gentle smile, asks, What would you have said, if I had never Vanquished you? O Scipio (says he) I would not then have made myself the third, but First Commander. The Generality of Rome had Scipio in Veneration for these Gallantries. But they observed so wide a Disparity in this Deportment of Titus, that they reviled him, as one, who had put his Sickle into other men's Corn, had laid his hands upon another's dead Corpse. Not but that there were them, who put a better Construction upon, and applauded the action, who looked upon a living Hannibal as Fire, which wanted only Bellows to blow it into a Flame. For when he was in the Prime, and Flower of his Age, 'twas not his Body, 'twas not his Hand that struck Terror into the Roman Eagles, but his Head-piece, his experience and skill in Martial Affairs, joined with an innate malice and inveterate rancour against the Roman name, which doth not impair with Age. For the Temper and bent of the Soul keeps to its Pole, and Participates 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  of the same Nature still; but Fortune varies her Points, and even in her greatest Declination, upon new hopes of Success, rallies together for new attempts, all such whom Hatred and Revenge keep ready listed for Action. But the After games that were played Rome make yet farther to the Justification of Titus. For first Aristonicus the Son of a Fidler's Daughter, upon the Reputation of being the natural Son of Eumenes, filled all Asia with Tumults and Rebellion. Then again, Mithridates, after a Total Rout given him by Sylla and Fimbrias, and so vast a slaughter, as well among his prime Officers, as common Soldiers, made head again against Lucullus, with a puissant Army both by Sea and Land. Besides, Hannibal was never reduced to so contemptible a State as Caius Marius, for the former had something reserved to him, the amity of a King, a Pension and subsistence under him, the Enjoyment of his Friends, and, what was yet more dangerous a trust and Charge in the Navy, and over the Horse and Foot of Prusias. Whereas the condition of Marius was so Despicable, as to be looked upon by Rome with Laughter and Contempt, whilst he wandered about Africa Destitute and Beggarly; and yet a little after, when in their own Streets, their Backs were exposed to the Rods, and 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  their Necks to the Axe, they Prostrate themselves to the same Marius. So that there is nothing either Great or Little at this Moment, which will hold so to all Futurity; for nothing puts an end to the mutability 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  and vicissitude of things, but what does so to their very Being: Some therefore tell us, that Titus did not this of his own head, but, that he was joined in Commission with Lucius Scipio, and that the whole affair of the Embassy, was to effect Hannibal's Death. But now that we find no farther mention in History, of any thing done by Titus, either in point of War, or in the Administration of the Government, but that he Died in Peace; 'Tis time to look upon him as he stands in parison with Phelopoemen.   

THE COMPARISON OF TITUS Q. FLAMINIUS', AND PHILOPOEMEN.  
FIrst then for Greatness of Good-Turns which Titus conferred on Greece, neither Philopoemen, nor many Braver men than he, can make good the Parallel: For, under him, Greece drew upon Greece to her Ruin; But, in Titus, a Stranger to Greece, fought for her Defence. And at the time when Philopoemen went over into Crete, destitute of any means, whereby to succour his Besieged Countrymen, than did Titus, by a defeat given to Philip in the heart of Greece, set both them, and all their Cities free. Again, if we examine into the Battles fought by each of these; Philopoemen, whilst he was the Achaeans General, slew more Grecians, than Titus in aiding the Grecians slew Macedonians. As to their Failings. Ambition was Titus his Weak-side, and Obstinacy Philopoemen's; in the former anger was easily kindled, in the other, 'twas as hardly quenched. For Titus reserved to Philip the Royal Majesty, and dignity of his Kingdom; besides, he Pardoned the Aetolians, and stood their Friend again: But Philopoemen, exasperated against his own Country, took from them the Contributions which the adjacent Villages paid. Titus was ever constant to those he had once befriended, the other upon any grudge, as prone to Cancel kindnesses; for he who had afore-time been a Benefactor to the Lacedæmonians, afterwards laid their Walls Levelly with the Ground, wasted their Country, and in the end changed and destroyed the whole frame of their Government: He seems, in truth, to have Prodigalled away his own Life, through Passion and Perverseness; for he fell upon the Messenians with an eagerness as unsuitable, as unseasonable, not with that Conduct and Caution that Titus led on his men with. But the many Battles he fought, the many Trophies he won, got Philopoemen a deeper Experience for Titus decided the matter betwixt Philip and him in two Engagements, but Philopoemen came off Victorious, in more than ten thousand Rencounters, to all which Fortune had almost no Pretence, so much was owing to his skill. Besides, Titus got his Renown, assisted by the power of a flourishing Rome, the other flourished under a declined Greece, so that this Man's Gallantry was owing to himself alone; Rome 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  shared in the Glory of the other. The one had Brave men under him, the other made his Brave, by being over them; and though all Philopoemen's actions, having no other Scene than his own Country, no other Enemy than Grecians to Cope with, afford no Instances of a 
* His misfortune 'twas to have always his arms employed against some part of Greece.  Virtue Fortunate in the Subject of it; yet, they do of one Prevalent in its Success, and where all other advantages are Equal, Courage is sure to bring Victory over to her side. He had, indeed, to do with two the most Warlike Nations of all Greece, the Cretans on the one hand, and the Lacedæmonians on the other; the craftyest of them, he mastered by art and subtlety, the stoutest he made to stoop to his Valour. It may be said withal, that Titus, having his men armed and disciplined to his hand, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Conquered upon the stock of former preparations.  reaped Laurels ready wreathed for him: Whereas Philopoemen was forced to Introduce a Discipline, and Tactics of his own, and to new-mould and model his Soldiery in those Points; so that, that which is of greatest Import towards ensuring a Victory, (they being defective therein before,) was owing to his Invention, whilst the other had it put into his hand, to help him on to Conquest. Philopoemen, therefore, effected many Gallant things with his own hand, but Titus, none; Insomuch that one Archedemus an Aetolian one day played upon him, That whereas, Philopoemen ran with his drawn Sword, where he saw the Macedonians keep closest locked and pressed him hardest; Titus stood still, fell a Praying, and with hands stretched out to Heaven, called to the Gods for aid: 'Tis true, Titus acquitted himself excellently well, both as a Governor, and as an Ambassador; but Philopoemen was no less serviceable and useful to the Achaeans in the capacity of a private man, than in that of a Commander. For when he was General, he restored the Messenians to their Liberty, and cleared their City from Nabis. But when he rescued the Lacedæmonians, and shut the Gates of Sparta against the General Diophanes and Titus who would have entered it, he was then but a private Person. He had a nature so adapted and cut out for Empire and Command, that, when occasion served, or the public good required it, he knew how to Govern the Laws themselves, and not always to Govern himself by the strict rules of them, for he waited not the Formality of being elected into Command by the Governed, but put them presently upon Service, if the case required it. Esteeming of him as the truer General, who consulted and understood their Interests, not who was chosen to the Employment. In Fine, the Equity, Clemency, and Humanity of Titus towards the Grecians speak a Great and Generous nature in him; but the actions of Philopoemen, full of Courage, and forward to assert his Countries Liberty against the Romans, carry something Greater in them. For 'tis not a task of that difficulty, to gratify the Indigent and distressed, as 'tis to bear up against, and adventure angering the Powerful. To conclude, since 'tis hard to draw from the Premises, the true difference of their merits, and to which a Preference is due; Consider, Reader, whether we may seem to judge amiss betwixt them, if we let this Grecian Hero bear away the Crown for Military conduct, and Warlike skill, and the Roman for Justice and Clemency.    

ADVERTISEMENT.  
I Have in the foregoing Translation, taken a Liberty (Common with many Translatours of old Authors into modern Languages) to add, by way of Explanation and Paraphrase. beyond what I shall undertake to show to a word in the Original. 'Tis true, that such Versions which are but Subsidiary, (as the Latin, for the most part) and not intended to be read apart, but to help out the Reader of an Original by a Glance upon occasion, are, or may be, most Commendable when most 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and give you word for word. But where a Translation is calculated for other purposes, and to let the present age, into the Sense, and knowledge of the ancient, who have no Curiosity, or no time to learn their words, a loser Interpretation may be best, provided it be faithful to the Author's Sense, 'tis certainly more palatable, where 'tis well Cooked, and greater skill and caution is required in the dressing it: But yet, all that is addition, aught to be so distinguished (either in Parenthesis, or by a different Character, or the like) that the Reader may not be misled; for not only he, who passes over part untranslated (as the Abbot of Tellemont does, not only words, but Sentences and entire passages in this very Life) but he who adds (as the ancient and better French Interpreter Amyot doth) leaveth the Reader at a loss for Plutarch in Plutarch; The one by not exhibiting himself whole and entire to the view, the other, by showing himself for him; as therefore I have been faithful in giving all Plutarch, so my additions are to be found in a different Letter. I have not loaded the Margin with the various constructions, I suspected myself might be given to some places, as not thinking them of that Import, be the truth which way 'twill. This only I would advertise the Reader that in pag. 658. what I render, something of a Tincture derived to them— the Latin renders exigua antiquae Propinquitatis cum iis vincula. Amyot, no Communication. Tellemont, no Communication nor alliance, taking in both the former Interpretations. But I do not conceive that either of them has reached the Author's meaning: for, if I mistake not, Plutarch alludes to Rome's original deduced from Aeneas and the Trojans, who came with him into Italy, from whom not only Romulus descended in a right line, but all the Romans after him were called Aeneadae from Aeneas, and twice so called in this very Life. Now, how the Trojans and Grecians had been affected to each other, is a known Story, and Plutarch from thence takes an handsome occasion to magnify the Romans, that they who might seem to have 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ad verbum, Tenacious Participations: i e. Something of an Enemy's Blood running in their veins, as they are of the Trojan Race, should do such great things for Greece. So that I understand the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to be Trojan not Grecian Ancestors. Though the Latin Translator means, I suppose, the latter, with reference to those ancient Colonies of Greeks, which seated themselves in several parts of Italy before Aeneas his time, and thence had the Romans and Grecians a remote Relation in Blood one to another. And the meaning must be then, that 'tis a wonder, that the Romans having a small relation to them, should do them a great kindness, etc. Which is neither so High, nor Genuine a Sense, in my mind as the former.  
FINIS   

Books Printed for Jacob Tonson at the Judge's Head in Chancery-Lane near Fleetstreet.  
POETRY.  
Miltons' Paradise Lost, in Folio, with 13 Copper Cuts.  
The Works of that famous English Poet, Mr. Edmond Spencer, viz. The Fairy Queen. The Shepherd's Calendar. The History of Ireland, etc. with an account of his Life, and several Pieces of his, never Printed till the year, 1679.  
Ovid's Love Epistles: Translated into English by The Earl of Mulgrave, Sir Carr Scrope, Mr. Dryden, and several other Eminent Hands: Adorned with variety of Copper Cuts.  
The Odes, Satyrs, and Epistles of Horace, Translated into English by Mr. Creech of Oxford.  
Missellany Poems, containing a new Translation of Virgil's Eclogues, and several parts of the Eneids: Ovid's Love Elegies, several Odes of Horace, and Parts of Lucretius; with variety of Original Poems: Written by the most Eminent Hands, and Published by Mr. Dryden.  
Syphilis; Or a Poetical History of the French Disease: Written in Latin by Fracastorius, and Englished by Mr. Tate.  
Poems upon several Occasions, with a voyage to the Island of Love: Written by Mrs. Bhen.