PLUTARCH'S LIVES VOL. FOUR   depiction of Plutarch and Fama MBurgher delin. et sculp.   

THE Fourth Volume OF PLUTARCH's LIVES.  
Translated from the Greek, BY SEVERAL HANDS.  
LONDON: Printed for Jacob Tonson at the Judge's Head in Chancery-lane near Fleetstreet. M. DC. XCIII.   

The Lives contained in the FOURTH VOLUME.  
Agesilaus, Translated by Dr. Needham. p. 1 Pompey, Translated by Dr. Oldish. p. 73 Alexander, Translated by John Evelyn Esq p. 245 Julius Caesar, Translated by Mr. Smalridge. p. 385 Photion, Translated by Dr. Fowke. p. 487 Cato the younger, Translated by Dr. Waller. p. 554 Agis, Translated by Sir Rob. Thorold. p. 659 Cleomenes, Translated by Mr. Creech. p. 690 Tiberius Gracchi, 
 and 
 Caius Gracchi, Translated by Mr. Warren. p. 782   

A Chronological Table to the Fourth Volume of Plutarch's Lives.  
 The Olympiad. The Year of the Olympiad. After the building of Rome. After the World's Creation. Before the coming of Christ The Julian Period. Agesilaus 95 1 353 3550 398 4314 Pompeius 174 3 672 3869 79 4633 Alexander overcame Darius 111 2 418 3615 333 4379 Julius Caesar Consul 180 2 694 3891 57 4655 Photion 105 4 396 3593 355 4357 Cato Uticen 179 4 692 3889 59 4653 Agis 134 2 510 3707 241 4471 Cleomenes 138 1 525 3722 226 3722 Tiberius Gracchus 161 1 617 3814 134 4578 Caius Gracchus 163 4 628 3825 123 4589   

THE LIFE OF PHOTION.  
Englished from the Greek, By Ph. Fowke, M. D.  
DEMADES the Orator, a powerful Man at that time in Athens, managing Matters in favour of Antipater and the Macedonians, being necessitated to write and speak many things below the Dignity and contrary to the Usage of the City, was wont to excuse himself, by saying, He steered only the Shipwrecks of the Commonwealth. This hardy Saying of his might have some appearance of truth, if applied to Phocion's Government; for Demades indeed himself was the ruin of his Country, living and ruling so dissolutely, which gave Antipater occasion to say of him, (being now grown old) That he was like a sacrificed Beast, all consumed save his Tongue and his Paunch. But Phocion's was a steady Virtue, depressed only by too great a Counterpoise, the Fate of Greece conspiring with that juncture of Time to render it more obscure and inglorious; yet Sophocles too much weakens the force of Virtue, by saying,  

Nor do our minds, with adverse Fate surrounded,  
Maintain their tenor, but are shocked, confounded.   
Thus much indeed must be granted to happen in the Contests between good Men and ill Fortune, that instead of due Returns to their good Management, the People, by unjust Surmises and Obloquys, often sully the Lustre, and endeavour to blast the Reputation of their Virtue. And although it be   


AGESILAUS.   depiction of Agesilaus 〈…〉 sculp.  
THE LIFE OF AGESILAUS.  Translated out of the Greek by W. Needham, M. D. 
ARchidamus, the Son of Zeuxidamus, having reigned gloriously over the Lacedæmonians, left behind him two Sons: Agis the elder was begotten of Lamprido, a very Noble and Illustrious Lady. Agesilaus, much the 
Agesilaus his Parentage. His Education.  younger, was born of Eupolia, the Daughter of Melisippidas. Agis being Heir apparent of the Crown, was bred suitably to his Birth. Agesilaus, the younger Brother, was educated according to the usual Discipline of the Country, which was very hard and severe, but such as taught young Men how to obey their Superiors. Whence it was that (Men say) Simonides called Sparta the Tamer of Men, because by a customary strictness of Education, they enured the Citizens to Obedience, and patient Subjection, as Horses are broke to the Saddle: The Law did not hold so strict a Rein on the Heirs apparent of the Crown. But Agesilaus, whose good Fortune it was to be born a younger Brother, was consequently bred to all the Laconic Arts of Obedience, and thereby fitted for the Management of the Government, when it fell to his share: Hence it was that he became the most popular of the Spartan Kings, having learned how to temper the Grandeur of a Royal Condition, with the Sweetness and Debonairness of familiar Condescensions.  
Whilst he was yet a Boy, bred up in one of the Schools or Colleges of Youth, he contracted an Intimacy with Lysander, (a 
His Friendship with Lysander.  great Man afterwards in Lacedaemon) who much admired a generous Modesty and ingenious Shame he found in him: For though 
And his Character.  he was one of the highest Spirits, and fullest of Bravery of any of his Companions, always ambitious of Pre-eminence above them, towards which the impetuous Vigour and invincible Fervour of his Mind irresistibly carried him, maugre all Opposition or Difficulty he could meet with; yet on the other side he was so easy and gentle in his Nature, and so apt to hearken to all rational and friendly Proposals, that a good Word wrought more upon him than the greatest Dint of Force; he being ready to do any thing upon ingenuous Motives, but nothing upon Compulsion.  
He had one Leg shorter than another; which Deformity he easily hid by a good mien and briskness in his Behaviour, he being the first always to pass a Jest upon himself. And indeed it was a great Argument of his Love to Glory and great Actions, that his Lameness was no Discouragement to him in the pursuit of them. Neither his Statue nor Picture are extant, he never allowing them in his Life, and utterly forbidding them to be made after his Death: He is said to have been a little Man, of a contemptible Presence; but the goodness of his Humour, and his constant Cheerfulness, and agreeable Conversation, always free from any thing of Moroseness or Haughtiness, made him more amiable (even to his old Age) than the most beautiful Men of the Nation.  
Theophrastus writes, That the Ephori laid a Fine upon Archidamus, for marrying a little Wife, For (said they) you will beget us a Race of Roitelets instead of Kings.  
Whilst Agis, the elder Brother, reigned, 
Alcibiades deba●cheth the Wife of Agis, and begets Leotychides.  Alcibiades (being then an Exile from Athens) came from Sicily to Sparta; nor had he stayed long there, before his Familiarity with Timaea the Queen grew suspected, insomuch that Agis refused to own a Child of hers, which (he said) was Alcibiades, not his. Nor (if we may believe Duris the Historian) was Timaea much concerned at it, being herself forward enough to whisper among her Servants, that the Infant's true Name was Alcibiades, not Leotychides. Mean while it was believed, that the Amour he had with her, was not the effect of his Love but his Ambition, that he might have Spartan Kings of his Posterity. This Affair being grown public, it was time for Alcibiades to withdraw himself: But the Child was forced to abide there, and to endure the Severity of Agis, who never owned him for his Son, till upon his Deathbed he was overcome with the Prayers and Tears of Leotychides, to declare him for such, in a public Audience. But this could not fix him in the Throne of Agis; after whose Death, Lysander, the great Lacedaemonian Captain, who had lately conquered the Athenians in a Sea-sight, and was of great Power in Sparta, did promote Agesilaus to the 
Leotychides put by the Throne as a Bastar●●  Kingdom, urging Leotychides▪ s Bastardy, as a Bar to his Pretensions. Many of the Citizens soon betook themselves to Agesilaus his Party, being thereto induced by the Opinion they had of his Gallantry, of which they themselves had been Spectators, in the time that he had been bred up among them. Yet was not his way so smooth as to be free from Rubs: one he met with very considerable from a Fortune-teller named Diopithes, who was of great Esteem among them for his Skill in Divination; he alleged, That it was unlawful to make a lame Man King of Lacedaemon, citing to that purpose the following Oracle:  

Great is thy Empire, Sparta, yet beware  
Lest thy Strength bend under an halting Heir;  
Then Ills untried shall thy old Honour stain,  
And Wars destructive Rage through thy whole Country reign.   
But Lysander was not wanting of an Evasion, alleging, That if the Spartans' made any conscience of the Oracle, they must have a care of Leotychides; for it was not the limping Foot of a King that the Gods were offended at, but the bastardising of the Herculean Family, into whose Rights if a spurious Issue were admitted, it would make the Kingdom to Halt indeed. Agesilaus made Neptune also a Witness of the Bastardy of Leotychides, proving that Agis was thrown out of Bed from his Wife by a violent Earthquake, after which time he did not Cohabit with her, yet Leotychides was born above ten Months after it. Agesilaus was upon 
Agesilaus declared King.  these Allegations declared King, and soon possessed himself of the private Estate of Agis as well as his Throne, Leotychides being wholly rejected as a Bastard. Which being 
Is kind to th● Relations of Agis.  done, he cast his Eye on the Kindred of Agis by the Mother's side, whom he considered as Persons of good Worth and Virtue, but very poor: he gave them half his Brother's Estate, and by this popular Act gained the good will, not of them only, but of the Spartans' in general, and stifled that Envy that was growing against him upon the account of his Success. But whereas Xenophon saith of him, That by complying with, 
His Policy.  and as it were being ruled by his Country, he grew into so great Power with them, that he could do what he pleased. This was by the Power he got with the Ephori and Senate: these were of great Authority in the State; the former were Officers annually chosen; the Senators held their Places during Life, both instituted as Bridles to restrain the Licentiousness of the Kings, as it is already more fully discoursed in the Life of Lycurgus. Hence it was that there was always a Feud and Contention between them and the Kings. But Agesilaus took another course; instead of contending with them, he courted them: he always acted by their Advice, was always ready to go, nay almost to run, when they called him: If he were upon his Throne hearing of Causes, and the Ephori came in, he arose to them; whenever any Man was elected into the Senate, he did always present him with a Gown and an Ox. Thus whilst he craftily made show of Reverence to them, and a Deference to their Power, he secretly advanced his own Wealth, and enlarged the Prerogatives of the Crown, by several Liberties which their Friendship to his Person did grant him, or at least did wink at. To other Citizens he so behaved himself, as to be less unblamable in his Enmities than in his Friendships: for towards his Enemy he behaved himself generously, scorning to take any unjust Advantage against him; but to his Friends he was partial, even in things manifestly unjust. If an Enemy had done any thing praiseworthy, he scorned to retract any thing from his due Praises; but his Friends he knew not how to reprove when they did ill; nay, he gloried in bringing them off when they were obnoxious: He thought all Offices of Friendship commendable, let the Matter wherein they were employed be what it will. Again, when any of his Adversaries was overtaken in a Fault, he would pity them, and be soon entreated to Pardon them, and show them Kindness, by which means he alured the hearts of all Men: insomuch that his Popularity grew at last suspected by the Ephori, who fined him as a Monopoliser of the Citizens, who ought to be the common Goods of the Republic. For as it is the Opinion of Philosophers, that if you take away Strife and Opposition out of the Universe, all the Bodies of it will stand still, Generation and Motion will cease, by reason of the mutual Consent and Agreement of all things. So the Spartan Legislator did seem to have mingled Ambition and Emulation, among the Ingredients of his Commonwealth, as the Incentives of Virtue, as thinking that mutual Compliance, in winking at one another, in Cases that deserved Rebuke, was but a false sort of Concord, no way useful to the Public, but rather a Corruption of it. This some Men think Homer to have had an eye to, when he introduceth Agamemnon well pleased with the Jars of Ulysses and Achilles, and with the hard Words that passed between them; which he would never have done, unless he had thought that Dissensions and Factions of great Men had been of use to the State. Yet this Maxim is not simply to be granted him without restriction, for if the Heats grow too big, they are very dangerous to Cities, and of most pernicious consequence.  
When Agesilaus was newly entered upon 
He is chosen General for Asia.  the Government, there came News from Asia, that the Persian King was making great Naval Preparations, resolving with an high Hand to dispossess the Spartans' of their Maritime Greatness. Lysander was glad of this Occasion of Succouring his Friends in Asia, whom he had there left Governors and Lords of Cities, who for their Maladministration and Tyrannical Behaviour, had been deposed, and many of them put to death: He therefore persuaded Agesilaus to undertake the Expedition, and by translating the War from Greece to the Barbarous Country, to prevent all the Designs of the Persian. He also wrote to his Friends in Asia, that by a Solemn Embassy they should demand Agesilaus for their Captain. Agesilaus thereupon coming into the Public Assembly, offered his Service, upon condition that he might have thirty eminent Captains adjoined to him as Counsellors; that he might also have 2000 of the newly Enfranchised Helots', and of other Allies to the number of 6000. Lysander's Authority and Assistance soon obtained his Request, so that he was sent away with thirty Spartan Captains, of which Lysander was the Chief, not only in Power and Reputation, but also in Friendship with Agesilaus, who esteemed his procuring him this Charge a greater Obligation, than that of preferring him to the Kingdom.  
Whilst the Army was drawing to the Rendezvous at Gerastus, Agesilaus went with some of his Friends to Aulis, where in a Dream he saw a Man approach him, and speak to him after this manner: O King of 
His Dream.  the Lacedæmonians, you cannot but know that (before yourself) there hath been but one General Captain of the Greeks, viz. Agamemnon; now that you succeed him in the same Office and Command of the same Men, leading them out of the same Country to the War, you ought also to offer such a Sacrifice, as he made before he weighed Anchor.  
Agesilaus soon remembered that the Sacrifice which Agamemnon offered was a Virgin, he being so directed by the Oracle: Yet was he not at all disturbed at it, but as soon as he arose, he telleth his Dream to his Friends, adding withal, That he would worship the Goddess with such Sacrifices as would be acceptable to her, and not imitate the rude Barbarity of that General. He therefore ordered an Hind to be crowned with Chaplets; and delivered to his own Soothsayer, not to him whom the Baeotians did of course delegate to that Office. When the Baeotian Governors understood 
The Baeotians quarrel about the Sacrifice.  it, they were very much moved, and sent Officers to Agesilaus, to forbid his sacrificing contrary to the Laws of the Country. These having delivered their Message to him, immediately went to the Altar, and threw down the Quarters of the Hind that lay upon it. Agesilaus took this very ill, and without further Sacrifice, immediately hoist Sail, being ever after a great Enemy to the Boeotians, and much discouraged in his Mind at the bad Omen, boding to himself an unsuccessful Voyage, and a bad issue of the whole Expedition.  
When he came to Ephesus, he found the Power of Lysander grow very great and invidious, all Applications made to him, great Crowds of Suitors always attending at his Door, all Men following and worshipping of him at so high a rate, as if nothing but the Name of Empire was left to Agesilaus, the whole Power of it being devolved 
The Ambition of Lysander.  upon Lysander. None of all the Commanders that were sent this Voyage into Asia, was either so powerful or so formidable; no one rewarded his Friends better, or was more severe against his Enemies. Which things made the greater Impression in men's Minds, because they observed the debonnair and popular Behaviour of Agesilaus, whereas that of Lysander was high and rigid. He took Men up short, and by that fierceness of Carriage so subdued the Spirits of Men, that they wholly submitted to him, giving little Regard to Agesilaus. This was first stomached by the other Captains, who with Indignation resented it, that they should be rather the Followers of Lysander, than the Counsellors of Agesilaus.  
At length Agesilaus himself, though no envious Man in his Nature, nor apt to be troubled at the Honours redounding upon other Men, yet being highly jealous of his own Glory, began to apprehend that Lysander's Greatness would soon eclipse his, 
It resented by Agesilaus.  and carry away from him the Reputation of whatever great Action should happen. He therefore went this way to work: He first opposed him in all his Counsels; whatever 
And suppressed.  Lysander advised, was rejected, and other Proposals followed. Then whoever made any Address to him, if he found him a Retainer to Lysander, certainly lost his Suit. Whoever was prosecuted by him in Judiciary Matters, was sure to get off with Victory, and whoever was visibly favoured by him, was used with all Severity and Rigour. These things being not done by Chance, but constantly and on set purpose, Lysander was soon sensible of them, and stuck not to tell his Friends, that they suffered for his sake, bidding them apply themselves to the King, and such as were more powerful with him than he was. Which Sayings of his, when they seemed to be designed purposely to procure Envy to Agesilaus, he stuck not to affront Lysander at a higher rate, imposing upon him the Office of dividing the Flesh among the Soldiers, and would in public Companies speak scornfully of him, bidding them go and pay their Observances to the Sutler of the Camp. Lysander no longer able to brook these things, complained at last to Agesilaus himself, telling him, That he knew very well how to Oppress his Friends. To which Agesilaus answered, I know who they be that pretend to more Power than myself. That, replied Lysander, is rather said by you, than done by me; I desire only this Favour of you, that you will assign me some Office and Place, in which I may serve you without incurring Envy.  
Upon this Agesilaus sent him to the Hellespont on an Embassy, whence he procured Mithridates, a Persian of the Province of Pharnabazus, to come to the Assistance of the Greeks with 200 Horse, and a great Supply of Money. Yet did not his Stomach so come down, but he fell to forming a Design of wresting the Kingdom out of the Hands of the two Families which then enjoyed it, and make it wholly Elective: and it is thought that he would have made a great Commotion in Sparta, if he had not died in the Baeotian War. Thus ambitious Spirits are apt to grow troublesome in a Commonwealth, and when they transgress their Bounds, do more harm than good. Of this, 
Plutarch's Reflection upon both.  this Quarrel between two such great Men is an Example: for though Lysander's Pride was unsufferable, and his ambitious Projects very inconvenient to Agesilaus' Affairs, yet might the King have found out many ways of taming him, less reproachful to a Man of his Quality, and ambitious Designs. Indeed in my opinion they were both equally Guilty, both blinded with the same Passion, so as one not to know the Power of his Prince, the other not to bear with the Imperfections of his Friend.  
Tisaphernes being at first afraid of Agesilaus, soon treated with him about setting the Grecian Cities at Liberty, which was agreed on. But soon after finding a sufficient 
Tisaphernes his Falsehood.  Force drawn together, he resolved upon War, for which Agesilaus was not sorry. For the Expectation of this Expedition was great, and he did not think it for his Honour, that Xenophon, with 10000 Men, should march through the heart of Asia to the Sea, beating the King's Forces when and how he pleased, and that Agesilaus, in the Head of a Spartan Army, (so terrible both by Sea and Land,) should make so great a Voyage, and raise no Monument of his Fame by any great Action: Therefore to be even with Tisaphernes, he revengeth his 
Revenged.  Perjury by a Stratagem: he pretends to go to Caria, whither when he had drawn Tisaphernes and his Army, he suddenly turneth back, and falleth upon Phrygia, taking many of their Cities, and carrying away great Booty. He took this occasion of showing, that for Friends to break their Solemn Leagues, and betray their Faith, was a downright Contempt of the Gods; but the Circumvention of an Enemy in War, is not only Just but Honourable, and of great Advantage to the Author of it.  
Being weak in Horse, and withal terrified by some ill Omen in the Sacrifices, (viz. a Calf's Liver wanted that little Lobe which the Soothsayers call the Head) he retired to Ephesus, and there raised them: He obliged 
Agesilaus his Expedient for raising Horse at Ephesus.  the rich Men, that were not minded to serve in Person, to find Horsemen armed and mounted; which being performed, Agesilaus his Army was soon changed, from shabby Foot into many gallant Regiments of Horse: For those that were not good at Fight themselves, hired such as were more Martial in their Inclinations, and such as loved not Horse-service, substituted in their rooms such as did. He professed in this to imitate the laudable Example of Agamemnon, who took the Present of an excellent Mare, to dismiss a rich Coward from the Army.  
When by Agesilaus his Order, the Prisoners 
His Reflection on the Sardian Slaves.  he had taken in Phrygia were exposed to Sale, they were first stripped of their Garments, and then sold naked. The clothes found many Customers to buy them, but the Bodies being by the Ease they had always lived in, rendered white, and tender-skinned, were derided and scorned as unserviceable: Agesilaus who stood by at the Auction, told his Grecians, These are the Men against whom ye fight, and these are the things for which ye ●ight.  
The Season of the Year being come, he boldly gave out, that he would Invade Lydia; which plain Dealing of his was mistaken for a Stratagem by Tisaphernes, who by not believing Agesilaus, overreached himself: 
He enters Sardis.  He expected that he should have made choice of Caria, as a rough Country, not fit for Horse, in which he deemed Agesilaus to be weak, and directed his own Marches accordingly. But when he found him to be as good as his Word, and to have entered into the Country of Sardis, he made great haste after him, and by great Marches of his Horse, overtaking the loose Stragglers who were pillaging the Country, he cut them off. Agesilaus mean while considering that the Horse had out-rid the Foot, but that he himself had the whole Body of his own Army entire, made haste to Engage them: He mingled his light armed Foot, that 
And overcometh Tisaphernes.  wore Leather Shields, with the Horse, commanding them to begin the Battle, whilst he brought up the heavier-armed Men in the Rear: The Success was answerable to the Design; the Barbarians were put to the Rout, the Grecians pursued hard, took their Camp, and put many of them to the Sword: The Consequence of this Victory was very great, for they had not only their liberty of Foraging the Persian Country, and Plundering at pleasure, but also saw Tisaphernes pay dearly for all the Cruelty he had showed the Greeks, to whom he was a professed Enemy: For the King of Persia soon sent Tithraustes, 
Tithraustes sent to behead Tisaphernes, and to treat of Peace.  who took off his Head, and presently dealt with Agesilaus, about his Return into Greece, sending to him Ambassadors to that purpose, with Commission to offer him great Sums of Money. Agesilaus' Answer was, That the making of Peace belonged to the Lacedæmonians, not to him: As for Wealth, he had rather see it in his Soldiers hands than his own; that the Grecians thought it not Honourable to Enrich themselves with the Bribes of their Enemies, but with their Spoils only. Yet, that he might gratify Tithraustes for the Justice he had done upon Tisaphernes, the avowed Enemy of the Greeks, he removed his Quarters into Phrygia, accepting of thirty Talents towards the Charge of it. Whilst he was upon his March, he 
Agesilaus made Admiral of Sparta.  received a Patent from the Council of Sparta, which did constitute him Admiral as well as General. This Honour was never done to any but Agesilaus, who being undoubtedly the far greatest Man of his Time, (as Theopompus witnesseth) gloried more in his Virtue, than in his Authority and Power: Yet he committed a great Oversight in preferring Pisander to the Command of the Navy, when there were many at hand both older and wiser, and more experienced Captains; in this not so much consulting the Public Good, as the Gratification of his Kindred, and especially his Wife, whose Brother Pisander was.  
Having removed his Camp into Pharnabazus' Province, he not only met with great plenty of Provisions, but also raised great Sums of Money, and marching on to the Bounds of Paphlagonia, he soon drew 
Makes League with Cotys, King of Paphlagonia.  Cotys, the King of it, into a League, to which he of his own accord inclined, out of the Esteem he had of Agesilaus his Honour and Virtue. Spithridates as soon as he fell off from Pharnabazus, did constantly attend Agesilaus in the Camp whithersoever he went: This Spithridates had a handsome Boy to his Son, of whom Agesilaus was enamoured, also a very beautiful Daughter, that was marriageable; her Agesilaus matched to Cotys, and taking of him 1000 Horse, with 2000 light-armed Foot, he returned into Phrygia, and there pillaged the Country of Pharnabazus, who durst not stand him 
He conquers Pharnabazus.  in the Field, nor yet trust to his Garrisons, but getting his Jewels and rich Commodities together, flitted up and down with a flying Army, till Spithridates being joined with Erippidas the Spartan, beat him out of all his Holds, and they possessed themselves of all the Spoil. Here Erippidas being too 
Spithridates with the Paphlagonians revolts upon discontent from Agesilaus.  severe an Enquirer into the Plunder wherewith the Barbarian Soldiers had enriched themselves, and forcing them to deliver it up with too much Strictness, so disobliged Spithridates, that he changed sides again, and went off with the Paphlagonians to the Sardians. This was no small Displeasure to Agesilaus, not only that he had lost the Friendship of a valiant Commander, and with him a considerable Part of his Army, but chiefly that he did it with the Disrepute of a sordid Covetousness, of which he always took care to clear both himself and his Country: Besides these public Causes, he had a private one, viz. the excessive Love of his 
Agesilaus' Love to Megabates.  Son, which touched him to the quick, yet did he so much endeavour to master, and especially in presence of the Boy, to suppress all appearance of it, that when Megabates (for that was his Name) did address himself to him to Salute and Kiss, he declined it. At which, when the young Man blushed and drew back, saluting him at a more reserved distance, Agesilaus soon repenting his Coyness, and changing his Mind, pretended to wonder why he did not salute him with the like Familiarity as formerly. His Friends about him answered, you are in the fault, who durst not stand the Kiss of a pretty Boy, but outrun it; he will soon offer you the like Kindness again, if he may but find it welcome to you. Upon this Agesilaus paused a while, and at length answered, You need not encourage him to a repetition of that Kindness; I had rather be Master of myself in the refusal of that Kiss, than see all things that are now before mine eye turned into Gold. Thus he demeaned himself to Megabates when present, but he had so great a Passion for him in his absence, that I question whether if the Boy had returned again, all the Virtue he had, would have obliged him to such another Refusal.  
After that, Pharnabazus sought an opportunity 
A Conference between Pharnabazus and Agesilaus.  of conferring with Agesilaus, which Apollophanes of Cyzicum, the common Host of them both, procured for him: Agesilaus coming first to the appointed Place, lay down upon the Grass under a Tree, lying there in expectation of Pharnabazus, who bringing with him soft Skins and wrought Carpets to lie down upon, when he saw Agesilaus' Posture, grew ashamed of his own Provisions, made no use of them, but laid himself down upon the Grass also, though he had a fine delicate richly-died Coat on, which was like to lose much of its beauty by the action: Pharnabazus had matter enough of Complaint against Agesilaus, and therefore after the mutual Civilities were over, he put him in mind of the great Services he had done the Lacedæmonians in the Attic War, of which he thought it an ill Recompense, to have his Country thus harrassed and spoiled, by those Men who had been so obliged to him. The Spartans' that were about Agesilaus, hung down their Heads, as ashamed of the Wrong they had done to their good Ally. But the King briskly answered, We, O Pharnabazus, when we were in Amity with your Master the Persian, did behave ourselves like Friends, now when he hath given us occasion of War, we behave ourselves as Enemies. As for you, whose kind Offices we are ready to acknowledge, we look upon you as his Servant; we are fain to do these Outrages upon you, not intending the Harm to you, but to him whom we wound through your sides. But whenever you will choose rather to be a Friend to the Grecians, than a Slave of the King of P●●sia, you may then reckon this Army and Navy to be all at your Command, to defend both you and your Country, together with your Liberties, without which there is nothing honourable, or indeed desirable among Men. Upon this Pharnabazus discovered his mind, and answered, If the King sendeth another Governor in my room, I will certainly come over to you, but as long as he trusteth me with the Government, I shall be just to him, and not fail to do my utmost Endeavours in opposing you. Agesilaus was taken with the Answer, and shook Hands with him, and (rising) said, How much rather had I have so gallant a Man my Friend than mine Enemy.  
Pharnabazus being gone off, his Son, staying 
Parnabazus his Son presents Agesilaus, and maketh him his Friend.  behind, ran up to Agesilaus, and smilingly said, Agesilaus, I make you my Guest; and thereupon presented him with a Javelin which he had in his hand. Agesilaus received it, and being much taken with the good Mien and Gallantry of the Youth, looked about to see if there were any thing in his Train fit to offer him in Return; and observing the Horse of Adaeus, his Secretary, to have very fine Trappings on, he took them off, and bestowed them upon the young Gentleman; nor did his Kindness rest there, but he was ever after mindful of him, insomuch that when he was driven out of his Country by the Injury of his Brethren, and lived an Exile in Peloponnesus, he took great care of his Maintenance; and not only so, but also condescended to assist him in his Amours; for he being in Love with a Youth of Athenian Birth, which was bred up to his Exercises, in order to playing of the Prize in the Olympic Games, and this Youth being, by reason of his great Bulk, and sour Looks, in some danger of not being admitted into the List, the Persian betook himself to Agesilaus, and made use of his Friendship: Agesilaus readily assisted him, and took great pains in effecting his Desires. He was in all other things a Man 
Agesilaus's Behaviour in point of Friendship.  of great and exact Justice, but when the Case concerned a Friend, to be straitlaced in point of Justice, (he said) was only a colourable Pretence of denying him. There is an Epistle written to Idrieus, Prince of Caria, that is ascribed to Agesilaus; it is this: If Nicias be innocent, absolve him; if he be nocent, absolve him upon my account, however be sure to absolve him. And indeed this is the true Character of Agesilaus, as to his Deportment towards his Friends: Yet was not his Rule without Exception; for sometimes he considered the Necessity of his Affairs more than his Friend, of which he once gave a great Example, when upon a sudden and disorderly Remove of his Camp, he was forced to leave a sick Friend behind him; who when he called loud after him, and implored his Help, Agesilaus turned his Back, and said, What an hard thing is it to be merciful and wise too? This Story is delivered by Hieronymus.  
Another Year of the War being spent, Agesilaus his Fame still increased, insomuch 
His Repute in Persia and A●ia.  that the Persian King received daily Informations concerning his many Virtues, and the great Esteem the World had of his Continency, his Candour and Moderation. When he made any Journey with his private Train, he would usually take up his Lodging in a Temple, and there make the God's Witnesses of his most private Actions, which others would scarce permit Men to be acquainted with. In so great an Army, you should scarce find a common Soldier lie on a coarser Mattress, or fare more hardly; he was so enured to the varieties of Heat and Cold, that both seemed natural to him. The Greeks that inhabited Asia, were much pleased to see the great Dons of Persia, with all the Pride, Cruelty and Luxury, in which they lived, to veil Bonnet to a Man in a poor threadbare Cloak, and to be governed by a Word or Nod, or a Laconic Sentence out of his Mouth: It put them in mind of that Verse in Timotheus;  

While Mars himself her firm Sceptre hold,  
Greece fears not the weak Charms of Foreign Gold.   
Asia being now grown afraid of the Lacedaemonian Arms, was everywhere ready to yield to them. Agesilaus in the mean time took order with several of the Cities, and composed the Differences of divers of the Republics without Bloodshed, or Banishment of any of their Members: By these means having rendered himself everywhere popular, he resolved to quit the Seaside, to march further up into the Country, and to attack the King of Persia himself in Susa and Ecbatane, not willing to let that Monarch sit idle in his Chair, whilst he made Wars by his Lieutenants, and by his Money corrupted the Demagogues of Greece. But these great Thoughts were interrupted by unhappy News from Sparta; Epicydidas is 
Remanded Home.  from thence sent to remand him Home, to assist his own Country, which was then involved in a great War.  

The Fields of Greece no Barbarous Foe surrounds,  
She bleeds (alas!) with more dishonest Wounds.   
What better can we say of those Civil Wars, and Intestine Broils, which did destroy the Fortune of Greece, and call her back from her full Career of Victory over the Barbarians, only to sheathe her Sword into her own Bowels? For I do by no means assent to Demaratus of Corinth, who said, That those Grecians were deprived of a great Satisfaction, that did not live to see Alexander sit in the Throne of Darius. That Sight should rather have drawn Tears from them, when they considered, that they had left that Glory to Alexander and the Macedonians, whilst they spent all their own great Commanders, in playing them upon each other in the Fields of Leuctra, Coronea, Corinth, and Arcadia.  
Nothing was greater or braver than the Behaviour of Agesilaus on this occasion, nor can a nobler Instance be found in Story, of a ready Obedience and just Deference to 
His ready Obedience.  the Orders of the Senate. Annibal, though in a bad condition himself, and almost driven out of Italy, yet stormed and raged when he was called Home to serve his Country. Alexander made a Jest of the Battle between Agis and Antipater, the Success of which required his looking back into his own Country, laughing and saying, That whilst we are fight Darius in Asia, it seems there is a Battle of Mice in Arcadia. Happy Sparta mean while, in the great Justice and Modesty of Agesilaus, and in the Honour he paid to the Laws of his Country; who immediately upon receipt of his Orders, (though in the midst of his good Fortune, and in full hope of so great and glorious Success) left his Work unfinished, instantly departed, leaving his Friends in Asia very sorrowful for the loss of him: Which great Kindness and Fidelity of his, that had obliged so many to him in Asia, did sufficiently confute the Saying of Demaratus, the Son of Phaeux, That the Lacedæmonians excelled in their Public Transactions, and just maintaining of Leagues, but the Athenians were better Observers of private Friendships.  
The Coin of Persia was stamped with the Picture of an Archer; Agesilaus said, That a thousand Persian Archers had driven him out of Asia; meaning the Money that was laid out in bribing the Demagogues, and the Orators in Thebes and Athens, whereby those two Republics were incited to a War with Sparta.  
Having passed the Hellespont, he went by 
Passeth home thr● ' Thrace.  Land through Thrace, not begging or entreating a Passage any where, only he sent his Envoys to them, to demand whether they would have him pass as a Friend or as an Enemy. All the rest received him as a Friend, and used him with all Civility: but 
The Trallians.  the Trallians (of whom Xerxes is said to have bought his Passage) demanded a Price of him, viz. A hundred Talents of Silver, and a hundred Women. Agesilaus in scorn asked, Why they were not ready to receive them? He marched on, and meeting with Opposition from the Trallians, fought them, and slew great numbers of them. He sent the 
Macedonia.  like Embassy to the King of Macedonia, who took time to deliberate: Why then let him deliberate, said Agesilaus, we will go forward in the mean time. The Macedonian being surprised and daunted at the Resolution of the Spartan King, fairly sent him a Compliment, and let him pass. When he came into Thessaly, he wasted the Country, because they 
〈…〉 Thessaly.  were in League with the Enemy. To Larissa, the chief City of Thessaly, he sent Xenocles and Scythes to Treat of a Peace, whom when the Larissaeans had laid hold of, and put into Custody, the Army was enraged, and advised the Siege of the Town; but the King answered, That he valued either of those Men at more than the whole Country of Thessaly. He therefore made Terms with them, and received his Men again upon Composition. Nor need we wonder at that Saying of Agesilaus, at a time when he had News brought him from Sparta, of several great Captains slain in a Battle near Corinth, in which though the Slaughter fell upon other Grecians, the Lacedæmonians obtaining a great Victory with small loss, yet Agesilaus did not appear at all satisfied in it; 
He laments the Civil War● of Greece.  contrarily with a great Sigh he cried out, O▪ Greece, how many gallant Men hast thou destroyed, which if they had been preserved to so good an use, might have conquered all Persia! Yet when the Pharsalians grew troublesome 
He routs the Pharsalians.  to him, by pressing upon his Army, and incommoding his Passage, he drew out five hundred Horse, and in Person fought and routed them, setting up a Trophy at Narthacium: he valued himself much upon that Victory, that with so small a Number of his own choosing, he had vanquished an Army of Men, that thought themselves the best Horsemen of Greece.  
Here Diphridas, the Ephore, met him, and delivered his Message from Sparta, which ordered him immediately to make an Inroad into Boeotia; which though he thought 
Invades▪ Boeotia, by Command of the C●●●cil of Sparta.  fitter to have been done at another time, and with greater Force, yet he obeyed the Magistrates. He thereupon told his Soldiers, that the day was come, in which they were to enter upon that Employment, for the performance of which they were brought out of Asia. He sent for two Cohorts of the Army near Corinth to his Assistance. The Lacedæmonians at home, in Honour to him, made Proclamation for Volunteers that would serve under the King, to come in and be listed. Finding all the young Men in the City ready to ofter themselves, they chose fifty of the ablest, and sent them.  
Agesilaus having gained the Thermopylae, and passed quietly through Phocis, as soon as he had entered Boeotia, and pitched his Tents near Chaeronea, at once met with an Eclipse of the Sun, and with ill News from the Navy, Pisander, the Spartan Admiral, being beaten at Guidos, by Pharnabazus and Conon. He was much moved at it, both upon his own and the Public account: Yet lest his Army, being now near engaging, should meet with any Discouragement, he ordered the Messengers to give out, that the Spartans' were the Conquerors, and he himself putting on his Crown, did solemnly sacrifice, out of a pretended Joy for the News, and sent Portions of the Sacrifices to his Friends.  
When he came near to Coronea, and was 
The Battle of Coronea.  within view of the Enemy, he drew up his Army, and giving the left Wing to the Orchomenians, he himself led the right. The Thebans did make the right Wing of their Army, leaving the left to the Argives. Xenophon, who was present, and fought on Agesilaus' side, reports it to be the hardest fought Battle that he had seen. The beginning of it was not so, for the Thebans soon put the Orchomenians to rout, as also did Agesilaus the Argives. But both Parties having News of the Misfortune of their left Wings, they betook themselves to their Relief. Here Agesilaus might have been sure of his Victory, had he contented himself not to charge them in the Front, but in the Flank or Rear; but being too high in Mettle, and heated in the Fight, he would not stay the Opportunity, but fell on downright, thinking to bear them down before him. The Thebans were not behind him in Courage, so that the Battle was fiercely carried on on both sides, especially near Agesilaus' Person, whose new Guard of fifty Volunteers stood him in great stead that day, and saved his Life: They fought with great Valour, and interposed their Bodies frequently between him and Danger, yet could they not so preserve him, but that he received many Wounds through his Armour with Lances and Swords, and was with much ado gotten off. They making a Ring about him, did guard him from the Enemy, with the Slaughter of many, and lost many of their own number. At length finding it too hard a Task to break the Front of the Theban Army, they opened their own Files, and let the Enemy march through them, (an Artifice which in the beginning they scorned) observing in the mean time the Posture of the Enemy, who having passed through, grew careless, as esteeming themselves past Danger: whereupon they were immediately set upon by the Spartans', yet were they not then put to Rout, but marched on to Helicon, vapouring, That they themselves, as to their part of the Army, were not worsted. Agesilaus, sore wounded as he was, would not be born to his Tent, till he had been first carried about the Field, and had seen the dead Men of his Party carried off in their Armour. As many of his Enemies as had taken Sanctuary in the Temple, he dismissed: for there stood hard by the Temple of Minerva the Itonian, and before it a Trophy erected by the Baeotians, for a Victory, which under the Conduct of one Sparton their General, they obtained over the Athenians, who were led that day by Tolmides, and Tolmides himself slain.  
Next morning early Agesilaus, to make trial of the Theban Courage, whether they had any mind to a second Encounter, did command his Soldiers to put on Garlands on their Heads, and play with their Flutes, and raise a Trophy before their Faces; but when they instead of Fight, sent for leave to bury their Dead, he gave it them, and so confirmed to himself the Victory. After this he went to Delphos, to the Pythian 
He goeth to the Pythian Games.  Games which were then celebrating, at which Feast he assisted, and there solemnly offered the tenth part of the Spoils he had brought from Asia, which amounted to an hundred Talents.  
Being now returned to his own Country, the Eyes of the Spartans' were upon him, to observe his Diet, and manner of Living: But he (not according to the Custom of other 
Returneth to Sparta unchanged, as to his Manners.  Generals) came home the same Man that he went out, having not so learned the Fashions of other Countries, as to forget his own, much less to nauseate or despise them, but he followed all the Spartan Customs, without changing either the manner of his Supping, or Bathing, or his Wife's Apparel, as if he had never traveled over the River Eurotas. The like he did by his Householdstuff, his Armour, nay, the very Gates of his House were so old, that they might well be thought of Aristodemus' setting up. His Daughter's Chariot (called the Canathrum) was no richer than that of other People. Now this Canathrum, whether Chariot or Chair, was made of Wood, in the shape of a Griffon, or of the 
* Goatdeer.  Tragelaphus, some antic shape or other, on which the Children and young Virgins were carried in Processions. Xenophon hath not left us the Name of this Daughter of Agesilaus; at which Dicaearchus is angry, viz. that he can know the Names neither of Agesilaus' Daughter, nor Epaminondas' Mother. But in the Records of Laconia we find his Wife's Name to be Cl●ora, and his two daughters to have been Apolia and Prolyta; and you may even to this day see Agesilaus' Spear kept in Sparta, nothing differing from that of other Men.  
There was a Vanity he observed among the Spartans', about keeping running Horses for the Olympic Games, upon which he 
He despiseth the Olympic Games.  found they much valued themselves. Agesilaus much despised it, as an Ostentation more of Wealth than Virtue, deeming the Victory to be the Horse's, not the Man's: He therefore to convince the Grecians of it, did put his Sister Cynisca upon keeping a running Horse for that Public Solemnity.  
To the wise Xenophon, his Friend, whom he much valued, he did propose the bringing of his Children to Sparta, to be there bred up in the strictest way of Discipline, and in the noble Art of Obeying and Governing.  
Lysander being dead, and his Faction yet great and prevalent, which he upon his coming out of Asia had raised against Agesilaus, the King thought it advisable to expose 
He designs to expose Lysander and his Party.  both him and it, by showing what manner of a Citizen he had been whilst he lived. To that end, finding an Oration among his Writings, that was (composed by Cleon the Halicarnassean, but) intended to be spoken by Lysander in a Public Assembly, to excite the People to Innovations and Changes in the Government, he resolved to publish it, as an Evidence of Lysander's ill Practices. But one of the Senators, having the perusal of it, and finding it strongly written, advised him to have a care of digging 
But is dissuaded.  up Lysander again, and rather bury that Oration in the Grave with him. This Advise he wisely harkened to, and ever after forbore publicly to affront any of his Adversaries, but took occasions of picking out the Ringleaders, and sending them away upon Foreign Services. He also found out ways of discovering the Avarice and the Injustice of many of them in their Employments; yet, when they were by others brought into Question, he made it his business to bring them off, obliging them by that means, of Enemies to become his Friends, and so by degrees wore out the Faction.  
Agesipolis, his Fellow-King, was under 
He maketh his Interest in Agesipolis.  the Disadvantage of being Born of an Exiled Father, and himself Young, Modest, and Unactive, and meddled not much in Affairs. Agesilaus took a course of growing upon him, and making him yet more tractable. According to the Custom of Sparta, the Kings, if they were in Town, always Dined together. This was Agesilaus' opportunity of dealing with Agesipolis, whom he found apt to Amorous Intrigues as well as himself. He therefore always discoursed him about handsome Boys, egging him forward that way, and himself assisting in it, so far as to become the Confident of the Amour. Yet were these Amours innocent, according to the Custom of the Spartan Loves, which were always accompanied with Virtue and Honour, and a noble Emulation; of which you may see more in Lycurgus' Life.  
Having thus established his Power in the City, he easily obtained that his half Brother Teleutias might be chosen Admiral; 
His Expedition against Corinth.  and thereupon making an Expedition against the Corinthians, he made himself Master of the long Walls by Land, through the Assistance of his Brother at Sea. Coming thus upon the Argives (who then held Corinth) in the midst of their Isthmian Games, he made them outrun their Sacrifices, and leave all their Festival Provisions behind them. The exiled Corinthians that were in the Spartan Army, desired him to keep up the Feast, and to appear Chief in the Celebration of it. This he refused, but gave them leave to carry on the Solemnity, if they pleased, and he in the mean time stayed and guarded them. When Agesilaus marched off, the Argives returned to their Sports again, with this variety of Fortune, that some who were Victors before, became Victors a second time, others lost the Prizes which before they had gained. But Agesilaus reproached them severely of Cowardice, who having so great an Esteem of the Isthmian Games, and so much valuing themselves upon the Victories there gotten, yet durst not adventure to Fight in defence of them. He himself 
His Opinion of public Sports and Games.  was of Opinion, that to keep a Mean in such things was best; he allowed of the Sports usually permitted in his Country, and would not refuse to be present at the Exercises either of the young Men, or of the Girls, being always ready to take his share in them; but what many Men seemed▪ to be highly taken with in these Games, he seemed not at all concerned in. Callipides the Stage-player, being eminent in that Faculty through all Greece, meeting this King, did make his Obeisance; of which, when he found no notice taken, he confidently thrust himself into his Train, expecting that Agesilaus would take some notice, and at least pass a Jest upon him. When all that failed, he boldly accosted him, and asked him, Whether he knew him not? What (said the King) art thou Callipides the Scaramonchio? and so turned from him. Being invited once to hear a Man sing, who did admirably imitate the Nightingale, he refused, and answered, That he had heard the Nightingale herself. There was one Menecrates, a Physician in Laconia, who, having been famed for great Success in great and deplored Diseases, was, by way of Flattery, called Jupiter: He was so vain as to take it, and having occasion to write a Letter to Agesilaus, thus endorsed it: Menecrates Jupiter, to King Agesilaus, Greeting. The King returned Answer, Agesilaus to Menecrates, Health● and a sound Mind.  
Whilst Agesilaus was in the Corinthian Territories, beholding his Soldiers Pillaging the Temple of Juno, the Theban Ambassadors came to him to treat of Peace. He having a great Aversion for that City, 
He slighteth the Theban Ambassadors, of which he soon repenteth.  and thinking it then advantageous to his Affairs publicly to slight them, did it sufficiently, for he would not seem either to see them, or hear them speak. But as if the express Vengeance of God had appeared against this Insolence, before they parted from him, he received News of the Overthrow of one of his Cohorts, by Iphicrates, with a greater Slaughter than he had received a long time; and that the more grievous, because it was a choice Regiment of Lacedæmonians well Armed, but overthrown by a parcel of light-armed Mercenaries. Agesilaus made all the haste he could to their Rescue, but found it too late, the Business being over. He therefore retired to Juno's Temple, and sent for the Theban Ambassadors to give them Audience. They now resolved to be even with him for the Affront he gave them, and, without speaking one word of the Peace, only desired leave to go into Corinth. Agesilaus, being nettled with this Overture, told them in scorn, That if they were minded to go and see how proud their Friends were of their Success, they should do it to Morrow with safety. Next Morning, taking the Ambassadors with him, he spoilt the Corinthian Territories, up to the very Gates of the City; where having made a Stand, and let the Ambassadors see, that the Corinthians durst not come out to defend themselves, he dismissed them; then gathering up the small remainders of the shattered Cohort, he marched homewards, always removing his Camp before day, and always pitching his Tents after Night, that he might prevent the Acardians from taking any opportunity of insulting over their loss.  
After this, at the Request of the Achaians, he marched with them into Acarnania, from whence he brought great Spoils, and overcame 
His Polic● concerning the Acarnanians.  the Acarnanians in Battle. The Achaians would have persuaded him to keep his Winter-Quarters there, to hinder the Acarnanians from sowing their Corn; but he was of the contrary Opinion, alleging, that they would be more afraid of a War next Summer, when their Fields were Sown, than they would be if they lay Fallow. The Event did justify his Opinion; for next Summer, when the Achaians begins their Expedition again, the Acarnanians immediately made Peace with them.  
When Conon and Pharnabazus were grown Masters of the Sea, and had not only infested the Coast of Laconia, but also rebuilt the Walls of Athens, at the Cost of Pharnabazus, 
The Spartans' make a dishonourable Peace with Persia.  the Lacedæmonians thought fit to Treat of Peace with the King of Persia. To that end, they sent Antalcidas to Teribazus about it, basely betraying the poor Asiatic Greeks, on whose behalf Agesilaus had made the War. But no part of this Dishonour fell upon Agesilaus, the whole being transacted by Antalcidas, who was a bitter Enemy of Agesilaus, and did therefore urge on the Peace, because Agesilaus was so earnest for continuing the War, it being his Talon, in which he always gained Reputation and Authority. Yet as ill as he liked the Peace, when once it was on foot, he promoted it, and being told, by way of Reproach, that the Lacedæmonians did now apply themselves to the Median Interest, he replied, No, but the Medes applied themselves to the Interest of the Lacedæmonians. And when the Grecians were backward to the Agreement, he threatened them with War, unless they came up to the King of Persia's Terms. Agesilaus had a particular End in this, viz. to weaken the Thebans; for it was made one of the Articles of Peace, that the Country of Boeotia should be set at liberty, which was then under the Dominion of Thebes.  
This Pique of his to Thebes appeared further afterwards, when Phaebidas in full Peace 
Phaebidas breaks the Peace with Thebes.  did very dishonourably seize upon Cadmea, a Castle belonging to Thebes. The thing was much stomached by all Greece, and not well liked of by the Laconians themselves; those especially who were Enemies to Agesilaus, did require an account of the Action, and by whose Authority it was done, laying the Suspicion of it at his door. Agesilaus doubted not to answer on the behalf of Phaebidas, that the profitableness of an Action was chiefly to be considered; if it were for the Advantage of the Commonwealth, it was no matter by whose Authority it was done. This was the more remarkable in him, because he was always observed to be a great Lover of Justice, and would, in his private Discourses, commend it as the chief of Virtues, saying, That Valour without Justice was useless, and if all the World were Just, there would be no need of Valour. When any would say to him, The Great King (meaning the Persian) will have it so; he would smartly reply, How is he greater than I, unless he be Juster? He took the truly Royal Measure of Greatness, which is to be computed by Justice, not by Force.  
The Peace being concluded, the King of Persia wrote to Agesilaus, desiring a private 
He refuseth the King of Persia ●is Friendship.  Friendship and Correspondence; but he refused it, saying, That the public Friendship was enough; whilst that lasted, there was no need of private. Yet was he not always of that mind, it plainly appearing, That sometimes out of Ambition, and sometimes out of private Pique, he broke that Rule. Particularly in this case of the Thebans, he not only saved Phaebidas, but persuaded 
He defends Phaebidas.  the Lacedæmonians to take the Fault upon themselves, and to retain Cadmea, putting a Garrison into it, and to make Archias and Leontidas chief Governors of Thebes, who had been Betrayers of the main Castle to them. This gave strong Suspicion, that what Phaebidas did, was by Agesilaus' Order, which was afterward made evident by the Consequences: For when the Thebans 
And warreth with the Thebans.  had slain the Garrison, and asserted their Liberty, he accusing them of the Murder of Archias and Leontidas, (who indeed were Tyrants, though in Title Polemarchi, or Generals) made War upon them. He sent Cleombrotus on that Errand, 
But not in Person.  who was now the other King, in room of Agesipolis that was dead, excusing himself by reason of his Age: For it was 40 years since he had first born Arms, and was consequently excused by the Law. Mean while the true Reason why he withdrew himself from the War, was, that he was ashamed, having so lately fought against the Tyranny of the Phliasians, to fight now in defence of a Tyranny against the Thebans.  
One Sphodrias of Lacedaemon, being of 
Sphodrias his Exploit.  a contrary Faction to Agesilaus, was Governor of Thespiae, a brisk daring Man, one that had more of Courage than Wisdom. This Action of Phaebidas fired him, and incited his Ambition to attempt some great Enterprise, which might render him as Famous, as he perceived the taking of Cadmea had made Phaebidas. He thought the taking of the Piraeum, and the cutting off thereby the Athenians from the Sea, a Matter of far more Glory: 'Tis said, That Pelopidas and Gelon, the Governors of Boeotia, put him upon it; they privily sent Men to him, that pretended to be of the Spartan Faction, who highly commending Sphodrias, blew him up into a great Opinion of himself, protesting him to be the only Man in the World that was fit for so great an Enterprise. Being thus pricked forward, he could hold no longer, but soon engaged himself in a Business, every whit as dishonourable and treacherous as that of Ca●mea, but attempted with less Valour and less Success; for the day broke whilst he was yet in the Plains of Thriasium, whereas he designed the whole Exploit to have been done in the Night. As soon as the Soldiers perceived the Rays of Light reflecting from the Temples of Eleusine, upon the first rising of the Sun, it is said, that their Hearts failed them; nay, he himself, when he saw that he could not have the benefit of the Night, had not Courage enough to go on with his Enterprise, but, having pillaged the Country, he returned with Shame to Thespiae. An Embassy was upon this sent from Athens to Sparta, to complain of the breach of Peace; but the Ambassadors found their Journey needless, Sphodrias being then under Process by the Magistrates of Sparta. Sphodrias durst not stay to expect Judgement, which he found would be Capital, the City being highly incensed against him, out of the Shame they had of the Business, and the Resolution they had to give the Athenians no cause of suspecting them, to be any way consenting to so base an Action.  
This Sphodrias had a handsome Youth to his Son named Cleonymus, with whom Archidamus, the Son of Agesilaus, was deeply in Love. With him did Cleonymus labour much for the preservation of his Father; but Archidamus durst not appear publicly in his Assistance, he being one of the professed Enemies of Agesilaus. But Cleonymus having solicited him with Tears about it, (as knowing Agesilaus to be of all his Father's Enemies the most formidable) the young Man did for two or three days, follow his Father with such Shame and Confusion within himself, that he durst not speak to him. At last, the day of Sentence being at hand, he adventured to tell him, that Cleonymus had entreated him to intercede for his Father. Agesilaus, though well aware of the Love between the Two young Men, yet did not prohibit it, because he looked upon Cleonymus as an extraordinary Youth, and of great Hopes: Yet he gave not his Son any kind Answer in the Case, but coldly told him, That he would consider what he could honestly and honourably do in it, and so dismissed him. Archidamus being ashamed of his want of Success, did forbear the Company of Cleonymus for some days, a thing not usual with him. This made the Friends of Sphodrias to think his Case desperate, till Etymocles, one of Agesilaus' Friends, did discover to them the King's Mind, viz. That he abhorred the Fact, but yet he thought Sphodrias a gallant Man, such as the Commonwealth much wanted at that time. These were the frequent Sayings of Agesilaus, which gave Cleonymus sufficiently to understand, that Archidamus had been just to him, in using all his Interest with his Father; and Sphodrias his Friends grew brisk in his Defence. The truth is, that Agesilaus was a very ●o●d Man of his Children, insomuch that it is reported, That when they were little ones, he would make a Hobby-Horse of a Reed, and ride with them. Being catched at this Sport by a Friend, he desired him to say nothing of it, till he himself were the Father of Children.  
Mean while Sphodrias being absolved of his Crime, the Athenians betook themselves 
War with Athens and Thebes.  to Arms, insomuch that Agesilaus fell into great Disgrace with the People; that to gratify the Amours of a Boy, would pervert Justice, and make the City accessary to the Crimes of Two private Men, who, by dishonourable Actions had broke the Peace of Greece. He also found his Colleague Cleombrotus little inclined to the Theban War; so that it became necessary for him to quit the Privilege of his Age, which he before had claimed, and to lead the Army himself; which he did with variety of Success, sometimes Conquering, and sometimes Conquered, insomuch that receiving a Wound in a Battle, he was reproached by Antalcidas, That the Thebans had made him a good Requital, for teaching them to Fight. And indeed, they were now grown far better Soldiers than ever they had been, being so much harassed, and so much beaten into War, by the frequency of the Lacedaemonian Expeditions against them. Out of the foresight of which it was, that anciently Lycurgus in three several Laws, forbid them to make Wars often in one Place, which would be to instruct their Enemies in the Art of it.  
Mean while the Allies of Sparta were not 
The Allies murmur at the War.  a little discontented at Agesilaus, that this War was commenced not from any just Offence taken, but merely out of his Hatred to the Thebans, and with Indignation grumbled, that they being the Majority of the Army, should from Year to Year be thus exposed to Danger and Hardship here and there, at the Will of a few Persons.  
Agesilaus being put to his Shifts, to obviate the Objection, devised this Expedient, to try the numbers of both the Spartans' and the Allies. He gave Orders that all the Allies, of whatever Country, should sit down promiscuously on one side, and all the Lacedæmonians on the other; which being done, he Commanded an Herald to proclaim, that all the Potters of both Squadrons should stand out; then all the Blacksmiths; then all the Masons; next the Carpenters; and so he went through all the Handicrafts. By this time almost all the Allies were risen, but of the Lacedæmonians very few, they being by Law forbidden to learn any Handicraft-Trade: whereupon Agesilaus fell on Laughing, and told them, ●e see, gentlemans, how that our number of Soldiers is greater than yours.  
When he brought back his Army from Boeotia through Megara, as he was going up to the Town-Hall, in the Castle of that Town, he was suddenly taken with Pain, 
Falleth lame of his better Leg.  and convulsive Motions on his better Leg, upon which a great Tumour and Inflammation soon arose. He was treated by a Syracusian Physician, who let him Blood below the Ankle: this soon eased his Pain; but then the Blood could not be stopped, till it brought him to Fainting and Swooning; at length, with much ado, he stopped it. Agesilaus was carried home to Sparta in a very weak condition, insomuch that he recovered not Strength enough to appear in the Field a long time after.  
Mean while the Spartan Fortune was but ill, they having received many Losses both by Sea and Land; but the greatest was that at Leuctra, which was the first time that they were overthrown by the Thebans in a set Battle. The occasion was this:  
The Grecians were all disposed to a general Peace, and to that end sent Ambassadors to Sparta. Among these was Epaminondas, 
A general Treaty of Peace.  the Theban, famous at that time for his Wisdom and Learning, but he had not yet given proof of his Martial Virtues. He, seeing all the others crouch to Agesilaus, and curry Favour with him, did himself, notwithstanding, keep up the Port of an Ambassador, and with that Freedom that became his Character, make a Speech in behalf, not of Thebes only, from whence he came, but of all Greece, remonstrating that 
Epaminondas his ●ol● Demand.  Sparta had grown great by War, to the great Grievance of all her Neighbours. He urged, that Peace might be made upon equal terms, such a one as might be a lasting one, which could not otherwise be done, than by reducing all to a Parity. Agesilaus perceiving all the other Greeks to hearken much to this Discourse, and to be pleased with it, presently asked him, Whether he thought it fit that Boeotia should be set free, and be permitted to live by her own Laws? Epaminondas briskly returned the Question, Whether it were sit that Sparta should live by hers? Agesilaus being moved at this Reply, Bid him set forth what ground he had for pleading such Immunity for Boeotia. Epaminondas again asked him, What grounds he had for demanding liberty for Sparta? Agesilaus was so enraged at this, that he immediately struck the Thebans out of the League, and declared War against them. With the rest of the Greeks he made a Peace, and dismissed them with this Saying, That what could be peaceably adjusted, should; what was otherwise incurable, must be committed to the Success of War, it being a thing of too great difficulty to provide for all things by Treaty.  
The Ephori did hereupon dispatch their Orders to Cleombrotus, who was at that time in Phocis, to march directly into Boeotia, and at the same time sent to their Allies for Help. The Confederates were 
A War with Thebes.  very resty in the Business, and unwilling to Engage, but as yet they feared the Spartans', and durst not refuse. And although many Portents and Prodigies of ill Presage, had appeared; and though Prothous the Laconian had laboured all he could to hinder it, yet Agesilaus would needs go forward, and prevailed so, that the War was decreed. He thought the present Juncture of Affairs very advantageous to it, the rest of Greece being wholly free, and in League with them, the Thebans only exempted. But that this War was undertaken more upon Passion than Judgement, the Event did prove: for the Treaty was finished but the 14th of May, and the Lacedæmonians received their great Overthrow at Leuctrae 
Battle of Leuctrae.  the 5th of June within 20 days. There fell at that time 1000 Spartans', and Cleombrotus their King, in the Company of many others of the most gallant Men of that Nation; particularly Cleonymus, the Son of Sphodrias, that beautiful Youth, was thrice knocked down at the Feet of the King, and as often recovered it, but was slain at the last.  
This unexpected Blow, which fell so heavy upon the Lacedæmonians, brought greater Glory to Thebes, than ever was acquired by any other of the Grecian-republics, in their Civil Wars against each other. The Behaviour notwithstanding of the Spartans', though beaten, was much greater, and more to be admired, than 
The Spartan's Behaviour under their Misfortune.  that of the Thebans. And indeed, if as Xenophon saith▪ In Conversation good Men, even among their Sports, and in their Wine, do let fall many remarkable Sayings and Jests, that are worth the preserving; how much more worthy to be recorded, is an exemplary constancy of Mind, appearing both in the Countenances and Behaviours of brave Men, when they are pressed by adverse Fortune. It happened that the Spartans' were Celebrating a solemn Feast, at which many Strangers were▪ present from other Countries, and the Town full of them, when this News of the Overthrow came. The Ephori, though they were sufficiently aware, that this Blow had quite ruined the Spartan Grandeur, and its Primacy over the rest of Greece, yet gave Orders that the Dancing should not break off, nor any of the Ceremonies of the Festival abate. The next Morning, when they had full Intelligence concerning it, and every body knew who were slain, and who survived, the Fathers of the slain came out rejoicing in the Marketplace, saluting each other with a kind of Exultation; on the contrary, the Fathers of the Survivors hid themselves at home among the Women, as wholly ashamed of their Children. If Necessity drove any of them abroad, they went very dejectedly, with down▪ Looks, and sorrowful Countenances. The Women outdid the Men in it: Such whose Sons were Slain, openly rejoicing, and meeting triumphantly in the Temples; they who expected their Children home, being very silent, and much troubled.  
But the common People being awakened by this Calamity, and withal terrified with the News of Epaminondas his Design of Invading Peloponnesus, began to think of the Oracle, which had predicted Woes to them, when they had a Lame Man to their King, and grew mightily afflicted for the Rejection of Leotychidas, who was both the right Heir, and straight in all his Limbs. Yet the regard they had to the Wealth and Reputation of Agesilaus, so far stifled this Murmuring of the People, that notwithstanding it, they threw themselves upon him in 
Agesilaus invested with absolute Power, to remedy the present Difficulties of State.  this Distress, as the only Man that was fit to heal the public Malady, by being made sole Arbiter of all their Difficulties, whether relating to the Affairs of War or Peace. One great one was then before them, concerning the Runaways that had fled out of the Battle, who being many and powerful, it was feared that they might make some Commotion in the Republic, to prevent the execution of the Law upon them for their Cowardice. The Law in 
The Spartan. Law against Cowardice.  that Case was very severe; for they were not only to be degraded from all Honours, but also it was a Disgrace to intermarry with them: whoever met any of them in the Streets, might beat him if he listed, nor was it lawful for him to resist: They in the mean while were obliged to go abroad in a nasty Habit, with their Gowns patched of divers Colours, and to wear their Beards half shaved, half unshaven. To execute so rigid a Law as this, in a Case where the Offenders were so many, and of those many Men of great Families and Interest, and that in a time when the Commonwealth wanted Soldiers so much as then it did, was of dangerous Consequence. Therefore they chose Agesilaus a Dictator, or new Lawgiver, with full power of abrogating old Laws, or making new ones, as he pleased. But he, without adding to, or diminishing from, or any way changing the Law, came out into the public Assembly, and said, That the Law should lie dormant at present, but be vigorously executed for the future. By this means he at once preserved the Law from Abrogation, and the Citizens from Infamy: And that he might take off the Consternation that was upon the young Men, he made an Inroad 
He maketh ●● Inroad into ●rcadia  into Arcadia, where avoiding Fight as much as he could, he contented himself to spoil the Territory, and to take a small Town belonging to the Mantineans, thereby reviving the Hearts of Populace, letting them see that they were not every where unsuccessful.  
Upon this Epaminondas made an Inroad 
Epaminondas ●nvaded Sparta.  into Laconia, with an Army of 40000. besides light-armed Men, and others that followed the Camp only for Plunder, so that 
Sparta 600 Years without an Invasion.  in all they were at least 70000. It was now 600 Years since the Dorians had possessed Laconia, and in all that time the Face of an Enemy had not been seen within their Territories, no Man daring to Invade them: But now they made their Incursions without Resistance, as far as Eurotas, and the very Suburbs of Sparta; for Agesilaus would not permit them to engage against so impetuous a Torrent, as Theopompus called it. He contented himself to fortify the chief Parts of the City, and to place Guards conveniently, enduring mean while the Taunts of the Thebans, who reproached him as the Firebrand of the War, and the Author of all that Mischief to his Country, and bidding him defend himself if he could. But this was not all: He was greatly disturbed at home with the Tumults of the City, the Outcries and running about of the Old Men, who were highly enraged at their present condition, and the Women much worse, being terrified by the Clamours, and the Fires of the Enemy in the Field. But that which cut him to the Heart, was the sense of his lost Glory; who having come to the Crown of Sparta, when it was in its most flourishing Condition, and highest Grandeur, now lived to see it laid low in Esteem, and all its great Vaunts derided, even those which he himself had been accustomed to use, viz. That the Women of Sparta had never seen the Smoke of the Enemy's Fire. It is said, that Antalcidas being in Dispute with an Athenian, about the Valour of the Two Nations, the Athenian bragged, That they had o●ten driven the Spartans' from the River C●phisus: Yes, said Antalcidas, but we never had occasion to drive you from Eurotas. A common Spartan of less Quality, being in Company with an Argive, who was vapouring how many Spartans' lay buried in the Fields of Argus, replied, But you have ●●●e buried in the Country of Laconia. Yet now the Case was so altered, that Antalcidas being one of the Ephori, out of Fear, sent away his Children privately to the Island of Cythera.  
When the Enemy essayed to get over the River, and thence to Attack the Town, Agesilaus betook himself to the high Places 
Agesilaus defends the Town.  and strong Holds of it. But it happened, that Eurotas at that time swelled to a great height, by reason of the Snow that had fallen, and made the Passage very difficult to the Thebans, not only by its depth, but much more by the Ice that was upon it. Whilst this was doing, Epaminondas every where appeared the foremost Man in the Army, insomuch that Agesilaus viewing the whole Action, fell into admiration of his Gallantry. But when he came to the City, and would fain have attempted something either upon it, or within the Limits of it, that might raise him a Trophy there, he could not tempt Agesilaus out of his Hold, but was fain to march off again, wasting the Country as he went.  
Mean while there did a dangerous Conspiracy 
A dangerous Conspiracy in Sparta▪  happen in Sparta, where 200 Men having gotten into a strong part of the Town called Issorion, did seize upon the Temple of Diana and Garrison it. The Spartans' were enraged at it, and would have fallen upon them presently; but Agesilaus not knowing how far the Sedition might reach, did command them to forbear, and going himself in his Cloak, with but one Servant, when he came near the Rebels, called out, and told them, That they mistook their Orders; that by his Order they were to go, one part of them thither, showing them another Place in the City, and part to another, which he also showed. The Conspirators gladly heard this Discourse, thinking themselves no way suspected of Treason, and readily went off to the Places which he showed them. Whereupon Agesilaus placed in their room a Garrison of his own: Of the Conspirators he apprehended 15. and put them to death in the night.  
After this, a much more dangerous Conspiracy 
Another.  was discovered of Spartan Citizens, who had privately met in each others Houses, to cause a Disturbance. It was equally dangerous, by reason of the Greatness of the Party to prosecute them publicly according to Law, and to connive at them. Agesilaus took another course, and by consent of the Ephori, put them to death privately without Process; a thing never before known in Sparta.  
At this time also▪ many of the Helots', and 
The Helots' run from their Colours.  other Hirelings, that were listed in the Army, ran away to the Enemy, which was matter of great Consternation to the City. He therefore, caused some Officers of his, every Morning before day, to search the Quarters of the Soldiers, and, where any Man was gone, to hide his Arms, that so the greatness of the number might not appear.  
Historians differ about the time of the 
The time of the Thebans continuance before Sparta.  Thebans Departure from Sparta. Some say, the Winter forced them; as also that the Arcadian Soldiers Disbanding, made it necessary for the rest to retire. Others say, that they stayed there Three Months, till they had laid the whole Country waste. Theopompus is the only Author who gives out, That when the Baeotarchae, or Council of War of the Theban Army, had resolved upon the Retreat, Phrixus the Spartan came to them, and offered them, from Agesilaus, Ten Talents to be gone; so hiring them to do, what they were already doing of their own accord. How he alone should come to be aware of this, I know not; only in this all Authors agree, That the 
Sparta preserved by the Wisdom of Agesilaus.  saving of Sparta from Ruin, was wholly due to the Wisdom of Agesilaus, who in this Extremity of Affairs quitted all his Ambition and his Haughtiness, and resolved to play a saving Game. But all his Wisdom and Prowess was not sufficient to recover the Glory of it, and to raise it to its ancient Greatness. For as we see in Bodies, long used to strict, and too tightly regular Diet, if they commit any great Disorder, it is usually fatal; so in this City, which by the strictness of her Laws, and the severe Virtue, and great Conduct of her Leaders, had flourished so long, one great mistake in Policy undid all. Nor was this Fall wholly undeserved, since they so much swerved from the Institutions of Lycurgus, to which their Ancestors were sworn, who had form a Republic, wholly fitted to the Ease, and Peace, and virtuous Life of the Inhabitants, so that they might have lived happily within themselves, without molesting their Neighbours, or seeking Dominion over them.  
Agesilaus being now very Aged, gave over all Military Employments; but his Son Archidamus, having received help from Dionysius of Sicily, did give a great Overthrow 
The Arcadians beaten by Archidamus, Son to Agesilaus.  to the Arcadians, in a Fight remarkably known by the Name of The tearless Battle, wherein there was a great Slaughter of the Enemy, without the loss of one Spartan. This Victory did but too much discover the present Weakness of Sparta; for heretofore Victory was esteemed so usual a thing with them, that for their greatest Successes they seldom sacrificed any more than a Cock to the Gods. Neither were the Soldiers much elated at the News when it came: yea, when the great Victory was obtained at Mantinaea, which is at large described by Thucydides, the Messenger that brought the News, had no other Reward, than a good piece of Powdered Beef sent him to his Lodgings▪ But at the News of this Arcadian Victory, they were not able to contain themselves; but the old King went out in Procession with Tears of Joy in his Eyes, to meet and embrace his Son, and all the Council attended him. The Old Men and Women all marched out as far as the River Eurota, lifting up their Hands, and thanking the Gods, that they had washed off the Stain that had lately stuck upon Sparta, saying, That now they could boldly appear in the Face of the Sun, who before, out of Shame and Confusion, could not appear even to their own Wives.  
When Epaminondas rebuilt Messene, and 
Messene rebuilt by Epaminondas.  recalled the ancient Citizens to it, they were not able to obstruct the Design, being not in condition of appearing in the Field against them. But the Spartans' were very much offended with Agesilaus, when they found so large a Territory, equal to their own in Compass, and for Fertility the richest of all Greece, taken from them in his Reign. Therefore it was that the King broke off Treaty with the Thebans, when they offered him Peace, rather than set his Hand to the passing away of that Country, though it was already taken from him. Which Punctilio of Honour had like to have cost him dear; for in the progress of 
Epaminondas his Stratagem against Sparta.  the War he was overreached by a Stratagem, which had almost amounted to the loss of Sparta. For when the Mantineans again revolted from Thebes to Sparta, and Epaminondas understood that Agesilaus was come to their Assistance with a powerful Army, he privately, in the night, quit his Quarters at Tegea, and unknown to the Mantineans, marched towards Sparta, insomuch that he failed very little of taking it empty and unarmed. Of this Agesilaus having Intelligence, sent him by Euthymus the Thespian, saith calisthenes, but by some Cretan, saith Xenophon, immediately dispatched a Post to Lacedaemon, to advertise them of it, and withal to let them know, that he was hastening to them. He did it with that Expedition, that he prevented the Thebans, who came over Eurotas after he was in the Town. They notwithstanding 
He is beaten back by Agesilaus.  made an Assault upon the Town, and were received by Agesilaus with great Courage, he bestirring himself much beyond what was to be expected in his years. For he did not now Fight with that Caution and Cunning which he formerly made use of, but put all upon a desperate push; which (though not his usual method) succeeded so well, that he rescued the City out of the Jaws of Epaminondas, and forced him to retire. This Action deserved a Trophy, and had one; at the erection of which, Agesilaus encouraged the Citizens, by showing them how well they had paid their Debt to their Country in this Action, and particularly took notice of the great 
The great ●●●●o●ts of Archidamus  Performances of his Son Archidamus, who had that day made himself Illustrious, both by his Courage and Agility of Body, speedily shifting Places to all the dangerous Passes, where the Enemy pressed hardest into the Town, every where charging the Enemy, though with but few in his Company. But the grand Example of an Heroic Valour was given by Isadas, the Son 
Greater of Isadas.  of Phaebidas, to the Admiration of the Enemy, as well as of his Friends. He was a very comely, handsome, well-grown, proper Youth, just beginning to write Man. He had no Arms upon him, scarce clothes; he had just anointed himself at home, when upon the Alarm, without further Ceremony, in that Undress, he snatched a Spear in one hand, and a Sword in the other, and broke into the thickest of his Enemies, bearing down all before him. He received no Wound, whether that he were the particular Care of GOD, who rewarded his Valour with an extraordinary Protection, or whether his Shape being so large and beautiful, and his Dress so unusual, they thought him more than a Man. The gallantry of the Action was so esteemed among the Spartans', that the Ephori gave him a 
He is both rewarded and amerced.  Garland; but as soon as they had done, they fined him 1000 Drachms, for going out to Battle unarmed.  
A few days after this, there was another Battle fought near Mantinaea, wherein Epaminondas having routed the Van of the Lacedæmonians, was eager in the pursuit of them, when Anticrates, the Laconian, wounded 
Epaminondas slain.  him with a Spear, saith Dioscorides; but the Spartans' to this day call the Posterity of this Anticrates, 
* Macheriones.  Swordmen, because that he wounded Epaminondas with a Sword. They so dreaded Epaminondas, when living, that the Slayer of him was embraced and admired by all; nay, they decreed Honours to him and his Posterity, to which latter they gave Immunity from all manner of Taxes: This Privilege, Callicrates, one of his Descendants, now enjoyeth.  
Epaminondas being Slain, there was a general Peace again concluded, from which Agesilaus' Party excluded the Messenians, as Men that had no City, and therefore would not let them Swear to the League; to which, when the rest of the Greeks admitted them, the Lacedæmonians went off, and continued the War alone, in hopes of subduing the Messenians. For this Reason 
Agesilaus too much given to War.  was Agesilaus esteemed a stubborn, refractory Man, and insatiable of War, who took such pains to hinder the League, and to protract the War, at a time when he had not Money wherewith to carry it on, but was forced to borrow of the Citizens, and to oppress them with heavy Taxes, and all this to retrieve the poor City of Messenia, after he had lost so great an Empire both by Sea and Land, as the Spartans' were possessed of, when he came to the Crown.  
But it did more move the Indignation of all Men, when he put himself into the Service 
He taketh Pay of Tachos in Egypt.  of Tachos the Egyptian. They thought it too too much unworthy of a Man of his Quality, who was then looked upon as the prime Commander in all Greece, who had filled all Countries with his Renown, to let himself out to Hire to a Barbarian, an Egyptian Rebel, (for Tachos was no better) and to fight for Pay, as Captain only of a Band of Mercenaries. If at those Years of Eighty and odd, after his Body had been worn out with Age, and enfeebled with Wounds, he had engaged in some very Honourable Cause, as the Liberty of Greece, or the like, it had been however worthy of some Reproof. To make an Action honourable, it ought to be agreeable to the Age, and other Circumstances of the Person; for it is Circumstance that doth difference the Action, and make it either good or bad. But Agesilaus valued not other men's Discourses; he thought no public Employment dishonourable; the ignoblest thing in his esteem was for a Man to sit idle and resty at home, till Death should come and take him napping. The Money therefore that he received from Tachos, he laid out in raising of Men, wherewith having filled his Ships, he took also 30 Spartan Captains with him, as formerly he had done in his Asiatic Expedition, and set Sail for Egypt.  
As soon as he arrived at Egypt, all the great Officers of the Kingdom came to pay their Compliments to him at his Landing. His Reputation being so great, had raised the Expectation of the whole Country, which did flock in to see him; but when they found, instead of the great Prince 
The Egyptians disappointed in Agesilau●, as to the appearance of his outward Person  whom they looked for, a little Old Man, of contemptible presence, without all Ceremony lying down upon the Grass, his Hair uncombed, his clothes threadbare, they fell into Laughter and Scorn of him, crying out, that the old Proverb was now made good, The Mountain had brought forth a Mouse. They were much more scandalized at his Stupidity, (as they thought it) who, when Presents were made of all manner of Provisions, took only the Meal, the Calves, and the Geese, but rejected the Sweetmeats, the Confections and Perfumes: When they did urge him to the acceptance of them, he took them and gave them to the Helots' that were in his Army; yet he was taken with the Garlands they made of the 
* An Egyptian 〈…〉 t, of which Pap●● was made.  Papyrus, because of their native Simplicity, and when he returned homewards, he demanded one of the King, which he carried with him.  
When he joined with Tachos, he found his Expectation of being Generalissimo frustrated: Tachos reserved that place for himself, making Agesilaus only Captain of the Band of Mercenaries, and Chabrias the Athenian Admiral. This was the first occasion of his Discontent; but there followed others: 
Agesilaus discontented in Egypt.  he (being daily tired with the Insolency and Vanity of this Egyptian) was at length forced to attend on him into Phoenicia, in a condition much below his Spirit and Dignity, which, notwithstanding, he was forced to digest for a while, till he had opportunity of showing his Resentment. It was soon afforded him by Nectanabis, the Uncle of Tachos, and a great 
He revolts to Nectanabis from Tachos.  Captain under him, who took an occasion to fall off from his Nephew, and was soon Proclaimed King by the Egyptians. This Man invited Agesilaus to his Party, and the like he did to Chabrias offering great Rewards to both. Tachos having smelled it, did immediately apply himself both to Agesilaus and Chabrias, with great Humility to them both, beseeching their continuance in his Friendship. Chabrias consented to it, and did what he could to sweeten Agesilaus in the matter: but he gave this short Reply, You, O Chabrias, came hither a Volunteer, and may go and stay as you see cause; but I am the Servant of Sparta, sent hither on their Errand, and must take my Measures from them. This being said, he soon dispatched Messengers to Sparta, who were sufficiently instructed both in the Accusations of Tachos, and the Commendations of Nectanabis. The Two Egyptians did also send their Ambassadors to Lacedaemon, the one to claim Continuance of the old League already made; the other to make great Offers for the breaking of it, and making a new One. The Spartans' having heard both sides, gave in their public Answer, That they referred the whole Matter to Agesilaus; but priyately wrote to him, to act as he should find it best for the Profit of the Commonwealth. Upon receipt of his Orders, he soon changed sides, carrying all the Mercenaries with him to Nectanabis, prefacing so foul an Action, with the plausible pretence of acting for the Benefit of his Country, whereas the fine Veil being taken off, the Fact was no better than downright Treachery. But the Lacedæmonians, who make it the first Principle of their Actions to serve their Country, know not any thing to be just or unjust by any Measures but that.  
Tachos being thus deserted by the Mercenaries, fled for it. Upon which, one Mendesius 
Tachos flieth.  being designed his Successor, arose and came against Nectanabis, with an Army 
Nectanabis ●s opposed by Mendesius.  of an 100000 Men. Nectanabis in his Discourse with Agesilaus, despised them as new raised Men, who, though many in number, were of no Skill in War, being most of them Handicraftsmen and Tradesmen, never bred to War. To whom Agesilaus answered, That he despised their numbers, but was afraid of their Ignorance, which gave no room for treating them by Fineness and Stratagem; for those are to be used only with cunning and crafly Men, who, being themselves full of Design, and suspicious always of yours, do give opportunity of putting Tricks upon them; but a Foolhardy Man, that neither s●eth nor feareth any thing, giveth no more opportunity to the Enemy, than he that stands stock-still without putting out his Leg, giveth to a Wrestler. This Mendesius was not wanting in the Solicitations of Agesilaus, 
Agesilau●'● Advice maketh him suspectca by Nectanabis.  insomuch that Nectanabis grew jealous. But when Agesilaus advised to Fight the Enemy, presently before either their Skill or their Numbers increased; it being imprudent to protract a War with such Men, who (rude and inexpert as they were) would so increase in numbers, as wholly to encompass them, and prevent their Designs. This confirmed him in his Jealousy, and made him take the quite contrary course, retreating into a strong Garrison, well Fortified with Walls and Bulwarks. Agesilaus finding himself mistrusted, took it very ill, and was full of Indignation, yet was ashamed to change Sides again, the other having been so lately done; so that he was forced to follow Nectanabis into the Town.  
When Mendesius came up, and began to draw a Line about the Town, and to entrench, the Egyptian was resolving upon a 
Nectanabis being Besieged, resolveth to Fight, but is opposed by Agesilaus.  Battle, thinking it much safer, than to be begirt round with a Ditch, and so starved out in a long Siege. The Greeks were also of that mind, the Provisions growing already scarce in the Town. When Agesilaus opposed it, the Egyptians then suspected him much more, publicly calling him, The Betrayer of the King. But Agesilaus (being now satisfied within himself) did bear all these Reproaches patiently, and followed the Design close which he had laid, of overreaching the Enemy, which was this:  
The Enemy had entrenched with a deep Ditch and high Wall, resolving to shut up the King and starve him. When the Ditch was brought almost quite round, he took the Advantage of the Night, and Armed all his Greeks. Then, going to the King, This, 
Agesilaus' Stratagem against Mendesius.  Youngman, is your opportunity, said he, of saving yourself, which I durst not all this while discover, lest the discovery should prevent it; but now the Enemy hath, at his own Cost, and the pains and labour of his own Men, provided for our Security. As much of this Wall as is built, will prevent them from surrounding us with their Multitude, the Gap yet left will be sufficient for us to Sally out by: Now play the Man, and follow the Example the Greeks will give you, and by Fight valiantly, save yourself and your Army; their Front will not be able to stand against us, and their Rear we are sufficiently secured from, by a Wall of their own making. Nectanabis admiring the Wisdom of Agesilaus, immediately placed himself in the Grecian Army, and Fought with them; which, upon the first Charge soon routed the Enemy. Agesilaus having now gotten Credit with the King, began to use what Stratagems he thought good, without being interrupted by him: He sometimes pretended a Retreat, otherwhile charged furiously; by this means disordering the Enemy, and at last trolling him into a Place enclosed between Two Ditches, that were 
The Mendesian▪ Conquered.  very deep, and full of Water. When he had them at this Advantage, he soon charged them, drawing up the Front of his Battle equal to the space between the Two Ditches, so that they had no way of surrounding him, being enclosed themselves on both sides. They made but little Resistance; many fell, others fled and were dispersed.  
Nectanabis being thus settled and fixed in his Kingdom, did with much Kindness and Earnestness invite Agesilaus to spend his Winter in Egypt: But he made haste home 
Agesilaus departs homeward.  to assist in the Wars of his own Country, whose Treasury he knew to be empty, yet were they forced to hire Mercenaries, whilst their own Men were fight abroad. The King dismissed him very honourably, and among other Presents, he presented the State of Sparta, with 230 Talents of Silver, towards the Charge of their Wars: but the Winter-season being tempestuous, he was driven upon a desert Shore of Africa, called The Haven of Menelaus, where, when his Ships were just upon Landing, he expired, 
And dieth by the way.  being then Eighty Eight Years Old, and having Reigned in Lacedaemon Forty One, Thirty of which Years he passed in great Splendour, being esteemed the greatest and most powerful Prince of all Greece, and being looked on as in a manner General and King of it, till the Battle of Leuctra. It was the Custom of the Spartans', to Bury their common Dead in the Place where they died, whatsoever Country it was, but their Kings they Embalmed and carried home. Now the Followers of Agesilaus, having not 
The manner of his Embalming.  wherewith to Embalm him, did, for want of Honey, which they used in their Embalming, wrap his Body in Wax, and so conveyed him to Lacedaemon.  
His Son Archidamus succeeded him in his Throne, so did his Posterity successively to Agis, who was the 5th from Agesilaus. He was murdered by Leonidas, for seeking to restore the ancient Discipline of Sparta.   


CN. POMPEIUS MAGNUS   depiction of Pompey MBurg. sculp.  
THE LIFE OF POMPEY.  Translated out of the Greek, By W. Oldys, LL. D. 
THE People of Rome seem to have embraced Pompey from his Childhood, 
§ 1.  with the same Affection that Prometheus in the Tragedy of Eschylus, expressed for Hercules, speaking of him, as the Author of his Deliverance, in these words,  

Ah cruel Sire! how dear's thy Son to me!  
The generous Offspring of my Enemy!   
For on one hand, never did the Romans 
The People's Hat ● to his Father.  give such a demonstration of their Hatred (a Hatred so implacable and savage) against any of their Generals, as they did against Strabo, the Father of Pompey. All his Life-time, 'tis true, they stood in awe of his Martial Prowess and Power, (for indeed he was a mighty Warrior) but immediately upon his Death, (which happened by a Stroke of Thunder) they Treated him Barbarously, dragging his very Corpse from the Hearse, as it was carried in Pomp at his Funeral, with Villainy and Disgrace. On 
Their Love to him.  the other side, in Favour of Pompey, never had any Roman the People's goodwill and Devotion more zealous throughout all the Changes of Fortune, either springing up earlier, and aspiring together with him in Prosperity, or so constantly Loyal in Adversity, as Pompey had. In Strabo, there was one great cause of Hatred, his unsatiable. Covetousness; but in Pompey there were many, whereby he became the Object of their Love; his Temperance of Life, 
His Virtues  Skill, and Exercise in Martial Discipline, Eloquence of Speech, Integrity of Mind, and Affability in Conversation and Address; insomuch as no Man ever made his Addresses with lesser Trouble, or gratified an Addressor with more Delight: For in Presents, when he gave, 'twas without Disdain; when he received, 'twas with Reverence and Honour.  
In his Youth, he had a Grace in his 
His Favour.  Countenance extremely taking, seeming to anticipate his Eloquence, and win upon the Affections of the People before he spoke; for in his Air there was a Majestic Gravity, tempered with no less Candour and Humanity: And when as yet he was but in the Flower and Dawn of his Manhood, there appeared in his Deportment a sage and princely Genius, even in its Meridian. His Hair sat somewhat hollow or rising a little: and the languishing motion of his Eyes, seemed to form a resemblance in his Face, (though perhaps more through the speech of People, than real likeness) to the Statues of King Alexander: Now because many called him by that Name in his Youth, Pompey himself did not decline it, insomuch that some in derision called him so; yet even Lucius Philippus, a Man of Consular Dignity, when he was pleading in favour of him, thought it not unfit to say, That there was nothing absurd or unexpected in this, that he himself being Philip, should be a Lover of Alexander.  
'Tis reported of Flora the Courtesan, That 
His Amours with Flora.  in her latter time she took great delight in relating her Amours and Familiarity with Pompey, and was wont to say, That she could never part upon an Enjoyment, without a By't or Satirical Reflection. And 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  withal she would farther tell you, That one Geminius, a great Companion of Pompey's, fell in Love with her, and made his Court with all the Arts imaginable; but she refusing, and telling him, Howe'er her Inclinations were, yet she could not gratify his Desires for Pompey's sake: He therefore moved Pompey in it, and Pompey frankly gave his Consent, but never afterwards would touch her, or have any Converse with her, notwithstanding he seemed to have a great Passion for her; which Flora resented, not with the Levity of a Strumpet, for that she languished afterwards under a tedious Sickness, through Grief and Desire. Now, 'twas said, That this Flora became such a celebrated Beauty, that Cecilius Metellus, when he adorned the Temples of Castor and Pollux with divers rare Pictures and Images; among the rest, he dedicated hers for her singular Beauty. But Pompey was quite besides his natural Temper, in his Deportment towards the Wife of Demetrius, his Franchised Servant (who had a great Influence upon him in his Life-time, and left an Estate of 4000 Talents) where he demeaned himself neither gently nor ingeniously, fearing lest he should fall under the common Censure of being enamoured and charmed with her Beauty, which was incomparable, and became famous every where. Thus though herein he seemed to be providently circumspect and Cautious, yet even in Scandals of this Nature, he could not avoid the Calumnies of his Enemies, but that upon the score of Women, his Wives at least, they played the Sycophants with him, and accused him, as if he had Connived at many Things, and Imbeziled the public Revenue to gratify their Luxury.  
Then for his Sobriety, and Temperance 
His Temperance.  in Diet, there was one remarkable passage in his Sickness; when his Stomach nauseated common Meats, his Physician prescribed him a Thrush to Eat; but upon search there was none to be bought, (for they were not then in Season) and one telling him, They were to be had at Lucullus', who kept them all the year round, Why then, said he, if it were not for Lucullus' Luxury, should not Pompey live? Thereupon wishing Health to his Physician, he discharged him, and accepted of what was in Season. But of that hereafter.  
Now Pompey being as yet a very young Man, and upon an Expedition, (in which his Father was appointed General against Cinna) had in his Tent with him one Lucius Terentius, his Companion and Comrade, who, being corrupted by Cinna, entered into an Engagement to kill Pompey, as others had done to set the General's Tent on Fire. This Conspiracy being discovered to Pompey at Supper, he seemed no ways discomposed at it, but drank more liberally than usual, and expressed an extraordinary Kindness to Terentius; then about Bedtime (pretending to go to his Repose) he stole away secretly out of his own Tent, and setting a Guard about his Father, went to his Rest: Terentius now thinking his Enterprise ripe for Execution, rose with his naked Sword, and coming to Pompey's Bedside, stabbed several Strokes through the Bed-Cloaths, as if he were lying there. Immediately upon this there was a great Uproar throughout all the Camp, arising from the Hatred they bore to the General, and an Universal Inclination of the Soldiers to Mutiny, all tearing down their Tents, and betaking themselves to their Arms; the General himself all this while durst not venture out because of the Tumult, but Pompey running into the midst of them, beseeched them with Tears, and at last threw himself prostrate upon his Face before the door of the Trench, and lay there in the passage, as a Bar at their Feet, bewailing his Fate, and bidding those that were marching off, if they would go, to trample upon him; whereupon every Man began to retreat, and all, except 800, either through Shame or Compassion, repent of their Folly, and were Reconciled to the General.  
Immediately upon the Death of Strabo, 
Actio peculatus.  there was an Action commenced against Pompey as his Heir, for that his Father had imbeziled the public Treasure; But Pompey having well traced the Thief, charged it upon one Alexander, a franchised BondSlave of his Fathers, and made an undoubted Evidence before the Judges, that he had purloined and converted it to his own Use. Afterwards he himself was Arraigned, for that he had seized upon the Toils, or Hunting Tackle, and Books, that were taken at Asculum. To this he Confessed thus far, That he received them from his Father, when he took Asculum, but Pleaded farther, That he had lost them since, which happened upon Cinna's Return to Rome, when his House was broke open and plundered by those of his Guards. This Cause was notably managed with his Adversary in the Preparatories of Judgement, in which he appearing strangely subtle and industrious beyond his years, gained great Reputation and Favour; insomuch, that Antistius the Praetor, and Judge of that Cause, took a great Liking to Pompey, and offered him his Daughter in Marriage, having had some Treaties and Communications with his Friends about it. Pompey accepted of the Conditions, and they were privately 
He Marrie● with Antistia▪  Contracted together in Marriage: However this Matter was not so closely conveyed, as to escape the Multitude, but it was discernible enough, from the Favours that were shown to him by Antistius in his Cause. Whereupon at last, when Antistius pronounced the absolutory Sentence of the Judges, the People (as if it had been upon a Signal given) made the same Acclamation as was anciently used at Marriages, Talassio; the Original of which Custom is Reported to be this: Upon a time, when the Daughters of the Sabines came to Rome, to see the Shows and Sports there, and were violently seized upon by the Nobles for Wives, it happened that some Goatswains and Herdsmen of the meaner Rank, were carrying off a beautiful and proper Damosel, and lest any of the Nobles should meet them, and take her away, therefore as they ran, they cried out with one Voice, Talassio: Now Talassius was an eminent and acceptable Person among them, insomuch, as all that heard the Name, clapped their Hands for Joy, and joined with them in the Shout, as applauding and congratulating the Choice; Now, say they, (because that proved a fortunate Match to Talassius) hence 'tis that this Acclamation is jocularly used as a Nuptial Song at all Weddings. And this is the most credible Story that I can meet with touching what is related of Talassio.  
Some few days after this Judgement, Pompey Married Antistia, and after that went to Cinna's Camp, where finding some false Suggestions and Calumnies forged against him, he began to be afraid, and presently withdrew himself in disguise from the Camp; this sudden disappearance occasioned great Jealousies, and there went a Rumour and Speech throughout all the Camp▪ as if Cinna had Murdered the young Man; whereupon all that had been any ways disobliged, and bore any Malice to him, resolved to make an Assault upon him: But he endeavouring to make his Escape, was apprehended by a Centurion, that pursued him with his naked 
Cinna's De●th.  Sword; wherefore Cinna in this Distress fell upon his Knees, and offered him a Seal of great value for his Ransom; but the Centurion checked him very insolently, saying, I come not here to Seal a Covenant, but to Chastise and be Revenged upon the Iniquity of a Lawless and Ungodly Tyrant; and so dispatched him immediately.  
Thus Cinna being slain, Carbo, a Tyrant 
Sect. 2. Carbo and Sylla cont●nd for the Government.  more senseless than he, took the Administration of the Government, and all Things upon him. But shortly after came Sylla, a Man by Reason of these imminent Evils desired of most, but especially of those who placed no small Ease and Satisfaction in the exchange of a Master: For the City was brought to that pass by those grievous Oppressions and Calamities, that every Man now being utterly in despair of Liberty, was compounding for himself, and laying out for the mildest and most tolerable Bondage. About that time Pompey was at 
* Now the March●s ●f ●●●●●a.  Picenum in Italy, where he had spent some time in his Diversion, for that he had a Country Inheritance there, though the chiefest Motive of his Abode in that Country, was the Delight he took in the Cities thereabouts, where his whole Family was nobly received, and treated with all the Offices of Humanity for his Father's sake.  
Now when Pompey perceived, that the 
He sides with Sylla.  noblest and best of the City began to forsake their Fortunes, and fly from all Quarters to Sylla's Camp, as to their Haven, he designed likewise thither among the rest, yet he disdained to go as a Fugitive without a Passport, or for Protection as one destitute of Aid, but like one rather that could make his own Welcome, and merit Favour gloriously and with force. And to that end, he moved and solicited the Peicentines for their Assistance, who as cordially embraced his Motion, and rejected those that were sent from Carbo; insomuch that one Vindius, a malapert Fellow of that Faction, taking upon him to say, That Pompey was come with a Speech out of School, to make himself a Captain of the People: They were so incensed against him, that immediately they fell upon this Vindius, and slew him. From henceforward Pompey finding a Spirit of Government upon him, though as yet not above Twenty three years of Age, nor yet deriving an Authority by Commission from any Superior Magistrate, took the privilege to grant himself a full Power and Jurisdiction; and in order to that, he caused a Tribunal or Court of Judicature to be erected in the Marketplace of Auximum, a populous City; Now it happened that two of the chiefest among them, (the Ventidians Brethren) of Carbo's Faction, were grand Opposers of his Designs, those he banished instantly commanding them by a public Edict to depart the City. Then he fell to levying an Army, issuing out Commissions to Sergeants of Bands, Centurions, and other Officers, according to the Form of Military Discipline: And in this manner he went round, and modelled all the rest of the Cities in the same Circuit; so that of all those that were Favourers of Carbo's Faction, some vanishing away, and others cheerfully surrendering themselves, in a little time he mustered up three entire Legions, having supplied himself beside with all manner of Provisions, Ammunition, Beasts, Carriages, and all other Implements of War. in this Equipage he set forwards on his March towards Sylla, not with Whip and Spur, as if he were in haste, nor yet in a Cloud, as if he coveted to be concealed, but by small Journeys, making several Halts upon the Road, to distress and annoy the Enemy, designing to insinuate himself in every part of Italy where e'er he came, and to work them into a Revolt and Defection from Carbo.  
Now there arose together against him 
H 〈…〉 over ●● M●●ian.  Three great Commanders of the Enemy, Carinna, Caelius, and Brutus, and drew up their Forces, not all in the Front, nor yet together on any one part, but encamping three several Armies in a Circle about him, they resolved to encompass and devour him at once; Pompey was no ways amazed at this, but drawing up all his Forces into one Body, and placing his Horse in the Front of the Battle, where he himself was in Person, he singled out and bend all his Forces against Brutus; now the Enemy's Horse, consisting chiefly of Gauls, made the first Charge, which Pompey received, and as readily returned it; for he himself encountering Hand to Hand with one of the foremost and stoutest among them, made a home Pass at him with his Lance, and slew him: The rest seeing this, turned their Backs, and fled in great Disorder, falling foul upon themselves, and breaking the Ranks of their own Foot, insomuch that it presently caused a total Rout; whereupon the Commanders fell out among themselves, and every one marched off, steering their course some one way, some another, as their Fortunes led them: The Towns likewise round about came in, and surrendered themselves to Pompey, concluding that the Enemy was dispersed for fear. Next after these came Scipio the Consul to attack him, and with as little Success; for before the Armies could join, or be within the Throw of their Darts, Scipio's Soldiers saluted Pompey's, and came over to them, but Scipio made his Escape by Flight. Last of all, Carbo himself sent down divers Regiments of Horse by the River Arsis, which Pompey assailed with the same Courage and Success as those before; for having routed and put them to Flight, he forced them in the pursuit upon moorish and boggy Places, altogether unpassable for Horse, where seeing no hopes of Escape, they cried out Quarter, yielding themselves, Horse and Armour, all to his Mercy.  
Sylla was hitherto unacquainted with all this Action; but as soon as he had Intelligence of his Engagements, he seemed extremely concerned, fearing lest Pompey should be circumvented and oppressed by so many and such experienced Commanders of the Enemy, whereupon he marched with all speed to his Aid. Now Pompey having advice of his Approach, sent out Orders to his Officers for a Campagne, commanding them to marshal and draw up all his Forces in Battle array, that they might appear in the greatest Order and Bravery before their Emperor, for that he expected indeed great Honours from him, but he met with greater; for as soon as Sylla saw him thus advancing, his Army so well appointed, and such goodly Men, adorned and elevated with all the Glories of Youth and Victory, he alighted from his Horse, and being first (as became him) saluted by the Title of Emperor, he returned the Salutation upon 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Imperator.  Pompey, in the same term and style of Emperor, contrary to the Expectations of all that were present, who little dreamed that he would have imparted such an Honourable Title to one of no greater Age, nor yet a Senator, especially considering how desperately he himself had contended for that very Title and Dignity, against the Factions of Scipio and Marius. And indeed, all the rest of his Deportment was agreeable to his first Compliments; for when ●●re Pompey came into his presence, he did some sort of Obeisance to him, either in ●●ing and being uncovered, or the like, which he was rarely seen to have done to any of the rest of his Nobles, notwithstanding there were divers others about him of great Quality and Honour. Yet was not Pompey puffed up at all, or exalted with these Favours: and therefore when 
Sent in Aid to Metellus.  Sylla would have sent him with all expedition into Gallia Celtica, a Province under the Government of Metellus, for that 'twas thought Metellus had done nothing memorable, at leastwise worthy of that great Army he commanded there. Pompey replied as modestly, That it could never be thought fair or honourable for him, to extort a Province out of the hands of an ancient Captain, and one of far greater Fame and Experience than himself; however, if Metellus were willing, and would command his Service, he should be very ready to accompany and assist him in the War. Which, when Metellus came to understand, he approved of the Motion, and accordingly invited him over by Letter. Whereupon Pompey fell immediately like Lightning into Gaul, where he did not only do wonderful Exploits of himself, but also blew up and kindled anew that bold and warlike Spirit which old Age had in a manner extinguished in Metellus, having the same operation with molten o● boiling Copper, which being poured upon that that is cold and solid, seems to dissolve and melt it faster than Fire itself. But I must observe the same course here as is done with a famous Wrestler, who, though he has excelled all Men in those Games even from his Youth, and always born away the Prize with Glory, yet 'tis not usual to account of his childish Victories, or enter them upon record among the rest: So, for the Exploits of Pompey in his Minority, though they were brave in themselves, yet because they were obscured and buried in the multitude and greatness of his latter Wars and Conquests, I dare not be particular in them, lest by trifling away time in the lesser moments of his Youth, I should casually omit those grander Actions and Enterprises, which best discover the natural Disposition and singular Genius of the Man.  
Now when Sylla had brought all Italy under his Dominion, and was proclaimed Dictator, he began to reward the rest of his Followers, (enriching all his Captains and other Officers▪) whereof some he advanced to Honour, others to Places of Dignity and Profit in the Commonwealth, largely and liberally gratifying every Man according to his Talon and Desire. But for Pompey, he was a great Admirer of his Valour and Conduct, and thinking that he might prove a great Stay and Support to him hereafter in all his Affairs, sought by all means to espouse and join him in Alliance to him, and having likewise the 
Antistia divorced.  Approbation of his Wife Metella, they persuaded him to put away Antistia, and Mary 
He marries Aemilia.  Aemylia, (the Daughter-in-law of Sylla, by Metella and Scaurus her former Husband) she being at that very time the Wife of another Man, cohabiting with him, and with Child by him. These were the very Tyrannies of Marriage, and much more agreeable to the Times under Sylla, than to the Nature and Genius of Pompey. That Aemylia great with Child should be, as it were, ravished from the Embraces of another for him, and that Antistia should be divorced with dishonour and misery by him, for whose sake she had but just before been bereft of her Father; to be at once both a Widow and Fatherless by his means; for her Father Antistius was Murdered in the Senate, because he was suspected to be a Favourer of Sylla for Pompey's sake; and her Mother likewise, after she had seen all these Indignities, made away with herself. These were the Tragedies that attended that unhappy Marriage, and that there might be nothing wanting to complete the last Act, by Heavens! even Aemylia herself not long after died at Pompey's in Childbed.  
About this time an Express came to Sylla, 
§ 3.  That Perpenna had possessed himself of Sicily, whereby that Isle was now become a Refuge and Receptacle for the Relics of the adverse Party: That Carbo was hover about those Seas with a Navy; That Domitius was fallen in upon Africa; and that many other likewise of the Nobles and great Men in Exile, thinking to avoid his Proscriptions or Outlawries by Flight, were daily flocking into those Parts. Against these therefore was Pompey sent with a great Army; and no sooner was he arrived in Sicily, but Perpenna departed thence, leaving the whole Island to him. Wherefore Pompey received the distressed Cities into Favour, and treated all with great Humanity, except that of the Mamertines in Messene; for when they protested against his Court and Jurisdiction, alleging their Privilege and Exemption founded upon an ancient Charter or Grant of the Romans, he replied as sharply, What! will you ne'er leave prating of Laws to us that have Swords by our sides? 'Tis thought likewise, That he showed but little Humanity to Carbo, seeming rather to insult over his Misfortunes, than to chastise his Crime; for if there had been a necessity, (as perhaps there was) that he should be taken off, that might have been done at first, as soon as he was taken Prisoner, for than it would have been the Act of him that commanded it, and imputed to his Malice; but here Pompey commands a Man (that had been thrice Consul of Rome) to be be brought in Fetters to the Bar, he himself sitting upon the Bench in Judgement, examining the Cause throughout all the Formalities of Law, and pronouncing Sentence of Death, as upon a common Malefactor, to the Grief and Indignation of all that were present; and afterwards he ordered him to be taken away and put to Death. Now, 'tis reported of Carbo, That as soon as he was brought to the Scaffold, and saw the Sword drawn for Execution, it wrought so with him, that immediately he had a looseness or pain in his Belly, insomuch that he desired a little respite of the Executioner, and a convenient place to ease himself. But yet farther, C. Opius, a great Friend of Caesar's, tells us, That Pompey dealt as barbarously with Q. Valerius, a Man of singular Learning, especially in Philology and Mathematics few like him; for when he was brought to him, he walked aside and discoursed with him, and after a long Conference and full Resolution of all his Questions, having learned what he could, he ordered his Officers to take him away, and put him to Death. But we must not be too credulous in all the Narratives of Opius, especially when he undertakes to relate any thing touching the Friends or Foes of Caesar: This is certain, That there lay a necessity upon Pompey to be severe upon many of Sylla's Enemies, those at leastwise that were eminent Persons in themselves, and notoriously known to be taken; but for the rest, he dealt with them after his own natural Temper, conniving at the Concealment of some, and himself being the Instrument in the Escape of others. And the like Argument of his Clemency was shown in the Himeraeans; for when Pompey had determined a sharp Revenge upon their City, for that they had been stubborn Abettors of the Enemy, there stepped out one Sthenes, a great Leader of the People there, and craving audience of Pompey, told him, That what he was about to do, was not at all consistent with Justice; for that he would pass by the Guilty, and destroy the Innocent: Pompey demanding, Who that guilty Person was that would father the Offences of them all? Sthenes replied, 'Twas himself who had wrought upon and engaged his Friends by Persuasions, and his Enemies by Force: whereupon Pompey being much taken with the frank Speech and Boldness of the Man, first forgave him his Crime, and then pardoned all the rest of the Himeraeans. Pompey likewise hearing, That his Soldiers were very disorderly in their March, doing Violence upon the Roads, he ordered their Swords to be sealed up in their Scabbards, and whosoever kept them not so, were severely punished.  
Whilst Pompey was thus busy in the Affairs 
Sent by Sylla into Afric● against Domitius.  and Government of Sicily, he received a Decree of the Senate, and a Commission from Sylla, commanding him forthwith to sail into Africa, and make War upon Domitius with all his Forces: For Domitius had rallied up a far greater Army than Marius had not long since, when he sailed out of Africa into Sicily, and extremely distressed the Affairs of the Romans, being himself, of a fugitive Outlaw, become a Tyrant. Pompey therefore having prepared all things of a sudden, and left Memmius, his Sister's Husband, Governor of Sicily, embarked and set Sail with 120 Galleys, and 800 other Vessels, laden with Provisions, Money, Ammunition, Engines of Battery, and all other Necessaries. In this Equipage he arrived with his Fleet, part at the Port of Utica, part at Carthage; and no sooner was he landed there, but that 7000 of the Enemy revolted and came over to him, which besides his own Forces that he brought with him (consisting of 6 entire Legions) made up an Army of 43000 Fighting-men. Here they tell us of a pleasant Passage that happened to him at his first Arrival; for that some of his Soldiers having by accident stumbled upon a Treasure, whereby they got a good Mass of Money: The rest of the Army hearing this, began to fancy that the Field was full of Gold and Silver, which had been hid there of old by the Carthaginians in the time of their Calamities, and thereupon fell to work; so that the Army was useless to Pompey for many days, being totally engaged in the Silver-Mines, he himself all the while walking up and down only, and laughing to see so many Thousands together, digging and turning up the Earth in a fruitless Harvest: But at last growing weary and hopeless, they came to themselves, and returned to their General, begging him to lead them where he pleased, for that they had already reaped the just Reward of their Folly. By this time Domitius had prepared himself, and drawn out his Army in Battle-array against Pompey; but there happened to be a rapid Torrent in the Valley betwixt them, craggy and difficult to pass over, which, together with the great Storm of Wind and Rain pouring down even from break of Day, seemed to show but little possibility of their coming together: Insomuch that Domitius not expecting any Engagement that day, commanded his Forces to draw off and retire to the Camp. Now Pompey, who was watchful upon every Occasion, taking this time to be appointed by Fortune as his own, ordered a March forthwith, and having passed over the Torrent, they fell in immediately upon their Quarters. The Enemy was in a great Disorder and Tumult, and in that Confusion attempted a Resistance; but they neither were all there, nor yet together; besides, the Wind having veered about, lay beating the Rain full in their Faces. Neither indeed was the Storm less troublesome to the Romans, for that they could not clearly discern one another, insomuch that even Pompey himself being unknown, escaped but narrowly; for when one of his Soldiers demanded of him the Word of Battle, it happened that he was somewhat slow in his Answer, which might have cost him his Life.  
The Enemy being thus routed with a 
His Victory over Domitius.  great Slaughter, (for 'tis said, that of 20000 there escaped but 3000) the Army saluted Pompey by the Name of Emperor; but he declined it, telling them, That he could not by any means accept of that Title, as long as he saw any of the Forts or Garrisons of the Enemy standing, but if they designed to make him worthy of the Honour, they must first demolish the Camp wherein they lay entrenched. The Soldiers hearing this, went presently and made an Assault upon the Works and Trenches, and there Pompey Fought without his Helmet, in memory of his former Danger, and to avoid it; the Camp being thus taken by Storm they were put to the Sword, and, among the rest, Domitius was slain upon the Place; After that Overthrow, the Cities of the Country thereabout were all taken in, some by Surrender, and others by Storm; King Jarbas likewise, a Confederate and Auxiliary of Domitius, was taken Prisoner, and his Kingdom was given to Hiempsal▪  
Pompey could not rest here, but being 
His Conquest of Africa.  ambitious to follow the good Fortune and Valour of his Army, he fell into Numidia, and marching forward many days Journeys up into the Country, he Conquered all where e'er he came, resolving, That by his Hand the Name and Power of the Roman Empire (which was now almost obliterated among the barbarous Nations) should be revived again, and appear as formidable as ever; he said likewise, That the wild Beasts of Africa ought not to be left without some experience of the Courage and Success of the Romans, and therefore he bestowed some few days in hunting of Lions and Elephants: Now 'tis said, That 'twas not above the space of 40 days at the utmost, in which he gave a total Overthrow to the Enemy, reduced Africa, and established the Affairs of the Kings and Kingdoms of all that Country, being then but 24 years of Age. When Pompey returned back to the City 
§ 4.  of Utica, there were presented to him Letters and Orders from Sylla, commanding him to disband the rest of his Army, and himself with one Legion only to wait there the coming of another General, that should succeed him in the Government of that Province; this grated inwardly, and was extremely grievous to Pompey, though he made no show of it; but the Army resented it openly, and therefore when Pompey besought them to depart home before him, they began to revile Sylla, and gave out broad Speeches, That they were resolved not to forsake him, neither did they think it safe for him to trust the Tyrant: Notwithstanding this, Pompey endeavoured to appease and pacify them by fair Speeches; but when he saw that all his Persuasions were vain, he left the Bench, and retired to his Tent with Tears in his Eyes; but the Soldiers followed him, and seizing upon him by force brought him again, and placed him in his Chair of State; where great part of that day was spent in Dispute, they, on their part, persuading him to stay and Command them; he, on the other side, pressing upon them Obedience, and the danger of Mutinies; but at last, when they grew more importunate and clamorous, He swore that he would kill himself, if they attempted to force him; and yet even this would scarce appease them. However, this gave occasion and rise to some malicious Reports, whereby 'twas suggested to Sylla, That Pompey was up in Rebellion, whereupon Sylla said to some of his Friends, Well, than I see 'tis my destiny to contend with Children in my old Age: reflecting likewise upon Marius, for that he being but a mere Youth had found him Work enough, and brought his Affairs into extreme Danger. But Sylla being undeceived afterwards by a better Intelligence, and hearing that the whole City, in a manner, had designed to meet Pompey, and receive him with all Kindness and Honour, he himself endeavoured to exceed them all in Civility; and therefore going out foremost to meet him, and embracing him with great joy, he gave him his welcome aloud in the Title of Pompey 
His Title of Magnus.  the Great, and commanded all those that were present to call him by that Name: Others say, That he had this Title first given him by a general Acclamation of all the Army in Africa, but that it took its force and power from the ratification of Sylla; but this is true, That he himself was the last that owned the Title, for 'twas a long time after, when he was sent Proconsul into Spain against Sertorius, that he began to subscribe himself in his Letters and Commissions by the Name of Pompey the Great, even then when the envy of the Title was worn off by being common and familiar. Hence may the Wisdom of the ancient Romans be justly reverenced and had in Admiration, That did not only reward the Successes of Action and Conduct in War with such honourable Titles, but adorned likewise the Virtues and Services of eminent Men in the Civil Government, with the same Distinctions and Characters of Honour; and therefore the People styled two by the Names of Maximi, i. e. the Greatest, Valerius, for that he reconciled the Senate to the People when they were at Variance; and Fabius Rullus, for that he put out of the Senate certain Libertines that had been elected thither for their Riches.  
Upon this Pompey desired the Honour of 
Sylla opposes his Triumph.  Triumph, which Sylla opposed stiffly, alleging, That the Law allowed that Honour to none but Consuls and Praetors, and therefore Scipio the Elder, who subdued the Carthaginians in Spain in far greater and nobler Conflicts, never so much as Petitioned for Triumph, because he had never attained to the Office of Consul or Praetor: And if Pompey, (who had scarce a Hair in his Face, nor yet of Age to be a Senator should enter the City in Triumph, what a load of Envy would it cast at once upon Sylla's Government and Pompey's Honour? These were the Arguments Sylla used against Pompey, showing that he should not by any means yield to his Request; but if he would persist in his Ambition, that he was resolved to interpose his Power, and lay a Prohibition upon him, as a Lover of Contention and Disobedience; Pompey was no ways daunted at this, but wished Sylla to recollect with himself, That more worshipped the Rising, than the Setting Sun: intimating thereby, That his Power was increasing, and Sylla's in the wain; Sylla did not perfectly hear the words, but observing a sort of Amazement and Wonder in the Looks and Gestures of those that did hear them, he asked, What it was that he said? When it was told him, he seemed to be very much surprised with the Boldness of Pompey, and cried out twice together, E'en let him Triumph. But when others began to show their Stomach and Disdain, Pompey, as▪ 'tis said, to gall and vex them the more, designed to have his triumphant Chariot drawn with four Elephants, (having brought over several from the Spoils of those African Kings) but the Gates of the City being too narrow, he was forced to desist from that Project, and make use of Horses; in the next place, some of his Soldiers (who failed of some Rewards, or been some way or other disappointed) began to clamour and interrupt the Triumph, but Pompey regarded these as little as the rest, and plainly told them, That he had rather lose the Honour of his Triumph, than flatter them. Whereupon Servilius (a Person of great Quality, and at first one of the chiefest Opposers of Pompey's Triumph) said openly, Now I perceive that Pompey is truly Great, and worthy of Triumph; 'tis clearly manifest, that he might easily have been a Senator if he would, yet he did not sue for that, esteeming Honour as a Paradox, and hunting after it, (as 'tis said) not in the common Road, but even there where no Man else ever did: For what wonder had it been for Pompey in his nonage, to sit in the Senate before his time? but to triumph before he was of the Senate, that was the excess of Glory to a Miracle.  
This Contest of his with Sylla for Triumph did not a little ingratiate him in the good Will of the People; for it could not but be extremely grateful for them to see one of their own Order in Triumph and then to return to them again and take his Place among the Roman Knights; on the other side, 'twas no less ungrateful to Sylla to see how fast he came on, and to what a height of Glory and Power he was advanced, yet being ashamed to hinder him, he smothered his Grief and lay quiet; but when by plain force, and in spite of him, Pompey procured the Consulship for Lepidus, having by his own Interest reconciled him to the Favour of the People, Sylla could not contain himself any longer, but spying him after the Election, as he was crossing the Marketplace with a great Train after him, cried out to him, Well, Youngman! I see thou rejoycest in thy Conquest, and for what cause I pritthee? Is it not a generous and worthy Act think you, that the priority of Consulship should be given to Lepidus the vilest of Men, against Catulus, the best and most deserving Man in all the City? and all this, forsooth, by your Influence upon the People: Well, this I'll advise thee, and look to't, that thou dost not sleep, but keep a vigilant Eye upon thy Affairs, for thou hast raised up a dangerous Enemy to greater Power than thyself. But that which gave the clearer demonstration of Sylla's Ill-will to Pompey, (and whereby his former Kindness appeared to have been specious only) was his last Will and Testament; for whereas he had bequeathed several Legacies to all the rest of his Friends, and appointed some of them Guardians to his Son, he passed by Pompey, without the least remembrance; however Pompey bore this with great Moderation and Civility; insomuch that when Lepidus and others obstructed his Interment in the Campus Martius, denying indeed any public Solemnity of a Funeral, he himself attended the Hearse; thereby giving both Honour and Security to it, and having his Obsequies performed with all the Pomp and Solemnity of a Roman-General.  
Shortly after the Death of Sylla, that 
§ 5. Lepidus moves a Civil Wa●▪  prophetic Speech of his to Pompey touching Lepidus came to pass; for Lepidus usurping the Government and Authority that Sylla had, did not go about by Fetches, nor yet colourably in specious Pretences, but immediately took up Arms, having stirred up again, and guarded himself with the corrupted Remains of that Faction that had escaped the Vengeance of Sylla: Now Catulus his Colleague, who was followed by the sounder part of the Senate and People, was a Man of the greatest Esteem among the Romans, for his singular Wisdom and Justice, but his Talon lay in the Government of the City rather than the Camp, being no great Man of War, whereas the exigency▪ of Affairs in this Juncture, required rather the Skill and Experience of Pompey: Pompey therefore was not long, in suspense which way to dispose of himself, but joining with the Nobility, was presently appointed General of the Army 
He is sent against Lepidus.  against Lepidus: who had already overrun the greatest part of Italy, and likewise brought Gallia Cisalpina in Subjection with an Army under the Conduct of Brutus. As for the rest of his Garrisons, Pompey subdued them with ease, in his March, but 
* Now Mo●ena.  Mutina in Gaul engaged him in a formal Siege, where he lay a long time encamped against Brutus: In the mean time Lepidus marched in all haste against Rome, and sitting down before it with a mighty Rabble of People, demanded a second Consulship, whereby he struck no small Terror into the Besieged; but that Fear quickly vanished upon some Letters sent from Pompey, advertising, That he had ended the War without a Battle; for Brutus, either betraying his Army, or being betrayed by them upon the Revolt, rendered himself to Pompey, and taking a Guard of Horse was conducted to a little Village in that part of Gaul that lies upon the River Padu or Po; where he was slain the next day by Geminius, in execution of Pompey's Commands: Upon this, Pompey was grossly censured, for, having at the very beginning of the Revolt written to the Senate how that Brutus had voluntarily surrendered himself; yet, immediately afterwards, he sent other Letters, containing matter of Charge or Accusation against the Man, after he was taken off, which was somewhat unaccountable: Now you must note, that that Brutus, who, together with Cassius, slew Caesar, was Son to this Brutus, a Man neither in War, nor in his Death like his Father, as we have described at large in his Life. Lepidus upon this being driven out of Italy, fled to Sardinia, where he fell sick and died, having his Heart broken with Sorrow, not for his Losses or Misfortunes, as they say, but upon the receipt of a Letter, wherein he was assured that his Wife had played the Harlot.  
There was yet remaining Sertorius in 
Sent in Aid of Metellus against Sertorius in Spain.  Spain, a Man of War far different from Lepidus, and much more formidable to the Romans, to whom there resorted all the Fugitives and Malcontents of the Nation, flowing thither as Humours to the last diseased part of a Civil-War: This Man had already cut off divers inferior Commanders, and was now buckling with Metellus Pius, a Man of Honour and a Soldier, though perhaps he might now seem too slow, by reason of his Age, to second and improve the happier moments of War, and might be sometimes wanting to those Advantages, which Sertorius, by his Sharpness and Dexterity would wrest out of his hands: For he was always hover about, and coming upon him unawares, like a Captain of Thiefs, rather than Soldiers, pestering him perpetually with Ambuscadoes and light Skirmishes, wherereas Metellus like a good old Wrestler was accustomed to nothing but regular Conduct, and fight in Battle-array with his Legionary Soldiers▪ well armed. Pompey therefore having his Army in readiness, made it his whole Court and Practice to be sent in Aid to Metellus; neither would he be brought to Disband his Forces, notwithstanding that Catulus had commanded it, but by some colourable Device or other he still kept them in Arms about the City, until the Senate at last thought fit, upon the Report of L. Philippus, to decree him that Government: At that time, they say, one of the Senators there wondering at this Report, demanded of Philip whether his meaning was, That Pompey 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  should be sent into Spain Proconsul, i. e. instead of a Consul: No, replied Philip, but Proconsulibus, i. e. instead of both Consuls; meaning that neither of the Consuls for that Year was of any Value. Now when Pompey was arrived in Spain, (as 'tis usual upon the Fame of a new Governor) Men began to be raised with new Hopes, and those Nations that had not entered into a very strict League and Alliance with Sertorius began to waver and revolt; whereupon Sertorius gave out very arrogant and scornful Speeches against Pompey, saying in Derision, That he should want no other Weapon but a Ferula and Rod to Chastise this Boy with, if he were not afraid of that old Woman, meaning Metellus. Yet for all his proud Words, in deed and reality he stood in Awe of Pompey, as appeared by all his Actions and Conduct throughout the whole Management of the War, wherein he was observed ever after to stand better upon his Guard, and engage more warily than before: for Metellus (which one would not have imagined) was grown very debauched in his Life, having given himself over excessively to Riot and Pleasure; and yet of a sudden there was wrought in him a mighty Change, as well in respect of his Pride as his Luxury: so that this very thing gained a wonderful Reputation and Honour to Pompey, as an Example of Frugality, although that Virtue was habitual in him, and required no great Industry to exercise it, for that he was naturally inclined to Temperance, and no ways inordinate in his Affections. Here Fortune, as 'tis common in War, showed variety of Changes, but nothing came so near to Pompey as the taking of the City Lauron by Sertorius: for when Pompey thought he had him safe enclosed, and had boasted largely of raising the Siege, he himself appeared of a sudden to be encompassed, insomuch that he durst not move out of his Camp, but was forced with sorrow to sit still whilst the City was taken, and in Flames before his Face. However, afterwards in a Battle about Valentia he gave 
His Victory ●ver Herennius and Perpenna.  a great Defeat to Herennius and Perpenna, (two Commanders of those Fugitives who came to Sertorius, and were now Lieutenants to him) wherein he slew above 10000 Men. Pompey being exalted and puffed up with this Victory, made all the haste imaginable to engage Sertorius himself, and the rather lest Metellus should come in for a share in the Honour of the Victory; so that in the Evening towards Sunset, they joined Battle near the River Sucron, both being in great fear lest Metellus should come, Pompey, that he might engage in the Combat alone, Sertorius, that he might engage but with one alone. The Issue of the Battle proved doubtful, for that a Wing of each side had the better; but of the Generals, Sertorius had the greater Honour, for that he maintained his Post, having slain and put to flight all that Battalion that was appointed against him: whereas Pompey was worsted in his part of the Battle, and himself almost a Prisoner, for being set upon by a mighty Man of Arms that fought on foot, as they were closely engaged hand to hand, the strokes of their Swords chanced to light upon each others Hand▪ but with a different Success, for Pompey's was a slight Wound only, whereas he lopped off the others Hand: however it happened so that many falling upon Pompey together, and his own Forces there being put to the Rout, he made his Escape beyond expectation, by quitting his Horse and turning him up among the Enemy; for the Horse being richly adorned with golden Trappings, and having a Caparison of great value, the Soldiers quarrelled among themselves for the Booty, so that while they were fight with one another, and dividing the Spoil, Pompey made his Escape. By break of Day next morning, each drew out his Forces into the Field to confirm the Victory; but Metellus coming up to them, Sertorius vanished away, having broken up and dispersed his Army; for in such a manner did he use to raise and disband his Armies, so that sometimes he would be wand'ring up and down all alone, and at other times again he would come pouring into the Field at the head of a puissant Army, no less than 150000 fight Men, swelling of a sudden like a mighty Torrent or Winterflood.  
Now when Pompey was going after the Battle to meet and welcome Metellus, and when they were near one another, he commanded his Sergeants to bow down their Rods in honour of Metellus as his Ancient and Superior; but Metellus on the other side forbid it, and behaved himself very obliging to him in all things else, not claiming any Prerogative either in respect of his Consulship or Seniority; excepting only, that when they encamped together, the Watchword was given to the whole Camp, by Metellus. But generally they had their Camps asunder, for that they were divided and distracted by the Enemy, that was in all shapes, and being always in motion, would by a wonderful Artifice appear in divers Places almost in the same instant, drawing them from one sort of Fight to another in perpetual Skirmishes: But at last Pompey intercepting all Forage, plundering and spoiling the Country, and keeping the Dominion of the Sea, rooted them out of that part of Spain that was under his Government, forcing them, out of mere Want, to retreat into other Provinces.  
Pompey having made use of and expended the greatest part of his own Revenue upon the War, sent and demanded moneys of the Senate, adding, That in case they did not furnish him speedily, he should be forced to return into Italy with his Army. Lucullus being Consul at that time, (though indeed he was an Enemy to Pompey, yet) in contemplation that he himself was a Candidate for the War against Mithridates, he procured and hastened the Supplies, fearing lest there should be any Pretence or Occasion given to Pompey of returning Home, who of himself was no less desirous of leaving Sertorius, than ambitious of undertaking the War against Mithridates, as an Enemy where the Enterprise in all appearance would prove much more Honourable and less Dangerous. In the mean time Sertorius died, being treacherously 
Sertorius slain.  murdered by some of his own Party; insomuch that Perpenna was now become the Chief Commander among them, and he that would undertake to Personate the Actions of Sertorius, having indeed the same Forces, the same Ammunition, and Means, yet there was still wanting the same Wit, Skill, and Conduct, in the use and managery of them. Pompey therefore marched directly against Perpenna, and finding him ignorant and perplexed in his Affairs, had a Decoy ready for him, and so sent out a Detachment of ten Companies with Orders to range up and down the Fields, and disperse themselves abroad, as if they were Foraging or in quest of some Booty; this Bait took accordingly, for no sooner had Perpenna quarried upon the Prey, and had them in Chase, but that Pompey appeared suddenly with all his Army, and joining 
His Conquest of Perpenna.  Battle, gave him a total Overthrow; so that most of his Commanders were slain in the Field, and he himself being brought Prisoner to Pompey, was by his Order put to Death: Neither ought Pompey to be arraigned of Ungratefulness or Oblivion, in that he had been unmindful of his Transactions with Perpenna in Sicily, (as some would charge him) since 'tis clear that what he did in this Case, was prudently determined upon solid Reason and deliberate Council for the Security of his Country: for Perpenna having in his custody all Sertorius his Papers, showed several Letters from the greatest Men in Rome, who (affecting a Change and Subversion of the Government) had invited Sertorius into Italy; wherefore Pompey, fearing lest by these he should stir and blow up greater Flames of War than those that had been already extinguished, thought it expedient, both to take off Perpenna, and likewise to burn the Letters without reading of them.  
After this Pompey tarried and spent so 
§ 6.  much time in Spain, as was necessary for the suppression of those greater Tumults in that Province; and as soon as he had qualified and allayed the violent Heats of Affairs there, he returned with his Army 
His Aid to Crassus in the Servile War.  into Italy, where he arrived very luckily in the height of the Servile War; wherefore upon his Arrival, Crassus the General in that War, made all the expedition imaginable to give them Battle, which he did with great Success, having slain upon the place 12300 of those Fugitive Slaves: Nor yet was he so quick, but that Fortune had reserved to Pompey some share of Honour in the Success of this War, for that 5000 of them, that had escaped out of the Battle, fell into his hands; wherefore when he had totally cut them off, he wrote to the Senate, That Crassus had overthrown the Fencers in Battle, but that he had plucked up the War itself by the Roots. And thus it was commonly reported in Rome among all those that had the least Kindness for Pompey; but for those Actions in Spain, together with the Conquest of Sertorius, no Man ever, so much as in jest, ascribed that Honour to any other than Pompey; and yet this great Honour and Veneration of the Man was always accompanied with Fears and Jealousies, that he would not Disband his Army, but affecting Monarchy, designed clearly to follow the Policies of Sylla and govern by a standing Army; wherefore in the Number of all those that ran out to meet him, and Congratulate his Return, as many went out of Fear as Affection; but after that Pompey had removed this Suggestion, by declaring beforehand, That he would discharge the Army after his Triumph, there was yet remaining one great Cause of Complaint more from the Envy and Malice of his Enemies, That he affected Popularity, courting the common People more than the Nobility; and whereas Sylla had taken away 
He restores the Office of Tribune.  the Tribuneship of the People, he designed to gratify the People in restoring that Office; which was very true, for there was not any one thing that the People of Rome did so wildly dote on, or more passionately desire than the Restauration of that Government, insomuch that Pompey thought himself extremely fortunate in this opportunity, despairing ever (if he were prevented in this) of meeting with any other, wherein he might express his Gratitude in Compensation of all those Favours which he had received from the People. The Decree 
His second Triumph and first Consulship with Crassus.  therefore passed for a second Triumph, and the Consulship: and yet for all this Power and Honour he did not seem to be admired or magnified for those things; but this was the Signal and Test of his Grandeur, that even Crassus himself, (the Wealthiest among all the Statesmen of his time, the most Eloquent and Greatest too, a Man of that Pride that he despised even Pompey himself, and all others as beneath him) durst not appear a Candidate for the Consulship before he had made his Address to Pompey; which was done accordingly, and as readily embraced by Pompey, who had often sought an occasion to oblige him in some friendly Office; so that he solicited for Crassus, and entreated the People heartily, declaring, That their Favour would be no less to him in his Colleague, than in his Consulship; yet for all this when they were created Consuls, they were always at variance and opposing one another; now Crassus prevailed most in the Senate, and Pompey's Power was no less with the People, for that he restored to them the Office of Tribune, 
Submits to the Censors.  and had suffered the Judicature again to be transferred upon the Knights by a Law. But he himself afforded them the most grateful Spectacle, when he appeared and craved his Discharge from the Wars: for it was an ancient Custom among the Romans, that the Knights, when they had served out their legal time in the Wars, should lead their Horse into the Marketplace before two Censors, and having given an account of the Commanders and Generals under whom they served, as also of the Places and Actions in their Service, they were discharged, every Man with Honour or Disgrace according to his Deserts: there were then sitting upon the Bench two reverend Censors, Gellius and Catulus, with great Gravity taking a View of the Roman Knights who were then in Muster, and under Examination before them; when Pompey was seen afar off to come into the Marketplace, adorned in all things else with all the Marks and Ensigns of a Consul, but himself leading his Horse in his hand: as he drew near, he commanded the Vergers to make way, and so he led his Horse to the Bench; the People were all this while in a sort of Amaze, and all in Silence, and the Censors themselves showed him great Reverence, expressing a Modesty together with Joy in their Countenance: Then the Signior Censor examined him, Pompey the Great, I demand of thee, whether thou hast served out all that time in the Wars that is prescribed by the Law of Arms? Yes, replied Pompey with a loud Voice) I have served all, and all under myself as General. The People hearing this, gave a great Shout, and made such an Outcry for Joy that there was no appeasing it; but the Censors rising from their Judgment-seat, accompanied him home to gratify the Multitude, who followed after clapping their Hands, and shouting with great signs of Joy.  
Pompey's Consulship was now expiring, and yet the Difference with Crassus increasing, whereupon on Gaius Aurelius a Knight, (but one that declined Business all his Life-time) stood up and addressed himself in an Oration to the Assembly, declaring, That Jupiter had appeared to him in a Dream, commanding him to tell the Consuls, That they should not leave their Charge of that Government until they were Friends. After this was said, Pompey stood silent, but Crassus took him by the hand, and spoke in this manner, I do not think, oh ye Romans, that I shall do any thing mean or dishonourable, in yielding first to Pompey; even that Pompey whom you were pleased to Ennoble with the Title of Great, when as yet he scarce had a Hair in his Face; and granted the Honour of two Triumphs, when as yet he had no Place in the Senate. Hereupon they were Reconciled, and laid down their Government. Now Crassus kept on in his former manner of Life as he began, pleading Causes; but Pompey declined his Practice in a great measure, taking the Patronage of some few Causes, only so that by degrees he withdrew himself totally from the Courts, and all Matters of Judgement, coming but seldom in public; and whenever he did, 'twas with a great Train after him; neither was it easy to meet or visit him without great Attendance; but his delight was to appear guarded with such a Retinue, designing thereby to advance the Reverence and Majesty of his Presence, and preserve his Dignity (as he ought to do) entire from the Approaches and Conversation of the Multitude: For Men that have risen and grown great by Arms, are easily trayed into Contempt by a change of Life, when they shall betake themselves to the Long-Robe, and plead Causes, in that they cannot fashion themselves to that popular Equality or Familiarity that's common among Citizens, expecting to be esteemed their Betters in the City, as they were in Field; whereas on the contrary, the Pride and Folly of these Citizens is such, That though they were Inferiors in the Camp, yet they'll contend for Precedence in the City, which is intolerable; and therefore 'tis that when a noble Warrior (crowned with Victories and Triumphs) shall turn Advocate and ply the Courts among them, they endeavour presently by a malicious Pedantry to obscure his Glory, and depress him; whereas if he quits a public Patronage and retires, they shall preserve his Honour and Authority beyond the reach of Envy; as appeared not long after by the things themselves.  
The Power of the Pirates first broke out of 
§ 7. The Pirates War.  Cilicia, having in truth but a rash and blind beginning, but was animated and encouraged afterwards in the Wars of Mithridates, where they hired themselves out, and became Stipendiaires in the King's Service. Afterwards whilst the Romans were embroiled in their Civil Wars, being engaged against one another, even before the very Gates of Rome; the Seas lay waste and unguarded, which by degrees, enticed, and drew them on, not only to seize upon and spoil the Merchants and Ships upon the Seas, but also to lay waste the Islands, and Seaport Towns: So that now there embarked with these Pirates, Men of great Wealth, and Nobility, and of great Wisdom too, being incorporated into their Society or Fellowship as into a commendable Faculty: They had divers Arsenals, or Piratic Harbours, as likewise Watch-Towers, and Beacons all along the Sea-Coast; They had a mighty Fleet, well Rigged and Furnished with Galliots of Oars, and as well Manned too, with all the Flower of Youth, with expert Pilots and Mariners; there were their Ships of swift Sail also, and Pinnaces for Cruising and Discovery; neither was it thus dreadful only, but as gloriously set out too, so that they were more to be envied in their Pride, than feared in their Force; having the Poops and Decks of their Galliots all guilded, and the Oars plated with Silver, together with their Purple Sails, as if their delight were to glory in their Iniquity: There was nothing but Music and Dancing, Banqueting and Revels all along the Shore, together with the Prizes of Kings in Captivity, and Ransoms of sacked Cities, to the Reproach and Dishonour of the Roman Empire. There were of these Corsairs above 1000 Sail, and they had taken no less than 400 Cities; committing Sacrilege upon the Temples of the Gods, and enriching themselves with the Spoils of divers, undefiled before, such as were those of Claros, Didyme, and Samothrace; and the Temple of Tellus, or the Earth in Hermione, and that of Aeseulapius in Epidaurium; Those of Neptune, in Isthmus, Taenarus, and Calauria; Those of Apollo, in Actium, and the Isle of Leucades; and those of Juno, in Samos, Argos, and Leucania. They offered likewise strange Sacrifices upon Mount Olympus, and performed certain secret Rites or Religious Mysteries, whereof that to the Sun (which they called by the Name of Mithres) was preserved down to our Age, having its Original and first Institution from them. But besides these Piracies and Insolences by Sea, they were yet more injurious to the Romans by Land; for they would often go ashore and Rob upon the Highways; plundering and destroying their Villages and Country-Houses near the Sea: And once they seized upon two Roman Praetors, Sextilius and belinus, in their Purple Robes, and carried them off, together with their Sergeants and Vergers: The Daughter also of Antonius, (a Man that had the Honour of Triumph) taking a Journey into the Country, was seized upon, and Redeemed afterwards with an excessive Ransom. But this was the most spiteful and abusive of all, That when any of the Captives declared himself to be a Roman, and told his Name, they seemed to be surprised, and straightway feigning a Fear, smote their Thighs, and fell down at his Feet, humbly beseeching him to be gracious and forgive them: The credulous Captive, seeing them so humble and supplicant, believed them to be in earnest; for some were so officious as to put on his Shoes, others helped him on with his Gown, lest his Quality should be mistaken again: After all this Pageantry, when they had thus deluded and mocked him long enough, at last casting out a Ships Ladder, when they were even in the midst of the Sea, they bid him march off and farewel; if he refused, they threw him overboard and drowned him. This Piratic Power having got the Dominion and Sovereignty of all the Mediterranean, and perpetually roving up and down, there was left no place for Navigation or Commerce, insomuch that no Merchant durst venture out to Traffic. The Romans therefore, finding themselves to be extremely straitened in their Markets, and considering that if this scarcity of Corn should continue▪ there would be a Dearth and Famine in the Land, determined to send out Pompey to recover their Seignory of the Seas from the Pirates: Wherefore Gabinius (a great Creature of Pompey's) preferred a Law, whereby there was granted to him, not only the Government of the Seas as Admiral, but even the Monarchy of Rome as Sovereign, having an Arbitrary and Unlimited Power over all Men; The sum of that Decree gave him the absolute Power and Authority of all the Seas, even from the Straights-mouth or Hercules-Pillars; together with the Continent or Mainland, all along for the space of 400 Furlongs, or 50 Miles from the Sea: Now there were but few Regions in the World under the Roman Empire of a larger Extent, and in that compass too there were comprehended great Nations and mighty Kings. Moreover by this Decree he had a Power of electing fifteen Lieutenants out of the Senate, and of assigning to each his Province in Charge; Then he might take likewise out of the Treasury, and of the Publicans, what moneys he pleased, as also 200 Sail of Ships, with a Power to Press and Levy what Soldiers and Seamen he thought fit, together with Galliots of Oars and Mariners: When this Law was Read, the common People approved of it exceedingly, but the chiefest and most powerful of the Senate looked upon it as an exorbitant Power, even beyond the reach of Envy, and was now become worthy of their Fears; therefore concluding with themselves that such an infinite and boundless Authority was dangerous, they agreed unanimously to oppose the Bill, and all were against it, except Caesar, who gave his Vote for the Law, not so much to gratify Pompey, as the People, whose Favour he had courted underhand from the beginning, and hoped thereby to compass such a Power for himself: The rest inveighed bitterly against Pompey, insomuch as one of the Consuls, told him sharply, That if he followed the Footsteps of Romulus, he would scarce avoid his End, but he was in danger of being torn in pieces by the Multitude for his Speech: Yet when Catulus stood up to speak against the Law, the People in Reverence to him were very silent and attentive; He therefore, after he had, without the least show of Envy, made large Harangues in Honour of Pompey, began to advise the People in kindness to spare him, and not to expose a Man of his Value to such a Chain of Dangers and Wars; For said he, Where could you find out another Pompey, or whom would you have in case you should chance to lose him? They all cried out with one Voice, Yourself; wherefore Catulus, finding all his Rhetoric ineffectual, desisted: Then Roscius attempted to speak, but could have no Audience, wherefore he made Signs with his Fingers, intimating, Not him alone, but that there might be a second Pompey or Colleague in Authority with him: Upon this, 'tis said, the Multitude being extremely incensed, made such an horrid Exclamation, that a Crow flying over the Marketplace at that instant was struck blind, and dropped down among the Rabble; whereby it appears, That the Cause of Birds falling down to the Ground, is not by any rupture or division of the Air when it has received any such Impression or Force; but purely by the very stroke of the Voice, which, being shot up by a Multitude with great Violence, raises a sort of Tempest and Billows in the Air. The Assembly therefore broke up for that day: And when the day was come, wherein the Bill was to pass by Suffrage into a Decree, Pompey went privately into the Country; but hearing that it was passed and confirmed, he returned again into the City by Night, to avoid the Envy that might arise from that Concourse of People that would meet and congratulate him: The next Morning he came abroad, and sacrificed to the Gods, and having Audience at an open Assembly, he handled the Matter so, as that they enlarged his Power, giving him many Things besides what was already granted, and almost doubling the Preparation appointed in the former Decree: For there were completely 500 Sail of Ships fitted out, and he had an Army of 120000 Foot, and 5000 Horse, assigned for his Muster: There were chosen likewise for his Lieutenants, or Vice-admirals', 24 Senators that had been Consuls, Praetors, or Generals of Armies, and to these were added two of the general Treasurers. Now it happened within this time, that the Prizes of Provisions were much abated, which gave an occasion to the joyful People of saying, That the very Name of Pompey had even ended the War. However Pompey in pursuance of his Charge divided all the Sea, with each distance between the Lands, into thirteen Parts, allotting a Squadron to each, under the Command of his Vice-admirals'; And having thus dispersed his Power into all Quarters, and encompassed the Pirates every where, they began to fall into his Drags by whole Shoals, which he seized and brought into his Harbours; As for those that withdrew themselves betimes, or otherwise escaped his general Chase, they all made to Cilicia, where they hid themselves as in their Hives; against whom Pompey designed to go in Person with Sixty of his best Frigates: But first he resolved to scour and clear all the Seas thereabout, as that of Tuscany, together with the Coasts of Africa, Sardinia, Corsica, and Sicily; All which he performed in the space of Forty days by his own indefatigable Industry, and the Diligence of his Vice-admirals'. Now Pompey met with some Diversion in Rome, through the Malice and Envy of Piso the Consul, who had put some stop to his Affairs, by wasting his Stores, and discharging his Seamen; whereupon he sent his Fleet round to Brundisium, himself going the next way by Land through Tuscany to Rome; which as soon as it came to be known by the People, they all flocked out to meet him upon the way, as if they had not sent him out but a little before; But that which chiefly raised their Joy, was the sudden and unexpected change in the Markets, abounding now with exceeding Plenty; So that Piso was in great danger to have been deprived of his Consulship, Gabinius having a Law ready Penned for that purpose; but Pompey forbid it, behaving himself as in that, so in all Things else, with great Moderation, whereby having brought to pass and obtained all that he wanted or desired, he departed for Brundisium, whence he set Sail in pursuit of the Pirates: Now though he was straitened in time, and his hasty Voyage forced him to Sail by several famous Cities without touching, yet he would not pass by the City of Athens unsaluted, but landing there, after he had sacrificed to the Gods, and made an Oration to the People, as he was returning out of the City, he Read at the Gates two Monostiches or single Epigrams writ in his own Praise.  

One within the Gate,  
Thy humbler Thoughts make thee a God the more.  
The other without.  
We wished and saw, we Honour and Adore.   
Now because that Pompey had showed himself merciful to some of that Swarm of Thiefs, that were yet roving in Bodies about the Seas, (having upon their Supplication ordered a Seizure of their Ships and Persons only, without any farther Process or Severity;) therefore the rest of their Comrades in Hopes of Mercy too, made their Escape from his other Commanders, and surrendered themselves with their Wives and Children into his Protection; So tha● Pompey pardoned all that came in, and the rather because by them he might make a discovery of those who fled from his Justice, as conscious that their Crimes were beyond an Act of Indemnity: Whereof the greatest and chiefest part conveyed their Families and Treasures (with all besides that were unfit for War) into Castles and strong Forts about Mount Taurus; but they themselves having well Manned their Galleys, embarked for Coracesium in Cilicia, where they received Pompey, and gave him Battle; Here they had a fatal Overthrow, and thereupon they retired to their Cities, where they were Besieged; At last, having dispatched their Heralds to him with a Submission, they delivered up to his mercy themselves, their Towns, Islands, and strong Holds, all which they had fortified with Bulwarks and Rampires, whereby they became impregnable, and almost inaccessible.  
Thus was this War ended, and the whole Power of the Pirates at Sea dissolved every where in the space of three Months: Wherein besides a great number of other Vessels, he took Ninety Men of War with brazen Beaks; and likewise Prisoners of War to the number of no less than 20000 Souls.  
Touching the disposal of these Prisoners, he considered on one Hand, that it would be barbarous to destroy them all; and yet it might be no less dangerous on the other to disperse them, for that they might reunite and make Head again. being numerous, poor, and warlike: Therefore well and wisely weighing with himself, That Man by Nature is not a wild or savage Creature, neither was he Born so, but becomes a bruit Beast by Practice, having changed his Nature by a rude and vicious Habit: And again on the other side, That he is civilised and grows gentle by a change of Place, Converse, and manner of Life, as Beasts themselves that are wild by Nature, become tame and tractable to their Feeders by Housing and a gentler Usage; Upon this Consideration he determined to translate these Pirates from Sea to Land, and give them a taste of the true and innocent course of Life by living in Cities, and manuring the Ground: Some therefore were entertained in the small and unpeopled Towns of the Cilicians, mixing and incorporating with those few Inhabitants there, whereby they obtained an Enlargement of their Territories. Others he planted in the City of the Solians, that had been lately laid waste and drained by Tigranes' King of Armenia: he seated likewise divers in Dyme, a City of Achaia, a Place extremely depopulated, but of a large compass of Ground, and as rich a Soyl. However these Proceedings could not escape the Envy and Censure of his Enemies; but for his Practices against Metellus in Crete, those were disapproved of even by the chiefest of his Friends: For Metellus, (a Relation to him that was Colleague with Pompey in Spain) was sent Praetor into Crete, before this Province of the Seas was designed for Pompey, Now Crete was the second Den and Receptacle of Pirates next to Cilicia the Fountain, there Metellus apprehended divers and put them to Death; Wherefore those that were yet remaining, and Besieged, sent their Supplications to Pompey, and invited him into the Island as a part of his Province, alleging it to fall within that distance of the Sea limited in his Commission, and so within the Precincts of his Charge; Pompey receiving the Submission, dispatched an Express to Metellus, commanding him to leave off the War; and another likewise to the Cities, wherein he charged them not to yield any Obedience to the Commands of Metellus; And after these he sent Lucius Octavius one of his Lieutenants, who entering the Town together with the Besieged, and joining in their Defence, rendered Pompey not only▪ grievous and hateful, but even ridiculous too, That he should lend his Name as a Guard to a Nest of Thiefs, that knew neither God nor Law, and make his Authority serve as a Sanctuary to them, only out of pure Envy and Emulation to Metellus: For neither was Achilles thought to act the Part of a wise Man, but rather of a young giddy Fool, mad after Glory, when by Signs he forbid the rest of the Grecians to strike at Hector:  

Lest he too late should to the Battle run, 
Liad. 22.   
When others had the Honour of it won.   
But Pompey contended beyond himself to save the common Enemies of the World, only that he might deprive a Roman Praetor, after all his Labours, of the Honour of Triumph. Yet for all this Metellus was no ways daunted, neither would he give over the War against the Pirates, but stormed them in their strong Holds, and having totally subdued them, he took a just Revenge of their Impieties: And for Octavius, he was publicly disgraced, and sent away, loaden with the Scoffs and Reproaches of all the Camp.  
Now, when 'twas Reported in Rome, 
§ 8. The War against Mithridates and Tigranes.  That the War with the Pirates was at an end, and that Pompey was in a dead Vacation, diverting himself in Visits only to the Cities for want of Employment; one Manilius, a Tribune of the People, preferred a Law, whereby 'twas Enacted, That Pompey should have all the Forces of Lucullus, and the Provinces under his Government, together with Bythinia, that was under the Command of Glabrio; And that he should forthwith make War upon those two Kings Mithridates and Tigranes, retaining still the same Naval Forces and the Sovereignty of the Seas as before: But this was nothing less than to constitute one absolute Monarch of all the Roman Empire; For the Provinces which seemed to be exempt from his Commission by the former Decree, such as were Phrygia, Lycaonia, Galatia, Cappadocia, Cilicia, the Over Colchis, and Armenia, these were all grafted in by this latter Law, together with all the Army and Forces wherewith Lucullus made War upon Mithridates and Tigranes. Now though this were a notorious Injury to Lucullus, whereby he was robbed of the Glory of his Achievements, (by having a Successor assigned him rather in the Honour of his Triumph, than the Danger of the War;) Yet this was of no great moment in the Eye of the Senate, because it was Personal only (though they could not but Censure the People of Injustice and Ingratitude to Lucullus); But the source of all their Grievance flowed from hence, That the Power of Pompey should by Law be Established in a manifest Tyranny; And therefore they exhorted and encouraged one another privately to bend all their Forces in opposition to this Law, and not to cast away their Liberties and Properties at so tame a rate; Yet for all their Resolutions, when the day came wherein it was to pass into a Decree, their Hearts failed them, for fear of the People, and all the rest were silent except Catulus, who boldly inveighed against the Law, and charged the People home, but all in vain; for when he found that he had not brought over one Man among the People, he turned and directed his Speech to the Senate in great Passion, often crying out, and bidding them to seek out some Mountain as their Forefathers had done, and fly to the Rocks where they might preserve their Liberty. But all his Rhetoric was ineffectual, for the Law passed into a Decree, as 'tis said, by the Suffrages of all the Tribes; And now was Pompey even in his absence made Lord of almost all that Power, that Sylla made himself Master of by Conquest, when by force of Arms and War he had brought even Rome itself under his Dominion: Now when Pompey had Advice by Letters of the Decree, 'tis said, That, in the presence of his Friends who came to rejoice and give him Joy of his Honour, he seemed extremely displeased, frowning and smiting his Thigh, and at last, as one overladen already, and weary of Government, he broke out in great passion, Good Gods! What an endless Train of War is here? How much better might my Lot have fallen among the inglorious Crowd, unknown or unregarded? If there shall be no end of this Warfare but with that of my Life? If my Fate be such that I must always despair of those happier moments, wherein I might stem this Tide of Envy, and live at peace in a Country Retirement, and the Enjoyments of a dearer Wife! But all this was looked upon as Ironical, neither indeed could the best of his Friends endure such gross Hypocrisy, well knowing, that he, whose Ambition was set on Fire by his Malice, (having his Enmity with Lucullus, as a Firebrand to kindle that covetous Desire of Glory and Empire that was implanted in his Nature) could not but embrace the Province with Joy and Triumph; as appeared not long afterwards by his Actions, which did clearly unmask him: For in the first place he sent out his Edicts or Proclamations into all Quarters, commanding all Soldiers to resort to his Colours; then he summoned in all the tributary Kings and Princes that were Subjects within the Precincts of his Charge; and, in short, as soon as he had entered upon his Province, he left nothing unalter'd that had been done and established by Lucullus; to some he remitted their Amercements and Penalties, and deprived others of their Rewards; And after this manner did he act in all things, with this Design chiefly, That the Admirers of Lucullus might know how that all his Power and Authority was now at an end, and he no longer Lord of this Province. But Lucullus began to arraign these Proceedings, and expostulate the Case by Friends, whereupon 'twas thought fitting and agreed, that there would be a Meeting betwixt them, and accordingly they met in the Country of Galatia: Now in that they were great and prosperous Generals, both in Conduct and Action, they came in State attended with their Vergers and Officers, bearing their Rods before them all wreathed about with Branches of Laurel: Lucullus came through a Country full of green and shady Groves, but Pompey's March was through large barren Plains both i'll and naked; Therefore the Vergers of Lucullus, perceiving that Pompey's Laurels were withered and dry, helped him to some of their own, whereby they adorned and crowned his Rods with fresh Laurels: This was thought somewhat ominous, and looked as if Pompey came to take away the Reward and Honour of Lucullus' Victories: Lucullus indeed had the priority in the course of his Consulship, and of his Age too; but the Dignity of Pompey was the greater, in that he had the Honour of two Triumphs. Their first Addresses 
His Quarrel with Lucullus.  in this Interview were made with great Ceremony and Complaisance, magnifying each others Actions, and congratulating their Success: but when they came to the Matter of their Conference or Treaty, there they observed neither Decency nor Moderation, but fell downright a railing at each other; Pompey upbraiding Lucullus of Avarice, and Lucullus again retorting Ambition upon Pompey, so that their Friends could hardly part them. Now Lucullus had made a Distribution of all the Lands in Galatia within his Conquest, and gave other Largesses to whom he pleased; But Pompey encamping not far distant from him, sent out his Prohibitions, whereby he forbid that any Man should yield Obedience to Lucullus; He likewise commanded away all his Soldiers, except only 1600, which he found were likely to be as unserviceable to him, as they were illaffected to Lucullus, being Proud and Mutinous. And to these Acts Pompey added some Satirical Speeches and Invectives against him, detracting openly from the Glory of his Actions, and giving out, That the Battles of Lucullus were but imaginary, such as are represented in Landscapes, or at best upon the Stage, with Kings personated in Tragedies and Farces, where there was no more danger than in painted Fire, whereas the real part or brunt of the War against a true and well-instructed Army was reserved to him, for that Mithridates began now to be in earnest, and had betaken himself to his Shields, Swords, and Horses: Lucullus on the other side, to be even with him in spite, replied, That Pompey came to fight with the Image and Shadow of War, it being his usual practice, like a lazy Bird of Prey, to quarry upon Carcases already slain, and tear in pieces the relics of a War; For thus did he entitle and attribute to himself the Conquest of Sertorius, Lepidus, and the Accomplices of Spartacus; whereas this was the Glory of Crassus, that of Catulus, and the first was to be ascribed to the Prowess of Metellus: And therefore 'tis no great wonder, if the Glory of the Pontic and Armenian War, prove supposititious too, and be usurped by a Man, who, by such subtle Artifices could insinuate and work himself into the Honour of Triumph for a few runagate Slaves.  
After this Lucullus went away; and Pompey 
Sect. 9  having placed his whole Navy as a Guard upon all those Seas betwixt the Province of Phoenicia and the Bosphorus, himself marched against Mithridates, who had a Battalion of 30000 Foot, and 2000 Horse, yet he durst not bid him Battle; but lay securely encamped upon a strong Mountain, fortified with Trenches and Rampires almost impregnable, which he forsook not long after as a Place destitute of Water; Now, no sooner was he decamped, but that Pompey in the first place made himself Master of that Mountain, and observing well the nature and thriving of the Plants there, together with the hollow Beds which he found in several places, conjectured that such a Plot could not be without Springs, and therefore he ordered them to sink Wells in every Corner; whereby there was great plenty of Water throughout all the Camp in a little time; Insomuch that he admired how it was possible for Mithridates to be ignorant of this, during all that time of his Encampment there. After this, Pompey pursued him to his next Camp, and there drawing a Line round about him, encamped himself, and worked up his Trenches with Bastions and Rampires, whereby he walled up Mithridates within his own Camp. But he having endured a Siege of 45 days, made his Escape privily, and fled away with all the Choice of his Army, having first dispatched all the sick and unserviceable Persons in his Camp. Not long after Pompey overtook him again near the Banks of the River Euphrates, where he sat down and Encamped close by him; but fearing lest he should pass over the River and give him the Slip there too, he drew up his Army in Battalia against him at Midnight: Now, 'tis said, that at that very time Mithridates saw a Vision in his Dream, that did prognosticate and foreshow what should come to pass; for he seemed to be under Sail in the Pontic Sea with a prosperous Gale, and just in view of the Bosphorus, discoursing pleasantly with the Ships Company, as one overjoyed for his past Danger and present Security; when lo! of a sudden he found himself deserted of all, and floating upon a little broken Plank of the Ship in the mercy of Sea and Wind. Whilst he was thus labouring under these Passions and Phantasms, some of his Friends came into his Tent, and awaked him with the dreadful News of Pompey's approach, telling him, that he was so near at hand, that now the Fight must be for the Camp itself: Whereupon the Commanders drew up all his Forces in Battle-array; Pompey perceiving how ready they were, and prepared for Defence, began to doubt with himself, whether he should put it to the hazard of a Fight in the dark, judging it more consistent with Policy to encompass them only at present, (lest they should fly) and give them Battle the next day, because his Men were far the better Soldiers; But his ancient Commanders were of another opinion, and by great Entreaties and Encouragements wrought upon him, and obtained that they might charge them immediately. Neither was the Night so very dark, but that (though the Moon was declining, yet) it gave light enough to discern a Body: But this rather deluded and put a Blind upon the Eyesight of the King's Army, for the Romans coming upon them with the Moon on their Backs, the Moon (being very low and just upon setting) cast the Shadows a long way before the Bodies, and reached e'en almost to the Enemy: This dazzled their Eyes so, that they (not exactly discerning the Distance, but imagining them to be near at hand) threw their Darts at the Shadows, without the least Execution upon any one body: The Romans therefore perceiving this, ran in upon them with a great Shout; but the barbarous People, all in Amaze, being unable to endure the Charge, were fearfully routed, and put to Flight with a great Slaughter, insomuch that above 10000 were slain there, and the Camp taken, As for Mithridates himself, he, at the beginning 
Mithridates' hgis Flight.  of the Onset, with a Body of 800 Horse Charged through all the Roman Army, and made his Escape; but immediately all the rest of that Regiment were dispersed and gone, some one way, some another, and he left only with three Persons in his Retinue; Among whom was his Concubine or Mistress, Hypsicratia, a Girl always of Manly 
Hypsicratia.  and daring Spirit, (and therefore the King called her Hypsicrates:) She being attired and mounted like a Persian Chevalier, accompanied the King in all his Flight, never weary even in the longest Journey, nor ever failed to attend the King in Person, and look after his Horse too; until they came to Inora, a Palace or Castle of the King's, well stored with Gold and Jewels, and the King's chiefest Treasure. From thence Mithridates took off his richest Apparel, and gave it among those that resorted to him in their Flight; and to every one of his chiefest Friends he gave a deadly Poison, that they might not fall into the Hands of the Enemy against their Wills: From thence he designed to have went to Tigranes in Armenia, but being prohibited there by Tigranes, (who had put out a Proclamation with a Reward of 100 Talents to any one that should apprehend him) he passed by the Head of the River Euphrates, and fled through the Country of Colchis.  
Now had Pompey made an Invasion into 
He goes against Tigranes.  the Country of Armenia, upon the Invitation of young Tigranes, for that he was now in Rebellion against his Father, and had given Pompey a Metting about the River Araxes: (which River rises near the Head of 
Araxes Fl.  Euphrates, but turning its course and bending towards the East, falls into the Caspian Sea.) They two therefore marched together through the Country, taking in all the Cities by the way, and obliging them to Homage and Fealty: But King Tigranes (having been harassed lately in a tedious War by Lucullus, and withal understanding that Pompey was generous in his Nature, and of a gentle Disposition) put Guards into his Royal Palaces, and taking along with him divers of his Friends and Relations, went in Person to surrender himself into the Hands of Pompey; He came as far as the Trenches on Horseback, but there he was met by two of Pompey's Vergers, who commanded him to alight and walk on Foot, for that no Man was ever seen on Horseback within a Roman Camp: Tigranes submitted to this immediately, and not only so, but plucking off his Sword, delivered up that too; And last of all, as soon as he appeared before Pompey, he pulled off his Turban or Royal Diadem, and attempted to have laid it at his Feet; Nay, what's worst of all, even he himself had fallen prostrate as an humble Supplicant at his Knees, to the Reproach of Majesty, had not Pompey himself prevented it, by taking and placing him next upon his right hand, and the Son upon his left; There Pompey took occasion to tell him, That as to the rest of his Losses, they were chargeable upon Lucullus, for that by Lucullus he had been dispossessed of Syria, Phoenicia, Cilicia, Galatia, and Sophene, but all that he had preserved to himself entire till that time, he should peaceably enjoy, paying the Sum of 6000 Talents as a Fine or Penalty for Injuries done to the Romans, and that his Son should have the Kingdom of Sophene. Tigranes himself was well pleased with these Conditions of Peace, and therefore when the Romans, in a general Shout saluted him King, he seemed to be overjoyed, and promised to every common Soldier half a Mina of Silver, every Centurion or Captain ten Mina's, and to every Colonel or Commander of a thousand a Talon; But the Son was highly displeased, insomuch that when he was invited to Supper, he replied, That he did not stand in need of Pompey for that sort of Honour, for he would find out some other Roman to Sup with: Whereupon he was clapped up close Prisoner and reserved for the Triumph.  
Not long after this, Phraates King of Parthia 
§. 10. Phraates King of Parthia.  sent to Pompey, and demanded by his Ambassadors, That he should deliver up young Tigranes, as his Son-in-Law; and that the River Euphrates should be the Term and Bound of their Empires: To these Pompey replied, That for Tigranes, he belonged more to his own natural Father, than his Father-in-Law; And for the Bounds, he would take care that they should be set out according to the Rules of Right and Justice.  
So Pompey leaving Armenia in the Custody 
Pompey's Wars with the Albanians and Iberians.  of Afranius, went himself in Chase of Mithridates; whereby he was forced of necessity to march through several Nations inhabiting about Mount Caucasus; Of these Nations, the Albanians and Iberians were two of the chiefest: The Iberians stretch out as far as the Moschian Mountains, and to the Realm of Pontus; The Albanians lie more Eastwardly, and towards the CaspianSea; These barbarous People, the Albanians, at first permitted Pompey upon his Entreaty to pass through their Country, but when they found that the Winter had stolen upon the Roman Army whilst they were quartered in their Country, and withal that they were busily exercised in celebrating the Festivals of Saturn, they mustered up an Army of no less than 40000 Fighting-men, and set upon them, having passed over the River Cyrnus; (which River rising from the 
Cyrnus Fl.  Mountains of Iberia, and receiving the River Araxes in its course from Armenia, dischargeth its self by 12 distinct Mouths or Channels into the Caspian Sea; although some others are of opinion, that Araxes does not fall into it, but that they flow very near one another, and so discharge themselves as Neighbours into the same Sea.) 'Tis true, 'twas in the power of Pompey to have obstructed the Enemy's Passage over the River, but he suffered them to pass over quietly; and then drawing up his Forces and giving Battle, he routed them and slew a great number of them in the Field: But the King sent Ambassadors with his Submission, wherefore Pompey, upon his Supplication, pardoned the Offence, and having entered into a League with him, he marched directly against the Iberians, an Army no less in number than the other, but much more Warlike, and withal under a solemn Resolution both of gratifying Mithridates, and driving out Pompey: These Iberians were in no wise subject to the Medes or Persians, and they happened likewise to escape the Dominion of the Macedonians, in that Alexander was so quick in his March through Hyrcanid; but these also Pompey subdued in a great and bloody Battle, wherein there were slain 9000 upon the Spot, and more than 10000 taken Prisoners. From thence he went into the Country of Colchis, where Servilius met him by the River Phasis, having his Fleet (with which he guarded the Pontic Sea) riding at Anchor there; Now this pursuit of Mithridates seemed to carry great Difficulties in it, for that he had concealed himself among the Nations that inhabit about the Bosphorus and the Lake of Maeotis; and besides, News was brought to Pompey that the Albanians had revolted again: This made him divert his Course, and bend his Forces against them with Resolutions full of Wrath and Revenge, insomuch that he passed back again over the Cyrnus with great Difficulty and Danger, for that the barbarous People had fortified it a great way down the Banks with Rampires and Palisado's; After this having a tedious long March to make through a thirsty and rough Country, he ordered 10000 Bottles to be filled with Water, and so advanced towards the Enemy; whom he found drawn up in order of Battle near the River Abas, to the number of 60000 Horse and 12000 Foot, ill armed generally, and many of them covered only with the Skins of wild Beasts: Their General was Cosis the King's Brother, who as soon as the Battle was begun, singled out Pompey, and rushing in upon him, darted his Javelin into the Joints of his Breastplate; which Pompey received, and in return, struck him through the Body with his Lance, and slew him. 'Tis reported, That in this Fight there were several Amazons that came as Auxiliaries 
Amazons.  to these Barbarians, and that they came down from those Mountains that run along by the River Thermodon; for that after the Battle when the Romans were taking the Spoil and Plunder of the Field, they met with several Targets and Buskins of the Amazons, but there was not the Body of a Woman to be seen among all the dead; They inhabit those Parts of Mount Caucasus that look towards the Hyrcanian Sea, (not bordering upon the Albanians, for that the Territories of the Gelae and the Leges lie betwixt:) And with these People do they yearly, two Months only, accompany themselves, and cohabit Bed and Board near the River Thermodon; after that they retire to their own Habitations, and live alone all the rest of the Year. After this Engagement Pompey was resolutely bend with his Forces upon the Country of Hyrcania and the Caspian Sea, but was forced to retreat after three days March, by reason of the Venomous Serpents that were infinitely numerous in those Countries: And so he fell into Armenia the Less; Whilst he was there, the Kings of the Elymaeans and Medes dispatched Ambassadors to him, which he accepted of, and made his Returns as amicacably 
He conquers the King of Parthia.  by Letter; But for the King of Parthia who had made Incursions upon Gordyne, and despoiled the Subjects of Tygranes, he an Army against him under the Command of Afranius, who put him to the Rout, and followed him in Chase as far as Arbelitis.  
Among all the Concubines of King Mithridates that were brought before Pompey, he had not the Carnal knowledge of any one, but sent them all away to their Parents and Relations, for that most of them were either the Daughters or Wives of Princes and great Commanders; excepting only Stratonice, (who, of all the rest, had 
Stratonice.  the greatest Power and Influence upon him, and to whom he had committed the Custody of his best and richest Fortress:) She (it seems) was the Daughter of a certain Musician, an ancient Man, and of no great Fortune; but she happening to sing one night before Mithridates at a Banquet, struck his Fancy so, that immediately he took her to Bed with him, whereby he sent away the old Man much dissatisfied, in that he had taken his Daughter, without one kind word to himself: But when he arose in the Morning, and saw the Tables within richly covered with Plate of Gold and Silver, a great Retinue of Servants, Eunuches and Pages attending him with rich Garments, and withal a Horse standing before the door richly caparisoned, in all things as 'twas usual with the King's Favourites, he looked upon it all as a piece of Pageantry, and thinking himself mocked and abused in it, attempted to have slipped out of doors and run away; but the Servants laying hold upon him, and informing him really, that the King had bestowed on him the House and Furniture of a rich Nobleman lately Deceased, and that these were but the first Fruits or small Earnests of greater Riches and Possessions that were to come, he was persuaded at last with much difficulty to believe them; Thereupon putting on his Purple Robes, and mounting his Horse, he road through the City, crying out, All this is mine; And to those that laughed at him, he said, There was no such wonder in this, but rather that he did not throw Stones at all he met, he was so transported with Joy: Such was the Parentage and Blood of Stratonice. Now she delivered up this Castle into the hands of Pompey, and offered him many Presents of great Value, whereof he received only such as he thought might serve to adorn the Temples of the Gods, and add to the Splendour of his Triumph; the rest he left to Stratonice's Disposal, bidding her to please herself in the enjoyment of them. And in this manner did he deal with the Presents sent from the King of Iberia, who presented him with a Bedstead, Table, and a Chair of State all beaten Gold, desiring him to accept of them, but he delivered them all into the Custody of the public Treasurers for the use of the Commonwealth.  
In another Castle called Caenon, or Newfort, Pompey seized upon several secret Writing of Mithridates, which he perused with no small delight, in that they discovered in a great measure the King's Nature and Inclination; For there were Memoirs whereby it appeared, That besides divers others, he had made away his Son Ariarathes by Poison, as also Alcaeus the Sardian, for that he had gotten the better of him in a Horse-Race: There were likewise several Judgements upon the Interpretations of Dreams, some of his own Visions, and some of his Mistresses; and besides these, there was a pleasant Intercourse of wanton Love-Letters with his Concubine Monime: Now Theophanes tells us, That there was found likewise a sharp Oration of Rutilius, wherein he attempted to exasperate him even to the slaughter of all the Romans in Asia; Though most Men justly conjecture this to be a malicious Device of Theophanes, who hated Rutilius, for that he himself in comparison was but a Counterfeit to him; or perhaps it might be to gratify Pompey, whose Father is described by Rutilius in his History to be the vilest Man alive.  
From thence Pompey came to the City of Amisus, where his Ambition led him to such odious Acts, as he himself had condemned in others before; For whereas he had often and sharply reproached Lucullus, in that, while the Enemy was yet in being, he had taken upon him to establish Laws, and distribute Rewards and Honours, as Conquerors use to do only when the War was brought to an end, yet now was he himself (while Mithridates was Paramount in the Realm of Bosphorus at the Head of a puissant Army) as if all were ended, just doing the same thing, regulating the Provinces, and distributing Rewards; Many great Commanders and Princes having flocked to him, together with no less than 12 barbarous Kings; Insomuch as to gratify these other Kings, when he wrote to the King of Parthia, he would not condescend (as others used to do) in the Superscription of his Letter, to give him his Title of King of Kings.  
Moreover he had a great Desire and 
§ II. Designed for Syria, to complete his Conquests.  Emulation to take in Syria, and to march through Arabia to the Red-Sea, that he might extend his Conquest every way to the great Ocean, that does encompass the whole Earth; For in Africa he was the first Roman that advanced his Victories to the Ocean; and again in Spain, he enlarged the Roman Empire, extending its bounds to the Atlantic Sea; Then thirdly, in his late pursuit of the Albanians, he wanted but little of reaching the Hyrcanian Sea: Wherefore he raised his Camp, designing to bring the Red-Sea within the Circuit of his Expedition, especially for that he saw how difficult it was to hunt after Mithridates with an Army, and that he would prove a worse Enemy flying than fight; But yet he declared, That he would leave a sharper Enemy behind him than himself, to wit, Famine, and therefore he appointed a Guard of Ships to lie in wait for the Merchants that sailed to the Bosphorus, having prohibited all upon pain of Death that should attempt to carry Provisions or Merchandizes thither.  
Then he set forward with the greatest part of his Army, and in his March he casually happened upon several dead Bodies of the Romans uninterred, which were of those Soldiers that were unfortunately slain with Triarius in the Wars against Mithridates, these he buried all splendidly and honourably; The neglect whereof, 'tis thought, caused the first Hatred against Lucullus, and alienated the Affections of the Soldiers from him. Pompey having now by his Forces 
H● subdued the Arabians, and reduced Syria and Jud●a  under the Command of Afranius, subdued the Arabians that inhabit about the Mountain Amanus, fell himself into Syria, and finding it destitute of any natural and lawful Prince, reduced it into the form of a Province, as an Inheritance of the People of Rome. He conquered Judaea, and altered the form of Government there, having taken King Aristobulus Captive; Some Cities he built anew, and others he set at liberty, chastizing those Tyrants that brought them into Bondage. The greatest time that he spent there was in the Administration of Justice, deciding the Controversies of Kings and States, and where he himself could not be present in Person, he gave Commission to his Friends and sent them: Thus when there arose a Difference betwixt the Armenians and Parthians, touching the Title of a Country, and the Judgement was referred to him, he gave a Power by Commission to three Judges and Arbiters to hear and determine the Question: For the Name of his Power indeed was great; Neither were 
His mild Temper.  the Virtues of his Justice and Clemency inferior to that of his Power, whereby he covered a multitude of Crimes committed by his Friends and Familiars about him; for although it was not in his Nature to check or chastise an Offender, yet he would demean himself so to those that addressed with Complaints against them, that the Party grieved went always away contented, forgetting the Injuries, and patiently bearing even with their Covetousness and Oppression. Among these Friends of his, there 
His Favourite Demetrius.  was one Demetrius, that had the greatest Power and Influence upon him of any; he was a Bondman infranchized, one of a very good Understanding, however otherwise but a Youth, and somewhat too insolent in his good Fortune, of whom there goes this Story: Cato the Philosopher (being as yet a very young Man, but of great Judgement and a noble Mind) took a Journey of Pleasure to Antioch, having a great desire in Pompey's absence, to see the City: He therefore, as his Custom was, walked on Foot, and his Friends accompanied him on Horseback; But seeing before the Gates of the City a Multitude all in white Garments, (the young Men on one side of the Road, and the Boys on the other) he was somewhat offended at it, imagining that it was officiously done in Honour of him, which was more than he required; However he desired his Companions to alight and walk with him: But when they drew near, the Master of the Ceremonies in this Procession came out with a Garland and a Rod in his Hand, and met them, enquiring, Where they had left Demetrius? and when he would come? Whereupon Cato's Companions burst out into a Laughter, but Cato said only, Alas poor City! and passed by without any other Answer: Now, 'tis clear, that Pompey himself rendered Demetrius less odious to others, by enduring his Sauciness and Insolence against himself: For, 'tis reported how that Pompey, when he had invited his Friends to an Entertainment, would be very Ceremonious in attending till they came and were all placed, whereas Demetrius would rudely seat himself at the Table with his Head covered even to his Ears, before any one else could sit down: Moreover before his return into Italy, he had purchased the pleasantest Villa or Countryseat about Rome, with the fairest Walks and Places for Exercise, and the most complete Gardens, called by the Name of Demetrius, notwithstanding that Pompey his Master was contented with a mean and thrifty Habitation till his third Consulship. Afterwards, 'tis true, when he had erected that famous and stately Theatre for the People of Rome he built (as an Appendix to it) an House for himself much more splendid than his former, and yet as much beneath the stroke of Envy; Insomuch as he that came to be Master of that House after Pompey, could not but admire at it, and seem very Inquisitive, Where Pompey the Great used to Sup? Thus are these things reported.  
The King of Arabia Petraea, who had hitherto despised the Power of the Romans, now began to think it dreadful; and therefore dispatched Letters to him, wherein he promised to be at his Devotion, and do what he would Command; However Pompey having a desire to confirm and keep him 
He marches for Arabia Petra.  in the same Mind, marched forwards for Petra, an Expedition not altogether irreprehensible, in the opinion of many; for by this 'twas generally thought he did clearly decline the Chase of Mithridates, whereas they thought themselves bound to turn their Arms against him as their inveterate Enemy, who now had blown up the Coal again, and reinforced his shattered Troops with fresh Preparations (as 'twas reported) to lead his Army through Scythia and Pannonia into Italy: Pompey on the other side, judging it easier to break his Forces in Battle, than seize his Person in Flight, resolved not to tyre himself out in a vain Pursuit, but rather to spend his time in diverting the War upon another Enemy, as a proper Digression in the mean while. But Fortune resolved the Doubt; for whilst he was yet not far from Petra, and had pitched his Tents and encamped for that day, as he was riding and managing his Horse without the Camp, there came an Express by 
Mithridates' his Death.  the flying Post out of Pontus with good News, as was easily discernible a far off by the Heads of their Javelins that were crowned with Branches of Laurel; The Soldiers, as soon as they saw them, flocked immediately to Pompey, who notwithstanding was minded to make an end of his Exercise; but when they began to be clamorous and importunate, he alighted from his Horse, and taking the Letters, went before them into the Camp; Now there being no Tribunal erected there, nor yet any military Hillock, (such as they use to make by cutting up thick Turfs of Earth and piling them one upon another) they through eagerness and impatience heaped up a pile of Packsaddles, and Pompey standing upon that, told them the News of Mithridates his Death, how that he had laid violent hands upon himself, upon the Revolt of his Son Pharnaces, and that Pharnaces had taken all things there into his hands and possession, which he did (as his Letters speak) in right of himself and the Romans: Upon this News the whole Army expressing their Joy (as was fit) fell to their Devotion in sacrificing to the Gods and Feasting, as if in the Person of Mithridates alone there had died many thousands of their Enemies.  
Pompey by this occasion having brought this War to an end, with much more ease than was expected, departed forthwith out of Arabia, and passing cursorily through the intermediate Provinces, he came at length to the City Amisus; There he received many Presents brought from Pharnaces, and several Bodies of the Royal Blood, together with the Corpse of Mithridates himself, which was not easy to be known by the Face, (for the Chirurgeon that embalmed him had not dried up his Brain) but those who were very curious to see him, knew him by the Scars there; Pompey himself would not endure to see him, but to expiate the Wrath of the Gods, he sent it away to the City of Sinope; He admired the Riches of his Robes, no less than the greatness and splendour of his Armour; The Scabbard of his Sword (that cost 400 Talents) was stolen by Publius, and sold to Ariarathes; His Cidaris also or Crown, a piece of admirable Workmanship, being begged of Caius the Foster Brother of Mithridates, was given secretly to Faustus the Son of Sylla; All which Pompey was ignorant of, but afterwards when Pharnaces came to understand it, he severely punished those that embezzled them.  
Pompey now having ordered all things, 
§ 12.  and established that Province, he took his Journey homewards in greater Pomp and State than ever; for when he came to Mitylene, he gave the City their freedom upon the Intercession of Theophanes, and was present 
He's a Lover of Arts and Sciences.  at certain Anniversary Games or Exercises, where the Poets in a virtuous Contention rehearse their Works, having at that time no other Theme or Subject than the Actions of Pompey; but he was exceedingly pleased with the Theatre itself, and drew a Model or Platform of it, intending to erect one in Rome after the same form, but larger and with more Magnificence; When he came to Rhodes, he heard the Disputes of the Sophisters or Logicians there, and gave to every one of them a Talon; And Posidonius has written the Disputation which he held before him against Hermagoras the Rhetorician, wherein he was Opponent upon the Question touching Universal. At 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  Athens also he did the like, and showed his Munificence among the Philosophers there, as he did likewise in bestowing 50 Talents towards the repairing and beautifying the City: So that now by all these Acts he well hoped to return into Italy in the greatest Splendour and Glory of any Mortal Man, having likewise a passionate desire to be seen of his Family, where he thought he was equally desired: But that God whose Province and Charge it is always to mix some Ingredient of Evil even with the greatest and most glorious Goods of Fortune, had privily provided a bitter Potion at home for him, whereby to make his Return more sorrowful; for Mutia, during his absence, had dishonoured his Bed; Whilst he was abroad 
Mutia divorced.  at a distance, he gave little heed to the Report, but when he drew nearer to Italy, where the Report grew warmer, and that his Thoughts were at leisure to muse upon the Crime and Reproach, than he sent he a Bill of Divorce; but neither then in Writing, nor afterwards in Discourse, did her ever give a Reason why he discharged her, but the Cause is mentioned in Cicero's Epistles.  
Now there were various Rumours scattered 
Disbands his Army.  abroad touching Pompey, and were carried to Rome before him; so that there was a great Tumult and Stir, as if he designed forthwith to march with his Army directly into the City, and establish himself in a Monarchy; Thereupon Crassus withdrew himself, together with his Children and Fortunes, out of the City, either that he was really afraid, or that he counterfeited rather (as was most probable) to give credit to the Calumny, and exasperate the malice of the People. Pompey therefore, as soon as he entered into Italy, called a general Muster of the Army, and having made an Oration suitable to the Genius of the Time and his Soldiers, and rewarded them liberally, he commanded them to depart, every Man to his Country, and place of Habitation, only with this Memento, that they would not fail to meet again at his Triumph. Thus the Army being disbanded, and the News of it commonly reported, there happened out an admirable Passage; For when the Cities saw Pompey the Great unarmed, and with a small Train of Familiar Friends only, (as if he was returning from a Journey of Pleasure, not from his Conquests) they came pouring in upon him out of pure Affection and Reverence, attending and conducting him to Rome, with far greater Forces than he disbanded, insomuch that if he had designed any Stirs or Innovation in the State, he might have done it without the Assistance of his Army. Now, because the Law permitted no Man to enter into the City before the Triumph, therefore he sent to the Senate, entreating them to prorogue the Election of Consuls, and grant him the favour, that with his presence he might countenance Piso, one of the Candidates at that time; but this was sharply opposed by Cato, whereby he failed of his Design; However, Pompey could not but admire that liberty and boldness of Speech in Cato, wherewith he alone above all others, durst openly engage in the maintenance of Law and Justice; he therefore had a great desire to win him over, and purchase his Friendship at any rate; and to that end, Cato having two Nieces (Daughters of his Sister) Pompey proposed one in Marriage for himself, the other for his Son; But Cato suspected the Motion as a colourable design of corrupting and bribing his Justice by Alliance, and therefore would not hearken to it; which was heinously resented by his Wife and Sister, that he should reject an Affinity with Pompey the Great; About that time Pompey having a design of setting up Afranius for the Consulship, gave a Sum of Money among the Tribes for their Voices, some whereof was received even in his own Gardens, insomuch that when this Practice came to be bruited abroad, Pompey was very ill spoken of, for that he who had had the Honour of that Government as a just Reward of his greater Merits, should now make Merchandise of that very Honour, for one that had neither Virtue or Courage to deserve it; Whereupon Cato took occasion to tell the Ladies, Now, said he, had we contracted an Alliance with Pompey, we had been allied to this Dishonour too; which when they heard, they could not but acknowledge and subscribe to him, as one of a more piercing Judgement in Matters of Prudence and Morality than themselves.  
The Splendour and Magnificence of Pompey's 
His 3d Triumph.  Triumph was such, That (though it held the space of two days, yet) they were extremely straitened in Time; so that of what was prepared for that Pageantry, there was as much subducted, as would have set out and adorned another Triumph. But in the first place, there were Tables carried, wherein were written the Names and Titles of all those Nations over whom he triumphed, such as were, The Kingdoms of Pontus, Armenia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, Media, Colchis, Iberia, Albania, Syria, Cilicia, and Mesopotamia, together with the Countries about Phoenicia and Palestine, Judaea, Arabia, and all the Power of the Pirates subdued by Sea and Land: And in these Countries there appeared the taking of no less than 1000 Castles, nor much less than 900 Cities, together with 800 Ships of the Pirates, and the Peopling of 39 Towns that lay desolate and depopulated: Besides, there was set forth in these Tables, an account of all the Tributes throughout the Roman Empire, and how that before these Conquests, the Revenue amounted but to 5000 Myriads, whereas by his Acquisitions, 'twas advanced to 8500, and withal that for Advance at present he brought into the common Treasury of ready Money, Gold and Silver, Plate and Jewels, to the value of 20000 Talents, over and above that which had been distributed among the Soldiers, whereof he that had least▪ had 1500 Drachmas for his share, The Prisoners of War that were led in Triumph, besides the Arch-Pirates, were the Son of Tigranes, King of Armenia, with his Wife and Daughter; as also Zosime, the Wife of King Tigranes himself, and Aristobulus, King of Judaea. The Sister of King Mithridates, and her five Sons; and some Ladies of Scythia. There were likewise the Hostages of the Albanians and Iberians; and the King of Comagena; besides a vast number of Trophies, answering directly and deciphering out each particular Battle, in which he was Conqueror either himself in Person, or by his Lieutenants. But that that seemed to be his greatest Glory, and that no other Roman ever attained to, was this, That he made his third Triumph over the third part of the World; For many among the Romans had the Honour of Triumphing thrice; but his first Triumph, was over Africa, his second, over Europe, and this last, over Asia; so that he seemed in these three Triumphs, to have led the whole World in Chains.  
As for Pompey's Age, those who affect to 
§ 13.  make the Parallel exact in all things betwixt Him and Alexander the Great, would not allow him to be quite 34, whereas in truth, at that time he was near 40: Oh that he had crowned his days, and breathed out his last, even then when with Alexander's Age he had his Fortune too! But all the remainder of his Life-time was extremely unfortunate, wherein his Prosperity became odious, and his Adversity incurable; 
His Change of Fortune.  For that great Power and Authority which he had gained in the City by his greater Merits, even that was made use of only in Patronising the Iniquities of others, so that by advancing their Fortunes, he detracted from his own Glory, till at last he was dashed in pieces by the force and greatness of his own Power: And as the strongest Citadel or Fort in a Town, when it is attacked and taken by an Enemy, does then afford the same Strength to the Foe, as it had done to Friends before; so Caesar being exalted in the State by the Power of Pompey, overthrew and ruined him by the same Force and Arts by which he had trampled down others: And thus it came to pass.  
Lucullus, when he returned out of Asia, 
Impeached by Lucullus.  where he had been despitefully treated by Pompey, met with an honourable Reception from the Senate, and much more when Pompey was present; for than they encouraged him to reassume his Authority in the administration of the Government, whereas he was now grown old and unactive in Business, having given himself over to his softer Pleasures, and then enjoyment of a splendid Fortune: Hereupon he began presently to bear up against Pompey, and took him up sharply, whereby he obtained those Acts and Decrees of his, which were repealed by Pompey, to be reestablished, insomuch that by the Assistance of Cato he had a greater Interest in the Senate than Pompey: Now Pompey having fallen from his 
Joyns with the Commons.  Hopes in such an unworthy Repulse, was forced to fly to the Tribunes of the People for Refuge, and make his Interest with the light young Men of the Town; Among whom there was one Clodius (the vilest and most impudent Wretch alive) undertook him, and exposed him as a Tool to the Rabble; for he had him always at his Elbow, even beneath his Dignity, carrying him up and down among the Throngs in the Marketplace, to countenance those Laws and Speeches which he made to cajole the People, and ingratiate himself; And at last for his Reward, he demanded of Pompey (as a thing no way dishonourable but beneficial) That he should forsake Cicero his great 
Forsakes Cicero.  Friend, and one that had highly deserved of him as an Advocate in defending his Causes and Affairs in the Commonwealth; Which he obtained afterwards, for when Cicero happened to be in some Danger, and implored his Aid, he would not so much as admit him into his presence, but shutting up his Gates against those that came to mediate for him, slipped himself out at a Backdoor; whereupon Cicero fearing the extremity of Judgement, departed privately from Rome.  
About that time Caesar returning from his 
Caesar's Artifice and Consulship.  Province, happened upon a politic Device that brought him into great Favour at present, and much increased his Power for the future, but in the event proved extremely destructive both to Pompey and the Commonwealth; For now he stood Candidate for his first Consulship; and therefore well observing the Enmity betwixt Pompey and Crassus, and finding how that in applying himself and joining with one, he should make the other his Enemy, he endeavoured by all means to reconcile them, a Design in appearance very specious, savouring of great Honesty and Civility, but in truth a very subtle and treacherous Practice in him; for he well knew that opposite Parties or Factions in a Commonwealth, like Passengers in a Boat, serve to trim and balance the unsteady motions of Power there, whereas if they combine and run all over to one side, they make a dead unwieldy Weight, whereby it oversets and all falls to wreck; and therefore Cato wisely told them, who charged all the Calamities of Rome upon the Civil Wars betwixt Pompey and Caesar, That they were in a great Error, in charging all the Crime upon the last Cause; For 'twas not their Discord and Enmity, but their Unanimity and Friendship that gave the first and greatest Wound to the Commonwealth.  
Caesar being thus elected Consul, began 
Caesar c●●ts the People.  straightways to grow popular, and make an Interest with the poor and meaner sort, by preferring and establishing Laws for the 
L●xagra●ia  planting of Colonies, and for dividing of Lands; whereby he debased the Grandeur of his Magistracy, and turned his Consulship in a manner to a mere Democracy, himself appearing rather a Tribune of the People than Consul: Now when Bibulus his Colleague opposed him, and that Cato was prepared to second Bibulus, and assist him vigorously; Caesar, to be even with 
A Friend to Caesar.  them, brought Pompey into the open Court, and there directing his Speech to him before the Tribunal, demanded his Opinion touching those Laws, who gave his Approbation; Why then, (said Caesar) in case any Man should offer violence to these Laws, wilt not thou be ready in assistance to the People? Yes, (replied Pompey) I shall always be ready, and against those that threaten the Sword, I'll appear with Sword and Buckler: But nothing ever was either said or done by Pompey to that very day, that seemed more insolent or odious to all Men than that one Saying; Insomuch that his Friends endeavoured to palliate the Offence, and make an Apology for it, as a word slipped out of joint through Inadvertency; but by his Actions and Practices afterwards, it appeared plainly, that he was totally devoted to Caesar's Service; For, of a sudden, Pompey, beyond all Men's expectation, Married with Julia, the Daughter 
Marries Julia.  of Caesar, who had been affianced before, and was to be Married within a few days to Caepio: And to appease Caepio's Wrath, he gave him his own Daughter in Marriage, who had been espoused before to Faustus the Son of Sylla: But Caesar himself Married Calpurnia, the Daughter of Piso.  
Upon this Pompey made a Garrison of the City, and filling it with Soldiers, carried all things by Force as he pleased; for as Bibulus the Consul was going to Court, accompanied with Lucullus and Cato, they fell upon him of a sudden, and broke his Rods, the Ensigns of Government; and some body threw a Close-stool of Ordure upon the Head of Bibulus himself; but the two Tribunes of the People, that went among his Guards before him, were desperately wounded in the Fray: And thus by these means having cleared the Court of all their Adversaries, the Lex Agraria, or Bill for the Division of Lands, was established and passed into an Act: And not only so, but even the whole Populacy being thus decoyed and taken with this Bait, became totally at their Devotion, never regarding the Canvases of the adverse Faction, but passing quietly by Suffrage whatever they propounded: Thus they confirmed all those Acts and Decrees of Pompey, which were questioned and contested by Lucullus; and to Caesar they granted the Provinces of Gallia Cisalpina and Transalpina, together with Illyricum for five years, and likewise a Battalion of four entire Legions; Then they Elected Consuls for the year ensuing, Piso 
Piso and Gabinius Consuls.  the Father-in-Law of Caesar, and Gabinius, one of the chiefest Parasites about Pompey.  
During all these Transactions, Catulus kept close within Doors, nor did he appear publicly in Person for the space of eight Months together, notwithstanding he were Consul, but sent out Proclamations full of bitter Invectives and Accusations against them both; Cato turned Enthusiast, and as if he had been possessed with a Spirit of Divination, did nothing else in the Senate but foretell what Judgements should befall the Commonwealth and Pompey. But Lucullus pleaded Dotage, and retired upon a Writ of Ease, as one already grown Feeble and Superannuate in the Affairs of State, which gave occasion to that Satyrical Saying of Pompey, That the Fatigues of Luxury were much more unseasonable for an old Man than those of Government: Which in truth proved to be a Reflection upon himself, for not long after he himself grew Effeminate in the Embraces of a young Wife, Courting and Caressing her daily up and down through all the Gardens and Places of Pleasure in the Country, whereby he neglected all the weighty Affairs of Courts and Councils: Insomuch that Clodius, who was 
Clodius his Insolence to him.  then Tribune of the People, began to despise him, and engage in many bold Attempts against him; For when he had banished Cicero, and sent away Cato into Cyprus, under a colourable pretence of War; when Caesar was gone upon his Expedition to Gaul, and that he found how the Populacy was Devoted to him, as a Man forming all Things, and Governing according to their Pleasure, he attempted forthwith to unravel and repeal divers of Pompey's Decrees; thereupon he drew Tigranes the Captive out of Prison, and had him about with him as his Companion; he Commenced likewise Actions and Accusations against several of Pompey's Friends, designing by these Measures to take the extent of his Power: At last upon a time, when Pompey came to Court in a certain Cause, this same Clodius, accompanied with a crowd of dissolute and desperate Ruffians, and standing up in an eminent Place above the rest, uttered himself in these or the like Questions, Who's the Licentious General? What Man is that, that is to seek for a Man? And who is it that scratcheth his Head so nicely with one Finger? The Rabble, upon the Signal of shaking his Gown, with a great Shout to every Question, as 'tis usual among Songsters in the Chorus or Burden of a Song, Answered, Pompey: This indeed was no small Affliction to Pompey, a Man unaccustomed to hear any thing ill of himself, and unexperienced altogether in such kind of Rencounters; but he was most extremely grieved, when he came to understand that the Senate rejoiced at this dirty Usage, and imputed it as a just Revenge or Punishment upon him for his Treachery to Cicero: But when it happened through this Tumult in the Marketplace, that it was come even to Blows and Wounds, and that one of Clodius his Bondslaves was apprehended, creeping through the Crowd towards Pompey, with a Sword in his Hand, Pompey laying hold of this Pretence, (though perhaps otherwise apprehensive of Clodius his Insolence and Reproaches) never would go to any public Assemblies, during all the time he was Tribune, but kept close at home, and passed away his time in Consult with his Friends, by what means he might best allay the Displeasure of the Senate and Nobles against him; Among other Expedients, culeo advised the Divorce of Julia, whereby he should meet with an easy passage from Caesar's Friendship to that of the Senate; this he would not hearken to by any means: Others again advised him to call home 
He calls home Cicero.  Cicero from Banishment, a Man that was always the great Adversary of Clodius, and as great a Favourite of the Senate; to this he was easily persuaded, and therefore he brought Cicero's Brother into the Marketplace, attendèd with a strong Party, to Petition for his Return; where, after a warm Dispute, wherein several were wounded and some slain, he got the Victory of Clodius: No sooner was Cicero returned home upon this Decree, but that immediately he reconciled the Senate to Pompey; and withal, by his Rhetoric in defence of the Law for Importation of Corn, did again, in effect, make Pompey Sovereign Lord of 
Annonae prae●ectus.  all the Roman Empire by Sea and Land; For by that Law he had got within the verge of his Jurisdiction, all Ports, Staples, and Storehouses; and in short, all the Mysteries and Concerns both of the Merchant and Husbandman: Which gave occasion to that malicious Charge of Clodius, That the Law was not made because of the Dearth or scarcity of Corn, but the Dearth or scarcity of Corn was made, that they might make a Law, whereby that Power of his, which was now grown Feeble and Consumptive, might be revived again, and Pompey reinstated in a new Empire: Others looked upon it as a Politic Device of Spinther the Consul, whose Design it was to oblige Pompey with a greater Authority, that he himself might be sent in Assistance to King Ptolemy: However this is undoubtedly true, That Canidius the Tribune preferred a Law to dispatch Pompey in the Nature of an Ambassador, without an Army, attended only with two Lictors or Vergers, as a Mediator betwixt the King and his Subjects of Alexandria. Neither did this Law seem ungrateful to Pompey, though indeed the Senate cast it out upon a specious Pretence, That they were unwilling to hazard the Person of so brave a Man: However, there were found several Pamphlets scattered about the Market Place and Senate-House, intimating how grateful it would be to Ptolemy to have Pompey appointed for his General instead of Spinther: But Timagenes relates it otherwise, as if Ptolemy went away and left Egypt not out of necessity, but purely upon the persuasion of Theophanes, who designed an Advantage to Pompey, laying a Foundation for him of Wealth, and a new Command: Yet for all this, the crafty Practices of Theophanes could not make this Report so credible, but that it was rendered much more incredible by that nobler Genius of Pompey, which would never allow of such base and disingenuous Arts even in favour of his Ambition.  
Thus Pompey being appointed chief Provedore, and having within his Administration and Management all the Corn Trade, sent abroad his Factors and Agents into all Quarters, and he himself sailing into Sicily, Sardinia, and Africa, made up vast Stores of Corn. And now being just ready to set Sail upon his Voyage homeward bound, there arose a mighty Storm of Wind upon the Sea, which raised a Doubt even among the Commanders themselves, whether it were safe to break Ground or no; wherefore Pompey himself went first aboard, and commanded the Mariners to weigh Anchor, declaring with a loud Voice, That there was a necessity for them to Sail, but no necessity to Live: So that he by his Spirit and Courage (having met with that Fortune which favours the Bold) made a prosperous Return, whereby his Granaries were stored, the Markets all filled with Corn, and the Sea with Ships; Insomuch that this great plenty and abundance of Provisions yielded a sufficient Supply, not only to the City of Rome, but even Foreigners too, dispersing itself, like a lively Fountain, through many Rivulets, into all Quarters of Italy.  
All this time Caesar grew great, and was 
§ 14. Caesar's Practices.  highly extolled for his Wars and Conquests in Gaul, and when in appearance he seemed farthest distant from Rome, as if he had been entangled in the Affairs of Belgia, Suevia, and Brittany, than in truth was he working craftily by secret Practices in the midst of the People, and countermining Pompey in his chiefest Designs: For having his Army always about him as his Body, 'twas not his Design to weaken or impair it in a formal War against the barbarous Enemy, but by light Skirmishes only, no otherwise than in Sports of Hunting or Hawking, to exercise and harden it, whereby he made it invincible and dreadful to the World: Then for his Gold and Silver, (which was infinite) together with those incredible Spoils, and other Treasures which he had taken from the Enemy in his Conquests, all those he sent to Rome in Presents, and Bribes, tempting and corrupting the Aediles, Praetors, and Consuls, together with their Wives, whereby he purchased to himself a multitude of Friends; Insomuch that when he passed back again over the Alps, and took up his Winter-Quarters in the City of Luca, there flocked to him an infinite number of the common People Men and Women even in Strife, and likewise 200 Senators at least, among whom were Pompey and Crassus; so that there were to be seen at once before Caesar's Gates no less than sixscore Rods or Maces of Proconsul's and Praetor's. As for the rest of his Addressors, he sent them all away full fraught with Hopes and Money; but for Crassus and Pompey, he entered into private Covenants and Articles of Agreement with them, That they should stand Candidates for the Consulship next Year: That Caesar on his part should send a good Company of Soldiers to give their Votes at the Election: That as soon as they were Elected, they should use their Interest to have the Government of some Provinces and Legions assigned to themselves, and that Caesar should have his Charge now in being confirmed to him for five Years more: But afterwards when these Designs came to be discovered and noised abroad, the Matter was heinously resented by many Persons of the greatest Quality in Rome; and therefore Marcellinus once in an open Assembly of the People, demanded of them both, Whether they designed to Sue for the Consulship or no? And being urged by the People for their Answer, Pompey spoke first and told them, Perhaps he would Sue for it, perhaps he would not; But Crassus was somewhat more politic, and said, That for his part he would be ready to do what should be judged most agreeable with the Interest of the Commonwealth: However Marcellinus still inveighing against Pompey, and seeming to reflect upon him more bitterly, Pompey replied as sharply, That this Marcellinus was a most ungodly Wretch, without either Gratitude or Honour, for that by him he was made an Orator of a Mute, and of a poor Staruling, one glutted even to a Vomit.  
Now notwithstanding divers fell off from their Pretences, and forsook their Canvas for the Consulship, yet Cato persuaded and encouraged Lucius Domitius not to desist, For that, said he, the Contest now is not for Government, but for liberty against Tyrants and Usurpers. Wherefore those of Pompey's Party, fearing that inflexible Constancy in Cato, (whereby he ruled and governed the whole Senate) lest by that likewise he should pervert and draw after him all the well-affected part of the Commonalty, resolved to withstand Domitius at first, and prevent his entrance into the Marketplace; To this end therefore they sent in a Band of armed Men, who, at the first Onset, slew the Torchbearer of Domitius, as he was leading the way before him, and immediately put all the rest to Flight; last of all Cato himself retired, having received a Wound upon his right Arm in defence of Domitius. Thus, by these means and practices they obtained the Government, neither indeed did they behave themselves with more decency throughout all the rest of their Actions; But in the first place, when the People were choosing Cato Praetor, and just ready with their Votes for the Poll, Pompey broke up the Assembly, charging his Reasons upon the Augury, as if there had appeared something inauspicious in the Heavens; and thereupon having corrupted the Tribes, they publicly proclaimed Antias and Vatinius, Praetors: Then in pursuance of their Covenants with Caesar, they published several Edicts by Trebonian the Tribune, whereby they made an Enlargement of Caesar's Commission according to Agreement, measuring out another five years Charge to his former Province; To Crassus there was appointed Syria, and the Parthian War; And to Pompey himself all Africa, together with both Spain's, and four Legions of Soldiers, whereof two he lent to Caesar, upon his request for the Wars in Gaul.  
Crassus' upon the expiration of his Consulship, departed forthwith into his Province; But Pompey spent some time in Rome, upon the opening or dedication of his Theatre, 
Pompey's Theatre.  where he treated the People with all manner of Games, Shows, and Exercises, as well Warlike as those of the Muses; there was likewise the Hunting or Baiting of wild Beasts, and Combats with them, wherein 500 Lions were slain; But above all, the Battle of Elephants was a Spectacle full of Horror and Amazement.  
These noble Entertainments brought him in great Esteem with the People, whereby he was highly admired and beloved; but on the other side he created no less Envy to himself, in that he committed the Government of his Provinces and Legions into the Hands of Friends, as his Lieutenants, whilst he himself was wantonly rambling up and down, and caressing his Wife throughout all the Delicacies of Italy; whether he doted upon her as a real Lover, or whether he could not find in his Heart to leave her, who was such a Lover of him? is somewhat 
Julia's Love to him.  doubtful; But this is certain, that there was nothing more famous and common in Discourse, than the passion of this young Lady for her Husband; not that she was in Love with Pompey for the flower of his Age, but because of his assured Chastity, as knowing no other Woman, but that one he had Wedded; Besides, though in his Carriage he had a majestic Gravity, yet his Conversation was not Morose, but extremely agreeable, and taking among the Women, unless we will arraign the evidence of Flora the Courtesan. Now it happened in a public Assembly, as they were at an Election of the Aediles, that the People came to Blows, and divers about Pompey were slain, so that he, finding himself all bloody, ordered a change of Apparel; but the Servants who brought home his clothes, making a great Bu●tle and Hurry about the House, it chanced that the young Lady (who was then with Child) saw his Gown all stained with Blood, whereupon she dropped immediately into a Swoon, and was hardly brought to Life again; however, what with her Fright and Passion together, she fell in Labour and Miscarried: Wherefore even those who chiefly censured Pompey for his Friendship to Caesar, could not reprove him for his Affection to his Lady, who had such a Passion for him. Afterwards she was great again, and brought to Bed of a Daughter, but died in Childbed, neither 
The Death of Julia.  did the Infant outlive her Mother many days: Pompey had prepared all things for the Interment of her Corpse at Alba, but the People seized upon it by force, and performed the Solemnities of her Funeral in the Field of Mars, rather in Compassion to the young Lady, than in Favour either of Pompey or Caesar; and yet of these two, the People seemed at that time to pay Caesar a greater share of Honour in his absence, than to Pompey, though he was present.  
From hence, the City began to waver, 
Causes of the Civil War.  and feel new Commotions; for all things grew Tumultuous, and every Body's Discourse tended to Sedition, as soon as Death had put an end to that Relation, which hitherto had been a Disguise rather than Restraint to the Ambition of these Men: Besides, not long after came an Express from Parthia with Intelligence of the Death of Crassus there, whereby another manifest Obstacle of a Civil War was taken away; for they had both an Eye thither, and that awe of him kept them together in a fair Correspondence all his Life-time; but when Fortune had taken away this Second, whose Province it was to revenge the Quarrel of the Conquered, you might then say with the Comedian,  

See, how the Combatants begin!  
How they anoint each others Skin,  
And chafe their hands in dust again.   
So inconsiderable a thing is Fortune, in respect of humane Nature! and so little Content can it give to a Covetous Mind, That an Empire of that mighty Extent and Sway could not satisfy the Ambition of two Men, and though they knew and had read,  

The Gods, when they divided out 'twixt Three,  
This massy Universe, Heaven, Hell, and Sea,  
Each God sat down contented on his Throne,  
And undisturbed each God enjoys his own.   
Yet they thought the whole Roman Empire not sufficient to contain them, though they were but Two.  
But Pompey, in an Oration to the People told them plainly, that he ever came into Office before he expected he should, and that he always left it sooner than they expected he would; and indeed the disbanding of all his Armies always witnessed as much: Yet when he perceived that Caesar would not so willingly discharge his Forces, he then endeavoured to strengthen himself against him by Offices and Commands in the City; neither indeed did he attempt any other Innovation; and yet all this while he would not seem to distrust, but rather to despise and contemn him; But when he saw how they bestowed the Places of Government quite contrary to his opinion, because the Citizens were bribed in their Elections, he left the City without any Government at all. Hereupon there was mention straightway made, and the News ran current of a Dictator; Now Lucilius, a Tribune of the People, was the bold Man that first adventured ●o propose it, encouraging the People to make choice of Pompey for their Dictator; but the Tribune was in danger of being turned out of his Office, by the opposition that Cato made against it: And for Pompey, many of his Friends appeared and pleaded his excuse, alleging, That he never was desirous of that Government, neither would he accept of it. Cato therefore making a large Harangue in commendation of Pompey, and exhorting him to be careful of good Order in the Commonwealth, he could not for shame but yield to it, and so Domitius and Messala were elected Consuls.  
Afterwards when there was another Anarchy or Vacancy in the Government, and the Discourses of a Dictator were much hotter than before, those of Cato's Party fearing lest they should make Pompey, thought it Policy to keep him from that Arbitrary and Tyrannical Power, by giving him an Office of more legal Authority; Nay, even Bibulus himself, who was Pompey's Enemy, first gave his Vote that Pompey should be created Consul alone; alleging, That by these means, either the Commonwealth would be freed from its present Confusion, or that its Bondage should be lessened by serving the worthiest: This was looked upon as a very strange Opinion, considering the Man that spoke it; and therefore Cato standing up, every body expected that he would have opposed it, but after Silence made, he told them plainly, That for his own part he would never have been the Author of that Advice himself, but since it was propounded by another, his Advice was to follow it, adding, That any form of Government was better than none at all; 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  and that in a time so full of Distraction, he thought no Man fitter to Govern than Pompey. This Counsel was unanimously approved of, and an Act passed, That Pompey should be made sole Consul, with this Clause, 
He is chose Consul alone  That if he thought it necessary to have a Colleague, he might choose whom he pleased, provided it were not till after Two Months expired.  
Thus was Pompey created and declared 
§. 15.  sole Consul by Sulpitius, Regent in this Vacancy; Upon which he made a very civil Compliment to Cato, with many thanks for the Honour he had done him, and desiring his Assistance in the Privy Counsel of his Government; To this Cato replied, That Pompey had no reason to thank him, for all that he had said, was in favour of the Commonwealth, not of Pompey; but that he would be always ready to serve him in the quality of a privy Counsellor, if he please to require it, if not, yet he would be sure to speak in public what he thought was for the Interest of the Commonwealth; So just was Cato in all his Actions.  
No sooner did Pompey return into the City, 
Marries Cornelia.  but he Married Cornelia, the Daughter of Metellus Scipio, not a Virgin but Widow, the late Relict of Publius, (the Son of Crassus) who died in Parthia, and with whom she cohabited from her Virginity: This Lady, besides the Charms of her Beauty, had many attractive Qualities from her Education, for she was learned enough in most Sciences, played well upon the Lute, was skilled in Geometry, and took great pleasure in hearing Discourses of Philosophy; To these may be added her Graces in Morality, and in this she was extremely commendable, that her Humour was free from Peevishness and Curiosity, Vices very common to Ladies of such liberal Endowments. Her Father also was very considerable, as well in the Honour of his Family, as that of his own Virtues; however, these unequal Marriages were not very pleasing to some sort of People; for Cornelia's Age was more agreeable with that of Pompey's Son than his own: But the wiser sort thought the Concerns of the City quite neglected, when he (to whom alone they had committed their broken Fortunes, and from whom alone, as from their Physician, they expected a cure to these Distractions) went crowned with Garlands, and was revelling in his Nuptial Feasts: never considering, that this Consulship was a public Calamity, which would never have been given him, contrary to the Rules of Law, had his Country been in a flourishing State. Yet afterwards he took cognizance of those that got into Offices by Gifts and Bribery, and enacted Laws and Ordinances, setting forth the Rules and Judgement by which they should be arraigned and impleaded; thus he regulating all things with Gravity and Justice, gave Security, Order, and Silence to their Courts of Judicature, himself giving his presence there with a Band of Soldiers. But the Case was altered when his Father-in-law Scipio was accused, there he sent for the 360 Judges to his House, and entreated them to be favourable to him, whereupon his Accuser seeing Scipio come into the Court accompanied by the Judges themselves, let fall his Suit: Upon this Pompey was very ill spoken of, and much worse in the Case of Plancus; for whereas he himself had made a Law, wherein 'twas enacted, That no Man should speak in praise of an Offender, yet, notwithstanding this Prohibition, he came into Court, and spoke openly in commendation of Plancus; insomuch that Cato (who happened to be one of the Judges at that time) stopping his Ears with his Hands, told him, He could not in Honour hear an Offender commended contrary to Law; thereupon Cato was refused and set aside from being a Judge before Sentence was given, but Plancus was condemned by the rest of the Judges to Pompey's Dishonour: Shortly after Hypseus, a Man of Consular Dignity, endeavouring to avoid an Impeachment, waited for Pompey's Return from Bath to Supper, and falling down at his Feet, implored his Favour, but he disdainfully passed him by, saying, That he did nothing else but Spoil his Supper: This Partiality was looked upon as a great Fault in Pompey, and highly condemned; however, he managed all things else discreetly, and having put the Government in very good Order, he chose his Father-in-law to be his Colleague in the Consulship for the last five Months: His Provinces also were continued to him for the term of Four Years longer, with a Commission to take 1000 Talents yearly out of the Treasury for the payment of his Army.  
This gave occasion to some of Caesar's Friends to think it reasonable, That some Consideration should be had of him too, who had done such signal Services in War, and fought so many bloody Battles for the Honour and Interest of the Roman Empire, alleging, That he deserved at least a second Consulship, or to have the Government of his Province continued, whereby he might command and enjoy in Peace what he had obtained in War, and that no Successor might reap the fruits of his Labour, and raise a fame upon the glory of his Actions. There arising some Debate about this Matter Pompey took upon him, as it were out of kindness to Caesar, to plead his Cause, and allay that Hatred of the People that was conceived against him, telling them, That he had then received a Letter from Caesar, wherein he desired a Successor, and to be discharged from the War, but hoped withal, that they would give him leave to stand for the Consulship though in his absence; But those of Cato's Party stoutly withstood it, saying, That if he expected any Favour from the Citizens, he ought to leave his Army, and come in a private Capacity to canvas for it: Wherefore Pompey seeming so easily satisfied, in that he made no Reply, gave a greater suspicion of his specious Inclinations towards Caesar, especially when under pretence of his War with Parthia, he sent for his two Legions which he had lent him; however Caesar, though he well knew for what Design sign he wanted them, sent them home very liberally rewarded.  
About that time Pompey recovered of a dangerous Fit of Sickness that seized him at Naples, and there the whole City, upon the 
His Recovery a● Naples  Persuasion of Praxagoras, made Sacrifices to the Gods for his Recovery; Those of the neighbouring Towns likewise happening to follow their Example, the Humour was carried on throughout all Italy; so that there was not a City either great or small, that did not feast and rejoice for many days together: And the Company of those that came from all Parts to meet him was so numerous, that no place was able to contain them, but the Villages, Seaport Towns, and the very Highways, were all full of People, feasting and sacrificing to the Gods: Nay, many went to meet him with Garlands on their Heads, and Flambeaux in their Hands, casting Flowers and Nosegays upon him as he went along; so that this Progress of his and Reception was one of the noblest and most glorious Sights imaginable: And yet 'tis thought that this very thing was not one of the least Causes 
Another Cause of ●●● War.  and Occasions of the Civil War; for Pompey judging of the People's Affections by their Actions, together with the greatness of their Joy, was grown to that height of Pride and Conceit, that (having laid aside that prudent Conduct and Caution which had hitherto secured and crowned all his Actions with good Success) he entertained a most extravagant Confidence of his own, and Contempt of Caesar's Power; insomuch that he thought neither Force nor Care necessary against him, but that he could pull him down much easier than he had set him up: Besides this, there was Appius (under whose Command, those Legions which Pompey lent to Caesar, were returned) coming lately out of Gaul, very much vilified Caesar's Actions there, and gave out scandalous Reports in derogation of his Honour, telling Pompey, That he was unacquainted with his own Strength and Reputation, if he made use of any other Forces against Caesar than his own, for such was the Soldiers Hatred to Caesar, and their Love to Pompey so great, that they would all come over to him upon his first▪ Appearance. By these Flatteries was Pompey strangely puffed up, and his Confidence had wrought him into such a careless Security, that he could not choose but laugh at those who seemed to fear a War: And when some were saying, That if Caesar should bend his Forces against the City, they could not see what Power was able to resist him, he replied with a scornful Smile, bidding them take no care of that, for, said he, Whenever I stamp with my Foot in any part of Italy, there will rise up Forces enough in an instant both Horse and Foot.  
Now Caesar on the other side was more 
§. 16.  vigorous in his Proceedings, himself always at hand hover about the Frontiers of Italy, and sending some of his Soldiers continually into the City to attend all Elections with their Votes; Besides this, he corrupted divers of the Magistrates, and brought them over to his Party by Pensions; whereof Paulus the Consul was one, who was wrought over by a Bribe of 1500 Talents: And Curio, a Tribune of the People, by a discharge of all his Debts which he had contracted without number; together with Mark Anthony, who out of Friendship to Curio, became bound with him in the same Obligations for them all. And 'tis undoubtedly true, That a Centurion of Caesar's waiting at the Senate-House, and hearing that the Senate refused to give him a larger term in the continuance of his Government, clapped his Hand upon his Sword, and said, But this shall give it▪ and indeed all his Practices and Preparations were in order to this end. Now Curio's Demands and Request in favour of Caesar were much more popular in appearance, for he desired one of these two things, either That Pompey should put away his Army, or that Caesar's should not be taken away from him; For if both of them were private Persons common Humanity would keep them within the bounds of their Duty; or if they were of equal Authority, they would be a balance to each other, and sit down contented with their Lot: but he that weakens one, does at the same time strengthen the other, and so doubles that very Strength and Power▪ which he stood in fear of before. Marcellus the Consul replied nothing to all this, but that Caesar was a Thief, and should be proclaimed an Enemy to the State, if he did not disband his Army. However Curio with the Assistance of Anthony and Piso prevailed, that the Matter in Debate should be put to the Question, and decided by Vote in the Senate: So that it being ordered upon the Question for those to withdraw, who were of opinion, That Caesar only should lay down his Army, and Pompey command, the Majority withdrew. But when 'twas ordered again for those to withdraw whose Vote was▪ That both should lay down their Arms, and neither command, there were but 22 for Pompey, all the rest remained of Curio's side: Whereupon he, as one proud of his Conquest, leapt out for Joy among the People, who received him with as great tokens of Joy, clapping their Hands, and crowning him with Garlands and Flowers: Pompey was not then present in the Senate▪ because it is not lawful for the General of an Army to come into the City. But Marcellus rising up, said, That he would not sit there hearing Speeches, when he saw that ten Legions had already passed the Alps in their March toward the City, but that he would send a Man of equal Authority against them in defence of their Country: Upon this the City went into Mourning, as in a public Calamity, and Marcellus (accompanied by the Senate) went solemnly through the City towards Pompey, and spoke thus to him, Pompey, I command thee to appear in defence of thy Country, with those Forces thou hast at present in readiness, and to raise more with all speed: Lentulus the Consul elect for the Year following, spoke much to the same purpose; But Anthony▪ contrary to an Order of Senate, in a public Assembly, read a Letter of Caesar's, containing many fair Overtures, at leastwise very obliging to the common People, wherein he desired▪ That both Pompey and he quitting their Governments, and dismissing their Armies should submit to the Judgement of the People, and give an account of their Actions before them; insomuch that when Pompey began to make his Levies, and muster up his new-raised Soldiers, he found himself disappointed in his Expectations: Some few indeed came in, but those very unwillingly; others would not answer to their Names, and the generality cried out for Peace. Lentulus, notwithstanding he was now entered upon his Consulship, would not assemble the Senate; but Cicero, who was lately returned from Cilicia, laboured for a Reconciliation, proposing, That Caesar should leave his Province of Gaul and Army, reserving two Legions only, together with the Government of Illyricum, and to be had in nomination for a second Consulship: Pompey disliking this motion, Caesar's Friends were contented that he should quit one of his Legions too; but Lentulus still opposing, and Cato crying out, That Pompey did ill to be deceived again, the Reconciliation did not take effect.  
In the mean time News was brought, 
Caesar marches towards Rome.  That Caesar had taken Ariminum, a great City in Italy, and was marching directly towards Rome, with all his Forces; but this latter was altogether false, for he had no more with him at that time than 300 Horse and 5000▪ Foot, and would not tarry for the Body of his Army, which lay beyond the Alps, choosing rather by surprise to fall in of a sudden upon his Enemies, (while they were in Confusion, and did not expect him) than to give them time to make Preparations for War. For when he came to the Bank of Rubicon, (a River that made the bounds of his own Province towards Italy) there he made a Halt, pausing a little, and considering with himself the greatness of that Enterprise which he had undertaken; then at last, (like Men that are throwing themselves headlong from some Precipice into a vast Abyss) having blinded and withdrawn his mind from the thoughts of Danger, he transported his Army, saying this only to those that were present with a loud voice in the Greek Language, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; that is, Let the Die be Cast. No sooner was the News arrived, but there was an Uproar throughout all the City, and a Consternation in the People even to astonishment, such as never was known in Rome▪ before; all the Senate ran immediately to Pompey, and the Magistrates followed: Now when Tullus made enquiry touching his Legions and Forces, Pompey seemed to pause a little, and answered with some hesitation, That he had those two Legions ready that Caesar sent back, and for his new raised Forces, he believed they would shortly make up a Battalion of 30000 Men; but Tullus replied with a loud voice, O Pompey▪ thou hast deceived us! and presently gave his Advice to dispatch Ambassadors to Caesar. Favonius (who was no ill Man, otherwise than in his petulant and abusive way of Talking, which he seemed to affect, in imitation of Cato's freedom of Speech) he bid Pompey stamp upon the ground, and call forth the Forces he had promised. But Pompey very patiently bore with all this unseasonable Raillery; so that Cato putting him in mind of what he had foretold from the very beginning touching Caesar, he made this Answer only, That Cato indeed had spoke more like a Prophet, but he had acted more like a Friend. Cato then advised them to choose Pompey General, with absolute Power and Authority, saying, That the same Men who do great Evils, know best how to Cure them. He therefore went his way forthwith into Sicily, the Province that was allotted him; and all the rest of the Senators likewise departed, every one to his respective Government.  
Thus all Italy, in a manner, being up in 
§. 17.  Arms, it seemed very doubtful what was best to be done: For they that were without, came from all Parts flocking into the City; and they that were within, seeing the Confusion and Disorder so great there, went out and forsook it as fast; They that were willing to obey were found too weak for Service, and the Disobedient were found too strong to be governed by the Magistrates: Nay, it was so far from being possible to allay their Fears, that they would not suffer Pompey to follow his own Judgement, but every Man would have him act according to his particular Fancy, whether it proceeded from Doubt, Fear, Grief, or any meaner Passion; whereby they became so disordered in their apprehension of things, that even in the same day they were often forced to make use of quite contrary Counsels: Then again, 'twas altogether as impossible to have any good intelligence of his Enemies, for what each Man heard by chance upon a flying Rumour, he would report for truth, and take it heinously of Pompey if he did not believe it,  
Pompey at length seeing such a Confusion 
Pompey l●●●●s. Rome.  in Rome, determined with himself to put an end to their Clamours by his Departure; and therefore commanding all the Senate to follow him, and declaring, That whosoever tarried behind, should be judged a Confederate of Caesar's; about the dusk of the Evening, he went out and left the City; the Consuls also followed after in a Hurry, without offering any Sacrifice to the Gods, as is usual before a War. But above all, Pompey himself was extremely fortunate, that even in the midst of all these Calamities, he had the Love and goodwill of the People; for though many condemned the War, and Office of a General, yet no Man hated the General himself; insomuch as there were more to be found of those that went out of Rome, for that they would not forsake Pompey, than of those that fled for love of their Liberty.  
Some few days after, Pompey was gone 
Caesar enters the City and pursues him.  out, Caesar came into the City, and made himself Master of it, treating all the rest with a great deal of Courtesy, and appeasing their Fears, all except Metellus, one of the Tribunes; but when he refused to let him take any Money out of the common Treasury, Caesar threatened him with death, adding a sharper Sentence to his Threats▪ That it was far easier for him to do it than say it: Thereupon, after he had turned Metellus out of his Office, and taken what Monies were of use for his occasions, he set forwards in pursuit of Pompey, endeavouring with all speed to drive him out of Italy, before his Army, that was in Spain, could join with him.  
But Pompey arriving at Brundisium, and 
Pompey sends his Army from Brundisium to Dyrrachium.  having provided a Fleet of Ships there, the two Consuls embarked immediately, and with them there were shipped off 30 Cohorts or Regiments of Foot bound before him for Dyrrachium: He sent likewise his Father-in-law Scipio, and C●eus his Son, into Syria, to provide and fit out a Fleet there; himself in the mean time having barred up the Gates, and fortified the Works of the City, placed his lightest Soldiers as Guards upon the Walls; and giving express Orders that the Citizens should keep within door, he cast up divers Trenches and Rampires (which he fortified with Palisadoes or sharppointed Piles) throughout all the Streets of the City, except only those two that lead down to the Seaside or Haven.  
Thus in three days space having with ease put all the rest of his Army on Shipboard, he suddenly gave the Signal to those that guarded the Walls, who as nimbly repairing to the Ships, were received and transported: Caesar, when he perceived the Walls unguarded, imagining with himself that they were fled, made haste after, but in the heat of the pursuit was very nigh falling upon the Stakes and Trenches, had not the Brundusians prevented him; wherefore he wheeled about, and fetching a compass round the City, made towards the Haven, where he found all the Fleet under Sail, excepting only two Vessels that had but a few Soldiers aboard.  
Some are of opinion, That this Departure 
He is censured for leaving Italy.  of Pompey's is to be ranged among the best of his Stratagems▪ but Caesar himself could not but admire that he (who was engarrisoned in a City well Fortified, who was in expectation of his Forces from Spain, and was Master of the Sea besides) should ever leave and depart out of Italy: Cicero likewise blamed him, in that he followed the Counsels of Themistocles, rather than of Pericles, whereas the state of his Affairs was more agreeable to the Circumstances of the latter, than those of the former: However, it appeared plainly, and Caesar showed it by his Actions, that he was in great fear of the Times; for when he had taken Numerius, a Friend of Pompey's Prisoner, he sent him as an Ambassador to Brundisium, with offers of Peace and Reconciliation upon equal terms; but Numerius sailed away with Pompey: And now Caesar being Master of all Italy, in 60 days, without a drop of Bloodshed, had a great desire forthwith to follow Pompey; but being destitute of Shipping, 
Caesar goes for Spain.  he was forced to divert his course, and march into Spain, designing to join those Forces of Pompey there to his own.  
In the mean time Pompey had raised a 
Pompey's Army in Greece.  mighty Army both by Sea and Land; As for his Navy, 'twas altogether invincible, for there were 500 Men of War, besides an infinite company of Galliots, Foists, and Pinnaces: Then for his Land-Forces, the Cavalry made up a Body of 7000 Horse, the very flower of Rome and Italy, Men of Honour, Wealth, and Courage; but the Infantry was a mixture of raw and unexperienced Soldiers, and therefore he exercised and trained them up daily near the City Beraea, (where he had quartered and lodged his Army) himself no ways slothful, but performing all his Exercises as if he had been in the flower of his Youth: This exemplary Conduct raised the Spirits of his Soldiers extremely, for it was no small Encouragement for them to see Pompey the Great, 60 Years of Age wanting two, one while trailing a Pike, and handling his Arms among the Foot in all his Postures; then again mounted among the Horse, drawing out his Sword with ease in full career, and sheathing it up as easily; And in darting the Javelin, there he showed not only his skill and dexterity in hitting the Mark, but his strength and activity in throwing it so far, that few of the youngest went beyond him.  
Several Kings and Princes of other Nations 
Of th●se that resorted to him.  came thither to him, but there was a glorious appearance of Roman Magistrates, and so numerous, that they made up a complete Senate; Labienus forsook his old Friend Caesar, (whom he had served throughout all his Wars in Gaul) and came over to Pompey; And Brutus, Son to that Brutus that was put to Death in Gaul, a Man of great Spirit, and one that to that day had never so much as saluted or spoke to Pompey (looking upon him as the Murderer of his Father) came then and submitted himself to him, as the defender of their Liberty: Cicero likewise, (though he wrote and advised otherwise, yet) was ashamed not to be accounted in the number of those that would hazard their Lives and Fortunes for the safeguard of their Country: And last of all there came to him even into Macedonia, Tidius Sextus, a Man extremely Old, and Lame of one Leg; others indeed mocked and laughed at the Spectacle, but Pompey, as soon as he saw him, rose and ran to meet him, esteeming it no small assurance of their goodwill, when Men of such Age and Infirmities should rather choose to be with him in danger, than in safety at home. Afterwards in a Council of War there passed a Decree, which was pronounced by Cato as Precedent, That no Roman Citizen should be put to Death but in Battle, and that they should not Sack or Plunder any City that was subject to the Roman Empire: By these means Pompey's Party grew into greater Reputation, insomuch that they, who were no ways at all concerned in the War, (either because they dwelled afar off, or were thought incapable by reason of their Infirmities) were yet in their opinions of his side, and did in all their Discourses even fight for his Cause, calling it the good or just Cause, esteeming those as Enemies to the Gods and Men, that wished not Victory to Pompey.  
Neither was Pompey's Clemency such, 
§. 18.  but that Caesar likewise showed himself as merciful a Conqueror; for when he had taken and overthrown all Pompey's Forces in Spain, he gave them Quarter, leaving the Commanders at their Liberty, and taking the common Soldiers into his own Pay: Then repassing the Alps, and making a running March through Italy, he came to Brundisium about the Winter Solstice, and crossing the Sea there, landed at the Port of Oricum: Now Caesar having Jubius (an intimate Friend of Pompey's) with him as his Prisoner, dispatched him to Pompey, in an Embassage, entreating, That they meeting together in a Conference, as one should disband both their Armies within three days, and renewing their former Friendship with solemn Oaths, should return together into Italy. Pompey looked upon this again as some new Stratagem or Device; and therefore marching down in all haste towards the Sea-Coast, possessed himself of all Forts and Places of Strength, (fit to encamp in, and secure his Land-Forces) as likewise of all Ports and Harbours commodious to receive any that came by Sea; so that what Wind soever blue, it must needs in some way or other be favourable to him, bringing in either Provision, Men, or Money: But Caesar, on the contrary, was so distressed both by Sea and Land, that he was forced to desire Battle, daily provoking the Enemy, and assailing them in their very Forts; and in these light Skirmishes for the most part had the better, only once he was dangerously overthrown, and likely to have lost his whole Army: For Pompey having valiantly reinforced the Battle, made a desperate Charge upon him, even to a total Rout of all his Army, and the Slaughter of 2000 upon the Place; but either he was not able to force their Camp, or he was afraid to fall in pellmell together with them: Insomuch as Caesar told some of his Friends, Pompey's Soldiers were so mightily encouraged by this Victory that they would needs have it put to the decision of a Battle; but Pompey himself (though he wrote to Foreign Kings, Princes, and States in Confederacy with him, as a Conqueror, yet) was afraid to hazard the Success of a Battle, choosing rather by delays, and distress of Provisions, to tyre out those who had never yet been Conquered by force of Arms, but had always, when they fought in a body, been accustomed to Victory: Besides the Infirmities of their Age, which now made them quickly weary of those other Hardships of War, (such as were long Marches, and frequent Decamping, making of Trenches, and building of Fortifications) made them willing to fight and venture the Battle with all speed.  
Pompey had all along hitherto by his Persuasions, pretty well quieted his Soldiers; but after this last Engagement, when Caesar for want of Provisions was forced to raise his Camp, and had passed through Athamania into Thessaly, it was impossible to curb or allay the heat of their Spirits any longer; For all crying out with a general Voice, That Caesar is fled, some were for pursuing and pressing upon him; others for returning into Italy; some there were that sent their Friends and Servants before hand to Rome, to hire Houses near the Forum or Marketplace, whereby they might be in a readiness to sue for Offices and Places in the Government: But several were so vain as to sail for Lesbos, in a Compliment to Cornelia, with this joyful News, That the War was brought to an end; (for Pompey had privately conveyed her thither from the Tumults in Rome.) Hereupon a Council of War was called, and the Matter being under debate, Afranius was of Opinion, That Italy should first be regained, for that it was the grand Prize and Crown of all the War; and withal they who were Masters of that, would quickly have at their Devotion all the Provinces of Sicilia, Sardinia, Corsica, Spain, and Gaul; but what was of greatest weight and moment, 'twas his own native Country that lay near, reaching out her Hand for his Help; and certainly it could not be consistent with Pompey's Honour to leave her thus exposed to all Indignities, and in Bondage under Slaves, and the Flatterers of a Tyrant. But Pompey himself on the contrary, thought it neither honourable to fly a second time before Caesar, and be pursued, when Fortune had given him the Advantage of a Pursuit; nor indeed lawful before the Gods, to forsake Scipio, and divers other Men of consular Dignity dispersed throughout Greece and Thessaly, who must necessarily fall into Caesar's Hands, together with all their Wealth and greater Forces: Then as to his Care for the City of Rome, that would most eminently appear, by removing the Scene of War to a greater distance, whereby she, being every way insensible of those Calamities that attend a War, might in Peace expect the Return of her Conqueror.  
With this determination Pompey marched 
He follows Caesar into Thessaly.  forwards in pursuit of Caesar, firmly resolved with himself not to give him Battle, but rather to Besiege and distress him, by keeping close at his heels, straightening his Quarters, and cutting off all necessary Reliefs: Now there were other Reasons that made him continue this Resolution, but especially a Combination among the Roman Knights that came to his Ear, wherein they designed as soon as Caesar▪ was overthrown, to humble him too; and therefore, some report, it was for this Reason that Pompey never employed Cato in any Matter of consequence during the whole War; yet now, when he pursued Caesar, he left him to guard his Baggage by Sea, fearing, if Caesar should be taken off, lest, by Cato's means, he likewise not long after should be forced to lay down his Commission.  
Whilst he was thus slowly attending the Motions of the Enemy, his Friends began to charge upon him many Reproaches and Imputations, as if he did not use this Stratagem to deceive Caesar, but his Country and the Senate, that he might always continue in Authority, and never cease to keep those for his Guards and Servants who themselves were worthy to govern the World; besides that scoffing way of Domitius Aenobarbus, continually calling him Agamemnon, and King of Kings, rendered him very odious: And Favonius his unseasonable Raillery, did him no less injury, than those that took upon them a greater liberty of Speech, when in Drollery he cried out▪ My Masters! you must not expect to gather any Figs in Tusculan this year. But Lucius Afranius (who had lain under an imputation of Treachery in Betraying the Army in Spain) when he perceived that Pompey did industriously decline an Engagement, declared openly, That he could not but admire, why those who were so ready to accuse him, did not go themselves and fight that Merchant of their Provinces.  
With these and many such like Speeches they wrought upon Pompey, (a Man of that Honour and Modesty, that he could not bear a Reproach, neither would he disoblige his Friends) and forced him to break his Measures, so that he forsook his own prudent Resolution, only to follow their vain Hopes and Desires: Now if such an unsteady Conduct is unblamable in the Pilot of a Ship, how much more in an Emperor, or the Sovereign Commander of such an Army, and so many Nations; but he (though he has often commended those Physicians who did not comply with the humorous Appetites of their Patients, yet) himself could not but yield to the Diseased part of his Army, rather than he would use any severity in the Cure; and indeed, who would not judge it Insanity, and want of a Cure in those Men, who went up and down the Camp, suing already for the Consulship and Office of a Praetor? Nay, Spinther, Domitius, and Scipio, made Friends, raised Factions, and even quarrelled among themselves, who should succeed Caesar in the Dignity of his High-Priesthood, esteeming all as lightly, as if they were to engage only with Tigranes, King of Armenia, or some petty Na●athaean King, not with that Caesar and his Army, that had Stormed a 1000 Towns, and subdued more than 300 several Nations; that had fought innumerable Battles with the Germans and Gauls, and always carried the Victory; that had taken a Million of Men Prisoners, and Slain as many upon the Spot in pitched Battles.  
But as soon as they came to the Fields 
§. 19  of Pharsalia, they grew very tumultuous, so that they forced him by their Pressures and Importunities to call a Counsel of War, where Labienus, General of the Horse, stood up, and first took the Sacrament, swearing, That he would not return out of the Battle, until he had seen the Backs if his Enemies; and all the rest took the same Oath. That Night Pompey Dreamed, That as he went into the Theatre, the People received him with great Applause, and that he himself adorned the Temple of Venus, the Conqueress, with many Spoils: This Vision partly encouraged, and partly disheartened him, ●●●●ing lest that Splendour and Ornament to Venus should be made with Spoils taken from himself by Caesar, who derived his Family from that Goddess; besides, there was a certain Panic Fear run through the Camp, with such a Noise that it awaked him out of his Sleep: And about the time of renewing the Watch towards Morning, there appeared a great Light over Caesar's Camp, whilst they were all at rest, and from thence a Ball of flaming Fire was carried into Pompey's Camp, which Caesar himself said, he saw as he was walking his Rounds.  
Now Caesar having designed to raise his Camp before break of day, whilst the Soldiers were busy in pulling down their Tents, and sending away their Cattle and Servants before them, with all their Bag and Baggage, there came in Scouts who brought word, that they saw several Arms carried to and fro in the Enemy's Camp, and heard a noise and running up and down, as of Men preparing for Battle: Not long after there came in other Scouts with farther Intelligence, That the first Ranks were already set in Battle Array. Thereupon Caesar, when he had told them, That the wished for day was come at last, wherein they should Fight with Men, not with Hunger and Famine, he presently gave Orders for the Red Colours to be set up before his Tent, for that was usually the Signal of Battle among the Romans: As soon as the Soldiers saw that, they left their Tents, and with great Shouts of Joy ran to their Arms; The Officers likewise on their parts drawing up their Squadrons in order of Battle, every Man fell in●o his proper Rank without any trouble or noise, as quietly and orderly as if they had been in a Dance: Pompey himself led up the right Wing of his Army against Anthony, and appointed his Father-in-Law Scipio in the middle against Lucius Albinus. The Left Wing was Commanded by Lucius Domitius, and reinforced with several Regiments of Horse; for the whole Cavalry almost was placed there to distress Caesar, and cut off the Tenth Legion, which was accounted the stoutest in all the Army, and in which Caesar himself always fought in Person. Caesar observing the Left Wing of the Enemy to be lined and guarded with such a mighty guard of Horse, and fearing the Gallantry of that Battalion, he sent a Detachment of six Regiments out of the Forlorn, and placed them in the Rear of the Tenth Legion, commanding them not to stir, lest they should be discovered by the Enemy; but withal, as soon as the Enemy's Horse had made a Charge, and began to press upon them, that they should make up with all speed to the Front through the foremost Ranks, and not throw their Javelins at a distance, (as 'tis usual among your valiant Warriors, that they may come to a close Fight with their Swords the sooner) but that they should dart them upwards into the Eyes and Face of the Enemy; telling them, That those fine young Dancers would never endure the Steel shining in their Eyes, but would fly to save their handsome Faces. This was Caesar's Device at that time: But while he was thus instructing his Soldiers, Pompey on Horseback was viewing the Order of both Battalia's; and when he saw how well the Enemy kept their Ranks, expecting quietly the Signal of Battle; and on the contrary, how impatient and unsteady his own Men were, waving up and down in great Disorder for want of Experience, was very much afraid that their Ranks would be broken upon the first Onset; and therefore he gave out strict Orders, that the Vanguard should make a Stand, and keeping close in their Ranks should receive the Enemy's Charge. But Caesar did very much condemn his Judgement in this Stratagem, for that by taking away the power of an Assault, it does not only take off from the strength and force of a Blow, which is otherwise made with a spring upon an Incursion, but it does likewise abate and blunt the edge of that Spirit and Fury which the Assailants carry with them, (and which is improved by Shouts and Running on) so that at last they become cold, unactive, and disheartened.  
Caesar's Army consisted of 22000, and Po●●●●'s of somewhat above twice as many: Now when the Signal of Battle was given on both sides, and the Trumpets began to ●ound an Alarm, the generality of those present minded their own Charge, and the Matters that belonged to themselves; only some few of the Roman Nobility, together with certain Grecians there present, (as Spectators, without the Battle, seeing the Armies ready to join) could not but consider in themselves to what a pass the Ambition and Emulation of these two had brought the Roman Empire; For the Weapons being of Kin, and the Bands Brethren, under the same common Banners, together with the flower and strength of the same City, clashing and falling foul upon one another even to the Destruction of both, gave a clear Demonstration of human Nature, how senseless and void of Reason it is when 'tis blinded with Passion: For if they had been desirous only to Rule, and enjoy in Peace what they had Conquered in War, the greatest and best part of the World was subject to them both by Sea and Land; but if there was yet a thirst in their Ambition, that must still be fed with new Trophies and Triumphs; the Parthian and Germane Wars would yield Matter enough to satisfy the most Covetous of Honour: Nay, Scythia was yet Unconquered, and the Indians too, where their Ambition might be coloured over with the specious pretence of Civilising those Barbarous Nations; And what Scythian Horse, Parthian Arrows, and Indian Riches, could be able to resist 70000 Roman Soldiers, well appointed in Arms, under the Command of two such Generals as Pompey and Caesar? whose Name's they had heard of before that of the Romans; and whose Prowess, by their Conquests of wild, savage, and brutish Nations, was spread farther than the Fame of the Romans themselves: But now they having laid aside the sense of their Honour, and with that their Piety too, not sparing their own Country, were engaged in a Civil War, and dashing one another in pieces, who had both been accounted invincible till that day; And for the Alliance contracted betwixt them, the Charms of Julia, and that Marriage, those were looked upon as Tricks of State, (only to palliate some sinister Design or Confederacy betwixt them) rather than Pledges of any real Friendship.  
Now therefore, as soon as the Plains of 
§. 20.  Pharsalia were covered with Men, Horse, and Armour, and that the Signal of Battle was given on either side, Caius Crastinus, a Centurion, (who Commanded a Troop consisting of 120 Men) was the first that advanced out of Caesar's Army, to give the Charge, and acquit himself of a solemn Engagement, that he had made to Caesar: For Caesar as he was going out of his Tent in the Morning, saw Crastinus; where after some Discourse, he asked, What his Opinion was touching the event of that Battle? To which he stretching out his Right Hand, replied aloud, Thine is the Victory, oh Caesar, Thou shalt Conquer gloriously, and I myself this day will be the Subject of thy Praise, either alive or dead: In pursuance of this Promise he broke out of his Rank, and being followed by many more, charged into the midst of his Enemies; there they came presently to a close Fight with their Swords, and made a great Slaughter: But as Crastinus was still pressing forward, and breaking the Ranks of the Vanguard, a certain Soldier ran him in at the Mouth, so that the point of the Sword came out behind at his Neck; wherefore Crastinus being thus slain, the Fight became doubtful, and continued equal on that part of the Battle.  
Pompey had no● yet brought on the right Wing, but stayed and viewed about, expecting what Execution his Cavalry would do in the Left; now they had already drawn out their Squadrons in form, designing to encompass Caesar, and force those few Horse which he had placed in the Front, to give back upon the Battalion of Foot: But Caesar, on the other side having given the Signal, his Horse retreated back a little, and gave way to those Six Auxiliary Regiments, (being 3000 in number) which had been posted in the Rear, as an Ambush or Reserve, to prevent encompassing; these ran out, and fiercely charged the Enemy upon the Flank; but when they came up to the Horse, there they darted their Javelins upwards, according to their Instructions, and hit the young Gentlemen in their Faces: Now these Gallants (as they were altogether unskilful in any manner of Fight, so lest of all expecting or understanding such a kind as this) had not Courage enough to endure the Blows upon their Faces, but turning their Backs, and covering their Eyes with their Hands, were shamefully put to Flight, Caesar's Men did not follow the Chase, but turned their Forces back upon the Foot, and attacked them on all parts of that Wing which lay naked and unguarded by the Horse, whereby they were presently surrounded and environed on every side; so that now being attacked in the Flank by these, and charged in the Front by the 10th Legion, they were not able to abide the Charge, or make any longer Resistance, especially when they saw themselves out-witted in their own Stratagem, and circumvented in that Ambush, by which they designed to have invested the Enemy: Thus these being likewise routed and put to flight, when Pompey saw it, and by the Dust flying in the Air, conjectured the same Fate of his Horse too, it were very hard to express his thoughts at that time, but he looked more like one distracted and besides himself, than one that should have called to mind that he was Pompey the Great; and therefore he retired slowly towards his Camp, without speaking a word to any Man, behaving himself exactly according to the description in these Verses,  

When Jove from Heaven struck Ajax with a fear,  
Ajax the bold, he stood astonished there,  
And trembling gazed about without a Shield or Spear.   
In this state and condition he went into his own Tent, and sat him down speechless still, until some of the Enemies fell in together with his Men that were flying into the Camp, and then he let fall only this one word, What? into the very Camp? and said no more, but rose up, and putting on a Garment suitable to his present Fortune, departed secretly.  
By this time the rest of the Army was put to flight, and there was a great Slaughter in the Camp among the Servants, and those that guarded the Tents; but of the Soldiers themselves, there were not above 6000 slain, as 'tis reported by Asinius Pollio, who was himself a Volunteer in this Fight of Caesar's Party. When Caesar's Soldiers had taken the Camp, they saw clearly the Folly and Vanity of the Enemy; for all their Tents and Pavilions were richly adorned with Garlands of Myrtle, painted Carpets and Hangings, their Couches strowed with Flowers, and their Tables set full of Bowls and Glasses, and those even crowned with Wine; nay, their foolish hopes had puffed them up with such vain Confidence, that their whole Preparation and Furniture was of People going to Feast and Sacrifice, rather than of Men well-armed and appointed for the Battle.  
When Pompey had got a little way from the Camp, he dismounted and forsook his Horse, having but a small Retinue with him, and finding that no Man pursued him, walked on softly a foot, taken up altogether with thoughts, such as probably might possess any Man of his Quality and Circumstances, a Man that for the space of 34 Years together, had been accustomed to Conquest and Victory, and was then at last in his old Age beginning to know the Calamities of War in Slaughter and Flight: And it was no small Affliction to consider, that he had lost in one hour all that Glory and Power which he had been getting in so many Wars and bloody Battles, and that he, who but a little before was guarded with such an Army of Foot, so many Regiments of Horse, and such a mighty Fleet, was now flying in so mean a condition, and with such a slender Retinue, that his very Enemies who sought him could not know him. Thus when he had passed by the City of Larissa, and came into the Fields of Tempe, he being very thirsty, kneeled down and drank out of the River; then rising up again, he passed through those Valleys, until he came to the Seaside, and there he betook himself to a poor Fisherman's Cottage, where he lodged all the remainder of the Night: The next Morning about break of day he went into a little Boat upon the River, and taking his Freemen along with him, dismissed the rest of his Servants, advising them to go boldly to Caesar and not be afraid: As he was rowing up and down near the Shore, he chanced to spy a great Ship of Burden riding at Anchor, and just ready to set Sail; the Master whereof was called by the Name of Petitius, a Roman Citizen, who, though he was not familiary acquainted with Pompey, yet he knew him very well by sight: Now it happened that this Petitius dreamed the Night before that he saw Pompey, not like the Man he had often seen him, but in a despicable condition, and disconsolate, and in that posture was discoursing with him: He was then telling his Dream to the Passengers, (as Men commonly do that are at leisure, and especially Dreams of that consequence) when of a sudden one of the Mariners told him, he saw a little Boat with Oars putting off from Shore, and that some of the Men there shook their Garments, and held out their Hands, with Signs to take them in: Thereupon Petitius standing up, knew him immediately, seeing him in the same disguise as he appeared in his Dream, and smiting his Hand on his Head, ordered the Mariners to let down the Ships Boat, he himself lend his Hand, and calling him by the Name of Pompey; in that he was already assured of his Change, and the change of his Fortune, by that of his Garb: So that without any farther Entreaty or Discourse, he took him into his Ship, together with such of his Company as he thought fit, and hoist Sail: There were with him, the two Len●uli and Favonius; and a little after they spied King Deiotarus making up towards them from ashore, so they stayed and took him in along with them: At Supper time, the Master of the Ship having made ready▪ such Provisions as he had aboard, Pompey, for want of his Servants▪ begun to wash himself, which when Favonius perceived, he ran to him, washed and anointed him; and always after continued to wait upon, and attend him in all things, as Servants do their Masters, even to the washing of his Feet, and providing of his Supper. Insomuch that one there present, observing that free and unaffected Courtesy in his Services, broke out into these words,  

Lord! in the noble and the fair,  
How graceful all things do appear!   
Pompey sailing by the City of Amphipolis, coasted over from thence to Mitylene, with a design to take in Cornelia and his Son; as 
Lesbos.  soon as he arrived at the Port in that Island, he dispatched a Messenger into the City, with News very different from Cornelia's Expectation; for she, by all the former Messengers and Letters sent to please her, had been put in hopes that the War was ended at Dyrrachium, and that there was nothing more remaining for Pompey, but the Chase of Caesar: The Messenger finding her in the same Hopes still, was not able to salute or speak to her, but declaring the greatness of her Misfortune by his Tears rather than by his words, desired her to make haste if she would see Pompey, with one Ship only, and that none of his own: The young Lady hearing this, fell down all along in a Swoon, and continued so a long time senseless and speechless; she was scarce well recovered of her Senses again, but being conscious to herself that this was no time for Lamentation and Tears she started up and ran through the City towards the Seaside, where Pompey meeting and embracing her in his Arms, (as she was just fainting away and falling into a Swoon) she vented her passion in this manner: This is the effect of my Fortune, dear Sir, not of yours, that I see you thus dejected and reduced to one poor Vessel, who, before your Marriage with the unfortunate Cornelia, was wont to ride Admiral of these Seas, with a Fleet of 500 Sail; why therefore should you come to see me, or why not rather have left her to a severer Fate, who has been the Cause and Author of all your Misfortunes? How happy a Woman had I been, if I had breathed out my last before that fatal News from Parthia, of the Death of Publius, to whom I was wedded in my Virginity? and how prudent, if I had followed his Destiny, as I designed? But I was reserved for a greater Mischief, even the ruin of Pompey the Great. Thus, they say, Cornelia spoke to him, and this was Pompey's Reply: Dear Cornelia, Thou hast hitherto known only one kind Fortune, which perhaps has deceived thee in this, that she has been constant to me beyond her usual Custom; but it behoves us▪ who are Mortals born, to bear with these Afflictions, and try our Fortune once again; neither ought we to despond, and rest hopeless, for that 'tis as possible to retrieve our former Happiness from this unlucky state, as it was to fall from that, into this present Calamity. Thereupon she sent for her Goods and Servants out of the City; the Citizens also of Mitylene came out to salute and invite Pompey into the City; but he refused, advising them to be obedient to the Conqueror, and fear not, for that Caesar was a Man of great Goodness and Clemency: Then turning to Cratippus the Philosopher, (who came among the rest out of the City to visit him) he began to repine, and argue somewhat with him touching the Dispensations of Providence; but Cratippus very modestly declined the Dispute, putting him in better Hopes only, lest by opposing, he might seem too sharp or unseasonable: For when Pompey had put him a certain Question touching Providence, and demonstrated how necessary it was, that the Commonwealth should be turned into a Monarchy, because of their ill Government in the State; he returned the Question, But how, oh Pompey! and by what token or assurance may we be induced to believe, that if the Victory had been thine, thou wouldst have used thy Fortune better than Caesar? But Providence is a point of Divinity belonging to the Gods, and aught to be let alone to act after its own method.  
Thus Pompey having taken his Wife and 
§. 21.  Friends aboard, set Sail, making no Port, nor touching any where, but when he was necessitated to take in Provisions, or fresh Water: The first Place he arrived at was Attalia, a City in Pamphylia, and whilst he was there, there came some Galleys thither to him out of Cilicia, together with a few Bands of Soldiers, and there he had almost 60 Senators with him again: Then hearing that his Navy was safe too, and that Cato had rallied a considerable Body of Soldiers after their Overthrow, and passed with them over into Africa, he began to complain and blame himself and his Friends too, in that they had forced him to engage by Land, without making use of his other Forces, (in which he was undoubtedly the stronger) and had not kept near enough to his Fleet, that failing by Land, he might have reinforced his Troops from the Sea, and presently drawn out a Power equal and able enough to encounter the Enemy; so that in truth, neither did Pompey during all the War commit a greater Oversight, nor Caesar use a more subtle Stratagem, than by drawing the Fight so far off from their Naval Forces.  
Now Pompey being at present constrained to attempt and act somewhat according to his small Ability, he dispatched his Agents as Ambassadors to some of the neighbouring Cities, and himself sailed about in Person to others, requiring their Aid in Money and Soldiers to Victual and Man out his Ships; however, fearing lest the sudden Approach of the Enemy might prevent his Preparations, he began to consider what Place would yield him the safest Refuge and Retreat at present: Thereupon a Consult being held, it was generally agreed upon, That no Province of the Romans was secure enough; and touching Foreign Kingdoms, he himself was of opinion, That Parthia must needs be the fittest both to receive and defend them in their present Distress, as well as to aid and furnish them with the greatest Forces: Others of the Council were for going into Africa, and to King Juba; but Theophanes, the Lesbian, thought it madness to leave Egypt (that was but a Voyage of three days Sailing) and forsake Ptolemy (who was just come of Age, and highly obliged to him for that Friendship and Favour which he had lately shown to his Father) only to put himself under the Parthian, and trust the most Treacherous Nation in the World: Or what is worse, to subject himself to the Tyranny of Arsaces' the King of Parthia, and make him his Lord (a Power which he was not able to compass in the Life-time of Crassus) rather than try the Clemency of a Generous Roman, and one that had been his Father-in-Law, to whom, if he would but yield to be Second, he might assure himself to be the first and chief over all the rest: Besides, he thought it would be great Cruelty to expose a young Lady, descended from the Noble Family of the Scipio's, among such a barbarous People, who govern by their Lusts, and measure their Greatness by their Power, to commit Affronts and Insolences; from whom, though she suffer no Dishonour, yet it would be thought she did, being in the Hands of those who had the power to do it: This Argument alone, they say, was so persuasive, as to divert his Course, that was designed towards Euphrates, if it were so indeed that any Counsel of Pompey's, and not his own Fate, made him take this other way. As soon therefore as 'twas resolved upon, that he should fly into Egypt, he setting Sail from Cyprus, in a Galley of Seleucia, together with Cornelia, (and the rest of his Company, some in Long-Boats, and others in Ships of Burden sailing by) passed over the Sea without danger. But when he understood that King Ptolemy was sat down with his Army in the City of Pelusium, making War against his Sister, he steered his Course that way, and sent a Messenger before to acquaint the King with his Arrival, and humbly crave his Protection: Ptolemy himself was a very young Man; and therefore Pothinus, the principal Minister of State, (having the sole Administration of all Affairs in the Government▪) called a Council of the chiefest Men at Court (those being the greatest whom he pleased to make so) and commanded them every Man to deliver his Opinion touching the Reception of Pompey: Now, 'twas a horrid thing to consider, That the Fate of Pompey the Great should be determined by such a Crew, as Pothinus an Eunuch, Theodotus of Chios, a mercenary Rhetorician, that taught Oratory, as a Schoolmaster, for Reward, and Achillas an Egyptian; for these, with others of his Bedchamber, and some of those who had a share in his Education, were the chief and leading Men in the Council; Pompey (who thought it dishonourable to owe his Safety to Caesar▪) riding at Anchor a great way distant from Shore, was forced to wait the Result of this honourable Council: It seems they were different in their Opinions▪ Some were for sending the Man away, and others again for calling and receiving him; but Theodotus, to show the power of his Eloquence and Rhetoric, undertook to demonstrate, That neither the one nor the other was safe in that Juncture of Affairs; for if they entertained him, they would be sure to make Caesar their Enemy, and Pompey their Master; Or if they dismissed him, they might render themselves hereafter obnoxious to Pompey for that inhospitable Expulsion, and to Caesar, for the Escape; so that the most expedient Advice would be to send and take away his Life, for by that means they would ingratiate themselves with the one, and have no reason to fear the other; adding, as 'tis reported, with a Smile, That a dead Man cannot bite. This Advice being approved of, they committed the execution of it to Achillas: He therefore taking with him as his Accomplices, one Septimius, a Man that had formerly commanded a Brigade under Pompey, and Salvius, another Centurion, with three or four Officers more, made up towards Pompey's Galley; in the mean time, all the chiefest of those who accompanied Pompey in this Voyage, were come into his Ship to see the event of their Embassy: But when they saw the manner of their Reception, that in appearance it was neither Princely, nor Honourable, nor indeed any ways answerable to the Hopes of Theophanes, or their Expectation (for there came but a few Men in a Fisherman's Boat to meet them) they began to suspect the meaness of their Entertainment, and gave warning to Pompey that he should turn back, whilst he was out of their reach, and launch out into the main Sea: By this time the Egyptian Boat drew near, and Septimius standing up first, saluted Pompey in the Latin Tongue, by the Title of Imperator, or General: Then Achillas saluting him in the Greek Language, desired him to come aboard his Vessel, telling him, That the Sea was very shallow towards the Shore, and that a Galley of that Burden could not avoid striking upon some Shelve or Quicksand: At the same time they saw several of the King's Galleys well manned, and all the Shore covered with Soldiers; so that if they had changed their Minds, it seemed impossible for them to escape; and besides, their Distrust would have given the Assassinates a colourable pretence for their Cruelty. Pompey therefore taking his leave of Cornelia, who lamented his Death beforehand, bid two Centurions, (Philip, one of his Freemen, and a Slave called Skynes) go aboard of the Aegyptian's Boat before him; and as some of the Ships Crew belonging to Achillas, were reaching out their Hands to help him, he turned about towards his Wife and Son, and repeated those iambics of Sophocles.  

He that once falls into a Tyrant's Power,  
Becomes a Slave, though he were Free before.   
These were the last words he spoke to his Friends, and so he went aboard. When Pompey perceived that, (notwithstanding there was a considerable distance betwixt his Galley and the Shore, and yet none of the Ships Company had spoke a kind word to him all the way, he looked earnestly upon Septimius, and spoke to him, Methinks I should know thee, Friend, have not we been formerly Fellow-Soldiers, and served together in the Wars? But he only nodded with his Head, making no Reply at all, nor showing any other manner of Civility: Since therefore they continued silent, Pompey took a little Book in his Hand (wherein was written a Greek Oration, which he intended for King Ptolemy) and began to read it; Afterwards, when they drew near to the Shore, Cornelia, (together with the rest of her Friends in the Galley, was very impatient to see the Event, and began to take Courage at last, when she saw several of the Court coming to meet him, imagining that it might be for a more honourable Reception; but, in the mean time, as Pompey took Philip by the hand, to rise up more easily, Septimius came first of all behind 
His Death.  with his Sword, and run him thorough; next after him likewise Salvius and Achillas drew out their Swords. Wherefore Pompey taking up his Gown with both Hands, hid his Face, and neither saying nor doing any thing unworthy of himself (only groaning a little) manfully endured the Wounds they gave him; and so ended his Life in the 59th Year of his Age, the very next day after the day of his Birth. Cornelia, with her Company from the Galleys, seeing him Murdered, gave such a Shriek, that it was heard to the Shore, and weighing Anchor with all speed, they hoist Sail, and fled: The Wind served them favourably from ashore, and assisted their Flight with a brisk Gale, whereby they presently got the main Sea, so that the Egyptians failing of their aim, desisted from pursuing them. But they cut off Pompey's Head, and threw the rest of his Body overboard, leaving it naked upon the Shore, to be viewed by any that had the curiosity to see such a miserable Spectacle: Philip stayed by and watched his Corpse, till they had glutted their Eyes in viewing it, and then washing it with Sea-water, and having nothing else, he wrapped it up in one of his own Shirts for a Winding-sheet; then seeking up and down about the Sands, at last he found some rotten Planks of a little Fisherboat, not much, but yet enough to make up a Funeral Pile for a naked Body, and that not quite entire: As Philip was busy in gathering and putting these old Planks together, an old Roman Citizen, who from his Youth had served in the Wars under Pompey, came to him and demanded, Who he was that was preparing the Funerals of Pompey the Great? And Philip making Answer, That he was his Freeman; Nay, said he, but thou shalt not have this Honour alone, let even me too, I prithee, have my share in such a pious Office, that I may not altogether repent me of this Pilgrimage in a strange Land, but that in compensation of all my Misfortunes, I may obtain this Happiness at last, even with my own Hands to touch the Body of Pompey, and pay my Devotion at the Obsequies of the greatest General among the Romans: And in this manner were the Funerals of Pompey performed. The next day Lucius Lentulus' not knowing what had passed, came sailing from Cyprus along the Shore of that Coast, and seeing a Funeral Pile, and Philip (whom he did not know at first) standing by, asked him, Who it was that was dead and buried there? But pausing a little with himself, and fetching a deep Sigh, Perhaps, said he, even thou O Pompey the Great,! and so going ashore, he was presently apprehended and Slain; This was the unfortunate End of Pompey the Great.  
Not long after, Caesar coming into Egypt, (that was then in very great Troubles) showed a great abhorrence of the Person that presented him with Pompey's Head, turning away from him as a most detestable Assassinate; but when he received his Seal, (whereon was Engraven a Lion holding a Sword in his Paw) he burst out into Tears. Achillas and Pothinus he put to Death; and King Ptolemy himself being overthrown in Battle upon the Banks of Nilus, fled away in disguise, and was never heard of afterwards. Theodotus, the Rhetorician, flying out of Egypt, escaped the hands of Caesar's Justice, but lived a Vagabond in Banishment, wand'ring up and down, despised and hated of all Men, till at last Marcus Brutus (after he had killed Caesar) finding him in his Province of Asia, put him to Death, having first made him suffer the most exquisite▪ Torments he could invent. The Ashes of Pompey were carried to his Wife Cornelia, who buried them in a Vault at his Countryhouse, near the City of Alba.  

THE PARALLEL OF POMPEY WITH AGESILAUS,  
THus having drawn out the History or Lives of Agesilaus and Pompey, the next thing is to compare them, and in order to the Parallel wherein they agree, we'll take a cursory View, and touch upon some few Passages that make the difference, showing wherein they chiefly disagree; which are these: In the first place, Pompey attained to all his Greatness and Glory by the just measures of his own Integrity, and so was advanced by himself; having often and desperately engaged together with Sylla, in delivering Italy, from the Usurpation of Tyrants: But Agesilaus appears to have usurped a Kingdom, not without offence to the Laws, both of Gods and Men; Of these, by giving Judgement of Bastardy against Leotychides, the natural and lawful Son of his Brother, as appeared by undoubted Evidence; Of those, by putting a false Gloss upon the Oracle of the Gods, and eluding the Prophecy in the point of Lameness. Secondly, Pompey had a perpetual Veneration for Sylla all his Life-time, and expressed as much after his Death, by making an honourable Interment of his Corpse in despite of Lepidus, and giving his Daughter in Marriage to his Son Faustus: But Agesilaus upon a slight pretence cast off Lysander with Reproach and Dishonour. So that in point of gratitude, Sylla received in return from Pompey no less than he gave him, whereas Lysander made Agesilaus King of Sparta, and General of all Greece: Thirdly, Those Transgressions of Pompey against the State and Laws, were occasioned chiefly by his Relations (for that most of his Errors had some Affinity, as well as himself, to Caesar and Scipio, they being both his Fathers-in-law:) But Agesilaus, to gratify the Amours or Lust of his Son, saved the Life of Sphodria by Violence, when he deserved Death for those injuries he had done to the Athenians; and 'tis manifest that he was openly and cordially an Abettor to Phaebida, (in the breach of the League with the Thebans) barely for the Iniquity of the Act itself. In short, what Mischief soever might be charged upon Pompey, as done through Modesty or Inadvertency against the Roman Government, the very same were committed by Agesilaus against the Lacedæmonians, out of Obstinacy and Malice, he himself being the Incendiary of the Baeotian War: And if by chance there was any thing common in the Offences of these two, that of Pompey was unexpected to the Romans; whereas Agesilaus would not suffer the Lacedæmonians to avoid what they foresaw and heard must attend a lame or decrepit Kingdom; For had Leotychides been chargeable ten thousand times as foreign and spurious, yet the Race of the Eurityontidae was still in being, and there never could have been wanting one descended from that Line, to furnish Sparta with a natural and lawful King, and one that was entire in his Limbs too, had not Lysander darkened and disguised the true sense of ●he Oracle in favour of Agesilaus.  
But as for State-Affairs, never was there such a politic piece of Sophistry, as was devised by Agesilaus, in that great perplexity of the People touching the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, (or those who had cowardly deserted their Colours at the Battle of Leuctra, whereby they became obnoxious to the Law) when after that unhappy Defeat, he decreed▪ That the Laws should sleep for that day: Neither indeed have we the fellow of it in all Pompey's Story; but on the contrary, Pompey for a Friend thought it no Sin to break those very Laws which he himself had made▪ showing at once both the force of Friendship, and the greatness of his Power: Whereas Agesilaus, finding that he must of necessity have dissolved the Laws, to preserve the Lives of his Citizens, devised this Expedient, whereby the Laws might not hurt them, though they were not dissolved. Then I must needs commend this as an incomparable Act of civil Virtue and Obedience in Agesilaus, That immediately upon the receipt of the Scytala (or scroll of Parchment, with a Countermand from the Ephori) he left the Wars in Asia, and returned into his Country; for that he did not act generally, as Pompey did, (in those things by which he made himself Great) for the interest and benefit of the Commonwealth; who, for his Country's sake, laid aside as great Authority and Honour, as ever any Man had before or since, except Alexander the Great: But now for some other Head.  
And if well take a view of Pompey in his Military Expeditions and Exploits of War, in the number of Trophies, and the greatness of the Armies which he Commanded, together with the multitude of Battles in which he triumphed as a Conqueror, I am persuaded even Xenophon himself would not put the Victories of Agesilaus in Balance with his, though he has this Privilege allowed him, (as a singular Reward for all his other Virtues) that he may write and speak in favour of his Hero whatever he pleases. Methinks too there is a great deal of difference betwixt these Men in their Clemency and Moderation towards their Enemies; For whilst Agesilaus was attempting the Conquest of Thebes, and Destruction of Messene, (this being the entire Lot of his own 
* Sicily.  Country, and that the Metropolis of Boeotia) he had almost lost Sparta itself, but did really lose the Government of Greece; whereas Pompey gave Cities to those of the Pirates who were willing to change their manner of Life; And when 'twas in his power to have led Tigranes, King of Armenia, in Triumph, he chose rather to make him a Confederate of the Romans, saying, That he preferred an eternal Honour before the Glories of one day. But if the Pre-eminence, in that which chiefly relates to the Office of a General, (consisting of a steady resolution upon the wisest Acts and Counsels of War) might be given to a Commander of the best Conduct, the Lacedaemonian would not a little exceed the Roman in that; for Agesilaus never deserted his City, though it was Besieged by an Army of 70000 Men, when there were very few Soldiers within to defend it, and those had been baffled too but a little before at the Battle of Leuctra: But Pompey (when Caesar with a Body only of 5300 Men, had taken but one Town in Italy) departed timorously out of Rome, either through Cowardice, when they were so few, or at least through a vain imagination, that there were more; and having conveyed away his Wife and Children, he left all the rest of the Citizens defenceless, and fled; whereas he ought either to have conquered in Fight for the defence of his Country, or yielded upon terms to the Conqueror, for he was his Fellow-Citizen, and Allied to him: But now to that same Man, (to whom he denied an Enlargement in the term of his Government, and thought it intolerable to grant another Consulship) even to him he gave a Power, (by letting him take the City) to tell Metellus the Tribune, together with all the rest, That they were his Prisoners. That therefore, which is chiefly the Office of a General, to put the Enemy upon a necessity of Fight, when he finds himself the the stronger, and to avoid it when he is the weaker; that Property being singular in Agesilaus, he always kept himself Invincible: And this was Caesar's Talon too, that when he was the weaker, he could at any time by fencing with Pompey, decline the Danger; and when he was the stronger, he forced him to Battle by Land, even to the hazard of all, whereby he became the Master of the Treasury, Stores, and the Sea too, which were all in his Enemy's hands, and by which he had his constant Supplies without Fight. Now, that which is alleged as an Apology, in vindication of Pompey, is the greatest Crime in so great a General; for 'tis a true, for a young Commander by Tumults and Noise to be wrought into a Fear and Easiness, whereby he may forsake the safest Counsels, is neither strange, nor altogether unpardonable; But for Pompey the Great, whose Camp the Romans called their Country, and his Tent the Senate, styling the Consuls, Praetors, and all other Magistrates, (that had taken upon them the Administration of the Government at Rome) by no better Title than that of Rebels and Traitors; for him, I say, whom they well knew, never to have been under the Command of any but himself, (having nobly finished his course of Warfare under himself, as sole General in all the Wars he made) who could excuse him, that upon so small a Provocation (as the Scoffs of Favonius and Domitius, and lest he should bare the Nickname of Agamemnon) should be wrought upon, and even forced to hazard the whole Empire and Liberty of Rome upon the cast of a die? In him, I say, 'twas intolerable, who, if he had so much regarded a present Infamy, should have guarded the City at first with his Arms, and fought valiantly in defence of Rome, not have left it as he did, colouring his Flight over with the Stratagem of Themistocles; and yet after all this, to imagine that there could be any Reproach in a wary Delay before the Battle in Thessaly, was as inexcusable: For neither did God appoint the Pharsalian Fields, to be the Stage and Theatre upon which they should contend for the Empire of Rome, neither was he summoned thither by any Herald upon Challenge, with intimation, that he must either undergo the Combat, or surrender the Crown to another; But there were many other Fields, thousands of Cities, and even the whole Earth, that he might have had by the Advantage of his Fleet, and Forces at Sea, if he would but have followed the Examples of Maximus, Marius, Lucullus, and even Agesilaus himself; who endured no less Tumults within the City of Sparta, when the Thebans provoked him to Battle for the residue of his Country; He endured likewise many Calumnies and Accusations in Egypt, through the Imprudence of the King there, entreating his patience constantly; but following always what he had determined in his own Judgement upon mature Advice, he did by that means, not only preserve the Egyptians against their wills, not only keep Sparta constantly upon its Legs, even in those desperate Convulsions, but set up Trophies likewise in the City against the Thebans, giving them afterwards an occasion of Victory, in that he did not at that time lead them out, as they would have forced him, to their destruction; insomuch, that at last Agesilaus was highly commended, even of those who provoked their own Ruin, after they found he had saved their Lives against their wills: Whereas Pompey (whose Errors had always some other Authors) found those to be his Accusers, upon whom he had placed his chiefest confidence; and some say, that he was deceived by his Father-in-law Scipio, for that he, (designing to conceal and keep to himself the greatest part of that Treasure, which he had brought out of Asia) did press Pompey to Battle, upon this pretence, that there would be a want of Money; however, admitting this to be true, yet such a General ought not to have been so easily deluded, and led into an Error, even to the hazard of all the greatest Concerns in the Commonwealth: And thus we have taken a view of each, by comparing them together in their Conduct and Actions in War. As to their Voyages into Egypt: One steered his Course thither out of necessity in Flight; the other neither honourably, nor of necessity, but as a Mercenary Soldier, having listed himself into the Service of a barbarous Nation for Pay, that he might be able to wage War upon the Grecians: Lastly, That which we charge upon the Egyptians in the Name of Pompey, the Egyptians return again in an Accusation against Agesilaus; For one was barbarously betrayed and murdered by those whom he trusted: The other betrayed his Trust, and deserted them, having upon his Revolt gone over to the Enemy, (that was now making War upon Egypt) notwithstanding he came at first, as an Auxiliary to the Egyptians.    


ALEXANDER.   depiction of Alexander : MBurgher: sculp.  
THE LIFE OF Alexander the Great.  Englished from the Greek, By John Evelyn Esq 
IT being my purpose to write the Lives 
The Author's design  of Alexander and Caesar, by whom Pompey was destroyed, the multitude of their great Actions affords me so large a Field, that I were to blame if I should not by way of Apology acquaint my Reader, that I have chosen rather to epitomise the most celebrated parts of their Story, than to insist at large on every particular Circumstance of it; especially when I consider my Design is not to write an History, but Lives. Neither do the most glorious Exploits always furnish us with the clearest discoveries of Virtue, or Vice in Men; sometimes a Matter of less moment, an Expression, or a Jest, informs us better of their Manners, and Inclinations, than the most famous Sieges, the greatest Armies, or the bloodiest Battles whatsoever. Therefore as those who draw by the Life, are more exact in the first Lines and Features of the Face, from which we may often collect the Disposition of the Person, than in the other Parts of the Body: So I shall endeavour by penetrating into, 
In writing Lives.  and describing the secret Recesses, and Images of the Soul, to express the Lives of Men, and leave their more shining Actions and Achievements to be treated of by others.  
It is agreed on by all Hands, that on 
Alexander's Family.  the Father's side Alexander descended from Hercules by Caranus, and from Aeacus by Neoptolemus on the Mother's side. His Father Philip being in Samothrace when he was young, fell in Love there with Olympias, with whom he was initiated in the religious Ceremonies of the Country, and her Father and Mother being both dead, soon after with the consent of her Brother Arimbas married her. The night before the consummation of the Marriage, she dreamed that her Belly was struck with Lightning, which kindled a great Fire, whose divided Flames dispersed themselves all about, and then were extinguished. And Philip some time 
Philip's Dream.  after he was married, dreamed that he Sealed up his Wife's Belly with a Seal, whose impression, as he fancied, was the Figure of a Lion. Some interpreted this as a warning to Philip to look narrowly to his Wife; but Aristander of Telmessus considering how unusual it was to seal up any thing that was empty, assured him the meaning of his Dream was, that the Queen was with Child of a Boy, who would one day prove as stout and courageous as a Lion. Not long after a Dragon was observed to lie close by Olympias while she slept; upon which Philip's Affection to her sensibly abated: For whether he feared her as an Inchantress, or thought she had commerce with some God, and so looked on himself as unequal to such a Rival, he was ever after less fond of her Conversation. Others say, that the Women of this Country having always been extremely addicted to perform the Enthusiastic Ceremonies of Orpheus and Bacchus (upon which account they were called 
* Furious▪ & warlike▪  Clodones, and Mimallones) did in many things imitate the Edonian and Thracian Women about Mount Haemus, from whom the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 seems to be derived, signifying superfluous and overcurious Sacrifices: That Olympias zealously affecting these Fanatical and Enthusiastic Inspirations, to perform them with more barbaric Dread, was wont in the Dances proper to these Ceremonies, to have great tame Serpents about her, which sometimes creeping out of the Joy, and the Mystic Fans, sometimes winding themselves about the sacred Spheres, and the women's Chaplets, made it a dreadful Spectacle to those who beheld them.  
Philip, after this Vision, sent Chaeron of 
He consults the Oracle.  Megalopolis to consult the Oracle of Apollo at Delphos, by which he was commanded to sacrifice to, and most respectively adore Jupiter Hammon above all other Gods; and was told he would one day lose that Eye with which he presumed to peep through the Chink of the Door, when he saw the God in form of a Serpent so familiar with his Wife. Eratosthenes says, that Olympias, when she brought Alexander on his way to the Army, in his first Expedition, told him the Secret of his Birth, and exhorted him to behave himself with Courage suitable to his divine Extraction. Others again affirm, that she wholly declined this Vanity, and was wont to say, Will Alexander never leave making Juno jealous of me?  
Alexander was born the 6th of June, 
The Birth of Alexander.  (which month the Macedonians call Lous) the same day that the Temple of Diana at Ephesus was burned; upon which occasion Hegesias of Magnesia has an expression so mean and cold, as might have served to have extinguished the Flames: Diana says he deserved to have her Temple burnt, for leaving the care of it to play the Midwife at the Birth of Alexander. All the Priests and Soothsayers who happened to be then at Ephesus, looking upon the Ruin of this Temple to be the forerunner of some other Calamity, ran about the Town, beating their Faces, and crying, that day had brought forth something that would prove fatal and destructive to all Asia.  
Presently after Philip had taken Posidea, he received these three Messages on the same day: That Parmenio had overthrown the Illyrians in a great Battle; that his Race horse had won the Course at the Olympic Games; and that his Wife was brought to bed of Alexander; with which being extremely pleased, as an Addition to his Satisfaction the Diviners assured him, that a Son whose Birth was accompanied with three such Successes, could not fail of being invincible.  
The Statues that most resembled Alexander, 
His Person described.  were those of Lysippus, by whom alone this Prince would suffer his Image to be carved; and these chiefly did most of his Successors and Friends afterwards imitate; the Artist having expressed the inclination of his Head a little on one side towards his left Shoulder, and his 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  melting Eye with incomparable exactness. But Apelles, who drew him with Thunderbolts in his Hand, made his Complexion browner and darker than it was naturally, for he was fair, having a mixture of ruddiness, chiefly in his Face, and upon his Breast. Aristoxenus' in his Memoirs tells us, that an admirable Scent proceeded from his Skin, and that his Breath and Body all over was so fragrant, as to perfume the clothes which he wore next him; the cause of which might probably be the hot and adust Temperament of his Body: For sweet Smells, as Theophrastus' conjectures, are produced by the concoction of moist Humours by Heat, which is the reason that those parts of the World which are driest, and most burnt up, afford Spices of the best kind, and in the greatest quantity; for the heat of the Sun exhausts the superfluous moisture, which generates Putrefaction in Bodies. And this hot Constitution it may be, rendered Alexander so addicted to drinking, and so choleric.  
His Temperance as to the pleasures of 
His Manners.  the Body, was apparent in him in his very Childhood, being with much difficulty incited to them, and always using them with great moderation: Though in other things he was extremely eager and vehement. In his love of Glory, and the pursuit of it, he showed a solidity of Judgement and Magnanimity far above his Age; For he neither fought, nor valued it upon every slight occasion, as his Father Philip did, (who affected to show his Eloquence almost to a degree of Pedantry, and took care to have the Victories of his Racing Chariots at the Olympic Games engraven on his Coin:) But when he was asked by some about him, Whether he would run a Race? for he was very swift-footed; he answered, He would, if he might have Kings to run with him. He often appointed Prizes, in which not only Tragedians and Musicians, Pipers and Harpers, but Rapsodists also strove to outvie one another: And delighted in all manner of Hunting, and Cudgel-playing, 
And Exercises.  but never gave any encouragement either to playing at Fisticuffs, or that 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Sport in which all Weapons were to be made use of. While he was yet very young, he entertained the Ambassadors from the King of Persia, in the absence of his Father, and falling into Conversation with them, gained so much upon them by his Affability, and the Questions he asked them, which were far from being childish, or trifling: (For he enquired of them the length of the Ways, the Passages into the upper parts of Asia, the Character of their King, how he carried himself to his Enemies, and what Forces he was able to bring into the Field: That they were struck with admiration of him, and looked upon the Diligence and so much famed Conduct of Philip, to be nothing in comparison of the forwardness, and great Spirit, that appeared so early in his Son. Whensoever he heard 
His Magnanimity.  Philip had taken any Town of importance, or won any signal Victory, instead of rejoicing at it, he would in a deploring manner tell his Companions, that he feared his Father would anticipate every thing, and leave him and them no opportunities of performing great and illustrious Actions. For being more addicted to Virtue and Glory, than either to Pleasure or Riches, he esteemed all that he shoved receive from his Father, as a diminution and prevention of his own future Achievements; and would have chosen rather to succeed to a Kingdom involved in Troubles and Wars, which would have afforded him frequent exercise of his Valour, and a larger Field of Honour, than to one already flourishing and settled, where he must lead an unactive Life, and be as it were buried in the sordid enjoyments of Wealth and Luxury.  
The care of his Education (as it much 
His Education and Tutors.  imported) was committed to a great many Preceptors and Tutors, over whom Leonidas, a near Kinsman of Olympias, a Man of an austere temper, presided: He declining the title of Praeceptor, though a Charge of sufficient Honour and Reputation, because of his Dignity and Relation, was called Alexander's Foster-Father and Governor. But he who took upon him the Place and Name of his pedagogue, was Lysimachus the Acarnanian, who though he had nothing of worth to recommend him, but his luck to call himself Phoenix, Alexander Achilles, and Philip Peleus, was therefore well enough esteemed and ranked in the next degree after Leonidas.  
Philonicus the Thessalian brought the Horse 
He cames Eucephalus.  Bucephalus to Philip, offering to sell him for 13 Talents; but when they went into the Field to try him, they found him so very vicious and unmanageable, that he stood up an end when they endeavoured to back him, and would not so much as endure the voice of any of Philip's Attendants: Upon whose dislike, as they were leading him away as wholly useless and untractable, Alexander who stood by, would not let them, saying, What an excellent Horse do they lose, for want of address and boldness to manage him? Philip at first took no notice what he said; but when he heard him repeat the same thing, and saw he was troubled to have the Horse sent away; Do you reproach, said he to him, those who are elder than yourself, as if you knew more, and were better able to manage him than they? Yes. replied he, with this Horse I could deal better than any body else. And if you do not, said Philip, what will you forfeit for your Rashness? By Jove, answered Alexander, the whole price of the Horse. At this the whole Company fell a laughing; but as soon as the Agreement was made between them about the Money, he presently ran to the Horse, and taking hold of the Bridle, turned him directly towards the Sun, having it seems observed he was disturbed at, and afraid of, the motion of his own Shadow: Then letting him go forward a little, still keeping the Reins in his Hand, and stroking him gently, when he found him to be very brisk and fiery, he let fall his upper Garment softly, and with one nimble Leap securely mounted him, and when he 
And backs him.  was seated, by little and little straitened the Bridle, and curbed him without either striking or spurring. Afterwards when he perceived his dangerous fury and heat was abated, but yet not without great impatience to run, he let him go at full speed, not only encouraging him with a commanding Voice, but pressing him forward also with his Heel. All who were present beheld this Action at first with silent astonishment, and inward concern: Till seeing him turn at the end of his Career, and come back rejoicing and triumphing for what he had performed, they all burst out into Acclamations of Applause; and his Father weeping for joy, kissed him as he came down from his Horse, and in his Transport said, O my Son, look the out a Kingdom equal to, and worthy of, thy great Soul, for Macedonia is too little for thee.  
After this, considering him to be of a Temper easy to be led to his Duty by Reason, but by no means to be compelled, he always endeavoured to persuade, rather than to command or force him to any thing; and now looking upon the institution and accomplishment of his Youth, to be of greater difficulty and importance, than to be wholly trusted to those Masters who only taught him Music, and other superficial and vulgar Sciences, and to require, as Sophocles says,  The Bridle, and the Rudder too: 
He sent for Aristotle, the most knowing and 
Aristotle, Alexander's Tutor.  celebrated Philosopher of his time, and rewarded him with a Munificence proportionable to, and becoming the care he took to instruct his Son. For he repeopled his native City Stagira, which he had caused to be deserted a little before, restored all the Citizens who were in Exile or Slavery, to their Habitations, and assigned them 
* A College.  Nympheum for their Studies and Exercises, near the Town of Mieza, where to this very day they show you Aristotle's stone Seats, and the shady walks which he was wont to frequent. It appears that Alexander received not only the Rules of Morality and Policy from him, but that more abstruse and solid part of Learning which is seldom communicated to the Vulgar. For when he was in Asia, and heard Aristotle had published some Treatifes of that kind, he wrote to him with great freedom in the behalf of Philosophy in this manner: Alexander to Aristotle, greeting. You have 
His Letter to Aristotle.  not done well to set forth your Books of select Knowledge, for what is there now that I can surmount others in, if those things which I have been particularly instructed in, be laid open to all: For my part I assure you, I had rather excel others in the knowledge of what is excellent in its kind, than in the extent of my Power and Dominion. Farewell. Aristotle, to appease and comply with this noble Ambition of Alexander, answered him, That those Treatises, which were his Metaphysics, were indeed published, but not plainly exposed to every body's Capacity. For to say truth, they are written in such a style, that they are only an useful and instructive System to those, who have been already long conversant in that sort of Learing. Doubtless it was to Aristole's Precepts that he owed the inclination he had not barely to the Theory, but likewise to the Practice of Physic: For when any of his Friends were sick, he would often prescribe them their course of Diet, and Medicines proper to their Disease, as we may find in his Epistles. He was naturally a great lover 
His inclination to Learning.  of all kind of Learning, and mightily addicted to Reading; and Onesicritus informs us, That he constantly laid Homer's Illiads, Corrected by Aristotle, with his Dagger, under his Pillow, declaring that he esteemed them an exact Institution and perfect Storehouse of all Military Virtue and Knowledge. When he was in the higher Provinces of Asia, being destitute of other Books, he ordered Harpalus to send him some, who furnished him with Philestus his History, a great many of Euripides, Sophocles, and Aeschylus his Tragedies, and some Dithyrambic Hymns composed by Telestes and Philaxenus. For a while he loved and cherished Aristotle no less, as he was wont to say himself, than if he had been his Father, giving this Reason for it, that as he received his Being from the one, so the other had taught him to live well. But afterwards having some mistrust of him, yet not so far as to do him any Prejudice, his Familiarity and friendly Kindness to him abated so much, as to make it evident he was very indifferent to him. However his violent Thirst after, and Respect for Learning, which were born, and still grew up with him, never decayed, as appears by his veneration of Anaxarchus, by the Present of 50 Talents which he sent to Xenocrates, and his particular Care and Esteem of Dandamis and Calanus.  
While Philip made War against the Byzantines, 
His Courage and early entrance upon Action.  he left Alexander, than 16 years old, his Lieutenant in Macedonia, committing the charge of his Great Seal to him, who not to sit idle, reduced the rebellious Medan, and having taken their chief Town by Storm, drove out the barbarous Inhabitants, and planting a Colony of several Nations in their room, called the Place after his own Name Alexandropolis. At the Battle of Chaeronaea, which his Father fought against the Grecians, he is said to have been the first Man that charged the Thebans sacred Band. And even in my remembrance there stood an old Oak near the River Cephisus, which the Country People called Alexander's Oak, because his Tent was pitched under it. And not far off are to be seen the Graves of the Macedonians, who fell in that Battle. This early Bravery made Philip so fond of him, that nothing pleased him more, than to hear his Subjects call Alexander their King, while they allowed himself no other Title than that of their General.  
But the Disorders of his Family, chiefly 
His Differences with his Father.  caused by his new Marriages, and extravavagant Loves, (the whole Kingdom being soon, in a manner, embroiled by the Women) raised many Quarrels and great Breaches between them, which the ill Nature of Olympias, a Woman of a jealous and implacable Temper, still made wider, by exasperating Alexander against his Father. Among the rest, this Accident contributed most to their falling out. At the Wedding of Cleopatra, whom Philip, in his Dotage had Married, she being much too young for him, her Uncle Attalus, in his Drink, desired the Macedonians would implore the Gods to give them a lawful Successor to the Kingdom by his Niece. This nettled Alexander so, that throwing one of the Cups at his Head, You Villain, said he, what am I then, a Bastard? Then Philip taking Attalus his part, rose up, and would have run his Son through; but by good Fortune for them both, either his overhasty Rage, or the Wine he had drank, made his Foot slip, so that he fell down on the Floor. At which Alexander most reproachfully insulted over him: See there, said he, how low he lies, not able to remove from one Seat to another, who was making such Preparations to pass out of Europe into Asia. After this insolent Debauch, he and his Mother Olympias went from Court, and when he had placed her in Epirus, he himself retired into Illyria.  
About this time Demaratus the Corinthian, 
Reconciled by Demaratus the Corinthian.  an old Friend of the Family, who had the freedom to say any thing among them without offence, coming to visit Philip, after the first Compliments and Embraces were over, Philip asked him, Whether the Grecians lived in Amity with one another? It ill becomes you, replied Demaratus, to inquire after the State of Greece, who have involved your own House in so many Dissensions and Calamities. He was so convinced by this seasonable Reproach, that he immediately sent for his Son home, and at last, by Demaratus his Mediation, prevailed with him to return. But this Reconciliation lasted not long; for when Pexodorus, Viceroy of Caria, sent Aristocritus to treat a Match between 
Break on't again.  his eldest Daughter, and Philip's Son Aridaeus, seeking thereby to enter into a League offensive and defensive with him: Alexander's Mother, and some who pretended to be his Friends, filled his Head with Tales and Calumnies, as if Philip, by this splendid Alliance, and considerable Negotiation, intended to settle the Kingdom upon Aridaeus. To prevent this, he dispatches one Thessalus, a Player, into Caria, to dispose Pexodorus to slight Aridaeus, both as illegitimate, and a Fool, and rather to accept of himself for his Son-in-law. This Proposition was much more agreeable to Pexodorus than the former. But Philip, as soon as ever he was made acquainted with this Transaction, went directly to his Son's Apartment, accompanied only by Philotas, one of his most intimate Friends, the Son of Parmenio, and there reproved him severely, and reproached him bitterly, that he should be so degenerate, and unworthy of the Crown he was to leave him, as to desire the Alliance of a mean Carian, who was at best, but the Vassal of a barbarous Prince. Nor did this satisfy his Resentment, for he wrote to the Corinthians to send Thessalus to him in Chains, and banished Harpalus, Nearchus, Phrygius, and Ptolemy, his Sons Confidents and Favourites, whom Alexander afterwards recalled, and raised to great Honour and Preferment.  
Not long after this, a Youth named Pausanias, 
Philip murdered by Pausanias.  being forcibly abused, not without the knowledge and consent of Attalus and Cleopatra: When he found he could get no Reparation for his Disgrace at Philip's hands, watched his opportunity, and Murdered him. The guilt of which Fact fell partly upon Olympias, who is said to have encouraged and exasperated the enraged Youth to Revenge; and partly upon Alexander himself, w●● when Pausanias came, and complained to him of the Injury he had received, repeated these Verses to him out of Euripides his Medea, where in her Fury she says—  

She'll see that her Revenge be satisfied  
On Husband, Wife, and him who gave the Bride.   
However, he took care to find out and punish the Accomplices of the Conspiracy severely, and was very angry with Olympias, for treating Cleopatra too inhumanely in his absence.  
Alexander was but 20 years old when his 
The beginning of Alexander's Reign attended with great Difficulties.  Father was murdered, and not without great Envy succeeded to a Crown beset on all sides with many dangers, and powerful Enemies. For not only the barbarous Nations that bordered on Macedonia, were impatient of being governed by any but their own native Princes; but Philip likewise, though he had been victorious over the Grecians, yet, for want of time to finish his Conquests, and settle his Affairs, had left all things in great Hurry and Confusion. Wherefore some would have persuaded Alexander to have given over all thoughts of containing the Grecians in their Duty by force of Arms, and rather to apply himself to reduce the neighbouring Nations by gentle means, and prevent Innovations in their very beginning. But he rejected this Counsel as weak and timorous, and looked upon it to be more Prudence to secure himself by Resolution and Magnanimity, than by seeming to truckle to any, hazard the bringing all his Enemies upon him at once. In pursuit of this opinion, he kept the Barbarians quiet, by making a sudden Incursion into their Country, as far as the River 
He overthrows the Triballians.  Ister, where he gave Syrmus, King of the Triballians, a considerable Overthrow. And hearing the Thebans were ready to Revolt, and that the Athenians held Correspondence with them, because Demosthenes, in disparagement of him, had called him a Child while he was in Illyria, and the Country of the Triballians, allowing him to be no more than a Youth, while he was in Thessaly: To show how much he was improved, he immediately led his Army through the Straits of Thermopylae, and said, they should find him a Man to some purpose before the Walls of Athens.  
When he came to Thebes, to show how willing he was to accept of their Repentance for what was past, he only demanded of them Phoenix and Prothytes, the Authors of the Rebellion, and proclaimed a general Pardon of those who would come over to him. But when the Thebans on the other side, not only required Philotas and Antipater to be delivered into their hands, but also publicly invited all who would assert the Liberty of Greece, into an Association with them, he presently applied himself to make them feel the last Extremities of War. The Thebans indeed defended themselves with Alacrity and Courage, far beyond their Strength, being much out-numbred by their Enemies. But when the Macedonian Garrison sallied out upon them from the Citadel, they were so hemmed in on all sides, that many of them fell in the Battle. The City itself being taken by Storm, was sacked and razed, on purpose 
Takes Thebes, and races it.  that so severe an Example might terrify the rest of Greece into obedience. However, to colour this Vengeance, he gave out, he was forced to be so extremely rigorous, by the pressing Complaints and Accusations of his Confederates the Phocians and Plataeans. So that except the Priests, and some few who had heretofore entertained the Macedonians kindly at their Houses, the Family of the Poet Pindar, and those who were known 
The Family of the Poet Pindar spared.  to have opposed the Rebellion, all the rest, to the number of 30000, were publicly sold for Slaves; and it is computed, that upwards of 6000 were put to the Sword. Among the other Calamities that befell this miserable City, it happened that some Thracian Soldiers having plundered and demolished the House of an Illustrious Matron named 
The Story of Timoclea.  Timoclea, their Captain, after he had lain with her by force, to satisfy his Avarice, as well as Lust, asked her, If she knew of any Money concealed; to which she readily answered, she did, and bid him follow her into a Garden, where she showed him a Well, into which, she told him, upon the the taking of the City, she had thrown what she had of most value. The greedy Thracian presently stooping down to view the place where he thought the Treasure lay, she came behind him, and pushed him into the Well, and then flung great Stones in upon him, till she had killed him. After which, when the Soldiers led her away bound to Alexander, her very Mien and Gate showed her to be a Woman of Quality, and of a Mind no less elevated, not betraying the least sign of Fear or Astonishment. And when the King asked her, Who she was? I am, said she, the Sister of Theagenes, who fought the Battle of Chaeronea with your Father Philip, and fell there for the liberty of Greece. Alexander was so surprised, both at what she had done, and what she said, that he could not choose but give her and her Children their Freedom to go whither they pleased.  
After this he received the Athenians into 
He pardons the Athenians.  Favour, although they had showed themselves so much concerned at the Calamity of Thebes, that they omitted the Celebration of their Festivals, and entertained those who escaped, with all possible Humanity. Whether in this he followed the Nature of Lions, his Rage being already satisfied, or that after an Example of horrid Cruelty, he had a mind to appear Merciful, it happened well for the Athenians; for he not only forgave them all past Offences, but commanded them to look to their Affairs with Caution and Vigilance, upon this Consideration, that if he should miscarry in his Expedition, they were like to be the Arbiters of Greece. Certain it is, that he often repent of his Severity to the Thebans, and his Remorse had such influence on his Temper, as to make him ever after less rigorous to all others. He imputed also the Murder of Clitus, which he committed in his Wine, and the base unwillingness of the Macedonians to follow him against the Indians, (by which his Enterprise and Glory was left imperfect) to the Wrath and Vengeance of Bacchus, the Protector of Thebes. And it was observed, that whatsoever any Theban, who had the good fortune to survive this Victory, asked of him, he was sure to grant, without the least difficulty.  
Soon after the Grecians being assembled 
Is chosen General of the Grecians.  in the Straight of Peloponesus, declared their Resolution of joining with Alexander in the War against the Persians, and made choice of him for their General. While he stayed here, many public Ministers and Philosophers came from all Parts to visit him, and congratulate his Election: But contrary to his Expectation, Diogenes of Synope, who then dwelled at Corinth, thought so little of him, that instead of coming to compliment him, he never so much as stirred out of the Cranium or Suburbs, where Alexander found him lying along in the Sun. When he saw so much Company near him, he raised himself a little, and vouchsafed to look upon 
The Behaviour of Diogenes the Cynic towards him.  Alexander, and when he kindly asked him, Whether he wanted any thing? Yes, said he, I would have you stand from between me and the Sun. Alexander was so affected at this Answer, and surprised at the Greatness of the Man's Soul, who had taken so little notice of him, that as he went away, he told his Followers, who were Laughing at the Moroseness of the Philosopher, That if he were not Alexander, he would rather choose to be Diogenes than any other Man.  
Then he went to Delphos, to consult Apollo 
He consults, and forces the Oracle.  concerning the Success of the War he had undertaken; and happening to come at a time that was esteeemed unlucky, and improper to give any Answers from the Oracle, he sent Messengers to desire the Priestess to do her Office; but she refusing, under pretence of a Law to the contrary, he went up himself, and drew her by force into the Temple, where tired and overcome with Struggling, My Son, said she, thou art Invincible. Alexander taking hold of what she spoke, declared he had received such an Answer as he wished for, and that it was needless to consult the God any further. Among other Prodigies that preceded the March of his Army, the Image of Orpheus at Libethra, made of Cypress-Wood, was seen to Sweat in great abundance, to the discouragement of many. But Aristander told him, That far from presaging any Ill to him, it signified, he should perform things so important and glorious, as would make the Poets and Musicians of future Age's labour and sweat to describe and celebrate them.  
His Army, by their Computation who 
Alexander's Army and Preparations.  reckon moderately, consisted of 30000 Foot, and 5000 Horse; and those who make the most of it, speak but of 34000 Foot, and 4000 Horse. Aristobulus says, he had not a Fund of above 70 Talents for their Pay, nor more than 30 days Provisions, if we may believe Duris; and Onesicritus tell us, he was 200 Talents in Debt. However narrow and disproportionable the beginnings of so vast an Undertaking might seem to be, yet he would not embark his Army, till he had informed himself particularly, 
His Liberality.  what Estates his Friends had to enable them to follow him, and supplied what they wanted, by giving good Farms to some, a Village to one, and the Revenue of some Borough or Port-Town to another. So that at last he had wasted or engaged almost all the Crown-Lands, which giving Perdiccas an occasion to ask him, What he would leave himself? He replied, Nothing but the Hopes of his future Conquests. You will not then, said Perdiccas, take it ill, if we share with you in those Hopes only, and refused to accept of the Estate he had assigned him. Some others of his Friends did the like, but to those who willingly received, or desired assistance of him, he liberally granted it, as far as his Patrimony in Macedonia would reach, which was all spent in these Donations.  
With such vigorous Resolutions, and 
He passes the Hellespont, and visits Achilles his Tomb.  his Mind thus disposed, he passed the Hellespont, and at Troy Sacrificed to Minerva, and Honoured the Memory of the Heroes who were Buried there, with solemn Funeral Libations; especially Achilles, whose Grave-Stone he Anointed, and with his Friends, as ancient Custom was, ran naked about his Sepulchre, and Crowned it with Garlands, withal declaring, how happy he estee●'d him▪ in having while he lived, so faithful a Friend as Patroclus; and when he was dead, so famous a Poet as Homer to immortalize his Actions. While he was viewing the rest of the Antiquities and Curiosities of the Place, being told, he might see Paris his Harp if he pleased, he said, He thought it not worth looking on, but he should be glad to fee that of Achilles, with which he had celebrated the Glory and Renowned Actions of so many brave Men.  
In the mean time Darius his Captains having Martial'd great Forces, were encamped 
The Battle of Granicus.  on the further Bank of the River Granicus, which was looked on as so considerable a Pass into Asia, that there was an absolute necessity of Fight to win it. The depth of the River, with the unevenness and difficult ascent of the oppositite Shore, which was to be gained by main force, was apprehended by some; and others were so Superstitious, as to think it an improper time to engage, because it was unusual for the Kings of Macedonia to march with their Forces in the Month of June. But Alexander broke through these Scruples, telling them, they should call it a second May. And when Parmenio advised him not to attempt any thing that day, because it was late, he told him, The Hellespont which he had passed would blush for him, if he should be baffled at the passage of an inconsiderable River. And so without more saying, he immediately took the River with 13 Troops of Horse, and advanced against whole showers of Darts thrown from the other side, which was covered with multitudes of the Enemy, 
Alexander passes the Granicus in despite of the Enemy.  notwithstanding the disadvantage of the Ground, and the rapidity of the Stream; So that this Action seemed to have more of Rage and Madness in it, than of prudent Conduct. However he persisted obstinately to gain the Ford, and at last with much ado climbing up the Banks, which were very slippery by reason of the Mud, he was fain to mingle among the thickest of the Enemy, and Fight hand to hand for a while, before he could bring his Men, who were endeavouring still to pass, into any Order. They pressed upon him with loud and warlike Outcries, and charging him closely with their Horse, after they had broken and spent their Javelins, they fell to it with their Swords. And Alexander being remarkable for his Buckler, and a large Plume of excellent white Feathers on his Helmet, was attacked on all sides, yet escaped wounding, though his Cuirass was pierced by a Javelin in a faulty place. And Rhesaces, 
His dangerous Encounter.  and Spithridrates, two Persian Commanders, falling upon him at once, he avoided one of them, and struck at Rhesaces, who had a good Cuirass on, with such force, that his Javelin breaking in his Hand, he was glad to betake himself to his Sword. While they were thus engaged, Spithridates came up on one side of him, and raising himself upon his Horse, gave him such a Blow with his Battle-axe on the Helmet, that he cut off the Crest of it, with one side of his Plume, and made such a Gash, that the edge of his Weapon touched the very Hair of his Head. But as he was about to repeat his Stroke, Great Clitus prevented him, by 
And Preservation by Clitus.  running him through the Body with his Spear. At the same time Alexander dispatched Rhesaces with his Sword. While the Horse were thus dangerously engaged, the Macedonian Phalanx passed the River, and the Foot on each side advanced to Fight. but the Enemy hardly sustaining the first onset, soon gave ground and fled, all but the mercenary Grecians, who making a stand upon a rising Ground, desired quarter, which Alexander guided rather by Passion than Judgement, refused to grant, and charging them himself first, had his Horse (not Bucephalus but another) killed under him. And this obstinacy of his to cut off these experienced desperate Men, cost him the lives of more of his own Soldiers, than all the Battle before, besides those who were wounded. The Persians lost in this Battle 20000 Foot, and 2500 Horse: On Alexander's side, Aristobulus says there was not wanting above 34, of which 9 were Foot, to whose Memory he caused so many Statues of Brass of Lysippus his Hand to be Erected: And that the Grecians might participate the Fruits of his Victory, he shared the Booty among them. Particularly to the Athenians he sent 300 Bucklers, and upon all the rest of the Spoils he ordered this glorious Inscription to be set: Alexander the Son of Philip, and all the Grecians, except the Lacedæmonians, won these from the Barbarians who inhabit Asia. All the Plate and Purple Garments, and whatever else of any value he took from the Persians, except a very small quantity reserved for himself, he sent as a Present to his Mother.  
This Battle presently made a great change of Affairs to Alexander's advantage: For Sardis itself, the chief Seat of the Barbarians 
Sardis taken.  Power in the Maritime Provinces, and many other considerable Places were Surrendered to him; only Halicarnassus and Miletus stood, which he soon took in by force, together with the Territory about them. After which he was a little unsettled in his Opinion how to proceed: Sometimes he thought it best to find out Darius as soon as he could, and put all to the hazard of a Battle; another while he looked upon it as a more prudent course; to make an entire Conquest of the Sea-Coast, and not to seek the Enemy till he was strengthened, by the addition of the Wealth and Forces of those Provinces. While he was thus deliberating what to do, it happened that a Fountain near the City of Xanthus in Lycia, of its own accord swelled over its Banks, and threw up a Copper Plate upon the Shore, in which was Engraven in ancient Characters, 
Being irresolute is encouraged by an old Prophecy.  That the time would come, when the Persian Empire should be destroyed by the Grecians. Encouraged by this Accident, he proceeded to reduce the Maritime Parts of Cilicia, and Phoenicea, and passed his Army along the Seacoasts of Pamphilia with such Expedition, that many Historians have described, and extolled it with that height of Admiration, as if it were no less than a Miracle, and an extraordinary effect of Divine Favour, that the Waves which were wont to come rolling in from the Main, and hardly ever leave so much as the Beach under the steep, broken Cliffs at any time uncovered, should on a sudden retire to afford him passage. Menander, in one of his Comedies, alludes to this wonderful Event, when he says,  

How this Resembles Alexander's high  
Exploits? This Fellow of his own accord is here.  
Ask him to wade the Sea, and he'll reply,  
Even that to him does passable appear.   
Alexander himself in his Epistles, mentions nothing unusual in this at all, but says, he went from Phaselis, and marched through the Straits, which they call the Ladders. At Phaselis he stayed some time, and finding the Statue of Theodectes, who was then Dead, erected in the Market Place, after he had Supped, having drank pretty plentifully, he went and Danced about it, and Crowned it with Garlands as it were in sport, Honouring the Memory of his Friend, whose Conversation he had formerly enjoyed, when he was Aristotle's Scholar.  
Then he subdued the Pisidians who made 
Pisidia and Phrygia subdued.  head against him, and conquered the Phrygians, at whose chief City Gordium, (which is said to be Seat of Old King Midas) he saw the famous Chariot fastened with Cords made of the Rind of the Cornel Tree, which 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  whosoever should untie, the Inhabitants had a constant Tradition, that for him was reserved the Empire of the World. Most are of Opinion, That Alexander finding himself unable to untie the Knot, because the ends of it were secretly folded up within it, cut it asunder, with his Sword: But 
Cuts the Gordian Knot.  Aristobulus tells us, it was easy for him to undo it, by only pulling the Pin out of the Beam which fastened the yoke to it, and afterwards drawing out the yoke itself. From hence he advanced into Paphlagonia and Cappadocia, both which Countries he soon reduced to his obedience, and then hearing of the Death of Memnon, one of Darius his best Sea-Commanders, who, if he had lived, might have put a great stop to the progress of his Arms, he was the rather induced to carry the War into the upper Provinces of Asia.  
Darius was by this time upon his March 
Darius' marches towards him.  from Susa, very confident, not only in the number of his Men, which amounted to fix hundred thousand, but likewise in a dream which the Magicians interpreted rather in flattery to him, than with any probability of Truth. He dreamed that he saw the Macedonian Phalanx all on fire, and Alexander waiting on him, clad in the same Robe which he used to wear when he was Asgandes to the late King; 
A Messenger.  after which going into the Temple of Belus, he vanished out of his sight. By this dream it was manifest in my opinion, that the 
Darius' his Dream interpreted.  Gods designed to show him the illustrious Actions the Macedonians were to perform, that as he from an Asgandes had arrived at the Crown, so Alexander should come to be Master of Asia, and not long surviving his Conquests, conclude his Life with great Glory and Reputation. Darius' his confidence increased the more, because Alexander spent so much time in Cilicia, which he imputed to his Cowardice: But it was sickness that detained him there, which some say 
Alexander falls sick.  he contracted by taking too much pains, others by Bathing in the River Cydnus, whose Waters were exceeding cold. However it happened, none of his Physicians would venture to give him any Remedies, they thought his case so desperate, and were so afraid of the censure and ill will of the Macedonians, if they should fail in the Cure; till Philip the Acarnanian considering his extreme danger, and confiding in his Friendship, resolved to try the utmost efforts of his Art, and rather hazard his own Credit and Life, than suffer him to perish for want of Physic, which he confidently administered to him, encouraging him to take it boldly, if he desired a speedy Recovery, in order to prosecute the War. At this very time Parmenio wrote to Alexander from the Camp, bidding him have a care of Philip, as one who was bribed by Darius to kill him, with great sums of Money, and a promise of his Daughter in Marriage. When he had perused the Letter, he put it under his Pillow, without showing it so much as to any of his most intimate Friends, and when Philip came in with the Potion, he took it with great cheerfulness and assurance, withal giving him the Letter to read. This was an encounter well worth being present at, to see Alexander take the draught, 
His confidence in his Physician Philip.  and Philip read the Letter at the same time, looking earnestly upon one another, but with different Sentiments; for Alexander's looks were cheerful and open, a demonstration of his kindness to, and confidence in his Physician, while the others were full of surprise at the accusation, appealing to the Gods to witness his Innocence, sometimes lifting up his hands to Heaven, and then throwing himself down by the Bedside, and beseeching Alexander to lay aside all fear, and rely on his Fidelity. The Medicine at first wrought so strongly with him, that it overcame his Spirits, and brought him so low that he lost his speech, and falling into a Swoon, had scarce any sense or pulse left; but soon after, by Philip's 
By whom he is Cured.  means, his Health and Strength returned, and he showed himself in public to the Macedonians, who were in continual fear and dejection till they saw him abroad again.  
There was at this time in Darius his Army a Macedonian Fugitive, named Amyntas, one who was pretty well acquainted with Alexander's designs, This Man, when he 
Darius rejects good Counsel.  saw Darius, intended to fall upon the Enemy in the Straits of an enclosed Country, advised him rather to keep where he was, it being the advantage of a numerous Army to have Field room enough, when it engages with a lesser Force. Darius instead of taking his Counsel, told him, he was afraid the Enemy would endeavour to run away, and so Alexander would escape out of his hands. That Fear, replied Amyntas, is needless, for assure yourself that far from avoiding you, he will make all the speed he can to meet you, and is now questionless on his March towards you. But Amyntas his Counsel was to no purpose, for Darius immediately decamped, marched into Cilicia, at the same time that Alexander advanced into Syria to meet him, but missing one another in the Night, they both came back again. Alexander mightily pleased with the Accident, made all the haste he could to fight in the Straits, and Darius to recover his former ground, and draw his Army out of so disadvantageous a place. For now he began to perceive his error in engaging too far into a Country, which, by reason of the Sea, the Mountains, and the River Pindarus running through the midst of it, would necessitate him to divide his Forces, render his Horse almost unserviceable, and only cover and supply the weakness of the Enemy. Fortune was not kinder to Alexander in the situation of the place, than he was careful to improve it to his advantage: For being much inferior in numbers, to prevent being enclosed, he stretched his Right 
The Battle of Issus.  Wing much further out than his Left, and Fight there himself in the very foremost Ranks, put the Barbarians to flight. In this Battle he was wounded in the Thigh by Darius (as Chares says) with whom he fought hand to hand. But in the account which he gave Antipater of the Battle, though indeed he owns he was run through the Thigh with a Sword, though not dangerously, yet he takes no notice who it was that wounded him.  
Nothing was wanting to complete this glorious Victory, which he gained at the expense of above an Hundred and ten thousand of his Enemy's lives, but the taking the Person of Darius, who escaped very narrowly 
Darius' escapes.  by flight. However, having taken his Chariot, and his Bow, he returned from pursuing him, and found his own Men busy in pillaging the Barbarians Camp, which, though to disburden themselves, they had left most of their Baggage at Damascus, was exceeding rich. But Darius his Tent, in which were abundance of Officers, a great deal of noble Furniture, and vast quantities of Gold and Silver, they reserved for Alexander himself, who after he had put off his Arms, as he was going to bath himself, Let us now, said he, cleanse and refresh ourselves after the toils of war, in Darius his own Bath. Not so, replied one of his followers, but in Alexander's rather, for the Goods of the Vanquished are, and always aught to be, reputed the Conquerors. Here, when he beheld the Bathing Vessels, the Water Pots, Vials, and Ointment Boxes all of Gold, curiously wrought, and smelled the fragrant odours with which the whole place was tightly perfumed, and from thence passed into another Apartment, large and well pitched, where the Bed, the Table, and the 
Alexander taken with the Persian Luxury and Riches.  Entertainment were perfectly magnificent, he turned to those about him, and in a kind of transport told them, This is to be a King indeed. But as he was going to Supper, word was brought him that Darius his Mother, and Wife, and two unmarried Daughters, being taken among the rest of the Prisoners, upon the sight of his Chariot and Bow, were all in tears and sorrow, imagining him to be dead. After a little pause, more touched with their affliction than with his own success, he sent Leonatus to them, to let them know Darius was not Dead, and that they need not apprehend any ill usage from Alexander, who made War upon him only for Dominion; and that they should find themselves as well provided for, as ever they were in Darius his most flourishing condition, when his Empire was entire. This kind message could not but be very welcome to the Captive Ladies, especially being made good by Actions no less humane and generous: For he gave them leave to bury whom they pleased of the Persians, and to make use of what Garments and Furniture they thought 
His generous usage of Darius his Wife and Daughters.  fit out of the Booty. He diminished nothing of their Equipage, or of the respect formerly paid them, and allowed larger Pensions for their maintenance, than ever they had before. But the bravest and most Royal Part of their usage, was, that he treated these Illustrious Prisoners according to their Virtue and their Quality, not suffering them to hear, or receive, or so much as to apprehend any thing that was indecent, or to the prejudice of their Honour. So that they seemed rather lodged in some Temple, or holy Virgin Cloister, where they enjoyed their Privacy sacred and uninterrupted; than in the Camp of an Enemy. Not that he wanted temptation, for Darius his Wife was accounted the beautifullest Princess than living, as her Husband the handsomest and properest man of his time, and the Daughters were no less charming than their Parents: But Alexander 
His Continence.  esteeming it more glorious to govern himself than to conquer his Enemies, touched none of them, nor any other Woman before Marriage, except Barsina, Memnon's Widow, who was taken Prisoner at Damascus. She was very knowing in the Grecian Learning, of a sweet temper, and by her Father Artabazus, Royally descended. Which good qualities added to the solicitations, and encouragement of Parmenio (as Aristobulus tells us) made him the more willing to enjoy so agreeable and illustrious a Woman. Of the rest of the Persian Captives, tho' handsome and well proportioned enough, he took no farther notice than to say merrily that they were great eyesores. His Temperance and Chastity so much surmounted the effects of their Charms, that they moved him no more than so many liveless Statues. And when Philoxenus, his Lieutenant on the Sea coast, wrote to him to know if he would buy two very fine Boys, which one Theodorus a Tarentine had to sell: He was so offended, that he often 
He is angry with those who would have Corrupted him.  expostulated with his Friends, what baseness Philoxenus had ever observed in him, that he should presume to make him such a reproachful offer? And immediately wrote him a very sharp Letter, commanding him to dismiss Theodorus, and his vile Merchandise with disgrace. Nor was he less severe to Agnon, who sent him word, he would buy a pretty Corinthian Youth named Crobylus, to present him with. And hearing that Damon and Timotheus, two of Parmenio's Soldiers, had abused the Wives of some Strangers who were in his Pay, he wrote to Parmenio, charging him strictly, if he found them guilty, to put them to Death, as Beasts that were good for nothing but to corrupt and ruin Mankind. In the same Letter he added, that he had not so much as seen, or desired to see the Wife of Darius, no, nor suffered any body to speak of her Beauty before him. He was wont to say, that Sleep, and the Act of Generation chiefly made him sensible that he was Mortal, withal affirming, that Pain and Pleasure proceeded both from the same Frailty and Imbecility of humane Nature.  
In his Diet he was most temperate, as 
His Temperance.  appears, omitting many other Circumstances, by what he said to Ada, whom he adopted to be his Mother, and afterwards created Queen of Caria. For when she out of Kindness sent him every day many curious Dishes and Sweetmeats, and would have furnished him with such Cooks and Pastry-men as were excellent in their kind: he told her, He wanted none of them, his Praeceptor Leonidas having already given him the best, which were Night-marches to prepare him for his Dinner, and moderate Dinners to create an Appetite for Supper. And that he used to open and search the Furniture of his Chamber, and his Wardrobe, to see if his Mother had left him any thing that was nice or superfluous. He was much less addicted to Wine than was generally believed; that which gave People occasion to think so of him, was, that when he had nothing else to do, he loved to sit long and discourse, rather than drink, and tell long Stories between every Glass. For when his Affairs called upon him, he would not be detained as other Generals often were, either by Wine, or Sleep, Nuptial Solemnities, Spectacles, or any other Diversion whatsoever: A convincing Argument of which is, that in the short time he lived, he accomplished so many and so great Actions. When he was free from Employment, after he was up, and had Sacrified to the Gods, he used to sit down to Dinner, and then spend the rest of the day either in Hunting, 
And manner of Life described.  or writing Memoirs, or composing Differences among his Soldiers, or Reading. In Marches that required no great haste, he would practise Shooting as he went along, or to mount a Chariot, and alight from it in full speed. Sometimes for Sports sake, his Journals tell us, he would go a Fox-Hunting, and Fowling, and when he came home, after he had Bathed, and was anointed, he would call for his Bakers, and chief Cooks, to know if they had got his Supper ready in good order. He never cared to Sup till it was pretty late, and was wonderful circumspect at Meals, that every one who sat with him should be served alike. His talkative Humour, as I noted before, made him delight to sit long at Table, and then, though otherwise no Prince's Conversation was ever so agreeable, he would fall into such a vein of Ostentation, and Soldier Bragging, as 
He is given to bragging.  gave his Flatterers a great advantage to ride him, and made his best Friends and Servants very uneasy. For though they thought it too base to strive who should Flatter him most, yet they found it hazardous not to 
And subject to Flattery.  do it; so that between the Shame and the Danger, they were in a great straight how to behave themselves. After such an Entertainment, he was wont to Bath, and then perhaps he would Sleep till Noon, and sometimes all day long. He was so very Temperate in his Diet, that when any excellent Fish or Fruits were sent him, he would distribute them among his Friends, and hardly reserve any for his own Eating. His Table however was always Magnificent, the Expense of it still increasing with his good Fortune, till it amounted to 10000 
The Expense of his Table.  Drachmas a day, to which Sum he limited it; and beyond this, he would suffer none to lay out in an Entertainment, though he himself were the Guest.  
After the Battle of Issus, he sent to Damascus to seize upon the Money and Baggage, the Wives and Children of the Persians, of which the Thessalian Horsemen had the greatest share; for he had taken particular notice of their Gallantry in the Fight, and sent them thither on purpose to make their Reward suitable to their Courage: Not but that the rest of the Army had so considerable part of the Booty, as was sufficient to make the Fortune of every private Soldier. This first gave the Macedonians such a taste of the Persian Wealth, Women, and manner of Living, that they pursued and traced it with the same eagerness and ardour, that Hounds do when they are upon a Scent. Alexander before he proceeded any farther, thought 
Cyprus and Phoenicia yielded to him.  it necessary to assure himself of the Sea-Coast. Those who Governed in Cyprus, put that Island into his Possession, and all Phoenicia except Tyre was Surrendered to him without a stroke. During the Siege of this City, which with Mounts of Earth cast up, and 
He Besieges Tyre.  battering Engines, and 200 Galleys by Sea, was carried on with all imaginable vigour for seven Months together, he chanced to Dream, that he saw Hercules upon the Walls, reaching out his Hand, and calling to him. And many of the Tyrians in their Sleep, fancied that Apollo told them, he was displeased with their Actions, and was about to leave them, and go over to Alexander. Upon which, as if the God were a Fugitive, they took him in the Fact, chaining his Statue, and nailing it to the Pedestal, withal reproaching him, that he was an Alexandrist, or a Favourer of Alexander's Party. Another time Alexander Dreamed, He saw a satire mocking him at a distance, and when he endeavoured to catch him, he still escaped from him, till at last, with much perseverance, and running about after him, he got him into his Power. The Soothsayers making two words of Satyros, assured him, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which signifies, Tyre is thine.  that in all probability Tyre was as good as his own. The Inhabitants at this time show the Fountain near which Alexander slept, when he fancied the satire appeared to him.  
While the Body of the Army lay before Tyre, he made a short Excursion against the Arabians, who inhabit Mount Antilibanus, in which he hazarded his Life extremely, to bring off his Master Lysimachus, who would needs go along with him, bragging he was neither older, nor inferior in Courage to Phoenix Achilles, his Tutor, whose Name he affected to bear. For when quitting their Horses, they marched up the Hill on foot, the rest of the Soldiers outwent them a great deal, so that Night drawing on, and the Enemy near, Alexander was 
His care of his old Master▪  fain to stay behind so long, to encourage and help up the lagging, tired old Man, that before he was aware, he was gotten a great way from his Army with a slender attendance, and forced to pass an extreme cold Night in the dark, and in a very ill place. Till seeing a great many scattered Fires of the Enemy at some distance, and trusting to his Agility of Body, and constant Indefatigableness, with which he was wont to relieve and support the Macedonians in their Distress, he ran straight to one of the nearest 
and personal Valour, in extremity of danger  Fires, and with his Dagger dispatching two of the Barbarians that sat by it, snatched up a lighted Brand, and returned with it to his own Men, who immediately made a great Fire, which so terrified the Enemy, that most of them fled, and those that assaulted them were soon routed, by which means they lodged securely the rest of the Night. Thus Chares gives an account of this Action.  
But to return to the Siege, it had this Issue: Alexander that he might refresh his Army, harassed with many former Encounters, drew out a small Party, rather to keep the Enemy upon Duty, than with any prospect of much Advantage. It happened at this time, that Aristander, after he had sacrificed, upon view of the Entrails, affirmed confidently to those who stood by, that the City should be certainly taken that very Month, which made them laugh at, and mock him exceedingly, because that was the last day of it. But the King taking notice of his Perplexity, and emulous Zeal, ever ambitious to have his Predictions take place, commanded they should not account that the 30th, but the 3d day of the expiring Month, and ordering the Trumpets to sound, attacked the Walls with more Fury 
He takes Tyre and Gaza.  than he at first intended. The briskness of the Assault so inflamed the rest of his Forces who were left in the Camp, that they could not hold from advancing to second it, which they performed with so much Vigour, that the Tyrians retired, and the Town was carried that very day. The next Place he sat down before was Gaza, the Metropolis of Syria, where this Accident befell him, A great Fowl flying over him, let a Clod of Earth fall upon his Soldier, and then settling upon one of the battering Engines, was suddenly entangled and caught in the 
Where he is wounded by a str●nge accident.  Nets composed of Sinews, which protected the Ropes with which the Machine was managed. This fell out exactly according to Aristander's Prediction, which was, that Alexander should be wounded, and the City reduced.  
From hence he sent great part of the Spoils to Olympias, Cleopatra, and the rest of his Friends, not omitting his Praeceptor Leonidas, on whom he bestowed five hundred Talents worth of Frankincense, and an hundred of Myrrh; prompted to it by the remembrance of his forward hopes of him, when he was but a Child. For Leonidas, it seems, standing by him one day while he was sacrificing, and seeing him take both his hands full of Gums to throw into the Fire, told him, it became him to be more sparing in his Offerings then, and not be so profuse till he was Master of the Countries, where those sweet Gums and Spices were produced. Upon this account, Alexander wrote him word, he had sent him a large quantity of Myrrh and Frankincense, that for the future he might not be so niggardly to the Gods. Among the Treasures and other Booty that was taken from Darius, there was a very curious little Box, which being presented to Alexander for a great Rarity, he asked those about him what they thought fittest to be laid up in it; and when they had delivered their opinions, he told them he esteemed nothing so worthy to be preserved in it as Homer's Iliads. 
His esteem of Homer.  This passage is attested by many credible Authors, and if what those of Alexandria, relying upon the credit of Heraclides, tell us be true; Homer was neither an idle, nor an unprofitable Companion to him in his expedition. For when he was Master of Egypt, designing to settle a Colony of Grecians there, he resolved to build a large and populous City, and give it his own Name. In order to which, after he had measured and staked out the Ground, with with the advice of the best Workmen, he chanced one Night in his sleep to see a wonderful Vision: A gray-headed Old Man, of a venerable Aspect, appeared to stand by him, and pronounce these Verses,  

Girt with the surging Main, there lies an Isle,  
Not far from Egypt, which they Pharos stile.   
Alexander upon this immediately rose up and went to Pharos, which at that time was an Island lying a little above the Canobique Mouth of the River Nilus, tho' it be now joined to the Continent by a strait Causey. As soon as he saw the commodious situation of the place, it being a long neck of Land, of a proportionable breadth, having a great Lake on one side, and the Sea on the other; at the end of it making a spacious Harbour, he said, Homer, besides his other Excellencies, was a very good Architect, and ordered the Plot of a City 
He builds Alexandri.  to be drawn answerable to the place. To do which, for want of Chalk, the Soil being black, they set out their Lines with Flower, taking in a pretty large compass of ground in a circular Figure; the inside of whose circumference was equally terminated by Right Lines like the edges of a Cloak. While he was pleasing himself with his design, on a sudden an infinite number of great Birds, of several kinds, rising like a black Cloud out of the River, and the Lake, devoured all the Flower that was used in setting out the Lines; at which, Omen Alexander was much troubled, till the Augur's encouraging him again, by telling him, It was a sign, the City he was about to build, would not only abound in all things within itself, but also be the Nurse of many Nations; he commanded the Workmen to proceed, while he went to visit the Temple of Jupiter Hammon.  
This was a long, painful, and dangerous 
His Journey to the Temple of Jupiter Hammon.  Journey in two respects: First, if their Provision of Water should fail in so wide a Desert: And Secondly, If a violent Southwind should rise upon them, while they were Travelling through the deep gaping Sands, as it did heretofore upon Cambyses his Army, blowing the Sands together in heaps, and then rolling it in Waves upon his Men, till 50000 were swallowed up and destroyed by it. All these difficulties were weighed and represented to him; but Alexander was not easily to be diverted from any thing he was bend upon: For Fortune having hitherto seconded him in his designs, made him resolute and firm in his Opinions, and the greatness of his Mind raised a confidence in him of surmounting almost invincible difficulties; as if it were not enough to be always victorious in the Field, unless Places, and Seasons, and Nature herself submitted to him. In this Voyage, the Relief and Assistance the Gods afforded him in his Distresses, were more wonderful and worthy of belief, than the Oracles he received afterwards, which were valued and credited the more upon this occasion: For first, the plentiful Rains that fell preserved them from perishing by drought, and allaying the extreme dryness of the Sand, which now became moist and firm to Travel on, cleared and purified the Air. Besides this, when they were out of their way, and were 
In which he is wonderfully guided and preserved.  wand'ring up and down, by reason the marks which were wont to direct the Guides were disordered and lost, they were set right again by some Ravens who flew before them in their March, and would wait for those who lagged or were left behind. But the greatest Miracle, as Calisthenes tells us, was, That if any of the Company went astray in the Night, they never left croaking and making a noise, till by that means they had brought them into the right way again. Having passed through the Wilderness they came to the City, where the Highpriest, at the first salute bade Alexander welcome from his Father Ammon: And being asked by him whether any of his Father's Murderers had escaped punishment, he charged him to speak with more respect, for his Father was not Mortal. Then Alexander more plainly desired to know of him, if any of those who murdered Philip were yet unpunished, and further concerning Dominion, whether the Empire of the World was reserved for him? This the God answered he should obtain, and that Philip's Death was fully revenged; which gave him so much satisfaction, that he made splendid Offerings to Jupiter, and gave the Priests very rich Presents. This is the substance of what Answers he received from the Oracle: Although Alexander in a Letter to his Mother tells her, there were some secret Predictions, which, at his return, he would communicate to her only. Others 
Is flattered by a Priest.  say, That the Priest, desirous to express himself more kindly, and to call him in the Greek Tongue Paidion, which signifies my Son, to avoid the barbarism as he thought of the N, used the S instead of it, and said Paidios, or Son of Jupiter, which mistake of his Speech, Alexander was well enough pleased with, and it went for currant, that the Oracle had called him so.  
Among the Sayings of one Psammon a Philosopher, whom he heard in Egypt, he most approved of this, That all Men are governed 
Alexander's opinion of the Deity.  by God, because in every thing that which is Chief and Commands is Divine. But what he pronounced himself upon this Subject, was more like a Philosopher; for he said, God was the common Father of us all, but more particularly of Good Men. To the Barbarians he carried himself very insolently, as if he were fully persuaded of his Divine 
And politic use of being thought a God.  Original; but to the Grecians more moderately, and with less affectation of Divinity: Except it were writing to the Athenians concerning Samos, where he tells them, they held not that free and glorious City by virtue of his Gift, but from the Bounty of him, who, at that time, was called his Lord and Father, meaning Philip. However, afterwards being wounded with an Arrow, and feeling much pain, he turned to those about him, and told them, it was common Humane Blood that fell from him, and not the Ichor,  
Such as th' Immortal Gods were wont to shed. And another time when it Thundered so much that every body was afraid, and Anaxarchus the Sophist asked him, if he who 
He is jeered by Anaxarchus.  was Jupiter's own Son were so too? Yes, that I am, answered Alexander laughing, for I would not be formidable to my Friends, as you would have me be, who despised my Table for being furnished with Fish, and not with the Heads of Governors of Provinces. For it is certain, That Anaxarchus seeing a Present of small Fishes which the King sent to Hephaestion, did express himself to this purpose, to show his contempt and derision of those who take mighty pains and run desperate hazards in pursuit of great matters, and yet after all, if we examine things closely, have little more of Pleasure or Enjoyment than other People. For what I have said upon this Subject, it is apparent that Alexander in himself was not foolishly affected, or had the Vanity to think himself really a God, but his Followers were captivated with an overweening opinion of his Divinity.  
At his return out of Egypt into Phoenicia, 
The expense of Tragedies defrayed by Kings.  he Sacrificed and made solemn Processions, to which were added circular Dances and Acting of Tragedies, whose splendour appeared not only in the Furniture and Ornaments, but in the noble Zeal and Contention of those who acted them. For no less Persons than two Kings of Cyprus were at the charge of them, in the same manner as it is performed at Athens by those who are chosen by Lot out of the Tribes. And indeed they strove with wonderful emulation to outvie each other: Chiefly Nicocreon King of Salamis, and Pasicrates of Soli, who were appointed to furnish and defray the expense of Athenodorus and Thessalus, two of the most celebrated Actors of that Age. Thessalus was most favoured by Alexander, though it appeared not till Athenodorus was declared Victor by the plurality of Suffrages. For then at his going away, he said the Judges deserved to be commended for what they had done, but that he would willingly have lost part of his Kingdom, rather than to have seen Thessalus overcome. However, when he understood Athenodorus was Fined by the Athenians, for being absent at the Festivals celebrated in Honour of Bacchus, tho' he refused his request of Writing in his behalf; yet he was so generous as to give him wherewithal to satisfy the Penalty. Another time Lycon of Scarphia happened to Act with great Applause in the Theatre, and in a Verse inserted in his part, cunningly begged Ten Talents of Alexander; who was so pleased with his Ingenuity, that he freely gave him the Money.  
About this time Darius wrote to him, and 
Darius' his Proposals rejected.  his Friends to intercede with him to accept 10000 Talents, as a Ransom for what Prisoners he had in his hands: And to purchase his Amity and Alliance, offered him all the Countries on this side the River Euphrates, together with one of his Daughters in Marriage. These Propositions he communicated to his Friends, and when Parmenio told him, that for his part, if he were Alexander, he should readily embrace them; So would I too you may be sure, said the King, if I were Parmenio. Accordingly his Answer to Darius was, That if he would yield himself up into his Power, he would treat him with all imaginable Kindness, if not, he was resolved immediately to advance towards him. But the Death of Darius his Wife in Childbirth, made him soon after repent of this Resolution, not without evident 
Alexander's generous Usage of Darius' Wif●.  marks of Grief, for being so deprived of a further opportunity of exercising his Clemency and good Nature, which he showed to the last, by the great Expense he was at in her Funeral.  
Among the Eunuches who waited in the Queen's Chamber, and were taken Prisoners with the Women, there was one Tyreus, who getting out of the Camp, fled away on Horseback to Darius, to inform him of his Wife's Death; which, as soon as he heard, he could not forbear beating his Head, and bursting forth into Tears with lamentable Outcries, said, Alas! how great is the Calamity of the Persians? Was it not enough that their King's Consort and Sister was a Prisoner in her Life-time, but she must, now she is dead also, be but meanly and obscurely Buried? Oh Sir, replied the Eunuch, As to her Interment, or any Respect or Decency, that was omitted at it, you have not the least reason to accuse the ill Fortune of your Country; for to my knowledge, neither your Queen Statira when alive, or your Mother or Children, wanted any thing of their former happy Condition, unless it were the light of your Countenance, which I doubt not but the mighty Oromasdes will yet restore with greater Splendour and Glory than ever: and after her Decease, I assure you, she had not only all due Funeral Ornaments, but was honoured also with the Tears of your very Enemies; for Alexander is as merciful and gentle after Victory, as he is daring and terrible in the Field. At the hearing of these words, such was the Grief and Emotion of Darius his Mind, that although there was not the 
Makes him jealous. 〈…〉  least ground for them, he could not choose but entertain some absurd Suspicions. For taking Tyreas aside into a more private Apartment in his Tent: Unless thou likewise, said he to him, hast deserted me, together with the good Fortune of Persia, and art become a Macedonian in thy Heart; if thou bearest me yet any Respect, and ownest me for thy Sovereign Darius, Tell me, I charge thee, by the Veneration thou payest the Deity of 
* The Sun.  Mithras, and this Right Hand of the King: Do I not lament the least of Statira's Misfortunes in her Captivity and Death? Have I not suffered something more injurious and deplorable in her Life-time? And had I not been miserable with less dishonour, if I had met with a more severe and inhuman Enemy? For how is it possible a young Man as he is, should treat the Wife of Darius with so much Generosity, without passing the Bounds of a virtuous Conversation? Whilst he was yet speaking, Tyreus threw himself at his Feet, and 
But without Reason, of which he is convinced by Tyreus the Eunuch.  besought him neither to wrong Alexander so much, nor his Dead Wife and Sister, as to harbour such unjust thoughts, which deprived him of the only Consolation he was capable of in his Adversity, in a firm belief that he was overcome by a Man, whose Virtues raised him far above the pitch of human Nature. That he ought to look upon Alexander with Love and Admiration, who had given no less Proofs of his Continence towards the Persian Women, than of his Valour among the Men. The Eunuch confirmed all he said with solemn, horrid Oaths, and was farther enlarging himself in the description of Alexander's Moderation and Magnanimity upon other occasions: When Darius, not able to contain himself any longer, broke from him into the next Room, where before all his Courtiers he lifted up his Hands to Heaven, and uttered this Prayer. Ye Gods, said he, who are the 
Darius' his Prayer.  Authors of our Being, and supreme Directors of Kingdoms; above all things, I beg of you to restore the declining Affairs of Persia, that I may leave them at least in as flourishing a condition as I found them, and have it in my Power to make some grateful Returns to Alexander, for the Kindness which in my Adversity he has showed to those who are dearest to me. But if indeed the fatal Time be come, which is to give a Period to the Persian Monarchy; if our Ruin be a Debt that must be inevitably paid to the Divine Vengeance, and the Vicissitude of Things: Then I beseech you grant, that no other Man but Alexander may sit upon the Throne of Cyrus. The truth of these Passages is attested by most Writers.  
But to return to Alexander, after he had 
The Event of a great Battle, gathered from a ridiculous Accident.  reduced all Asia, on this side the Euphrates, he advanced towards Darius, who was coming down against him with a Million of Men. In his March, a very ridiculous Passage happened. The Servants who followed the Camp, for Sports-sake divided themselves into two Parties, and named the Commander of one of them Alexander, and of the other Darius. At first they only pelted one another with Clods of Earth, and after fell to Fisticuffs, till at last, heated with the Skirmish, they fought in good earnest with Stones and Clubs, so that they had much ado to part them, till Alexander ordered the two Captains to decide the Quarrel by single Combat, and armed him who bore his Name himself, while Philotas did the same to him who represented Darius. The whole Army were Spectators of this Encounter, with Minds prepared from the Event of it, to make a Judgement of their own future Success. After they had fought stoutly a pretty while, at last he who was called Alexander had the better, and for a Reward of his Prowess, had 12 Villages given him, with leave to vest himself after the Persian Mode. Thus we are informed by the Writings of Eratosthenes.  
But the great Battle of all that was fought 
At the Battle of Gausamela.  with Darius, was not as most Writers tell us, at Arbela, but at Gausamela, which in their Language signifies the Camel's House, forasmuch as one of their ancient Kings, having escaped the pursuit of his Enemies on a swift Camel, in gratitude to his Beast, settled him at this place, with an allowance of certain Villages and Rents for his maintenance. It came to pass, that in the month 
* August.  Boedromion, about the beginning of the Feast of Mysteries at Athens, there happened an Eclipse of the Moon, the 11th Night after which, the two Armies being then in view of one another, Darius kept his Men in Arms, and by Torchlight took a general Review of them. But Alexander, while his Soldiers slept, spent the night before his Tent, with his Diviner Aristander, performing certain mysterious Ceremonies, and sacrificing to Apollo. In the mean 
Some Copies have it 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉▪ to Fear.  while the eldest of his Commanders, and chiefly Parmenio, when they beheld all the Plain between the River Niphates, and the Gordyaean Mountains, shining with the Lights and Fires which were made by the Barbarians, and heard the rude and confused Voices out of their Camp, the terror and noise of which resembled the roaring of a vast Ocean, they were so amazed at the thoughts of such a multitude, that after some Conference among themselves, they concluded it an Enterprise too difficult and hazardous 
Alexander though infinitely inferior in numbers, refuses to steal a Victory. His Reasons for it.  for them to engage so numerous an Enemy in the Day, and therefore meeting the King as he came from Sacrificing, besought him to attack Darius by Night, that the Darkness might conceal the Horror and Danger of the ensuing Battle. To this he gave them the so celebrated Answer, That he would not steal a Victory: Which though some may think childish and vain, as if he played with Danger, yet others look upon it as an evidence that he confided in his present Condition, and made a true Judgement of the future, in not leaving Darius, in case he were worsted, so much as a pretence of trying his Fortune any more; which he would certainly do, if he could impute his Overthrow to the disadvantage of the Night, as he did before to the Mountains, the narrow Passages, and the Sea. For it was not to be imagined, that he who had still such Forces and large Dominions left, 
His Reasons for it.  should give over the War for want of Men or Arms, till he had first lost all Courage and Hope, by the conviction of an undeniable and manifest Defeat. After they were gone from him with this Answer, he laid himself down in his Tent, and slept the rest of the Night soundlier than he was wont to do, to the astonishment of the Commanders, who came to him early in the Morning, and were fain themselves to give order that the Soldiers should Dine. But at last, time not giving them leave to wait any longer, Parmenio went to his Bedside, and called him twice or thrice by his Name, till he waked him, and then asked him, How it was possible when he was to fight the most important Battle of all, he could sleep so securely, as if he were already Victorious. So I am, said Alexander, smiling, since I am now no more put to the trouble of wand'ring after, and pursuing Darius, as long as he pleases to decline Fight, in a Country of so large extent, and so wasted. And not only before the Engagement, but likewise in the extremest danger of it, he showed the greatness of his Courage in Action, and the solidity of his Judgement in Counsel. For the left Wing which Parmenio commanded, 
An Instance of his Conduct.  was so violently charged by the Bactrian Horse, that it was disordered, and forced to give Ground, at the same time that Mazeus had sent a Party round about to fall upon those who guarded the Baggage, which so disturbed Parmenio, that he sent Messengers to acquaint Alexander, that the Camp and Baggage would be all lost, unless he immediately relieved the Rear, by a considerable Reinforcement drawn out of the Front. This Message being brought him Just as he was giving the Signal to those about him for the Onset, he bade them tell Parmenio, That sure he was mad, and had lost the use of his Reason, and that the Consternation he was in, had made him forget, that Conquerors always become Masters of their Enemy's Baggage; whereas those who were defeated, instead of taking care of their Wealth or their Slaves, had nothing more to do, but to fight gallantly, and die with Honour. When he had said this, he put on his Helmet, having the rest of his Arms 
His Armour described.  on before he came out of his Tent, which were a short Coat of the Sicilian fashion, gird close about him, and over that a Breastpiece of Linen often folded and plaited, which was taken among other Booty at the Battle of Issus. The Helmet which was made by Theophilus, though of Iron was so well wrought and polished, that it was as bright as the most refined Silver. To this was fitted a Gorget of the same metal, set with precious stones. His Sword, which was the weapon he most used in Fight, was given him by the King of the Citieans, and was of an admirable temper and lightness. But the Belt which he wore also in all Engagements, was of much richer Workmanship than the rest of his Armour; it was made by old Helicon, and presented him by the Rhodians, as a mark of their Respect to him. whenever he drew up his Men, or road about to give Orders, or instruct, or view them, he favoured Bucephalus by reason of his Age, and made use of another Horse; but when he was to fight, he sent for him again, and as soon as he was mounted, presently fell upon the Enemy. After he had made a long Oration to the Thessalians, and the rest of the Grecians, who encouraged him with loud Outcries, desiring to be led on to the Charge, he shifted his Javelin into his left Hand, and with his right lifted up towards Heaven, besought the Gods, that if he was of a truth the Son of Jupiter, they would be pleased to assist and strengthen the Grecians. At the same time the Augur Aristander, who had a white Mantle about him, and a Crown of Gold 
A good Omen before the Battle.  on his Head, rode by, and showed them an Eagle that soared just over Alexander, and directed his flight towards the Enemy; which so animated the Beholders, that after mutual Encouragements and Exhortations, the Horse charged at full speed, and were vigorously seconded by the Foot. But before they could well come to Blows with the first Ranks, the Barbarians shrunk back, and were hotly pursued by Alexander, who drove those that fled before him into the middle of the Battle, where Darius himself was in Person, whom he saw over the foremost Ranks, conspicuous in the midst of his Lifeguard; for he was an handsome, proper Man, and drawn in a lofty Chariot, defended by abundance of the best Horse, who stood close in order about it, ready to receive the Enemy. But Alexander's approach was so terrible, forcing those who gave back, upon those who yet maintained their Ground, that he beat down and dispersed them almost all, but a few of the bravest and valiantest, who were slain in their King's presence, falling in heaps upon one another, and in the very pangs of Death striving by catching hold of the Men and Horses, to stop the Macedonians pursuit. Darius now seeing all was lost, that those who were placed in Front to defend him were broken, and beat back upon him, that he could not turn or disengage his Chariot without great difficulty, the Wheels were so clogged and entangled among the dead Bodies which lay in such heaps, as not only stopped, but almost covered the Horses, and made them bound, and grow so unruly, that the frighted Charioteer 
Darius' flies.  could govern them no longer: In this extremity he was glad to quit his Chariot and his Arms, and mounting, as they say, upon a Mare that had newly foaled, betook himself to flight. But he had not escaped so neither, if Parmenio had not sent fresh Messengers to Alexander, to desire him to return, and assist him against a considerable Body of the Enemy which yet stood together, and would not give ground▪ Upon this Parmenio was on all hands accused of Dulness and Sloth, whether Age had impaired his Courage, or that, as calisthenes says, he inwardly grieved at and envied his Masters growing Greatness. Alexander though he was not a little vexed to be so recalled, and hindered from pursuing his Victory, yet concealed the true Reason from his Men, and causiing a Retreat to be sounded, as if it were too late to continue the Execution any longer, marched back 
And Alexander gains an entire Victory.  towards the place of danger, and by the way met with the News of the Enemies total overthrow and flight.  
This Battle being thus over, seemed to 
He is proclaimed King of Asia  put a period to the Persian Empire; and Alexander who was now proclaimed King of Asia, returned thanks to the Gods in magnificent Sacrifices, and rewarded his Friends and Followers with great sums of Money, and Palaces, and Governments of Provinces. To ingratiate himself with the Grecians, he wrote to them, that he would have all Tyrannies abolished, that they might live 
He courts the Grecians.  free according to their own Laws, more particularly to the Plataeans, that their City should be re-edified, because their Ancestors permitted their Countrymen to make their Territories the Seat of the War, when they fought with the Babarians for their common Liberty. He sent also part of the Spoils into Italy, to the Crotonians, to honour the Zeal and Courage of their Citizen Phaylus the Wrestler, who in the Median War, when the other Grecian Colonies in Italy disowned Greece; that he might have a share in the danger, joined the Fleet at Salamis, with a Vessel set forth at his own charge. So affectionate was Alexander to all kind of Virtue, and so desirous to preserve the memory of laudable Actions.  
From hence he marched through the Province 
Takes Babylon.  of Babylon, which immediately submitted to him, and in that of Ecbatane was mightily surprised to see Fire continually break like a spring out of a cleft of the Earth; and not far from that a Foutain of Naptha, which stagnated in great abundance. 
An Account of Naptha.  This Naptha, in other respects resembling Bitumen, is so subject to take fire, that before it touches the flame, it will kindle at the very light that surrounds it, and often inflame the interjacent Air also. The Barbarians, to show the Power and Nature of it, sprinkled the street that led to the King's Lodgings with little drops of this Liquor, and when it was almost night, stood at the further end with Torches, which being applied to the moistened Places, the first presently taking fire, in less than a minute it caught from one end to the other, in that manner, that the whole Street was but one continued flame. Among those who used to wait on the King when he anointed and washed himself, and divert his Mind with pleasant discourses, there was one Athenophanes, an Athenian, who desired him to make an Experiment of the Naptha upon Stephanus, who stood by in the Bathing place, a very ugly ridiculous Youth, whose Talon was Singing well: For, said he, if it take hold of him and cannot be quenched, it must undeniably be allowed to be of great and invincible strength. The Youth readily consented 
With an Experiment of it.  to undergo the Trial, and as soon as he was anointed and rubbed with it, his whole Body broke out into such a flame, and was so seized by the fire, that Alexander was exceedingly perplexed and concerned for him, and not without Reason; for nothing could have prevented his being consumed by it, if by good chance there had not been People at hand with a great many Vessels of Water for the service of the Bath, with all which, they had much ado to extinguish the Fire; and his Body was so burned all over, that he was not our of it a good while after. Not absurdly therefore do they endeavour to reconcile the Fable to Truth, who say, this was the Drug mentioned by the Poets, with which Medea anointed the Crown and Veil which she gave to Creon's Daughter. For neither the things themselves, nor the 
And some conjectures.  fire could kindle of its own accord, but being prepared for it by the Naptha, they imperceptibly attracted and caught the flame: For the rays and emanations of Fire, at a distance, have no other effect upon some bodies, than bare light and heat; but in others, where they meet with airy dryness, and also sufficient fat moisture, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  they collect themselves and soon prey upon and alter the matter. However, the production of Naptha admits of divers opinions: 
* Here some of the Original is lost.  Whether this liquid Substance that feeds the flame, does not rather proceed from a Soil that is unctuous and productive of Fire, as that of the Province of Babylon 
Concerning the Nature of it.  is, where the Ground is so very hot, that oftentimes the Grains of Barley leap up, and are thrown out, as if the violent Inflammation had given the Earth a pulse: And in extreme heats, the Inhabitants are wont to sleep upon Skins filled with Water. Harpalus, who was left Governor of this Country, and was desirous to adorn the Palace, Gardens, and Walks with Grecian Plants, succeeded in the raising of all but Ivy, which the Earth would not bear, but constantly killed: For being a Plant that loves a cold Soil, the temper of that mould, which was violently hot, was improper for it. Such digressions as these, the nicest Readers may endure, provided they are not too tedious.  
At the taking of Susa, Alexander found 
Vast Treasures found at Susa.  in the Palace 40000 Talents in Money ready coined, besides an unspeakable quantity of other Furniture and Treasure; amongst which was 5000 Talents worth of Hermionique Purple, that had been laid up there an hundred and ninety nine Years, and yet kept its colour as fresh and lively as at first. The reason of which they say, is that in Dying the Purple they made use of Honey, and of white Oil in the white Tincture, both which being of equal Age, still preserved their lustre clean and refulgent. Dimon also relates, That the Kings of Persia had Water fetched them from the Nile and the Danubius, which they laid up in their Treasuries, using it as an Argument of the Greatness of their Power and Universal Empire.  
But the entrance into Persia being very 
Alexander enters into Persia.  difficult, by reason of the enevenness of the Ways, and that the Passes to secure Darius, who was retired thither, were guarded by the best of his Forces, Alexander happened upon a Guide exactly correspondent to what the Pythia had foretold when he was a Child; That a Lycian should conduct him in his Journey into Persia; for by such an one, whose Father was a Lycian, and his Mother a Persian, and who spoke both Languages, he was led into the Country by a way something about, yet without fetching any considerable compass. Here a great many of the Prisoners were put to the Sword, of which himself gives this account; That he commanded them to be killed, out of an apprehension it would be advantageous to his Affairs: Nor was his Booty in Money less here than at Susa, besides other Movables and Treasure, as much as 10000 pair of Mules and 5000 Camels could well carry away. When Alexander saw a vast Statue of Xerxes thrown down on a sudden, by the multitudes of Solers that broke into the Palace; he stood still, and accosting it as if it had been alive; 
His Speech to Xerxes his Statue.  Shall we, said he, neglectfully pass thee by, now thou art prostrate on the Ground, because thou once invadest Greece, or shall we erect thee again, in consideration of the Greatness of thy Mind and thy other Virtues? But at last, after he had paused a pretty while, he went on without taking any further notice of it. In this place he took up his Winter-Quarters, and stayed four Months to refresh his Soldiers. The first time he sat on the Royal Throne of Persia, under a Canopy of Gold, Demaratus the Corinthian, a wellwisher to Alexander, and one of his Father's Friends wept, Good Old Man, and deplored the misfortune of the Grecians, that by Death were deprived of the satisfaction to see Alexander Seated on Darius his Throne.  
From hence designing to march against Darius, before he set out, he diverted himself with his Officers at an Entertainment of Drinking, and other Pastimes, and indulged so far as to have every one his Mistress sit by and drink with them. The most celebrated of them was Thais an Athenian, 
Xerxes' his Palace burnt by Thais an Athenian Whore.  Ptolomy's Mistress, who was afterwards King of Egypt. She sometimes cunningly praised Alexander, sometimes played upon him and rallied him, and all the while drank so freely that at last she fell to talk extravagantly, as those of her Country used to do, much above her Character or Condition. She said it was indeed some recompense for the pains she had taken in following the Camp all over Asia, that she was that day Treated in, and could insult over the stately Palace of the Persian Monarches: But she added, it would please her much better, if while the King looked on, she might in sport, with her own hands, set fire to Xerxes his Court, who reduced the City of Athens to Ashes; that it might be recorded to Posterity, that the Women who followed Alexander, had taken a sharper Revenge on the Persians for the Sufferings and Affronts of Greece, than all his Commanders could do by Sea or Land. What she said, was received with such universal liking, and murmurs of Applause, and so seconded by the encouragement and eagerness of the Company, that the King himself persuaded to be of the Party, if arted from his Seat, and with a Chaplet of Flowers on his Head, and a lighted Torch in his Hand, led them the way, who went after him in a Riotous manner, Dancing, and making loud noises about the place: Which, when the rest of the Macedonians perceived, they also, with all the Joy imaginable ran thither with Torches; for they hoped the burning and destruction of the Royal Palace, was an Argument that he looked homeward, and had no design to reside among the Barbarians. Thus some Writers give an account of this Action, and others say, it was done deliberately; however all agree that he soon repent of it, and gave order to put out the fire.  
Alexander was naturally very munificent, 
Several instances of Alexander's Munificence  and grew more so as his Fortune increased, accompanying what he gave with that courtesy and freedom, which, to speak truth, is absolutely necessary to make a Benefit really obliging. I will give you a few Instances of this kind. Ariston, the Captain 
To Ariston.  of the Paeonians, having killed an Enemy, brought his Head to show him, and told him, That among them such a Present was recompensed with a Cup of Gold. With an empty one, said Alexander, smiling, but I drink to you in this full of Wine, which I give you. Another time, as one of the common Soldiers was driving a Mule laden with some of the King's Treasure, the Beast tired, and the Soldier took it upon his own Back, and began to March with it, till Alexander seeing the Fellow so overcharged, asked what was the matter, and when he was informed, just as he was ready to lay down his Burden for weariness: Do not faint now, said 
To a poor Soldier.  he to him, but keep on the rest of your way, and carry what you have there, to your own Tent for yourself. He was always more displeased with those who would not accept of what he gave, than with those who continually begged of him. And therefore he wrote to Photion, That he should not take him for his Friend any longer, if he refused his Presents. 
To Photion.  Nor would he ever give any thing to Serapion, one of the Youths that played at Ball with him, because he did not ask of him, till one day it coming to Serapion's Turn to play, he still threw the Ball to others, and when the King asked him, Why he did not direct it to him? Because you did not desire it, 
To Serapion.  said he; which Answer pleased him so, that he was very liberal to him afterwards. One Proteas, a pleasant, drolling, drinking Fellow, having incurred his Displeasure, got his Friends to intercede for him, and begged his Pardon himself with Tears, which at last prevailed, and Alexander declared he was Friends with him. I cannot believe it, Sir, said Proteas, unless you give me some pledge 
To Proteas.  of your Reconciliation. The King understood his meaning, and presently ordered him to receive five Talents. How generous he was in enriching his Friends, and those who attended on his Person, appears by a Letter which Olympias wrote to him, where she tells him, He should reward and honour those about him in a more moderate way; for now, said she, you make them all equal to Kings, you give them power and opportunity to improve their own Interest, by obliging of many to them, and in the mean time do not consider, that you leave yourself bare and destitute. She often wrote to him to this purpose, and he never communicated her Letters to any body, unless it were one which he opened when Hephestion was by, whom he permitted to read it along with him; but then, as soon as he had done, he took off his Ring, and clapped the Seal upon his Lips. Mazeus, who was 
To Mazeus  the most considerable Man in Darius his Court, had a Son who was already Governor of a very good Province; but Alexander would needs bestow another upon him that was better, which he modestly refused, and withal told him, Instead of one Darius, he went the way to make many Alexanders. To Parmenio he gave Bagoas his 
To Parmenio.  House, in which he found a Wardrobe of Apparel worth more than 1000 Susian Talents. He wrote to Antipater, commanding him to keep a Lifeguard about him, for the security of his Person against Conspiracies. And to his Mother he was very grateful, sending her many Presents, but would never suffer her to meddle with matters of State or War, not indulging her busy Temper; and▪ when she fell out with him upon this account, he bore her ill Humour very patiently. Nay more, when he read a long Letter from Antipater, full of Accusations against her: I wonder, said he, Antipater s●ould not know, that one Tear of a Mother effaces a thousand such Letters as these.  
But when he perceived his Favourites 
He reproves the Luxury of his Farites.  grow so luxurious and extravagant in their way of Living and Expenses; that Agnon the T●ian, wore silver Nails in his Shoes; that Leonatus employed several Camels, only to bring him Powder out of Egypt, to use when he Wrestled; and that Philotas had Toils to take wild Beasts, that reached 12500 paces in length; that more used precious Ointments than plain Oil when they went to bathe, and that they had Servants every where with them, to rub them and wait upon them in their Chambers: he reproved them with great mildness and discretion, telling them, he wondered that they who had been engaged in so many signal battles, should not know by experience, that Labour and Industry made People sleep more sweetly and sound than Laziness; and that if they compared the Persians manner of Living with their own, they would be convinced it was the most abject, slavish condition in the World to be effeminate and voluptuous, but the most generous and becoming a Great Man to take pains. Besides he reasoned with them; how it was possible for any one who pretended to be a Soldier, either to look well after his Horse, or to keep his Armour bright and in good order, who thought much to let his Hands be serviceable to what was nearest to him, his own Body. Are ye still to learn, said he, the End and Perfection of our Victories is to avoid the Vices and Infirmities of those whom we subdue? And to strengthen his Precepts by Example, he applied himself now more vigorously than ever to Hunting and Warlike Expeditions, readily embracing all opportunities of Hardship and Danger; insomuch that old Lacon, who chanced to be by, when he encountered with, and mastered an huge Lion, told him, He had put his Empire in Competition, and had fought gallantly with the Beast, which of the two should be King. Craterus caused a Representation 
His Encounter with a Lion, expressed in Figures of Brass dedicated to Apollo at Delphos.  of this Adventure, consisting of the Lion and the Dogs, of the King engaged with the Lion, and himself coming in to his assistance, all expressed in Figures of Brass, some of which were made by Lysippus, and the rest by Leochares, to be dedicated to the Temple of Apollo at Delphos. In this manner did Alexander expose his Person to Danger, whilst he both inur'd himself, and incited others to the performance of brave and virtuous Actions.  
But his Followers who were grown rich, 
The Ingratitude of his Favourites.  and consequently proud, longed to indulge themselves in Pleasure and Idleness, and were perfectly weary of the Toils and Inconveniencies of War, and by degrees came to be so impudently ungrateful, as to censure and speak ill of him behind his back. All which at first he bore very patiently, saying, It became a King well, to do good to others, and be evil spoken of. But to descend to some Instances of an inferior nature, it is certain, that in the least demonstrations 
How tender he was of his Friend's Health.  of Kindness to his Friends, there was still a great mixture of Tenderness and Respect. Hearing Peucestes was bitten by a Bear, he wrote to him, That he took it unkindly, he should send others notice of it, and not make him acquainted with it; but now, said he, since it is so, let me know how you do, and whether any of your Companions forsook you when you were in danger, that I may punish them. He sent Hephestion, who was absent about some business, word, How, while they were fight for their diversion with an Ichneumon, Craterus was by chance run through both Thighs with Perdiccas his Javelin. And upon Peucestes his recovery from a fit of Sickness, he sent a Letter of Thanks to his Physician Alexippus. When Craterus was ill, he saw a Vision in his Sleep, after which he offered Sacrifices for his Health, and commanded him to do so likewise. He wrote also to Pausanias the Physician, who was about to purge Craterus with Hellebore, partly out of an anxious Concern for him, and partly to give him a Caution how he used that Medicine. He was so tender of his Friend's 
and Reputation.  Reputation, that he imprisoned Ephialtes and Cissus, who brought him the first News of Harpalus his Flight, and withdrawing from his Service, as if they had falsely accused him. When he sent the old infirm Soldiers home, Eurylochus the Aegean got his Name enroled among the Sick, though he ailed nothing; which being discovered, he confessed he was in Love with a young Woman named Telerippa, and had a mind to go along with her to the Seaside. Alexander enquired, To whom the Woman belonged? and being told, She was an Whore at her own disposal: I will assist you, said he to Eurylochus, all I can in your Amour, if your Mistress 
Assists them in their Love▪  be to be gained by Presents or Persuasions; but we must use no other means, because she is freeborn. It is surprising to consider, upon what slight occasions he would write Letters to serve his Friends. As when he wrote one, in which he gave Order to search for a Youth that belonged to Seleucus, who was run away into Cilicia. In another he 
and domestic Affairs  thanked and commended Peucestes for apprehending Nicon, a Servant of Craterus. And to Megabysus, concerning a Slave that had taken Sanctuary in a Temple, he wrote, that he should not meddle with him while he was there, but if he could entice him out by fair means, than he gave him leave to seize him. It is reported of him, that when he first sat in Judgement upon Capital Causes, he would lay his Hand upon one of his Ears, while the Accuser spoke, to keep it free and unprejudiced in behalf of the Party accused. But afterwards, such a multitude of Accusations were brought before him, whereof many proving true, exasperated him so, that he gave credit to those also that were false, and especially when any body spoke ill of him, he would be so out of measure transported, that he became cruel and inexorable, valuing his Glory and Reputation far beyond either his Life or Kingdom.  
His Affairs called upon him now to look 
A long March in pursuit of Darius.  after Darius, expecting he should be put to the hazard of another Battle; till he heard he was taken, and secured by Bessus, upon which news he sent home the Thessalians, and gave them a largess of 2000 Talents, over and above the Pay that was due to them. This long and painful pursuit of Darius, (for in eleven days he marched 412 Miles) harassed his Soldiers so, that most of ●●●● were ready to faint, chiefly for want of Water. While they were in this distress, it happened that some Macedonians, who had fetched Water in Skins upon their Mules from a River they had found out, came about Noon to the place where Alexander was, and seeing him almost choked with Thirst, presently filled an Helmet, and offered it him. He asked them to whom they were carrying the Water? They told him to their Children, adding withal, that if his Life were but preserved, it was no matter for them, they should have opportunities enough to repair that loss, tho' they all perished. Then he took the Helmet into his Hands, and looking round about when he saw all those who were near him stretched their heads out, and gaped earnestly after the Drink; he returned it again with thanks, without tasting a drop of it: For, said he, if I only should drink, the 
A memorable instance of Alexander's Prudence and Self denial.  rest will be quite out of heart and faint. The Soldiers no sooner took notice of his Temperance, and Magnanimity upon this occasion, but they, one and all, cried out to him to lead them on boldly, and fell a whipping their Horses to make them mend their pace; for whilst they had such a King, they said they defied either Weariness or Thirst, and looked upon themselves to be little less than Immortal. But tho' they ●●Spsn●● all ●●●ally 〈…〉 not above threescore Horse were able to keep up, and fall in with Alexander upon the Enemy's Camp, where they road over abundance of Gold and Silver that lay scattered about, and passing by a great many Chariot's full of Women, that wandered here and there for want of Drivers, they endeavoured to overtake the first of those that fled, in hopes to meet with Darius among them: And at last, with much ado▪ they found him lying along in a Chariot, all over wounded with Darts, just at the point of Death. However, he desired they would give him some drink, and when he had drank a little cold Water, he told Polystrates who gave it him, That to receive such a Benefit, and not have it in his Power to return it, was the highest pitch of his misfortune. But Alexander, said he, whose kindness to my Mother, my Wife, and my Children, I hope the Gods will recompense, will doubtless thank you for your Humanity to me. Tell him therefore in token of my Acknowledgement, I gave him this Right Hand: At which words he took hold of Polystratus his Hand, and Died. 
The Death of Darius.  When Alexander came up to them, he was sensibly touched at the unfortunate End of so Great a Man, and pulling off his own Coat, threw it upon the Body to cover it. And to show how much he detested so horrid a a fact, as soon as Bessus was taken, he ordered him to be torn in pieces in this manner. 
And Punishment of Bessut.  They fastened him to a couple of tall straight Trees, which were bound down so as to meet, and then being l●t loose, with a great force returned to their places, each of them carrying that part of the Body along with it that was tied to it. Darius' his Body was laid in State, and sent to his Mother with Pomp suitable to his quality, His Brother Exathres, Alexander received into the number of his most intimate Friends.  
And now with the Flower of his Army he marched down into Hyrcania, where he saw a Gulf of the Sea, not much less than the 
Conjectures about the Caspian Sea.  Euxine, and found its Water sweeter than that of other Seas; but could learn nothing of certainty concerning it, farther than that in all probability it seemed to him to be an overflowing of the Lake of Maeotis or at least to have Communication with it. However the Naturalists better informed of the Truth, give us this account of it many years before Alexander's Expedition; that of four Gulfs which out of the main Sea enter into the Continent, this is the most Northern, and is known by the Name both of the Hyrcanian and Caspian Sea. Here the Barbarians unexpectedly meeting with those who led Bucephalus, took them Prisoners, and carried the Horse away with them; which Alexander was so offended at, that he sent an Herald to let them know, he would put them all to the Sword, Men, Women, and Children, without mercy, if they did not restore him: Which they immediately did, and at the same time surrendered their Cities into his hands; upon which, he not only treated them very kindly, but also paid a good Ransom for his Horse to those who took him.  
From hence he marched into Parthia, 
Alexander puts on the Persian Habit.  where not having much to do, he first put on the Barbaric Habit, which Compliance perhaps he used in order to civilize them; for nothing gains more upon men, than a Conformity to their Fashions and Customs; or it may be he did it as an Essay, whether the Macedonians would be brought to adore him, (as the Persians did their Kings) by accustoming them by little and little to bear with the alteration of his Discipline, and course of Life in other things. However he followed not the Median Fashion, which was altogether barbarous and uncouth; for he wore neither their Breeches, nor their long Vest, nor their Tiara for the Head, but taking a middle way between the Persian Mode and the Macedonian, he so contrived his Habit, that it was not so flaunting as the former, and yet more pompous and magnificent than the latter. At first he wore this Habit only when he conversed with Strangers, or within doors, among his intimate Friends and Companions, but afterwards he appeared in it abroad, and at public Audiences. A Sight which the 
Which grieves the Macedonians.  Macedonians beheld with exceeding Grief; but they were so charmed with his other Virtues and good Qualities, that they could not but think it reasonable in some things to gratify his Humour, and his passionate desire of Glory: In pursuit of which he hazarded himself so far, that besides his other Adventures, he had but newly been wounded in the Leg by an Arrow, which had so shattered the Shankbone, that Splinters were taken out. And another time he received such a violent Blow with a Stone upon the Nape of the Neck, as dimmed his Sight a good while afterwards. But all this could not hinder him from exposing himself to the greatest Dangers, without any regard to his Person; insomuch that he passed the River Orexartes, which he took to be the Tanais, and putting the Scythians to flight, followed them above 12 miles in their Rear, though at the same time he had a violent Flux upon him. Here many affirm, that the Amazonian Queen came to give him a Visit: so report Clitarchus, Polycritus and Onesicritus, Antigenes and Ister, Aristobulus and Chares, besides Ptolemy and Anticlides, Philon the Theban, and Philip the Master of Requests. But then on the other side, Hecataeus the Eretrian, Philip the Chalcidian, and Duris the Samian say, it is wholly 
The Story of the Amazonian Queens coming to visit him is a Fiction.  a Fiction. And truly Alexander himself seems to confirm the opinion of the latter; for in a Letter, in which he gives Antipater an account of all Passages, he tells him, that the King of Scythia offered him his Daughter in Marriage, but makes no mention at all of the Amazon. And many years after, when Onesicritus read this Story in his 4th, Book to Lysimachus, who then reigned, the King fell a laughing at it, and asked, How such a thing should happen, and he know nothing of it, though he was present?  
But it signifies little to Alexander whether 
He persuades his Men to pursue the War.  this be credited or no: Certain it is, that apprehending the Macedonians would be weary of pursuing the War, he left the gross of his Army in their Quarters; and having with him in Hyrcania the choice of his men only, which amounted to 20000 Foot, and 3000 Horse, he spoke to them to this effect; That hitherto the Barbarians had seen them no otherwise than as it were in a dream, and if they should think of returning when they had only alarmed Asia, and not conquered it, their Enemies would set upon them, and destroy them like so many Women: However he told them, he would keep none of them with him against their will, they might go if they pleased, but withal protested against those who should be so mean-spirited as to desert him, and his Friends, and those who were willing to fight under him still, in an enterprise so glorious as it would be, to make the Macedonians Lords of the habitable World. This is almost word for word, as he wrote it in a Letter to Antipater, where he adds, That when he had thus spoken to them, they all cried out, they would go along with him, whithersoever it was his pleasure to lead them. When he had in this manner gained the Principal, it was no hard matter for him to bring over the multitude▪ which in such Cases easily follows the Example of their Betters. Now also he more and more accommodated himself in his way of Living to that of the Persians, and brought them as near as he could to the Macedonian Customs; wisely considering, that since he designed an Expedition, which would carry him far from thence, it was better to settle affairs in his 
His Methods to preserve his new Conquests.  absence, by a mixture of their Constitutions, and mutual Society with Good will, than by Compulsion. In order to this he chose out 30000 Boys, whom he allowed Masters to teach them the Greek Tongue, and to train them up to Arms in the Macedonian Discipline. As for his Marriage of Roxana, whose good Mein and Beauty had charmed him, at a Drinking entertainment, where he first happened to see her, it was perfectly the effect of Love, nor did it appear to be at all prejudicial to his Interest, as things stood with him at that time: For it put the conquered People in heart, and made them confide in him, and love him more than ever, when they saw how continent he was, and that he forbore the only Woman he was ever in Love with, till he could enjoy her in a lawful and honourable way.  
When he perceived that among his chief 
The politic use he made of his Favourites.  Friends and Favourites, Hephestion most approved all that he did, and complied with, and imitated him in his Habit, while Craterus continued strict in the observation of the Customs and Fashions of his own Country: He made the best use of them both, employing the first in all Transactions with the Persians, and the latter when he had to do with the Greeks, or Macedonians. It is true, he loved Hephestion best as a Favourite, because he loved Alexander, but then he esteemed and honoured Craterus most as a Friend, because he loved the King. Wherefore these two great Men bore one another secret Grudges, and often clashed and quarrelled so far, that once in India they drew upon one another, and were going to it in good earnest, with their Friends on each side to second them, till Alexander came up to them, and publicly reproved Hephestion, calling him Fool and Madman, not to be sensible that without his Favour he was but a cipher. He chid Craterus also in private very severely, and then causing them both to come into his presence, he reconciled them, at the same time swearing by Jupiter Ammon, and the rest of the Gods, that he loved them two above all other Men; but if ever he perceived them fall out again, he would be sure to put both of them to death, at least the Aggressor: After which, they neither ever did, or said any thing, so much as in jest to offend one another.  
None had more Authority among the Macedonians 
The Fall of Philotas, occasioned by his Arrogance.  than Philotas', the Son of Parmenio: for besides that he was valiant, and able to endure any Fatigue of War, he was also next to Alexander himself the most munificent, and the greatest lover of his Friends; one of whom ask him for some Money, he commanded his Steward to give it him; and when he told him, he had not wherewith, Have you not Plate then, said he, and clothes of mine? turn them into Money rather than let my Friend go without. But he was so very proud and insolent by reason of his Wealth, and so overnice about his Person and Diet, more than became a private Man, that he awkwardly and unseemingly affected the Air and Character of Greatness, without the Civility and obliging Temper which ought to accompany it, and so gained nothing but Envy and ill will to that degree, that Parmenio would sometimes tell him, My Son, the meaner the better. For he had long before been complained of, and accused to Alexander; particularly when Darius was overthrown in Cilicia, and an immense Booty was taken at Damascus, amongst the rest of the prisoners who were brought into the Camp, there was one Antigone of Pydna, a very handsome Woman, who fell to Philotas his share. The young Man one day in his Cups, like an arrogant, bragging Soldier, told his Mistress, That all the great Actions were performed by him and his Father, the Glory and Benefit of which, he said, together with the Title of King, that Stripling Alexander reaped and enjoyed by their means. She could not hold, but discovered what he had said, to 
He is betrayed by his Mistress Antigone.  one of her Acquaintance, and he, as is usual in such Cases, ●o another, till at last it came to the King. When Alexander had heard what she had to say, he commanded her to continue her Intrigue with Philotas, and give him an account from time to time of all that should fall from him to this purpose: Who being, through Inadvertency, caught in this Snare, sometimes to gratify his Passion, and sometimes his Vainglory, blurted out many foolish, indiscreet Speeches against the King in Antigones hearing, of which, though Alexander was informed, and convinced by strong Evidence, yet he would take no notice of it at present, whether it was, that he confided in Parmenio's Affection and Loyalty, or that he apprehended their Authority and Interest in the Army. About this time one Dimnus, a Macedonian 
Dimnus his Conspiracy.  Native of Chalaestra, conspired against Alexander's Life, and communicated his Design to a Youth whom he loved, named Nicomachus, inviting him to be of the Party. But he not relishing the thing, revealed it to his Brother Balinus, who immediately addressed himself to Philotas, requiring him to introduce them both to Alexander, to whom they had something of great moment to impart▪ which very nearly concerned him. But he, for what Reason is uncertain, went not with them, pretending the King was taken up with Affairs of more importance: And when they had urged him a second time, and were still slighted by him, they applied themselves to another; by whose means being admitted into Alexander's presence, they first laid open Dimnus his Conspiracy, and then represented Philotas his Negligence, who had taken so little notice of their repeated Solicitations; which extremely exasperated Alexander, especially when sending to apprehend Dimnus▪ he understood that he defended himself and chose rather to be Slain than Taken; for by his Death he thought he was deprived of the means of making a full discovery of the Plot. As soon as his Displeasure against Philotas began to appear, presently 
The Falsehood of Court Friends.  all his old Enemies showed themselves, and said openly, The King was too easily imposed on, to imagine; that one so inconsiderable as Dimnus the Calaestrian, should of his own head undertake such an Enterprise; that in all likelihood he was but subservient to the Design, an Instrument that was moved by some greater Spring; that those aught to be most strictly examined about the Matter, whose Interest it was so much to conceal it. When they had once filled the King's Head with these and the like Speeches and Suspicions, they loaded Philotas daily with innumerable Crimes, till at last they prevailed to have him seized, and put to the Question, which was done in the presence of the principal Officers, Alexander himself being placed behind the Tapestry, to understand what passed. Where when he heard in what a miserable Tone, and with what abject Submissions Philotas applied himself to Hephestion, he broke out in this manner: Art thou so mean-Spirited and Effeminate, Philotas, said he, and yet engage 
The Death of Philotas, and his Father Parmenio.  thyself in so desperate a Design? After his Death, he presently sent into Media, to take off Parmenio his Father, who had done brave Service under Philip, and was the only Man, especially of his old Friends and Counsellors, who had encouraged Alexander to invade Asia. Of three Sons which he had in the Army, he had already lost two, and now was himself put to Death with the third. These Actions rendered Alexander formidable to many of his Friends, and chiefly to Antipater, who thereupon to strengthen himself, sent Ambassadors privately to the Etolians, to treat an Alliance with them; for they stood in fear of Alexander, because they had destroyed the Oeniades, of which, when he was informed, he said, The Children of the Oeniades need not Revenge their Father's Quarrel, for he would himself take care to punish the Etolians.  
Not long after this happened the deplorable 
The Murder of Clitus.  End of Clitus, which to those who barely hear the matter of Fact, may seem more inhuman than that of Philotas. But if we take the Story with its Circumstance of Time, and weigh the Cause, we shall find the King did it not on purpose, but by evil Chance, and that his Passion and Drunkenness were the occasion of Clitus his Misfortune, which came to pass in this manner. The King had a Present of Grecian Fruit brought him from the Sea-Coast, which was so very fresh and fair, that he was surprised at it, and called Clitus to him to see it, and to give him a share of it. Clitus was then Sacrificing, but he immediately left off, and came, followed by three Sheep, on whom the Drink-Offering had been already poured, in order to Sacrifice them; which when Alexander saw, he told his Diviners, Aristander, and Cleomantis the Lacedaemonian, of it, and asked them what it meant: Who assuring him, it was an ill Omen, he commanded them in all haste to offer Sacrifices for Clitus his Safety, forasmuch as three days before he himself had seen a strange Vision in his Sleep▪ of Clitus all in Mourning, sitting by Parmenio's Sons who were Dead. Clitus however stayed not to finish his Devotions, but came straight to Supper with the King, who the same day had Sacrificed to Castor and Pollux. And when they had drank pretty hard, some of the Company fell a Singing the Verses of one Pranichus, or as others say, of Pierion, which were made upon those Captains who had been lately worsted by the Barbarians, on purpose to disgrace and turn them to Ridicule; which so offended the grave, ancient Men, that they reproved both the Author, and the Singer of the Verses, though Alexander and the Blades about him were mightily pleased to hear them, and encouraged them to go on: Till at last, Clitus, who had drank too much, and was besides of a froward, and wilful Temper, was so nettled that he could hold no longer, saying, It was not well done to expose the Macedonians so, before the Barbarians, and their Enemies, since though it was their Unhappiness to be overcome, yet they were much better Men than those who laughed at them. To this, Alexander replied, That sure Clitus spoke so tenderly of Cowardice, when he called it Misfortune, only to excuse himself. At which, Clitus starting up, This Cowardice, as you are pleased to term it, said he to him, saved your Life, though you pretend to be sprung from the Gods, when you were running away from Spithridates his Sword; and it is by the expense of Macedonian 
Prince's cannot bear bold Truths.  Blood, and by these Wounds, that you are now raised to such a height, as to despise and disown your Father Philip, and adopt yourself the Son of Jupiter Ammon. Thou base Fellow, said Alexander, who was now throughly exasperated, dost thou think to utter these Things every where of me, and stir up the Macedonians to Sedition, and not be punished for it? We are sufficiently punished already, answered Clitus, if this be the Recompense of our Toils; and esteem those happiest, who have not lived to see their Countrymen Ignominiously scourged with Median Rods, and forced to sue to the Persians to have access to their King. While he talked thus at Random, and those who were by, thwarted and reproved him, the old Men endeavoured all they could to compose the Business. Alexander in the mean time turning about to Xenodochus the Cardian, and Artemius the Colophenian, asked them, If they were not of Opinion, that the rest of the Grecians, in comparison with the Macedonians, behaved themselves like so many Demigods among wild Beasts? But Clitus for all this would not give over, desiring Alexander to speak out, if he had any thing more to say, or else why did he invite Men, who were Freeborn, and used to speak their Minds openly without restraint, to sup with him? He had better live, and converse with Barbarians, and Conquered Slaves, who would not scruple to adore his Persian Girdle, and his white Tunick. Which words so provoked Alexander, that, not able to suppress his Anger any longer, he threw one of the Apples that lay upon the Table at him, and hit him, and then looked about for his Sword. But Aristophanes, one of his Lifeguard, had hid that out of the way, and others came about him, and besought him to stay his Fury, but in vain; for breaking from them, he called out aloud to his Guards in the Macedonian Language, which was a certain sign of some great Disturbance towards, and commanded a Trumpeter to sound, giving him a Box on the Ear for not presently obeying him; though afterwards the same Man was commended for disobeying an Order, which would have put the whole Army into Tumult and Confusion. Clitus continued still in the same quarrelsome Humour, till his Friends with much ado forced him out of the Room; but he came in again immediately at another door, very irreverently and confidently singing this Verse out of Euripides his Andromache.  
Alas! in Greece how ill Affairs are governed?  
Then Alexander snatching a Spear from one of the Soldiers, met Clitus as he was putting by the Curtain that hung before the Door, and ran him through the Body, so that he fell down, and after a few Sighs and Groans died. At sight of which the King's Anger presently vanishing, he came perfectly to himself, and when he saw his Friends about him all in a profound Silence, he pulled the Spear out of the dead Body, and would have thrust it into his own Throat, if the Guards had not held his Hands, and by main Force carried him away into his Chamber, where all that night and the next day 
Alexander reputes of Clitus his Death.  he wept bitterly, till being quite spent with crying and lamenting, he lay as it were speechless, only fetching deep Sighs. His Friends apprehending some dangerous consequence of his Silence, broke into the Room; but he took no notice of what any 
Both Priests  of them said, till Aristander putting him in mind of the Vision he had seen concerning Clitus, and the Prodigy that followed, as if all had come to pass by an unavoidable Fatality, he then seemed to moderate his Grief. They also brought Calisthenes the Philosopher, who was nearly related to Aristotle, and Anaxarchus of Abdera, to him. Calisthenes' endeavoured to alleviate his Sorrow with moral Discourses, and gentle Insinuations without offending him. But Anaxarchus, who was always singular in his Method of Philosophy, and was thought to slight those of his own Time, as soon as he came in, cried out aloud, Is this the Alexander whom the whole World looks upon with such Admiration? See how meanly he weeps like an abject Captive, for fear of the Censure and Reproach of Men, to whom he himself ought to be a Law, and measure of Equity, if he would make a right use of his Victories, as Supreme Lord and Governor of all, and not be a Slave to a vain, idle Opinion. Do not 
And Philosopher's ca● flatter basely.  you know, said he, that Jupiter is represented to have Justice and Law on each Hand of him? the meaning of which is, that all the Actions of a Prince are lawful and just. With these and the like Speeches, Anax 〈…〉 ●●deed allayed the King's Grief, but 〈…〉 corrupted his Manners, rendering him more dissolute and violent than he was before. Nor did he fail by these means to insinuate himself into his Favour, and to make Calisthenes his Conversation, which otherwise because of his Austerity was not very acceptable, more uneasy and disagreeable to him.  
It happened that these two Philosophers meeting at an Entertainment, where the Company discoursed of the Seasons of the Year, and the Temperature of the Air; Calisthenes joined with their Opinion, who held, that those Countries were colder, and the Winter sharper there than in Greece; which Anaxarchus would by no means allow of, but contradicted with great Obstinacy. Sure, said Calisthenes to him, 
calisthenes his true Jest upon Anaxarchus.  you must needs confess this Country to be colder than Greece, for there you had but one threadbare Cloak to keep out the coldest Winter, and here you have three good warm Mantles one over another. This piece of Raillery not only exceedingly exasperated Anaxarchus, but likewise piqued the other Pretenders to Learning, and the crowd of Flatterers, who could not endure to see him so beloved and followed by the Youth, and no less esteemed by the ancient Men for his good Life, his Modesty, Gravity, and being contented with his Condition. All which confirmed what he gave out of his Design in this Voyage to Alexander, that it was only to get his Countrymen recalled from Banishment, and to rebuild and repeople Abdera, where he was Born. Besides the Envy which his great Reputation raised, he also by his own Deportment gave those who wished him ill, opportunity to do him▪ Mischief. For when he was invited to public Entertainments, he would most-times refuse to come, or if he were present at any, he put a constraint upon the Company by his Moroseness and Silence, seeming to disapprove of every thing they did or said; which made Alexander say this of him:  

That vain pretence to Wisdom I detest,  
Where a Man's blind to his own Interest.   
Being with many more invited to Sup with the King, he was Commanded to make an Oration extempore, whilst they were Drinking, in praise of the Macedonians; and he did it with such a Torrent of Eloquence, that all who heard it exceedingly applauded him, and threw their Garlands upon him, only Alexander told him out of Euripides,  

I wonder not that you have spoke so well,  
'Tis easy on good Subjects to excel.   
Therefore, said he, if you will show the force of your Eloquence, tell my Macedonians their Faults, and dispraise them, that by hearing their Errors, they may learn to be better for the future. calisthenes presently obeyed him, retracting all he had said before, and inveighing against the Macedonians with great freedom, added, That Philip thrived, and grew Powerful, chiefly by the Discord of the Grecians, applying this Verse to him:  

wherever Feuds, and civil Discords reign,  
There the worst Men most Reputation gain.   
Which so disobliged the Macedonians, that he was odious to them ever after. And Alexander said, That instead of his Eloquence, he had only made his Ill-will appear in what he had spoken. Hermippus assures us, That one Stroebus, a Servant whom calisthenes kept to Read to him, gave this account of these Passages afterwards to Aristotle; and that when he perceived the King grew more and more averse to him, he muttered this Verse out of Homer two or three times to himself, as he was going away:  

Death seized at last on Great Patroclus too,  
Though he in Virtue far surmounted you.   
Not without Reason therefore did Aristotle 
The Character and Fall of calisthenes.  give this Character of Calisthenes, That he was indeed an excellent Orator, but had no Judgement at all. For though we grant, it was resolutely and Philosophically done of him, not to Worship the King, though by talking publicly against that which the best and gravest of the Macedonians only repined at in secret, he put a stop to their base Adoration, and delivered the Grecians and Alexander himself from a great deal of Infamy: Yet in the close he ruined himself by it, because he went too roughly to work, as if he would have forced the King to that which he should have effected by Reason and Persuasion. Chares of Mytilene writes, That at a Banquet, Alexander 
Who offends Alexander by his Moroseness, and refusing to adore him.  after he had drank, reached the Cup to one of his Friends, who receiving it, rose up towards the Domestic Altar, and when he had drank, first adored, and then kissed Alexander, and afterwards sat down at the Table with the rest. Which they all did one after another, till it came to Calisthenes his Turn, who taking the Cup, drank it off, when the King, who was engaged in Discourse with Hephestion, did not mind him, and then offered to kiss him. But Demetrius, surnamed Pheidon, interposed, saying, Sir, by no means let him kiss you, for he only of us all had refused to adore you; upon which the King declined it, and all the Concern Calisthenes showed, was, that he said aloud, Then I go away with a Kiss less than the rest. The Displeasure he incurred by this Action, was improved by Hephestion's affirming, That he had broke his word to him, in not paying the King the same Veneration that others did, as he had faithfully promised to do. And to finish his Disgrace, Lysimachus and Agnon added, That this Sophister went about priding himself, as if he stood in the Gap against Arbitrary Power; that the young Men all ran after him, and honoured him, as the only Man among so many Thousands, who had the Courage to preserve his Liberty. Therefore when Hermolaus his Conspiracy came to be discovered, the Crimes which his Enemies laid to his charge were the more easily believed, particularly that when the young Man asked him, What he should do to be the most illustrious Person on Earth; he told him, The readiest way was to kill him who was already so. And that to incite him to commit the Fact, he bid him not be awed by his Golden Bed, but remember Alexander was a Man equally infirm and vulnerable as another. However, none of Hermolaus his Accomplices, in the extremity of their Torments, made any mention of Calisthenes his being engaged in the Design. Nay Alexander himself, in the Letters which he wrote soon after to Craterus, Attalus, and Alcetas, tells them, That those who were put to the Rack, confessed they had entered into the Conspiracy wholly of themselves, without any others being privy to, or guilty of it. But yet afterwards in a Letter to Antipater, he accuses calisthenes of the same Crime. The young Men, says he, were stoned to Death by the Macedonians, but for the Sophister, meaning Calisthenes, I will take care to punish him, with them too who sent him to me, and who harbour those in their Cities who conspire against my Life. By which Expressions it appears, he had no 
Aristotle himself suspected.  very good opinion of Aristotle, by whom calisthenes was educated upon the score of his Relation to him, being his Niece Hero's Son. His Death is diversely related: some say, he was hanged by Alexander's Command; others, that he died of Sickness in Prison; but Chares writes, he was kept in Chains seven Months after he was apprehended, on purpose that he might be proceeded against in full Council, when Aristotle should be present; and that being grown very fat, he died of the lousy Disease, about the time that Alexander was wounded in the Country of the Malli Oxydracae; all which came to pass afterwards.  
For to go on in order: Demaratus of Corinth, 
This Passage was mentioned before.  a Man of a great Age, was at this time very desirous to give the King a Visit, and when he had seen him, said, He pitied the Misfortune of those Grecians, who were so unhappy to die before they had beheld Alexander seated on the Throne of Darius. But he did not long enjoy the Effects of his Bounty to him, any otherwise, than that soon after falling sick and dying, he had a Magnificent Funeral, and the Army raised him a Monument of Earth fourscore Cubits high, and of a vast Circumference. His Ashes were conveyed in a very rich Chariot drawn by four Horses to the Seaside.  
Alexander now intent upon his Expedition 
Alexander burns all his own and his Soldiers Baggage.  into India, took notice that his Soldiers were so charged with Booty, that it hindered their marching; to remedy which, at break of day, as soon as the Baggage-Waggons were laden, first he set Fire to his own, and his Friends, and then commanded those to be burnt, which belonged to the rest of the Army. An Action which in the deliberation of it seemed more dangerous and difficult than it proved in the Execution, with which few were dissatisfied; for most of them, as if they had been inspired with Zeal from above, with loud Outcries and Warlike Shouting, furnished one another with what was absolutely necessary, and burnt and destroyed all that was superfluous, the sight of which redoubled Alexander's Vigour and Alacrity.  
He was now grown very severe and inexorable 
He grows cruel.  in punishing those who committed any Fault; for he put Menander, one of his Friends to Death, for deserting a Fortress, where he had placed him in Garrison, and shot Orsodates, one of the Barbarians who revolted from him, with his own Hand. At this time a Sheep happened to yean a Lamb, with the perfect shape and colour of a Tiara 
An odd Portent.  upon the Head, and Testicles on each side; which Portent Alexander so detested, that he immediately caused his Babylonian Priests, whom he usually carried about with him for such purposes to purify him, and withal told his Friends, he was not so much concerned for his own sake, as for theirs, out of an apprehension that God, after his Death, might suffer his Empire to fall into the hands of some degenerate, impotent Person. But this Fear was soon removed, by a wonderful thing that happened not long after, and was thought to presage better; for Proxenus, a Macedonian, who was the chief of those who looked to the King's Furniture, as he was breaking Ground near the River Oxus, to set up the Royal Pavilion, discovered a Spring of gross oily Liquor, 
A Spring of Oil found.  which, after the top was taken off, ran pure, clear Oil, without any difference either of Taste or Smell, having exactly the same smoothness and brightness, and that too in a Country where no Olives grew. The Water indeed of the River Oxus is said to be so fat, that it leaves a Gloss on their Skins who bathe themselves in it. Whatever might be the Cause, certain it is, that Alexander was wonderfully pleased with it, as appears by his Letters to Antipater, where he tells him, He looked upon it as one of the most considerable Presages that God had ever favoured him with. The Diviners told him, It signified his Expedition would be glorious in the Event, but very painful, and attended with many difficulties; for Oil, they said, was bestowed on Mankind by God as a Refreshment of their Labours. Nor did they judge amiss; for he exposed himself to many Hazards in the Battles which he fought, and received very deep and dangerous Wounds, besides the mouldering away of his Army, through the unwholesomeness of the Air, and for want of necessary Provisions. But he still applied himself to surmount Fortune, and whatever opposed him, by his Resolution and Virtue, and thought nothing impossible to 
Sysimethres his Rock taken.  a daring, valiant Man. Therefore when he Besieged Sysimethres, who held an inaccessible, impregnable Rock against him, and his Soldiers began to despair of taking it, he asked Oxyartes, Whether Sysimethres, was a Man of Courage? who assuring him, he was the greatest Coward alive; than you tell me, said he, that the Place is our own, if the Commander of it be a Poltroon: And, in a little time he so terrified Sysimethres, that he took it without any difficulty. At an Attack which he made upon such another steep place, with some of his Macedonian Soldiers, he called to one whose Name was Alexander, and told him, It would become him to behave himself gallantly for his Names sake. The Youth fought bravely, and was killed in the Action, at which he was sensibly afflicted. Another time seeing his Men march slowly and unwillingly to the Siege of a Place called Nysa, because of a deep River between them and the Town, he advanced before them, and standing upon the Bank, What a miserable Man, said he, am I, that I have not learned to Swim? and then was hardly dissuaded from endeavouring to pass it upon his Shield. Here, after the Assault was over, the Ambassadors, who from several Towns which he had blocked up, came to submit to him, and make their Peace, were surprised to find him rough, and armed at all Points, without any Pomp or ceremony about him; and when his Attendants brought him a Cushion, he made the eldest of them, named Acuphis, take it, and sit down upon it. The old Man charm, d with his Magnanimity and Courtesy 
Alexander's Discourse with Acuphis.  asked him, What his Countrymen should do to merit his Friendship? I would have them, said Alexander, choose you to govern them, and send 100 of the most considerable and most worthy men among them to remain with me as Hostages: I shall govern them with more ease Sir, replied Acuphis, smiling, if I send you so many of the worst, rather than the best of my Subjects.  
The Extent of King Taxiles his Dominions in India was thought to be as large as Egypt, abounding in good Pastures, and above all in excellent Fruits. The King himself had the reputation of a wise Man, and at his first Interview with Alexander, he spoke to him in these terms: To what purpose, said he, 
with Taxiles.  should we make War upon one another, if the design of your coming into these Parts, be not to r●b us of our Water, or our necessary Food, which are the only things that wise men are indispensably obliged to fight for? As for other Riches and Possessions, as they are accounted in the eye of the World, if I am better provided of them than you, I am ready to let you share with in●; but if Fortune has been more liberal to you than me, I will not decline your Favours, but accept them with all the grateful Acknowledgements that are due to a Benefactor. This Discourse pleased Alexander so much, that embracing him, Do you think, said he to him, your fair Speeches, and affable Behaviour, will bring you off in this Interview without fight? No, you shall not escape so, for as to matter of Benefits, I will contend with you so far, that how obliging soever you are, you shall not have the better of me. Then receiving some Presents from him, he returned him others of greater value, and to complete his Bounty, gave him in Money ready coined 1000 Talents; at which his old Friends 
His Friends r●pine at his Bounty to Strangers.  were exceedingly displeased, but it gained him the hearts of many of the Barbarians. The valiantest of the Indians now taking Pay of several Cities, undertook to defend them, and did it so bravely, that they put Alexander to a great deal of Trouble and Fatigue, till having made an agreement with him, upon the surrender of a Place, he fell upon them as they were marching away, and put them all to the Sword. This one breach of his word was a perpetual Blemish to him, though on all other occasions he had managed his Wars with that Justice and Honour that became a King. Nor was he less incommoded by the Indian Philosophers, who inveighed bitterly against those Princes who were of his Party, and solicited the free Cities ●● oppose him, therefore he took several of them, and caused them to be hanged.  
〈…〉 〈…〉 in his own Letters has given us ●● account of his War with Porus: He says, 
His War with Porus  The 〈…〉 A●mies were separated by the River Hydaspes, on whose opposite Bank Porus continually kept his Elephants in order of Bat●●l▪ with their Heads towards their Enemies to guard the Passage. That he was forced every day to make great noises in his Camp, and give his Men constant Alarms, to accustom them by degrees not to be afraid of the Barbarians. That one cold, dark Night he passed the River above the Place where the Enemy lay, into a little Island, with part of his Foot and the best of his Horse. Here there fell so violent a Shower of Rain, accompanied with Lightning, and fier'y Whirlwinds, that seeing some of his Men burnt and destroyed by the Lightning, he qui●ted the Island, and made over to the other side. The Hydaspes, now after the Storm was so swolo and grown so rapid, as to make a Breach in the Bank, at which part of the River ran out, so that when he came to land, he found very ill standing for his Men, the place being extreme slippery and 
He passes the Hydaspes.  undermined and ready to be blown up by the Currents on both sides. In this Distress Onirocritic tells us He was heard to say, Oh ye Athenians: to what incredible Dangers do I myself to merit your Praises? But to proceed, Alexander says here, they left their little Boats, and passed the Bteach in their Armour up to the Breast in Water; and then he advanced with his Horse about 20 Furlongs before his Foot, concluding, that if the Enemy charged him with their Cavalry, he should be too strong for them ' if with their Foot, his own would come up time enough to his Assistance. Nor did he judge amiss; for being charged by 1000 Horse, and 60 armed Chariots, which advanced before their main Body, he took all the Chariots, and killed 400 Horse upon the Place. Porus by this smart Execution, guessing that Alexander himself was gotten over, came on with his whole Army, except a Party which he left behind, to hold the rest of the Macedonians in Play, if they should attempt to pass the River. But Alexander apprehending the multitude of the Enemy, and to avoid the shock of their Elephants, would not join Battle with them in Front, but dividing his Forces, attacked their left Wing himself, and commanded Coenus to fall upon the right, which was performed with good Success. For by this means both Wings being broken, they retired when they found themselves 
And defeats Porus.  pressed close to their Elephants, and then rallying, renewed the Fight so obstinately, that it was three hours after Noon before they were entirely defeated. This description of the Battle the Conqueror has left us in his own Epistles.  
Almost all Writers agree, That Porus 
Porus his Stature.  was four Cubits and an half high, and that when he was upon his Elephant, which was of the largest size, his Stature and Bulk were so answerable, that he appeared to be but proportionably mounted. This Elephant, during the whole Battle, gave many proofs of wonderful Understanding, and a particular Care of the King, whom as long as he was strong, and in condition to Fight, he defended with great Courage, repelling those who set upon him; and as soon as he perceived him ready to faint, by 
His Elephant.  reason of his many Wounds, and multitude of Darts that were thrown at him, to prevent his falling off, he softly kneeled down, & then with his Probosois gently drew every Dart out of his Body. When Porus was taken Prisoner, and Alexander asked him, How he expected to be used? he answered, As a King ought to be; for that expression, he said, when the same Question was put to him a second time, comprehended every thing. And Alexander indeed dealt very generously with him, for he not only suffered him to govern his own Kingdom as his Lieutenant, but added to it a large Province of some free People whom he had newly subdued, which consisted of 15 several Nations, and contained 5000 considerable Towns, besides abundance of Villages. Another Government, three times as large as this, he bestowed on Philip, one of his Friends.  
Some time after the Battle with Porus, most Authors agree, that Bucephalus died under cure of his Wounds, or as Onesicritus says, of Fatigue and Age, being 30 years old. Alexander was no less concerned at his Death, than if he had lost an old Companion, or an intimate Friend, and built a City, which he named Bucephalia, in memory 
A City built in memory of Bucephalus.  of him, on the Bank of the River Hydaspes, and another in remembrance of his beloved favourite Dog Peritas, as Sotion assures us, he was informed by Potamon of Lesbos.  
But this last Combat with Porus took off the edge of the Macedonians Courage, and hindered their farther progress in India. For having with much ado defeated him, who brought but 20000 Foot, and 2000 Horse into the Field, they thought they had Reason to oppose Alexander's Design of obliging 
The Macedonians refuse to pass the Ganges.  them to pass the Ganges too, which they were told was Four Miles over, and an hundred fathom deep, and the Banks on the farther side covered with multitudes of Enemies. For they had intelligence that the Kings of the Gandaritans and Persians expected them there with 80000 Horse, 200000 Foot, 8000 armed Chariots, and 6000 fight Elephants. Nor was this a false, vain Report, spread on purpose to discourage them; for Androcottus, who not long after reigned in those Parts, made a Present of 500 Elephants at once to Seleucus, and with an Army of 600000 Men subdued all India. Alexander at first was so 
Which grieves Alexander.  grieved and enraged at his men's Reluctancy, that he shut himself up in his Tent, and in a desponding manner threw himself upon the Ground, declaring, if they would not pass the Ganges, he owed them no thanks for any thing they had hitherto done, and that to retreat now, was plainly to confess himself vanquished. But at last, the prudent Remonstrances and Persuasions of his Friends, who informed him truly how the Case stood, and the Tears and Lamentations of his Soldiers, who in a suppliant manner crowded about the entrance of his Tent, prevailed with him to think of returning. Yet before he decamped, he would needs impose upon Posterity, by leaving 
What care he takes to deceive Posterity.  behind some fictitious Monuments of his Glory; such as Arms of an extraordinary bigness, and Mangers for Horses, with Bits of Bridles above the usual size, which he set up, and distributed in several Places. He erected Altars also to the Gods, which the Kings of the Persians even in our Time highly reverence, and often pass the River to sacrifice upon them after the Grecian manner. Androcottus, than a Youth, saw Alexander there, and has often afterwards been heard to say, That he missed but little of making himself Master of those Countries; their King, who then reigned, was so hated and despised for the viciousness of his Life, and the meanness of his Extraction.  
Alexander decamping from hence, had a 
His Voyage down the Rivers.  mind to see the Ocean; to which purpose he caused a great many Vessels with Oars, and small Boats to be built, in which he fell gently down the Rivers, making Merry as he went, and ordered it so, that his Navigation was neither unprofitable nor unactive; for by making several Descents, he took in the Fortified Towns, and consequently the Country on both sides. But 
His Danger among the Mallians.  at the Siege of a City of the Mallians, who are the valiantest People of India, he ran great danger of his Life; for having beaten off the Defendants with showers of Arrows, he was the first Man that mounted the Wall by a scaling Ladder, which, as soon as he was up, broke, and left him almost alone exposed to the Darts, which the Barbarians threw at him in great numbers from below. In this Distress, turning himself as well as he could, he leapt down in the midst of his Enemies, and had the good Fortune to light upon his Feet. The brightness and clattering of his Armour, when he came to the Ground, made the Barbarians think, they saw Rays of Light, or some Phantom playing before his Body, which frighted them so at first, that they ran away and dispersed themselves, till seeing him seconded but by two of his Guards, they fell upon him Hand to Hand, and though he defended himself very bravely, wounded him through his Armour with their Swords and Spears. One who stood farther off, drew a Bow with such just Strength, that the Arrow finding its way through his Cuirass, stuck in his Ribs under the Breast. This stroke was so violent, that it made him give back, and set one Knee to the Ground, which as soon as he that Shot him perceived, he came up to him with his drawn Scimitar, thinking to dispatch him, and had done it, if Peucestes and Limnaeus had not interposed, who were both wounded, Limnaeus mortally, but Peucestes stood his Ground, while Alexander killed the Barbarian. But this did not free him from danger; for besides many other Wounds, at last he received so weighty 
He is desperately wounded.  a stroke of a Club upon his Neck, that he was forced to lean his Body against the Wall, yet still looked undauntedly upon the Enemy. When he was reduced to this Extremity, the Macedonians breaking in to his Assistance, very opportunely took him up, just as he was fainting away, having lost all sense of what was done near him, and conveyed him to his Tent, upon which it was presently reported all over the Camp that he was dead. But when they had with great difficulty and pains sawed out the Shaft of the Arrow which was of Wood, and so with much ado got off his Cuirass, they came to cut the Head of it, which was three fingers broad, and four long, and stuck fast in the Bone. During the Operation, he was taken with almost mortal Swoonings, but when it was out, he came to himself again. Yet though all Danger was past, he continued very weak, and confined himself a great while to a regular Diet, and the method of his Cure, till one day hearing the Macedonians were so desirous to see him, that they were ready to mutiny, he put on his Robe, and when he had showed himself to them, and sacrificed to the Gods, without more delay he went on Board again, and as he coasted along, subdued a great deal of the Country on both sides, and took in several considerable Cities.  
In this Voyage he took 10 of the Indian 
His Questions to the Indian Philosophers, with their Answers.  Philosophers Prisoners, who had been most active in persuading Sabbas to Rebel, and besides that had done the Macedonians abundance of Mischief. These Men, because they go stark naked, are called Gymnosophists, and are reputed to be extremely sharp and succinct in their Answers to whatsoever is propounded to them, which he made trial of, by putting difficult Questions to them, withal letting them know, that those whose Answers were not pertinent, should be put to death, of which he made the eldest of them Judge. The first being asked, Which he thought most numerous, the Dead or the Living? Answered, The Living, because those who are dead, are not at all. Of the second, he desired to know, Whether the Sea or Land produced the largest Beasts? Who told him, The Land, for the Sea was but a part of it. His Question to the third was, Which was the craftiest Animal? That, said he, which Mankind is not yet acquainted with. He bid the fourth tell him, What Arguments he used to Sabbas to persuade him to Revolt? No other, said he, than that he should live with Honour, or perish in the Attempt. Of the fifth he asked, Which was eldest, Night or Day? The Philosopher replied, Day was eldest, by one day at least: but perceiving Alexander not well satisfied with that Account, he added, That he ought not to wonder, if strange Questions had as odd Answers made to th●●▪ Then he went on, and enquired of the next, What a Man should do to be exceedingly b●lov'd? He must be very powerful, said he, without making himself too much feared. The Answer of the seventh to his Question, How a Man might be a God? was, If he could do that which was impossible for Men to perform. The eighth told him, Life was stronger than Death, because it supported so many Miseries. And the last being asked, How long he thought it decent for a Man to live? said, Till Death appeared more desirable than Life. Then Alexander turned to him whom he had made Judge, and commanded him to give Sentence. All that I can determine, said he, is, that they have every one answered worse than another. No, that they have not, said the King, but however thou shalt die first, because thou judgest so ill. You will not deal so with me, Sir, replied the Gymnosophist, if you intent to be as goad as your word, which was, that he should die first who answered worst, which I have not done, for you have not asked me any Question. In conclusion, he gave them Presents, and dismissed them. But to those who were in greatest Reputation among them, and lived a private, quiet Life, he sent Onesicritus, one of Diogenes the Cynics Disciples, desiring them to come to him. Calanus very arrogantly and rudely commanded 
The Arrogance of Calanus, a Gymnosophist.  him to strip himself and hear what he said, naked, otherwise he would not speak a word to him, though he came from Jupiter himself. But Dandamis received him with more Civility, and hearing him discourse of Socrates, Pythagoras, and Diogenes, told him, He thought them Men of great Parts, and to have erred in nothing so much, as in having too great Respect for the Laws and Constitutions of their Country. Others say, he only adked him the Reason, Why Alexander undertook so long a Voyage to come into those Parts? Taxiles persuaded Calanus to wait upon Alexander; his proper Name was Sphines', but because he was wont to say Cale, which in the IndianTongue signifies, God save you, when he saluted those he met with any where, the Grecians called him Calanus. He is said to have shown Alexander an instructive Emblem of Government, which was this: He 
His Emblem of Government.  threw a dry shrivelled Hide upon the Ground, and trod upon the edge of it; the Skin when it was pressed in one place, still rose up in another, wheresoever he trod round about it, till he set his foot in the middle, which made all the Parts lie even and quiet. The meaning of this Similitude was, That he ought to reside most in the middle and Heart of his Empire, and not spend too much time on the Borders of it.  
His Voyage down the Rivers took up seven months' time, and when he came to the Sea, he sailed to an Island which he called Scillustis, others Psiltucis, where going 
Alexander's Prayer when he came to the Sea.  ashore, he sacrificed, and made what Observations he could of the Nature of the Sea, and the Sea-coast. Then having besought the Gods, that no other Man might ever go beyond the Bounds of this Expedition, he ordered his Fleet, of which he made Nearchus' Admiral, and Onesicritas Pilot, to sail round about, leaving India on the right hand, and returned himself by Land through the Country of the Ori●es, where he was reduced to great Straits for want of Provisions, and lost abundance of Men, so that of an Army of 120000 Foot, and in ●000 Horse, 
What loss he sustained in his march back  he searce brought back above a fourth part out of India, they were so diminished by Diseases, ill Diet, and the scorching Heats, but most by Famine. For then March was through an uncultivated Country, whose Inhabitants fared hardly, and had none but a little ill Breed of Sheep, whose Flesh was rank and unsavoury, by reason of their continual feeding upon Sea-fish.  
After 60 days March he came into Gedrosia, where he found great Plenty of all things, which the neighbouring Kings, and Governors of Provinces, hearing of his Approach, had taken care to provide. From hence when he had reinforced his Army, he 
His rietous Progress through Carmania.  continued his March through Carmania, feasting all the way for seven days together. He, with his most intimate Friends, Banqueted and Revealed night and day, upon a Stage, erected on a lofty conspicuous Scaffold, which with a slow, majestic Pace, was drawn by 8 Horses. This was followed by a great many Chariots, whereof some were covered with Tapestry of Purple, and other Colours, and some with green Boughs, which were supplied with fresh as they withered, and in them the rest of his Friends and Commanders drinking, and crowned with Garlands and Flowers. Here was now no Target or Helmet, no Spear to be seen, instead of Armour, the Soldiers handled nothing but Cups and Goblets, and drinking Bowls of Thericles his Make, which they dipped into larger Vessels, and drank Healths to one another, some sitting close to it, others as they went along. All Places resounded with Music of Pipes and Flutes, with Odes and Songs, and Women dancing, as in the Rites of Bacchus; for this disorderly wand'ring March, besides the drinking part of it, was accompanied with all the Looseness and Insolence of Bacchanals, as much as if the God himself had been there to countenance and carry on the Debauch. As soon as he came to the Royal Palace of Gedrosia, he again refreshed and feasted his Army, and one day after he had drank pretty hard, (it is said) went to see a Prize of Dancing contended for, in which 
A Prize of Dancing.  his Minion Bagoas, who defrayed the expense of it, having the Victory, crossed the Theatre in his Dancing Habit, and sat down close by him, which so pleased the Macedonians, that they made loud Acclamations 
Won by Bagoas.  for him to kiss Bagoas, and never left clapping their Hands and shouting, till Alexander took him about the Neck, and kissed him.  
Here his Admiral Nearchus came to him, 
Alexander's great Preparations for a Voyage to Sea.  and delighted him so with the Relation of his Voyage, that he resolved himself to sail out of the mouth of Euphrates with a great Fleet, with which he designed to go round by Arabia and Lybia, and so by Hercules his Pillars into the Mediterranean; in order to which, he directed all sorts of Vessels to be built at Thapsacus, and made great provision every where of Seamen and Pilots. But it fell out unluckily for this Enterprise, that the Report of the Difficulties he went through in his Indian Expedition, the danger of his Person among the Mallians, the loss of a considerable part of his Forces, and the general opinion, that he would hardly return in safety, occasioned the Revolt of many conquered Nations, and made the Commanders and Lieutenants in several Provinces, presume to oppress the People with extreme Injustice, Avarice, and Insolence. So that there seemed to be an universal fluctuation and disposition to Change. Olympias and Cleopatra raised a 
How hindered.  Faction against Antipater, and shared his Government between them, Olympias seizing upon Epirus and Cleopatra upon Macedonia. When Alexander was told of it, he said, His Mother had made the best choice, for the Macedonians would never endure to be ruled by a Woman. Upon this he dispatched Nearchus again to the Fleet, intending to carry the War into the maritime Provinces, and as he marched that way himself, he punished those Commanders who had not behaved themselves well, particularly Oxyartes, one of Abulites his Sons, whom he killed with his own hand, thrusting him through the Body with his Spear. And when Abulites, instead of the necessary Provisions which he ought to have furnished, brought him 3000 Talents in Money ready coined, he ordered it to be thrown to his Horses, who not meddling with it; What good does this Provision do me? said he to him, and sent him away to Prison.  
When he came into Persia, he distributed 
A Custom of the Kings of Persia.  Money among the Women, as their own Kings were wont to do, who, as often as they came thither, gave every one of them a Crown, for which Reason some of them came but seldom, and Ochus was so sordidly Covetous, that to avoid this Expense, he never visited Persia all his Life, though it was his Native Country.  
Then finding Cyrus his Sepulchre opened, 
Cyrus' Sepulchre rifled.  and rifled, he put Polymachus, who did it to death, though he was a Man of Quality, and born at Pella in Macedonia: and after he had read the Inscription, he caused it to be cut again below the old one in Greek Characters; the words were these: O Man, whosoever thou art, and from whencesoever thou comest, (for I know thou wilt come) I am Cyrus, the Founder of the Persian Empire; do not envy me this little quantity of Earth which covers my Body. The reading of this sensibly 
Alexander moved at the Inscription.  touched Alexander, causing him to reflect seriously upon the incertainty and mutability of humane Affairs. At the same time Calanus having been a little while troubled with a Looseness, requested he might have a Funeral Pile erected, to which he came on Horseback, and after he had said some Prayers, and sprinkled himself, and cut off some of his Hair to throw into the Fire, as was usual on such occasions; before he ascended it, he embraced and took leave of the Macedonians who stood by, desiring them to pass that day in Mirth and good Fellowship with their King, whom in a little time, he said, he doubted not but to see again at Babylon. Having thus said, he lay down, and covering himself, he stirred 
Calanus barus himself.  not when the Fire came near him, but continued still in the same posture as at first, and so sacrificed himself, as it was the ancient Custom of the Philosophers in those Countries to do. The same thing was done long after by another Indian, who came with Caesar to Athens, where they still show you the Indians Monument. At his return from the Funeral Pile, Alexander invited a great many of his Friends and principal Officers to Supper, 
A drinking Match.  and proposed a Drinking-match, in which the Victor should be crowned. Promachus drank 18 Quarts of Wine, and won the Prize which weighed a talon, from them all; but he survived his Victory but three days, and was followed, as Chares says, by 41 more, who died of the same Debauch, by reason of the severe Frost which happened at that time.  
At Susa he married Darius his Daughter 
Alexander marries Statira, Darius his Daughter.  Statira, and celebrated the Nuptials of his Friends, bestowing the noblest of the Persian Ladies upon the worthiest of them, withal making a very splendid Entertainment for all the Macedonians who were married before; at which, it is reported, there were no less than 9000 Guests, to each of whom he gave a golden Cup, for them to use in their Libations of Wine to the Honour of the Gods. Not to mention other Instances of his wonderful Magnificence, he paid the Debts of 
He pays the Debts of his Army.  his whole Army, which amounted to 9870 Talents. But there was one Antigenes, who had lost one of his Eyes, though he owed nothing, got his Name set down in the List of those who were in Debt, and bringing one who pretended to be his Creditor, to the Banquiers Table, received the Money. But when the Cheat was found out, the King was so incensed at it, that he banished him from Court, and took away his Command though he was an excellent Soldier and a Man of great Courage. For when he was but a Youth, and served under Philip at the Siege of Perinthus, where he was wounded in the Eye by an Arrow shot out of an Engine, he would neither let the Arrow be taken out, or be persuaded to quit the Field, till he had bravely repulsed the Enemy, and forced them to retire into the Town. A Man of his Spirit was not able to support such a Disgrace with any Patience, and certainly Grief and Despair would have made him kill himself, but that the King 
Forgives Antigenes his Fraud.  fearing it, not only pardoned him, but let him also enjoy the Benefit of his Deceit.  
The 30000 Boys which he left behind him 
His Seminary of Soldiers.  to be taught the use of their Arms▪ and military Discipline, were so improved at his return both in Strength and Beauty, and performed their Exercises with such Dexterity, and wonderful Agility, that he was extremely pleased with them; which grieved the Macedonians, and made them fear he would have the less Esteem for them. And when he was sending away the infirm and maimed Soldiers 
The Macedonians discontented.  to Sea, they said, they were unjustly and infamously dealt with, after they were worn out in his service upon all occasions, now to be turned away with Disgrace, and sent home into their Country among their Friends and Relations, in a worse condition than when they came out; therefore they desired him one and all to dismiss them, and to account his Macedonians useless, now he was so well furnished with dancing Boys, with whom, if he pleased, he might go on, and conquer the World. These Speeches so enraged Alexander, that after he had given them a great deal of reproachful Language in his Passion, he drove them away, and committed the Watch to Persians, out of whom 
He takes & Guard of Persians.  he chose his Lifeguard, and Sergeants at Arms. When the Macedonians saw him attended by these Men, and themselves excluded, and shamefully disgraced, their high Spirits fell, and upon Discourse with one another, they found that Jealousy and Rage had almost distracted them. But at last coming to themselves again, they went without their Arms, almost naked, crying and weeping to offer themselves at his Tent, and desired him to deal with them as their Baseness and Ingratitude deserved. However this would not prevail; for though his Anger was already something mollified, yet he would not admit them into his presence, nor would they stir from thence, but continued two days and nights before his Tent, bewailing themselves, and imploring him 
The Macedonians submit.  their Sovereign Lord to have compassion on them. But the third day he came out to them, and seeing them very humble and penitent, he wept himself a great while, and after a gentle Reproof spoke kindly to them, and dismissed those who were unserviceable, 
The old and disabled dismisied with 〈…〉  with magnificent Rewards: And this Recommendation to Antipater; that when they came into Greece, at all public Shows, and in the theatres, they should sit on the best and foremost Seats, crowned with Chaplets of Flowers, and ordered the Children of those who had lost their Lives in his Service, to have their Fathers Pay continued to them.  
When he came to Ecbatana in Media, and had dispatched his most urgent Affairs, he fell to divert himself again with Spectacles, and public Entertainments, to carry on which, he had a Supply of 3000 Actors newly 
〈…〉  arrived out of Greece. But they were soon interrupted by Hephestion's falling sick of a Fever, in which being a young Man, and a Soldier too, he could not confine himself to so exact a Diet as was necessary; for whilst his Physician Glaucus was gone to the Theatre, he eat a boiled Cock for his Dinner, and drank a large draught of Wine, upon 
Hephestion's Death.  which he grew worse, and died in a few days. At this Misfortune Alexander was so beyond all Reason transported, that to express his Sorrow, he presently ordered the Manes and Tails of all his Horses and Mules to be cut, and threw down the Battlements of the neighbouring Cities. The poor Physician he Crucified, and forbade playing on the Flute, or any other Musical Instrument, in the Camp a great while, till the Oracle of Jupiter Ammon enjoined him to Honour Hephestion, and sacrifice to him as to an Horo. Then seeking to alleviate his Grief in War, he set out as if he were to go a Man-hunting; for he fell upon the Cussaeans, and put 
A whole Nation sacrificed to him.  the whole Nation to the Sword, not sparing so much as the Children. This was called a Sacrifice to Hephaestion's Ghost. In his Sepulchre and Monument, and the adorning of them, he intended to bestow 10000 Talents; and that the excellency of the Artist, and the curiosity of the Workmanship, might go beyond the expense itself, he rather chose to employ Stasicrates than any other, because he always promised something very bold and lofty, and magnificent in his Designs. For in Discourse before he had told him, That of all the Mountains 
Stasicrates his extravagant design of a Statue.  he knew, that of Athos in Thrace, was the most capable of being contrived to represent the Shape and Lineaments of a Man. That if he pleased to command him, he would make it the noblest and most durable Statue in the World, which in its left Hand should hold a City of 10000 Inhabitants, and out of its right should pour a copious River into the Sea. Though Alexander declined this Project, yet now he spent a great deal of time with Workmen, to invent and contrive others far more absurd and expensive.  
As he was upon his way to Babylon, Nearchus, 
Alexander war●'d not to go to Babylon.  who had sailed back out of the Ocean, by the mouth of the River Euphrates, came to tell him, he had met with some Chaldaean Diviners who warned him not to go thither. But Alexander slighted this Advertisement, and went on, and when he came near the Walls of the Place, he saw a great many Crows fight with one another, whereof some fell down just by him. After this being privately informed, that Apollodorus the Governor of Babylon had sacrificed to know what would become of him; he sent for Pythagoras the Soothsayer, who not denying the thing, he asked him in what condition he found the Victim? and when he told him, The Liver was defective in its Lobe; a great Presage indeed, said Alexander! However, he offered Pythagoras no Injury, but was much troubled that he had neglected Nearchus his Advice, and therefore stayed a great while without the Town, removing his Tent from Place to Place, and sailing up and down the Eupharates. Besides this, he was disturbed by 
Several Presages of his Death▪  many other Prodigies. A tame Ass fell upon the biggest and handsomest Lion that he kept, and kicked him to Death. And one day undressing himself to be anointed, and to play at Ball, when he was putting his clothes on again, the young Men who played with him, perceived a Man clad in the King's Robes, with the Diadem upon his Head, sitting silently upon his Throne. They asked him, Who he was? To which he gave no Answer a good while, till at last with much ado coming to himself, he told them, His Name was Dyonisius; that he was of Messenia; that for some Crime, whereof he was accused, he was brought thither from the Seaside, and had been kept long in Prison; that Serapis appeared to him, had freed him from his Chains, conducted him to that Place, and commanded him to put on the King's Robe and Diadem, and to sit where they found him, and to say nothing. Alexander when he heard this, by the direction of his Soothsayers put the Fellow to Death, but from thenceforth desponded, and grew diffident of the Protection and Assistance of the 
Alexander distrusts the Gods.  Gods, and besides very suspicious of his Friends. His greatest apprehension was of Antipater and his Sons, one of whom, jolas was his chief Cupbearer, the other named Cassander, was newly arrived out of Greèce, and being bred up in the freedom of his Country, the first time he saw some of the Barbarians adore the King, could not forbear laughing at it aloud; which so incensed Alexander, that he took him by the Hair with both Hands, and violently knocked his Head against the Wall. Another time Cassander would have said something in defence of Antipater, to those who accused him; but Alexander interrupting him, What is't you say? Do you think People, if they had received no Injury, would come such a Journey only to calumniate your Father? To which when Cassander replied, That this very thing 
His Usage of Cassander  was a great evidence of their Calumny; Alexander smiled and said, Those were some of Aristotle's Sophisms, which would serve equally on both sides; and added, That both he and his Father should be severely punished, if they were found guilty of the least Injustice towards those who complained; which, upon the whole, made such a deep impression of Fear in Cassander's Mind, that long after when he was King of Macedonia, and Master of Greece, as he was walking up and down at Delphos, and looking on the Statues, at the sight of that of Alexander, he was suddenly struck with Horror, and shook all over, his Eyes rolled, 
A wonderful Effect of Fear.  his Head grew dizzy, and he had much ado to recover himself.  
When once Alexander gave way to Superstition, his Mind grew so disturbed and timorous, that if the least unusual or extraordinary thing happened, he would needs have it thought a Prodigy, or a Presage, and his Court was thronged with Diviners and Priests, whose business was to Sacrifice, and Purify, and foretell the future. So horrid a thing is Incredulity, and Contempt of the Gods on one hand, and no less horrid 
The nature of Superstition.  is Superstition on the other, which like Water, always creeping on the Ground, invades us with servile Fear and Folly, as it did now Alexander himself. But upon some Answers which were brought him from the Oracle concerning Hephestion, he had laid aside his Sorrow, and fell again to Sacrificing and Drinking; and having given Nearchus a splendid Entertainment, after he had bathed, as was his Custom, just as he was going to Bed, at Medius his Request he went to Supper with him. Here he drank all that night and the next day to such excess, as put him into a Fever, which 
Alexander falls sick after a great Debauck.  seized him, not as some write, after he had drank of Hercules his Bowl, nor was he taken with a sudden pain in his Back, as if he had been struck with a Lance: for these are the Inventions of some Authors, who thought it became them to make the conclusion of so great an Action as tragical and moving as they could. Aristobulus tells us, That in the rage of his Fever, and a violent Thirst, he took a draught of Wine, upon which he fell into a Frenzy, and died the 30th of June. But in his Journals we have this account of his Sickness, That the 18th of June, by reason of his Illness, he lay in his Bathing-room, where it first seized him; that when he had bathed, he removed into his Chamber, and spent that 
A Diary of his Sickness.  day at Dice with Medius. In the evening having washed and sacrificed, he eat with a good Stomach, and had his Fever that night. The 20th after the usual Sacrifices and Bathing, he kept his Bed in the same Room, and heard Nearchus his Relation of 
He hears his Admiral relate his Voyage.  his Voyage, and the Observations he had made of the Ocean. The 21st he passed in the same manner, his Fever still increasing, and had a very ill night of it. The next day he had a severe Fit, and caused himself to be removed, and his Bed set by the great Bath, and then discoursed with his principal Officers about filling up the vacant Charges in the Army, with Men of tried Valour and Experience. The 24th being much worse, he was carried out to assist at the Sacrifices, and gave order that his chief Commanders should wait within the Court, whilst the Colonels and Captains kept Watch without doors. The 25th he was removed to his Palace on the other side the River, where he slept a little, but his Fever abated not, and when the Commanders came into his Chamber, he was speechless, and continued so the following day. Then the Macedonians supposing he was dead, came with great Clamours to the Gates, and menaced his Friends so, that 
The Macedonians admitted to see him.  they were forced to admit them, and let them all pass through unarmed along by his Bedside. The same day Python and Seleucus being sent to Serapis his Temple, to inquire if they should bring Alexander thither, were answered by the God, that they should not remove him. The 28th in the Evening 
High Death.  he Died. This Account is most of it word for word, as it is written in his own Diary.  
At that time no body had any suspicion of his being poisoned; but upon a discovery made six years after, they say, Olympias put many to death, and threw abroad the 
Not without suspicion of Poison.  Ashes of Jollas, who was dead, as if he had given it him. But those who affirm Aristotle counselled Antipater to do it, and that by his means wholly the Poison was brought, produce one Agnothemis for their Author, who heard King Antigonus speak of it, and tell us, that the Poison was Water, deadly cold as Ice, distilling from a Rock in the Territory of Nonacris, which they gathered like a thin Dew, and kept in an Ass' Hoof; for it was so very cold and penetrating, that no other Vessel would hold it. However most are of opinion that all this is false, no slight evidence of which is, that during the Dissensions among the Commanders, which lasted a great many days, the Body continued clear and fresh, without any sign of 
Which is contradicted.  such Taint or Corruption, though it lay neglected in a close, sultry place.  
Roxana who was now with Child, and upon that account much honoured by the Macedonians, being Jealous of Statira, sent for her by a Counterfeit Letter, as if Alexander had been still alive; and when she had her in her power, killed her and her Sister, and 
The Death of Statira.  threw their Bodies into a Well, which they filled up with Earth, not with out the Privity and assistance of Perdiccas, who at this time, under the shelter of Arideus, whom he carried about with him for his own security, bore the greatest sway of any, Arideus himself, who was Philip's Son, by one Philinna, an obscure common Strumpet, was a man of weak Parts, by reason of his Indisposition of Body, which was neither natural to him, nor contracted of itself; for in his Childhood he was quickwitted, and hopeful enough, but caused by Drinks that Olympias gave him, which not only impaired his Health, but weakened his Understanding.   


C. JULIUS CAESAR.   depiction of Julius Caesar 〈…〉  
THE LIFE OF Julius Caesar.  Englished from the Greek by Mr. Smalridge of Christchurch. 
AS soon as Sylla had made himself Master of Rome, he resolved to force Cornelia, Daughter to Cinna (the late Usurper) from Caesar her Husband; but being unable to compass it either by hopes or fears, confiscated her Dowry. The ground of Sylla's hatred to Caesar, was the alliance between him and Marius; for Marius the elder Married Julia, Caesar's Aunt by the Father's side, and had by her the younger Marius, who consequently was Caesar's Cousin-german. And though at first in the heat of his Tyranny and hurry of business, Caesar was overlooked by Sylla, he could not lie still, but presented himself to the People as a Candidate for the Priesthood, though he was yet under Age. But Sylla, by his underhand management, so carried it, that Caesar fell short of his pretensions; and in a Consult of Friends to take him off, when it was urged by some, that it was not worth his while to contrive the death of a Boy, he answered, that They knew little, who did not see many Marius' in that Boy. Caesar, upon notice of this lay concealed a long while among the Sabines, often changing his Quarters; till one night, as he was removing his Lodging for his health, he fell into the hands of Sylla's Soldiers, who were searching those parts in order to apprehend such as had absconded. Caesar by a Bribe of two Talents prevailed with Cornelius their Captain to let him go, and was no sooner dismissed, but he put to Sea, and made for Bythinia. After a short stay there with Nicomedes the King, in his passage back he was taken near the Island Pharmacusa by some Pirates, who at that time with some great Ships, and a vast number of smaller Vessels, infested those Seas. When at first they demanded of him 20 Talents for his Ransom, he smiled at them as not understanding the value of their Prisoner, and voluntarily engaged to give 'em 50. He presently dispatched those about him to several places to raise the Money, till at last he was left among those bloody Villains, the Cilicians, only with one Friend, and two Attendants; Yet he made so little of them, that when he had a mind to sleep, he would send to them, and command silence. For 38 days, with all the freedom in the World he used Exercise, and Gamed amongst them, as if they had not been his Keepers, but his Guards. He wrote Verses, and Speeches, and made them his Auditors, and those who did not admire them, he called to their faces illiterate and barbarous, and would often in raillery threaten to hang hang. They were mightily taken with this, and attributed his free way of talking to a kind of Simplicity, and Juvenile Humour. As soon as his Ransom was come from Miletus, he paid it, and was discharged; soon after which he Manned some Ships at the Milesian Port, and went in pursuit of the Pirates, whom he surprised as they were yet at an Anchor, and took most of them. Their Money he made Prize, and the Men he secured in Prison at Pergamus, and presently applied himself to Junius, who was then Governor of Asia, to whose Office it belonged, as Praetor, to determine their Punishment. Junius having his Eye upon the Money, (for the Sum was considerable) said, He would think at his leisure what to do with the Prisoners; upon which Caesar took his leave of him, and went for Pergamus, where he ordered the Pirates to be brought forth and Crucified; the Punishment he had often threatened them with, whilst he was in their hands, and they little dreamt he was in earnest. In the mean time Sylla's Power declined, and Caesar's Friends advised him to return to Rome; but he went off to Rhodes, and entered himself in the School of Apollonius, Molon's Son, a famous Rhetorician, one who had the reputation of a well-tempered Man, and had Cicero at that time for his Auditor. Caesar was by Nature excellently framed for a perfect Statesman, and Orator, and took such pains to improve his Genius this way, that without dispute he might challenge the second place amongst Men of that Character. More he did not aim at, as choosing to be first rather amongst Men of Arms and Power; and therefore never rose up to that pitch of Eloquence to which Nature would have carried him, being diverted by those Expeditions and Designs, which at length gained him the Empire. And he himself in his Answer to Cicero's Panegyric on Cato, desires his Reader not to compare the plain Discourse of a Soldier with the Harangues of an Orator, who had not only fine Parts, but had employed his whole Life in this one Study. When he was returned to Rome, he accused Dolabella of Maladministration, and many Cities of Greece came in to attest it. Dolabella was acquitted, and Caesar in return of the favours he had received from the Grecians, assisted them in their prosecution of P. Antonius for Bribery before M. Lucullus Praetor of Macedonia. In this Cause he prevailed so far, that Antonius was forced to appeal to the Tribunes at Rome, alleging, that in Greece he could not have fair play against Grecians. In his Plead at Rome he appeared with all the graces of an Orator, and gained much upon the Affections of the People by the easiness of his Address, and Conversation, in which he was accomplished beyond what could be expected from his Age. His Interest grew still insensibly greater by the open House he kept, and the magnificence of his Entertainments; His Enemies slighted the growth of it at first, in expectation it would soon fail, when his Money was gone; whilst in the mean time it was firmly settled among the Common People. When his Power at last was fixed, and not to be controlled, and now openly tended to the altering of the whole Constitution, they were aware too late, that there is no beginning so mean, which continued application will not make considerable, and that small dangers by being despised at first become at last irresistible. Cicero was the first who had any suspicions of his designs upon the Government, and (as a good Pilot is apprehensive of a Storm when the Sea is calmest) saw the designing temper of the Man through this disguise of good humour, and affability, and said upon it; In all his other actions and intrigues I plainly discover the air of a Tyrant; but when I see his Hair lie in so exact order, and him so often adjusting it, I cannot imagine it should enter into such a Man's thoughts to subvert the Roman State. But of this more hereafter.  
The first Proof he had of the People's good Will to him, was, when he carried a Tribuneship in the Army against C. Popilius. A second and clearer instance of their Favour appeared upon his making an Excellent Oration in praise of his Aunt Julia, Wife to Marius, publicly in the Forum: at whose Funeral he was so bold as to bring forth the Images of Marius, which no Body durst produce since the Government came into Sylla's Hands, Marius' Party having from that time been declared Enemies to the State. For when some upon this Occasion exclaimed against Caesar, the People on the other side were taken with the Action, and received it with very great applause; admiring him for having revived in the City those Honours of Marius, which for so long time had been buried. It had always been the custom at Rome to make Funeral Orations in praise of Ancient Matrons, but there was no precedent of any upon young Women, till Caesar first made one upon the death of his own Wife. This also procured him Favour, and by this show of Affection he got the Hearts of the People, who looked upon him as a Man of great Tenderness and extraordinary good Nature. When he had buried his Wife, he went Quaestor into Spain under one Votus, who was Praetor, whom he Honoured ever after, and made his Son Quaestor, when he himself came to be Praetor. When he was out of that Office, he Married Pompeja his third Wife, having then a Daughter by Cornelia his first Wife, whom he afterwards matched to Pompey the Great. He was so profuse in his Expenses, that before he had any public Employment, he was in debt 1300 Talents. Some thought that by being at so great a charge to be popular, he changed a real and solid good, for what was short, and uncertain: But in truth he purchased what was of the greatest value at an inconsiderable rate. When he was made Surveyor of the Appian Way, he disbursed besides the public Moneys a great Sum out of his private Purse; and when he was Aedile, he provided such a number of Gladiators, that he entertained the People with 320 several Duels; and by his great liberality and magnificence in Shows, in Pomp's, and public Feast, obscured the glory of all who went before him, and gained so much upon the People, that every one was ready to invent new Offices, and new Honours, for him, in return to his Munificence. There being two Factions in the City, one for Sylla, which was very powerful, the other for Marius which was then broken, and in a very low condition, he was desirous to raise it again, and to bring it over to his Interest: To this end, whilst he was in the height of his Repute with the People, for the magnificent Shows he gave as Aedile, he ordered Images, and Statues, with Ensigns of Victory, to be carried privately in the night, and placed in the Capitol. Next morning, when some saw them glittering with Gold, and curiously wrought with Inscriptions of Marius' Exploits over the Cimbrians, they were surprised at the boldness of him who had set them up, nor was it difficult to guests who it was. The fame of this soon spread, and brought together a great Concourse of People: Some presently cried out that Caesar had designs upon the Government, because he had revived those Honours which were buried by the Laws, and Decrees of the Senate; that this was done to sound the temper of the People, whom he had prepared before, and to try whether they were tame enough to bear his Humour, and would quietly give way to his Innovations. However Marius' Party took courage; and 'tis incredible what a multitude of them appeared on a sudden, and came shouting into the Capitol. Many of them when they saw Marius' Picture cried for Joy, and Caesar was highly extolled as the only Person, who was a Relation worthy of Marius. Upon this the Senate met, and Catulus Luctatius, one of the most eminent Romans of that time, stood up, and accused Caesar, closing his Speech with this remarkable saying; Caesar no longer undermines the Government, but openly plants his Batteries against it. But when Caesar had made an Apology for himself, and satisfied the Senate, his Admirers were very much animated, and advised him not to depart from his own thoughts for any one, since he was likely to get the better of them all in a little time, and to be the first Man in the State with the People's Consent. At the same time Metellus the Highpriest died; and Catulus, and Isauricus, Persons of known Reputation, and who bore a great weight in the Senate, were Competitors for the Office; yet Caesar would not give way to them, but presented himself to the People as a Candidate against them. The several Interests seeming very equal, Catulus, who because he had the most Honour to lose, was the most apprehensive of the event, sent to Caesar to buy him off, with Offers of a great Sum of Money: But he said, He would provide a larger Sum than that to carry on the Competition. Upon the day of Election, as his Mother conducted him out of doors with tears, he saluted her, and said; Well, Mother, to day you'll see me either Highpriest, or Banished. When the Votes were taken, after a great struggle, he carried it, and by that gave the Senate and Nobility reason to fear he might now draw on the People to the greatest height of Arrogance. Whereupon Piso and Catulus found fault with Cicero for letting Caesar escape, when in the Conspiracy of Catiline he had given the Government such advantage against him. For Catiline, who had designed not only to change the present State of Affairs, but to subvert the whole Constitution, and confound all, had himself escaped, by reason the Evidence was not full against him, they having not yet gone to the bottom of his Design. But he had left Lentulus and Cethegus in the City to supply his place in the Conspiracy▪ Whether they had any secret Encouragement and Assistance from Caesar is uncertain; This is certain, that they were fully convicted in the Senate, and when Cicero the Consul ask● the several Opinions of the Senators, how they would have them punished, all who spoke before Caesar sentenced them to Death, but Caesar stood up, and made a set Speech, wherein he told them, That he thought it without Precedent, and not just to take away the Lives of two Persons of their Birth and Quality, before they were fairly tried, unless there was an absolute necessity for it; but that if they were kept confined in any Town which Cicero himself should choose till Catiline was defeated, than the Senate might in peace and at their leisure determine, what was best to be done. This Sentence of his carried so much appearance of Humanity, and he gave it so good an air by his Speech, that not only those who spoke after him closed with it, but even they who had before given a contrary Opinion, now came over to his; till it came about to Catulus, and Cato's turn to speak. They warmly opposed it; and Cato insinuated in his Speech some suspicions of Caesar himself, and pressed the matter so far, that the Criminals were given up to suffer Execution. As Caesar was going out of the Senate, many of the young Men who guarded Cicero, ran in with their naked Swords to assault him. But Curio, as it is said, threw his Gown over him, and conveyed him out, and Cicero himself gave a Sign to his Guards, who watched the motions of his Eye, not to kill him, either for fear of the People, or because he thought the Murder unjust and illegal. If this be true, I wonder how Tully came to omit it in the Book which he wrote concerning his Consulship. Cicero was blamed afterwards for not making use of so good an opportunity against Caesar out of fear of the Populace, who mightily favoured him. Sometime after, when Caesar went into the Senate to clear himself of some Suspicions he lay under, he found great clamours raised against him, whereupon the Senate sitting longer than ordinary, the People went up to the House in a Tumult, and beset it, demanding Caesar, and requiring them to dismiss him. Upon this Cato much fearing a Mutiny from the poorer sort, who are always the Incendiaries in a Rebellion, and who now placed all their hopes in Caesar, persuaded the Senate to give them a Monthly allowance of Corn, which put the Commonwealth to the extraordinary charge of 55000 Crowns a year. This Expedient removed all fears for the present, and very much weakened Caesar's power, who at that time was just going to be made Praetor, and consequently would have been more formidable by his Office. But there was no disturbance during his Praetorship, only what misfortune he met with in his own Domestic Affairs. P. Clodius was a Person well descended, eminent both for his Riches and Eloquence, but in Lewdness and Impudence exceeded the very worst of those, who were remarkable for their Debauchery. He was in love with Pompeja, Caesar's Wife, and she had no aversion to him. But there were strict Guards on her Apartment, and Caesar's Mother Aurclia, who was a discreet Woman, being continually about her, made an Interview very dangerous, and difficult. The Romans have a Goddess which they call Bona, the same which the Greeks call Gynaecea: The Phrygians, who claim a peculiar Title to her, say she was Mother to Midas; The Romans pretend she was one of the Dryads, and Married to Faunus: The Grecians affirm that she is that Mother of Bacchus, whose Name is not to be uttered: For this Reason the Women who celebrate her Festival, cover the Tents with Vine-branches, and according to the Fable, a Consecrated Dragon is placed by the Goddess. It is not lawful for a Man to be buy, nor so much as in the House, whilst the Sacred Rites are celebrated; but the Women by themselves perform such Holy Offices, as are much a●kin to those used in the Solemnities sacred to Orpheus▪ When the Festival comes, the Husband, who is always either Consul or Praetor, and with him every Male-creature quits the House; the Wife then taking it under her care, sets it in order, and there are great Solemnities all night, attended with Dancing, and several sorts of Music. As Pompeja was at that time celebrating this▪ Feast, Clodius, who as yet had no Beard, and so thought to pass undiscovered, took upon him the Habit and Disguise of a Singing-Woman, having the Air of a young Girl, and so came thither. Finding the Doors open, he was without any stop introduced by a young Maid, who was in the Intrigue. She presently ran to tell Pompeja, but being from him a great while, he grew uneasy in waiting for her, and therefore left his Post, and traversed the House from one Room to another, still taking care to avoid the Lights▪ till at last Aurelia's Woman met him, and invited him to such Recreations as the Women use among themselves. He refused to comply; but the presently pulled him forward, and asked him, who he was, and whence? Clodius told her he waited for Aura one of Pompeja's Maids, and as he said so, betrayed himself by his Voice: Upon which the Woman shrieking, ran into the Company where there were Lights, and cried out, she had discovered a Man. The Women were all in a fright; Aurelia presently threw a Veil over the Ceremonies, put a stop to the Orgia, and having ordered the Doors to be shut, ran about with Lights to find Clodius, who was got into the Maid's Room, that he had come in with, and was seized there. The Women knew him, and drove him out of Doors, and presently, though it was yet night, went home to tell their Husbands the Story. In the morning it was all about Town, what an impious attempt Clodius had made, and all agreed he ought to be punished as an Offender not only against those whom he had affronted, but also against the Public, and the Gods. Upon which one of the Tribunes accused him of profaning the Holy Rites, and some of the Principal Senators came in, and witnessed against him, that besides many other horrible Crimes, he had been guilty of Incest with his own Sister, who was Married to Lucullus. But the People set themselves against the Interest of the Nobility, and defended Clodius; which was of great service to him with the Judges, who were at a stand, being afraid to provoke the Commonalty. Caesar presently dismissed Pompeja, but being summoned as a Witness against Clodius, said, He had nothing to charge him with. This looking like a Paradox, the Accusers asked him, why he parted with his Wife? Caesar replied, Because I can't bear that my Wife should be so much as suspected. Some say that Caesar spoke this as his thoughts; Others▪ that he did it to gratify the People, who were very earnest to save Clodius. So Clodius got clear of the Indictment, most of the Judges giving their Opinions in confused terms, that they might not be in danger from the People by condemning him, nor in disgrace with the Nobility by acquitting him. Caesar in the mean time being out of his Praetorship had got the Province of Spain, but was in ill Circumstances with his Creditors, who, as he was going off, came upon him▪ and were very pressing and importunate; which made him apply himself to Crassus, who was the richest Man in Rome, but wanted Caesar's vigour and warmth to set up against Pompey. Crassus' took upon him to satisfy those Creditors, which were most uneasy to him, and would not be put off any longer, and engaged himself to the value of 830 Talents: Upon which Caesar was now at Liberty to go to his Province. In his Journey as he was crossing the Alps, and passing by a small Village of the Barbarians, which was stocked with but few Inhabitants, and those wretchedly poor, his Friends smiled, and asked him by way of raillery, If there were any canvasing for Offices there; any contention which should be uppermost, or feuds of great Men one against another? To which Caesar made answer very seriously: For my part I had rather be the first Man among these Fellows, than the second Man in Rome. 'Tis said that another time, being retired from Business, and reading the History of Alexander, he sat a great while very thoughtful, and at last burst out into Tears. His Friends were surprised, and asked him the Reason of it. Do you think (said he) I have not just cause to weep, when I consider that Alexander at my Age had conquered so many Nations, and I have all this time done nothing, that is memorable? As soon as he came into Spain he was very active, and in a few days had got together 10 new Companies of Foot to those 20 which were there before: With these he marched against the Gallaeci, and Lusitani, conquered them, and advancing as far as the Ocean, subdued those Nations, which never before had been subject to the Romans. Having managed his Military Affairs with good success, he was equally happy in the Course of his Civil Government; For he established a good Understanding amongst the several States, and took especial Care to heal the differences betwixt Debtors and Creditors. He ordered that the Creditor should receive two parts of the Debtor's yearly Income, and that the other part should be managed by the Debtor himself, till by this method the whole Debt was at last discharged. This Conduct made him leave his Province with a fair reputation; being rich himself, and having enriched his Soldiers, who therefore Complimented him with the Title of Emperor. There is a Law among the Romans, that whoever desires the Honour of a Triumph must stay without the City, and expect his Answer: And another, that those who put in for the Consulship shall appear personally upon the place: Caesar was come home at the very time of choosing Consuls, and being in a straight between these two opposite Laws, sent to the Senate to desire, that since he was obliged to be absent, he might appear for the Consulship by Proxy. Ca●o being backed by the Law, at first opposed his request; afterwards perceiving that Caesar had prevailed with a great part of the Senate to comply with it, he made it his business to gain time, and wasted an whole day in Harangues: Upon which Caesar thought fit to let the Triumph fall, and pursued the Consulship. He advances therefore presently, and enters upon a project which deceived all but Cato. This was the reconciling of Crassus, and Pompey, who then bore the greatest weight in Rome. There had been a quarrel between them, which he quickly made up; and by this means strengthened himself by the united power of both; and so privately undermined the Government, under the covert of an Action which carried in it all the appearance of a good Office. For it was not the quarrel betwixt Pompey, and Caesar, as most Men imagine, which was the foundation of the Civil Wars, but their Union; they conspiring at first to subvert the Aristocracy, and quarrelling at last betwixt themselves, which should be Monarch. Cato, who often foretold what the Consequence of this Alliance would be, had then the Character of a sullen and busy Man, and afterwards the Reputation of a wise, but unfortunate Counsellor. Thus Caesar being doubly guarded with the Interests of of Crassus, and Pompey, was promoted to the Consulate, and declared publicly with Calfurnius Bibulus. When he was fixed in his Office he brought in Bills, which would have been preferred with better grace by a bold Tribune, then by a Consul; in which he proposed transplantation of Colonies, and Division of Lands, on purpose to oblige the Commonalty. The best and most Honourable of the Senators opposed it, upon which, having long waited for such a colourable pretence, he openly protested how unwillingly he was driven upon applications to the People, and how necessary it was to make his Addresses that way, and to enter into their Interests, since he had received so many Affronts, and found so much Sullenness in the Senate. When he had said this, he asked Crassus and Pompey, who sat on each side of him, Whether they consented to the Bills he had proposed? They owned their Assent, upon which he desired them to assist him against those who had threatened to oppose him with their Swords. They engaged they would, and Pompey added farther, that he would not only meet their Swords with a Sword in his Hand, but that he would bring a Buckler with him besides. This Speech the Nobles resented, as neither suitable to his gravity, nor becoming the Reverence due to that Assembly, but such as had an air of levity and rashness: But the People were pleased with it. Caesar that he might work himself yet deeper into the Interest of Pompey, gave him his Daughter Julia, who had before been contracted to Servilius Caepio, and told Servilius he should have Pompey's Daughter, who was not unprovided neither, but designed for Sylla's Son, Faustus. A little time after Caesar Married Calpurnia the Daughter of Piso, and made Piso Consul for the year following. Cato exclaimed loudly against this, and protested with a great deal of warmth, that it was intolerable the Government should be prostituted by these Marriages, and that they should advance one another to the Commands of Armies, Provinces, and other great Posts by the Interest of Women. Bibulus, Caesar's Colleague finding it was to no purpose to oppose his Bills, but that he was in danger of being murdered in the Forum, as also was Cato, confined himself to his House, and there wore out the remaining part of his Consulship. Pompey when he was Married, presently filled the Forum with Soldiers, and so secured to the People their new Laws, and to Caesar the Government of all Gaul, both on this and the other side of the Alps, together with Illyricum, and the command of 4 Legions for 5 years. Cato made some attempts against these proceedings, but was sent to Prison by Caesar, who suspected he would appeal to the Tribunes. But when Caesar saw that he went along without speaking a word, and that not only the Nobility disrelished it, but that the People also out of their Veneration to Cato's Virtue waited on him, and by their silence and dejected looks expressed a great concern for him; he himself privately desired one of the Tribunes to rescue Cato. As for the other Senators, some few of them attended the House; the rest being disgusted, absented themselves. Hence Considius, a very old Man, took occasion one day to tell Caesar, that the Senators did not meet because they were afraid of his Soldiers. Caesar presently asked him, Why don't you then out of the same fear keep at home? To which the old Man replied that Age was his guard against Fear, and that the small Remains of his Life were not worth much Caution. But the foulest thing that was done in Caesar's Consulship was his promoting Clodius to be Tribune, that very Clodius who had attempted to dishonour his Bed, and who contrary to all Piety had polluted the holy and mysterious Vigils. Now he was preferred in opposition to Cicero, nor did Caesar take the Field, till they had overpowered Cicero, and drove him out of Italy.  
Thus far have we deduced Caesar's Actions before the Wars of Gaul. After this he seems to have begun his Course afresh, and to have entered upon a new, and different Scene of Action. The Progress of those Battles which he afterwards fought, and those many Expeditions in which he subdued the Gauls, show him to have been a Soldier and General not in the least inferior to any of those great and admired Commanders, who have appeared at the Heads of Armies. For if we compare him with the Fabii, the Metelli, the Scipio's, and with those who were his Contemporaries, or not long before him, Sylla, Marius, the 2 Luculli, or even Pompey himself, whose Glory reached the Heavens▪ we shall find Caesar's Actions to have surpassed them all. One he excelled on the account of the difficulty of the places where he fought: Another in respect of the large extent of Country which he overran: Some in the Number and Strength of the Enemies, whom he conquered; and some in the roughness and barbarity of their tempers, whom he polished and civilised: Others yet in his Humanity and Clemency to those he overpowered, and others in his Gifts, and Gratuities to his Soldiers: All in the Number of the Battles which he fought, and the Enemies, which he killed. For he had not pursued the Wars in Gaul full 10 years, before he took by Storm 800 Towns, subdued 300 States; and of the 3 millions of Men, which made up the gross of those, with whom at several times he engaged, he killed one, and took a second. He was so much Master of the good Will, and hearty service of his Soldiers, that those who in other Expeditions were but ordinary Men, carried with them a force not to be resisted or shaken, when they went upon any danger, where Caesar's glory was concerned. Such an one was Acilius, who in a Sea-fight before Marseilles had his Right Hand struck off with a Sword, yet did not quit his Buckler out of his Left, but gauled the Enemies in the Face with it, till he defeated them, and made himself Master of the Vessel. Such another was Cassius Scaera, who in a Battle near Dyrrhachium had one of his Eyes picked out with an Arrow, his Shoulder pierced with one Javelin, and his Thigh with another, and having received 130 Darts upon his Target called to the Enemy, as though he would surrender himself; but when two of them came up to him, he cut off the Shoulder of one with a Sword, and by a blow over the Face forced the other to retire, whilst with the Assistance of his own Party he made his escape. Again in Britain, when some of the chief Officers were accidentally fallen into a Morass full of Water, and there assaulted by the Enemy, a common Soldier, whilst Caesar stood and looked on, threw himself into the midst of them, and after many and signal demonstrations of his Valour, rescued the Officers, and beat off the Barbarians. At last he took the Water, and with much ado, partly by swimming, partly by wading, passed it, but in the passage lost his Shield. Caesar admired him, and went to meet him with joy and acclamation; but the Soldier very much dejected, and in tears threw himself down at Caesar's feet, and begged his pardon, that he had let go his Buckler. Another time in Afric, Scipio having taken▪ a Ship of Caesar's, in which Granius Petronius, one lately made Questor was passing, he gave the other Passengers as free prize to his Soldiers, but thought fit to give the Quaestor his Life: But he said, it was not usual for Caesar's Soldiers to take, but give Life, and having said so, ●an upon his Sword and killed himself. These Principles and Notions of Honour were inspired into them, and cherished in them by C●sar himself, who by his liberal distribution of Money and Honours showed them that he did not from the Wars heap up Wealth for his own Luxury, or the gratifying his private Pleasure, but that he took care to settle a sure Fund for the reward and encouragement of Valour, and that he looked upon himself only rich in that, which he gave to deserving Soldiers. There was no danger to which he did not willingly expose himself; no labour from which he pleaded an exemption. His contempt of danger was not so much admired by his Soldiers, because they knew how much he loved Honour: But his enduring so much hardship, which he did to all appearance beyond his Natural Strength, very much astonished them. For he was a spare Man, had a soft and white Skin, was distempered in the Head, and subject to an Epilepsy, which 'tis said first seized him at Corduba. But he did not make the weakness of his Constitution a pretext for his Ease, but used War as the best Physic against his Indispositions, whilst by unwearied Travels, course Diet, and frequent lodging in the Fields, he struggled with his Diseases, and prepared his Body against all attacks. He slept generally in his Chariots or Litters, and employed even his Rest in pursuit of Action, In the day he was carried to Castles, Garrisons, or Fortifications in his Chariot, one Servant riding with him, who used to write down what he dictated as he went, and a Soldier attending behind, with his Sword drawn. He drove so briskly, that when he first set out from Rome he arrived at the River Rhoan within 8 days. He had been an expert Rider from his Childhood, for it was usual with him to hold his hands close behind him, and to put his Horse to full speed. But in the Wars he had improved himself so far as to dictate Letters from on Horseback, and to direct himself to two, who took Notes at the same time, or as Opius saith, to more. And 'tis thought that he was the▪ first who found out a new way of Conversing with his Friends by Ciphers, when either through multitude of business, or the large extent of the City, he had not time for a Personal Conference about such Incidents as required a sudden dispatch. How little nice he was in his Diet, we have this remarkable Instance. When Valerius Leo invited him one night to Supper, and Treated him with a Asparagus, upon which in stead of Oil he had poured a sweet Ointment, Caesar fed on it without any disgust, and reprimanded his Friends for finding fault with it. For it was enough, said he, not to eat, what you did not like; but he who reflects on another Man's want of breeding, shows he wants it as much himself. Another time upon the Road he was driven by a Storm into a poor Man's Cottage, where he found but one Room, and that such as would afford but a mean Reception to a single Person, and therefore he told his Companions, that the most Honourable Places ought to be given to the best Men, but the most Necessary Accommodations to the weakest; and accordingly ordered that Opius, who was infirm, should lodge within, whilst he and the rest slept under a Shed at the Door. His first War in Gaul was against the Helvetians and Tigurines, who having burnt 12 of their own Towns, and 400 Villages, would have marched forward through that part of Gaul, which was under the Roman Province, as the Cimbrians and Teutons formerly had done. Nor were they inferior to these in Courage; and in Numbers they were equal, being in all Three hundred thousand, of which One hundred and ninety thousand were fight Men. Caesar did not engage the Tigurines in Person, but Latienus, who was Commissioned by him, routed them about the River Arar. But the Helvetians surprised Caesar, and unexpectedly set upon him as he was conducting his Army to a Confederate Town. However he managed it so as to get into a place well fortified, where when he had mustered▪ and marshaled his Men, his Horse was brought to him; upon which he said, When I have won the Battle, I'll use my Horse for the Chase, but at present let us go against the Enemy: Accordingly he charged them furiously on foot. After a long and sharp Engagement he drove the main Army out of the Field, but found the toughest work at their Carriages and Ramparts, where not only the Men stood, and fought, but the Women also and Children defended themselves, till they were cut to pieces; insomuch that the Fight was scarce ended till midnight. This Action in itself very great, Caesar crowned with another more glorious by gathering in a Body all the Barbarians that had escaped out of the Battle, above 100000 in number, and obliging them to repair to the Country which they had deserted, and the Cities which they had burnt. Which he did for fear the Germans should pass the Rhine, and possess themselves of the Country whilst it lay uninhabited. His second War was in favour of the Gauls against the Germans, though sometime before he had made Ariovistus, their King, owned at Rome as an Ally. But they were very insufferable Neighbours to those under his Obedience, and it was probable, when Occasion showed, they would be uneasy under their present posture, and would make Incursions into Gaul, and seize it. But finding his Commanders timorous, and especially those of the young Nobility and Gentry, who came along with him in hopes of making use of that Expedition to their Pleasure, or Profit, he called them together, and advised them to march off, and not to run the hazard of a Battle against their Inclinations, since they were so effeminately, and cowardly disposed; telling them withal, that he would take only the 10th Legion, and march against the Barbarians, whom he did not expect to find an Enemy more formidable than the Cimbri, nor should they find him a General inferior to Marius. Upon this the 10th Legion deputed some of their Body to pay him their Compliments of Thanks, and the other Legions blamed their Officers, and with great vigour and zeal followed him many days Journey, till they encamped within 200 furlongs of the Enemy. Ariovistus' Courage was cooled upon their very approach; for not expecting the Romans should attack the Germans, who were known to be Men likely to stand a Charge, he admired Caesar's Conduct, and saw his own Army under a great Consternation. They were still more discouraged by the Prophecies of their Holy Women, who by observing the Whirlpools of Rivers, and taking Omens from the windings and noise of Brooks, foretold strange Events, and warned them not to engage before the next New Moon appeared. Caesar having had intimations of this, and seeing the Germans lie still, thought it expedient to attack them, whilst they were under these Apprehensions, rather than sit still, and wait their Time. Accordingly he made his approaches to their Fortifications and Outworks, within which they were entrenched, and so galled, and fretted them, that at last they came down with great fury to engage. But he gained a glorious Victory, and pursued them for 300 furlongs as far as the Rhine; all which space was covered with Spoils, and Bodies of the Slain. Ariovistus made shift to pass the Rhine with the small Remains of an Army; for it is said the number of the slain amounted to 80000. After this Action Caesar left his Army at their Winter-Quarters in the Country of the Sequani, and in order to attend his Affairs at Rome, went into that part of Gaul, which lies on the Po, and was part of his Province, for the River Rubicon divides Gaul, which is on this side the Alps from the rest of Italy. There he sat down, and gained the favour of the People, who made their Court to him frequently, and always found their Requests answered; for he never failed to dismiss any without present pledges of his favour in hand, and farther hopes for the future. During all this time of the War in Gaul, Pompey never discovered, how on one side Caesar conquered his Enemies with the Arms of Rome, and on the other side gained upon the Romans, and captivated them with the Money which he had got from his Enemies. But when Caesar heard that the Belgae, who were the most powerful of all the Gauls, and inhabited a third part of the Country were revolted, and that they had got together a great many thousand Men in Arms, he immediately directed his Course that way with great expedition, and falling upon the Enemy, as they were ravaging the Gauls his Allies, he soon defeated them, and put them to flight. For though their numbers were great, yet they made but a slender defence; so that the Marshes and deep Rivers were made passable to the Roman Foot by the vast quantity of dead Bodies. Of those who revolted, all that lived near the Ocean came over without fight, and therefore he led his Army against the Nervi, who are the most uncivilised and most warlike People of all in those parts. These live in a close, Woody Country, and having lodged their Children, and their Goods in a deep hollow within a large Forest, fell upon Caesar with a Body of 60000 Men before he was prepared for them, and while he was making his Encampment. They soon routed his Cavalry, and having surrounded the 12th and 7th Legions killed all the Officers; and had not Caesar himself snatched up a Buckler, and forced his way through his own Men to come up to the Barbarians, or had not the 10th Legion, when they saw him in danger, ran in from the tops of the Hills, where they lay, and broke through the Enemy's Ranks to rescue him, in all probability his Army had been entirely cut off. But through the Influence of Caesar's Valour, the Romans in this Conflict exerted more than their ordinary Courage; yet with the utmost strains of their Valour, they were not able to beat the Enemy out of the Field, but cut them off fight in their own defence. For out of 60000 Soldiers not above 500 survived the Battle, and of 400 of their Senators not above three▪ When the Roman Senate had received News of this they voted Sacrifices and Festivals to the Gods to be strictly observed for the space of 15 days, which is a longer space than ever was observed for any Victory before. For the danger appeared great, because they were engaged with so many States at once, and the favour of the People to Caesar made the Victory more esteemed because he was Conqueror. He was now retired to his Winter-Quarters by the Po, where after he had settled the Affairs of Gaul, he resided in order to the forming his designs at Rome. All who were Candidates for Offices used his Assistance, and were supplied with Money from him to corrupt the People, and buy their Votes, in return of which, when they were chose, they did all things to advance his Power. But what was more considerable, the most eminent and powerful Men in Rome in great Numbers made their Court to him at Lucca, as, Pompey and Crassus, and Appius the Praetor of Sardinia, and Nepos the Proconsul of Spain; so that there were upon the place at one time 120 Lictors, and more than 200 Senators, who held a Council, and then parted. There it was decreed, that Pompey and Crassus should be Consuls again for the following year; that Caesar should have a fresh supply of Money, and that his Command should be renewed to him for 5 years more. It seemed very extravagant to all thinking Men, that those very Persons who had received so much Money from Caesar, should persuade the Senate to grant him more as if he wanted, though indeed they did not so much persuade as compel the Senate, who at the same time regretted what they were forced to pass. Cato was not present, for they had sent him aside very seasonably into Cyprus; but Favonius, who was a zealous imitator of Cato, when he found he could do no good by opposing it, broke out of the House, and loudly declaimed against these Proceedings to the People. But none gave him hearing; some slighting him out of respect to Crassus and Pompey, others, to gratify Caesar, on whom depended all their hopes. After this Caesar returned again to his Forces in Gaul, where he found that Country involved in a dangerous War, two strong People of the Germans having lately past the Rhine, and made Inroads into it; One of them called Ipes, the other Tenterides. Of the War with this People, Caesar himself has given this Account in his Commentaries; That the Barbarians having sent Ambassadors to treat with him, did during the Treaty set upon him in his march, by which means with 800 Men they routed 5000 of his Horse, who did not suspect their coming; that afterwards they sent other Ambassadors to pursue the same fraudulent practices, whom he kept in Custody, and led on his Army against the Barbarians, as judging it would betray too much Easiness, if he should keep Faith with those who broke their Promises, and could not be obliged by any League. Canusius saith, that when the Senate decreed Festivals, and Sacrifices for this Victory, Cato declared it to be his Opinion that Caesar ought to be given into the hands of the Barbarians, that so the guilt which this breach of Faith might otherwise bring upon the Public, might be expiated by transferring the Curse on him, who was the Occasion of it. Of those which past the Rhine there were 400000 cut off; those few which escaped were sheltered by the Sicambri, a People of Germany. Caesar took hold of this pretence to invade the Germans, being otherwise ambitious of glory, and especially of the Honour of being the first Man that should pass the Rhine with an Army. He presently laid a Bridge over it, though it was very wide, and in that place deeper than ordinary, and at the same time very rough and fierce, carrying down with its Stream Trunks of Trees, and other Lumber, which much shocked and weakened the foundations of his Bridge. But he drove great Planks of Wood into the bottom of the River above the Bridge, both to resist the impression of such Bodies, and to break the force of the Torrent, and by this means he finished his Bridge, which no one who saw could believe it to be the Work of but 10 days. In the passage of his Army over it, he met with no opposition, the Suevi themselves, who are the most Warlike People of all Germany, flying with their Effects into the closest and most woody part of the Vales. When he had burnt all the Enemy's Country, and encouraged those who had remained firm to the Roman Interest, he went back into Gaul after 18 days stay in Germany. But his Expedition into Britain gave the most signal Testimony of his Courage, for he was the first who brought a Navy into the Western Ocean, or who sailed through the Atlantic with an Army to make War; and though the Island is of so incredible an extent, that it has given room to Historians to dispute, whether such an Island really be in Nature, or whether 'tis a bare Name and Fiction, yet he attempted to conquer it, and to carry the Roman Empire beyond the Limits of the known World. He passed thither twice from that part of Gaul, which lies over-against it, and in several Battles which he fought, did more disservice to the Enemy, than service to himself; for the Islanders were so miserably poor, that they had nothing worth being plundered of. When he found himself unable to put such an end to the War as he wished, he was content to take Hostages from the King, and to impose some Taxes, and then quitted the Island. At his arrival in Gaul he found Letters which lay ready to be conveyed over the Water to him, from his Friends at Rome to give him Notice of his Daughter's death, who died in Labour of a Child by Pompey. Caesar and Pompey were much afflicted with her Death, nor were their Friends less disturbed▪ because that Alliance was now quite broke, which had hitherto kept the Commonwealth in Peace and Amity; for the Child also died within a few days after the Mother. The People took the Body of Julia by force from the Tribunes, and buried it in the Campus Martius with all Solemnities proper on that Occasion. Caesar's Army was now grown very numerous, so that he was forced to disperse them into several Winter-Quarters, and being gone himself towards Rome, as he used to do, there was a sudden Rupture in Gaul, and great Armies were on their march about the Country, who beat up the Romans Quarters, and attempted to make themselves Masters of the Forts, where they lay. The greatest and strongest Party of the Rebels under the Command of Ambiorix cut off Cotta, and Titurius, with their Army. After that the Enemies invested a Town, (where Cicero lay with his Legion) with an Army of 60000▪ Men, and had almost taken it by Storm, the Roman Soldiers in it being all wounded, and having quite spent themselves by a brisk and vigorous defence beyond their Natural strength: But Caesar, who was at a great distance, having received notice of this, quickly got together 7000 Men, and hastened to relieve Cicero. The Besiegers were aware of it, and went to meet him, with great confidence that they should with ease devour such an handful of Men. Caesar to nourish their presumption seemed to avoid fight, and still marched off till he found a place conveniently situate for a few to engage against many, where he encamped. He kept his Soldiers from making any Incursion on the Enemy, and commanded them to raise a Bulwark, and to build strong Barricadoes, that by show of fear, they might heighten the Enemy's contempt of them; till at last they came without any order in great security to make an Attack, when he made a Sally, and put them to flight with the loss of many Men. This quieted many Commotions in these parts of Gaul, and Caesar made his progress through several parts of the Country, and with great vigilance provided against all Innovations. At that time there were 3 Legions come to him by way of Recruits for the Men he had lost; of which Pompey furnished him with two out of those under his Command; the other was newly raised in that part of Gaul which is by the Po. After this the Seeds of War, which had long since been secretly sown and scattered by the most powerful Men in those Warlike Nations, broke forth, and ripened into the greatest and most dangerous War that ever was in those parts, both for the number of Men in the vigour of their Youth, and quantity of Arms, which were gathered from all parts, and the vast Funds of Money laid up for this purpose, and the strength of Towns, and situation of places by which they were inaccessible. It being Winter, the Rivers were frozen, the Woods covered with Snow, and the Fields overflowed; so that in some places the Ways were lost through the depth of the Snow; in others, the overflowing of Bogs and Brooks made the passage very dangerous: All which difficulties made it seem impracticable to Caesar to make any attempt upon the Rebels. Many States had revolted together; the chief of them were the Arverni, and Carnutes; the General who had the Supreme Command in War was Vercingetorix, whose Father the Gauls had put to death on suspicion he affected absolute Government. He having disposed his Army in several Bodies, and set Officers over them, drew over to him all the Country round about as far as those that lie upon Arar, and having Intelligence of the Opposition which Caesar's Affairs now found at Rome, thought to engage all Gaul in the War. Which if he had done a little later, when Caesar was taken up with the Civil Wars, Italy had been put into as great fears, as before it was by the Cimbri. But at this time Caesar who was of a Genius naturally fitted to make a right use of all advantages in War, as soon as he heard of the Revolt, returned immediately the same way he went, and showed the Barbarians, by the quickness of his march in such a tempestuous season, that the Army which was advancing against them was invincible. For in time that one would have thought it scarce credible that a Courier, or Express should have come so far, he appeared with all his Army; in his march he ravaged the Country, demolished the Forts, and received into his protection those who declared for him; till at last the Hedui opposed him, who before had styled themselves Brethren to the Romans, and had been much honoured by them, but now joined the Rebels to the great discouragement of Caesar's Army. Wherefore he removed thence, and past the Country of the Lingones, desiring to touch upon the Territories of the Sequani, who were his Allies, and are situate next to Italy upon the Confines of Gaul. There the Enemy came upon him, and surrounded him with many Myriads, whom he was eager enough to engage; and had the advantage of them upon all accounts, and at last through the length of time and terror of his Name, quite defeated them. But he seems to have made some false steps at first, and the Arverni show you a Sword hanging up in a Temple, which they say was taken from Caesar. This Caesar saw afterwards, and smiled at it, and when his Friends advised it should be taken down, would not permit it, because he looked upon it as consecrated. After the defeat a great part of those who had escaped, fled with their King into a Town called Alexia, which Caesar besieged, though for the height of the Walls, and number of those who were in Garrison, it seemed impregnable. During the Siege he met with greater danger without the Town, then can be expressed. For the choice Men of Gaul, picked out of each Nation, and well Armed, came to relieve Alexia, to the number of Three hundred thousand; nor were there in the Town less than 170 thousand: So that Caesar being shut up betwixt two such Armies, was forced to raise two Walls, one towards the Town, the other against the new Supplies, as knowing if these Forces should join, his Affairs would be entirely ruined. The danger that he underwent before Alexia did justly gain him great Honour, and gave him an opportunity of showing greater Instances of his Valour and Conduct, than any other Battle ever did. One would wonder very much how he should engage and defeat so many thousands of Men without the Town, and not be perceived by those within: but much more, that the Romans themselves who guarded their Wall which was next the Town should be Strangers to it. For even they knew nothing of the Victory till they heard the cries of the Men, and lamentations of the Women, who were in the Town, and had from thence seen the Romans at a distance carrying into their Camp a great quantity of Bucklers adorned with Gold and Silver, many Breastplates stained with Blood, besides Cups and Tents made after the Gallic mode. So soon was so vast an Army dissipated, and vanished like a Ghost or Dream, the greatest part of them being killed upon the spot. Those which were in Alexia having given themselves and Caesar much trouble surrendered at last; and Vercingetorix, who was the chief Spring of all the War, with his best Armour on, and well mounted, road out of the Gates, and took a Turn about Caesar as he was sitting; then quitted his Horse, threw off his Armour, and laid himself quietly at Caesar's feet, who committed him to Custody to be reserved for a Triumph.  
Caesar had long since designed to ruin Pompey, and Pompey, him; for Crassus, who had hitherto kept them in Peace, being slain in Parthia, the one wanted nothing to make himself the greatest Man in Rome, but the fall of him, who was so; Nor had the other any way to prevent his own ruin, but by being beforehand with him whom he feared. But Pompey had not been long under such apprehensions, having till that time despised Caesar, as thinking it no difficult matter to crush him whom he himself had advanced. But Caesar had entertained this design from the beginning against his Rivals, and had retired like an expert Wrestler, to prepare himself for the Combat; He had improved the strength of his Soldiery by exercising 'em in the Gallic Wars, and had heightened his own glory by his great Actions, so that he was looked on, as one that vied with Pompey. Nor did he let go any of those advantages, which were now given him both by Pompey himself, and the times, and the ill Government of Rome, whereby all who were Candidates for Offices publicly gave Money, and without any shame bribed the People, who having received their pay did not contend for their Benefactors with their bare Suffrages, but with Bows, Swords, and Slings; so that they seldom parted without having stained the place of Election with the Blood of Men killed upon the spot; by which the City was brought to confusion like a Ship without a Pilot; so that the Wiser part wished things which were carried on with so much Tumult and fury might end no worse then in a Monarchy. Some were so bold as to declare openly, that the Government was incurable but by a Monarchy, and that they ought to take that Remedy from the Hands of the gentlest Physician, meaning Pompey, who though in words he pretended to decline it, yet in reality he made his utmost Efforts to be declared Dictator. Cato perceiving his design prevailed with the Senate to make him sole Consul, that he might not aim at the Dictatorship, being taken off with the offer of a more legal sort of Monarchy. They over and above voted him the continuance of his Provinces; for he had two, Spain, and all Afric, which he governed by his Deputies, and maintained Armies under him at the yearly charge of 10000 Talents out of the public Treasury. Upon this Caesar also by his Proxies demanded the Consulate, and the continuance of his Provinces. Pompey at first did not stir in it, but Marcellus and Lentulus opposed it, who had always hated Caesar, and now did every thing, whether fit or unfit, which ●●●ht disgrace, and expose him. For they took away the freedom of Rome from the Neocomians, who were a Colony that Caesar had lately planted in Gaul, and Marcellus, who was then Consul, ordered one of the Senators of that City, then at Rome, to be whipped, and told him he laid that mark upon him to signify he was no Citizen of Rome, bidding him, when he went back again, to show it Caesar. After Marcellus' Consulate, Caesar presented largely all the great Statesmen out of the Riches he had taken from the Gauls; discharged Curio the Tribune from his great Debts; gave Paulus, than Consul, 1500 Talents, with which he built a noble Palace joining to the Forum, in the place where that of Fulvius had stood. Pompey jealous of these Preparations, did now openly practise both by himself and his Friends, to have a Successor declared to Caesar, and sent to redemand those Soldiers whom he had lent him to carry on the Wars in Gaul. Caesar returned them, and gave each Soldier 250 Drachms. Those who conducted them to Pompey spread amongst the People no very favourable report of Caesar, and flattered Pompey himself with false suggestions that he was wished for by Caesar's Army, and though his Affairs here were in an ill posture through the envy of some, and the ill state of the Government, yet there the Army was at his Command, and if they might pass into Italy, would presently declare for him; so uneasy were they under Caesar, who had engaged them in so many Expeditions, and so suspicious of him as aspiring to the Monarchy. Upon this Pompey grew careless, and neglected all Warlike Preparations as fearing no danger, but attacked him with Words only and Speeches thinking to conquer by a Majority of Votes, which Caesar slighted. For 'tis said, that one of his Captains, who was sent by him to Rome, standing before the Senate-house one day, and being told that the Senate would not give Caesar a longer time in his Government, clapped his Hand on the Hilt of his Sword, and said, But this shall. Yet the demands which Caesar made had the fairest colours of Equity imaginable; for he proposed to lay down his Arms, and that Pompey should do the same, and both together should become private Men, and each expect a Reward of his Services from the Public; for that those who went to disarm him, and at the same time confirmed Pompey's Power, only suppressed the one, to establish the other in his Tyranny. When Curio made these Proposals to the People in Caesar's Name, he was mightily applauded, and some threw Garlands towards him, and dismissed him as they do Wrestlers, crowned with Flowers. Antony being Tribune, produced a Letter sent from Caesar on this Occasion, and read it, though the Consuls did what they could to oppose it. But Scipio, Pompey's Father-in-Law, proposed in the Senate, that if Caesar did not lay down his Arms within such a time, he should be voted an Enemy; and the Consuls putting it to the Question, whether Pompey should dismiss his Soldiers; and again, whether Caesar should disband his, very few assented to the first, but almost all to the latter. But Antony proposing again that both should lay down their Commissions, all unanimously agreed to it. Scipio was upon this very violent, and Lentulus the Consul cried aloud, that they had need of Arms, and not of Suffrages against a Robber; so that they were adjourned, and changed their Robes in token of grief for the Dissension. Afterwards there came other Letters from Caesar, which seemed yet more moderate; for he proposed to quit every thing else, and only to have Gallia Cisalpina, Illyricum, and two Legions, till he should stand a second time for Consul. Cicero the Orator, who was lately returned from Cilicia, endeavoured to reconcile differences, and softened Pompey, who was willing to comply in other things, but not to allow him the Soldiers. At last Cicero prevailed with Caesar's Friends, who were now more flexible to accept of the Provinces, and 6000 Soldiers only, and so to make up the Quarrel. Pompey gave way to this, but Lentulus the Consul would not hearken to it, but drove Antony and Curio out of the House with disgrace; by which they afforded Caesar the handsomest pretence that could be to inflame the Soldiers, by showing them two Persons of such Worth and Authority who were forced to escape in a common Hackney-Coach, in the Habits of Slaves; for so they were glad to disguise themselves, when they fled out of Rome. Now there were not about him at that time above 300 Horse, and 5000 Foot, for the rest of his Army, which was left behind the Alps, was to be brought after him by Persons Commissioned for that purpose. But he thought the first Motion towards the design which he had then on foot did not require many Forces at present, and that he ought to make his first step so suddenly, as to surprise the adverse Party into an admiration of his Courage; for he esteemed it easier to astonish them, if he came unawares, then fairly to conquer them, if he had alarmed them by his Preparations; and therefore he commanded his Captains, and other Officers, to go only with their Swords in their Hands without any other Arms, and make themselves Masters of Ariminum, a great City of Gaul, with as little Noise and Bloodshed as possible. He committed the Care of the Army to Hortensius, and spent the day in public, as a Slander by, and Spectator of the Gladiators, who exercised before him. A little before night he bathed, and then went into the Hall, and conversed for some time with those he had invited to Supper, till it began to grow dusky▪ when he rose from Table, and having complimented the Company, and desired 'em to stay till he came back, gave private Orders to some of his Confidents that they should follow him▪ not all the same way; but some one way, some another. He himself got into an Hackney Coach, and drove at first another way, but presently turned towards Ariminum. When he came to the River Rubicon▪ which parts Gaul that is within the Alps from the rest of Italy, his thoughts began to work, now he was just entering upon danger, and he wavered much in his mind, when he considered coolly the difficulty of the attempt. This stopped his career for a while, and made him halt, while he revolved with himself, and often changed his Opinion one way; and the other, without speaking a word. When he could not fix his Resolution, he discussed the matter very particularly with his Friends which were about him (of which number Asinius Pollio was one) computing how many Calamities his passing that River would bring upon Mankind, and what a Relation of it would be transmitted to Posterity. At last carried on by an extraordinary Impulse he lost of reasoning, and trusted to the event, using the Proverb frequent in their Mouths who enter upon dangerous and bold attempts, The die is cast; with which words he took the River. When he was over, he used all expedition possible, and before it was day reached Ariminum, and took it. 'Tis said, that the night before he passed the River, he had an impious dream that he was unnaturally familiar with his own Mother. As soon as Ariminum was taken, there was as it were a wide Gate opened to a War by Sea, as well as Land; and with the limits of the Provinces, the boundaries of the Laws were transgressed▪ Nor would one have thought that the Inhabitants only, as at other times, fled from one place to another in great consternation, but that the very Towns themselves left their stations, and fled for succour into each other; so that the City of Rome was over run as it were with a Deluge by the conflux of neighbouring People from all parts round about, and was neither easy under the Government of its Magistrates, nor to be quieted by the Eloquence of any Orator in this great hurry and confusion, but was in danger of sinking by its own weight. For contrary passions, and violent motions possessed all places; nor were those who were interested in these Changes wholly at peace, but frequently meeting, as in so great a City they needs must, with such as showed themselves fearful and dejected, brought quarrels on themselves by their great confidence and presumption. Pompey sufficiently of himself disturbed, was yet more perplexed by the clamours of others; some telling him that he justly suffered for having armed Caesar against himself, and the Government; others blaming him for permitting Caesar to be insolently used by Lentulus, when he made so large Concessions, and offered such reasonable Proposals towards an Accommodation. Favonius bade him now stamp upon the Ground; for once talking big in the Senate he desired them not to trouble themselves about making any preparations for the War; for that he himself with one stamp of his Foot would fill all Italy with Soldiers. Yet still Pompey had more Forces than Caesar, but he was not permitted to pursue his own thoughts, but being continually alarmed with frightful and false reports, as if the Enemy was just upon him, and Master of all, was forced to give way, and was born down by the common cry. In this distraction, it is resolved to leave the City, and the Senators are commanded to follow him, with an Order, that no one should stay behind who did not prefer Tyranny to their Country, and Liberty. The Consuls presently fled without making the usual Sacrifices; the same did most of the Senators, carrying off their own Goods in as much haste as if they had been robbing their Neighbours. Some, who had formerly much favoured Caesar's Cause, out of fear quitted their own Sentiments, and without any prospect of good to themselves, were carried along by the common stream. It was a very melancholy view to see the City tossed in these Tumults like a Ship whose Pilot has given her over, and despairs of hindering her from being struck on the next Rock. Those, who left the City, though their departure was on so sad an occasion, yet esteemed the place of their Exile to be their Country for Pompey's sake, and fled from Rome, as if it had been Caesar's Camp. At the same time Labienus, a Person who had been one of Caesar's best Friends, and his Lieutenant, and one who had fought by him very vigorously in the Gallic Wars, deserted him, and went over to Pompey. Caesar sent all his Money, and Equipage after him, and then sat down before Corfinium, which was Garrisoned with 30 Soldiers under the command of Domitius. He in despair ordered a Physician who attended him to give him Poison, and taking the Dose drunk it in hopes of being dispatched by it, but soon after when he was told that Caesar used a wonderful Clemency towards those he took Prisoners, lamented his misfortune, and blamed the hastiness of his own Resolution. His Physician comforted him, when he acquainted him that he had took a sleeping, not a mortal Poison; with this he was very much pleased, and rising from his Bed, went presently over to Caesar, and kissed his Hand, but afterwards revolted to Pompey. The report of these things at Rome sweetened those who were there, and some who had fled thence, returned. Caesar took into his Army Domitius' Soldiers, as he did all those, whom he found in any Town listed for Pompey's Service. Being now strong and formidable enough, he advanced against Pompey himself, who did not stay to receive him, but fled to Brundisium, having sent the Consuls before with the Army to Dyrrachium. Soon after upon Caesar's approach he set to Sea, as shall be more particularly related in his Life. Caesar would have immediately pursued him, but wanted Shipping, and therefore went back to Rome, having made himself Master of all Italy in the space of 60 days. When he came thither he found the City more quiet than he expected, and many Senators upon the place, to whom he addressed himself with great courtesy and deference, desiring them to send to Pompey about any reasonable Accommodations towards a Peace. But no body complied with this Proposal, whether out of fear of Pompey, whom they had deserted, or that they thought Caesar did not mean what he said, but thought it his interest to talk plausibly. Afterwards, when Metellus the Tribune would have hindered him from taking Money out of the public Treasury, and produced some Laws against it, Caesar replied, That Arms and Laws did not well agree, and if you are displeased with what I do, at present, Sir, retreat quietly, for War doth not admit long Speeches: When I have laid down my Arms, and entered into Terms of Peace, then come, and Harangue as you please: and this I tell you in diminution of my own just Right, for indeed you are my Subject, as are all those who have appeared against me, and are now in my power. Having said this to Metellus, he went to the Doors of the Treasury, and the Keys being not to be found, sent for Smiths to force them open. Metellus again making resistance, and some encouraging him in it, Caesar threatened to kill him, if he gave him any farther disturbance; And this, saith he, you know, young Man, is harder for me to say, then to do. These words made Metellus withdraw for fear, and at the same time gave way to Caesar's being easily and readily supplied with all things necessary for the War. He was now going to make War in Spain, with a Resolution first, to remove Afranius and Varro, Pompey's Lieutenants, and to make himself Master of the Army and Provinces under them, that he might more securely advance against Pompey, when he had no Enemy left behind him. In this Expedition his Person was often in danger from Ambuscades, and his Army by want of Provisions, yet he did not desist from pursuing the Enemy, provoking them to fight, and besieging them, till by main force he made himself Master of their Camps, and their Forces: Only the Officers got off and fled to Pompey. When Caesar came back to Rome, Piso his Father in Law advised him to send Men to Pompey, to treat of a Peace; but Isauricus to ingratiate himself with Caesar spoke against it. Caesar after this, being chose Dictator by the Senate, called home the Exiles, advanced to Titles of Honour the Children of such as had suffered under Sylla, and such as were in debt by retrenching some part of the Interest, and touched upon some other Regulations like these, but not many: For within 11 days he resigned his Dictatorship, and having declared himself Consul with Servilius Isauricus, made haste to the Camp again. He marched so fast, that he left all his Army behind him, except 600 chosen Horse, and 5 Legions, with which he put to Sea in the very middle of Winter about the beginning of the Month January, which the Athenians call Posideon, and having past the Ionian Sea took Oricum, and Apollonia, and then sent back the Ships to Brundisium, to bring over the Soldiers, that were left behind in the march. These Soldiers, as they were upon the Road, being very much wasted in their Bodies, and tired with the fatigue of so many Engagements, talked against Caesar after this manner. When at last, and where will this Caesar let us be quiet? He carries us from place to place, and uses us, as if we were not to be worn out, and had no sense of labour. Even our Iron itself is spent by blows, and we ought to have some pity on our Bucklers, and Breastplates, which have been used so long. Doth not Caesar gather from our wounds, that we are mortal Men, whom he commands, and that we are subject to the same Calamities, and Diseases, as other Mortals are. 'Tis impossible for a God himself to force the Winter-Season, or to hinder the Storms, when they rage: Yet he bushes forward, as if he were not pursuing, but flying from an Enemy. This was their Discourse as they marched leisurely towards Brundisium. But when they came thither, and found that Caesar was gone off before them, they changed their Sentiments, and blamed themselves as Traitors to their General. They now railed at their Officers for marching so slowly, and placing themselves on the Promontories by the Seaside over-against Epirus, looked out to see if they could espy the Vessels, which were to transport them to Caesar. He in the mean time was posted in Apollonia, but had not an Army with him able to fight the Enemy, the Forces from Brundisium being so long a coming, which put him into a great suspense, and loss what to do. At last he entered upon a dangerous project, which was to go in a Vessel of 12 Oars, without any one's knowledge, over to Brundisium, though the Sea was at that time covered with a vast Fleet of the Enemies. He embarked in the nighttime in the habit of a Slave, and throwing himself down like some inconsiderable Fellow, lay along at the bottom of the Vessel. The River Anius was to carry them down to Sea, and there used to blow a gentle gale every morning from the Land, which made it very calm towards the mouth of the River, by driving the Waves forward; but that night there blue a strong Wind from the Sea, which overpowered that from the Land; so that betwixt the violence of the Tide, and the resistance of the Waves against it, the River was very rough, and so uneven and dangerous, that the Pilot could not make good his Passage, but ordered his Sailors to tack about. Caesar upon this discovers himself, and taking the Pilot by the Hand, who was surprised to see him there, said, Go on boldly my Friend, and fear nothing; thou carriest Caesar, and his Fortune along with thee. The Mariners when they heard that, forgot the Storm, and laying all their Strength to their Oars, did what they could to force their way down the River. But when it was to no purpose, and the Vessel now took in much Water, Caesar finding himself in so great danger in the very mouth of the River, permitted the Master, though much against his will, to turn back. When he was come to Land, his Soldiers ran to him in whole Troops, and expressed how much they were troubled, that he should think himself not strong enough to get a Victory by their sole Assistance, but must needs disturb himself, and expose his Person for those who were absent, as if he could not trust those who were with him. After this, Antony came over with the Forces from Brundisium, which encouraged Caesar to give Pompey Battle, though he was encamped very advantageously, and furnished with plenty of Provisions both by Sea, and Land, whilst he himself, who at first had been but ill stocked, was now at last extremely pinched for want of Necessaries, so that his Soldiers were forced to dig up a kind of Root which grew there, and tempering it with Milk to feed on it. Sometimes they made Loaves, and in their Incursions on the Enemy's Outguards, would throw in those Loaves, telling them, that as long as the Earth produced such Roots they would not leave off to besiege Pompey. But Pompey took what care he could, that neither the Loaves, nor the Words should reach his Men, for they would have been disheartened at the fierceness and hardiness of their Enemies, and looked upon them as a Kin to the savage Nature of Wild Beasts. There were continual Skirmishes about Pompey's Outworks, in all which Caesar had the better, except one; when his Men were forced to fly in such a manner, that he had like to have lost his Camp. For Pompey made such a vigorous Sally on them, that not a Man stood his ground; the Trenches were filled with dead Bodies; many fell upon their own Ramparts, and Bulwarks, being closely pursued by the Enemy. Caesar met them, and would have turned them back, but could not. When he went to lay hold of the Colours, those who carried them threw them down, so that the Enemies took 32 of them. He himself narrowly escaped; for taking hold of a big lusty Fellow that was flying by him, he bade him stand, and face about; but the Fellow full of apprehensions from the danger he was in, began to handle his Sword, as if he would strike Caesar, and had done it, had not Caesar's Arm-bearer prevented the blow by chopping off the Man's Arm. Caesar's Affairs were so desperate at that time, that when Pompey either through fear, or his ill Fortune, did not give the finishing stroke to that great Action, but retreated after he had shut up the Enemy within their Camp, Caesar upon his return said to his Friends, The Victory to day had been on our Enemy's side, if they had had a General, which knew how to conquer. When he was retired into his Tent, he laid himself down to sleep, but spent that night the most melancholy that he ever did any, being perplexed in his thoughts for his ill conduct in this War; for when he had a large Country before him, and all the wealthy Cities of Macedonia, and Thessaly, he had neglected to carry the War thither, and had sat down by the Seaside, whilst his Enemies had such a powerful Fleet; so that he seemed rather to be besieged with want of Necessaries, then to besiege others with his Arms. Being thus distracted in his thoughts with the view of the ill posture he stood in, he raised his Camp with a design to advance towards Scipio, who lay in Macedonia; for he hoped either to draw Pompey where he should fight without the advantage he now had of supplies from the Sea, or overpower Scipio, if not assisted. This animated Pompey's Army, and Officers so far, that they were for pursuing Caesar, as one that was worsted and flying. But Pompey was afraid to hazard a Battle, on which so much depended, and being himself provided with all Necessaries for a considerable time, thought to tyre out, and waste the vigour of Caesar's Army, which could not last long; For the best part of his Men, though they had much Experience, and showed an irresistible Courage in all Engagements, yet by their frequent marches, changing their Camps, assaulting of Towns, and long watches, were so broken, and so much exhausted with Age, that their Bodies were unfit for Labour, and their Courage cooled by their years. Besides, 'tis said that a Pestilential Disease occasioned by their irregular Diet raged in Caesar's Army, and, what was of greatest moment, he was neither furnished with Money, nor Provisions, so that in a little time he must needs fall of himself. For these Reasons Pompey had no mind to fight him, and was thanked for it by none but Cato, who was pleased with it out of his zeal to preserve his Fellow-Citizens. For when he saw the dead Bodies of those which had fallen in the last Battle on Caesar's side to the number of a thousand, he went away, covered his Face, and wept. The rest reproached Pompey for declining to fight, and called him Agamemnon, and the King of Kings, as One that had no mind to lay down his Sovereign Authority, but was pleased to see so many great Commanders attending on him, and paying their ●●●endance at his Tent. Favonius, who affected Cato's free way of speaking his mind, complained bitterly, that they should eat no Figs that year at Tusculum by reason of Pompey's ambition to be Monarch. Afranius, who was lately returned out of Spain, and by reason of the ill Campagne he had made, was suspected by Pompey to have betrayed the Army for Money, asked him, Why he did not fight that Merchant, who had made such purchases? Pompey was compelled by this kind of Language to give Caesar Battle, though against his own Sentiments, and in order to it, pursued him. Caesar had found great difficulties in his march; for no Country would supply him with Provisions, his Reputation being very much sunk since his last Defeat. But when he came to Gomphi, a Town of Thessaly, he not only found Provisions for his Army, but Physic too. For there they met with plenty of Wine, which they took off very freely; heated with this, and fired with the God, they jollily danced along, and so shook off their Disease, and changed their whole Constitution. When the two Armies were come into Pharsalia, and both encamped there, Pompey's thoughts ran the same way, as they had done before, against fight, and the more, because of some unlucky Presages, and an odd Vision he had in a Dream. Yet some who were about him were so confident of success, that Domitius, Spinther, and Scipio, as if they had already conquered, quarrelled which should succeed Caesar in the Pontificate; And many sent to Rome to take Houses fit to accommodate Consuls and Praetors, as being sure of entering upon those Offices, as soon as the Battle was over. The Cavalry especially were eager to fight, as being well Armed, and bravely mounted, and valuing themselves upon the clean shapes of their Horses, and the advantage of their numbers, for they were 5000 against 1000 of Caesar's. Nor was their Infantry better matched, there being 45000 of Pompey's, against 22000 of the Enemy. Caesar drew up his Soldiers, and told 'em that Cornificius was coming up to them with two Legions, and that 15 Companies more under Calenu● were posted at Megara, and Athens, he asked 'em, whether they would stay till these joined them, or would hazard the Ba●●le by themselves▪ They all cried ou● against delaying, and were eager to engage as soon as possible. When he sacrificed to the Gods for the lustration of his Army, upon the death of the first Victim, the Augur told him, within 3 days, he should come to a decisive Action. Caesar asked him, Whether he saw any thing in the Entrails, which promised an happy Event? That, saith the Priest, you can best answer yourself; for the Gods signify a great Alteration from the present posture of Affairs; if therefore you think yourself happy now, expect worse Fortune; if unhappy, hope for better. The night before the Battle, as he walked the Rounds about Midnight, he saw a Light in the Heaven very bright and flaming, which seemed to pass over Caesar's Camp, and fall into Pompey's; and when Caesar's Soldiers came to relieve the Watch in the morning, they perceived a Panic fear among the Enemies. However he did not expect to fight that day, but decamped as if he designed to march towards Scotusa. But when the Tents were taken down, his Scouts road up to him, and told him the Enemy would give him Battle. With this he was very much pleased, and having performed his Devotions to the Gods, set his Army in Battalia, dividing them into 3 Bodies. Over the middlemost he placed Domitius-Calvinus: Antony commanded the Left Wing, and he himself the Right, being resolved to fight at the Head of the 10th Legion. But when he saw the Enemy's Cavalry planted against him, being struck with their Bravery, and their Number, he gave private Orders, That six Companies from the Rear of the Army should advance up to him, whom he posted behind the Right Wing, and instructed them what they should do, when the Enemy's Horse came to charge. On the other side, Pompey commanded the Right Wing, Domitius the Left, and Scipio, Pompey's Father-in-law, the Main Body. The whole Weight of the Cavalry was in the Left Wing, who designed to attack the Right Wing of the Enemy, and press that part most which the General himself commanded: For they thought no Body of Foot could be so deep as to bear such a shock, but that they must necessarily be broken to pieces upon the first impression of so strong a Cavalry. When they were ready on both sides to give the signal for Battle, Pompey commanded his Foot, who were in the Front, to stand their ground, and, without breaking their Order▪ receive quietly the Enemies first Attack, till they came within Javelins cast. Caesar blamed this Conduct, and said, Pompey was not aware that the first Charge, if it were brisk and fierce, gave weight to every stroke, and raised a general warmth of Soul, which was easily kept alive and improved by the concurrence of the whole Army. He was now advanced with his Forces, and just upon Action, when he found one of his Captains, a trusty and experienced Soldier, encouraging his Men to exert their utmost. Caesar called him by his Name, and said, What hopes, C. Crassinius, and what grounds for encouragement? Crassinius stretched out his hand, and cried in a loud Voice: We shall conquer nobly, Caesar; and this day I'll deserve your Praises either alive or dead. With these words he immediately ran in upon the Enemy, backed only with sixscore Men, and presently cut down the foremost, and still pressed on forwards with much slaughter of the Enemy, till at last he was struck back by the Wound of a Sword, which went in at his Mouth with such force, that it came out at his Neck behind. Whilst the Foot were thus sharply engaged in the Main Battle, one Wing of Pompey's Horse marched up confidently, and opened their Ranks very wide, that they might surround the Right Wing of Caesar: But before they engaged, some Companies of Caesar's made up to them, and did not dart their Javelins at a distance, nor strike at their Thighs and Legs as they used to do in close Battle, but aimed at their Faces; for thus Caesar had instructed them, in hopes that Young Gentlemen, who had not conversed much in Battles and Wounds, but were in the flower of their Age, and height of their Beauty, would be very apprehensive of such Blows, and not care for hazarding both a Danger at present, and a Blemish for the future. This Design took, for they were so far from bearing the stroke of the Javelins, that they could not stand the sight of them, but turned about, and covered their Faces to secure them. In this great disorder, they were at last forced to fly for it, and by this Confusion ruin'd all; for those who had beat them back, presently surrounded the Infantry, and falling on their Rear, cut them to pieces. Pompey, who commanded the other Wing of the Army, when he saw his Cavalry thus broke and flying, was no longer himself, nor did he now remember that he was Pompey the Great; but like one whom the Gods had deprived of his Senses, and struck with some fatal Blow, retired to his Tent without speaking a word, and there sat to expect the Event, till the whole Army was defeated, and the Enemy appeared upon the Works which were thrown up before his Camp, where they closely engaged with his Men, who were posted there to defend it. Then he first seemed to have recovered his senses; and when he had said to himself, What, into my Camp too? he laid aside his General's habit, and putting on such clothes as might best favour his flight, stole off. What Fortune he met with afterwards, how he took shelter in Egypt, and was murdered there, we tell you in his Life. Caesar, when he came to view Pompey's Camp▪ and saw some of his Enemies dead upon the ground, others dying, said with a sigh, ---- This they would have; they brought me to this necessity, that I Caius Caesar must have lost the credit of all my former Successes in War, if I had at last dismissed my Army. Asinius Pollio says that Caesar spoke those words then in Latin, which he afterwards wrote in Greek; that those who were killed at the taking of the Camp, were most of them Servants; and that there fell not above 6000 Soldiers. Caesar incorporated most of the Foot, whom he took Prisoners, with his own Legions, and pardoned several Persons of Quality, and amongst the rest Brutus, who afterwards stabbed him. He did not immediately appear after the Battle was over, which put Caesar into a great Agony for him; nor was his pleasure less, when he saw him safe, and at the same time coming over to him. There were many Prodigies that foretold this Victory; but the most signal was that at Tralles. In the Temple of Victory there stood Caesar's Statue; the Floor itself was very firm, and the Stone with which it was paved still harder: yet it is said that a Palmtree shot itself up near the Pedestal of this Statue. In the City of Milan, one C. Cornelius, who had the Character of a good Augur, fellow-Citizen and Friend of Livy the Historian, happened to make some Augural Observations that very day when the Battle was fought: And first, as Livy tells us, he pointed out the critical time of the Fight, and said to those who were by him, That just then the Action was hot, and the Men engaged. When he looked a second time upon the Birds, and nicely observed the Omens, he leaped as if he had been inspired, and cried out, Thou, Caesar, art the Conqueror. This mightily surprised the standers by; but he took the Crown, which he had on, from his Head, and swore he would never wear it again till the Event should give Authority to his Art. This Livy positively affirms for a Truth.  
Caesar, as a Monument of his Victory, gave the Thessalians great Immunities, and then went in pursuit of Pompey. When he was arrived at Asia, to gratify Theopompus, who had made a Collection of Fatles, he enfranchised the Guidians, and remitted one third of the Tax to all the Asiatics. When he came to Alexandria, where Pompey was already murdered, he would not look upon Theodotus, who presented him with his head, but took his Signet and wept over it. Those of Pompey's Friends who had been taken by the King of Egypt as they were straggling in those parts, he obliged, and made his own. He wrote Letters to Rome, wherein he signified to his Friends, That the greatest Advantage and Pleasure he found by the Victory was, that he every day saved several Citizens Lives who had fought against him. As to the War in Egypt, some say it was dangerous and dishonourable, and no ways necessary, but occasioned only by his Passion for Cleopatra: Others blame the Ministers, and especially the Eunuch Photinus, who was chief Favourite, had lately took off Pompey's Head, banished Cleopatra from Court, and was now thought to be privately carrying on the Destruction of Caesar; to prevent which, Caesar from that time began to sit up whole nights, under pretence of Drinking, for the greater security of his Person. 'Tis certain, that he was intolerable in his open Affronts to Caesar, both by his Words and Actions; for when Caesar's Soldiers had musty and unwholesome Corn measured out to them, Photinus told them, They must like it, since they were fed at another's Cost. He ordered that his Table should be served with wooden and earthen Dishes, and said, Caesar had carried off all the Gold and Silver Plate, under pretence of Arrears of Debt. For the present King's Father owed Caesar 1750 Myriad of Money; Caesar had formerly remitted to his Children the rest, but thought fit to demand the thousand Myriads at that time, to maintain his Army. Photinus told him, That he had better go then, and attend his other Affairs of greater Consequence, and that he should receive his Money at another time with Thanks. Caesar replied, That he did not want Egyptians to be his Councillors, and soon after privately sent for Cleopatra from her Retirement. She took a little Skiff, and one of her Confidents, Apollodorus, along with her, and in the dusk of the evening landed near the Palace. She was at a loss how to get in undiscovered, till she thought of putting herself into the Coverlet of a Bed, and lying at length, whilst Apollodorus bound up the Bedding, and carried it on his Back through the Castle-gates to Caesar's Apartment▪ Caesar was first taken with this fetch of Cleopatra, as an Argument of her Wit; and was afterwards so far charmed with her Conversation and graceful Behaviour, that he reconciled her to her Brother, and made her Partner in the Government. A Festival was kept for joy of this Reconciliation, where Caesar's Barber, a busy pragmatical Fellow, whose fear made him inquisitive into every thing, discovered that there was a Plot carrying on against Caesar by Achillas, General of the King's Forces, and Photinus the Eunuch. Caesar, upon the first intelligence of it, set a Guard upon the Hall where the Feast was kept, and killed Photinus. Achillas escaped to the Army, and raised a troublesome War against Caesar, which it was not easy for him to manage with so small a Force against so powerful a State. The first difficulty he met with, was want of Water; for the Enemies had turned the Pipes. Another was, that when the Enemy endeavoured to cut off his Communication by Sea, he was forced to divert that Danger by setting fire to his own Ships, which when it had burnt the Harbour, spread itself so far as to destroy the famous Library of Alexandria. A third was, that in an Engagement near Pharos he leaped from the Mole into a Skiff, to assist his Soldiers, who were in danger: When the Egyptians pressed him on every side, he threw himself into the Sea, and with much difficulty swum off. He had then many Papers in his hand, which though he was continually darted at, and forced to keep his Head often under Water, yet he did not let go, but held them up safe from wetting in one hand, whilst he swum with the other. His Skiff in the mean time was quickly sunk. At last, the King having got off to Achillas and his Party, Caesar engaged and conquered them; many fell in that Battle, and the King himself was never seen after. Upon this, he makes Cleopatra Queen of Egypt, who soon after had a Son by him, whom the Alexandrians called Caesarion, and then departed for Syria. Thence he passed to Asia, where he heard that Domitius was beaten by Pharnaces, Son of Mithridates, and fled out of Pontus with an handful of Men; and that Pharnaces pursued the Victory so eagerly, that though he was already Master of Bythinia and Cappadocia, he had still farther aims to take in Armenia the less; in order to which, he invited all the Kings and Tetrarches there to rise. Caesar immediately marched against him with three Legions, fought him near Zela, drove him out of Pontus, and totally defeated his Army. When he gave Amintius, a Friend of his at Rome, an Account of this Action, to express the smartness and dispatch of it, he used these three words, Veni, Vidi, Vici; which Latin words having all the same Cadence, carry with them an air of brevity, which in this place is very lucky and graceful. Hence he went for Italy, and came to Rome at the end of that Year, for which he was a second time chose Dictator, (though that Office had never before lasted so long) and was elected Consul for the next. He was ill spoke of, because upon a Mutiny of Soldiers, who killed Cosconius and Galba, who had been Praetors, he gave them only that slight Reprimand of calling them Citizens, instead of Fellow-Soldiers, and after gave each Man a thousand Drachms, besides a share of some Lands in Italy. He was also reflected on for Dolabella's Extravagance, Amintius' Covetousness, Anthony's Debauchery, and Corfinius' Profuseness, who pulled down Pompey's House, and rebuilt it, as not Magnificent enough; for the Romans were much displeased with all these. But Caesar, for the carrying on his Designs, though he knew their Characters, and disapproved them, was forced to make use of such Instruments. After the Battle of Pharsalia, Cato and Scipio fled into Afric, and there, with the Assistance of King Juba, got together a considerable Force, which Caesar resolved to engage. In order to it, he passed into Sicily in the very midst of Winter; and to remove from his Officers all hopes of delay there, encamped by the Seashore, and as soon as ever he had a fair Wind put to Sea with 3000 Foot, and a few Horse. When he had landed them, he went back privately under great apprehensions for the better part of his Army; but met 'em upon the Sea, and brought them all to the same Camp. There he was informed, That the Enemies relied much upon an ancient Oracle, That the Family of the Scipios should be always Victorious in Afric. There was in his Army a Fellow, otherwise mean and contemptible, but of the House of the Africani, and his Name Scipio Sallustio: This Man Caesar put in the Head of his Army, with the Title of General; which he did either in raillery to ridicule Scipio, who commanded the Enemy, or seriously to bring over the Omen to his side. He was obliged often to set upon the Enemy, and skirmish with them; for he wanted both Victualling for his Men, and Forage for his Horse: so that he was forced to feed 'em with a Seaweed, which he mixed with Grass, to take off its saltness, and to give it a more agreeable Taste▪ He was forced to make this shift, because the Numidians, in great Numbers, and well Horsed, commanded the Country. Caesar's Cavalry being one day out of Employ, diverted themselves with seeing an African, who entertained 'em with a Dance, and played upon the Pipe to admiration: They were so taken with this, that they lighted, and gave their Horses to some Boys, when on a sudden the Enemy briskly surrounded them, killed some, pursued the rest, and fell in with 'em into their Camp; and had not Caesar himself and Asinius Pollio came in to their Assistance, and put a stop to their flight, the War had been then at an end. In another Engagement, where the Enemy had again the better, Caesar took an Ensign, who was running away, by the Neck, and forcing him to face about, said, Look, that way is the Enemy! Scipio flushed with this Success at first, had a mind to come to one decisive Action. Wherefore he leaves Afranius and Juba in two distinct Bodies not far distant, and marches himself towards Thapsacus, where he built a Fort, which might serve for a Security to them, and a Retreat to himself. Whilst Scipio was taken up with this matter, Caesar with an incredible dispatch made his way through thick Woods, and an unpassable Country, surrounded one Party of the Enemy, and charged the other other in the Front. When he had defeated these, he improved this Opportunity, and the course of his good Fortune so far, that in one moment he took Afranius' Camp, and destroyed that of the Numidians, Juba their King being glad to save himself by flight; so that in a small part of a day he made himself Master of three Camps, and killed 50000 of the Enemy, with the loss only of 50 Men. This is the Account some give of that Fight; Others say, He was not in the Action, but that he was taken with his usual Distemper just as he was setting his Army in Battalia. He perceived the approaches of it, before it had too far disordered his Senses; and as soon as he began to shake, took care to be removed into a neighbouring Fort, where he reposed himself. Of the Great Men that were taken after the Fight, some Caesar put to Death, others prevented him by killing themselves. Cato had undertaken to defend Utica, and for that reason was not in the Battle. The desire which Caesar had to take him alive, made him hasten thither; upon notice that he had dispatched himself, 'tis certain Caesar was much discomposed, but for what reason is not so well agreed: yet this he said; Cato, I envy thee thy Death, because thou enviedst me the honour of saving thy Life. Yet after all this, the Discourse he wrote against Cato after his Death, is no great sign of his kindness, or that he was thoroughly reconciled to him. For how is it probable that he would have been tender of his Life, who was so bitter against his Memory? Yet from his Clemency to Cicero, Brutus, and many others who fought against him, some have guessed that Caesar's Book was not composed so much out of hearted to Cato, as in his own Vindication. Cicero, it seems, had written an Encomium upon Cato, and called it by his Name; a Discourse written by so great a Master upon so excellent a Subject, was sure to be in every one's hands. This touched Caesar, who looked upon a Panegyric on his Enemy, as no better than a satire against himself: and therefore he made in his Anti-Cato a full Collection of whatever could be said in that Great Man's derogation. Those Discourses had each of them their several Admirers, as Men were differently inclined to the Parties. Caesar, upon his return to Rome, did not forget to entertain the People with a large Account of his Victory, telling them, That he had subdued a Country, which would supply the Public every year with 200000 Bushels of Corn, and 3000000 weight of Oil. He was allowed three Triumphs, for Egypt, Pontus, and Afrric; the last, not for the Conquest of Scipio, but Juba, whose little Son was then led in Triumph, the happiest Captive that ever was, who of a barbarous Numidian came by this means to be reckoned among the most Learned Historians of all Greece. After these Triumphs, he distributed Rewards to his Soldiers, and treated the People with Feasting and Shows: At one Feast he had 22000 Tables, and entertained the People with Gladiators and Sea-Fights in honour to his Daughter Julia, long since dead. When those Shows were over, an Account was taken of the people, who from 320000 were now reduced 150000. So great a waste had the Civil War made in Rome alone, not to mention what the other parts of Italy and the Provinces suffered. He was now chosen a fourth time Consul, and went into Spain against Pompey's Sons; they were but young, yet had got together a great Army, and showed they had Courage and Conduct to command it, so that Caesar was in extreme danger. The great Battle was near Munda, in which Caesar seeing his Men hard pressed, and making but a weak Resistance, ran through the Ranks among the Soldiers, and crying out, asked them, Whether they were not ashamed to deliver him into the hands of Boys? At last, with great difficulty, and the best efforts he could make, he forced back the Enemy, killing 30000 of them, though with the loss of 1000 of his best Men. When he came back from the Fight, he told his Friends, that he had often fought for Victory, but this was the first time he had ever fought for Life. This Battle was won on the Feast of the Bacchanals, the very day in which Pompey, four years before, had set out for the War. The younger of Pompey's Sons escaped, and Didius some days after the Fight brought the elder's Head to Caesar. This was the last Battle he was engaged in. The Triumph he made for this Victory displeased the Romans beyond any thing: For he had not defeated foreign Generals, and barbarous Kings, but had ruined the Children and Family of one of the greatest Men of Rome, though unfortunate; and it did not look well to triumph over the Calamities of his Country, and to rejoice in those things for which no better Apology could be made to the Gods and Men, than their being absolutely necessary. Besides, that hitherto he had never sent Letter or Express of any Victory over his Fellow-Citizens, but had seemed rather to be ashamed of the Action, then to expect Honour from it. For all this, the Romans taking the same side with Fortune, gave the Rein into his hands, and hoping that the Government of a single Person would give them time to breathe after so many Civil Wars and Calamities, made him Dictator for Life. This was a downright Tyranny; for his Power now was not only absolute, but perpetual too. Cicero proposed to the Senate to confer such Honours upon him as were indeed in some measure within the bounds of modesty; Others striving which should deserve most, carried them so excessively high, that they made Caesar odious to the most indifferent and moderate sort of men by the haughtiness and extravagance of those Titles which they decreed him. His Enemies are thought to have had some share in this, as well as his Flatterers: it gave them more advantage against him, and laid him more open to their Calumnies, for since the Civil Wars were ended, he had nothing else that he could be charged with. And they had good reason to decree a Temple to Clemency, in token of their Thanks for this mild use he made of this Victory; for he not only pardoned many of those who fought against him; but farther to some gave Honours and Offices: as particularly to Brutus and Cassius, who both of them were Praetors; Pompey's Images that were thrown down, he set up again; upon which Cicero said, that by raising Pompey's Statues he had fixed his own. When his Friends advised him to a Guard, and several offered their Service, he would not hear of it, but said, It was better to suffer Death once; then always to live in fear of it. He looked upon the Affections of the People to be the best and surest Guard, and therefore entertained them again with public Feast and general Distributions of Corn; and to gratify his Army, he sent out many Colonies to several places, of which the most remarkable were Carthage and Corinth; which, as before they had been ruined at the same time, so now they were restored and peopled together. As for the Men of Quality, he promised some that they should be Consuls or Praetors; others he satisfied with Offices or Titles; to all he gave hopes of his Favour, as being desirous to rule by Love: So that upon the Death of Maximus, one day before his Consulate was ended, he made Caninius Rebellius Consul for that day. When many went to pay their Compliments to the new Consul, as is usual, cicero said by way of raillery, Let us make haste, lest the Man be gone out of his Office before we come. Caesar was born to do great things, and had a love of Honour; nor did the many Noble Exploits he had done invite him to sit still, and reap the fruit of his past labours, but were Incentives and Encouragements to go on, and raised in his Soul the Ideas of still greater Actions, and a desire of new Glory, as if the present were all spent. This Passion was a kind of emulous struggle with himself, as it had been with another, how he might outdo his past▪ Actions by his future. In pursuit of these thoughts, he resolved to make War upon the Parthians, and when he had subdued them, to pass through Hyrcania; thence to march along by the Caspian Sea to Mount Caucasus, and so on about Pontus, till he came into Scythia; then to overrun all the Countries about Germany, and Germany itself; and to return through Gaul into Italy, till he had finished the whole Circle of his intended Empire, and bounded it on every side by the Ocean. While Preparations were making for this Expedition, he attempted to dig through the Isthmus on which Corinth stands. Afterthat, he had a Design to divert the Rivers Apien and Tiber, and to carry them by a deep Channel directly from Rome to Circaeum, and so into the Sea near Tarracina, that there might be a safe and easy Passage for all Merchants who traded to Rome. Besides this, he intended to drain all the Marshes by Nomentum and Setium, and gain ground enough from the Water to employ many Thousands of Men in Tillage. He proposed farther to make great Mounds on the Shoar nighest Room, to hinder the Sea from breaking in upon the Land; to cleanse the Ostian Shoar of such hidden Shelves and Rocks as made it unsafe for Shipping, and to build Ports and Harbours fit to receive such large Vessels as used to ride thereabouts. These things were designed without taking effect: but his Reformation of the Calendar, in order to rectify the irregularity of Time, was not only ingeniously contrived, but brought to perfection by him, and proved of very great use; For it was not only in ancient Times that the Romans wanted a certain Rule to make the Revolutions of their Months fall in with the Course of the Year, (whereby their Festivals and solemn days for Sacrifice were removed by little and little, till at last they came to be kept at a Season quite contrary to what they had been formerly) but even at this time, the People had no way of computing right the Course of the Sun; only the Priests had the knack, and at their pleasure, without giving any notice, clapped in an intercalary Month, which they called Mercedonius. Numa was the first who put in this Month, but his Invention was too narrow and short to correct all the Errors that rose from their Computation of the Year, as we have shown in his Life. Caesar called in the best Philosophers and Mathematicians of his Time, to settle this Point; and upon Principles there proposed, established a more exact and proper Method of correcting the Calendar; which the Romans use to this day, and seem to err less than any other Nation in the Reduction of this inequality of Months to the Year. Yet even this gave Offence to those who envied his Grandeur, and were weary of his Power; for Cicero the Orator, when one of the Company chanced to say, The next morning Lyra would rise; replied, Yes, by virtue of the Edict; as if Men were forced by Authority to receive this new Scheme. But that which brought upon him the most apparent and mortal hatred, was his affectation of being King, which gave the Common People the first Occasion to quarrel with him, and proved the most specious pretence to those who had been his secret Enemies all along. Those who would have procured him that Title, gave it out, That 'twas foretold in the Sibylls Books, that the Romans should conquer the Parthians when they fought against them under the Conduct of a King, but not before. And one day, as Caesar was going from Alba to Rome, some were so bold as to salute him by the Name of King; but he finding the People disrelish it, seemed to resent it himself, and said, His Title was Caesar, not King. Upon this, they forbore their Acclamations, and he passed on with an air that expressed much sullenness and dissatisfaction. Another time, when the Senate had conferred on him some extravagant Honours, he chanced to receive the Message as he was sitting on the Rostra, where, though the Consuls and Praetors themselves waited on him, attended by the whole Body of the Senate, he did not rise, but behaved himself to them as if they had been private Men, and told them, His Honours wanted rather to be retrenched, than increased. This Carriage of his offended not only the Senate, but Commonalty too; for they thought the affront upon the Senate equally reflected upon the whole Republic; so that all who could decently leave him went off much dejected. Caesar perceiving the false step he had made, immediately retired home, and laying his Throat bare, told his Friends, That he was ready to stand fair for any man that would do him the kind Office: Afterwards he excused his sitting by his Distemper, under pretence that those who are affected with it have their senses discomposed, if they talk much standing; that they presently grow giddy, fall iuto Convulsions, and quite lose their Reason. But all this was feigned; for he would willingly have stood up to the Senate, had not Cornelius Balbus, one of his Friends, or rather Flatterers, hindered him. Don't you remember, saith he, you are Caesar; and will you abate any thing of that Honour which is due to your Dignity? He gave still a fresh occasion of resentment by his affront to the Tribunes. The Lupercalia were then celebrated, a Feast at the first Institution peculiar, as some Writers say, to the Shepherds, much of the same nature with the Arcadian Lycaea: Many young Noblemen and Magistrates run up and down the City naked, striking all they meet with leathern Thongs, by way of sport; Many Women of the best Quality place themselves in the way, and hold out their Hands to the Lash, as Boys in a School do to the Ferula, out of an Opinion that it procures an easy Labour to those who are with Child, and makes those conceive who are barren. Caesar dressed in a Triumphal Robe, seated himself in a golden Chair upon the Rostra, to view this Ceremony. Anthony, as Consul, was one of those who ran this Course; when he came into the Forum, the People made way for him, whilst he presented Caesar with a Diadem wreathed with Laurel. Upon this, there was a small shout, made only by those few who were planted there for that purpose; but when Caesar refused it, there was an universal applause. Upon the second offer, very few; and upon the second refusal, all again clapped. Caesar finding it would not take, rose up, and ordered the Crown to be carried into the Capitol. Caesar's Statues were afterwards found with Royal Diadems on their Heads; Flavius and Marullus, two Tribunes of the People, went presently and pulled them off; and having apprehended those who first saluted Caesar as King, committed them: The People followed them with acclamations, and called them Brutus', because Brutus was the first who cut off the Succession of Kings, and transferred the Power which before was lodged in One, into the hands of the Senate and People. Caesar so far resented this, that he displaced Marullus and Flavius; and as he inveighed against them, at the same time ridiculed the People, telling them, He confessed those Men were indeed properly call Bruti and Cumaei [Beasts and Sots.] This made the Multitude place their hopes on M. Brutus, who by his Father's side was thought to be descended from that first Brutus, and by his Mother's side from the Servilii, another Noble Family; being besides Nephew and Son-in-law to Cato. But the Honours and Favours he had received from Caesar, took off the edge from those eager Desires he naturally had to subvert the Monarchy; for he had not only been pardoned himself after Pompey's Defeat at Pharsalia, and had procured the same Grace for many of his Friends, but was one in whom Caesar had a particular Confidence. He had at that time the most honourable Praetorship of the Year, and was named for the Consulship four years after, being preferred before Cassius his Competitor. Upon the Dispute between them, Caesar said, That Cassius had the fairest Pretensions, but that he could not pass by Brutus. Nor did he afterwards hearken to those who accused Brutus, as engaged in a Conspiracy against him; but laying his hand on his Body, said to the Informers, Brutus will stay for this skin of mine; intimating, that he was worthy of Empire on account of his Virtue, but would not be base and ungrateful to gain one. But those who desired a Change, and looked on Him as the only, or at least the most proper person to effect it, durst not discourse the matter with him, but in the Nighttime laid Papers about his Chair of State, where he used to sit and determine Causes, with Sentences in them to this import: You are asleep, Brutus; you are no longer Brutus. Cassius, when he perceived his ambitious Soul a little raised upon this, was more instant than before to work him yet farther, having himself a private grudge against Caesar, for some Reasons that we have mentioned in the Life of Brutus. Nor was Caesar without suspicions of him, so that he took occasion to say to his Friends, What do you think Cassius drives at? I don't well like him, he looks so pale. And when it was told him that Anthony and Dolabella were in a Plot against him, he said, He did not fear such fat, jolly Men, but rather the pale, lean Fellows; meaning Cassius and Brutus. But neither was his Fate so much unexpected, as it was unavoidable; for there were many strange Prodigies and Apparitions which were Presages of it. As to the Lights in the Heavens, the Phantoms which walked in the Night, and the wild Birds which perched upon the Forum, these are not perhaps worth taking notice of in so great a Case as this. Strabo the Philosopher tells us, that many as they went along seemed to be all on fire; and that a Soldier's Servant seemed to throw a great quantity of flame out of his hand, so that they who saw it thought he must be burnt, but that after all he had no hurt. As Caesar was sacrificing, the Victim was seen to want an Heart, which was a very ill Omen, because a Creature can't subsist without an Heart. Many add, that a Soothsayer bid him prepare for some great Danger on the Ides of March: When the day was come, Caesar as he went to the Senate met this Soothsayer, and said to him by way of raillery, The Ides of March are come; who answered him calmly, Yes, they are come, but they are not past. The day before this Assassination, he supped with M. Lepidus; as he was signing some Letters, there arose a Dispute what sort of Death was the best? At which he immediately, before any one could speak, said, A sudden one.  
After this, as he was in Bed with his Wife, all the Doors and Windows of the House flew open together; he was startled at the Noise, and the Light which broke into the Room, and sat up in his Bed, where by the Moonshine he perceived Calpurnia fast asleep, but heard her utter in her Dream some indistinct words, and inarticulate groans. She fancied at that time she was weeping over Caesar, and holding him butchered in her Arms. Others say, This was not her Dream; but that she dreamt a Pinnacle (which the Senate had ordered to be raised on Caesar's House by way of Ornament and Grandeur) was broken down, which was the occasion of her tears and groans. When it was day, she begged of Caesar, if it were possible, not to stir ou●, but to adjourn the Senate to another time; and if he slighted her Dreams, that he would be pleased to consult his Fate by Sacrifices and other kinds of Divination. Nor was he himself without some suspicion and fears; for he never before discovered in Calpurnia any Womanish Superstition, whom he now saw under such terrible apprehensions. Upon the Report which the Priests made to him, that they had killed several Sacrifices, and still found them inauspicious, he was resolved to send Anthony to dismiss the Senate. D. Brutus, whose Surname was Albinus, (one whom Caesar had such confidence in, that he made him his second Heir, though at the same time he was engaged in the Conspiracy with the other Brutus and Cassius) fearing, lest if Caesar should put off the Senate to another day, the business might get wind, took care to expose the Pretenders to Divination, and blamed Caesar for giving the Senate so just Occasions of quarrelling with him, by casting such a slur on them; for that they were met upon his Summons, and were ready to vote unanimously, that he should be declared King of all the Provinces without Italy, and might wear a Diademin any other place but Italy, by Sea or Land. If any one should be sent to tell 'em they might break up for the present, and meet again when Calpurnia should chance to have better Dreams; what would his Enemies say? or who could with any patience hear his Friends, if they should pretend to defend his Government as not Arbitrary and Tyrannical? But if he was possessed so far as to think this day unfortunate, yet it were more decent to go himself to the Senate, and to adjourn it in his own Person. Brutus as he spoke these words took Caesar by the hand, and conducted him forth: He was not gone far from the door, when a Servant made towards him; but not being able to come up to him by reason of the Crowd who pressed about him, he made shift to get into the House, and committed himself to Calpurnia, begging of her to secure him till Caesar returned, because he had matters of great importance to communicate to him. Artemidorus, a Cnidian, who taught the Art of Sophistry in Greek, and by that means was so far acquainted with some about Brutus, that he had got into the Secret, brought Caesar in a little Schedule the Heads of what he had to depose. He had observed that Caesar as he received any Papers presently gave 'em to the Servants who attended on him; and therefore came as near to him as he could, and said, Read this, Caesar alone, and quickly, for it contains great Business, and such as concerns you. Caesar received it, and went to read it several times, but was still hindered by the Crowd of those who came to speak to him. However, he kept it in his hand by itself, till he came into the Senate. Some say it was another who gave Caesar this Note, and that Artemidorus could not get to him, being all along kept off by the Crowd. All these things might happen by chance: but the place where the Senate met, which was chose out for the Scene of this Murder▪ was the same in which Pompey's Statue stood, and was one of the Edifices which Pompey had raised and dedicated with his Theatre to the use of the Public; which plainly showed that there was something of a Deity which guided the Action, and ordered it to be in that particular place. Cassius' just before the Assassination looked towards Pompey's Statue, and silently implored his Assistance▪ though he was an Epicurean in his Principles: but this Occasion, and the instant Danger, shook his former Notions, and made him a perfect Enthusiast. As for Anthony, who was firm to Caesar, and a lusty Person, Brutus Abinus kept him without the House, and entertained him with a long Discourse contrived on purpose. When Caesar entered into the House, the Senate stood up in respect to him; of Brutus' Confederates some came about his Chair, and stood behind it; others met him, pretending to supplicate with Metellus Cimber, in behalf of his Brother who was in Exile; and they followed him with their joint Petitions till he came to his Seat▪ When he was sat down, he refused to comply with their Requests, and upon their urging him farther, reprimanded them severally: when Metellus laying hold of his Robe with both his hands, pulled it over his Neck, which was the Signal for the Assault. Casca gave him the first Cut in the Neck, which was not mortal, nor dangerous, as coming from one who at the beginning of such a bold Action was probably very much disturbed. Caesar immediately turned about, and laid his Hand upon his Dagger; and both of 'em at the same time cried out: He that received the Blow, in Latin, Wicked Casca! what dost thou mean? and he that gave it, in Greek, to his Brother, Brother, help! Upon the first Onset, those who were not conscious to the Design were astonished; and their Horror at the Action was so great, that they durst not fly, nor assist Caesar, nor as much as speak a word. But those who came prepared for the Business, enclosed him on every side with their naked Daggers in their Hands: Which way soever he turned, he met with Blows, and saw their Swords levelled at his Face and Eyes, and was baited on all sides, like a Beast taken in a Toil. For it was agreed they should each of them make a Thrust at him, and flesh themselves with his Blood; wherefore Brutus gave him one Stab in the Groin. Some say that he fought and resisted all the rest, and moved off from one place to another, call out for Help: But when he saw Brutus' Sword▪ drawn, he covered his Face with his Robe, and quietly surrendered himself, till he was pushed, either by Chance, or by Design of the Murderers, to the Pedestal, on which Pompey's Statue stood, which by that means was much stained with his Blood; so that Pompey himself may seem to have had his share in the Revenge of his Enemy, who fell at his Feet, and breathed out his Soul through his multitude of Wounds; for they say he received Three and Twenty. The Assassinates themselves were many of them wounded by each other, whilst they all leveled their Blows at the same Person.  
When Caesar was dispatched, Brutus stood forth to give a Reason for what they had done; but the Senate would not hear him▪ but flew out of doors in all haste, and filled the People with so much Fear and Distraction, that some shut up House, others left their Counters and Shops. All ran one way or other; some to the Place, to see the sad Spectacle; others back again, after they had seen it. Anthony and Lepidus, Caesar's best Friends, got off privately, and absconded themselves in some Friends Houses. Brutus and his Followers, being yet hot with the Murder, marched in a Body from the Senate-House to the Capitol with their drawn Swords, not like Persons who thought of escaping, but with an Air of Confidence and Assurance. As they went along, they called to the People to resume their Liberty, and complimented those of better Quality, which they met. Some of those went along with them, and joined Company with the Conspirators, pretending to the Honour of the Action, as if they had born a part in it. Of this number was C. Octavius, and Lentulus Spinther: These suffered afterwards for their Vanity, being taken off by Anthony, and the younger Caesar; but they lost the Honour they desired, as well as their Lives, which it cost them, since no one believed they had any share in the Action; for neither did those who punished them revenge the Fact, but the ill Will. The day after, Brutus with the rest came down from the Capitol, and made a Speech to the People, who attended to it, without expressing either any Pleasure or Resentment, but showed by their deep silence that they pitied Caesar, and reverenced Brutus. The Senate made Acts of Oblivion for what was past, and took healing Measures to reconcile all Parties; They ordered that Caesar should be worshipped as a God, and that not any the least thing should be altered which he had enacted during his Government; At the same time, they gave Brutus and his Followers the Command of Provinces, and other considerable Posts: so that all People now thought things were well settled, and put into a very good Posture. But when Caesar's Will was opened, and it was found that he had left a Considerable Legacy to each one of the Roman Citizens; and when his Body was seen carried through the Marketplace all mangled with Wounds, the Multitude could no longer contain themselves within the Bounds of Decency and Order, but heaped together a Pile of Benches, Bars, and Tables, which they placed the Corpse on, and setting Fire to it, burned them. Then they took▪ Firebrands, and ran some to fire the Houses of the Assassinates, others up and down the City, to find out the Men, and Limb them; but they met with none of them, they having taken effectual Care to secure themselves.  
One Cinna, a Confident of Caesar's, chanced the Night before to have an odd Dream: He fancied that Caesar invited him to Supper; and that upon his Refusal to go with him, Caesar took him by the Hand, and forced him, though he hung back. Upon Notice that Caesar's Body was burning in the Marketplace, he got up, and went thither, out of respect to his Memory, though his Dream gave him some ill Apprehensions; and though he was at the same time Feverish. One of the Rabble who saw him there, asked another, Who that was? And having learned his Name, told it to his next Neighbour: It presently went for currant, that he was one of Caesar's Murderers; and indeed there was one Cinna a Conspirator: They taking this to be the Man, immediately Seized him, and tore him Limb from Limb upon the Spot.  
Brutus and Cassius, frighted at this, within a few days retired out of the City. What they afterwards did and suffered, and how they died, is written in the Life of Brutus. Caesar died in his Fifty sixth year, not having survived Pompey above four years: That Empire and Power which he had pursued through the whole Course of his Life with so much Hazard, he did at last with much difficulty compass; but reaped no other Fruits from it then an empty Name, and invidious Title. But that happy Genius, which was Propitious to him during his Life, seems to have stuck to him after his Death, as the Revenger of his Murder; for it pursued by Sea and Land all those who were concerned in it, and suffered none to escape, but reached all who were either actually engaged in the Fact, or by their Counsels any way promoted it.  
The most signal Accident of all here below, was that which befell Cassius, who when he was conquered at Philippi, killed himself with the same Dagger which he had made use of against Caesar. The most remarkable Appearance in the Heavens was a great Comet, which shone berry bright for seven Nights after Caesar's Death, and then disappeared. There was also a very faint Light in the Sun; for the Orb of it was pale for the space of an Year, nor did it rise with its usual Brightness and Vigour. Hence it gave but a weak and feeble Heat, and consequently the Air was damp and gross, for want of stronger Rays to open and rarify it: The Fruits, for that Reason, were crude and unconcocted, so that they rotten and decayed, through the Chillness of the Air. Above all, the Phantôm which appeared to Brutus, showed the Murder was not pleasing to the Gods. The Story of it is this.  
Brutus being to pass his Army from A●ydos to the Continent on the other side, laid himself down one Night, as he used to do, in his Tent, and was not a-sleep, but thinking of his Affairs, and what Events he might expect: For he was naturally of a watchful Constitution▪ and very little inclined to Sleep. He thought he heard a Noise at the Door of his Tent, and looking that way, by the Light of his Lamp, which was almost out, saw a terrible Figure, like that of a Man, but of an extraordinary Bulk, and grim Countenance. He was somewhat frighted at first: but seeing it neither did nor spoke any thing to him, only stood silently by his Bedside, he asked it at last, Who it was? The Spectre answered him, I am thy Evil Genius, Brutus, and thou shalt see me by Philippi. Brutus' answered very courageously, Well, I will see you there; and immediately the Ghost vanished. When the time was come, he drew up his Army near Philippi against Anthony and Caesar, and in the first Battle got the Day, routed the Enemy, and plundered Caesar's Camp. The Night before the second Battle, the same Ghost appeared to him again, but spoke not a word. He presently understood his Death was near, and exposed himself to all the Danger of the Battle: yet he did not die in the Fight; but seeing his Men defeated, got up to the top of a Rock, and there presenting his Sword to his naked Breast, and assisted, as they say, by a Friend, who helped him to give the Thrust, died upon the Spot.  
FINIS.   


PHOTION.   depiction of Phocion 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  MBurgh. sculp.  
commonly said, That the Populace is most insulting and contumelious to great men, when they are puffed up with Prosperity and Success, the contrary oft happens; Afflictions and public Calamities naturally eagering and souring the Minds and Manners of men, and disposing them to such Peevishness and Chagrin, that hardly can any one carry himself so swimmingly in his words or actions, but they will be apt to take pet: he that remonstrates to their Miscarriages, is interpreted to insult over their Misfortunes, and even the mildest Expostulations are construed Contempt: Honey itself is searching in sore and ulcerated parts; and the wisest, though soft Counsels, may prove to be provoking to distempered minds, that have not well prepared ears to entertain them. This made the Poet express such applications, by a word signifying 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  a grateful and easy touch upon the mind, without harshness or offence: inflamed Eyes require a retreat into gloomy and dusky places, amongst Colours of the deepest shades, unable to endure the vigorous and glaring light: So fares it in the Body politic, when heated with Factions and Irresolution; there is a certain Niceness and touchy Humour prevails in the Minds of men, and an unaccountable jealousy of any person that with openness and freedom offers to scan their actions, even when the necessities of their affairs most require such plaindealing. And surely such a condition of State is most ticklish, when those who endeavour to stem the popular Torrent, are in danger to be run down by them, and those who humour them, to be swallowed up with them in the common ruin.  
Astronomers tell us, the Sun's motion is neither exactly parallel with the rest of the Orbs, nor yet directly and diametrically opposite to them; but describing an oblique line, with insensible declination, he steers his course so, to dispense his Light and Influence, in his annual Revolution, at several Seasons, in equal proportions, to the whole Creation: so it happens in political Affairs, that if the motions of Rulers be constantly opposite and cross to the Genius and inclination of the People, they will be stomached as arbitrary and tyrannical; as on the other side, too much Deference and Indulgence to the Subjects Levity and Wantonness, has oft proved dangerous and fatal; but the gratifying them in reasonable and fair Requests, when they are not masterly and insolent, may prove for the honour and safety of the Government: yet it must be confessed, it is a nice Point, and extreme difficult, so to temper this Lenity, as to preserve the Authority of the Government, that it may not be exposed to the People's Affront and Contempt. But if such a blessed Mixture and Temperament may be obtained, it seems to be the most regular and harmonious of all other; for thus we are taught even God governs the World, not 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  by irresistible source, but persuasive Arguments and gentle Insinuations into our Minds, bending them to compliance with his eternal Purposes.  
Thus it befell Cato the younger, whose Manners were so little agreeable or acceptable to the People, that he received very slender marks of their Favour; witness his repulse in the Pretences he made to the Consulate, behaving himself, as Cicero observes, rather like a Citizen of Plato's Commonwealth, than among the Lees of Romulus' Posterity: the same thing happening to him, in my opinion, as we observe in Fruits ripe before their season▪ which we rather gaze at and admire than use; so much was his old-fashioned Virtue out of present mode, considering the depraved Customs, Time and Luxury had introduced, that it appeared (indeed) sightly and splendid, but suited not the present Exigencies, being so disproportioned to the Manners in vogue, and the guise of the present Times. Yet his Circumstances were not altogether like Phocion's who came to the Helm when the public Bottom was just upon sinking. Cato's Time was, indeed, stormy and tempestuous, yet so as he was able to assist in managing the Sails, and lend his helping hand to those that steered: his manly resolution gave Fortune a task of Time and difficulty in ruining the Commonwealth, in which he and his Friends had almost prevailed against her, which yet, by other assistance, with long time and tugging, by slow degrees was afterwards effected.  
Now we compare Photion to him, not only in the common Resemblances that appear amongst great Men and Statesmen; for indeed there is some difference among Virtues of the same denomination, as the Valour of Alcibiades and Epaminondas, the Prudence of Themistocles and Aristides, the Justice of Numa and Agesilaus. But these men's Virtues are the same, even to the most minute differences, having the same colour, stamp and character impressed upon them, so as not to be distinguishable; whether you look upon them in the exact mixture on the one hand, with austerity on the other; their Gallantry upon some occasions, and Caution on others; their extreme solicitude for the Public, and perfect neglect of themselves; their fixed and immovable bent to all virtuous and honest Actions, accompanied with an extreme tenderness and scrupulosity of doing any thing might appear mean or unworthy: so that in these, as in two Instruments exactly tuned to each other, he must have a nice Ear that can perceive any Discord.  
As to Cato's Extraction, it's confessed by all to be illustrious, (as shall be said hereafter) nor was Phocion's (I'm well assured) obscure or ignoble; for had he been the Son of a Turner, (as Idomeneus reports) it had certainly not been forgot to his disparagement, by Hyperides the Son of Glaucippus, who heaped up a thousand spiteful things against him: nor indeed was it possible for him in such Circumstances to have had such liberal Education in his Youth, as to be first Plato's, and afterwards Xenocrates' Scholar in the Academy, and in whatever gentile Accomplishments, to have been all along emulous of the very best of his Contemporaries. His Countenance was so composed, that scarce was he ever seen by the Athenians laughing, or in tears; he indulged not himself in the luxury of the public Baths, (as Douris reports) nor ever had his Hands without his Cloak, when he appeared dressed in public: Abroad and in the Camp he was so hardy to go always thin clad and barefoot, except the Frost was vehement and intolerable, that the Soldiers used to say in Merriment, that it was a hard Winter like to be, when Photion wore his Shoes. Although he was of most easy Conversation and great Humanity, his appearance was morose and sour, so that he was seldom accosted by any that were Strangers to him: upon which occasion Chares, upon a time jeering his supercilious Look, and the Athenians applauding him for it, Photion replied My Sullenness never made any of you sad, but these men's Jollity hath given you sorrow enough. In like manner Phocion's Discourse was grave and pithy, full of useful Remarks with a sententious brevity, awful and austere, however unpleasant: after the manner as Zeno says a Philosopher should speak, his words throughly tinctured with the inward sense of his mind; such was Phocion's who crowded much into little room: and to this probably Polyeuctus the Sphettian had regard, when he said, that Demosthenes was indeed the best Orator of his time, but Photion the most powerful Speaker; whose words were to be estimated like smaller Coins from the intrinsic value of the Metal, not from the bulk. He was observed sometimes, when the Theatre was filled with Spectators, to walk musing alone behind the Scenes, which one of his Friends once taking notice of, said, Photion, you seem to be thoughtful; ●es verily, replied he, I am considering wherein I may retrench what I am to say to the Athenians. Even Demosthenes himself, who used to despise the rest of the Haranguers, when he rose up, was wont to say presently to those about him, Now mark, says he, the Pruning-hook 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  of my Periods. But this perhaps may be referred to the Authority of the man, since not only a word, but even a nod from a person had in reverence, is of more force than the most studied and elaborate Speeches of others. In his Youth he served under Chabrias, at that time General, whom he greatly honoured, and by him was abundantly instructed in military Knowledge; and in return, helped to correct his Humour, which was odd and capricious: for being otherways naturally heavy and phlegmatic, he was so fired and transported in heat of Fight, that he threw himself headlong into danger beyond the forwardest; which indeed cost him his Life in the Island of Chio, having pressed his own Ship foremost, to force a descent into the Haven. But Photion being a man of Temper as well as Courage, had the dexterity at some times to warm the General's Phlegm, and at others to moderate and cool the impetuousness of his unseasonable Fury. Upon which account Chabrias, being a good natured man, loved him extremely, and preferred him to Offices and Commands, and effectually recommended him to the Athenians, using his assistance, and taking his advice in all his Affairs of moment: particularly the Sea fight at Naxus made not a little to Phocion's Reputation; for having the left Squadron committed to him by Chabrias, he so managed the Matter, that the Controversy was quickly decided in their favour by a speedy Victory: and this being the first prosperous Dispute the City had with the Groecians, by its single force, since it was under Hatches, Chabrias the General was mightily adored, and Photion magnified as a man worthy of the greatest Trust and Command. This Victory happened at the great Solemnities, and Chabrias appointed an Anniversary to commemorate it on the 16th. of August, on which it was obtained, and distributed a Largess of Wine among the Athenians. Much about this time Chabrias sent Photion to demand their Quota of the Charges of the War from the Islanders, and proffering him a Guard of 20 Sail, he told him, if he intended him to go against them as Enemies, that force was insignificant; if as to Friends and Allies, one Vessel was sufficient: so he took one single Galley, and having visited the Cities, and treated with the Governors friendly and apertly, he returned with a good number of Ships, sent by the Confederates to Athens, with supplies for their maintenance. Neither did his Friendship to Chabrias determine with his Life, but after his decease was religiously maintained to all that related to him: chiefly his Son Ctesippus he laboured to bring into some decorum, and although he was a very stupid and unhewn young Fellow, he ceased not, what in him lay, to correct and cover his faults and follies; once when the Youngster was very impertinent and troublesome to him in the Camp, about ordering the Army, still shooting his Bolt, interrupting him with idle Questions, and documentizing Photion with his silly Opinions in the Matter, he could not forbear crying out, O Chabrias, Chabrias, this is the greatest test of my Friendship to thee, to endure this Blockhead!  
Upon looking into public Matters, and the Managers of them, he observed they had shared the administration of Affairs among themselves, as it were by Lot; the Swordmen, and those of the long Robe, so as not to interfere with each other: these were to manage the Assemblies, register their Votes, and publish their Acts and Edicts, of whom were Eubulus, Aristophon, Demosthenes, Lycurgus and Hyperides; this was a gainful Trade among them, and the men of the Blade, as Diopithes, Menestheus, Leosthenes and Charetas, by their military Employs, carved out fair Proportions for themselves out of the public Stock. Now Photion was o● opinion, that such a model of Government as that of Pericles, Aristides and Solon, wherein the same person acted both Parts, in propounding Laws and ordering the Militia, was a more perfect, uniform and regular Mixture, and would redound most to the common Good and Safety; each of these persons being well qualified for both purposes, that I may use Archilocus' words  

Mars and the Muse's Friends alike designed,  
To Arts and Arms indifferently inclined.   
Minerva being styled the Patroness and Protectress of Arts both Civil and Military.  
Photion having thus considered with himself, his Inclinations and Genius were always for peace and quietness, yet was he engaged in more Wars than any of his Predecessors; never indeed promoting or encouraging such Designs, nor, on the other hand, shunning or declining any Enterprise when he was called to it by the public necessity of the State. And thus much is well known, that he was no less than 45 several times chosen General, when he was never once of those times present in the Assembly; but the Command, in his absence, by common Suffrage, conferred on him, and he sent for on purpose to undertake it: insomuch that it amazed those that did not well consider, to see the People always prefer Photion, who was so far from humouring them, or courting their Favour, that he always thwarted and opposed them. But so it was, as great Men and Princes use their Buffoons and Jesters after Meals, for their Disport and Merriment, so the Athenians upon slight occasions entertained and diverted themselves with their spruce Speakers and trim Orators; but when it came to dint of Action, they were so sober and considerative to mark out the gravest and wisest for public Employment, however opposite to their Sentiments. This he made no scruple to own, upon the occasion of the Oracle of Delphos being read, which informed them, that the rest of the Citizens being unanimous, there was one only person so presumptuous to abound in his own sense, which he frankly told them was himself, bidding them look no further, for he indeed was nothing satisfied in all their proceedings. Happening afterwards to speak his own opinion, to the General approbation of the Assembly, turning to some of his Friends, he demanded of them, What foolish thing had escaped him unawares to merit their Applause?  
Upon occasion of a public Festivity, being solicited for his Contribution, by the example of others, and pressing him much, he bid them apply themselves to the wealthy, for his part he should blush to be so prodigal to throw away any thing, whilst he was in the Usurer's Books, pointing to Callicles the Scrivener. Being still clamoured on and importuned, he told them this Tale: A certain white liver'd Fellow intending for the Wars, hearing the Ravens croak in his passage, threw down his Arms, resolving to be quiet: recollecting himself after, he adventured out again, but hearing the same Music, made a full stop, saying, they might tear their Throats (if they pleased) for joy of smelling a Feast, but for his part he was resolved to save his Skin.  
The Athenians urging him at an unseasonable time to fall upon the Enemy, he peremptorily refused, and being upbraided by them with Cowardice and Pusillanimity, he told them, gentlemans, we understand one another very well; you cannot make me valiant at this time, nor I you wise. In time of security, the people were very pert and severe upon him, demanding a strict account how the public Treasure had been employed and the like: He bid them first be assured of their safety, and after mind their good Husbandry: in effect, the passions of the Mobile altered with their Affairs, being extreme timorous and submiss in times of danger; when that was blown over, insolent and over▪ bearing, clamouring upon Photion as one that envied them the honour of Victory. To all which he made only this Answer, My Friends, you are happy that have a Leader knows your humours, or you had long since been undone.  
Having a Controversy with the Boeotians about Boundaries, which he counselled them to decide by Treaty, they inclined to Blows; he told them, gentlemans, for my part I think it advisable for you to have a trial of skill at the Weapons you can best manage (your Tongues) and not your Hands, in which you are inferior. Once when he was speaking, they run him down with noise, not suffering him to go on, or enduring to hear him: Well, Sirs, quoth he, you may overpower me to do what I would not, but you shall never force me to say any thing contrary to my sense. The whole Crew of Haranguers upon a time bandying against him, Demosthenes said, Photion, the Athenians will tear thee piece- meal, if once they grow enraged; and thee, says he, when they return to their right minds. Observing Polyeuctus the Sphettian a very corpulent man, with earnestness, till he wanted breath and dropped again with sweat, labouring the Assembly for a War against King Philip; This indeed, says he, is a proper person to persuade you to Action, and will doubtless behave himself notably in back and breast, that with talking only has almost melted his grease. When Lycurgus had spoken many reflecting and scurrilous things against him, closing with that of his advising them to deliver ten of the Citizens for Hostages, which Alexander had demanded; he coolly replied, That he had been the Author of much safe and wholesome Counsel, which had not been followed. There was a man called Archibiades, nicknamed the Lacedoemonian, affecting their Gravity, by wearing an overgrown mossy Beard, an old leaguer Cloak, with a very formal Countenance: Photion being teased by the rest, made sure of this man for his Advocate and Compurgator; but finding him when he began to speak, smoothing and weadling with the predominant Faction, taking him by the Beard, he cried, Nay Friend, if you turn Courtier, by all means off with your Gravity. Aristogeiton the Sycophant, was a terrible man of War within the doors of the House, always sounding to horse and inflaming them to Battle; but when the Muster-rool came to be produced, where every one's Name was that was fit for service, he came limping with his Crutch to the Meeting, with a world of Bandage on his Leg, like a maimed Soldiers: Photion spied him afar off coming in, and cried out to the Clerk, Set down Aristogeiton too for a counterfeit Cripple. It was a little to be admired, how a man so severe and smart upon all occasions as Photion was, should notwithstanding maintain his Respect and Reputation with the People; yet though difficult, it is not impossible a man's Temper, like some Wines, may have a sweetness mixed with some harshness also, not at all ungrateful; as on the contrary, some are so extreme luscious, they are both untasty and unwholesome. Hyperides who was sour and sarcastical, used to excuse it to the Athenians, by saying, Consider, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  I pray, whether I have designed any advantage by my bitterness; as though a covetous Design were the only unsupportable Grievance, and not also men may justly render themselves obnoxious to Censure, by abusing their Authority, with Pride and Passion to prevail upon the weakness, and awe the minds of the Vulgur. But Photion had no personal Pique nor Spleen to any man, nor indeed reputed any man his Enemy, but who contravened his Proposals for the Weal public; in which Argument he was most tenacious, sturdy and uncontrollable: for his general Conversation, it was easy, courteous and obliging to all, to that point, as to befriend all sorts in distress, and even espouse the Cause of those who differed most from him, when they needed his Patronage. His Friends reproaching him for pleading in behalf of an ill man, he told them, The innocent had no occasion for an Advocate. Aristogeiton the Sycophant, we mentioned before, having after Sentence passed upon him, sent earnestly to Photion to speak with him in the Prison, his Friends dissuaded him from going; Why, by your favour, says he, where should I rather choose to make Aristogeiton a Visit?  
As for the Friends and Allies of the Athenians the Islanders, whenever any Admiral besides Photion was sent, they treated him as an Enemy suspect, barricadoed their Gates blocked up their Havens, drove the Country of their cattle, Slaves, Wives and Children, and put them in Garrison: but upon Phocion's Arrival, they went out to welcome him in their Shallops and Barges, with Streamers and Garlands, and received him at Landing, with all demonstrations of Joy and Triumph. At this time King Philip made a descent into Euboea bringing thither an Army from Macedonia, endeavouring to gain the Cities to his Interest, by the means of their Governors: Plutarch of Eretria (a City in Euboea) was sent to pray Aid of the Athenians, toward the relief of the Island, that was in imminent danger of being surprised by the Macedonians. Photion was sent thither with a handful of men, (in comparison) in expectation the Country would flock in amain to him; but when he came, he found all things in confusion, the Country betrayed, all corrupted by Bribery, and bought and sold by the Pensioners to King Philip, insomuch that he ran the greatest risk imaginable. To secure himself the best he could, he possessed himself of a small rising Ground, which was divided from the Camp about Taminias, by a large Trench, in which he enclosed the choicest of his Army: for the Praters and idle Vagabonds that straggled from the Camp, and forsook their Colours, he bid his Officers not regard them, for that they would not only be disorderly and ungovernable themselves, but be a hindrance to the rest; and further being conscious to themselves of the neglect of their duty, they would be less apt to prate and misrepresent the Action, or bespatter them at their return home. When the Enemy drew nigh, he commanded them to stand to their Arms, whilst he went to sacrifice; in which he spent a considerable time, either by the te▪ diousness of the thing itself, or on purpose to invite the Enemy nearer. Plutarch interpreting this tardiness as a failure in his Courage, fell on alone with the Auxiliaries; which the Cavalry perceiving, could not be contained, but issuing also out of the Camp confusedly and disorderly, spurred up to the Enemy. The Van by this means was worsted, the rest were easily dispersed, and Plutarch himself showed a fair pair of heels, as judging the whole Army had been routed. But by this time, the Sacrifice being over, those within the Camp made a Head, and fell upon them that were got to the Ditch, putting them to flight, and cutting many of them in pieces: and Photion having ordered a particular Squadron to watch their motions, and pursue those that first gave way in the Skirmish, himself afterwards, with a reserve of his best men, engaged the whole Body of the Enemy in a sharp and bloody Fight, in which all of them behaved themselves with remarkable Courage and Gallantry. Thallus the Son of Cineas, and Glaucus of Polymedes, that fought near the General, signalised themselves; so did also Cleophanes merit the Reputation of a brave man, having every where laid about him, and called upon the Horse that were wheeling, to succour the General, who was in danger, he made them face about, so as to confirm the Victory already obtained by the Infantry. By which means Plutarch was driven out of Eretria, and the commodious Castle of it was taken, being situate in that part of the Island, where it is narrowed into a small neck of Land, the rest of the Island being surrounded otherwhere by the Sea.  
He would not permit them to take any of the Greeks Prisoners, for fear the Orators at Athens should inflame the People against them, to determine something to their prejudice.  
This Affair thus dispatched and settled, Photion set Sail homewards, having given most manifest tokens of his Justice and Humanity to the Allies, and to the Athenians indisputable proofs of his Courage and Conduct. His Successor Molossus had worse fate to fall alive into the Enemy's hands, which inspired Philip with great thoughts and designs, to move with all his force into the Hellespont, so to the Chersonesus and Perinthus, and on to Byzantium. The Athenians raising Recruits to relieve them, the Demagogues made it their business to prefer Chares to be General, who sailing thither, effected nothing worthy of such an Equipage; nor would the Confederates harbour his Fleet, having jealousy of him, so that he did nothing but pirate about, pillaging their Friends, and despised by their Enemies. Upon this occasion, the People being chased by the Orators, were in great Ferment, and highly enraged they had been so fooled, to send any Succour to the Byzantines: whereupon Photion rising up, told them, My Masters, you have not so much reason to be concerned at the Jealousies of your Friends, as the Unfaithfulness of your own Generals, who render you suspected, even to those who yet can't possibly subsist without your Succours. The Assembly being moved with this Speech of his, changed their minds on the sudden, and commanded him immediately to raise more Force, and assist their Confederates in the Hellespont, which would be of the greatest moment for the security of Byzantium.  
At this time Phocion's Name was up, and an old Acquaintance of his, who had been his fellow-Student in the Academy, Cleon, a man of highest renown for Virtue among the Byzantines, having vouched for Photion to the City, they opened their Gates to receive him, not permitting him (though he desired it) to incamp without the Walls, but entertained him and all the Athenians with entire Respect; and they to requite their Confidence, conversed with their new Hosts, not only soberly and inoffensively, but behaved themselves on all occasions with great cheerfulness and resolution for their defence. Thus came King Philip to be driven out of the Hellespont, and despised to boot, who was till now thought impossible to be matched, and even apprehended invincible. Photion also took some of his Ships, and retook some of the Places he had garrisoned, making besides several Inroads into the Country, which he plundered and overrun, until such time as he happened to be wounded by some of them that came to his Assistance, he made off towards home.  
The Megareans at this time privately praying Aid of the Athenians, Photion fearing lest the Boeotians being aware of it, should prevent them called an Assembly very early in the morning, and backing the Boeotians Petition, it was put to the Question, and voted in their favour. As soon as ever it was done, he made Proclamation immediately by sound of Trumpet, and led them off strait from the Assembly, to arm and put themselves in posture. The Megareans received them joyfully, they helped them to fortify Nisoea, and build two new Bulwarks on each side, from the City to the Haven, and so joined it to the Sea; so that being sufficiently defended on the Land side from the Assailants, it was secured to the Athenians.  
Now was the time that the Liberty of Greece was openly disputed with King Philip, and at Athens such Chiefs chosen in Phocion's absence, that at his arrival from the Islands he dealt earnestly with the Athenians, (being deeply possessed what danger might ensue) that since Philip showed some peaceable Inclinations towards them, they would consent to a Treaty, being contradicted in this by a prating pickthank Fellow of those sort of Vermin that haunt the Places of public 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Forum maximum Athenis sub dio.  Assembly, (this was a famous Place of the Athenians meeting open to the Air.) This saucy Companion ask Photion, if he durst presume to persuade the Athenians to Peace now their Swords were in their hands? Yes, said he, I dare, though I'm satisfied I shall be thy Master in time of War, and thou (perhaps) mine in time of Peace. Since he could not prevail, and Demosthenes' opinion carried it, advising them to make War, as far off home as possible, (that was to the far side of Attica) Photion argued, that in these Matters the Place was not so much to be considered, as the probability of Success, for by this the distance of War was to be measured; to be sure, those that were worsted, would have it quickly brought home to theirs doors. Accordingly Matters succeeding ill, the Innovators and Incendiaries haling up Charidemus to the Tribunal, to be nominated to the Command, the best of the Senators were in a panic fear, and called a Meeting of the People at Areopagus, where with Entreaties and Tears they hardly prevailed to have Photion preferred and entrusted with the care of the City. He was of opinion that the fair Terms Philip proposed, were to be accepted; yet after demades had propounded, that the City should receive the self same conditions, that were tendered to the rest of the States of Greece, he opposed it, till it were known what the Particulars were King Philip had demanded. Being overborne in this Advice at that juncture of time, presently after the Athenians sufficiently repented it, when they understood that by them Articles, they were obliged to furnish Philip both with horse and Shipping: This, Gentlemen, says he, I foresaw, and therefore opposed; but since you have now articled, make the best on't, be courageous, and bear it as well as you can, remembering that your Ancestors using their Fortune indifferently, sometimes giving Laws, at other time's truckling, performed each part with decorum, and perserved not only their own City, but the rest of Greece.  
Upon the news of Philip's Death, he would not suffer the People to make Bonfires, or other public demonstrations of Joy and Jubilee, minding them how ungenerous it was to insult upon such an occasion, and that the Army that had fought them at Cheronoea was lessened by one man only.  
When Demosthenes made Invectives against Alexander, who was now set down before Thebes, he repeated those Verses of Homer:  

What meanest thou, Fool, with rage to swell his Breast,  
Already full, with glorious hopes possessed?   
What's this but adding fresh fuel to the Fire, and pushing yourselves forwards into the Flames, that are already devouring the Neighbourhood; for my part (says he) I will not be consenting to your destroying yourselves, though you should court me to it, and for this end only have I continued my Command.  
After Thebes was lost, and Alexander had demanded Demosthenes, Lycurgus, Hyperides, and Charidemus to be delivered up, the whole Assembly turning their eyes frequently and intently upon him, and calling on him also by Name to deliver his opinion; at last he rose up, laying hold upon one of his most dear and intimate Friends, that he loved and confided in above all others, telling them, Sirs, you have brought things amongst you to that pass, that for my part should he demand this my Friend Nicocles, I would not refuse him, and should think it the greatest happiness myself, to sacrifice my own Life and Fortune for your safety; for truly, says he, it pierces my heart to see those that are fled hither for Succour from the desolation of Thebes; and surely it will be more for the common Interest, that we rather deprecate the Conqueror, and intercede for both, than run the hazard of another Battle.  
When this was decreed by the Commonalty, Alexander is said to have rejected their first Address when it was presented, throwing it back scornfully, and turning his back on the Ambassadors, they departed; but the 2d. which was presented by Photion, he graciously received, understanding by the grave Seniors, how much Philip always held him in the highest Esteem and Veneration; and not only accepted his Memorial and Petition, but also permitted him to advise him; which he did to this effect, that if his designs were for Peace and Quietness, he should put a stop to his Career, if the glory of his Arms were his aim, he should do well to divert them from Greece, and turn them on the Barbarians. With divers such insinuations, dextrously fitted to the Humour and Genius of Alexander, he so won upon him, and softened his Temper, that he was heard to say, The Athenians ought to value themselves, for if any thing amiss betided him, they only were worthy of the Sovereignty. Conversing thus with Photion as his Friend and Confident, he did him that Honour, which few of those that were next his Person ever received; insomuch that Douris reports, when he grew great and high, after the Defeat of Darius, he left off the word Greeting in all his Letters, except in only those that were directed to Photion and Antipater he condescended to use it, which also is confirmed by Chares. As for his Munificence to him, it is well known he sent him a Present at one time of a 100 Talents, which being brought to Athens, Photion demanded of the Bearers, how it came to pass, that among all the rest of the Athenians, he alone should be so highly obliged to his Bounty? and being told, that Alexander esteemed him (only) a Person of Honour and Worth: May it please him then, (said he) to permit me to continue so, and be still so reputed. Following him to his House, and observing his simple and plain way of Living, his Wife employed in the Pastry-work with her own hands, himself pumping Water to wash his Feet; they pressed him to accept it, with some Indignation, being ashamed, (as they said) that Alexander's Friend should live so poorly and pitifully. Photion taking notice of a poor old Fellow in a tattered Coat passing by, asked them, If they thought him in worse condition than that poor Wretch? They begged his pardon for the Comparison; yet, says he, this man has less to live upon than I and is content; and in short, I must tell you, if this sum be more than I can use, it is altogether superfluous; if I live up to it, I shall give cause of jealousy both of your Master and myself to the rest of the Citizens. So the Treasure was returned back from Athens, giving the Grecians an illustrious Example, how much truly richer the man is, who by contracting his mind, has no occasion for more, than him who by the largeness of his Fortunes is capable of the largest Munificence. Alexander was displeased at this, and writ to him again, acquainting him, That he could not esteem those his Friends, who thought much to be obliged by him. Yet neither would this prevail with Photion to accept the Money, but he made use of his favour to intercede for Echecratides the Sophist, and Athenodorus the Imbrian, as also for Demaratus and Sparton, two Rhodians, that had been convicted of certain Crimes, and were in custody at Sardis, that he would please to enlarge them: This was presently granted by Alexander, and they were set at liberty. Afterwards sending Craterus into Macedonia, he commanded him to make him an Offer of four Cities in Asia; Cio, Gergetho, Mylassis and Eloea, any of which, at his choice, should be delivered to him; being instant with him, and declaing he should resent it, should he continue obstinate in his refusal; but Photion was not to be prevailed with at all, and presently after Alexander died.  
Phocion's House is shown to this day in a Village called Melita, beautified with Tiles of Copper, otherways plain and homely. Concerning his Wives; of the first of them there is little said, save only that she was Sister of Cephisdotus the Statuary: The other was a Matron of no less Reputation for Virtue and good Housewifery among the Athenians, than Photion for Probity. It happened once when the People were entertained with a new Tragedy, he that was to rig out the Queen and her Attendants, wanted some fine Habits and Accoutrements for the purpose, to make them appear splendid; which not being provided, the Player was sullen and refused to act, but kept them in expectation, till Melanthius the Master of the Revels, pushed him on the Stage, crying out aloud, What, Sirrah, don't you take notice that Phocion's Wife goes constantly attended with one only waiting Woman, but you must debauch the Sex, and fill the women's heads with nothing but pride and vanity? This free Speech of his was received with wonderful Applause, and clapped by the Audience round the Theatre. The same plain Lady, entertaining at her House a Stranger, a spruce Dame of jonia, who showed her all her Finery of gold Embroidery, rich Jewels, Bracelets, Necklaces, and the like: For my part, Madam, says she, all my Ornament is my Goodman Photion, who has commanded the Athenians now this 20 years. Phocion's Son had an ambition to make one at the Exercises performed at Athens in honour 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  of Minerva every 5th. year, which he permitted him to do, not so much to have the Garlands of Victory, (if he approved himself) but for his Health, and to invigorate his Body by manly Labour and Abstinence, the young man being at other times intemperate and a Pot-companion. Having succeeded in the Sports, many offered their service to treat his Son with the usual Compliments to the Victor, which Honour he refused to all, except one Gentleman. When he came to the Treat, and found it very extravagant upon all accounts, even the Water brought to wash the Guests Feet mingled with Wine and Spices, he reprimanded his Son, ask him Why he would so far permit his Friend to sully the Honour of his Victory; and endeavouring wholly to wean the youngster from such courses and company, he sent him to Lacedoemon, and placed him among the Youth that were educated according to the custom of that Country. This the Athenians took offence at, as though he slighted and contemned the Education at home; and Demades twitted him with it publicly, telling him, Why, Photion, do not we persuade the Athenians to receive the Laconian Manners and Discipline? If you please to have it so, I am ready to propound such a Law. Yes indeed, said Photion, it would exceedingly become you that are so powdered and perfumed, with that Revelling Habit on your back, to Speech it in praise of 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 caenae frugi apud Lacones.  Lycurgus, and invite the Athenians to College Commons.  
When Alexander had demanded the Galleys they had agreed to furnish him withal, the Orators opposed the sending them, and the Council demanding Phocion's sense, he told them freely; Sirs, I would either have you make sure of a Victory, or a Friend of the Victor. About that time one Pytheas, a confident talking Fellow, begun to be very impertinent and troublesome with his often prating: Him Photion checked, telling him, That it would be better manners for him to be silent, who was but of yesterday among them. At that time Harpalus came from Alexander out of Asia into Attica, with a vast sum of Money; at whose arrival the little people of those that use to be hangers on upon the Court, flocked about him to get something of him: amongst whom he scattered some small largesses to gain them, and tie them by the teeth: But to Photion he made an offer of no less than 700 Talents, and all manner of other advantages he pleased to demand; with the Compliment from Alexander, that he would entirely commit himself and all his affairs to his disposal: To which Photion answered sharply, That if he took such measures, he should dearly repent his projects of corrupting and debauching the Citizens: Upon which he desisted with regret. After, while the Athenians were deliberating in Council about him, he found those that had received Pensions from him, to be his greatest enemies, urging and aggravating matters against him, to prevent themselves being discovered: But Photion who had clean hands, and whose chief aim was always the Weal-public, to have some regard also to his particular security. This encouraged him once more to feel his pulse, and attack him; but he found him like a strong Fortress, every way so defended, that even the Golden Key could gain no admittance, on all sides inaccessible and impregnable: Yet having made a particular Friendship with Phocion's Son in Law Charicles, and using him with entire confidence in all his affairs, he brought him into some suspicion: Upon the occasion of Pythonica the Courtesans dying, who was Harpalus' Mistress, for whom he had a great fondness, and had a Child by her; he resolved to build her a sumptuous Monument, and committed the care of it to his Friend Charicles. This design, vain enough in itself, was yet further disparaged by the workmanship, after it was finished (for it is yet to be seen in Hermio, as we go from Athens to Eleusina, there appearing nothing answerable to the sum of 30 Talents, said to be accounted by Charicles as expended about it. After Harpalus his own decease, his Daughter was educated by Photion and Charicles with great care; but Charicles being questioned by some of Harpalus his Relations about his concerns, and entreating his Father in Law's Protection, and that he would appear for him in the Court; Photion refused him peremptorily, telling him, He would espouse his cause, as his Son in Law, only in things worthy and honourable.  
About this time Asclepiades the Son of Hipparchus, brought the first tidings of Alexander's Death to Athens, which Demades told them was not to be credited; for were it true, the whole World would feel the stink of the dead Carcase. Photion perceiving his design of innovating and stirring the People to Sedition, endeavoured to prevent and restrain them, but many of them crowding up to the Bench, and crying aloud that it was true what Asclepiades had related; Well then, suppose it, says he, if it be true to day, it will be as true to morrow and the next day; so that we have leisure quietly and treatably to consult our security. Leosthenes had a design of embarking the Athenians in the Groecian War, which Photion could not brook, nor forbear him: He asked Photion scoffingly, what the State had been benefited by his Ministry now so many years? Truly not a little, said he, methinks that the Citizens have been quietly laid up in their own Sepulchers. But Leosthenes continuing to huff and swagger in the Assembly, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in adagio.  Young man, says Photion, your Language is like the Cypress Trees, tall and topping, but without Fruit. After him Hyperides set upon him, demanding of Photion when the time would come, he would advise the Athenians to make War? Why truly, says he, when I shall find the younger sort tractable and observant of Discipline, the Wealthy forward in their Contributions, and the Lawyers forbear pillaging and robbing the Public Exchequer. After, when many admired the Forces raised, and the Preparations for War that were made by Leosthenes, they asked Photion how he approved of the new Levies? Very well, says he, for a course, but I apprehend the success of a War, the Commonwealth being wholly destitute both of Treasure, Shipping and Seamen for the expedition: And the event justified his prognostic; yet at first all things appeared fair and promising, Leosthenes gained Reputation by worsting the Boeotians in Battle, and driving Antipater within the Walls of Lamia; and the Citizens were so transported with the first successes, that they kept solemn Festivities for them, and instituted public Sacrifices to the Gods of Victory: So that some, to reproach Photion for being of contrary sentiments, asked him whether now he would not willingly be Author of this successful Action to the Public? Yes verily, says he, most gladly but also of the former Counsel. When one Express after another came from the Camp, confirming and magnifying the Victories, Nay then, says he, sure we shall never have done killing and slaying. Leosthenes died soon after, and those that feared lest if Photion obtained the Command, he would put an end to the War, dealt with an obscure Fellow in the Assembly, who should stand up and pretend himself to be a Friend and old Crony of Phocion's, and persuade the People to spare him at this time, and reserve him for a more pressing occasion, having none comparable to him for Conduct at a pinch; but now to send Antiphilus with the Command of the Army. This pleased the Generality, but Photion made it appear, he was so far from having any friendship with him of old standing, that he had not so much as the least familiarity with him: Yet now, Sir, says he, give me leave to put you down among the number of my Friends and Familiars, having advised in my concerns, so much to my advantage.  
Still the Athenians being violent to engage against the Boeotians, Photion was the first opposed it, and his Friends telling him the People would kill him, for always running counter to them; Truly, says he, it will be hard measure if I advise them honestly, if not, let me suffer. Whilst they were loud and hot upon't, he commanded the Crier to make Proclamation, that all the Athenians from 16 to 60, should presently prepare themselves with 5 days provision, and immediately follow him from the Assembly: This caused a great tumult: Those in years were startled, and clamoured against the Order; he demanded wherein he injured them, For I, says he, am now fourscore, and am ready to lead you. This diureted them and pacified them for the present; in the mean time Mition, with a great force of Macedonians and Mercenaries, was ravaging and pillaging the Sea coast, making a descent into Ramnunta, and wasting the Country. Against him Photion was sent and drew out his Army, where some stragglers pragmatically intermeddling in the Marshalling of it, would needs be tutor him how he should possess himself of such an Hill, and dispose of the Cavalry in such a place, and so and so to range the 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Battalions to the best advantage: O Hercules, says he, how many Generals have we here, and how few Soldiers? Afterward having formed the Battle, one that would seem forward, advanced out of his Order before the rest; but the Enemy approaching, his heart failed him, and he retired back into his rank: Him he reproached, telling him, Youngster, are you not ashamed twice in one day to desert your Station, both where I had placed you, and you had placed yourself? But falling on the Enemy with great bravery and resolution, he routed them, killing Mition and many more upon the spot, and afterwards he overcame the Groecian Army that was in Thessaly, wherein Leonatus had joined himself with Antipater and the Macedonians, that came out of Asia: Leonatus was killed in the Fight, Antiphilus commanding the Foot, and Menon the Thessalian, the Horse. Not long after, Craterus coming out of Asia with a great Force, another skirmish happened in Cranon, wherein the Groecians were worsted, but the loss was not very considerable, nor the number of the slain; yet with their restiveness to their Governors, who were young men, and too mild and indulgent. Antipater, in the mean season, also underhand tampering with the Cities, the Groecians utterly lost themselves, and shamefully betrayed the Liberty of their Country.  
Upon the news of Antipater's approaching Athens with all his force, Demosthenes and Hyperides deserted the City, and Demades, who was altogether insolvent for any part of the Fines that had been laid upon him by the City, (for he had been condemned no less than 7 times for false Judgements contrary to the known Laws) and having lost his Reputation to that degree, that he was not permitted to Vote in the Assembly, laid hold on this favourable juncture to bring in a Bill for sending Ambassadors with Plenipotentiary Power to Antipater, to treat about a Peace, but the people distrusting him and calling upon Photion to give his opinion, as the Person they only and entirely confided in, he said: My Masters, if my former Counsels had been any thing prevalent with you, we had not been reduced to such straits as we now labour under in our deliberations about these matters. However, the Vote passed, and a Decree was made, and he, with others, deputed to go to Antipater, who lay now encamped in the Theban Territories, but intended suddenly to dislodge, and pass into Attica. His first proposal was, that the Treaty might begin whilst he stayed in that Country: This was cried out upon as unreasonably propounded by Photion (by Craterus) to oppress the Country of their Friends and Allies by their stay, since they might rather use that of their Enemies, for provisions and support of their Army. But Antipater taking him by the hand, said, 'Tis true, but let us grant this Boon out of respect to Photion: And for the rest, he bid them return to their Principals, and acquaint them that he would grant them no other Terms than what he himself had received from Leosthenes, than General, when he was shut up in Lamia.  
When Photion had returned to the City, and acquainted them with this answer, they made a virtue of necessity at this Juncture, and complied, since it would be no better: So Photion returned to Thebes with other Ambassadors, and among the rest, Zenocrates the Philosopher, the reputation of whose Prudence and Wisdom was so great and celebrated among the Athenians, that they conceived there could not be any thing of mankind so brutal and barbarous, or devoid of common humanity, that even his mien and aspect would not gain upon and create a respect for him: But the contrary happened by the insolence and freity of Antipater's disposition, who embracing all the rest of his Companions, passed Zenocrates, by not deigning so much as to salute him, or take the least notice of him: Upon which occasion, Zenocrates said, He was well satisfied he used him so scurvily, since he had the same intentions to the whole City: As soon as ever he began to speak, Antipater thwarted and interrupted him, not suffering him to proceed, but enjoined him silence: But when Photion had declared the purport of their Embassy, he replied short and peremptorily, he would make a League with the Athenians on these conditions and no others. That Demosthenes and Hyperides be delivered up to him: That the ancient way of Raising Taxes in the City be observed: That they should receive a Garrison from him into Minichia: Defray the Charges of the War, and damages sustained, and put themselves under Contribution for it. As things stood, these Terms were judged tolerable by the rest of the Ambassadors: Zenocrates said, Truly if Antipater reputed them as already his Slaves, they were indifferent; but if he considered them still as Free, they were insufferable. Photion pressed him with much earnestness, only to spare the Garrison, and used many Arguments and Entreaties: Antipater replied, He should find him compliant in any thing to his request, that did not inevitably tend no the ruin of them both. Others report it differently, that Antipater should ask Photion, If he remitted the Garrison to the Athenians, he would stand Surety for the City to demean themselves peaceably, and endeavour no Innovations? To which when he demurred and made no return; on the sudden Callimedon the Carabian, a hot man, and a professed Enemy to Free States, rose up, ask Antipater if he would suffer himself to be juggled withal, and have his confidence abused so far as not to act what he thought most expedient? So the Athenians received the Garrison, and Menyllus for the Governor, a fair conditioned man, and one of Phocion's Acquaintance.  
This proceeding seemed sufficiently imperious and arbitrary, indeed rather a spiteful insulting and ostentation of power, than that the possessing himself of that Fortress, would be of any real advantage to his affairs. The resentment of this usage was heightened by the time it happened in: For it fortuned the Garrison was brought in in the Month of August, just at the time of the great Festival, when Bacchus was carried with solemn Pomp from the City to Eleusina; so that the Solemnity being disturbed, many began to recollect what had happened at the time of those Rites both anciently and modernly. For of old, in their greatest prosperity, there had been odd appearances seen, and Voices heard at the time of their Celebration, which struck terror and amazement into their Enemies; but now at the same season, the Gods themselves stood Witness of the extreme oppressions of Greece; the Holy time being profaned, and their greatest Jubilee made the unlucky date of their most extreme calamity. Not many years before, they had brought an Advertisement from the Oracle at Dodona, That they should carefully Guard the Promontory of Diana's Temple, and secure it from the possession of Strangers: And about the same time when they died the Ribbons and Garlands, with which they adorned the Pageants in devotion to her; instead of a Purple, they received only a faint dead colour, and which added to the Omen, all those things that were died for common use took the natural colour. Also a Sacrificer washing a Porket in the Haven, whilst it was calm, a Shark seized on him, bit off all his hinder parts to the Belly, and devoured them; by which they imagined the God gave them apparently to understand, that having already lost the lower parts of their Territories, towards the Sea coast, they should more carefully guard those towards the City.  
Now the Garrison under Menyllus was no ways offensive to those of the better sort, but of the meaner sort, the number of whom (who by reason of their poverty were not taxed) were reckoned in the City to be above 12000; those that remained in the City thought themselves oppressed and affronted, and those that had gone away into Thrace, on whom Antipater had bestowed a Town, and some Territories to inhabit, accounted themselves only as a Colony of Slaves and Exiles. Demosthenes' died at that time in Calabria, and Hyperides at Cleona, a City of Greece, (as we have elsewhere related) which put the Citizens in mind of the death of Philip and Alexander, and almost wishing the return of those times. Just as after Antigonus was slain; and those that had taken him off, afterwards more grievously afflicting and oppressing the People; a Countryman in Phrygia digging in the Fields, was asked what he was doing? I am, says he, (fetching a deep sigh) searching again for Antigonus. So said many that remembered those days, and the disputes they had with those Kings, whose anger, however great, was yet generous and placable; whereas Antipater, with the counterfeit humility of appearing like a private man, in the meanness of his Habit and homely Fare, covered the haughtiness of his Mind, and insolently abusing his power, was indeed insufferable to those under his Command being extreme Lordly and Tyrannical. Yet Photion had interest with him to recall many from Banishment by his entreaty, and prevailed also for those that fled away, that they might not, like others, be hurried beyond Foenarus and the Mountains of Ceraunia, but remain in Greece, and plant themselves in Peloponnesus, of which number was Agnonides the Sycophant He no less studiously managed the affairs within the City, with signal Equity and Moderation, preferring constantly those that were Men of Worth and Temper to the Magistracy; keeping out the factious and turbulent, lest they should abuse their power to raise stirs, and those that were decayed, he advised to retire into the 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Country, and mind tillage. Observing that Zenocrates paid his Assessments as a Foreigner, he would have persuaded him to accept of his freedom; which he refused, saying: He could not receive it from that City, whose Liberties and Franchises were doomed, when he himself was one of the Ambassadors. Menyllus offered Photion a considerable Sum of Money, who, thanking him, said, Neither was he greater than Alexander, nor his own occasions more urgent to receive it now, who then refused it from him: But still pressing him to permit his Son Phocus to receive it, he replied; If my Son returns to his right mind, his Patrimony is sufficient, if not, in the courses he now takes, all supplies will be insignificant. But to Antipater he answered more tartly, who would have him engaged in something dishonourable; Antipater says he, can't use me both as a Friend and a Flatterer. And indeed Antipater was wont to say, he had two Friends at Athens, Photion and Demades, the one would never suffer him to gratify him at all, the other would never be satisfied: For Phocion's Virtue made his Poverty appear reputable, having so oft been Commander in Chief of the Athenians, and admitted to the Friendship of so many Potentates, he had yet grown old and poor in the service of the Commonwealth: But Demades prided himself by lavishing his Wealth, to break in upon the Public Constitutions and affront them: For there having been an Order that no Foreigner should be entertained to Dance at the Public Shows, on the penalty of 1000 Drachmas to be levied on him that should exhibit them; his vanity was so great to hire 100 Strangers, and paid the Fine for them all in ready Cash upon the Stage. Marrying his Son Demeas at that time, he told him with the like vanity, Son, when I married your Mother, it was done so privately it was not known to the next Neighbours; but Kings and Princes show themselves forward to present you at your Nuptials.  
Still this Garrison was a grievous eyesore to the Commonalty among the Athenians, and they ceased not clamouring upon Photion, to prevail with Antipater for its removal; but when he despaired of effecting it, or rather observed the People more governable, and behaving themselves more orderly, by the Awe that was upon them, he constantly declined that Office; yet as to the Money-matter, effectually obtained of him, not to demand the Subsidy agreed on, but prolonged the time of its payment. So the People, leaving him off, applied themselves to Demades, who readily undertook the Employment and took along with him his Son also into Macedonia; the Devil, as it seemed, owing him a shame, he came just at that nick of time, when Antipater was seized with Sickness, and Cassander taking upon himself the Command, had found a Letter of Demades', formerly writ by him to Antigonus in Asia, moving him to take upon himself the Empire of Greece and Macedonia, which now stood upon an old and rotten Stalk, so rallying Antipater.  
So when Cassander heard of his coming, he seized him, and having caused his Son to be brought before his Face, slew him, so ordering it, that the Son's Blood should fly upon the Father, and bedaub him; after, bitterly taunting and upbraiding him with his Ingratitude and Treachery, he dispatched him.  
Antipater (having nominated Polyperchon General, and Cassander Colonel) being dead, Cassander presently set up for himself, and immediately dispatched Nicanor to Menyllus, to be his Successor in the Athenian Garrison, commanding him to possess himself of it, before the News of Antipater's Death, should be bruited abroad. Which being done, and some days after the Athenians hearing the Report of it, Photion was taxed, as privy to it before, and censured heavily for dissembling it, as a Friend and Confederate of Nicanor's: but he slighted their tittle tattle, and meeting oft and conferring with Nicanor, made it his business to render him civil and obliging to the Athenians, and not only so, but persuaded him to some Expense upon them, and have some Shows at his own charge to entertain the People. In the mean time, Polyperchon, to whose Care the chief Affairs were committed, to countermine Cassander, writ a cunning Letter to the City, declaring, that they were restored to their ancient Privileges and Immunities, and were at entire liberty to govern their Commonwealth, according to their ancient Customs and Constitutions. The bottom of these Pretences was mere Stratagem and Trick, levelled principally against Photion, as the Event manifested itself; for Polyperchon's design being to possess himself of the City, he despaired altogether of bringing it to pass, whilst Photion lived, and in Credit: but the most certain way to ruin him, would be again to bring into play the Demagogues, who had been put out of Office for seditious Practices, and restore them to their Places of Trust, both in the Courts of Judicature, and their Votes in Common-Council. Thus the Populace being let loose, presently great Commotions happened in Athens, which Nicanor endeavouring to compose, called the Senate together into the Pyroeum, and came thither himself, committing himself to Photion for his security; 
Locus 5. vel 6. miliar. Ital. distans, ubi Templum Dianae Mynich.  but one Dercyllus, a Captain of the Train-bands in the Suburbs, attempting to seize him, he having some hint of it, withdrew himself, giving out that he would suddenly right himself upon the City for this Affront. Photion was accused for being near him, and not seizing him, as he was required; but he defended himself, saying, that he had no manner of mistrust of Nicanor, nor the least reason to expect any mischief from him; but should it prove otherways, for his part he would have them all know, he had rather receive, than do an ill thing to any Man. This Carriage of Phocion's, fairly and simply considered, would appear extreme generous and Gentlemanlike; yet looking upon a man standing in relation to his Country, now endangered, and that in the highest station of Power and Authority there is something (methinks) of prior Consideration and original Obligation of Justice, in discharging the trust reposed in him, to be regarded, much rather than such Points of Honour: for it is not a satisfactory pretence to say, that he dreaded the involving the City in War, by seizing Nicanor, nor that in Honour and Justice he could not lay hands on a man, who had given him all the assurance and security in the world, that he would no ways molest or disturb the Athenian State; but it was, indeed, his Credulity and Confidence in him, and an overweening opinion of his Sincerity, that imposed upon him: so that notwithstanding the sundry Intimations he had from those that accused him of having Designs on the Pyroeum, and sending numbers of Mercenaries into Salamina, besides his tampering with, and endeavouring to corrupt those of Pyroeum, (where his Garrison stood) he would (notwithstanding all this Evidence) never be persuaded to belive it. Nay further, although Philomedes, the Son of Lampres, had got a Decree passed, that all the Athenians should stand to their Arms, and be ready to follow Photion their General, he yet sat still and secure, till such time as Nicanor had actually brought down Arms and Ammunition from Minichia to Pyroeum, and begun to draw Trenches round it. Whilst these things were transacted when Photion (at last) would have led out the Athenians, they mutined against him, and slighted his Orders.  
Alexander, the Son of Polyperchon, was at hand with a considerable Force, pretended to be for succour of the City against Nicanor, but intended nothing less (if possible) than to surprise the City, whilst they were in Tumult, and divided among themselves: for those that had been banished, getting into the City, to whom the Foreigners joined themselves, and all the Rabble rout thronging in to them, they made up an odd irregular mixed Convention, wherein they presently divested Photion of all Power, and chose to themselves other Commanders; and if by chance Alexander had not been spied from the Walls, alone, and in close Consult with Nicanor, and given the Athenians just cause of Suspicion, certainly the City at that moment had run a great Risque. Immediately the Orator Agnonides fell foul upon Photion, and impeached him of Treason: Callimedon and Pericles fearing the worst, consulted their own security by flying from the City: Photion, with a few of his Friends that stayed with him, went over to Polyperchon, and out of Respect, Solon of Platoea, and Dinarchus of Corinth, accompanied him, being reputed Friends and Confidents of Polyperchon. But Dinarchus enjoying ill Health, they remained many days in Elatoea, a City of Phocis, situate near the Mountain Acrorium. During which time Agnonides promoting it, Archestratus procured a Decree, that th● People should send Delegates thither to accuse Photion: so both of them waited upon Polyperchon, who was with the King viewing the Country, and was then at a small Village of Phocis, Pharygas, now called Galate.  
There Polyperchon having pitched a Royal Tent of Cloth of Gold for the King and his 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Friends, caused Dinarchus to be brought without further Ceremony, and having first tormented him, caused him to be slain; then he gave Audience to the Ambassadors, who filled the Place with Noise and Tumult, peaching and accusing one another; Agnonides approaching, entreated they might all be shut up together in an iron Grate, and conveyed to Athens, there to decide the Controversy: At that the King could not forbear smiling; but the Company that attended, Macedonians and Strangers, that now had leisure enough, were eager to see the Scuffle, and hear them pelt one another, made Signs to the Delegates to go on with their Accusations. But it was far from a fair Hearing, nothing equitable could be obtained; Polyperchon frequently interrupted Photion, and at last knocking with his Battoon on the Ground, refused him absolutely, and commanded him Silence. Hegemon appealed to Polyperchon himself, as one that well knew how studious he had been of the Interest of the People; to which he replied furiously; Forbear to belie me before the King: the King starting up was about to have darted him through with his Javelin, but Polyperchon interposed and hindered him; so the Assembly was dissolved.  
Photion then and those about him were put into Custody; but those of his Friends that were at some distance, observing this, hiding their Faces, endeavoured to save themselves by Flight: but Clitus perceived them, and brought them back to Athens, pretendedly, to purge themselves, but in truth, as men already sentenced, to die. The manner of conveying them was indeed extreme moving; they were carried in Chariots through Ceramicum, strait to the Place of Judicature, where Clitus secured them till they had called a Hall, which was open to all Comers; neither Foreigners, nor Slaves, nor any of the Rascality, being refused Admittance, but was free to all; Men, Women and Children, being allowed to seat themselves in the Court; and even upon the Bench: where having read the King's Letters, wherein he declared, he was abundantly satisfied that these men were Traitors; however, they being a free City, he willingly indulged them the Grace of trying and judging them according to their own Laws. Clitus brought in his Prisoners. The men of highest Quality blushed at the sight of Photion, and hanging down their Heads, could not forbear Tears: One of them was so hardy to say, Since the King was so gracious to permit them freedom in Judgement, he thought it reasonable to dismiss the Strangers, and those of servile condition, from the Assembly; but the Populace would not endure it, crying out, They were Enemies to the Commonwealth, and Betrayers of the Liberty of the People, and deserved to be stoned that sided with the Nobility; after which no man durst offer any thing farther in Phocion's behalf. He was scarce suffered to be heard, when he demanded, if they intended to put them to death by form of Law or not? Some answered, According to Law: He replied, How should that be done, except we have a fair Hearing? But when they were deaf to all he said, approaching nearer, As to myself, says he, I confess the Crime, and submit myself to the Judgement of the Law, but for these my Friends, O ye men of Athens, what have they done to deserve the Sentence, having in nothing offended you? The Rabble cried out, They were his Friends and Complices, that was enough. Hearing this, he drew back as one struck dumb.  
Then Agnonides read the Bill of Attainder, whereby the People were impowered to have a Poll for majority of Voices, whether they judged them Guilty; and if so it should be found, to be sentenced to Death. The Names being read, some were so brutish to desire it might be added to the Sentence, That Photion should not only die a simple Death, but be tortured also, and that the Rack should be produced with the Torments: but Agnonides perceiving even Clitus himself to dislike this, esteeming it a thing most horrid and barbarous; says he, If we can take that Villain Callimedon, O ye Athenians! let us serve him so with all my heart, but I can't consent Photion should be used so: And one of those that were better minded, rose up, saying, Thou art in the right, if Photion be tortured, what dost thou deserve thyself? So the Sentence was ratified, taking every man's Vote singly, no man sitting down, but all rising up, and some with Garlands on their Heads condemned them all to death.  
There were with Photion, Nicocles, Theudippus, Hegemon and Pythocles: moreover Demetrius the Phalaroean, Callimedon, Charicles, and some others, were in the same Condemnation, being absent. After the Assembly was dismissed, they were remanded to Prison, some of their Friends following them, embracing and weeping over them, and making great Lamentation. Phocion's Countenance was not changed, but went with the same undaunted Look, he used to be followed from the Court to the Camp, whilst he was their General; that most men admired the Bravery and Magnanimity of the man, yet some sneaking Fellows of his Enemies insulted over him, reviling and abusing him as he passed: And one coming up to him, spit in his Face; at which Photion, turning to the Officers, only said, Will no body correct this Fellow's Rudeness? Theudippus, when he observed the Executioner tempering the Poison, and preparing it for them, was disordered, and began to bemoan his condition, and the hard measure he received so unjustly to suffer upon Phocion's account: What, says he, dost thou not think it creditable to run the same Fate with Photion? One of his Friends that stood by, asked him, if he would have any thing to his Son? Yes, by all means, says he, command him from me to forget the Athenian's Ill Treatment of his Father. Then Nicocles, the dearest and most faithful of his Friends, begged of him first to drink the Poison: Ah! my Friend, says he, this is the most harsh and ungrateful Request thou ever madest me; but since through my whole Life, I have never denied thee any thing, I must gratify thee in this also. Having all drunk, there wanted of the due Proportion, and the Executioner refused to prepare more, except they would pay him 12 Drachmas to defray the charge of a full Draught. Some delay 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈…〉 su 〈…〉 & pond. genus.  was made, and the time spent▪ Photion called one of his Friends that stood by: What, says he, can't a man die on Free-cost among the Athenians? and bid him give him a small spill of Money.  
It was the 19th. day of the Month Mynichion, 
March.  when there was accustomed to be solemn Processions in the City, in Honour of Jupiter: The Horsemen, as they passed by, some of them threw away their Garlands, others stopped at the Prison-doors, bitterly weeping, and casting most doleful Looks towards the Place of Execution; and as many of the rest, whose Minds were not absolutely debauched by Spite and Passion, or had any spark of Humanity left, acknowledged it to be most wicked and ungodly; at least, not to have reprieved them that day, and purge the City from Blood and Slaughter at the solemn Festival. But as if all this had been small Game, the Malice of Phocion's Enemies went yet higher, to endeavour that his dead Corpse might be thrown out of the Cityboundaries; none of the Athenians daring to light a Funeral Pile, to burn the Body, after their manner; neither durst any of his Friends presume to concern themselves about his Body, only one Conopion, a man accustomed to those Offices, having procured the Body, at his own Expense, to be carried beyond Eleusina, borrowed Fire from a Woman of Magoera, and burned it; the Woman herself, with her Servant-maids, being present and assistant at the Solemnity, casting up a small Monument for him, performed the customary Offerings; and gathering up his Bones in her Lap, and carrying them by night, digged a Place by the Fireside in her House, saying, Dear Gods, Guardians of 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  this Place, here I deposit the Remains of this excellent Person, and you, I beseech you, protect and restore them to the Sepulchre of his Ancestors, when the Athenians return again to their right Minds.  
And indeed, a very little Time, and their own sad Experience, soon informed them, what an excellent Governor, and how great an example and Patron of Justice and all Virtue, they had bereft themselves of: And now they decreed him a Statue of Brass, and his Bones to be buried honourably at the public Charge; and for his Accusers, Agnonides they took themselves, and caused him to be put to death; Epicurus and Demophilus, that fled from the City for fear, his Son met with, and took his Revenge upon them. This Son of his they report not otherways to be considerable, only a man of Pleasure, that was enamoured of a Wench kept by a common Bawd; and happening one day to hear Theodorus the Atheist talking at this rate, That if a man might venture to rescue his Friend, why not his Mistress? and if not one, why the other? The Argument hitting his Humour, encouraged him to take away the Girl by force. But this Fate of Phocion's, revived the Memory of Socrates among the Groecians, their Case being exactly parallel, both their Death's being alike, the most shameful Fault, and heavy Misfortune of the People of Athens.   

THE LIFE OF CATO the Younger.  Englished from the Greek, by Stephen Waller Dr. of Laws. 
THE House of Cato derived its Lustre and Glory from his Great-Grandfather Cato; one that by his Virtue gained a very great Reputation and Authority among the Romans, as we have written in his Life.  
This Cato, was, by the loss of both his Parents, left an Orphan, together with his Brother Coepio, and his Sister Porcia. Servilia  
CATO JUNIOR.   depiction of Cato the Younger 
Ecce Parens verus Patrice: dignissimus aris Roma tuis.— Nil causâ fecit in armis Ipse suâ: Studiis Odiisque carens. At frustrá Leges et inania Jura tuenti Scire Mori Sors optima. Lucan:  M Burg. sculp. 
also was his Sister by the Mother's-side. All these lived together, and were bred up in the House of Livius Drusus, their Uncle by the Mother; who at that time had a great share in the Government; for he was very Eloquent, remarkably Just, and in Wisdom not inferior to any of the Romans.  
'Tis said of Cato, that he did, even from his Infancy, in his Speech, his Countenance, and all his childish Pastimes, discover an inflexible Temper, unmoved by any Passion, and firm in every thing.  
He would force himself, much beyond the strength of his Age, to go through with whatever he undertook. He was rough and ungentle toward them that flattered him; but yet more stubborn and untractable to those who threatened him. He was very difficultly moved to laugh; and was rarely seen to smile. Not quickly or easily provoked to Anger; but if once incensed, he was no less difficultly pacified.  
When he began to learn, he proved dull, and slow to apprehend; but what he once conceived, he very faithfully retained. And truly 'tis usual in Nature, that men of quick Apprehensions have not the best Memories; but those who receive things with most pains and difficulty, remember them with most exactness: for every new thing that is learned seems to make some new impression upon the Mind. Hence the difficulty there was in Cato to be moved, made it the more difficult for him to be taught; for to learn is to suffer a kind of Alteration: and it happens, that those are most easily wrought upon, who have least strength to oppose what is offered. Hence young men are sooner persuaded, than those that are more in years; and Sick men, than those that are well in Health: in fine where the Resistance is least powerful, the Impression is most easily made. Yet Cato (they say) was very obedient to his Schoolmaster, and would do whatever he was commanded; but he would also ask the Reason, and inquire the Cause of every thing: and indeed his Schoolmaster was a very courteous man, more ready to instruct, than to beat his Scholars; his Name was Sarpedo.  
When Cato was a Child, the Allies of the Romans sued to be made free-Citizens of Rome. Pompoedius Sillo, one of their Deputies, a brave Soldier, and a man of great worth, who had contracted a Friendship with Drusus, lodged at his House for several days; in which Time being grown familiar with the Children, Well, (said he to them) will you entreat your Uncle to befriend us in our Business? Coepio smiling, seemed to consent; but Cato made no Answer, only he looked steadfastly and fiercely on the Strangers: Then said Pompoedius to him, And you young man, what say you to us? will not you, as well as your Brother, intercede with your Uncle in our behalf? Cato Continued still unmoved; but by his Silence and his Countenance seeming to deny their Petition, Pompoedius snatched him up to the Window, as if he would throw him out: then he urged him to consent, or he would fling him down; and speaking in a harsher Tone, held his Body out of the Window, and shook him several times. When Cato had suffered this a good while, unmoved and unconcerned; Pompoedius setting him down, said softly to his Friends, What a Blessing is this Child to Italy? if he were a Man, I believe we should not gain one Voice among the People. Another time, one of his Relations, on his Birthday, invited Cato and some other Children to Supper, who diverting themselves in a part of the House, were at Play all together, the elder and the younger; their Play was to act the Pleading of Causes before the Judges, accusing one another, and carrying away the Condemned to Prison. Among these, a very beautiful young Child being bound and carried by a bigger into Prison, he cried out to Cato; who presently run to the Door, and thrusting away those who stood there as a Guard, took out the Youth, and went home in great Anger followed by all his Companions.  
Cato at length grew so famous among them, that when Sylla Designed to exhibit the Game of young men riding Races on Horseback, which they called the Trojan Course, having got together all the Youth of Quality, he appointed two for their Leaders. One of them they accepted for his Mother's sake, which was the Son of Metella, the Wife of Sylla; but for the other, which was Sextus, the Nephew of Pompey, they would not be led by him, nor exercised under him: then Sylla ask, Whom they would have? They all cried out, Cato; and Sextus willingly yielded the Honour to him, as the more worthy Person.  
Sylla, having had a Friendship with their Father, did often send for Cato and his Brother, and would talk familiarly with them; a Favour which he showed to very few, by reason of the great Power and high Station which he had gotten. Sarpedo, considering the Advantage hereof as well for the Honour as the Safety of his Scholars, did often bring Cato to wait upon Sylla at his House, which, for the multitude of those that were slain, imprisoned, and tormented there, looked like a Place of Execution. Cato was then about 14 years old; now seeing the Heads of great Men brought thither, and observing the secret Sighs of those that were present, he asked his Schoolmaster▪ Why does no body kill this Man? Because (said he) they fear him, Child, more than they hate him: Why then (replied Cato) do you not give me a Sword, that I may stab him, and free my Country from this Slavery? Sarpedo hearing this, and at the same time seeing his Countenance full of Anger and Fury, took care thenceforward to watch him strictly, lest he should fall into any desperate Attempt.  
While he was yet very young; to some that asked him, Whom he loved best? He answered, His Brother: And being asked, Whom next? He replied▪ His Brother again: So likewise the third time; and still the same, till they left off to ask any farther. As he grew in Age, this Love to his Brother increased; for when he was about 20 years old, he never supped, never went out of Town, nor into the Forum, without Coepio; but when his Brother made use of Ointments and Perfumes, these Cato rejected: And he was in the whole course of his Life very regular and austere; so that when Coepio was admired for his Moderation and Temperance, he would acknowledge, that indeed he might be accounted such, in respect of some other men; but (said he) when I compare myself with Cato, methinks I differ not at all from Sippius; one at that time notorious for Softness and Luxury.  
Cato, being made one of Apollo's Priests, changed his Habitation, took his portion of their paternal Inheritance, and began to live yet more severely than before. Having gained an intimate Acquaintance with Antipater, the Stoic Philosopher, he bent himself chiefly to the Study of Moral Philosophy and Politics.  
He was carried, as it were, by a kind of Inspiration, to embrace every Virtue; but most inclined, to delight in a sort of steady Justice, that was not to be wrought upon by Favour or Compassion. He learned also the Art of speaking in public; which he looked upon as a thing no less requisite for governing, than the Art of War, for defending a City. But he would never recite his Speeches before Company; nor was he ever heard declaim: And to one that told him, Men blamed his Silence; but I hope not my Life, (said he) and I will then begin to speak, when I think I can say something that is worth being spoken.  
There was a great Hall, which had been built and dedicated to the Public by old Cato; here the Tribunes of the People used to keep Court: And because a certain Pillar seemed not to stand well for the convenience of their Benches, they deliberated, whether it were best to remove it only, or to take it away. This Business first drew Cato into the Forum, tho' much against his will; for he therein opposed the Tribunes, and at the same time gave an admirable Specimen both of his Courage and his Eloquence. His Speech had nothing in it of childish or affected, but was rough, vehement, and full of sense; besides he had a certain grace in speaking, which charmed the Ear, and agreed well with the shortness of his Sentences; and something of Mirth and Raillery mingled with the Gravity of his Temper, was not unpleasant to his Auditors. His Voice was full, sounding, and sufficient to be heard by so great a Multitude. His Vigour, and the strength of his Body indefatigable; for he could speak a whole day, and never be weary.  
When he had carried this Cause, he betook himself again to his Study and Retirement; where he accustomed his Body to Labour and violent Excercise: would use himself to go bareheaded both in hot and cold Wether. When he went abroad with any of his Friends, tho' they were on Horseback, and he on Foot, yet he would often join now one, than another, and discourse with them on the way.  
In Sickness, admirable was the Patience he showed in supporting; and the Abstinence he used, for curing his Distempers. One time when he had an Ague, he would be alone all day long, and suffer no body to see him, till he began to recover, and found the Fit was over. At Supper when he threw Dice for the choice of the Messes, and lost, the Company offered him nevertheless his choice; but the refused, saying, 
* Alluding to the lucky Chance, called Venus.  Venus forbids.  
At first he was wont to drink only once after Supper, and then go away, but in process of time he grew to drink more, insomuch that oftentimes he would continue at Table till morning. This his Friends excused; for that the State Affairs took him up all day, and he being desirous of Knowledge, did pass the night at Table in the Conversation of Philosophers. Hence one Memmius saying in Company, That Cato spent whole nights in Drinking; But you cannot say (replied Cicero) that he spends whole days in Playing.  
Cato esteemed the Customs and Manners of Men at that time so corrupt, and a reformation in them so necessary, that he thought it requisite in many things, to go contrary to the ordinary way of the World. Wherefore seeing the lightest and gayest Colours were most in fashion, he would always wear the darkest: and he would often go out of doors without either Shoes or Coat. Not that he sought Vainglory from such Novelties; but he would accustom himself to be ashamed only of what deserves shame and to despise all other sorts of disgrace.  
The Estate of one Cato, his Cousin-german, (which was worth 100 Talents) falling to him, he turned it all into ready Money, which he kept by him for any of his Friends that should happen to want, to whom he would lend it without use; for some of them, he suffered his own Land and his Slaves to be mortgaged to the public Treasury.  
When he thought himself of an Age fit to marry, having never before known any Woman, he was contracted to Lepida, who had before been contracted to Metellus Scipio; but he having quitted her, the Contract was dissolved, and she at liberty: yet Scipio afterward repenting himself, did all he could to regain her, before the Marriage with Cato was complete; and therein succeeded. At which Cato was very much incensed, and resolved to go to Law about it; but his Friends persuaded him to the contrary; however he was so moved by the heat of Youth and Passion, that he writ iambics against Scipio, which had all the Wit and satire of Archilochus, without his Impudence and Scurrility. After this he married Atilia, the Daughter of Sorranus, which was the first▪ but not the only Woman he ever knew; in this much less happy than Loelius, the Friend of Scipio, who in the whole course of so long a Life never knew but one Woman.  
In the War made by the Rebellion of the Slaves, (which was named from Spartacus their Ringleader) Gellius was General; and Cato went a Volunteer, for the sake of his Brother Coepio, who was a Colonel in that Army. But Cato could find no opportunity to show his Courage, or exercise his Valour by reason of the ill Conduct of the General; however amidst the Corruptions and Disorders of that Army, he showed such a love of Discipline, so much Bravery upon occasion, and so much Wisdom in every thing, that it appeared he would not be any way inferior to the old Cato. Whereupon Gellius offered him great Rewards, and would have decreed him considerable Honours; which he refused, saying, He had done nothing that deserved them; and this made him be thought a man of a very odd Humour.  
There was a Law▪ That the Candidates who stood for any Office, should not have Prompters to tell them the Names of the Citizens. Cato, when he sued to be elected Military Tribune, was the only man that obeyed that Law; he took great pains to salute those he met, and call them by their Names. Yet for these things he was envied, even by those who praised him; for the more they considered the Excellency of what he did, the more they were grieved at the difficulty they found to do the like.  
Now being chosen Military Tribune, he was sent into Macedon after Rubrius, who was General there. It is said, that his Wife showing much Concern, and weeping at his Departure, Munatius, one of Cato's Friends said to her, Do not trouble yourself, Atilia, I'll take care to keep him for you. Ay, by all means, replied Cato. When they had gone one days Journey together; Well, said he to Munatius, that you may be sure to keep your promise to Atilia, you must not leave me day nor night; and then ordered two Beds to be made in his own Chamber, that Munatius might lie there: so that he seemed rather to be kept by Cato. There went with him fifteen Slaves, two Freedmen and four of his Friends; these road on Horseback, but Cato always went on Foot, yet would he keep by them, and discourse with them on the way.  
When he came to the Army, which consisted of many Legions, the General gave him the Command of one; but Cato looked upon it as a small matter, and not worthy a Commander, to make his own single Valour appear; therefore he desired to make his Soldiers like himself. Yet he did not thereby lose the Reverence due to his Command, but joined Reason to his Authority; for he persuaded and instructed every one in particular, and on all bestowed Rewards or Punishments according to desert.  
At length his Men were so well disciplined, that it was hard to say, whether they were more peaceable, or more warlike; more valiant, or more just: they were dreadful to their Enemies, and courteous to their Companions; fearful to do wrong, and forward to gain Honour. Thus Cato, tho' he never sought, yet easily acquired Glory and Repute; was highly esteemed by all men, but entirely beloved by the Soldiers. Whatever he commanded to be done, he himself took part in the performing. In his Apparel, his Diet and Labour, he was more like a common Soldier than an Officer; but in Virtue, Courage and Wisdom, he far exceeded all that had the Name of Commanders. By these means he made himself greatly beloved, and was therefore the more willingly followed: for the true love of Virtue, is in all men produced by the Love and Respect they bear to him that teaches it; and those who praise good men, yet do not love them may cry up their Honour, but will never imitate their Virtue.  
At that time there dwelled in Pergamum, one Athenodorus, surnamed Cordylio, a Man very well versed in the Stoic Philosophy, who was now grown old, and had always refused the Friendship and Acquaintance of Princes and great Men. Cato understood this; so that imagining he should not be able to prevail with him by sending or writing; and being by the Laws allowed two months' absence from the Army, he resolved to go into Asia, to see Athenodorus: and considering the great worth of the Man, he hoped he should not lose his labour. When Cato had discoursed with him, and persuaded him from his former Resolutions, he returned and brought him to the Army, as joyful and as proud of this success, as if he had done some heroic Exploit, greater than any of those of Pompey or Lucullus, who at that time subdued so many Nations and Kingdoms.  
While Cato was yet in the Army, his Brother, on a Journey toward Asia, fell sick at Aenus in Thrace, and immediately dispatched Letters to him. The Sea was very rough, and no convenient great Vessel to be had; yet Cato, getting into a little Passage boat, with only two of his Friends, and three Servants, set Sail from Thessalonica, and having very narrowly escaped drowning, he arrived at Aenus just as Coepio expired. Upon this occasion Cato showed himself more a fond Brother than a Philosopher, not only in the excess of Grief, bewailing and embracing the dead Body, but also in the extravagant Expenses of the Funeral, wherein a vast quantity of rich Perfumes and costly Garments were burnt with the Corpse? besides, he erected in the Forum of the Aenians, a Monument of Thassian Marble, which cost eight Talents. This some blamed, as not suiting with Cato's usual Moderation in other things: But they did not consider, that tho' he were steadfast, firm, and inflexible to Pleasure, Fear, or fond Entreaties; yet he was full of natural Tenderness, and brotherly Affection. Divers of the Cities and Governors of the Country, sent him many Presents, to honour the Funerals of his Brother; but he took none of their Money, only the Perfumes and Ornaments he received, and paid for them also. Afterward, when the Estate was divided between him and Coepio's Daughter, he did not require the Funeral Expenses to be deducted. Notwithstanding all this, a certain Writer has affirmed, that he made his Brother's Ashes be passed through a Sieve, to find the Gold that was melted down with the Body: but surely that 
* He means Julius Caesar.  person thought, his Writings, as well as his Actions, should never be subject to Examination.  
The Time of Cato's Service in the Army being expired, he received at his departure not only the Prayers and Praises, but the Tears and Embraces of the Soldiers, who spread their Garments at his Feet, and kissed his Hand as he passed; an Honour, which the Romans showed to very few of their Generals.  
Cato having left the Army, resolved before he would return home, and apply himself to the management of State-Affairs, to travel over Asia, and there observe the Manners, the Customs, and the Strength of every Province. He was also willing to gratify the Importunity of Deiotarus, King of Galatia, who having had great Familiarity and Friendship with his Father, did earnestly invite him thither.  
Cato took care to order his Journeys in this manner: Early in the morning he sent out his Baker and his Cook toward the Place where he designed to lodge the next night: these went civilly and quietly into the Town in which if there happened to be no Friend nor Acquaintance of Cato or his Family, they provided for him in an Inn, and gave no disturbance to any body; but if there were no Inn, they went to the Magistrates, and desired them to help them to Lodgings, and were always satisfied with what was allotted to them. His Servants thus behaving themselves toward the Magistrates, without noise and threatening, were often not credited, or neglected by them; so that Cato did many times arrive, before any thing was provided for him. And indeed he himself was often despised, and made little account of; for sitting silent by himself on his Carriages, he was looked upon as a contemptible Man, and one of a mean Spirit; therefore he would sometimes call the Townsmen together, and say, Ye illnatured Men, lay aside this inhospitable Humour; you should by Courtesy endeavour to break the power of those Men, who desire but a pretence to take from you by force, what you give with such Reluctance.  
While he traveled in this manner, a pleasant Accident befell him in Syria. As he was going into Antioch, he saw a great multitude of People without the Gates, ranked in order on either side the way; here the young Men with long Cloaks, there the Children decently dressed; others wore Crowns and white Garments, which were the Priests and Magistrates. Cato, presently imagining all this was to do him Honour, and for his Reception, began to be angry with his Servants that were sent before, for suffering it to be done; then making his Friends alight, he walked along with them on Foot. As soon as he came near the Gate, a reverend old Man, who seemed to be Master of these Ceremonies, with a Staff and a Crown in his Hand, comes up to Cato, and without showing him any respect, asked him, Where he had left Demetrius, and how soon he thought he would be there? This Demetrius was Pompey's Servant; and by all those who hoped for any Favour from Pompey, he was highly honoured, not for his own Desert, but for his great Power with his Master. Upon this Cato's Friends fell out into such a Laughter, that they could not restrain themselves, while they passed through the Crowd; he himself much out of Countenance, cried, O unhappy City! and said no more: yet afterward he used to tell this Story, and laugh at it himself.  
Pompey likewise after that made the People ashamed of their Ignorance and Folly; for Cato, in his Journey to Ephesus, went to pay his Respects to him; who was the elder Man, had gained much Honour, and was then General of a great Army. Yet Pompey would not receive him sitting; but as soon as he saw him rose up, and going to meet him, as the more honourable Person, gave him his Hand, and embraced him very kindly. He said many things also in commendation of Cato's Virtue, both in his presence, and when he was gone away. So that now all men began to respect Cato, and admired him for the same things for which they despised him before; having well considered the mildness of his Temper, and the greatness of his Spirit. Moreover, the Civility that Pompey himself showed him, appeared to come from one that rather honoured, than loved him. For it was observed, he was very kind to Cato while he was present with him, but very glad when he was gone from him: And when other young men came to see him; he usually importuned and entreated them to continue with him. Now he did not at all invite Cato to stay; but as if his own Power were lessened by the other's Presence, he very willingly dismissed him. Yet to Cato alone, of all those that went for Rome, he recommended his Children and his Wife, who was also herself allied to Cato.  
After this, all the Cities through which he passed, strove and emulated each other in showing him Respect and Honour. They invited him to great Entertainments; at which he desired his Friends to be present, and take care of him, lest he should make good what was said by Curio; who tho' he were his familiar Friend, yet disliking the austerity of his Temper, asked him one day, If when he left the Army, he designed to see Asia? And Cato answering, Yes, by all means: You do well, replied Curio, and I hope you will return thence a little more softened, and less an Enemy to Pleasure. Those were his words.  
Deiotarus being now an old Man, had sent for Cato, with design to recommend his Children and Family to his Protection: and as soon as he came, brought him Presents of all sorts of things, which he begged and entreated him to accept. This so displeased Cato, that tho' he came but in the evening, he stayed only that night, and went away early the next morning. After he was gone one days Journey, he found at Pessinuns a greater number of Presents provided for him there, and also Letters from Deiotarus, entreating him to receive them; or at least to permit his Friends to take them, who for his sake deserved something: And indeed Cato's own Estate was not very great; yet he would not suffer it, tho' he saw some of them were willing to receive such Gifts, and ready to complain of his Severity: But he told them, That at this rate Corruption would never want pretence; and for his Friends, they should share with him in whatever he could get justly and honestly; so he returned the Presents to Deiotarus.  
When he took Ship for Brundisium, his Friends would have persuaded him to put his Brother's Ashes into another Vessel; but he said, He would sooner part with his Life than leave them: and so he set Sail. 'Tis said, he passed the Sea not without some danger; tho' others at the same time went over very safely.  
After he was returned to Rome, he spent his Time for the most part either at home, in Conversation with Athenodorus, or at the Forum, in the service of his Friends.  
When the Office of Quoestor was allotted to him, he would not take the Place, till he had perfectly studied the Laws concerning it, and diligently enquired of experienced Men the Duty and Authority belonging to it. Being thus instructed, as soon as he came into the Office, he made a great Reformation among the Clerks and under-Officers of the Treasury. For they being well versed in the Records and Methods of the Office, into which continually succeeded new Quaestors, who for their Ignorance and Unskilfulness were fit only to learn, and not able to manage the Business: These Officers therefore had taken to themselves all the Power, and were in effect the Treasurers: Till Cato, applying himself roundly to the Work, had not only the Title and Honour of a Quoestor, but an insight and understanding of whatever belonged to the Office. So that he used the Clerks and under-Officers like Servants, as they were; reprehending them that were corrupt, and instructing those that were Ignorant. Yet being bold, impudent Fellows, they flattered the other Quaestors his Colleagues, and by their means made great opposition against Cato. But he caught the chiefest of them dealing dishonestly in the division of an Estate, and turned him out of the Treasury. A second he accused of forging a Will; who was defended by Luctatius Catulus, at that time Censor; a Man very considerable for his Office, but more for his Virtue; and was eminent above all the Romans of that Age, for his Wisdom and Integrity: he had also an intimate Acquaintance with Cato and much commended his way of Living. Catulus, perceiving he could not bring off his Client, if he stood to the issue of a fair Trial, fell to Prayers and Entreaties; but Cato would not suffer him to proceed therein: and when he continued still importunate; 'Tis a shame, (said he to Catulus) that you who are to Judge of our Lives, should thus let your own be dishonoured, by defending the Faults of our Servants. At this expression Catulus looked as if he would have made some Answer; but he said nothing, and either through Anger or Shame went away silent, and out of Countenance. Nevertheless the Man was not cast; for the Voices that quitted him, were but one in number less than those that condemned him: and Marcus Lollius, one of Cato's Colleagues, was absent by reason of Sickness; to him Catulus sent, and entreated him to come and assist his Client: so Lollius was brought into Court in a Chair, and gave his Voice also for acquitting the Man. Yet Cato never after made use of that Clerk, and never paid him his Salary, nor would he make any account of that Voice of Lollius. Having thus humbled the Clerks, and brought them to be at Command, he made use of the Books and Registers as he thought fit, and in a little while reduced the Treasury into as good order as any other Court; and all men said, Cato had made the Office of a Quoestor equal to the Dignity of a Consul. When he found many indebted to the State upon old accounts, and the State also in Debt to many private Persons, he took care that the Public might neither do nor suffer wrong: for he severely and punctually exacted what was due to the Treasury; but as freely and speedily paid all those to whom it was indebted. This made the People much reverence Cato: when they saw those made to pay, who thought to have escaped for nothing; and others receiving all their due, who despaired of getting any thing. Whereas usually those who brought false Bills, and pretended Orders of Senate, could through Favour get them accepted; Cato would never be so imposed upon: And a certain Order being questioned whether it had passed the Senate, he would not believe a great many Witnesses that attested it, nor did admit of it till the Consuls came and affirmed it upon Oath.  
There were at that time a great many, whom Sylla had made use of as his Executioners in the last Proscription, and to whom he had for that Service given twelve thousand Drachmas apiece. These men every body hated as wicked Wretches, but no body durst be revenged of them. Yet Cato called every one to account, who had thus gotten the public Money; which he exacted of them, and at the same time sharply reproved them for their cruel and impious Actions. Having born this from Cato, they were presently accused of Murder; and being already prejudged as guilty, they were easily found so, and accordingly suffered. At this all People rejoiced, and hoped now to see the fear of Tyranny taken away, and Sylla himself punished.  
Cato's Assiduity also, and indefatigable Diligence, won very much upon the People; for he always came first of any of his Colleagues to the Treasury, and went away the last. He never missed any Assembly of the People, or Sitting of the Senate; where he always took care strictly to observe those, who lightly, or out of Ambition, voted for remitting or giving away the Fines and Customs, that were owing to the State. And at length having freed the Exchequer from Informers, yet filled it with Treasure; he made it appear, the State might be rich, without oppressing the People.  
At first he was uneasy and hateful to some of his Colleagues, but afterward much beloved by them; for on him they laid the fault, when they could not gratify their Friends with Pensions out of the Treasury, or corrupt Judgements in passing their Accounts; and when pressed by Suitors, they readily answered, 'Twas impossible to do any thing, unless Cato would consent.  
The last day of his Office he was very honourably attended to his House by all the People; but by the way he was informed, that several Persons of great Power and Familiarity with Marcellus, were about him in the Treasury, and earnestly urging him to pass a certain Gift out of the public Revenue, as if it had been a Debt. This Marcellus had been one of Cato's Friends from his Childhood, and was one of the best of his Colleagues in this Office; but when alone, was easily wrought upon by the importunity of Suitors, and of his own inclination very ready to do any body a Kindness. Wherefore Cato immediately turned back, and finding that Marcellus had yielded to pass the thing, he took the Book, and razed it out. When he had done this, he brought Marcellus out of the Court, who went home with him; and for all this, neither then, nor ever after, complained of him, but always continued his Friendship and Familiarity with him.  
Cato after he had laid down his Office, yet did not leave the Care of the Treasury; for he had his Servants there continually writing out Accounts, and he himself kept always by him certain Books, that contained the Accounts of the Revenue, from Sylla's Time to his own, for which he gave five Talents.  
He was always first at the Senate, and went out last; oftentimes while others walked about there idly, he would sit and read by himself, holding his Gown before his Book, and was never out of Town, when the Senate was to meet.  
Pompey and his Party finding that Cato could never be, either persuaded or compelled to favour their unjust Designs; they contrived to keep him from so much frequenting the Senate, by engaging him in Business for his Friends, either to plead their Causes, or arbitrate their Differences. But he quickly discovering their Contrivance, to encounter it, fairly told all his Acquaintance, that he would never meddle in any private Business, when the Senate was assembled; since 'twas not for Honour or Riches, nor rashly or by chance, that he engaged himself in the Affairs of State; but he undertook the Service of the Public, as the proper Business of an honest Man: and therefore he thought himself obliged to be as diligent for the good of his Country, as a Bee for the preservation of her Hive. To this end he took care to make his Friends and Correspondents send him the Edicts, Decrees, Judgements, and most considerable Actions that passed in any of the Provinces.  
Clodius, the seditious Orator, practising to stir up great Commotions, and traducing the Priests and Vestals to the People, (among whom, Fabia Terentia, Sister to Cicero's Wife, run great danger) Cato boldly opposed him, and made him appear so infamous, that he was forced to leave the Town; and when Cicero came to thank him for what he had done; You must thank the Commonwealth, said he; for whose sake alone it was that he did every thing. Thus he gained a great and wonderful Reputation: so that a certain Advocate in a Cause, where there was only one Witness against him, told the Judges, They ought not to rely upon a single Witness, though it were Cato himself. And it was grown proverbial among the People, if any very unlikely and incredible thing were asserted, to say, They would not believe it, though Cato himself should affirm it. One day a debauched Prodigal talking in the Senate about Frugality and Temperance, Amnoeus standing up, cried, Who can endure this, Sir, to hear you, that feast like Crassus, and build like Lucullus, talk like Cato. So likewise those who were wild and dissolute in their Manners, yet affected to seem grave and severe in their Discourses, were in derision called Cato's.  
At first when his Friends would have persuaded him to stand to be Tribune of the People, he thought it not convenient; for that the Power of so great an Office, aught to be employed only as the strongest Medicines, when things are brought to the last necessity. But afterward in Vacation-time, as he was going, accompanied with his Books and Philosophers, to Leucania, where he had a pleasant Seat; by the way they met a great many Horses, Carriages, and Attendants, of whom they understood, that Metellus Nepos was going to Rome, to stand to be Tribune of the People. Hereupon Cato stopped, and after a little pause, gave Orders to return immediately: At which the Company seeming to wonder; Don't you know (said he) how dangerous of itself the Madness of Metellus is? but now he comes assisted with the Counsel of Pompey, he will fall like Lightning on the State, and bring it to utter ruin: wherefore this is no time for Idleness and Diversion; but we must go and prevent this man in his Designs, or bravely die in defence of our Liberty. Nevertheless, by the Persuasion of his Friends, he went first to his Countryhouse, where he stayed but a very little time, and then returned to Town.  
He arrived in the Evening, and went strait the next Morning to the Forum, where he began to solicit for the Tribuneship, in opposition to Metellus. The Power of this Office consists rather in controlling, than performing any Business; for tho' all the rest except any one Tribune should be agreed, yet his denial or intercession could put a stop to the whole Matter. Cato at first had not many that appeared for him; but as soon as his Design was known, all Persons of the best Quality, and of his own Acquaintance, took part with him; for they looked upon him not as one that desired a Favour of them, but one that sought to do a great Kindness to his Country, and all honest men: Who had many times refused the same Office, when he might have had it without trouble; but now sought it with danger, that he might defend their Liberty, and their Government. It is reported, that so great a number flocked about him, that he was like to be stifled amidst the Press, and could scarce get through the Crowd. He was declared Tribune, with several others, among whom was Metellus.  
Now when Cato was chosen into this Office, having observed that the Election of Consuls was grown very mercenary, he sharply rebuked the People for this Corruption, and in the conclusion of his Speech protested, he would accuse whom ever he should find giving Money: yet Passed by Silanus, by reason of his Alliance, for he had married Servilia, Cato's Sister; so that he did not prosecute him: but Lucius Murena, who was chosen Consul with Silanus, he accused of Bribery. There was a Law, That the Party accused might set a Guard upon his Accuser, to watch him lest he should use any indirect means in preparing the Accusation. He that was set upon Cato by Murena, at first followed and observed him strictly, yet never found him dealing any way unfairly or unjustly, but always generously and candidly, going on in the just and open Methods of Proceeding. So that he much admired Cato's great Spirit and noble Nature, and easily trusted to his Integrity; for meeting him abroad, or going to his House, he would ask him if he designed to do any thing that day in order to the Accusation; and if Cato said, No, he went away, freely relying on his Word.  
When the Cause was pleaded, Cicero, who was then Consul, and defended Murena, did so wittily expose Cato, and the Stoic Philosophers, and their Paradoxes, that he raised great Laughter in his Judges. Whereupon, Cato smiling, said to the Standards by Sirs, we have a very pleasant Consul. Murena was acquitted, and afterward showed himself no passionate, but a very prudent Man; for when he was Consul, he always took Cato's Advice in the most weighty Affairs, and in all the time of his Office, gave him much Honour and Respect. Of which, not only Murena's Prudence, but also Cato's obliging Humour, was the Cause: for tho' he were terrible and severe, as to Matters of Justice, in the Senate and at the Bar; yet he was very courteous and goodnatured to all men in private.  
Before Cato took upon him the Office of Tribune, he assisted Cicero, at that time Consul, in many things that concerned his Office; but most especially in prosecuting Catiline's Conspiracy, which he did with great Courage and Success.  
This Catiline had plotted a dreadful and entire Subversion of the Roman State, contriving to raise great Seditions, and drive them into a Civil War; but being detected by Cicero, was forced to fly the City. Yet Lentulus and Cethegus conspired with several others, and blaming Catiline, as one that wanted Courage, and had too much Caution for such desperate Designs, they themselves resolved to set the whole Town on fire, and utterly to ruin the Empire of the World, by Tumults at home, and War from abroad. But the Design was discovered by Cicero, (as we have written in his Life) and the Matter brought before the Senate. Silanus, who spoke first, delivered his opinion, That the Conspirators ought to suffer the last of Punishments; and was therein followed by all that spoke after him, till it came to Caesar who was very eloquent, and looking upon all Changes and commotions in the State, as Matter for him to work upon, desired rather to increase than extinguish them. Wherefore standing up, he made a very merciful and persuasive Speech; That they ought not to suffer otherwise than according to Law, by which they could not be put to death; and moved that they might be kept in Prison: Thus was the House almost wholly turned by Caesar. They were also afraid of the People; insomuch that Silanus retracted, and said he did not mean Death, but Imprisonment, for that was the utmost of what a Roman could suffer. Upon this they were all inclined to the milder opinion; when Cato standing up, began to speak with great Passion and Eloquence; blaming Silanus for his change of Opinion, and reflecting on Caesar for his affectation of Popularity, who (he said) would ruin the Commonwealth by mild words, and plausible speeches: yet endeavoured to frighten the Senate, where he himself ought to fear: for he might take it kindly, if he escaped unpunished, or unsuspected, who did thus openly and boldly dare to protect the Enemies of the State; seemed to have no compassion for so great and glorious an Empire, brought so near its utter ruin; yet was full of pity for those men, who had better never been born, and whose death must deliver the Commonwealth from danger and destruction. This only of all Cato's Speeches, 'tis said, was preserved; for Cicero the Consul had dispersed about the Senate house several expert Writers, whom he had taught to make certain figures, which did in little and short strokes express a great many words: till that time they had not used those we call Shorthand Writers, who then first, as 'tis said, laid the foundation of that Art. Thus Cato carried it, and so turned the House again, that it was decreed, The Conspirators should be put to death.  
Not to omit any the least strokes that may show Cato's Temper, and contribute to draw the Image of his Mind; it is reported, that while Caesar and he were disputing very earnestly in this Business, and the whole Senate regarding them two, a little Note was brought in to Caesar; which Cato presently declared to be suspicious; and some of the Senators moved it might be read. Whereupon Caesar delivered the Letter to Cato, who discovering it to be a Love letter from his Sister Servilia to Caesar, by whom she had been debauched, he threw it to him again, crying, Take it, you Sot; and so went on with his Discourse. In short, it seems Cato had but ill Fortune in Women; for this Lady was ill-spoken of, for her Familiarity with Caesar: and another Servilia, Cato's Sister also, was yet more infamous; for being married to Lucullus, one of the greatest Men in Rome; and having brought him a Son, she was afterward divorced for Incontinency. But what was worst of all, Cato's own Wife, Atilia, was not free from the same Fault; and after she had born him two Children, he was forced to put her away for her ill Conduct. After that he married Martia, the Daughter of Philip, a Woman of good Reputation; who yet has occasioned much Discourse; for this Passage in the Life of Cato looks like a Fable in a Play, and is very difficult to be cleared, or made out with any certainty.  
It is thus related by Thraseas, who refers to the Authority of Munatius, Cato's Friend and constant Companion. Among many that loved and admired Cato, some were more remarkable and conspicuous than others: of these was Quintus Hortensius, a Man of signal Worth, and approved Virtue; who desired not only to live in Friendship and Familiarity with Cato, but also to be united to his Family, by some Alliance in Marriage. Therefore he set himself to persuade Cato, that his Daughter Porcia, who was already married to Bibulus, and had born him two Children, might nevertheless be given to him, as a fruitful Field, from which he might raise an Offspring: For (said he) tho' this in the opinion of men may seem strange, yet in Nature 'twould be honest and profitable for the Public; that a Woman in the prime of her youth should not lie useless, and lose the Fruit of her Womb; nor on the the other side would it be convenient, she should burden and impoverish one Man, by bringing him too many Children. Also by this Communication of Families among worthy Men, Virtue would increase, and be diffused through their Posterity; and the Commonwealth would be united and cemented by their Alliances. Yet if Bibulus would not part with his Wife altogether, he would restore her as soon as she had brought him a Child, whereby he might be united to both their Families. Cato answered, That he loved Hortensius very well, and did much approve of uniting their Houses; but he thought it very strange to speak of marrying his Daughter, which was already given to another. Then Hortensius, turning the Discourse, did not stick to acknowledge, that 'twas Cato's own Wife which he desired; for she was young and fruitful, and he had already Children enough. Neither can it be thought, that Hortensius did this, as imagining Cato did not love Martia; for, 'tis said, she was then with Child. Cato perceiving his earnest desire, did not deny his Request, but said, that Philip, the Father of Martia, ought also to be consulted. Philip therefore being sent for, came; and finding they were well agreed, gave his Daughter Martia to Hortensius in the presence of Cato, who himself also assisted at the Marriage. These things were done afterward; but since I was speaking of Women▪ I thought fit to make mention thereof in this Place.  
Lentulus and the rest of the Conspirators were put to death; but Caesar, by reason of what was said against him in the Senate, betook himself to the People, and stirred up the most corrupt and dissolute Members of the State to follow him. Cato, apprehensive of what might ensue thereupon, persuaded the Senate to win over the poor and disorderly Rabble, by a distribution of Corn, the Charge of which amounted to twelve hundred and fifty Talents. This Liberality did in appearance dissipate the present Danger.  
But Metellus, coming into his Office of Tribune, began to hold tumultuous Assemblies, and had prepared a Decree, That Pompey the Great should presently be called into Italy, with all his Forces, to preserve the City from the danger of Catiline's Conspiracy. This was the fair pretence; but the true design was, to deliver all into the hands of Pompey, and give him an absolute Power. Upon this the Senate was assembled; and Cato did not fall sharply upon Metellus, as he used to do, but spoke many things full of great Reason and Moderation. At last he descended even to Entreaty, and extolled the House of Metellus, as having always taken part with the Nobility. At this Metellus grew the more insolent, and despising C●to, as if he yielded and were afraid, let fall many audacious Speeches, openly threatening to do whatever he pleased in spite of the Senate. Hereupon Cato changed his Countenance, his Voice and his Language; and after many sharp Expressions, boldly concluded, That while he lived, Pompey should never come armed into the City. The Senate thought them both extravagant, and not well in their Wits; for the Design of Metellus seemed to be the effect of his Rage, who out of excess of Malice, would bring all to Ruin and Confusion; and Cato's Virtue looked like a kind of Ecstasy, while he with so great heat and passion contended for what was good and just. Afterward, when the People were to give their Voices for the passing this Decree, Metellus beforehand possessed the Forum with armed Men, Strangers, Gladiators and Slaves, and all those that in hopes of Change followed Pompey, which was no small part of the People; besides they had great Assistance from Caesar, who was then Praetor. The best and chiefest Men of the City, were no less offended at these Proceedings than Cato; but they seemed rather likely to suffer with him, than able to assist him. In the mean time Cato's whole Family were in dreadful Fear and Apprehension for him; some of his Friends did neither eat nor sleep all the night, continuing in very great Perplexity: his Wife and Sisters also bewailed and lamented him; but he himself, void of all Fear, and full of Assurance, did comfort and encourage them by his own Discourse. After Supper he went to rest at his usual hour, and was the next day waked out of a profound Sleep, by Minutius Thermus, one of his Colleagues. So soon as he was up, they two went together into the Forum, accompanied by very few, but met by a great many, who bid them have a care of themselves. Cato, when he saw the Temple of Castor and Pollux encompassed with armed Men, and the ascent to it guarded by Gladiators, at the top whereof sat Metellus and Caesar together; turning to his Friends, Behold (said he) that courageous Fellow who has raised so great Forces against one unarmed naked man: and so he went on with Thermus. They who kept the Passages, gave way to those two; but would not let any body else pass: yet Cato, taking Munatius by the Hand, with much difficulty pulled him thorough along with him. Then going directly to Metellus and Caesar, he sat himself down between them, to prevent their talking to one another; at which they were both amazed. And those of the honest Party, observing the Countenance and admiring the Spirit and Boldness of Cato, went nearer, and cried out to him to have Courage, exhorting one another to stand together, and not betray their Liberty, nor the Defender of it. Then the Clerk took out the Bill, but Cato forbade him to read it; whereupon Metellus took it, and would have read it himself, but Cato snatched away the Book. Yet Metellus having the Decree by heart, began to recite it without book; but Thermus clapped his Hand to his Mouth, and stopped his Speech. Metellus seeing them fully bend to withstand him, and the People inclining to their side, sent to his House for armed Men; who rushing in with great noise and terror, they all dispersed and run away, except Cato, who alone stood still, while the other Party threw Sticks and Stones at him from below. Murena, whom he had formerly accused, could not brook this, but came to him, and holding his Gown before him, cried out to them to leave off throwing▪ in ●ine, persuading and pulling him along, he forced him into the Temple of Caster and Pollux. Metellus now seeing the Place clear, and all the adverse Party fled out of the Forum, thought he might easily carry his Point so he commanded the Soldiers to retire, and going orderly to work, he began to proceed in passing the Decree: But the other side, having recollected themselves, returned very boldly, and with great shouting; insomuch that Metellus his Adherents were utterly dismayed, and fled every one out of the Place. They being thus dispersed, Cato came in again, and confirmed the Courage, and commended the Resolution of the People; so that now the Multitude were, by all means, for deposing Metellus from his Office. The Senate also being presently assembled, gave Orders to stand by Cato, and to oppose this Decree, which would certainly raise great Disturbance, and perhaps Civil War in the Common wealth. But Metellus continued still very bold and resolute; and seeing his Party stood greatly in fear of Cato, whom they looked upon as invincible, he flung out of the Senate, and going into the Forum he assembled the People to whom he made a bitter and invidious Speech against Cate, crying out, He was forced to fly from his Tyranny, and this Conspiracy against Pompey, that the City would soon repent their having dishonoured so great a Man.  
Cato was highly magnified, for having thus delivered the State, from the dangerous Tribuneship of Metellus; and thereby in some measure diminished the Power of Pompey: But he was more commended, for that the Senate intending to disgrace Metellus, and depose him from his Office, Cato did altogether oppose, and at length divert that Design. For which the Common People admired his Moderation and Humanity, in not insulting on an Enemy whom he had overthrown; but wise Men acknowledged his Prudence and Policy, in not exasperating Pompey.  
After this, Lucullus returned from the War in Asia; the finishing of which, and thereby the Glory of the whole, would in all appearance fall to Pompey. Lucullus also was like to lose his Triumph; for C●ius Memmius traduced him to the People, and threatened to accuse him: which he did rather out of Love to Pompey, than for any particular Enmity to Lucullus. But Cate, being related to Lucullus who had married his Sister Servilia, and also thinking this design very unjust, opposed Memmius; and thereby underwent many Slanders and false Accusations; insomuch that they would have turned him out of his Office, pretending that he used his Power tyrannically. Yet at length Cato so far prevailed against Memmius, that he was forced to let fall the Accusations, and to desist from his Design.  
Lucullus, having thus obtained his Triumph, did yet more carefully cultivate Cato's Friendship, which he looked upon as a great guard and defence against Pompey's Power.  
Pompey the Great also returning from the Army, and confiding in the Glory of his Actions, and the goodwill of the People, thought he should be denied nothing. Therefore he sent to the Senate, to put off the Assembly for the choice of Consuls, till he could be present, to assist Piso, who stood for that Office. To this most of the Senate presently yielded; only Cato, not thinking that this delay would be of any great importance, but desiring to lessen and cut off the Hopes and Designs of Pompey, withstood his Request, and so overruled the Senate, that 'twas carried against him.  
This did not a little trouble Pompey, who found he should very often fail in his Designs, unless he could bring over Cato to his Interest. Therefore he sent for his Friend Munatius; and Cato having two Nieces that were marriageable, he offered to marry the eldest himself, and take the youngest for his Son. Some say, they were not his Nieces, but his Daughters, whom Pompey would have thus married. Munatius proposed the Matter to Cato, in presence of his Wife and Sisters: the Women very much desired the Alliance of so great and worthy a Person; but Cato, without delay or balancing, presently answered; Go, Munatius, go tell Pompey, that Cato is not to be wrought upon by Women; tho' otherwise I very much value his Kindness: And while he deals uprightly in the State, he shall find in me a Friendship more firm than any Alliance; but I will not give Hostages to Pompey's Glory, against my country's safety. This Answer was very grating to the Women; and to all his Friends it seemed somewhat harsh and haughty. Afterwards, when Pompey, endeavouring to get the Consulship for one of his Friends, did give Money to the People for their Voices; and the Bribery was notorious, for the Money was told out in Pompey's own Gardens. Cato then said to the Women, They must necessarily have been concerned in these Faults of Pompey, if they had been allied to his Family; and they acknowledged, that he did best in refusing it.  
But, if we may judge by the Event, Cato seems much to blame for rejecting that Alliance, which thereby fell to Caesar. And then that Match was made, which uniting his and Pompey's Power, had well-nigh ruined the Roman Empire, and did at last utterly destroy the Commonwealth. Nothing of which perhaps had come to pass, but that Cato was too apprehensive of Pompey's least Faults; and did not consider, how he forced him into a condition of committing much greater; however these things were yet to come.  
Now Lucullus and Pompey had a great Dispute, concerning what had been established in Pontus; each endeavouring that his own Ordinances might stand. Cato took part with Lucullus, who was apparently injured; and Pompey, finding himself the weaker in the Senate, took to the People. To gain them, he proposed a Law, for dividing the Lands among the Soldiers: Cato opposing him in this also, made the Law be rejected. Hereupon Pompey joined himself with Clodius, at that time the most violent of all the popular Men; and was likewise united to Caesar upon this occasion, of which Cato himself was the Cause.  
For Caesar, returning from his Government in Spain, at the same time sued to be chosen Consul, and yet desired not to lose his Triumph. Now the Law requiring, That those who stood for any Office, should be present; and yet that whoever expected a Triumph, should continue without the Walls; Caesar requested the Senate, that his Friends might be permitted to canvas for him in his absence. Many of the Senators where willing to consent to it; but Cato opposed it; and perceiving them inclined, to favour Caesar, spent the whole day in speaking; and so prevented the Senate, that they could come to no conclusion. Caesar therefore resolving to let fall his Pretensions to the Triumph, came into the Town, and immediately made a Friendship with Pompey, and stood for the Consulship: so soon as he was declared Consul elect, he married his Daughter Julia to Pompey. Having thus combined themselves together against the Commonwealth, the one proposed the Agrarian Laws, for dividing the Lands among the poor People; and the other was present to second the Proposal. Against them, Lucullus, Cicero, and their Friends, joined with Bibulus the other Consul, and did all they could to hinder the passing those Laws. Among these none was more remarkable than Cato, who looked upon the Friendship and Alliance of Pompey and Caesar as very dangerous; and declared, he did not so much dislike the Advantage, the People should get by this division of the Lands, as he feared the Reward these men would gain, by thus cheating the People. And in this the Senate was of his opinion; as likewise many honest men without, who were very much offended at Caesar's ill Conduct; That he now bearing the Authority of Consul, should thus basely and dishonourably flatter the People, practising to win them by the same means, that were wont to be used only by the most rash and heady Tribunes. Caesar therefore and his Party, fearing they should not carry it by fair dealing, fell to open force. First a Basket of Dung was thrown upon Bibulus, as he was going to the Forum: then they set upon his Lictors, and broke their Rods; at length several Darts were thrown, and many men wounded: so that all that were against those Laws, fled out of the Forum, the rest making what hast they could; but Cato last of all walking out very slowly, often turned back and cursed those Citizens.  
Now the other Party did not only carry this Point of dividing the Lands; but also ordained, that all the Senate should swear to confirm this Law, and to defend it against whoever should attempt to alter it; inflicting great Penalties on those that should refuse the Oath. All the Senators, seeing the necessity they were in, took the Oath; remembering the Example of old Metellus, who refusing to swear upon the like occasion, was forced to fly out of Italy. As for Cato, his Wife and Children with Tears besought him; his Friends and Familiars persuaded and entreated him to yield, and take the Oath; but he that principally prevailed with him, was Cicero the Orator, who urged and remonstrated, How unreasonable it was, that a private man alone should oppose what the Public had decreed: That the thing being already past remedy, it would look like folly and madness, to run himself into danger, where 'tis impossible to do his Country any good. Besides, it would be the greatest of all Evils, to abandon the Commonwealth, for whose sake he did every thing, and to let it fall into the hands of those, who designed nothing but its ruin. This would look, as if he were glad of an opportunity, to retire from the trouble of defending his Country: For (said he) tho' Cato have no need of Rome, yet Rome has need of Cato; and so likewise have all his Friends. Of whom Cicero professed himself the chief; being at that time aimed at by Clodius, who openly threatened to fall upon him, as soon as ever he should get to be Tribune. Thus Cato (they say) moved by the Entreaties of his Family, and the Persuasions of his Friends, went unwillingly to take the Oath; which he did the last of all, except only Favonius, one of his intimate Acquaintance.  
Caesar, exalted with this Success, proposed another Law, for dividing almost all the Country of Campania among the poor and needy Citizens. No body durst speak against it but Cato, whom therefore Caesar pulled from the Rostra, and dragged to Prison: yet Cato did not at all remit his freedom of Speech, but as he went along, continued to speak against the Law, and advised the People to put a stop to these Proceedings. The Senate and the best of the Citizens followed him with sad and dejected Looks, showing their Grief and Indignation by their Silence; so that Caesar could not be ignorant how much they were offended; but being one of a fierce contentious Spirit, he still persisted, expecting Cato should either supplicate him, or appeal to the People. Afterwards, when he saw that Cato would do neither, Caesar himself, ashamed of what he had done, privately sent one of the Tribunes to take him out of Prison.  
Thus having won the Multitude by these Laws and Gratifications, they decreed, That Caesar should have the Government of Illyricum, and all Gaul, with an Army of four Legions, for the space of five years: Tho' Cato still cried out, they were placing a Tyrant in their Citadel. Publius Clodius, (who illegally of a Patrician became a Plebeian) was declared Tribune of the People: And he had promised to do all things according to their pleasure, on condition he might banish Cicero. For Consuls, they set up Calpurnius Piso, the Father of Coesar's Wife; and Aulus Gabinius, a Man wholly at Pompey's Devotion, as they Write who best knew his Life and Manners.  
Yet when they had thus firmly established all things; having mastered one part of the City by Favour, and the other by Fear, they themselves were still afraid of Cato: For they well considered, with how much pains and difficulty they had oppressed him; and what disgrace they suffered, when they did violence to him. This made Clodius despair of driving Cicero out of Italy, while Cato stayed at home. Therefore, having first laid his Design; as soon as he came into his Office, he sent for Cato, and told him, That he looked upon him as the most uncorrupt Man of all the Romans, and was ready by deeds to make good the truth of his words: For whereas (said he) many have sought to command the Expedition to Cyprus, and have much solicited to be sent thither; I think you only deserve it, and therefore to you I will freely give that Command. Cato presently cried out, This was a design upon him, and no Favour, but an Injury. Then Clodius proudly and fiercely answered, If you will not take it as a Kindness; yet you shall go, tho' never so unwillingly: and immediately going into the Assembly of the People, he made them pass a Decree, that Cato should be sent to Cyprus. But they ordered him neither Ships, nor Soldiers, nor any Officers, only two Secretaries; one of which was a very Rascal, and the other a Retainer to Clodius. Besides, as if the gaining of Cyprus, and conquering Ptolemy, were not Work sufficient, he was ordered also to restore the Fugitives of Byzantium: For Clodius was resolved to keep him far enough off, whilst himself continued Tribune.  
Cato, being in this necessity of going away, advised Cicero, (who was next to be set upon) to make no Resistance, lest he should throw the State into Civil War and Confusion; but to give way to the Times: And thus he might become once more the Preserver of his Country.  
Cato sent Canidius, one of his Friends, to Cyprus, to persuade Ptolemy to yield, without being forced; which if he did, he should want neither Riches nor Honour: For the Romans would give him the Priesthood of Venus in the Isle of Paphos. He himself stayed at Rhodes, making some Preparations, and expecting an Answer from Cyprus. In the mean time Ptolemy, King of Egypt, who had left Alexandria, upon some quarrel between him and his Subjects, was sailing for Rome, in hopes that Pompey and Caesar would by their Power restore him again to his Kingdom: in his way he desired to see Cato, to whom he sent, supposing he would come to him. Cato was about his necessary Affairs, when the Messenger came; to whom he made Answer, That Ptolemy might come to him, if he thought fit. When he came, Cato neither went forward to meet him, nor so much as rose up to him, but saluting him as an ordinary Person, bid him sit down. This at first amazed Ptolemy, who admired to see such Greatness and stately Carriage, in a Man of common Birth and mean Appearance: But afterward, when he began to talk about his affairs, Ptolemy no less wondered at the Wisdom and freedom of his Discourse; for Cato blamed his Design, and showed him the Honour and Happiness he had fallen from, the Disgrace and Troubles he would run himself into; told him, what great Gifts and Presents he must bestow on the leading Men at Rome, whom all Egypt turned into Silver would scarcely satisfy; he therefore advised him to return home, and be reconciled to his Subjects, offering to go along with him, and assist him in composing the Differences. Upon this Discourse Ptolemy came to himself, as one recovered from a Fit of Madness; and acknowledging the Wisdom and Sincerity of Cato, was resolved to follow his Advice: But he was again over-persuaded by his Friends to the contrary, and so according to his first Design, went to Rome. When he came there, and was forced to wait at the Gate of one of the Magistrates; he began to repent of his folly, in having rejected the Counsel of so good a Man, or rather the Oracle of a God.  
In the mean time the other Ptolemy, that was in Cyprus, (very luckily for Cato) poisoned himself. It was reported he had left great Riches; therefore Cato designing to go first to Byzantium, sent his Nephew Brutus to Cyprus, for he would not wholly trust Canidius. Then having reconciled the Fugitives and the People of Byzantium, he left the City in peace and quietness; and thence sailed to Cyprus; where he found a Royal Treasure in Plate, Tables, precious Stones and purple, all which was to be turned into ready Money. Cato resolved to examine all very exactly, and to raise the price of every thing to the utmost; to which end he was always present at selling the things, and took the Accounts himself. Nor would he trust to the usual Customs of the Market, but suspected all the Officers, Criers, Prisers, and even his own Friends: therefore he himself talked with the Buyers, and urged them to bid up; so that most of the things were sold at great Rates.  
This Mistrustfulness of Cato's offended most of his Friends; but especially Munatius, the most intimate of them all, became almost irreconcilable. And this afforded Caesar a plentiful Subject for Railing, in his Book against Cato. Yet Munatius himself relates, that this falling out was not so much occasioned by Cato's mistrust, as by his neglect of him, and by his own jealousy of Canidius: for Munatius writ a Book concerning Cato, which is chiefly followed by Thraseas. Now Munatius says, That coming last to Cyprus, and having a very ill Lodging provided for him, he thereupon went to Cato's House, but was not admitted, because he was in private with Canidius; of which he afterward very mildly complained to Cato, but received a very harsh Answer: for he told him, That too much Love (according to Theophrastus) often causes Hatred; and you (said he) because you bear me much Love, think you receive too little Honour, and presently grow angry: but as to Canidius, I will employ him, both for his Industry and his Fidelity, ●e has been always with me, and I have always found him free from corruption▪ These things were said in private between them two: but Cato afterward told Canidius what had passed▪ which Munatius understanding, would no more go to sup with him, and when he was called to Council, refused to come. Then Cato threatened to seize his Goods, as was the custom to deal with those who were disobedient: but Munatius, not regarding his Threats, returned to Rome, and continued a long time thus discontented. Afterward when Cato was come back also, Martia, who as yet lived with him, contrived to have them both invited to sup together at the House of one Barca: Cato came in last of all, when the rest were at Table, and asked, Where he should be? Barca answered him, Where he pleased: then looking about, he said, He would be near Munatius, and presently went, and placed himself next to him; yet he showed him no other mark of Kindness, all the time they were at Table together. But another time, at the Entreaty of Martia, Cato wrote to Munatius, That he desired to speak with him. Munatius went to his House one Morning, and was entertained by Martia; till all the Company was gone; then Cato came and embraced him very kindly, and they were perfectly reconciled. I have the more fully related this Passage, for that I think the Manners and Tempers of Men, are more clearly discovered by things of this nature, than by great and illustrious Actions.  
Cato got together no less than seven thousand Talents of Silver; but apprehensive of what might happen in so long a Voyage by Sea, he provided a great many Coffers that held two Talents, and five hundred Drachmas apiece: to each of these he fastened a long Rope, and to the other end of the Rope a piece of Cork; so that, if the Ship should miscarry, it might be discovered where about the Chests lay under Water: thus all the Money, except a very little, was safely transported. Now Cato had made two Books, in which all his Accounts were carefully written; but neither of them was preserved; for his Freedman Phylargyrus, who had the charge of one of them, setting Sail from Cenohrea, was drowned, together with the Ship, and all her Lading. The other Book Cato himself kept till he came to Corcyra; where he see up his Tents in the Marketplace: and the Mariners being very cold in the Night, made a great many Fires, some of which took hold of the Tents, so that they were burnt, and the Book lost. Though Cato had brought with him several of Ptolemy's Servants, who could testify his Integrity, and stop the mouths of his Enemies; yet this loss troubled him: for he designed them not only for a proof of his own Fidelity, but a pattern of Exactness to others.  
News being brought to Rome, that Cato was coming up the River, all the Magistrates, the Priests, and the whole Senate, with great part of the People, went out to meet him: both the Banks of the Tiber were covered with People: so that his Entrance was in Solemnity and Honour, not inferior to a Triumph. But 'twas thought somewhat strange, and looked like Pride; that when the Consuls and Praetors appeared, he did not come toward them, nor stay to salute them, but rowed up the Stream in a Royal Galley of six Banks of Oars, and stopped not till he came to the place of Landing. However, when the Money was carried through the Streets, the People much wondered at the vast quantity of it, and the Senate being assembled, did in honourable terms decree him an extraordinary Praetorship, and also the privilege of being at the public shows in a Robe faced with purple. Cato refused all these Honours: but declaring what Diligence and Fidelity he had found in Nicias, the Steward of Ptolemy, he requested the Senate to give him his Freedom.  
Philip, the Father of Martia, was that year Consul; but the Authority and Power of the Office rested wholly in Cato: for the other Consul no less respected him for his Virtue, than Philip did for his Alliance.  
Cicero being returned from his Banishment, (into which he was Driven by Clodius) and having again obtained great Credit among the People; he went one day, in the absence of Clodius, and by force took away the Records of his Tribuneship, which Clodius, had laid up in the Capitol. Hereupon the Senate was assembled, and Clodius Complained of Cicero; who answered, That Clodius was never legally Tribune, and therefore whatever he had done, was void and of no Authority. But Cato interrupted him, and standing up, said, That indeed he did not at all approve of Clodius his Proceedings; but if they questioned the Validity of what had been done in his Tribuneship, they might also question what himself had done at Cyprus: for the Expedition was unlawful, if he that sent him had no lawful Authority. But, he thought Clodius was legally made Tribune, who, by permission of the Law, was from a Patrician adopted into a Plebeian Family: and if he had done ill in this Office, he ought to be called to account for it; but the Authority of the Magistracy ought not to suffer for the Faults of the Magistrate. Cicero took this very ill, and for along time discontinued his Friendship with Cato: but they were afterward reconciled upon this occasion.  
Pompey and Crassus, by Agreement with Caesar, (who came over the Alps, on purpose,) had laid a Design, That they two should stand to be chosen Consuls a second time; and when they should be in their Office, they would continue to Caesar his Government for five years more, and take to themselves the greatest Provinces, with Armies, and money to maintain them. This seemed a plain Conspiracy, to destroy the Commonwealth, and divide the Empire. Several honest Men had intended to stand to be Consuls that year: but upon the appearance of these great Men, they all desisted, except only Lucius Domitius, who had married Porcia, the Sister of Cato, and was by him persuaded to stand it out, and not abandon such an Undertaking; which (he said) was not only to gain the Consulship, but to preserve the Liberty of Rome. In the mean time, 'twas usually discoursed among the more prudent part of the Citizens, That they ought not to suffer the Power of Pompey and Crassus to be united, which would then grow beyond all Bounds, and become dangerous to the State; that therefore one of them must be denied. For these Reasons they took part with Domitius; whom they exhorted and encouraged to go on, assuring him, that many who feared openly to appear for him, would privately assist him. Pompey's Party, fearing this, laid wait for Domitius, and set upon him as he was going before daylight, with Torches, into the Field. First he that bore the Light next before Domitius, was knocked down; then several others being wounded, all the rest fled, except Cato and Domitius: for Cato held him, (tho' himself were wounded in the Arm) and crying out, conjured the others to stay, and while they had breath, not to forsake the defence of their Liberty, against those Tyrants, who plainly showed with what Moderation they were like to use the Power, which they endeavoured to gain by such Violence. But at length Domitius also no longer willing to stand the Danger, fled to his own House; and so Pompey and Crassus were declared Consuls.  
Nevertheless Cato would not give over; but resolved to stand himself to be Praetor that year, which he thought would be some help to him, in his design of opposing them: that he might not act as a private Man, when he was to contend with public Magistrates. Pompey and Crassus apprehended this: and fearing that the Office of Praetor in the Person of Cato, might be equal in Authority to that of Consul; they assembled the Senate unexpectedly, without giving any notice to a great many of the Senators, and made an Order, That those who were chosen Praetors, should immediately enter upon their Office, without attending the usual time, in which, according to Law, they might be accused, if they had corrupted the People with Gifts. When by this Order they were secure from being called to account; they set up their own Friends and Dependants to stand for the Praetorship, giving Money, and soliciting the People for their Voices. Yet the Virtue and Reputation of Cato was like to triumph over all these Stratagems: for many of the People abhorred, that Cato should be sold, who ought rather to be hired to take upon him the Office: so he carried it by the Voices of the first Tribe. Hereupon Pompey immediately frames a Lie, crying out, It thundered, and strait broke up the Assembly. For the Romans religiously observed those things, and never concluded any Matter, after it had thundered. Against the next time, they had distributed larger Bribes; and did also keep the best Men out of the Field. By these foul means they procured Vatinius to be chosen Praetor instead of Cato. 'Tis said, that those who had thus corruptly and dishonestly given their Voices, made what hast they could out of the Field: but the others staying together, and much grieving at what was done, one of the Tribunes continued the Assembly; and Cato standing up, did, as it were by Inspiration, foretell all the Miseries that afterward befell the State: then he exhorted them to beware of Pompey and Crassus, who were guilty of such things, and had laid such Designs, that they might well fear to have Cato their Praetor. When he had ended this Speech, he was followed to his House by a greater number of People than all the Praetors together.  
Caius Trebonius proposed the Law for allotting Provinces to the Consuls; whereby one was to have Spain and Lybia, the other Egypt and Syria, with full power of making War and Peace, both by Sea and Land, as they should think fit. When this was proposed, all men despaired of putting any stop to it; and therefore said nothing against it. But Cato, before they began Voting, went up into the Rostra, and desired to be heard; they would scarce allow him two hours to speak. Having spent that time, in declaring many things that were passed, and foretelling many that were to come, they would not suffer him to speak any longer; but as he was going on, a Sergeant came and pulled him down: yet when he was down, he still continued his Discourse; and many there were who harkened to him, and were much concerned for him. Then the Sergeant took him, and forced him out of the Forum; but as soon as he got loose, he returned again, crying out to the People, to stand by him. Cato having done thus several times, Trebonius grew very angry, and commanded him to be carried to Prison; but the Multitude followed him, and harkened to him, who made a Speech to them, as he went along. Whereupon Trebonius was afraid, and ordered him to be released: thus was all that day spent, and the Business driven off by Cato. But afterward, many of the Citizens being overawed by Fears and Threats, and others won by Gifts and Favours: Aquilius, one of the Tribunes, they shut into the Senate house; Cato, who cried, It thundered, they drove out of the Forum; many were wounded, and some slain: at length by open force they passed the Law. At this many were so incensed, that they got together, and resolved to throw down the Statues of Pompey: but Cato went, and diverted them from that Design.  
Again, another Law was proposed, concerning the Provinces and Legions for Caesar. Upon this occasion Cato did not apply himself to the People, but to Pompey; and told him, He did not consider now; that he took Caesar upon his own Shoulders, who would shortly grow too weighty for him; and at length, not able to lay down the burden, nor yet to bear it any longer, he would fall with it upon the Commonwealth: and then he would remember Cato's Advice; which was no less advantageous to him, than just and honest in itself. Thus was Pompey often warned, but still went on; never mistrusting Coesar's Change, and always confiding in his own Power and good Fortune.  
Cato was made Praetor the following year; but, it seems, he did not more honour and credit the Office by his signal Integrity, than he did disgrace and diminish it by his strange Behaviour, for he would often come to the Court without his Shoes, and sit upon the Bench without his Gown; and in this Habit give Judgement in the greatest Causes, and upon Persons of the best Quality. 'Tis said also, he would dispatch Business after Dinner, when he had drunk Wine: but this was wrongfully reported of him.  
The People were at that time extremely corrupted by the Bribes of those who sought Offices; and many made a constant Trade of selling their Voices. Cato was resolved utterly to root this Corruption out of the Commonwealth; therefore he persuaded the Senate to make an Order, That those who were chosen into any Office, tho' no body did accuse them, should be obliged to come into the Court, and give account upon Oath how they had dealt in their Election. This very much displeased those who stood for the Offices; but much more those who took the Bribes: insomuch that one Morning, as Cato was going to the Place where he kept Court, a great multitude of People flocked together, and with a mighty uproar fell to reviling him, and threw Stones at him. Those that were about the Tribunal, presently fled; Cato himself being forced thence, and justled about in the Throng, very narrowly escaped the Stones that were thrown at him, and with much difficulty got into the Rostra; where standins up with a bold and undaunted Countenance, he appeased the Tumult, and silenced the Clamour: then he began to speak, and was heard with great attention; so that he perfectly quelled the Sedition. Afterward, the Senate commending him for this; But I don't commend you (said he) for abandoning your Praetor in Danger, and bringing him no Assistance.  
In the mean time, the Candidates were in great perplexity: for every one dreaded to give Money himself; and yet feared lest his Competitors should. At length they all agreed to lay down an hundred and twenty five thousand Drachmas apiece, and then go on to canvas fairly and honestly, on condition, that if any one was found to make use of Bribery, he should forfeit the Money. Being thus agreed, they chose Cato to keep the Stakes, and arbitrate the Matter: to him therefore they brought the Sum concluded on, and before him subscribed the Agreement; he refused to take the Money, but would have others bound for them. Upon the day of Election, Cato stood by the Tribune that took the Votes, and very watchfully observing all that passed, he discovered one who had broken the Agreement, and immediately ordered him to pay his Money to the rest: but they much admiring the Justice of Cato, remitted the Penalty, as thinking the Dishonour a sufficient Punishment. This raised Cato as much Envy, as it gained him Reputation: and many were offended at him, as if he did hereby take upon himself the whole Authority of the Senate, Court of Judicature, and other Magistracies. For there is no Virtue, the Honour and Credit whereof procures a man more Envy, than that of Justice: and that because it acquires a man great Power and Authority among the common People. For they only revere the Valiant, and admire the Wise; while they truly love just men, and in these have entire Trust and Confidence: but of the former, they fear the one, and always mistrust the other. Besides, they think men rather beholding to their Complexion, than to any goodness of their Will, for those Virtues: for they look upon Valour as a certain natural firmity of the Mind; and Wisdom as the effect of a fine Constitution. Whereas a man has it in his own power to be Just; if he have but the will to be so: and therefore also Injustice is thought the most dishonourable, because 'tis least excusable.  
Cato upon this account was opposed by all the great Men, who thought themselves reproved by his Virtue. Pompey especially looked upon the increase of Cato's Credit, as the ruin of his own Power; and therefore continually set up men to rail against him. Among these was the seditious Clodius, now again united to Pompey; he declared openly, that Cato had conveyed away a great deal of the Treasure that was found in Cyprus; and that he hated Pompey, only because he refused to marry his Daughter. Cato answered, That although they had allowed him neither Horse nor Men, he had brought more Treasure from Cyprus alone, than Pompey had, after so many Wars and Triumphs, from the ransacked World: that he never sought the Alliance of Pompey; not that he thought him unworthy of being related to him, but because he differed so much from him, in things that concerned the Commonwealth; for (said he) I laid down the Province that was given me, when I went out of my Praetorship: on the contrary, Pompey retains many Provinces to himself, and many he bestows on others; lately he sent Caesar six thousand Men into Gaul, which were never asked of the People, nor ever given by their consent. Thus unlimited Powers, Men, Horse and Arms, are become the mutual Gifts of private Men to one another. And Pompey still keeps the Titles of Commander and General; but gives the Armies and Provinces to others to govern: while he himself presides in the City; and stays at home to model Seditions, and contrive Tumults in Elections: whence 'tis plain, he aims at raising himself a Monarchy out of our Confusion. Thus did Cato take occasion sharply to reflect on Pompey.  
Marcus Favonius was an intimate Friend, and zealous Imitator of Cato; such as heretofore Apollodorus Phalereus is said to have been of Socrates, with whose Discourses he was wont to be so transported, that he would seem perfectly mad, and as it were possessed. This Favonius stood to chosen Aedile, and was like to lose it: but Cato, who was there to assist him, observed that all the Votes were written in one Hand; and discovering the Cheat, appealed to the Tribunes, who voided the Election. Favonius was afterward chosen Aedile, and Cato, who assisted him in all things that belonged to his Office, did also take care of the Plays that were exhibited in the Theatre: to the Actors Cato gave Crowns, not of Gold, but of wild Olive, such as used to be given at the Olympic Games. Instead of the magnificent Gifts, that were wont to be bestowed on the People, he gave to the Groecians Leeks, Lettuces, Radishes and Pears; and to the Romans, earthen Pots of Wine, Pork, Figs, Cucumbers, and little Faggots of Wood Some laughed at Cato for this; and others were well pleased with the Humour, which they looked on as a relaxation of his usual Austerity. In fine, Favonius himself mingled with the Crowd, and sitting among the Spectators, applauded Cato, bid him bestow Honours and Rewards on those who did well, and assured the People, that he had given all the Power into Cato's Hands. At the same time Curio, the Colleague of Favonius, gave very magnificent Plays in another Theatre. But the People left his, and went to those of Favonius, which they very much applauded, seeing him act the private Man, and Cato the Master of the Shows; who did these things, in derision of the great Expenses that others bestowed; and to teach them, that in Sports men ought to seek Diversion only, and decent Cheerfulness, not great Preparations, and costly Magnificence; nor should they employ too much Care about things of little Concern.  
After this Scipio, Hypsaeus, and Milo, stood to be Consuls, and that not only with the usual and common Disorders of Bribery and Corruption: but with Arms and Slaughter were running desperately into a Civil War. Whereupon 'twas proposed, That Pompey might be impower'd to preside over that Election. This Cato at first opposed, saying, That the Laws ought not to seek protection from Pompey, but Pompey from the Laws. Yet this Confusion lasting a long time, the Forum continually, as it were, besieged with three Armies, and no possibility of putting a stop to these Disorders: Cato at length agreed, that rather than fall into the last Extremity, the Senate should freely confer all on Pompey: since 'twas necessary to make use of a lesser Evil, to prevent a greater; and better to set up a Monarchy themselves, than to suffer a Sedition to continue, that must certainly end in one. Bibulus therefore a Relation of Cato's, moved the Senate to create Pompey sole Consul: For that either he would preserve the present Government; or they should live quietly under the most powerful. Cato stood up, and, contrary to all expectation, seconded this Motion, concluding, That any Government was better than Confusion; and that he did not question but Pompey would deal honourably, and take care of the Commonwealth, thus committed to his charge. Pompey, being hereupon declared Consul, invited Cato to his House in the Suburbs. When he came, he saluted and embraced him very kindly, acknowledged the Favour he had done him, and desired his Counsel and Assistance, in the management of this Office. Cato made Answer, That what he had spoken heretofore, was not out of Hate to Pompey; nor what he had now done, out of Love to him: but all for the good of the Commonwealth. That, in private, if he asked him, he would freely give his Advice: but in public tho' he asked him not, he would always speak his Opinion. And he did accordingly: for first when Pompey made severe Laws for punishing, and laying great Fines on those who had corrupted the People with Gifts, Cato advised him, To let alone what was already passed and to provide for the future: for if he should seek into past Crimes, it would he difficult to know where to stop; and if he would ordain new Penalties, it would be unreasonable to punish Men by a Law, which they had never broken. Afterward, when many considerable Men, and some of Pompey's own Relations, were accused, he grew remiss, and let fall the Prosecution: but Cato sharply reproved him, and urged him to proceed. Pompey had made a Law also, to forbid the custom of making commendatory Orations, on behalf of those that were accused: yet he himself writ one for Munatius Flaccus, and sent it, while the Cause was pleading: which Cato seeing, he stopped his Ears with his Hands, and would not hear it read, for he was one of the Judges. Whereupon Flaccus, before Sentence was given, excepted against him, but was condemned notwithstanding. And indeed Cato was the occasion of great Trouble and Perplexity, to almost all that were accused of any thing: for they feared to have him one of their Judges, yet did not dare to reject him: and many had been condemned, because, refusing him, they seemed not to trust their own Innocence. To others it was objected, as a great Reproach, the not accepting Cato for their Judge.  
In the mean while, Caesar lay with his Forces in Gaul, where he continued in Arms; and at the same time, by his Gifts, his Riches and his Friends, increased his Power in the City. Hereupon Cato forewarned Pompey, and roused him out of the negligent Security in which he lay, not imagining any Danger near: but seeing Pompey very slow, and unwilling or afraid to undertake any thing against Caesar; Cato resolved himself to stand for the Consulship, and presently force Caesar, either to lay down his Arms, or discover his Intentions. Both Cato's Competitors were persons very much beloved by the People. Sulpitius, who was one, had by Cato's means acquired great Credit and Authority in the City; therefore it was thought unhandsome, and ungratefully done, to stand against him: but Cato did not take it ill; For 'tis no wonder (said he) if a man will not yield to another, in that which he esteems the greatest Good. Now he persuaded the Senate to make an Order, That those who stood for Offices, should themselves ask the People for their Votes, and not solicit by others. This very much offended the common People: for it took from them, not only the means of receiving Money, but also the opportunity of obliging several Persons; and so rendered them both poor, and less regarded. Besides, Cato himself was by nature altogether unfit for the business of Canvasing: for he took more care to preserve the dignity of his Character, than to obtain the Office. Thus by following his own way of Soliciting; and not suffering his Friends to do those things which take with the Multitude, he lost the Consulship.  
Whereas, upon such like Occasions, not only those who missed the Office, but even their Friends and Relations, used to be much grieved and out of Countenance for several days after: yet Cato took it so unconcernedly; that he anointed himself, and played at Ball in the Field, and after Dinner went into the Forum, as he used to do, without his Shoes or his Coat, and there walked about with his Acquaintance. But Cicero▪ Blamed him; for that when Affairs required such a Consul, he would not take any Care, nor show the People any Civility: as also that he afterward neglected to try again; whereas he had stood a second time to be chosen Praetor. Cato answered, That he lost the Praetorship the first time, not by any dislike of the People; but by the power and corruption of his Adversaries: whereas in the Election of Consuls there had been no foul dealing. So that he plainly saw, the People were offended at his Manners; which an honest man ought not to alter for their sake: nor yet would a wise man attempt the same thing again, while he lies under the same Prejudices.  
Caesar was then fight with many warlike Nations, whom he very bravely subdued: Among the rest, it seems, he had set upon the Germans, (who yet were in Peace with the Romans) and slew three hundred thousand of them. Upon which, some of his Friends moved the Senate for a public Thanksgiving: but Cato declared, They ought to deliver Caesar into the hands of those who had been thus unjustly assaulted; that they might expiate the Offence, and not bring a Curse upon the City: yet we have reason (said he) to thank the Gods; for that they spared the Commonwealth, and did not take Vengeance upon the Army, for the Madness and Folly of the General. Hereupon Caesar writ a Letter to the Senate, which was read openly: 'twas full of reproachful Language and Accusations against Cato, who standing up, seemed not at all concerned; and without any Heat or Passion, but with a calm, and, as it were, premeditated Discourse, exposed the Scurrility and Folly of Caesar: making it evident, that the Accusations he had heaped together against him, were nothing but abusive and ridiculous Railing. Then he began to rip up all Caesar's Practices; and laid open his Designs from the beginning, as clearly, as if he never had been an Enemy to him, but a constant Confederate with him: and told the Senate, That if they were wise, they would not fear the Britain's and Gauls, but Caesar himself. This Discourse so moved and awakened the Senate; that Caesar's Friends repent, they had made the Letter be read, which had given Cato opportunity of many reasonable things, and such severe Truths against him. However, nothing was then concluded: only 'twas hinted, that they would do well to send him a Successor. Hereupon Caesar's Friends required, That Pompey also should lay down his Arms, and resign his Provinces; or else that Caesar might not be obliged to either. Then Cato cried out What he had foretold, was come to pass: now'twas manifest he would come upon them with his Forces; and turn against the State those Armies he had got, by deceitfully imposing on them. Yet Cato could not prevail much out of the Senate-house; for the People always magnified Caesar: And the Senate were convinced by Cato; but were afraid of the People.  
When News was brought, That Caesar had taken Ariminum, and was coming on with his Army toward Rome: then all men, even Pompey, and the common People too, cast their eyes on Cato, who had alone foreseen, and first clearly discovered Caesar's Intentions. He therefore told them, If you had believed me, or regarded my Advice; you would not now have been reduced to stand in fear of one Man, and also to put all your Hopes in one alone. Then Pompey acknowledged, That Cato indeed had spoken most like a Prophet; and that himself had acted too much like a Friend. Now Cato advised the Senate to put all into the hands of Pompey; for those who can raise up great Evils, (said he) can best allay them.  
Pompey finding he had not sufficient Forces, and that those he could raise, were not very resolute, he forsook the City. Cato resolving to follow Pompey, sent his younger Son to Munatius, who was then in the Country of Brutium, and took his eldest with him. But wanting some body to keep his House, and take care of his Daughters; he took Martia again, who was now a rich Widow: for Hortensius was dead, and had left her all his Estate. Caesar afterward made use of this Action also, to reproach him with Covetousness, and a mercenary Design in his Marriage: For (says he) if he had need of a Wife, why did he part with her? and if he had not, why did he take her again? unless he gave her only as a Bait to Hortensius; and lent her when she was young, to have her again when she was rich. But in Answer to this, we may apply the Saying of Euripides,  

First for Absurdities: and surely none  
Will Hercules for want of Courage blame.   
Now 'tis alike absurd, to reproach Hercules for Cowardice, and to accuse Cato of Covetousness. Though otherwise, whether he did altogether right in this Marriage, might be disputed: for as soon as he had again taken Martia, he committed his House and his Daughters to her, and himself followed Pompey.  
'Tis said, that from that day he never cut his Hair, nor shaved his Beard, nor wore a Garland: but always full of sadness, grief and dejectedness for the Calamities of his Country, he continually bore the same Habit to the last, whatever Party had Misfortune or Success.  
The Government of Sicily being allotted to him, he passed over to Syracuse; where understanding, that Asinius Pollio was arrived at Messana, with Forces from the Enemy, Cato sent to him, to know the reason of his coming thither: Pollio on the other side, demanded of him the cause of these Commotions. Cato also hearing, that Pompey had quite abandoned Italy, and lay encamped at Dyrrachium: he cried out, How dark and uncertain is the Will of Heaven! Pompey, when he did nothing wisely nor honestly was always successful: and now that he would preserve his Country, and defend her Liberty, he is altogether unfortunate. As for Asinius, he said, he could easily drive him out of Sicily; but there coming greater Forces to his Assistance, he would not engage the Island in a War: wherefore he advised the Syracusians to submit to the Conqueror, and provide for their own safety. Then he set Sail from thence.  
When he came to Pompey, he constantly gave Advice to prolong the War: for he always hoped to compose Matters, and would by no means that they should come to Action. For the Commonwealth would suffer extremely, and be the certain cause of its own Ruin; whoever were the Conqueror▪ Moreover he persuaded Pompey and the Council of War to ordain, That no City should be sacked, that was subject to the People of Rome: and that no Roman should be killed, but in the heat of Battle. Thereby he got himself great Honour, and brought over many to the Party of Pompey, who were much taken with the Moderation and Humanity of Cato. Afterward, being sent into Asia, to assist those who were raising Men, and preparing Ships in those Parts; he took with him his Sister Servilia, and a little Boy which she had by Lucullus. For since her Widowhood, she had lived with her Brother, and very much recovered her Reputation: having put herself under his Care, followed him in his Voyages, and complied with his severe way of Living: yet Caesar did not fail to asperse him upon her account also.  
Pompey's Officers in Asia, it seems, had no great need of Cato. But he brought over the People of Rhodes by his Persuasions; and leaving his Sister Servilia and her Child there, he returned to Pompey, who had now gotten together very great Forces both by Sea and Land. And here Pompey clearly betrayed his own Intentions. For at first he designed to give Cato the Command of the Navy, (which consisted of no less than five hundred Ships of War, besides a vast number of Pinnaces, Scouts, and Tenders) But presently bethinking himself, or put in mind by his Friends; that Cato's principal and only aim, being to free his Country from all Usurpation: if he were Master of so great Forces; as soon as ever Caesar should be conquered, he would certainly oblige Pompey to lay down his Arms, and be subject to the Laws. Therefore Pompey changed his Mind; and tho' he had before mentioned it to Cato, yet he made Bibulus Admiral. Notwithstanding this, it appeared, Cato's Affection to the public Good was no way diminished. For when they were ready to engage in a Battle at Dyrrachium, Pompey himself encouraged the Army, and commanded all the Officers to do the like: yet the Soldiers harkened to them but coldly, and with silence. Cato spoke last of all; and discoursed to them out of the Principles of Philosophy, such things as the Occasion required, concerning Liberty, Valour, Death and Glory: all which he delivered with great vehemence of Affection; and concluded with an Invocation of the Gods, to whom he directed his Speech, as if they were present to behold them fight for their Country. At this the Army gave such a Shout, as filled all their Leaders with Hope, and made them fall on without fear of Danger. Caesar's Party were routed, and put to flight: yet his good Fortune took such advantage of Pompey's Cautiousness and Diffidence, as rendered the Victory incomplete. But of this we have spoken in the Life of Pompey.  
Now while all the rest rejoiced, and magnified their Success; Cato alone bewailed his Country, and cursed that fatal Ambition, which made so many brave Romans murder one another.  
After this, Pompey following Caesar into Thessaly, left at Dyrrachium a great quantity of Munition, store of Riches and many of his Domestics and Relations; the charge of all which he gave to Cato, with the Command only of fifteen Cohorts; for tho' he trusted him much, yet he was afraid of him too: knowing full well, that if he succeeded not, Cato would never forsake him; but if he conquered, would never let him use his Victory at his pleasure. There were likewise many Persons of eminent Quality, that stayed with Cato at Dyrrachium.  
When they heard of the Overthrow at Pharsalia; Cato resolved with himself, that if Pompey were slain, he would conduct those that were with him, into Italy, and then retire as f●r from the Tyranny of Caesar as he could, and live in Exile: but if Pompey were safe, he would keep the Army together for him. With this Resolution he passed over to Corcyra, where the Navy lay. There he would have resigned his Command to Cicero: because he had been Consul, and himself only a Praetor: but Cicero refused it, and was going for Italy. At which Pompey's Son being incensed, would rashly and in a heat have punished all those who were going away, and in the first place have laid hands on Cicero: but Cato reprehended him in private, and diverted him from that Design, Thus apparently he saved the Life of Cicero, and preserved several others besides.  
Now understanding that Pompey the Great was fled toward Egypt, or Lybia, Cato resolved to hasten after him; and having taken all his Men aboard, he set Sail: but first to those who were not willing to engage, he gave free liberty to depart.  
When they came to the Coast of afric, they met with Sextus, Pompey's younger Son, who told them of the Death of his Father in Egypt: at which they were all exceedingly grieved, and declared, that after Pompey they would follow no other Leader but Cato. Out of compassion therefore to so many worthy Persons, who had given such testimonies of their Fidelity, and whom he could not for shame leave in a desert Country, amidst so many Difficulties; he took upon him the Command, and marched toward the City of Cyrene, which presently received him, tho' not long before they had shut their Gates against Labienus, Here he was informed, that Scipio Pompey's Father-in-law, was received by King Juba; and that Appius Varus, whom Pompey left Governor of Lybia, had joined them with his Forces. Cato therefore resolved to march toward them by land, it being Winter; and having got together a great many Asses to carry Water, he furnished himself likewise with plenty of all other Provision, and a number of Carriages: he took also with him some of those they call Pssilli, who cure the biting of Serpents, by sucking out the Poison with their Mouths, and have likewise certain Charms, by which they stupefy and lay asleep the Serpents.  
Thus they marched seven days together. Cato all the time went on Foot at the Head of his Men, and never made use of any Horse or Chariot. Ever since the Battle of Pharsalia, he used to sit at Table; and added this to his other ways of Mourning, that he never lay down but to sleep.  
Having passed the Winter in Lybia, Cato drew out his Army, which amounted to little less than ten thousand. The Affairs of Scipio and Varus went very ill, by reason of their Dissensions and Quarrels among themselves, and their Submissions and Flatteries to King Juba; who was insupportable for his Vanity, and the Pride he took in his Strength and Riches. The first time he came to a conference with Cato, he had ordered his own Seat to be placed in the middle, between Scipio and Cato: which Cato observing, took up his Chair, and set himself on the other side of Scipio; to whom he thus gave the Honour of sitting in the middle, tho' he were his Enemy, and had formerly published a scandalous Libel against him. There are some who approve not this Action of Cato's: and yet on the other side blame him; for that in Sicily, walking one day with Philostratus, he gave him the middle Place, out of the Respect he bore to Philosophy. Thus did Cato pull down the Spirit of Juba, who before treated Scipio and Varus no better than his own Subjects: he reconciled them also to one another.  
All the Army desired Cato to be their Leader: Scipio likewise and Varus gave way to it, and Offered him the Command. but he said, He would not break those Laws, which he fought to defend; and he, being but Pro-proetor, ought not to command in the presence of a Proconsul; for Scipio had been created Proconsul: besides that the People would take it as a good Omen, to see a Scipio command in afric, and the very Name would give Courage to the Soldiers.  
Scipio having taken upon him the Command, presently resolved (at the Instigation of Juba) to put all the Inhabitants of Utica to the Sword, and to raze the City; for having (as they pretended) taken part with Caesar. Cato would by no means suffer this: but invoking the Gods, exclaiming and protesting against it in the Council of War; he with much difficulty delivered the poor People from their Cruelty.  
Afterward, upon the Entreaty of the Inhabitants, and at the Instance of Scipio, Cato took upon himself the Government of Utica, lest it should fall into Coesar's hands; for it was a strong Place, and very advantageous for either Party: yet it was better provided, and more fortified by Cato, who brought in great store of Corn, repaired the walls, erected Towers, made deep Trenches and Outworks round the Town. The young Men of Utica he lodged in the Trenches; having first taken their Arms from them: the rest of the Inhabitants he kept within the Town, and took great care, that no Injury should be done, nor Affront offered them by the Romans. From hence he sent great quantity of Arms, Money, and Provision, to the Camp, and made this City their chief Magazine.  
He advised Scipio, as he had before done Pompey, by no means to hazard a Battle against a Man experienced in War, and encouraged with Success; but to use delay: for time would cool the Heats and Passions of men, which are the chief support and strength of Usurpers. But Scipio out of Pride rejected this Counsel, and writ a Letter to Cato; in which he reproached him with Cowardice: and that he could not content himself to lie secure within Walls and Trenches; but he must hinder others, that they might not make use of the Courage and Reason they have to lay hold an Occasions. In Answer to this, Cato written word again, That he would take the Horse and Foot which he had brought into afric, and go over into Italy, to give Caesar some Diversion there. But Scipio derided this Proposition also. Then Cato openly avowed, He was sorry he had yielded the Command to Scipio, who, he saw, would not use his Power wisely in the War: and if (contrary to all appearance) he should succeed; doubtless he would use his Success as unjustly at home. For Cato did then think, and so he told his Friends, That he could have but slender Hopes in those Generals, that had so much Boldness, and so little Conduct. Yet if any thing should happen beyond Expectation, and Caesar should be overthrown: for his part he would not stay at Rome; but would retire from the Cruelty and Inhumanity of Scipio, who had already given out fierce and proud Threats against many.  
But what Cato had looked for, fell out sooner than he expected. For about midnight came one from the Army, who brought word, There had been a great Battle near Thapsus: that all was utterly lost; Caesar had taken both the Camps; Scipio and Juba were fled with a few only; and the rest cut to pieces. This News (as 'tis usual in War, and coming in the night too) did so frighten the People, that they were almost out of their Wits, and could scarce keep themselves within the Walls of the City: but Cato went out, and meeting the People in this Hurry and Clamour, did comfort and encourage them what he could and something appeased the Fear and Amazement they were in; telling them, That very likely things were not so bad in truth, but more than half augmented by Report: thus he pacified the Tumult for the present. The next morning he assembled the three hundred, which he used as his Council; these were Romans, who trafficked there in Merchandise and exchange of Money: there were also several Senators, and their Sons. While they were coming together, Cato walked about very quietly and unconcerned, as if nothing new had happened. He had a Book in his Hand, which he was reading; in this Book was an account of what provision he had for War, Armour, Corn, Weapons, and Soldiers.  
When they were assembled, he began his Discourse: First with the three hundred themselves: and very much commended the Courage and Fidelity they had shown, and their having very well served their Country with their Persons, Money and Counsel. Then he entreated them by no means to separate; as if each single man could hope for any safety in forsaking his Companions: on the contrary, while they kept together, Caesar would have less reason to despise them, if they fought against him; and be more forward to pardon them, if they submitted to him. Therefore he advised them to consult among themselves, nor would he dislike, whatever they should propose if they thought fit to submit to Fortune, he would impute their Change to Necessity; but if they resolved to stand to it, and undergo some Danger for the sake of Liberty, he should not only commend, but admire their Valour. And would himself be their Leader and Companion too, till they had tried the utmost Fortune of their Country: which was not Utica or Adrumetum, but Rome; and she had often by her own strength, raised herself out of greater Difficulties. Besides, as there were many things, that would conduce to their Safety; so chiefly this, that they were to fight against one, who by his Affairs would be much distracted, and by several Occasions called into many several Places. Spain was already revolted to the younger Pompey: Rome was unaccustomed to the Bridle, and impatient of it; would therefore be ready for Commotions and Insurrections, upon every Turn of Affairs. As for themselves, they ought not to shrink from any Danger: and in this might take Example from their Enemy. Who does so freely expose his Life to compass his unjust Designs; yet never can hope for so happy a conclusion, as they may promise themselves: for, notwithstanding the uncertainty of War, they will be sure of a most happy Life, if they succeed; or a most glorious Death, if they miscarry. However, he said, they ought to deliberate among themselves, and pray to the Gods, that in recompense of their former Courage and goodwill, they would direct their future Designs. When Cato had thus spoken, many were moved and encouraged by his Speech: but the greatest part were so animated by his Valour, Generosity, and Goodness, that they forgot the present Danger. And as if he were the only invincible Leader, and above all Fortune, they entreated him, To employ their Persons, Arms, and Estates, as he thought fit: for they esteemed it far better to meet Death, in following his Counsel; than to find their safety, in betraying one of so great Virtue. One of the Assembly proposed the making a Decree, to set the Slaves at Liberty; and most of the rest approved the Motion. Cato said, That ought not to be done; for it was neither just nor lawful: but if any of their Masters would willingly set them free; those that were fit for Service, should be received. Which divers promised to do; whose Names he ordered to be enroled, and then withdrew.  
Presently after this, he received Letters from Juba and Scipio. Juba, with some few of his Men, was retired to a Mountain, where he waited to hear what Cato would resolve upon: and intended to stay there for him, if he thought fit to leave Utica; or to relieve him with an Army, if he were besieged. Scipio also lay at Anchor, under a certain Promontory, not far from Utica, expecting an Answer upon the same account: but Cato thought fit to retain the Messengers, till the three hundred should come to some Resolution.  
As for the Senators that were there, they showed great forwardness, and did presently set free their Slaves, and furnish them with Arms. But the three hundred being Men that dealt in Merchandise and Usury, much of their Substance also consisting in Slaves; the Heat that Cato's Speech had raised in them, did not long continue. As some Bodies that easily admit Heat, and as suddenly lose it, when the Fire is removed: so these Men were heated and inflamed, while Cato was present. But when they began to reason among themselves, the Fear they had of Caesar soon overcame the Reverence they bore to Cato: For who are we? (said they) and who is it we refuse to obey? Is it not that Caesar, to whom all the Power of Rome has submitted? And which of us is a Scipio, a Pompey, or a Cato? But now that all Men make their Honour give way to their Fear; shall we alone engage for the Liberty of Rome? And in Utica declare War against him, from whom Cato and Pompey the great fled out of Italy? Shall we set free our Slaves against Caesar, who have ourselves no more Liberty than he is pleased to allow? No, let us, poor Creatures, know ourselves; submit to the Victor, and send Deputies to implore his Mercy. Thus said the most moderate of them: but the greatest part were for seizing the Senators; that by securing them, they might appease Coesar's Anger. Cato though he perceived the Change, took no notice of it: but writ to Juba and Scipio to keep away from Utica, because he mistrusted the three hundred.  
A considerable Body of Horse, which had escaped from the late Fight, were coming toward Utica, and had sent three Men before to Cato, which yet did not all bring the same Message: for some were for going to Juba; others for joining with Cato; and some also were afraid to go into Utica. When Cato heard this, he ordered Marcus Rubrius to attend upon the three hundred, and quietly take the Names of those, who of their own accord set their Slaves at Liberty, but by no means to force any body. Then taking with him the Senators, he went out of the Town, and met the principal Officers of those Horsemen; whom he entreated not to abandon so many worthy Roman Senators, nor to prefer Juba for their Commander before Cato: but to seek the mutual safety of one another, and to come into the City; which was impregnable, and well furnished with Corn, and other Provision, sufficient for many years: the Senators likewise with Tears besought them to stay. Hereupon the Officers went to consult their Soldiers, and Cato with the Senators sat down upon the Works, expecting their Resolution. In the mean time comes Rubrius in great Disorder, crying out, The three hundred were all in Commotion, and raising Tumults in the City. At this all the rest fell into Despair, lamenting and bewailing their condition: but Cato endeavoured to comfort them, and sent to the three hundred, desiring them to have a little patience. Then the Officers of the Horse returned, with no very reasonable Demands. They said, they did not desire to serve Juba for his Pay; nor should they fear Caesar, while they followed Cato: but they dreaded to be shut up with the Uticans, Men of a traitorous Nature, and Carthaginian Race, for tho' they were quiet at present: yet as soon as Caesar should appear, without doubt they would conspire together, and betray the Romans. Therefore if he expected they should join with him; he must drive out of the Town, or destroy all the Uticans: that he might receive them into a Place void both of Enemies and Barbarians. This Cato thought very cruel and barbarous: but he mildly answered, He would consult the three hundred.  
Then he returned to the City, where he found the Men, not framing Excuses, or dissembling, out of Reverence to him: but openly refusing to make War against Caesar; which (they said) they were neither able, nor willing to do. And some there were who muttered out something, about retaining the Senators till Coesar's coming; but Cato seemed not to hear this, for he was a little deaf. At the same time came one to him, and told him, The Horse were going away. Cato fearing lest the three hundred should take some desperate Resolution concerning the Senators, he presently went out with some of his Friends; and seeing they were gone some way, he took Horse, and rid after them. They, when they saw him coming, were very glad, and received him very kindly, entreating him to save himself with them. At this time ('tis said) Cato shed Tears; while earnestly begging for the Senators, and stretching out his Hands, some of their Horses he stopped, and hung upon their Arms, till he had prevailed with them, out of Compassion, to stay only that one day, to procure a safe Retreat for the Senators. Having thus persuaded them to go along with him, some he placed at the Gates of the Town, and to others gave the charge of the Citadel. Now the three hundred began to fear, they should suffer for their Inconstancy, and sent to Cato, entreating him by all means to come to them; but the Senators flocking about him, would not suffer him to go, and said, They would not trust their Guardian and Saviour to the Hands of perfidious Traitors.  
At this instant (in my opinion) did most evidently appear to all in Utica, the Excellence, the Clearness, and admirable Simplicity of Cato's Virtue; how sincere, untainted, and free it was from any mixture of Self-regard: that he, who had long before resolved on his own Death, should take such extreme pains, toil, and care, only for the sake of others: that when he had secured their Lives, he might put an end to his own; for 'twas easily perceived, that he had determined to die, tho' he did endeavour not to let it appear.  
Therefore having pacified the Senators, he harkened to the Request of the three hundred, and went to them alone without any Attendance. They gave him many thanks, and entreated him to employ and trust them for the future; but in that they were not Cato ' s, and could not come up to his greatness of Courage, they begged, he would pity their weakness; and told him, they had decreed to send to Caesar, and entreat him chiefly, and in the first place for Cato; and if they could not prevail for him, they would not accept of pardon for themselves, but as long as they had breath, would fight in his defence. Cato commended their good Intentions; and advised them to send speedily, for their own safety, but by no means to ask any thing in his behalf; for those who are conquered, must submit, and those who have done wrong, beg pardon: for himself, he was never overcome in all his Life, but rather so far as he thought fit, had got the Victory, and had conquered Caesar, in what was just and honest. And indeed Caesar might be looked upon, as one surprised and vanquished; for he was now forced to discover and own those Designs, which he had so long denied, and always practised against his Country. When he had thus spoken, he went out of the Assembly; and being informed, that Caesar was coming with his whole Army; Alas! (said he) does he come against us, as against men? Then he went to the Senators, and urged them to make no delay, but hasten to be gone, while the Horsemen were yet in the City. So ordering all the Gates to be shut, except one toward the Sea, he appointed Ships for those that were to depart, and gave Money and Provision to those that wanted: All which he did with great Order and Exactness, taking care to suppress all Tumults, and that no wrong should be done to the People.  
Marcus Octavius coming with two Legions, encamped near Utica, and sent to Cato, to treat about the chief Command. Cato returned him no Answer, but said to his Friends; No wonder all goes ill with us, who are so much taken up with Ambition, even upon the point of our Ruin. In the mean time word was brought him, that the Horse were going away, and about to spoil and plunder the Uticans. Cato ran to them, and from the first he met, snatched what they had taken; the rest threw down all they had gotten, and went away silent, and ashamed of what they had done. Then he called together the Citizens of Utica, and requested them, in behalf of the three hundred, not to exasperate Caesar against them, but all to seek their common Safety together with them. After that he went again to the Port, to see those who were about to embark; and there he embraced and dismissed those of his Friends and Acquaintance, whom he had persuaded to go. As for his Son, he did not counsel him to be gone, nor did he think fit to persuade him to forsake his Father. But there was one Statyllius, a young Man, in the flower of his Age, one of a brave Spirit, and very desirous to imitate the invincible Constancy of Cato, who entreated him to go away, for he was a noted Enemy to Caesar; but he refused to go. Then Cato looking upon Apollonides the Stoic Philosopher, and Demetrius the Peripatetic; It belongs to you (said he) to bring down this young man's Spirit, and to make him know what is good for him. Thus having dismissed all the rest, he returned to his Affairs, gave Audience, and dispatched Business; in which he spent that night, and the greatest part of the next day.  
Lucius Caesar, a Kinsman of Julius Coesar's, being appointed to go Deputy for the three hundred, came to Cato, and desired he would assist him to make a persuasive Speech for them: And as to you yourself, (said he) I shall not scruple to kiss the Hands, and fall at the Knees of Caesar, in your behalf. But Cato would by no means permit him to do any such thing: For as to myself, (said he) if I would be preserved by Caesar's Favour, I should myself go to him; but I will not be beholding to a Tyrant, for those very things that are Marks of Tyranny: for 'tis an instance of his Usurpation to preserve men, as if he were Lord of their Lives, over whom he has no right to reign; but if you please, let us consider what you had best say for the three hundred. And when they had continued some time together, as Lucius was going away, Cato recommended to him his Son, and the rest of his Friends; and taking him by the Hand, bid him farewel.  
Then he retired to his House again, and called together his Son and his Friends; to whom he discoursed of several things: Among the rest, he forbade his Son to engage himself in the Affairs of State? For to act therein, as became him, was now impossible; and to do otherwise, would be dishonourable.  
Toward Evening he went into his Bath. As he was bathing, he remembered Statyllius, and cried out aloud, Well Apollonides, you have brought down the high Spirit of Statyllius; and is he gone without bidding us farewell? No, (said Apollonides) I have discoursed much to him, but to little purpose; he is still resolute and unalterable, and declares, he is determined to follow your Example. At this ('tis said) Cato smiled, and answered, That will soon be tried.  
After he had bathed, he went to Supper, with a great deal of Company, at which he sat, as he had always used to do, ever since the Battle of Pharsalia; for since that time he never lay down, but when he went to sleep. There supped with him all his own Acquaintance, and several of the principal Citizens of Utica.  
After Supper, the Wine produced a great deal of Wit, and learned Discourse; many Philosophical Questions were discussed: At length they came to the strange opinions of the Stoics, called Paradoxes; and to this in particular, That the good man only is free, and that all wicked Men are Slaves. The Peripatetic (as 'tis likely) opposing this, Cato fell upon him very warmly; and somewhat raising his Voice, he argued the Matter in a Discourse of some length, which he urged with such wonderful Vehemence, that 'twas apparent to every body, he was resolved to put an end to his Life, and set himself at Liberty. Hereupon, when he had done speaking, there was a great Silence, and the Company much dejected: but Cato, to divert them from any suspicion of his Design, turned the Discourse, and fell again to talk of the present Affairs, showing great Concern for those that were at Sea, as also for the others, who travelling by Land, were to pass through a dry and barbarous Desert.  
When the Company was broke up, Cato walked with his Friends, as he used to do after Supper, gave the necessary Orders to the Officers of the Watch; and going into his Chamber, he embraced his Son, and every one of his Friends, with more than usual Ardour, which again renewed their suspicion of his Design. Then laying himself down, he took into his Hand Plato's Dialogue concerning the Soul: having read more than half the Book, he looked up, and missing his Sword, (which his Son had taken away, while he was at Supper) he called his Servant, and asked. Who had taken away his Sword? The Servant making no Answer, he fell to reading again: And a little after, not seeming importunate, or hasty for it, but as if he would only know what was become of it, he bid it be brought. But having stayed some time, he had read over the Book, and no body brought the Sword: whereupon he called up all his Servants, and in a hasty Tone demanded his Sword. To one of them he gave such a Blow in the Mouth, that he hurt his own Hand; and now grew more angry, crying out, He was betrayed, and delivered naked to the Enemy, by his Son and his Servants. Then his Son with the rest of his Friends, came running into the Room, and falling at his Feet, began to lament and beseech him: But Cato raising up himself, and looking fiercely; When (said he) and how did I fall distracted? Why does no body persuade me by Reason, or teach me what is better, if I have designed any thing that's ill? But must I be disarmed, and hindered from using my own Reason? And you, young man, why don't you bind your Father's Hands behind him, that when Caesar comes, he may find me unable to defend myself? Nor do I want a Sword to dispatch myself; I need but hold my Breath a while, or strike my Head against the Wall. When he had thus spoken, his Son went weeping out of the Chamber, and with him all the rest, except Demetrius and Apollonides; who being left alone with him, to them he began to speak more calmly: And you, (said he) do you think to keep a Man of my Age alive by Force? And do you sit silent here to watch me? Or can you bring any Reason to prove, that it is not base, and unworthy Cato, when he can find his Safety no other way, to seek it from his Enemy? Or why do you not persuade us, to unlearn what we have been taught, that rejecting all the Opinions we have hitherto established, we may now by Caesars' means grow wiser, and be yet more obliged to him, than for Life only? not that I have determined aught concerning myself, but I would have it in my power to perform▪ what I shall think fit to resolve; and I shall not fail to ask your Counsel, when I have occasion to use what your Philosophy teaches: in the mean time, don't trouble yourselves, but go tell my Son, that he should not compel his Father, to what he cannot persuade him. They made him no Answer, but went weeping out of the Chamber. Then the Sword being brought in by a little Boy, Cato took it, drew it out and looked on it; and when he saw the Point was good, Now (said he) I am Master of myself: And laying down the Sword, he took his Book again, which, 'tis reported he read twice over. After this he slept so sound, that he was heard snore by those that were without.  
About Midnight he called up two of his Freedmen, Cleanthes, his Physician, and Butas, whom he chiefly employed in public Affairs: him he sent to the port, to see if all the Romans were gone: to the Physician he gave his Hand to be dressed, for it was swelled by the Blow he had struck one of his Servants. At this they all rejoiced, hoping that now he designed to live.  
But as, after a little while, returned, and brought word, they were all gone, except Crassus, who had stayed about some Business, but was just ready to depart: he said also, That the Wind was high, and the Sea very rough. Cato hearing this, sighed, out of Compassion to those who were at Sea, and sent But as again, to see if any of them should happen to return for any thing they wanted, and to acquaint him therewith.  
Now the Birds began to sing, and Cato again fell into a little Slumber. At length But as came back, and told him, All was quiet in the Haven: Then Cato, laying himself down, as if he would sleep out the rest of the night, bid him shut the Door after him. But as soon as But as was gone out, he took his Sword, and stabbed it into his Breast; yet not being able to use his Hand so well, by reason of the Swelling, he did not immediately die of the Wound, but struggling, fell out of the Bed, and throwing down a little Mathematical Table that stood by, made such a noise, that the Servants hearing it, cried out. And immediately his Son and all his Friends came into the Chamber, where seeing him lie weltering in his Blood, great part of his Bowels out of his Body, himself not quite dead, but looking ghastly, they all stood amazed. The Physician went to him, and would have put in his Bowels, which were not pierced, and sowed up the Wound: Cato hereupon coming to himself, thrust away the Physician, plucked out his own Bowels, and tearing open the Wound, immediately expired.  
In less time than one would think his own Family could have known this Accident, all the three hundred were at the Door. And a little after the People of Utica flocked thither, crying out with one Voice, He was their Benefactor, and their Saviour, the only free, and only invincible man. At the very same instant they had News that Caesar was coming; yet neither fear of the present Danger, nor desire to flatter the Conqueror, nor the Commotions and Discord among themselves, could divert them from doing Honour to Cato: for they sumptuously set out his Body, made him a magnificent Funeral, and buried him by the Seaside, where now stands his Statue, holding a Sword. Which being done, they returned to consider of preserving themselves and their City.  
Caesar had been advertised, that Cato stayed at Utica, and did not seek to fly; that he had sent away the rest of the Romans, but, himself, with his Son, and a few of his Friends, continued there very unconcernedly; so that he could not imagine what might be his Design: but having a great Consideration for the Man, he hastened thither with his Army. When he heard of Cato's Death, 'tis reported, he said these words: Cato, I envy thee thy Death, for thou hast envied me the preservation of thy Life. And indeed if Cato would have suffered himself to be preserved by Caesar, 'tis like he would not so much have impaired his own Honour, as augmented the others Glory; yet what would have been done, we cannot know, but from Coesar's usual Clemency, we may guests what was most likely.  
Cato was forty eight years old when he Died. His Son suffered no Injury from Caesar; but 'tis said, he grew idle, and debauched with Women. In Cappadocia he lodged at the House of Marphadates, one of the Royal Family, who had a very handsome Wife, where staying longer than was decent, he was reflected on by some, that made such Jests as these upon him; Cato goes to morrow, after thirty days, and Porcius and Marphadates are two Friends, that have but one Soul, (for Marphadates' Wife was named Psyche, i. e. Soul:) and Cato is very well born, and an illustrious Man, for he has a Royal Soul.  
But all these Stains were clearly wiped off by the Bravery of his Death; for in the Battle of Philippi, where he fought for his country's Liberty, against Caesar and Antony, when the Army was broken, he disdaining to fly or to escape, called out to the Enemy, showed them who he was, and encouraged those of his Party to stay; At length he fell, and left his Enemies in admiration of his Valour.  
Nor was the Daughter of Cato inferior to the rest of her Family, for Prudence and greatness of Spirit. She was married to Brutus, who killed Caesar; was acquainted with that Conspiracy, and ended her Life, as became one of her Birth and Virtue: All which is related in the Life of Brutus.  
Statyllius, who said he would imitate Cato, was at that time hindered by the Philosophers when he would have put an end to his Life. He afterward followed Brutus, to whom he was very faithful and very serviceable, and died in the Field of Philippi.   


AGIS AND CLEOMENES.   depiction of Agis and Cleomenes 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  MBurg. sculp.  
THE LIFE OF AGIS.  Translated from the Greek, by Sir Robert Thorald. 
THe Fable of Ixion, who embracing a Cloud instead of Juno, begot the Centauris, was ingeniously enough invented to represent to us ambitious Men, whose Minds doting on Glory, (which is a mere Image of Virtue) produce nothing that is genuine or uniform, but born away by violent and contrary Passions, their Actions being the offspring of such a Conjunction, must needs be deformed and unnatural; and they may say with the Hersdmen in the Tragedy of Sophocles.  

We follow those whom we ought to govern,  
And they command us, tho' th' are dumb.   
That is indeed the true condition of those ambitious Men, who to gain a vain Title of Magistracy, are content to subject themselves to the Humours of the People: for as they who row in the forepart of the Ship, may seem to guide the Motions of it, yet have continually an eye on the Pilot who sits at the Helm, and must proceed in the Course he will steer; so these Men, steered as I may say by popular Applause, tho' they bear the Name of Governors, are in reality Slaves to the Mobile. The Man who is completely wise and virtuous, regards not Glory, but only as it disposes and prepares his way to great Attempts. A young Man, I grant, may be permitted to glory a little in his good Actions; for (as Theophrastus says) his Virtues which are yet tender, and as it were in the bud, cherished and supported by Praises, grow stronger, and take the deeper root: but when this Passion is exorbitant, 'tis dangerous in all men, and especially in those who govern a Commonwealth; for being joined with an unlimited Power, it often transports men to a degree of Madness, so that now they no more seek Glory by Virtue, but will have those Actions only esteemed good that are glorious. As Photion therefore answered King Antipater, who sought his Approbation of some unworthy Action, I cannot be your Flatterer, and your Friend; so these men should answer the People, I cannot govern, and obey you: lest it should happen to the Commonwealth, as to the Serpent in the Fable, whose Tail rising in rebellion against the Head, complained (as of a great Grievance) that it was always forced to follow, and prayed, it might be permitted by Turns to lead the way; which being granted but for a day, quickly discovered the Folly, by the Mischiefs which befell the whole Body, and particularly to the Head, in following, contrary to Nature, a Guide that was deaf and blind. The same we see does every day happen to many, who guided by the Inclinations of an ignorant and giddy Multitude, must needs bring all things to Confusion.  
This is what has occurred to us to say of that Glory which depends on the Vulgar, considering the sad effects of it in the Misfortunes of Caius, and Tiberius Gracchus, Men nobly born, whose generous Disposition by Nature was improved by an excellent Education, and who came to the Administration of Affairs with very sincere Intentions, yet they were ruined, I cannot say, by a▪ immoderate desire of Glory, but by a more excusable fear of Infamy; for being excessively beloved and favoured by the People, they thought it an Ingratitude to deny them any thing, till the People and They mutually inflamed, and vying with each other in Honours and Benefits, things were at last brought to such a pass, that they might say accordingly to the Proverb,  

T' engage so far we were to blame,  
And to retreat 'tis now a shame.   
This the judicious Reader will easily gather from the Story. I will now compare with them, two Lacedoemonian Kings, Agis and Cleomenes; for they being desirous also to please the People, by restoring their obsolete Laws of Equality, incurred the Hatred of the Rich and Powerful, who could not endure to be deprived of those Advantages, which did so gloriously distinguish them from the Vulgar. These were not indeed Brothers by Nature, as the two Romans, but they had a kind of brotherly Resemblance in their Actions and Designs, which took a Rise from Beginnings and Occasions as I am now about to relate.  
When Gold and Silver (the great Debauchers of Mankind) had once gained Admittance into the Lacedoemonian Commonwealth 'twas quickly followed by Avarice, baseness of Spirit, and all manner of Frauds in the possession, by Riot, Luxury, and Effeminacy in the use. Then Sparta fell from her original Virtue and Glory, and so continued till the days of Agis and Leonidas, who both together were Kings of the Lacedoemonians.  
Agis was of the Royal Family of Eurytion, Son of Eudamidas, and the sixth in descent from Agesilaus, who being chief Commander of the Grecians, gained so great Renown in the so famous Expedition into Asia. Agesilaus left behind him a Son called Archidamus, who being slain by the Calabrians at Mardonium in Italy, was succeeded by his eldest Son Agis; he being killed by Antipater near Megalopolis, and leaving no Issue, was succeeded by his Brother Eudamidas; he by a Son called Archidamus and Archidamus by another Eudamidas, the Father of this Agis of whom we now treat.  
Leonidas, Son of Cleonimus, was of the other Royal Branch of the Agiades, and the eighth in descent from Pausanias who defeated Mardonius in the Battle of Platea. Pausanias' was succeeded by a Son called Plistonax; and he by another Pausanias, who being banished, and leading a private Life at Tegea, his eldest Son Agesipolis reigned in his place; he dying without Issue, was succeeded by a younger Brother called Cleombrotus, who left two Sons: the elder was Agesipolis, who reigned but a short time, and died without Issue; the younger was called Cleomenes, who had also two Sons. Acrotatus and Cleonimus: the first died before his Father, but left a Son called Areus, who succeeded, and being slain at Corinth, left the Kingdom to his Son Acrotatus: This Acrotatus was defeated, and slain near Megalopolis, in a Battle against the Tyrant Aristodemus; he left his Wife big with Child, who being delivered of a Son, Leonidas (Son of the abovenamed Cleonimus) was made his Guardian, and the young man dying in his Minority, he succeeded in the Kingdom.  
Leonidas was a Man in no great Esteem with the People: for tho'there were at that time a general Corruption in Manners, yet a greater aversion to the old Institutions appeared in him than in others; for having lived a long time among the great Lords of Persia, and been a follower of King Seleucus he unadvisedly would imitate the Pride and Luxury of those Courts, in the limited Government of a Grecian Commonwealth.  
Agis on the contrary showed himself to all men obliging and affable, and did in goodness of Nature, and greatness of Mind not only far excel Leonidas, but in a manner all the Kings that had reigned since the great Agesilaus. For tho'he had been bred very tenderly, and in abundance of all things, by his Mother Agesistrata, and his Grandmother Archidamia, (who were the wealthiest of the Lacedoemonians) yet before the Age of twenty, he so far overcame himself as to renounce effeminate Pleasures. He was a very handsome Person, and of a graceful Behaviour; yet to give a Check to the Vanity he might take therein, would go always plain and mean in his clothes. In his Diet, Bathe, and in all his Exercises, he chose to imitate the old Laconian Frugality and Temperance, and was often heard to say, He would not desire the Kingdom, if he did not hope by means of that Authority to restore their ancient Laws and Discipline.  
The Lacedoemonians might date the beginning of their Corruption from their Conquest of Athens, which was the first occasion of their Wealth and Luxury; yet nevertheless the Agrarian Law remaining in force, (by which every one was obliged to leave his lot or Portion of Land entirely to his Son) a kind of Order and Equality was thereby maintained, which still in some degree preserved them from Ruin. But one Epitadeus happening to be Ephore, a Man of a factious, violent Spirit, and on some occasion incensed against his Son, he procured a Decree, that all men should have liberty to dispose of their Land by Gift or Sale, or by their last Will and Testament: which being promoted by him to satisfy a passion of Revenge, and through Covetousness consented to by others, an excellent Institution was abrogated; the effect whereof was, that the moneyed men coveting to possess the Land, the right Heirs were by degrees disinherited, and all the Wealth being in the hands of a few, the generality were poor and miserable; Liberal Arts and Sciences were neglected, and the City filled with a mean sort of Mechanics, always envious, and hating the Rich: there did not remain above 700 of the old Spartan Families, of which perhaps 100 might have Estates in Land; the rest were an abject, low-spirited People, who having no sense of Honour, were unwillingly drawn to the Wars, and ever greedy of Novelty and Change.  
Agis therefore believing it a glorious Action, (as in truth it was) to repeople the City, and to bring them back to their first Institution, began to sound the Inclinations of the Citizens. He found the young Men disposed beyond his expectation; for being taken with the specious Name of Liberty they seemed as ready to shift their Manners as their clothes; but the old Men habituated and more confirmed in their Vices, were startled at the very Name of Lycurgus, as a fugitive Slave fears to be brought back before his offended Master: these men could not endure to hear Agis continually deploring the present state of Sparta, and wishing she might be restored to her ancient Glory. But on the other side, Lysander, the Son of Lybis, Mandroclidas, the Son of Ecphanes, together with Agesilaus, did not only approve his Design, but assisted and confirmed him in it. Lysander had a great Authority and Credit with the People; Mandroclidas was esteemed the ablest Man of his Time, to manage any Affair in the Grecian Assemblies, and joined with skill, had a great degree of Boldness; Agesilaus was the King's Uncle by the Mother's side, an eloquent Man, but covetous and voluptuous; he was not moved by any Consideration of public Good, but rather seemed to be persuaded to it by his Son Hypomedon, (whose Courage and signal Actions in War had gained him a high Esteem among the young Men of Sparta) tho' indeed the true Motive was, because he had many Debts, and hoped by this means to be freed from them. As soon as Agis had prevailed with his Uncle, he endeavoured by his mediation to gain his Mother also, who being exceeding rich, had by her many Creditors, Friends and Followers, a considerable Power in the City. At the first proposal she was very averse, and earnestly advised her Son not to engage in so difficult and so dangerous an Enterprise; but Agesilaus endeavoured to possess her, that the thing was not so difficult as she imagined, and that it might in all likelihood redound to the great Honour and Advantage of her Family. The King her Son earnestly besought her, not to decline assisting him in so glorious a Design; he told her, he could not pretend to equal other Kings in Riches, the very Followers and Servants of Seleucus or Ptolemy, abounding more in Wealth, than all the Spartan Kings put together: but if by Virtue and greatness of Mind he could outdo them, and if by his means Sparta could be restored to her ancient Splendour, he should then be a great King indeed. In conclusion, the Mother and the Grandmother also were so taken with the young man's generous Ambition, that they not only consented, but were ready on all occasions to spur him on to a Perseverance, and did engage with him not only the men with whom they had an Interest, but the Women also, knowing well that the Lacedoemonian Wives had always a great power with their Husbands, who used to impart to them their State Affairs, with greater freedom than the Women would communicate with the Men in the private Business of their Families: which was indeed one of the greatest Obstacles to this Design; for the Money of Sparta being most of it in the women's hands, 'twas their Interest to oppose it, not only as depriving them of those superfluous Trifles, in which through want of Virtue they placed their chief Felicity, but also because they knew their Riches was the main support of their Power and Credit.  
Those therefore who were of this Faction, had recourse to Leonidas, representing to him, how it was his part, as the elder and more experienced, to put a stop to the ill-advised Projects of a rash young Man. Leonidas, tho' of himself sufficiently inclined to oppose Agis, durst not openly for fear of the People, who did manifestly favour him, and were desirous of this Change, but underhand he did all he could to incense the chief Magistrates against him, and on all occasions craftily insinuated, that Agis having designed an arbitrary Government, would divide among the Poor what belonged to the Rich, as a Bribe for a future Service: That instead of so many rich Citizens of Sparta, he might have a Company of Slaves to be his Guard.  
Agis nevertheless little regarding these Rumours, caused Lysander to be chosen Ephore; then took the first occasion of proposing his Rhetra or Decree to the Senate, the chief Articles whereof were these: That every one should be freed from their Lots: All the Lands to be divided into equal portions: Those that lay betwixt the Valley of Pellene and Mount Tegetum, as far as the Cities of Mallea and Sellasia, into 4500 Lots; the remainder into 1500; these last to be shared by some chosen out of the adjacent Countries, men able and fit to bear Arms: The first among the natural Spartans', admitting also of Strangers to supply their Number, those who were young, vigorous and ingenious. All these were to be divided into ten Companies, some of four hundred, and some of two, with a Diet and Discipline agreeable to the Laws of Lycurgus.  
This Decree being proposed in the Senate, occasioned a hot Debate; so that Lysander doubting the Event, would not expect the Issue, but immediately convoked the great Assembly of the People, to whom he, Mandroclidas and Agesilaus made Orations, exhorting them, that they would not suffer the Majesty of Sparta to be brought into Contempt, to gratify a few rich Men, who by specious pretences endeavoured to delude them, only that they themselves might pass their time in Riot and delights. They bade them call to mind, how ancient Oracles had forewarned them to beware of Avarice, as the very Plague and utter Ruin of Sparta: That they should think of the Oracle lately delivered from the famous Temple of Pasiphae in Thelamia. Some say, this Pasiphae was one of the Daughters of Atlas, who had by Jupiter a Son called Ammon: Others are of opinion, it was Cassandra, the Daughter of King Priamus, who dying in this Place, was called Pasiphae, as who should say, clearly revealing Secrets, as the Light discovers all things to the Eye: Others will have it, that this was Daphne, the Daughter of Amiclas, who flying from Apollo, was transformed into a Laurel, and honoured by that God with the Gift of Prophecy. But be it as it will, 'tis certain the People were made to apprehend, that this Oracle had commanded them to return to their former state of Equality. As soon as these had done speaking, Agis stood up, and said, He would not amuse them with vain words, but contribute to what had been proposed for their Advantage by real Effects. In the first place, he would divide among them all his Patrimony, which was of large extent in Tillage and Pasture; he would also give 600 Talents in ready Money, and that his Mother, Grandmother, and his other Friends and Relations, who were the richest of the Lacedoemonians, were ready to follow his Example. The People transported with admiration of the young man's Generosity, highly applauded, and loudly declared, there had not been for 300 years so worthy a King in Sparta.  
But on the other side, Leonidas was now more than ever averse, being sensible that he and his Friends would be obliged to contribute with their Riches, and yet all the Honour and Obligation would redound to Agis. He asked him then before them all, Whether Lycurgus were not in his opinion a vast and a wise Man? Agis answering He was: And when did Lycurgus (replied Leonidas) cancel Debts, or admit of Strangers? he who thought the Commonwealth not secure unless they were excluded. To this Agis replied, 'Tis no wonder that Leonidas, who has married, and has Children by a Wife taken out of a Persian Court, should know little of Lycurgus or his Laws. Lycurgus took away both Debts and Usury, by taking away Money, and excluded Strangers, such as would not conform to the Laws of his Commonwealth, not for any Ill-will to them, but lest they should infect the City with their Covetousness; for otherwise 'tis well known, that he himself gladly kept Terpander, Thales and Phericides, tho' they were Strangers, because he perceived they were of the same Mind with him. And you that use to praise Ecprepes, who being Ephore, cut off two Strings from the Instrument of Phrynis the Musician, and to commend those who did▪ afterwards imitate him, with what face can you blame me, for designing to cut off Superfluity and Luxury from the Commonwealth? Do you think those men were so concerned only about a Fiddlestring, or intended any thing else, than by checking the voluptuousness of Music, to keep out a way of living, which might destroy the harmony of the City.  
From this time forward as the common People followed Agis, so the rich Men adhered to Leonidas, who joining his Authority with their Interest, things were so managed in the Senate, (whose chief Power consisted in preparing all Laws before they were proposed to the People) that with much ado the designed Rhetra of Agis was rejected, tho' but by one only Vote; whereupon Lysander, who (as we said) was Ephore, and of Agis his Party, resolving to be revenged on Leonidas, drew up an Information against him, grounded on two old Laws; The one forbids any of the Race of Hercules to marry a Stranger; and the other makes it capital for a Lacedoemonian to travel into foreign Country's. Whilst he set others on to manage this Accusation, he with his Colleagues went to observe the Stars, which was a Custom they had, and performed in this manner. Every ninth year the Ephori choosing a Starlight Night, (when there was neither Cloud nor Moon) sat down together in quiet and silence; and if they chanced to spy the shooting of a Star, they presently pronounced their King guilty of some great Crime against the Gods, and thereupon he was immediately secluded from all Exercise of Regal Power, till he could be relieved by an Oracle from Delphos or Olympus.  
Lysander therefore assured the People, he had seen a Star shoot, and at the same time Leonidas was cited to answer for himself. Witnesses were produced to testify he had married an Asian Woman, bestowed on him by one of King Seleucus his Lieutenants; that he had two Children by her, but there happening some difference betwixt them, she did so mortally hate him, that flying from her, he was in a manner forced to return to Sparta, where his Predecessor dying without Issue, he took upon him the Government. Lysander not content with this, persuades also Cleombrotus to lay claim to the Kingdom: he was of the Royal Family, and Son-in-law to Leonidas, who fearing now the event of this Process, was fled to the Temple of Juno, called Calcideos, together with his Daughter, the Wife of Cleombrotus, for she in this occasion resolved to leave her Husband, and to follow her Father. Leonidas being again cited, and not appearing, they pronounced a Sentence of Deposition against him, and made Cleombrotus King in his place.  
Soon after this Revolution, Lysander (his year expiring) went out of Office, and new Ephori were chosen of the contrary Faction, who immediately conspiring to restore Leonidas, cited Lysander and Mandroclidas to answer, for having, contrary to Law, cancelled Debts, and designed a new division of Lands. They seeing themselves in danger, had recourse to the two Kings, and represented to them, how necessary it was for their Interest and Safety resolutely to unite, thereby to prevent the Designs of the Ephori, and put a stop to their Encroachments. The Power of the Ephori (they said) was only grounded on the Dissension of Kings, the Law having in that Case made them a kind of Arbitrators; but when the two Kings were unanimous, none ought or durst resist their Authority. Agis and Cleombrotus thus persuaded, went together into the Senate-house, where raising the Ephori from their Seats, they placed others in their room, (of which Agesilaus was one:) then arming a Company of young Men, and releasing many out of Prison, their Enemies began to be in great fear of their Lives; but there was no Blood spilt. Agis on the contrary having notice that Agesilaus had ordered a Company of Soldiers to lie in wait for Leonidas, to kill him as he fled to Tegea, immediately sent some of his Followers to defend him, and to convoy him safely into that City.  
Thus far all things proceeded prosperously, none daring to oppose; but by the sordid Avarice of one Man, these promising Beginnings were blasted. Agesilaus (as we said) was much in Debt, yet had a fair Estate in Land: and tho' he gladly joined in this Design to be quit of his Debts, he was not at all willing to part with his Land: therefore he persuaded Agis, that if both these things should be put in execution at the same time, so great and so sudden an Alteration might cause some dangerous Commotion; but if Debts were in the first place cancelled, the rich Men would afterwards more easily be prevailed with to part with their Land. Lysander also was of the same opinion, being deceived in like manner by the Craft of Agesilaus: so that all Men were presently commanded to bring in their Bonds, (or Deeds of Obligation, by the Lacedæmonians called Claria) which being laid together in a Heap, they set Fire to it. The Usurers and other Creditors come, one may easily imagine, beheld it with a heavy heart; but Agesilaus told them scoffingly, His Eyes had never seen so bright and so glorious a Flame.  
And now the People pressed earnestly for a division of Lands: the Kings also had ordered it should be done; but Agesilaus sometimes pretending one Difficulty, and sometimes another, delayed the Execution, till an occasion happened to call Agis to the Wars. The Achaeans, in virtue of a League defensive, sent to demand Succours, for they expected every day when the Aetolians would attempt to enter Peloponnesus by the Confines of Maegara: they had made Aratus their General, and sent him with an Army to hinder this Incursion. Aratus writ to the Ephori, who immediately gave order Agis should hasten to their Assistance with the Lacedaemonian Auxiliaries. Agis was extremely well pleased to see the forwardness of the young Men to this Expedition; for tho' they were very poor, yet freed from Debts, and in hope of being Masters of Land at their Return, they followed cheerfully, and in good Equipage. The Cities through which they passed, were in admiration, to see how they marched from one end of Peloponnesus to the other, without the least Disorder, and in a manner without making any Noise: it gave them occasion to discourse with one another, how great might be the Temperance and Modesty of the ancient Lacedæmonians, under their famous Captains Agesilaus, Lysander and Leonidas, since they saw such Discipline and exact Obedience under a King, who perhaps was the youngest Man in all the Army. They saw also how he was content to far hardly, ready to undergo any Labours, and not to be distinguished by Pomp or Richness of Habit, from the meanest of his Soldiers. But if by this Moderation and Conduct he gained the Love of the Soldiers and the common People, it made him still more odious to the Rich and Powerful, who were afraid such an Example might work an Impression to their prejudice, in all the neighbouring Countries.  
Agis having joined Aratus near the City of Corinth, a Council of War was called, to debate whether or no it were expedient to give the Enemy Battle. Agis on this occasion showed a great Forwardness and Resolution, yet without Obstinacy or Presumption: he declared it was his opinion they ought to fight, thereby to hinder the Enemy from entering Peloponnesus; but nevertheless he would submit to the Judgement of Aratus, not only as the elder and more experienced Captain, but as he was General of the Achaeans, whose Forces he would not pretend to command, but was only come thither to assist them. I am not ignorant, that Baton of Synope relates it in another manner: He says, Aratus would have fought, and that Agis was against it; but 'tis most certain he was mistaken, not having read what Aratus himself writes in his own Justification; for he expressly tells us, That knowing the People had well-nigh got in their Harvest, he thought it much better to let the Enemy pass, than to hazard by a Battle the loss of the whole Country: And therefore giving thanks to the Confederates for their readiness, he dismissed them. Thus Agis, not without having gained a great deal of Honour, returned to Sparta where he found the People in a Mutiny, and all things in Confusion, occasioned by the Avarice and ill-Government of Agesilaus.  
For he being now one of the Ephori, and by that Authority freed from the Fear which Formerly kept him in some Restraint, forbore no kind of Oppression which might bring in Gain: Among other things he exacted a thirteen months' Tax, whereas before they had never paid more than twelve. For these and other Reasons fearing his Enemies, and knowing how he was hated by the People, he thought it necessary to maintain a Guard, which always accompanied him to the Courts of Justice; and presuming now on his Power, he was grown so insolent, that of the two Kings, the one he openly contemned; and if he showed any Respect towards Agis, would have it thought rather an effect of his near Relation, than any duty or submission to the Royal Authority; and being desirous all men should be confirmed in a belief of his Power, he gave it out he was to continue Ephore the ensuing year also.  
His Enemies alarmed by this Report immediately conspired against him, and bringing back Leonidas from Tegea, reestablished him in the Kingdom, to which the People (highly incensed for having been defrauded in the promised division of Lands) easily consented. Agesilaus himself would hardly have scaped their Fury, if his Son Hypomedon had not mediated in his behalf, and then privately conveyed him out of the City.  
During this Combustion, the two Kings fled; Agis to the Temple of Juno, and Cleombrotus to that of Neptune. Leonidas more incensed against his Son-in-law, left Agis, to pursue him with a Company of Soldiers; and being taken, he was brought before Leonidas, who with great vehemence reproached to him his Ingratitude; how being his Son-in-law, he had conspired with his Enemies, usurped his Kingdom, and banished him from his Country: Cleombrotus having little to say for himself, stood silent. His Wife Chelonis had been a Partner with Leonidas in his Sufferings; for when Cleombrotus usurped the Kingdom, she forsook him, and wholly applied herself to comfort her Father in his Affliction: she often mediated in his behalf, and openly disowned and condemned the Action as unjust; but now upon this Turn of Fortune, she was as zealous and as assiduous in expressions of Love and Duty to her Husband, whom she embraced with one Arm, and her two little Children with the other. All men were strangely taken with the Piety and tender Affection of the Young Woman, who in a loose neglected Mourning, with a pale dejected Countenance, and in a suppliant Posture, spoke thus to Leonidas.  
I am not brought to this Condition you see me in, nor have taken upon me this mourning Habit, by reason of the present Misfortunes of Cleombrotus; 'tis long since familiar to me: it was put on to condole with you in your Banishment; and now you are restored to your Country and to your Kingdom, must I still remain in Grief and Misery? or would you have me attired in my Festival Ornaments, that I may rejoice with you, when you have killed within my arms, the Man to whom you gave me for a Wife? Either Cleombrotus must appease you by my Tears, or he must suffer a Punishment greater than his Faults have deserved: he shall infallibly see me die before him, whom he has professed tenderly to love: to what end should I live, or how shall I appear among the Spartan Ladies, when it shall so manifestly be seen, that I have not been able to move to Compassion neither a Husband nor a Father? I am only born to be an unfortunate Wife, and a more unfortunate Daughter, not having the least Power or Interest, where I ought to have been in the greatest Esteem. As for Cleombrotus, I have sufficiently disowned his Cause, when I forsook him to follow you; but now you yourself will justify his Proceedings, by showing to the World, how Ambition is a Passion not to be resisted: for a Kingdom, a Man may kill a Son-in-law; nay even destroy his own Children. Chelonis having ended this Lamentation, turned her weeping Eyes towards the Spectators, then gently reposed her Head in her Husband's Bosom.  
Leonidas touched with Compassion, withdrew a while to advise with his Friends; then returning, condemned Cleombrotus to perpetual Banishment: Chelonis, he said, aught to stay with him, it not being just she should forsake a Father, who had granted at her Intercession the Life of her Husband; but all he could say, would not prevail. She rose up immediately, and taking one of her Children in her Arms, gave the other to her Husband; then having performed her Devotions at an Altar dedicated to Juno, she cheerfully followed him into Banishment. To be short, so great was the Virtue and Generosity expressed by Chelovis on this occasion, that if Cleombrotus were not strangely blinded by Ambition, he would choose to be banished with the enjoyment of so excellent a Woman, rather than without her to possess a Kingdom.  
Cleombrotus thus removed, Leonidas thought fit also to displace the Ephori, and to choose others in their room; then he began to consider how he might entrap Agis. At first he endeavoured by fair means to persuade, that he would come and partake with him (as was his Right) in the Kingdom: the People, he said, would easily pardon the Errors of a young Man, ambitious of Glory, and deceived by the Craft of Agesilaus. But finding Agis was suspicious, and not to be prevailed with to quit his Sanctuary, he gave over that Design; yet what could not then be effected by the Dissimulation of an Enemy, was soon after brought to pass by the Treachery of a Friend.  
Amphares, Demochares and Archesilaus', did often visit Agis, and he was so confident of their Fidelity, that after a while he was prevailed with to accompany them to the Baths, which were not far distant, they constantly returning to see him safe again in the Temple. Amphares had borrowed a great deal of Plate and rich Household stuff of Agesistrata, and hoped if he could destroy her and the whole Family, he might peaceably enjoy those Goods. To so base an intent, he was ready to serve Leonidas in any treacherous way, and being one of the Ephori, did all he could to incense the rest of his Colleagues against Agis. These men therefore finding that Agis would never stir from his Sanctuary, but only when he went with them to the Bath, resolved to make use of that occasion. And one day in his return, they met and saluted him as formerly, discoursing pleasantly by the way, as familiar Friends use to do, till coming to the turning of a Street which led to the Prison, Amphares by virtue of his Office arrested Agis, and told him, He must go with him before the other Ephori, to answer for his Misdemeanours. At the same time Demochares, who was a tall strong man, threw his Cloak over his Head, and dragged him after by the Neck, whilst the others went behind to thrust him on; so that none of Agis his Friends being near to assist him, they easily got him into the Prison, where Leonidas was already arrived, with a Company of Soldiers, who strongly guarded all the Avenues: the Ephori were also there with as many of the Senators as they knew to be true to their Party, being desirous to proceed with some resemblance of Justice. First they bade him give an Account, why he had gone about to alter the Government To which Agis (only smiling at their Craft and Dissimulation) answered not a word. Amphares told him, It was more seasonable to weep, for now the time was come in which he should be punished for his Presumption. Another of the Ephori seeming more favourable, (and offering as it were an occasion of Excuse) said, He was confident Agis had been seduced, and in a manner constrained to what he did, by Lysander and Agesilaus. But Agis answered, He had not been seduced or constrained by any man, nor had any other intent in what he did, but only to follow the Example of Lycurgus, and to govern conformably to his Laws. They asked him, Whether now at least he did not repent his Rashness? To which he replied, That tho' he saw unavoidable Death before his Eyes, yet he could never repent of so just and so glorious a Design, They had not the patience to hear him any longer, but commanded the Sergeants to carry him into the Decade, (which was a place in the prison where they used to strangle Malefactors.) The Officers refused to obey, and the very mercenary Soldiers declined it, believing it an insolent and a Wicked Act to lay violent hands on a King; which as soon as Demochares perceived, threatening and reviling them for it, he himself thrust him into the Room.  
By this time the News of Agis his Imprisonment having reached all Parts of the City, had occasioned a great Concourse of People with Lanterns and Torches about the Prison-gates, and in the midst of them, the Mother and the Grandmother of Agis crying out with a loud Voice, That their King ought to appear, and to be heard by the People, and should at least be proceeded with in the usual Forms of Justice. But this Clamour instead of preventing, hastened his Death, his Enemies fearing if the Tumult should increase, he might that very night be rescued out of their hands.  
Agis being now at the point to die, perceived one of the Sergeants bitterly bewailing his Misfortune: Weep not Friend, (says he) for me, who die innocent, but rather grieve for those who are guilty of this wicked Act; my condition is much better than theirs. As soon as he had spoken these words not showing the least sign of Fear, he patiently stretched out his Neck to the Executioner.  
Immediately after Agis was dead Amphares went out of the Prison-gate, where he found Agesistrata, who casting herself at his Feet, he gently raised her up, pretending still the same Friendship as formerly: he assured her, she needed not fear any farther Violence should be offered against her Son; and that if she pleased, she might go in and see him: she begged her Mother might also have the favour to be admitted; and he replied, No body should hinder it. When they were entered, he commanded the Gate should again be locked, and the Grandmother to be first introduced: she was now grown very old, and had lived all her days with great reputation of Virtue and Wisdom. As soon as Amphares thought she was dispatched, he told Agesistrata, She might now go in if she pleased: she entered, where beholding her Son's Body stretched on the Ground, and her Mother hanging by the Neck, she stood at first astonished at so horrid a Spectacle; but after a while recollecting her Spirits, the first thing she did, was to assist the Soldiers in taking down the Body; then covering it decently, she laid it by her Son's, whom embracing, and kissing his Cheeks, O my Son, said she, 'tis thy too great Mercy and Goodness which has brought thee and us to this untimely End. Amphares, who stood watching behind the Door, hearing this, rushed in hastily, and with a furious Tone and Countenance said to her, Since you approve so well of your Sons Actions, 'tis fit you should partake in his Reward. She rising up to meet her Destiny, only uttered these few words, I pray the Gods that all this may redound to the good of Sparta.  
And now the three Bodies being exposed to view, and the Fact divulged, no fear of Magistrates could hinder the people from expressing a detestation of it, or from hating the chief Contrivers and especially Leonidas and Amphares. They were not afraid openly to declare, that so wicked and barbarous an Act had never been committed in Sparta, since first the dorians inhabited Pelopennesus; the very Enemies in War, they said, were always cautious of spilling the Blood of a Lacedoemonian King, insomuch that in any Encounter they would decline, and endeavour to avoid them, so great a Respect they bore to the Royal Majesty. I must needs say, 'tis very remarkable, that in so many Battles fought betwixt the Lacedoemonians and the other Grecians, none but Cleombrotus was killed, being wounded with a Javelin, at the Battle of Leuctres, a little before the days of King Philip of Macedon. I am not ignorant, that the Messenians affirm, Theopompus was also slain by their Aristomenes; but the Lacedoemonians deny it, and say, He was only wounded: Be it as it will, 'tis certain at least that Agis was the first King put to death by the Epori, with a form and pretence of Justice, and only for having endeavoured to reduce them to their original Institution, a Design well becoming the Courage of a noble Spartan.  
Thus Agis had the Fortune to be ill treated by his Enemies, and worse by his Friends; for if he had reason to complain of Leonidas, whose Life he had saved, much more of Amphares, in whose Friendship he reposed the highest Confidence: so unmercifully was he dealt with by others, who being himself of a most mild and generous Disposition, did deserve to be beloved by all Mankind.   

THE LIFE OF CLEOMENES.  Translated from the Greek, by Mr. Creech, Fellow of All-Souls College in Oxford. 
THus fell Agis. His Brother Archidamus was too quick for Leonidas, and saved himself by a timely Retreat. But his Wife then newly brought to Bed, the Tyrant forced her from her own House, and compelled her to marry his Son Cleomenes, though at that time too young for a Wife; for he was unwilling that any one else should have her, she being Heiress to her Father Gylippus' great Estate; for Person, the finest Woman in all Greece, very good-natured, of an exemplary Life, and therefore, they say, she did all she could, that she might not be compelled to this Match.  
Being thus married to Cleomenes, she hated Leonidas, but to the Youth she showed herself a kind and obliging Wife. He, as soon as they came together, began to love her very much, and the constant Kindness that she still retained for the memory of Agis, wrought somewhat of Concern in the young Man for him, so that he would often inquire of her concerning what had passed, and attentively listen to the Story of Agis' Designs. Now Cleomenes had a generous and great Soul; he was as temperate and moderate in his Pleasures as Agis, but not so very cautious, circumspect and gentle: a spur of Passion always galled him, and his eagerness to pursue that which he thought good and just, was violent and heady: to make Men willing to obey, he conceived to be the best Discipline; but likewise to break the stubborn, and force them to be better, was in his opinion commendable and brave. This Disposition made him dislike the management of the City: the Citizens lay dissolved in supine Idleness and Pleasures; the King minded nothing, designing, if no body gave him any disturbance, to waste his Time in Ease and Riot; the Public was neglected, and each Man intent upon his private Gain. 'Twas dangerous, now Agis was killed, to mention the exercising and training of their Youth, and to set up for the ancient Bravery and Equality, was Treason against the State. 'Tis said also that Cleomenes, whilst a Boy, studied Philosophy under Sphoerus the Borysthenite, who coming to Sparta, was very diligent in instructing the Youth. Spoerus was one of the chief of Zeno the Citiean's Scholars, and 'tis likely that he admired the manly Temper of Cleomenes, and inflamed his generous Ambition. The ancient Leonidas (as Story saith) being asked, What manner of Poet he thought Tyrtoeus? replied, An excellent one to whet the Courages of Youth, for being filled with Fury by his Poems, they daringly ventured on any Danger: now the Stoics Philosophy is a dangerous Incentive to hot and fiery Dispositions, but being mixed with a grave and cautious Temper, is very good to fix and settle the Resolutions.  
Upon the Death of his Father Leonidas, he succeeded, and observing the Citizens of all sorts to be debauched, the Rich neglecting the Public, and intent on their own Gain and Pleasure, and the Poor being cramped in their private Fortunes, grown unactive, Cowards, and not inclinable to the Spartan Institution and way of Breeding, that he had only the Name of King, and the Ephori all the Power, was resolved to change the present posture of Affairs. He had a Friend whose Name was Xenares, his Lover (such an Affection the Spartans' express by the word, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉) him he sounded, and of him he would commonly inquire, What manner of King Agis was; by what means, and by what Assistance he began and pursued his Designs. Xenares at first willingly complied with his Request, and told him the whole Story, with all the particular Circumstances of the Actions. But when he observed Cleomenes to be extremely affected at the Relation, and more than ordinarily moved at Agis' new model of the Government, and begging a repetition of the Story, he at first severely chid him, told him, He was frantic, and at last left off all sort of Familiarity and Conversation with him, yet he never told any Man the cause of their Disagreement, but would only say, Cleomenes knew very well. Cleomenes finding Xenares averse to his Designs, and thinking all others to be of the same opinion, consulted with none, but contrived the whole Business by himself. And considering that it would be easier to bring about an Alteration when the City was at War, than when in Peace, he engaged the Commonwealth in a Quarrel with the Achoeans, who had given them fair occasions to complain: for Aratus a Man of the greatest Power amongst all the Achoeans, designed from the very beginning to bring all the Peloponnesians into one common Body. And to effect this, he undertook many Expeditions, and ran through a long course of Policy; for he thought this the only means to make them an equal Match for their foreign Enemies▪ All the rest agreed to his Proposals, only the Lacedoemonians, the Eleans, and as many of the Arcadians as inclined to the Spartan Interest, refused. Therefore as soon as Leonidas was dead, he fell upon the Arcadians, and wasted those especially that bordered on Achaia; by this means designing to try the Inclinations of the Spartans', and despising Cleomenes as a Youth, and of no Experience in Affairs of State or War. Upon this the Ephori sent Cleomenes to surprise the Athenoeum, (dedicated to Minerva) near Belbina, which is a Pass of Laconia, and was then under the Jurisdiction of the Megalopolitans: Cleomenes possessed himself of the place, and fortified it; at which Action Aratus showed no public Resentment, but marched by night to surprise Tegea and Orchomenium. The Design failed; for those that were to betray the Cities into his Hands, doubted the Success; so Aratus retreated, imagining that his Design had been undiscovered: But Cleomenes wrote a jeering Letter to him, and desired to know as from a Friend, whither he intended to march at night? And Aratus answering, That having understood his Design to fortify Belbina, he resolved to march thither to oppose him. Cleomenes returned, That he believed it, but desired him to give him an account, if it stood with his Convenience, why he carried those Torches and Ladders with him.  
Aratus laughing at the Jeer, and ask what manner of Youth this was; Democrites a Spartan Exile, replied, If you have any Designs upon the Lacedæmonians, begin before this young Eagles' Talons are grown. Presently after this, Cleomenes being in Arcadia with a few Horse, and 300 Foot, the Ephori fearing to engage in the War, commanded him home; but upon his Retreat, Aratus taking Caphuoe, they commissioned him again. In this Expedition he took Methudrium, and spoiled the Country of the Argives and the Achaians: to stop his Victory, and secure their Friends, sent 20000 Foot and 1000 Horse against him, under the Command of Aristomachus. Cleomenes faced them at Palantium, and offered Battle: But Aratus being dashed at his Bravery, would not suffer the General to engage, but retreated, being cursed by the Achoeans, and hooted at, and scorned by the Spartans', who were not above 5000, for a Coward▪ Cleomenes encouraged by this Success, began to vaunt among the Citizens a Sentence of one of their ancient Kings, who said, The Spartans' seldom enquired how many their Enemies were, but where they were. After this, marching to the Assistance of the Eleans, upon whom the Achaians warred, and about Lycoeum falling upon the Enemy in their Retreat, he routed their whole Army, taking a great number of Captives, and leaving many dead upon the Place; so that it was commonly reported amongst the Greeks that Aratus was slain. But Aratus making the best Advantage of the Opportunity, presently after the Defeat, marched to Mantinoea, and before any body suspected it, took the City, and put a new Garrison into it. Upon this the Lacedoemonian▪ s being quite discouraged, and opposing Cleomenes' Design of carrying on the War, he was eager to send for Archidamus, Agis' Brother from Mesena, for he of the other Family had a Right to the Kingdom; and beside Cleomenes thought that the Power of the Ephori would be abated when the Kingly State was filled up, and equally poised between the two Families. But those that were concerned in the Murder of Agis understanding the Design, and fearing that upon Archidamus' Return they should be called to an Account, received him coming privately into Town, waited on him, and presently after murdered him; but whether Cleomenes was against it (as Phylarchus imagines) or whether he was persuaded by his Friends, and winked at the Contrivance, is uncertain; however, they were most blamed, as having forced his Consent. But he still resolving to new-model the State bribed the Ephori to make him General: and won the Affections of many others by means of his Mother Cratesicloea, who spared no Cost, and was very zealous to promote the same Interest; and though of herself she had no Inclination to marry, yet for her Son's sake she wedded one of the chiefest Citizens for Wealth and Power. Cleomenes marching forth with the Army now under his Command, took Leuctra, a place belonging to Megalopolis; and the Achoeans quickly facing him with a good body of Men commanded by Aratus, in a Battle under the vety Walls of the City, some part of his Army was routed. But Aratus commanding the Achoeans not to pass a deep Hollow, and stopping the Pursuit, Lydiadas the Megalopolitan fretting at the Orders, encouraging the Horse which he led, and pursuing the routed Enemy, fell into a place full of Vines, Hedges and Ditches, and being forced to break his Ranks, was put into a great Disorder. Cleomenes observing the Advantage, commanded the Tarentines and Cretans to engage him, by whom, after a brave Dispute he was routed and slain. The Lacedoemonians thus encouraged, with a great shout fell upon the Archoeans and routed their whole Army. Of the slain, which were very many, some Cleomenes delivered upon Articles, but the Body of Lydiadas he commanded to be brought to him and then putting on it a purple Robe, and a Crown upon its Head, sent a Convoy with it to the Gates of Megalopolis. This Lydiadas was the Man that resigned his Crown, restored Liberty to the Citizens, and joined the City to the Achoean Interest. Cleomenes being very much raised by this Success; and persuaded, that if matters were wholly at his Disposal, he should quickly be too hard for the Achoeans. He taught Megistones his Mother's Husband, That 'twas expedient for the State to shake off the Power of the Ephori, and to put all their Wealth into one common Stock for the whole Body; That Sparta being restored to its old Equality, might be raised up to be Mistress of all Greece. Megistones liked the Design, and engaged two or three more of his Friends. About that time one of the Ephori sleeping in Phasiphae's Temple, dreamed a very surprising Dream; for he thought he saw the four Chairs removed out of the place where the Ephori used to sit and hear Causes, and one only set there; and whilst he wondered he heard a Voice out of the Temple, saying, This is best for Sparta. The Person telling Cleomenes this Dream, he was a little troubled at first, fearing that he used this as a Trick to sift him, upon some Suspicion of his Design; but when he was satisfied that the Relater spoke truth, he took heart again, and taking with him those whom he thought would be against his model, he took Eroea and Alcoea, two Cities of the Achoeans, furnished Orchomenium with Provisions, besieged Mantinoea; and with long marches so harassed the Lacedoemonians, that many of them desired to be left in Arcadia; and he satisfied their Request. With the Mercenaries he marched to Sparta, and by the way communicated his Design to those whom he thought fittest for his Purpose, and marched slowly that he might catch the Ephori at Supper. When he was come near the City, he sent Eurycleidas to the Sussitium, the eating-place of the Ephori, under pretence of carrying some Message from him from the Army; Threition, Phoebis, and two of those which were bred with Cleomenes, which they call Samothracoe, followed with a few Soldiers: And whilst Eurycleidas was delivering his Message to the Ephori, they ran upon them with their drawn Swords, and slew them. Agesilaus as soon as he was run through, fell, and lay as dead; but in a little time he rose, silently conveyed himself out of the Room, and crept undiscovered into a little House, which was the Temple of Fear, and which always used to be shut, but was then by chance open; being got in, he shut the Door, and lay close: the other four were killed, and above ten more that came to their Assistance; to those that were quiet, they did no harm, stopped none that fled the City, and spared Agesilaus, who came out of the Temple the next day. The Lacedoemonians have not only Temples dedicated to Fear, but also to Death, Laughter, and the like Passions: now they worship Fear, not as they do those Deities which they dread, esteeming it hurtful, but thinking their Polity is chiefly kept up by Law; and therefore the Ephori (Aristotle is my Author) when they enter upon their Government, make Proclamation to the People, That they should shave their Whiskers, and be obedient to the Laws, that they might not be forced to be severe, using this trivial Particular (in my opinion) to accustom their Youth to Obedience even in the smallest Matters. And the Ancients, I think, did not imagine Fortitude to be plain Fearlessness, but a cautious Fear of Infamy and Disgrace: for those that show most Fear towards the Laws, are most bold against their Enemies; and those are least afraid of any Danger, who are most afraid of a just Reproach. Therefore he said well:  

A Reverence still attends on Fear.  
And Homer,  
Feared you shall be, dear Uncle, and revered,  
And again,  
In silence fearing those that bore the sway.   
For 'tis very commonly seen, that Men reverence those whom they fear; and therefore the Lacedoemonians placed the Temple of Fear by the Sussitium of the Ephori, having raised their Power to almost absolute Monarchy.  
The next day Cleomenes proscribed 80 of the Citizens, whom he thought necessary to banish, and removed all the Seats of the Ephori except one, in which he himself designed to sit, and hear Causes; and calling the Citizens together, he made an Apology for his Proceedings, saying, That by Lycurgus the Senate was joined to the Kings, and that that model of Government had continued a long time, and needed no other sort of Magistrates to give it perfection. But afterward in the long War with the Messenians, when the Kings being to command the Army, had no time to attend civil Causes, they chose some of their Friends, and left them to determine the Suits of the Citizens in their stead. These were called Ephori, and at first behaved themselves as Servants to the Kings, but afterward by degrees they appropriated the Power to themselves and erected a distinct sort of Magistracy. An evidence of the Truth of this may be taken from the usual Behaviour of the Kings, who upon the first and second Message of the Ephori, refuse to go, but upon the third readily attend them: And Asteropus, the first that raised the Ephori to that height of Power, lived a great many years after their Institution; therefore whilst they modestly contained themselves within their own proper Sphere, 'twas better to bear with them than to make a disturbance. But that an upstart introduced Power should so far destroy the old model of Government, as to banish some Kings, murder others without hearing their defence, and threaten those who desired to see the best and most divine Constitution restored in Sparta, was unsufferable. Therefore if it had been possible for him without Bloodshed, to have freed Lacedaemon from those foreign Plagues, Luxury, Vanity, Debts and Usury; and from those more ancient Evils, Poverty and Riches, he should have thought himself the happiest King in the World, having like an expert Physician cured▪ the Diseases of his Country without pain. But now in this necessity Lycurgus' Example favoured his Proceedings, who being neither King, nor Magistrate, but a private Man, and aiming at the Kingdom, came armed into the Marketplace, and for fear of the King, Carileus fled to the Altar: but he being a good Man, and a lover of his Country, readily consented to Lycurgus' Project, and admitted an Alteration in the State. Thus by his own Actions Lycurgus showed, That it was difficult to correct the Government without Force and Fear, in using which, he said, he would be so moderate, as never to desire their Assistance, but either to terrify or ruin the Enemies of Sparta's Happiness and Safety. He commanded that all the Land should be left in common, and private Claims laid aside: That Debtors should be discharged of their Debts, and a strict search made, who were Foreigners, and who not: That the true Spartans', recovering their Courage, might defend the City by their Arms, and that we may no longer see Laconia, for want of a sufficient number to secure it, wasted by the Aetolians and Illyrians. Then he himself first, with his Father-in-law Megistones and his Friends, brought all their Wealth into one public Stock, and all the other Citizens followed the example: the Land was divided, and every one that he had banished, had a share assigned him; for he promised to restore all, as soon as things were settled and in quiet; and completing the common number of Citizens, out of the best and most agreeable of the neighbouring Inhabitants, he raised a Body of 4000 Men, and instead of a Spear, taught them to use a Sarissa, (a long Pike) with both hands, and to carry their Shields by a String fastened round their Arms, and not by a Handle, as before. After this he began to consult about the exercising and breeding of the Youth, (many Particulars of which, Sphoerus being then at Sparta, directed) and in a short time the Schools of Exercise, and their Syssitia, (common eating Places) recovered their ancient Decency and Order, a few out of necessity, but the most voluntarily applying themselves to that generous and Laconic way of Living: besides, that the Name of Monarch might give them no jealousy, he made Eucleidas, his Brother, Partner in the Throne; and that was the only time that Sparta had two Kings of the same Family. Then understanding that the Achoeans and Aratus imagined that this Change had disturbed and shaken his Affairs, and that he would not venture out of Sparta, and leave the City now unsettled by so great an Alteration, he thought it great and serviceable to his Designs, to convince his Enemies that he was eagerly desirous of a War: And therefore making an Incursion into the Territories of Megalopolis, he wasted the Country very much, and got a considerable Booty. And at last taking those that used to act in the public Solemnities travelling from Messena, and building a Theatre in the Enemy's Country, and setting a Prize of 40 l. value, he sat Spectator a whole day; not that he either desired or needed such a Divertisement, but as it were insulting o'er his Enemies, and that by thus manifestly despising them, he might show that he had more than conquered the Achaeans: for that alone of all the Greek or King's Armies had no Stage-players, no Jugglers, no dancing or singing Women attending it, but was free from all sorts of Looseness, Wantonness and Foppery; the young Men being for the most part upon Duty, and the old Men teaching them at leisure-time to apply themselves to their usual Drollery, and to rally one another facetiously after the Laconic fashion; the Advantages of which I have discovered in the Life of Lycurgus. He himself instructed all by his Example: he was a living Pattern of Temperance before every body's eyes, and his course of Living was neither more stately nor more expensive than any of the Commons. And this was a considerable Advantage to him in his Designs on Greece; for Men when they waited upon other Kings, did not so much admire their Wealth, costly Furniture, and numerous Attendance, as they hated their Pride and State, their difficulty of Access, and scornful commanding Answers to their Petitions. But when they came to Cleomenes, who was both really a King, and bore that Title, and saw no Purple, no Robes of State upon him, no Chairs and Couches about him for his ease, and that he did not receive Petitions, and return Answers after a long delay, by a number of Messengers, Waiters, or by Bills, but that he rose and came forward to meet those that came to wait upon him, stayed, talked freely and graciously with all that had Business, they were extremely taken, won to his Service, and professed that he alone was the true Son of Hercules. His common every days Meal was in a mean Room, very sparing, and after the Laconic manner; and when he entertained Ambassadors or Strangers, two more Beds were added, and a little better Dinner provided by his Servants; but no Fricacies, no Dainties, only the dishes were larger, and the Wine more plentiful; for he reproved one of his Friends for entertaining some Strangers with nothing but Pulse and black Broth, such Diet as they usually had in their Phiditia, saying, That upon such occasions, and when they treat Strangers, 'twas not requisite to be too exact Laconians. After Supper, a Stand was brought in with a brass Vessel full of Wine, two silver Pots, which held almost a Quart apiece, a few silver Cups, of which he that pleased might drink, but no Liquor was forced on any of the Guests. There was no Music, nor was any required; for he entertained the Company, sometimes ask Questions, sometimes telling Stories: And his Discourse was neither too grave, and unpleasantly serious, nor vain and abusive, but merrily facetious; for he thought those ways of catching Men by Gifts and Presents, which other King's use, to be mean and inartificial; and it seemed to him to be the most glorious method, and most suitable to a King to win the Affections of those that came near him, by pleasant Discourse, and unaffected Conversation: for a Friend and Mercenary differ only in this, that the one is made by Conversation and agreeableness of Humour, and the other by Reward. The Mantinoeans were the first that obliged him; for getting by night into the City, and driving out the Achoean Garrison, they put themselves under his Protection: he restored them their Polity and Laws, and the same day marched to Tegea; and a little while after fetching a Compass through Arcadia, he made a Descent upon Pheroe in Achaia, intending to force Aratus to a Battle, or bring him into Disrepute, for refusing to engage, and suffering him to waste the Country: Hyperbatus at that time commanded the Army, but Aratus had all the Power amongst the Achoeans. The Achoeans marching forth with their whole Strength, and encamping in Dumoeoe, about Hecatomboeum, Cleomenes came up, and thinking it not advisable to pitch between Dumoeoe, a City of the Enemies, and the Camp of the Achoeans, he boldly dared the Achoeans, and forced them to a Battle, and routing the Phalanx, slew a great many in the Fight, and took many Prisoners; thence marching to Lagon, and driving out the Achoean Garrison, he restored the City to the Eloeans. The Affairs of the Achoeans being in this desperate condition, Aratus, who was wont to continue in his Government above a year, refused the Command, though they entreated and urged him to accept it; and this was ill done, when the Storm was high, to put the Power out of his own hands, and set another to the Helm. Cleomenes at first proposed fair and easy Conditions by his Ambassadors to the Achoeans; but afterward he sent others, and required the chief Command to be settled upon him; and in other Matters he promised to agree to reasonable terms, and to restore their Captives and their Country. The Achoeans were willing to come to an Agreement upon those terms, and invited Cleomenes to Lerna, where an Assembly was to be held; but it happened that Cleomenes hastily marching on, and unreasonably drinking Water, brought up abundance of Blood, and lost his Voice: therefore being unable to continue his March, he sent the chiefest of the Captives to the Achoeans, and putting off the Meeting for some time, retired to Lacedoemon. This ruin'd the Affairs of Greece, which was just then ready to recover itself out of its Disasters, and avoid the insulting and Covetousness of the Macedonians: for Aratus, whether fearing or distrusting Cleomenes, or envying his unlooked-for Success, or thinking it a disgrace for him who had commanded 33 years, to have a young Man succeed to all his Glory and his Power, and be Head of that Government which he had been raising and settling so many years; he first endeavoured to keep the Achoeans from closing with Cleomenes; but when they would not hearken to him, fearing Cleomenes▪ s daring Spirit and thinking the Lacedoemonian's Proposals to be very reasonable, who designed only to reduce Peloponnesus to its old Model, he took his last Refuge, in an Action which was unbecoming any of the Greeks, most dishonourable to him, and most unworthy his former Bravery and Exploits: for he called Antigonus into Greece, and filled Peloponnesus with Macedonians, whom he himself, when a Youth, having beaten their Garrison out of the Castle of Corinth, had driven from the same Country; beside, he declared himself an Enemy to all Kings, and hath left many dishonourable Stories of this same Antigonus, in those Commentaries which he wrote. And though he declares, that he suffered considerable Losses, and underwent great Dangers, that he might free Athens from the Power of the Macedonians, yet afterward he brought the very same Men armed into his own Country, and his own House, even to the women's Apartment. He would not endure, that one of the Family of Hercules, and King of Sparta, and one that had reformed the Polity of his Country, as it were a disordered Harmony, and tuned it to the plain Doric measure of Lycurgus, to be styled, Head of the Triccoeans and Sicyonians; and whilst he fled the Pulse and short Coat, and, which were his chief Accusations against Cleomenes, the extirpation of Wealth, and reformation of Poverty, he basely subjected himself, together with Achoea, to the Diadem and Purple, to the imperious Commands of the Macedonians, and their Satrapoe. That he might not seem to be under Cleomenes, he sacrificed the Antigoneia, (Sacrifices in Honour of Antigonus) and sung Paeans himself with a Garland on his Head, to the Honour of a rotten, consumptive Macedonian.  
I write this not out of any Design to disgrace Aratus (for in many things he showed himself vigorous for the Grecian Interest, and a great Man) but out of pity to the weakness of Humane Nature, which, in such a Person so excellent, and so many ways disposed to Virtue, cannot attain to a State irreprehensible. The Achoeans meeting again at Argos, and Cleomenes descending from Tegea, there were great hopes that all Differences would be composed. But Aratus, Antigonus, and He having already agreed upon the chief Articles of their League, fearing that Cleomenes would carry all before him, and either win, or force the Multitude to comply with his Demands, proposed, that having three hundred Hostages put into his Hands, he should come alone into the Town, or bring his Army to the place of Exercise, called Cillarabion, without the City, and treat there.  
Cleomenes hearing this, said, That he was unjustly dealt with; for they ought to have told him so plainly at first, and not now he was come even to their Doors, show their Jealousy, and deny him Admission: And writing an Epistle to the Achoeans about the same Subject; the greatest part of which was an Accusation of Aratus; and Aratus, on the other side, ripping up his Faults to the Assembly, he hastily dislodged; and sent a Trumpeter to denounce War against the Achoeans, but not to Argos, but to Aegium, as Aratus delivers, that he might not give them notice enough to make Provision for their Defence. Upon this, the Achoeans were mightily disturbed, the common People expecting a Division of the Land, and a Release from their Debts; and the chief Men being on many Accounts displeased with Aratus, and some angry and at odds with him, as the Occasion of the Macedonians descent on Peloponnesus. Encouraged by these Misunderstandings, Cleomenes invades Achoea; and first took Pellene by surprise, and beat out the Achoean Garrison; and afterward brought over Pheneon and Penteloeon to his side. Now the Achoeans suspecting some treacherous Designs at Corinth and Sicyon, sent their Horse and Mercenaries out of Argos to have an Eye upon those Cities, and they themselves went to Argos to celebrate the Nemean Games. Cleomenes advertised of this march, and hoping (as it afterward fell out) that upon an unexpected Advance to the City now busied in the Solemnity of the Games, and thronged with numerous Spectators, he should raise a considerable Terror and Confusion amongst them; by night he marched with his Army to the Walls, and taking the quarter of the Town called Aspis, which lies above the Theatre, a place well fortified, and hard to be approached, he so terrified them, that none offered to resist, but agreed to accept a Garrison, to give twenty Citizens for Hostages, and to assist the Lacedoemonians, and that he should have the chief Command. This Action considerably increased his Reputation, and his Power; for the ancient Spartan Kings, though they many ways endeavoured to effect it, could never bring Argos to be steadfastly and sincerely theirs. And Pyrrhus a most experienced Captain, and brave Soldier, though he entered the City by force, could not keep Possession, but was slain himself with a considerable part of his Army: Therefore they admired the Dispatch and Contrivance of Cleomenes; and those that before derided him for saying that he imitated Solon and Lycurgus in releasing the People from their Debts, and in equally dividing the Wealth of the Citizens, were now persuaded that he was the cause of the desirable Alterations in the Spartan Commonwealth: For before they were very low in the World, and so unable to secure their own, that the Aetolians invading Laconia, brought away fifty thousand Slaves; (so that one of the elder Spartans is reported to have said, That they had done Laconia a kindness by unburdening it) and yet a little while after applying themselves to their own Customs, and ancient Institution, they gave notable Instances of Courage and Obedience, as if they had been under the Eye of Lycurgus himself; and quickly raised Sparta to be Head of all Greece, and recovered Peloponnesus to themselves. Whilst Argos was taken, and Cleonoe and Phlius sided with Cleomenes, Aratus was at Corinth searching after some, who were reported to favour the Spartan Interest. The News being brought to him, disturbed him very much; for he perceived the City inclining to Cleomenes, and the Achoeans willing to be at ease; therefore he called all the Citizens into the common Hall, and, as it were, undesignedly retreating to the Gate, he mounted his Horse that stood ready there, and fled to Sicyon; and the Corinthians made such haste to Cleomenes at Argos, that (as Aratus says) striving who should be first there, they spoiled all their Horses: And Cleomenes was very angry with the Corinthians for letting Aratus escape: And Megistones came from Cleomenes to him, desiring him to diliver up the Castle of Corinth, which was then garrisoned by the Achoeans, and offered him a considerable Sum of Money; and that he answered, That Matters were not now in his Power, but he in theirs. Thus Aratus himself writes. But Cleomenes marching from Argos, and taking in the Troezenians, Epidaurians, and Hermioneans, came to Corinth, and blocked up the Castle which the Achoeans would not surrender; and sending for Aratus' Friends and Stewards, committed his House and Estate to their Care and Management; and sent Tritimallus the Messenian to him a second time, desiring that the Castle might be equally garrisoned by the Spartans' and Achoeans, and promising to Aratus himself double the Pension that he received from King Ptolemy: But Aratus refusing the Conditions, and sending his own Son with other Hostages to Antigonus, and persuading the Achoeans to make a Decree for delivering the Castle into Antigonus' Hands, Cleomenes invaded the Territory of the Sicyonians, and by a Decree of the Corinthians, seized on all Aratus' Estate. In the mean time Antigonus, with a great Army, passed Gerania, and Cleomenes thinking it more advisable to fortify and garrison, not the Isthmus, but the Mountains called Onia, and by a long Siege and Skirmishes to weary the Macedonians, than to venture a set Battle, put his Design in Execution, which very much distressed Antigonus; for he had not brought Victuals sufficient for his Army; nor was it easy to force a way through whilst Cleomenes guarded the Pass. He attempted by night to pass through Lechoeum, but failed, and lost some Men; so that Cleomenes and his Army, were mightily encouraged, and so flushed with the Victory, that they went merrily to Supper; and Antigonus was very much dejected, being reduced to those miserable straits. At last he designed to march to the Promontory Heroeum, and thence transport his Army in Boats to Sicyon, which would take up a great deal of time, and be very chargeable. The same time about Evening some of Aratus' Friends came from Argos by Sea, and invited him to return, for the Argives would revolt from Cleomenes. Aristotle was the Man that wrought the Revolt; and he had no hard task to persuade the common People; for they were all angry with Cleomenes for not releasing them from theirs Debts as they expected. Upon this Advertisement Aratus with fifteen hundred of Antigonus' Soldiers sailed to Epidaurus; but Aristotle not staying for his coming, drew out the Citizens, and fought against the Garrison of the Castle, and Timoxenus with the Achoeans from Sicyon, came to his Assistance. Cleomenes heard the News about the second Watch of the Night, and sending for Megistones angrily commanded him to go and set things right at Argos. This Megistones was the Man who passed his word for the Argives Loyalty, and persuaded him not to banish the suspected. This Megistones he dispatched with two thousand Soldiers, and observed Antigonus himself, and encouraged the Corinthians, pretending that there was no great matter in the Stirs at Argos, but only a little Disturbance raised by a few inconsiderable Persons. But when Megistones, entering Argos, was slain, and the Garrison could scarce hold out, and frequent Messengers came to Cleomenes for Succours, he fearing lest the Enemy having taken Argos, should shut up the Passes, and securely waste Laconia, and besiege Sparta itself, which he had left without Forces; he dislodged from Corinth, and presently lost that City; for Antigonus entered it, and garrisoned the Town. He turned aside from his direct March, and assaulting the Wall of Argos, endeavoured to break in; and having cleared a way under the quarter called Aspis, he joined the Garrison which still held out against the Achoeans; some parts of the City he scaled, and took, and his Cretan Archers cleared the Streets. But when he saw Antigonus with his Phalanx descending from the Mountains into the Plain, and the Horse on all sides entering the City, he thought it impossible to maintain his Post, and therefore with all his Men made a safe Retreat behind the Wall. Having in a short time raised himself to a considerable height, and in one March made himself Master of almost all Peloponnesus, and lost all again in as short a time: For some of his Allies presently forsaken him, and others not long after put themselves under Antigonus' Protection. His Army thus defeated, as he was leading back the Relics of his Forces, some from Lacedoemon met him in the Evening at Tegea, and brought him News of as great a Misfortune as that which he had lately suffered, and that was the Death of his Wife, whom he doted on so much, that when he was most prosperous, he would ever now and then make a step to Sparta, to visit his beloved Aegiatis.  
This News afflicted him extremely, and he grieved, as a young Man would do for the loss of a very beautiful and excellent Wife; yet his passion did not debase the greatness of his Mind, but keeping his usual Voice, his Countenance and his Habit, he gave necessary Orders to his Captains, and took care to secure the Tegeans. The next day he retired to Sparta, and having at home with his Mother and Children bewailed the loss, and finished his Mourning, he presently appeared about the public Affairs of the State. Now Ptolemy, the King of Egypt, promised him Assistance, but demanded his Mother and Children for Hostages: this for some considerable time he was ashamed to discover to his Mother; and though he often went to her on purpose, and was just upon the Discourse, yet still refrained, and kept it to himself? so that she began to suspect somewhat, and asked his Friends, Whether Cleomenes had somewhat to say to her, which he was afraid to speak! At last Cleomenes venturing to tell her, she laughed heartily, and said, Was this the thing that you had often a mind to tell me; and was afraid? Why do not you put me on ship board, and send this Carcase where it may be most serviceable to Sparta, before Age wastes it unprofitably here? Therefore all things being provided for the Voyage, thy went to Toenarus on Foot, and the Army waited on them. Cratesicloea, when she was ready to go on Board, took Cleomenes aside into Neptune's Temple, and embracing him who was very much dejected, and extremely discomposed, she said thus, Go to King of Sparta; when we are without door, let none see us weep, or show any Passion below the Honour and Dignity of Sparta; for that alone is in our own power; as for Success or Disappointments, those wait on us as the Deity decrees. Having said thus, and composed her Countenance, she went to the Ship with her little Grandson, and bad the Pilot put presently out to Sea. When she came to Egypt, and understood that Ptolemy entertained Proposals and Overtures of Peace from Antigonus, and that Cleomenes, though the Achoeans invited and urged him to an Agreement, was afraid, for her sake, to come to any, without Ptolemy's consent, she wrote to him, advising him to do that which was most becoming and most profitable for Sparta, and not for the sake of an old Woman and a little Child, always stand in fear of Ptolemy: this Character she maintained in her Misfortunes. Antigonus having taken Tegea, and plundered Orchomenum and Mantinoea, Cleomenes was shut up within the narrow Bounds of Laconia, and made such of the Helots as could pay five Attic pounds, free of Sparta, and by that means got together 500 Talents; and arming 2000 after the Macedonian fashion, that he might make a Body fit to oppose Antigonus' Leucaspidoe (white-Shields) he undertook a very considerable and very surprising Enterprise. Megalopolis was at that time a City of itself, as big and as powerful as Sparta, and had the Forces of the Achoeans and Antigonus encamping on its sides; and it was chiefly the Megalopolitans doing, that Antigonus was called in to assist the Achoeans. Cleomenes having a design upon this City, (no Action was ever more sudden and more unexpected) ordered his Men to take five days Provision, and so marched to Sellasia, as if he intended to spoil the Country of the Argives: but from thence making a descent into the Territories of Megalopolis, and refreshing his Army about Rhoetium, he marched through Helicon, directly to the City. When he was not far off the Town, he sent Panteus with two Regiments to surprise the Mesopyrgion, (the Quarter between the two Towers) which he understood to be the most unguarded Quarter of the Megalopolitans Fortifications; and with the rest of his Forces he followed leisurely. Panteus, not only surprised that Place, but finding a great part of the Wall without Guards, he pulled down some places, and demolished others, and killed all the Defenders that he found. Whilst he was thus busied, Cleomenes came up to him, and was got with his Army within the City, before the Megalopolitans knew of the Surprise: At last, as soon as it was discovered, some left the Town immediately, taking with them what Money they had ready; some armed, and engaged the Enemy; and though they were not able to beat them out, yet they gave their Citizen's time and opportunity safely to retire: so that there were not above 1000 Persons left in the Town, all the rest flying with their Wives and Children, and escaping to Messena. A great number of those that armed and fought the Enemy, were saved, and very few taken, amongst whom were Lysandridas and Thearidas, two Men of great Power and Reputation amongst the Megalopolitans; and therefore the Soldiers, as soon as they were taken, brought them to Cleomenes: And Lysandridas, as soon as he saw Cleomenes afar off, cried out, Now, King of Sparta, 'tis in your power, by doing a most Kingly and braver Action than you have already performed, to purchase a considerable Glory. And Cleomenes guessing at his meaning, replied, What do you say, Lysandridas, sure you will not advise me to restore your City to you again? 'Tis that which I mean, Lysandridas replied, and I advise you not to ruin so brave a City, but to fill it with faithful and steadfast Friends and Allies, by restoring their Country to the Megalopolitans, and being the Saviour of so considerable a People. Cleomenes paused a while, and then said, 'Tis very hard to trust so far in these Matters; but with us let Profit always yield to Glory. Having said this, he sent the two Men to Messena with a Trumpeter from himself, offering the Megalopolitans their City again, if they would forsake the Achoean Interest, and be on his side. Though Cleomenes made these kind and obliging Proposals, yet Philopoemen would not suffer them to break their League with the Achoeans; and accusing Cleomenes to the People, as if his design was not to restore the City, but to take the Citizens too, he forced Thearidas and Lysandridas to leave Messena.  
This was that Philopoemen who was afterward Chief of the Achoeans, and a Man of the greatest Reputation amongst the Greeks, as I have made it appear in his own Life. This News coming to Cleomenes, though he had before taken such strict care that the City should not be plundered, yet then being in a Fury, and put out of all patience, he rifled them of all their Coin, Plate and Jewels, and sent their Statues and Pictures unto Sparta; and demolishing a great part of the City, he marched away, for fear of Antigonus and the Achoeans: but they never stirred, for they were in Aegium, at a Council of War. There Aratus mount the Desk, wept along while, and held his Mantle before his Face; and at last the Company being amazed, and commanding him, to speak, he said, Megalopolis is ruin▪ d by Cleomenes. The Assembly was presently dissolved, the Achoeans being extremely surprised at the suddenness and greatness of the loss; and Antigonus intending to send speedy Succours, when he found his Army to gather very slowly out of their Winter-quarters, he sent them Orders to continue there still; and he himself marched to Argos with a considerable Body of Men. The second enterprise of Cleomenes seemed to be carried on by extreme Boldness and unaccountable Madness; but yet in Polybius' opinion, was done upon mature Deliberation and exact Foresight: for knowing very well that the Macedonians were dispersed into their Winter-quarters, and that Antigonus with his Friends and a few Mercenaries about him wintered in Argos; upon these Considerations he invaded the Country of the Argives, hoping to shame Antigonus to a Battle upon unequal terms; or else if he did not dare to Fight, to bring him into Disrepute with the Achoeans. And this accordingly happened; for Cleomenes wasting, plundering and spoiling the whole Country, the Argives vexed at the loss, ran in Troops to the Palace of the King, and clamoured that he should either fight, or surrender his Command to better and braver Men. But Antigonus, as became an experienced Captain, accounting it dishonourable, foolishly to hazard his Army, and quit his Security, and not so to be abused and railed at by the Rabble, would not march out against Cleomenes, but stood fixed to the Designs which he had laid: Cleomenes in the mean time brought his Army up to the very Walls, and having uncontroul'dly spoiled the Country, and insulted o'er his Enemies, drew off again. A little while after being advertised that Antigonus designed for Tegea, and thence to make an Incursion into Laconia, he hastily marched with his Army another way, and appeared early in the morning before Argos, and wasted the Fields about it: the Corn he did not cut down with Reaping hooks and Sythes, as Men usually do, but beat it down with great Staves made like Scimitars, as if with a great deal of Contempt and wanton Scorn he spoiled the Fields, and wasted the Country in his March; yet when his Soldiers would have set Cyllabaris, the School of Exercise, on fire, he hindered the Attempt, reflecting upon serious consideration, that the Outrages committed at Megalopolis, were the effects of his Passion rather than his Wisdom. He pretended to make such little account of, and so much to despise Antigonus, who first retired to Argos, and afterwards placed Garrisons on all the Mountains round about, that he sent a Trumpeter to desire the Keys of the Heroeum, (Juno's Temple) that he might sacrifice to the Goddess. Thus with a Scoff and bitter Reflection on Antigonus, and having sacrificed to the Goddess, under the Walls of the Temple, which was shut, he marched to Phlius; and from thence driving out those that garrisoned Hologountum, he marched down to Orchomenum. And these Enterprises not only encouraged the Citizens, but made him appear, to the very Enemies to be an experienced Captain and very worthy of Command: for with the Strength of one City, not only to fight the Power of the Macedonians, and all the Peloponnesians; not only to preserve Laconia from being spoiled, but to waste the Enemy's Country, and to take so many and such considerable Cities, is an Argument of no common Bravery. He that first said, That Money was the sinews of Affairs, seemed chiefly in that saying to respect War: And Demades, when the Athenians had voted that a Navy should be made ready, but had no Money, said, They should make Bread before they thought of Sailing. And the old Archidamus, in the beginning of the Peloponnesian War, when the Allies desired, that each Parties share of Contributions for the War should be determined, is reported to have said, War cannot be kept to a set Diet: For as well-breathed Wrestlers do in time weary and tyre out the most active and most skilful Combatant; so Antigonus coming to the War with a great stock of Wealth, wearied out Cleomenes, whose Poverty made it difficult for him either to provide Pay for the Mercenaries, or Provisions for the Citizens. For in all other Respects the time favoured Cleomenes; for Antigonus' Affairs at home began to be disturbed: for the Barbarians wasted and overran Macedonia whilst he was absent; and at that time a vast Army of the Illyrians came down: to be freed from whose Outrages, the Macedonians sent for Antigonus, and the Letters had almost been brought to him before the Battle was fought; upon the receipt of which he presently dislodged, and left the Achoeans Affairs to themselves. But Fortune, that loves to determine the greatest Affairs by a Minute, in this Conjuncture showed such an exact niceness of Time, that immediately after the Battle in Sellasia was over, and Cleomenes had lost his Army and his City, the Messengers reached Antigonus. And this made Cleomenes' Misfortune more to be pitied; for if he had forborn fight two days longer, there had been no need of hazarding a Battle, since upon the departure of the Macedonians, he might have had what Conditions he pleased from the Achoeans▪ But now (as I hinted before) for want of Money, being necessitated to rely wholly on his Arms, he was forced with 20000 (this is Polybius' Account) to engage thirty thousand; and approving himself an excellent Commander in this Difficulty, his Citizens showing an extraordinary Courage, and his Mercenaries Bravery enough; he was overborne by the different way of fight, and the weight of the Armed Phalanx. Besides, Phylarchus affirms, that the Treachery of some about him was the chief Cause of Cleomenes' Ruin. For Antigonus gave Orders, that the Illyrians and Acharnanians should march round by a secret way, and encompass the other Wing which Eucleidas, Cleomenes' Brother, commanded; and then drew out the rest of his Forces to the Battle. And Cleomenes, from a convenient rising, viewing his Order, and not seeing any of the Illyrians and Acharnanians, began to suspect that Antigonus had sent them upon some such Design; and calling for Damoteles, who was to inspect, and to provide against Ambushes, commanded him carefully to look after, and discover the Enemy's Designs upon his Rear.  
But Damoteles (for some say Antigonus had bribed him) telling him, that he should not be solicitous about that matter, for all was well enough, but mind, and fight those that met him in the front. He was satisfied, and advanced against Antigonus; and by the Vigorous Charge of his Spartans', made the Macedonian Phalanx give ground, and pressed upon them with great Advantage about half a mile; but then making a stand, and seeing the danger which the surrounded Wing commanded by his Brother Eucleidas, was in, he cried out, Thou art lost, dear Brother, thou art lost, thou brave Example to our Spartan Matron's Songs.  
Eucleidas' Wing being thus cut in Pieces, and the Conquerors from that part falling upon his Battle, he perceived his Soldiers to be disordered, and unable to maintain the Fight, and therefore provided for his own safety. When he came into the City, he advised those Citizens that he met, to receive Antigonus; and as for himself, he said, which should appear most advantageous to Sparta, whether his Life or Death, that he would choose. Seeing the Women running out to those that fled with him, taking their Arms, and bringing Drink to them, he entered into his own House, and his Servant, which was a freeborn Woman, taken from Megalopolis after his Wife's Death, offering, as she used to do, to make necessary Provision for him returning from the Battle; though he was very thirsty, he refused to drink, and though very weary, to sit down; but armed as he was, he clapped his Arm sideway to a Pillar, and leaning his Forehead upon his Elbow, he rested his Body a little while, and ran over in his Thoughts what course he should take, and then with his Friends went presently to Gythium; where finding Ships fitted for the Purpose, they embarked. Antigonus taking the City, treated the Lacedoemonians courteously, and neither affronting, nor ruining the Dignity of Sparta, but permitting them to enjoy their own Laws and Polity, and sacrificing to the Gods, dislodged the third day: for he heard that there was a great War kindled in Macedonia, and that the Country was spoiled by the Barbarians; besides, he grew sick of a Consumption and continual Defluxion on the Lungs, yet he still kept up that he might return and free his own Country, and fall more gloriously upon an heap of slaughtered Barbarians. As Phylarchus says, and 'tis probable, he broke a Vein by shouting in the Battle. In the Plays 'twas said, that after the Victory he cried out for Joy, O fine Day! and presently bringing up abundance of Blood, fell into a Fever, and died in a short time. And thus much concerning Antigonus.  
Cleomenes sailing from Cytheroe, touched at another Island called Aegyalia, whence as he was about to depart for Cyrene, one of his Friends, Therytion by Name, a Man of an haughty Spirit in all Enterprises, and high and boasting in his talk, came privately to him, and said thus; Sir, Death in Battle, which is the most glorious, we have let go; though all heard us say that Antigonus should never tread over the King of Sparta▪ unless dead; and now that which is next in Bravery and Glory, is presented to us. Whither do we madly sail, flying that which is near, and seeking that which is far removed? For if it is not dishonourable for the Race of Hercules to serve the Successors of Philip and Alexander, we shall save a long Voyage by delivering ourselves up to Antigonus, who, probably, surpasseth Ptolemy as much as the Macedonians do the Egyptians; but if we think it mean to submit to those whose Arms have conquered us, why should we choose him for our Lord by whom we have not yet been beaten? Is it that instead of one, we might appear meaner than two, whilst we fly Antigonus, and flatter Ptolemy? Or, is it for your Mother's sake that you retreat to Egypt? It will indeed be a very fine, and very desirable sight for her to be shown her Son by Ptolomy's Women, now changed from a Prince into an exile and a Slave. Are we not still Masters of our own Swords? And whilst we have Laconia in view, shall we not here free ourselves from this disgraceful Misery, and clear ourselves to those, who at Sellasia died for the Honour and Defence of Sparta? Or, shall we sit lazily in Egypt enquiring what News from Sparta? and whom Antigonus hath been pleased to make Governor of Lacedaemon? Thus spoke Therytion; and this was Cleomenes' Reply; By seeking Death, you Coward, the most easy, and most ready Refuge, you fancy that you shall appear courageous and brave, though this Flight is base than thy former. Better Men than we have given way to their Enemies, having been betrayed by Fortune, or oppressed by Multitude; but he that sinks under Labour or Afflictions, the Opinions or Reproaches of Men, is overcome by his own Effeminacy and Softness: For a voluntary Death ought not to be chosen as a Relief from Action, but as an Exemplary Action itself, and 'tis base either to live or to die only to ourselves. That death to which you now invite us, is proposed only as a release from our present Miseries, but carries nothing of Bravery or Profit in it. And I think it becomes both me and you not to despair of our Country; but when there are no hopes of that left, those that have an Inclination may quickly die. To this Therytion returned no Answer; but as soon as he could get out of Cleomenes' Company, went toward the Shore, and ran himself through. But Cleomenes sailed from Aegialia, landed in Libya, and being honourably conducted through the King's Country, came to Alexandria. When he was first brought to Ptolemy, no more than common Civilities, and usual Ceremonies were paid him; but when; upon trial, he found him a Man of deep Sense, and great Reason, and that his plain Laconic way of Conversation carried a free Pleasantness with it, that he did nothing unbecoming the greatness of his Birth, nor bend under Fortune, and appeared a more faithful Councillor, than those who made it their business to please and flatter; he was ashamed, and repented that he had neglected so great a Man, and suffered Antigonus to get so much Power and Reputation by ruining him. Therefore he heaped up Honours and Kindnesses on Cleomenes, and gave him Hopes that he would furnish him with an Army and a Navy to recover Greece, and reinstate him in is Throne. Besides, he allowed him a yearly Pension of four and twenty Talents; a little part of which Sum supplied his and his Friends thrifty Temperance; and the rest was employed in doing good Offices to, and in relieving the Necessities of those that fled Greece, and retired into Egypt.  
But the elder Ptolemy dying before Cleomenes' Affairs had received a full Dispatch, and the Successor being a loose, voluptuous and effeminate Prince, under the power of his Pleasures and his Women, his Business was neglected: for the King was so besotted with his Women and his Wine, that Balls, Music and Dancing, were the only Employments of his most busy and serious hours, and the greatest Affairs of State were managed by Agathoclea the King's Mistress, her Mother, and the Pimp Oinanthes. Therefore at the first they seemed to stand in need of Cleomenes; for Ptolemy being afraid of his Brother Magas, who by his Mother's means had a great Interest amongst the Soldiers, took Cleomenes into his Cabinet-Council, and acquainted him with the Design of taking off his Brother. He, though all were for it, declared his opinion to the contrary, saying The King, if it were possible, should have more Brothers for the better security and management of his Affairs: And Sosibius, the greatest Favourite, replying, That they were not secure of the Mercenaries whilst Magas was alive; Cleomenes returned▪ That he ne●d not trouble himself about that Matter, for amongst the Mercenaries there were above 3000 Peloponnesians, who were his fast Friends, and whom he could command at any time with a Nod. This Discourse made Cleomenes for the present to be looked upon as a Man of Integrity and Power; but afterwards (Ptolemy's Weakness increasing his Fear, and, as it usually happens, where there is no Judgement and Wisdom at the bottom, placing his Security in Jealousy and Suspicion) rendered Cleomenes suspected to the Courtiers, as having too much Interest with the Mercenaries; and many had this Saying in their mouths, That he was a Lion midst a flock of Sheep: for such he seemed to be in the Court, slyly overlooking and taking notice of the management of Affairs; therefore when he desired a Navy and an Army from the King, his Petition was rejected. But when he understood that Antigonus was dead, that the Achoeans were engaged in a War with the Aetolians, and that the Affairs of Peloponnesus, being now in very great Distraction and Distress, required and invited his Assistance, he desired leave to depart only with his Friends, but could not obtain that, the King not so much as hearing his Petition, being shut up amongst his Women, and wasting his Hours in Debauchery and Frolicks. But Sosibius, the chief Minister of State, thought that Cleomenes being detained against his will, would grow ungovernable and dangerous, and yet that it was not safe to let him go, being an aspiring▪ daring Man, and well acquainted with the Diseases and Weakness of the Kingdom; for no Presents, no Gifts, could win him to a Compliance. But as the Ox Apis, though revelling in all possible plenty and delight, yet desires to live as nature would provide for him, to be at liberty, and frisk about the Fields, and can scarce endure to be under the Priests keeping; so he could not brook their Courtship, and tender Entertainment, but like Achilles.  

Whilst there, his heart did waste with secret grief,  
And he was eager for the noisy Wars.   
His Affairs standing in this condition, Nicagoras the Messenian came to Alexandria, a Man that deeply hated Cleomenes, yet pretended to be his Friend; for he had formerly sold Cleomenes a fair Estate, but never received the Money, because Cleomenes was either unable, (as it may be) or else by reason of his engagement in the Wars and other Distractions, had no time to pay him. Cleomenes seeing him landing, (for he was then walking upon the Key) kindly saluted him, and asked, What Business brought him to Egypt? Nicagoras returned his Compliment, and told him, That he came to bring some excellent Warhorses to the King. And Cleomenes with a Smile subjoined, I wish you had rather brought Pimps, Whores and Pathics; for those now are the King's chief Delight. Nicagoras at the present smiled at the Conceit; but a few days after he put Cleomenes in mind of the Estate that he had bought of him, and desired his Money, protesting that he would not have troubled him, if his Merchandise had turned to that Account, which he thought it would. Cleomenes replied, That he had not a penny left of all that had been given him: At which Answer Nicagoras being nettled, told Sosibius Cleomenes' Scoff upon the King. He caressed him for the Discovery, but desiring to have some greater Reason to excite the King against Cleomenes, persuaded Nicagoras to leave a Letter written against Cleomenes, importing that he had a Design, if he could have gotten Ships and Soldiers, to surprise Cyrene: Nicagoras wrote such a Letter, and left Egypt. Four days after Sosibius brought the Letter to Ptolemy, pretending it was just then delivered him, and with a bitter Invective excited the Fury of the Youth; upon this it was agreed, that Cleomenes should be invited into a large Apartment and treated as formerly, but not suffered to go out again: this Usage was grievous to Cleomenes, and by this unlucky Accident, his Hopes for the future seemed to be quite dashed. Ptolemy, the Son of Chrysermas, a Favourite of the King's, always carried himself fairly towards Cleomenes; they contracted a near Acquaintance, and would talk freely together about the State. He upon Cleomenes' Desire came to him, had some Discourse with him, upon a few and inconsiderable Subjects, to avoid suspicion, and made some Excuses for the King; but as he went out again, not knowing that Cleomenes followed him to the Door, he very severely reprimanded the Keepers, for their Carelessness in looking after so great and so furious a wild Beast. This Cleomenes himself heard, and retiring before Ptolemy perceived it, told his Friends what he had heard. Upon this they cast off all their former Hopes, and determined for violent Proceedings, resolving to be revenged on Ptolemy for his base and unjust Dealing, to have satisfaction for the Affronts, to die as it became Spartans, and not stay till, like fatted Sacrifices, they were butchered: for 'twas both grievous and dishonourable for Cleomenes, who had scorned to come to Terms with Antigonus, a brave Warrior, and a Man of Action, to wait an effeminate King's leisure, till he should lay aside his Fiddle, and end his Dance, and then kill him. These Courses being resolved on, and Ptolemy happening at the same time to make a Progress to Canopus, they first spread abroad a Report, that his Freedom was ordered by the King; and it being the King's custom, to send Presents and an Entertainment to those whom he would free, Cleomenes' Friends made that provision, and sent it into the Prison, thereby deceiving the Keepers, who thought it had been sent by the King; for he sacrificed, and gave them large Portions, and with a Crown upon his Head feasted and made merry with his Friends: 'tis said, that he began the Action sooner than he designed, having understood that a Servant of one of the Accomplices lay abroad with a Mistress that he loved. This made him afraid of a Discovery; and therefore as soon as it was full Noon, and all the Keepers drunk and fast asleep, he put on his Coat, and opening the Seam on his right Shoulder, with his drawn Sword in his hand he issued forth, together with his Friends, provided in the same manner, making 13 in all. One of them, by Name Hippotas, was lame, he followed the first Onset very well; but when afterward he perceived that they were more slow in their Advances for his sake, he desired them to run him through, and not ruin their Enterprise, by staying for an useless, unprofitable Man. By chance an Alexandrian was then riding by the Door, him they threw off, and setting Hippotas on Horseback, ran through the narrow Lanes, and proclaimed Liberty to the People; but they, it seems, had Courage enough to praise and admire Cleomenes' Daring, but not one had the heart to follow and assist him. Three of them fell on Ptolemy, the Son of Chrysermas, as he was coming out of the Palace, and killed him: Another Ptolemy, the Lieutenant of the City, advancing against them in a Chariot, they set upon, dispersed his Guards and Attendants, and pulling him out of the Chariot, killed him upon the Place. Then they made toward the Castle, designing to break open the Prison, and take the Prisoners to their Assistance; but the Keepers were too quick for them, and secured the Passages. Being baffled in this Attempt, Cleomenes with his Company roamed about the City, none joining with him, but all retreating from, and flying his Approach: therefore despairing of Success, and saying to his Friends, That it was no wonder that Women ruled o'er those Men that fled Liberty, he excited them all to die as bravely as became his Followers, and Men of their glorious Performances. This said, Hippotas was first, as he desired, run through by one of the young Men, and then each of them readily and resolutely fell upon his own Sword, except Panteus, that Panteus that first surprised Megalopolis. This Man being a very handsome Person, and a better Companion▪ than any of the Youth, the King loved, and bade him, when he had seen him and the rest fallen, die by their Example. Panteus walked over them as they lay, and pricked every one with his Dagger, to try whether any was alive; when he pricked Cleomenes in the Leg, and saw him turn upon his Back, he kissed him, sat down by him, and when he was quite dead, covered his Carcase, and then killed himself upon his Body.  
Thus fell Cleomenes that great, brave Man, after he had been King of Sparta sixteen Years. The News of their Fall being noised through the City, Cratesiclaea, though a Woman of a great Spirit, could not bear up against the insupportable weight of this Affliction; but embracing Cleomenes' Children, made grievous Lamentations; but the eldest Boy, none suspecting such a Spirit in a Child, threw himself headlong from the top of the House; he was bruised very much, but not killed by the Fall, and was taken up crying, and expressing his Resentments for not being permitted to destroy himself. Ptolemy, as soon as an Account of the Action was brought him, gave order that Cleomenes' Body should be flayed and hung up; that his Children, Mother, and the Women that were with her, should be killed. Amongst those was Panteus' Wife, a very fair Women, and of a stately Carriage, who had been but newly married, and suffered these Disasters in the height of her Love. Her Parents would not let her embark with Panteus presently after they were married, though she eagerly desired it, but shut her up, and kept her by Violence at home; yet a few days after she got an Horse and a little Money, and escaping by Night, made speed to Taenarus where she embarked for Egypt, came to her Husband, and with him cheerfully endured to live in a foreign Country. She led Cratesiclaea as she was going with the Soldiers to Execution, held up her Train, and begged her to be courageous, who of herself was not in the least afraid of Death, and desired nothing else, but only to be killed before the Children. When they were come to the Place of Execution, the Children were first killed before Cratesiclaea's Eyes, and afterwards she herself, with only these words in her Mouth; O Children, whither are you gone? But Panteus' Wife girded her Garments close to her, and being a strong Women, without any Noise or Lamentation, looked after every one that was slain, and wound them up as well as her present Circumstances would permit; and after all were killed, dressing herself, bound her clothes close about her, and suffering none to come near, or be an Eye-witness of her Fall, besides the Executioner, she courageously submitted to the stroke, and wanted no Body to look after her, or wind her up after she was dead. Thus in her Death the Modesty of her Mind appeared, and set that Guard upon her Body, which she always kept when alive: And she in the declining Age of the Spartans' showed, that Women were no unequal Rivals of the Men, and was on Instance of such a Courage as would not sneak to the Affronts of Fortune. A few days after, those that watched the hanging Body of Cleomenes, saw a very great Snake winding about his Head, and covering his Face, so that no Bird of Prey would fly at it. This made the King superstitiously afraid, and set the Women upon several Lustrations, as if he had been an extraordinary Man, and one beloved by the Gods that had been slain. And the Alexandrians made Processions to the Place, and gave Cleomenes the Title of Hero, and Son of the Gods, till the Philosophers satisfied them by saying, That as Oxen breed Bees, putrifying Horses Breed Hornets, and Beetles rise from the Carcases of dead Asses, so the Humours and Juices of the Marrow of a Man's Body coagulating, produce Serpents. And this the Ancients observing, appropriated a Serpent rather than any other Creature to Hero's.   

THE LIVES OF THE GRACCHIS, TIBERIUS and CAIUS.  Englished from the Greek, by John Warren, Fellow of St. Catharine's-Hall in Cambridge. 

HAving dispatched the foregoing History, we shall proceed to take a view of a pair of Romans, not less remarkable for their Misfortunes than the former; and compare with the Lives of Agis and Cleomenes, these of Tiberius and Caius. They were the Sons of Tiberius Gracchus, who tho' he had been once Censor,  
TIBERIUS & CAIUS GRACCHUS   depiction of Tiberius and Caius Gracchus MBurgher: sculp. 
twice Consul, and twice had triumphed, yet was more renowned and esteemed for his Virtue than his Honours. Upon this account after the Death of that Scipio who defeated Hannibal, he was thought worthy to match with his Daughter Cornelia; tho' there had been no Friendship or Familiarity between Scipio and him, but rather the contrary. There goes a Report, that he once found in his Bedchamber a couple of Snakes, and that the Soothsayers being consulted concerning the Prodigy, advised, That he should neither kill'em both, nor let 'em both escape; saying, That if the male Serpent was killed, Tiberius should die; and if the Female, Cornelia: And that therefore Tiberius, who extremely loved his Wife, and thought besides that it was much more becoming him, who was an old Man, to die, than her, who as yet was but a young Woman; killed the male Serpent, and let the Female escape: And soon after himself died, leaving behind him 12 Children born to him by Cornelia.  
Cornelia taking upon herself all the Care of her Family, and Education of her Children, approved herself so modest a Matron, so indulgent a Mother, and so constant and noble spirited a Widow, that Tiberius seemed to all Men to have done nothing unreasonable, in choosing to die for so great a Woman; who, when King Ptolemy himself would have married her, and proffered her his Crown, refused it, and choose rather to live a Widow. In this state she continued, and lost all her Children except one Daughter, that was married to Scipio the younger; and two Sons, Tiberius and Caius, whose Lives we are now writing.  
These she brought up with so great Care, that tho' they were without dispute of the noblest Family, and had the best natural Parts among the Romans, yet they seemed to owe their eminent Virtues, more to their Education than their Birth. Now as in the Statutes and Pictures of Castor and Pollux, tho' the Brothers resemble one another, yet there is a difference to be perceived in their Countenances, between the one, who delighted in the Caestus, and the other, that was famous for managing the Horse: so tho' there was a great Agreement between these two noble Youths, in their common pursuit after Fortitude and Moderation, after Liberality and Eloquence, and greatness of Mind; yet in their Actions, and Administrations of public Affairs, a Disagreement as great manifestly appeared. It will not be amiss before we proceed, to set down the Difference between them.  
Tiberius in the Make of his Countenance 
An exact Character of Tiberius and Caius.  and his Looks, in his Gesture and Motion, was gentle and composed; but Caius earnest and vehement: so that in their public Speeches to the People, the one modestly used very little Action, nor changed his Place; the other would walk about in the Rostrum, and in the heat of his Orations, pull his Gown off his Soldiers, and was the first of all the Romans that used such Gestures: As Cleon is said to be the first Orator among the Athenians, that pulled off his Cloak, and smote his Thigh, in his Harangues to the Multitude. Caius his Oratory was impetuous, and so pathetical, that it raised Horror in the Auditory; but Tiberius was more mild, and apt to move Pity and Compassion: in his Words he was pure and natural, yet laborious and accurate; but Caius was pompous and figurative. So likewise in their way of Living, and at their Tables, Tiberius was frugal, and no affecter of Variety; but Caius, if indeed compared with other Men, moderate enough: but in respect of his Brother, too curious a Lover of Rareties, and profuse; which Drusus objected to him, that he had bought 
A Drachma is seven pence half penny.  certain Dolphins of Silver, to the value of 1250 Drachmas, for every pound weight.  
The same difference that appeared in their Speaking, was observable also in their Tempers: The one was smooth and sedate, the other rough and passionate; and to that degree, that often in the midst of his Orations, he was so hurried away by his Passion, even against his own Will, that he fell to give ill Language; and so strained his Voice, that he could not proceed in the Speech. For a Remedy to this Excess, he made use of an ingenious Servant of his, one Licinius, who stood constantly behind him with a 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Pitch-pipe, or Instrument to regulate the Voice by; and when ever he perceived his Master's Tone alter, and grow harsh with Anger, he struck a soft Note with his Pipe, at the hearing of which, Caius immediately bated of the vehemence of his Passion and Voice, grew mild, and was easily recalled to Temper. These are the differences between the two Brothers; but their Valour against their Enemies, their Justice to their Countrymen, their Care and well management of their public Affairs, and lastly their Continency against Sensuality and Pleasures, were equally remarkable and alike in both.  
Tiberius was the elder by nine years, which occasioned that their public Actions were divided, by the difference of the Times, in which those of the one, and those of the other, were transacted. This was no small hindrance to their Undertake; for not coming at the same time to the administration of Affairs, they could not join their Interests together, which between them both, had they flourished at once, must needs have been very great, and almost irresistible. We must therefore give an Account of each of them singly, and first of the eldest.  
Tiberius, thoes as yet but a young Man, 
Tiberius' made Augur.  was so celebrated and esteemed, that he was soon admitted into the College of the Augurs, and that with Respect had, more to his early Virtue, than his noble Birth. This Appius Claudius made appear; who, tho' he had been Consul and Censor, and was then the chief of the Roman Senate, and excelling in Wisdom most of his Quality, at a public Feast of the Augurs, addressed himself openly to Tiberius, and with great expressions of Kindness, offered him his Daughter 
He marries Claudia, the Daughter of App-Claudius.  in Marriage; which with much satisfaction embracing, and the Wedding Agreements being thus speedily concluded, Appius went strait home, and calling out his Wife to the Gate, with a loud Voice cried out, O Antistia, I have contracted our Daughter Claudia to a Husband. She being amazed, answered, but why so suddenly? or what means this haste? unless you have provided Tiberius Gracchus for her Husband. I am not ignorant, that some apply this Story to Tiberius, the Father of the Gracchis, and Scipio Africanus; but most People relate it as we have done: And Polybius writes, that after the Death of Scipio Africanus, the nearest Relations of Cornelia, preferring Tiberius to all other Competitors, gave her to him in Marriage, not having being engaged or promised to any one by her Father.  
Now this young Tiberius serving in Africa under the Younger Scipio, who had married his Sister, and conversing under the same Tent with his General, soon observed and learned his noble Genius, which excited a great emulation of his Virtues, and stirred him up to the imitation of his Actions, and in a short time excelled all the young Men of the Army in his Regular Behaviour and Courage; and he at one Siege was the first that mounted the Enemy's Wall, as Fannius says, who writes, that he himself climbed up with him, and was partaker in that Action. His presence created amongst the Soldiers an extraordinary Affection, and his departure left a passionate desire of his Return.  
After that Expedition, being chosen Paymaster 
He is chosen Quaestor. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  of the Army, it was his fortune to serve in the War against the Numantines, under the Command of C. Mancinus the Consul, a Person no ways unblamable, but the most unfortunate of all the Roman Generals. Notwithstanding, amidst the greatest Misfortunes, and in the most unsuccessful Erterprises, not only the Discretion and Valour of Tiberius, but also (which was still more to be admired) the great Respect and Veneration which he had from his General, was most eminently remarkable: insomuch that even in the extremity of Danger, he never regarded himself, as a principal Officer; for when he was overcome in several desperate Battles, he would leave the main Body of the Army, and in the Nighttime sally out with the Forces under his particular Command. When the Numantines perceived this, they immediately possessed themselves of his Camp, pursuing that part of the Forces which was put to flight; slew all those that were in the Rear, hedged the whole Army in on every side, and forcing them into such intricate Places, as that there could be no possibility of an Escape. Mancinus despairing to make his way through by force, sent a Messenger to desire a Truce, and cessation of Arms; but they refused to conclude a Treaty with any one except Tiberius, and required that he should be sent to treat with them. This they earnestly insisted upon, not only in regard to the young Man's Courage, (for he had a great Reputation amongst the Soldiers) but likewise in remembrance of his Father Tiberius, who in his Expedition against the Spaniards, had utterly destroyed several other Places, but granted a Peace to the Numantines, which he commanded to be always kept punctually and inviolable.  
Upon this Consideration Tiberius was 
He makes a Peace with the Numantines.  dispatched to the Enemy, whom he persuaded to accept of several Conditions, and he himself complied with others; and by this means its evident, that he saved 20000 of the Roman Citizens, besides Slaves, and those that followed the Army. However the Numantines seized upon, and destroyed all things that were left behind in the Camp; amongst these were Tiberius' Books of Accounts, containing the whole Transactions of his Quaestorship, upon which he set an extraordinary value: And therefore when the Army was already upon their March, he returned to Numantia, accompanied with only three or four of his intimate Friends, and making his Application to the principal Officers of the Numantines, he earnestly entreated, that they would return him his Books, lest his Enemies should thereby take an occasion to upbraid him, for not being able to give an Account of the Moneys received and disbursed by him. The Numantines joyfully embraced this opportunity of obliging him, and kindly invited him into the City; as he stood arguing the Case wish them, they approached towards him, took him by the H●nds, and earnestly begged, that he would never again look upon them as Enemies, but relying upon their Friendship, be confident for the future of this their present Sincerity. Tiberius' thought it convenient to believe 'em, because he was desirous to have his Books returned, and was afraid lest he should disoblige them, by showing any manner of Distrust. As soon as he entered into the City, they in the first place invited him to a public Entertainment, and were very earnest that he would accept of it: Afterwards they returned his Books, and gave him the liberty to take whatever he saw most acceptable of the remaining Spoils. He on the other hand would accept of nothing but some Frankincense, which he used in his public Sacrifices; and after he had kindly embraced them, and made his Compliments, departed.  
When he returned to Rome, he found the whole Transaction censured and reproached, as a Business that was base and scandalous to the Romans; but the Relations and Friends of the Soldiers, which were the greatest part of the Populace, came flocking to Tiberius, whom they acknowledged the Preserver of so many Citizens, and imputed all the Miscarriages which had happened, to the General. They who were dissatisfied with the Proceedings, proposed 
The Peace Broken.  the example of their Ancestors to be followed; for after the hasty Peace, which had been concluded with the Samnites, upon conditions that the Romans should march home without molestation, they stripped all such as had been any way concerned in making that Peace, as well the Treasurers and Tribunes, as the leading Officers; and in that manner delivered 'em up into the Enemy's hands, laying the Crimes of Perjury, and breach of that Peace, at their Doors. But in this Affair, the Populace showing an extraordinary Kindness and Affection for Tiberius, they indeed voted that the Consul should be stripped, and put in Irons, and so delivered to the Numantines; but they granted a general Pardon to all the others, out of Respect only to Tiberius. It may be probable also, that Scipio, who at that time was a leading Man among the Romans, lent him his Assistance; tho' he was nevertheless censured for not protecting Mancinus too; and that he did not ratify the Articles of Peace, which had been agreed upon by his Kinsman and Friend Tiberius. But it's evident, that the greatest part of these Differences did arise from the Ambition of some designing Politicians, who had a Kindness for Tiberius. However this 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Disorder never came to a malignant and incurable Disease; and truly I cannot be persuaded, that Tiberius would ever have taken those Courses which he did, if Scipio Africanus had had any hand in the management of his Affairs: for at the time when he was engaged in the War against Numantia, Tiberius then ventured to make Proposals of new Laws, for the better regulation of the Government, upon the following occasion.  
The Romans had by Conquest gained some Lands, adjoining to the Suburbs, part whereof they sold publicly, and turned the remainder into Common; this Common they assigned to such of the Citizens as were poor and indigent, for which they were to pay only a small acknowledgement into the public Treasury: but when the wealthy Men began to raise the Rents, and turn the poor People out of their Possessions, it was enacted by Law, that no Person whatever should enjoy more than 500 Acres of Ground. This Act did for some time restrain the Avarice of the richer, and was no small supply to the poorer People, who possessed their respective Proportions of Ground, as they had been formerly rent by them: afterwards the rich Men of the Neighbourhood contrived to get these Lands again into their Possessions, under other people's Names, and at last would not stick to claim most of 'em publicly in their own. The Poor, who were thus deprived of their Farms, would neither list themselves in the Militia, nor take any care of the Education of their Children: in so much that in a short time there were few Freemen remaining in all Italy, which swarmed with a numerous company of barbarous Slaves: these the rich Men employed about the cultivating their Ground, for want of Citizens. C. Loelius, an intimate Acquaintance of Scipio's, undertook to rectify this Abuse; but meeting with Opposition from Men of Authority, and fearing lest a Riot should thereupon be committed, he soon desisted; upon which account he was called, Loelius the Wise.  
Tiberius' being elected Tribune of the People, 
Plutarch styles him, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, having no other way to express the Latin word. Sapiens. He is chosen Tribune.  prosecuted that Design with all diligence, at the Instigation (as 'tis commonly reported) of Diophanes the Orator, and Blossius the Philosopher. Diophanes was one that had been banished from Mytilene; the other was an Italian, of the City of Cuma, who was educated there by Antipater of Tarsus, that afterwards did him the Honour to dedicate his Philosophical Lectures to him. Some are apt to think, Cornelia, the Mother of Tiberius, contributed towards it, because she frequently upbraided her Sons, upon this account, that the Romans as yet rather called her the Daughter of Scipio, than the Mother of the Gracchis; but 'twas thought Sp. Posthumius was the chief occasion of this. He was Contemporary with Tiberius, and very ambitious to gain the Reputation of being the better Orator; whom, when Tiberius at his return from the Campaign, found to be in very great Esteem and Authority, he was desirous to outdo him, by attempting a popular Enterprise of this Difficulty, and of such great consequence. But his Brother Caius left it us in Writing, that when Tiberius went through Tuscany into Numantia, and found the Country's almost depopulated, there being hardly any Husbandmen or Shepherds, and for the most part only barbarous foreign Slaves; he from that time took into his serious Consideration, the management of this Affair, which in the sequel proved so fatal to his Family: though it is most certain, that the People themselves chiefly excited him to be active and vigorous in the prosecution of this, by their fixing public Libels upon the Porches, Walls and Monuments, humbly beseeching him, that he would re-establish them in their former Possessions.  
However he did not make this Law, without 
The Law concerning the division of Lands.  the Advice and Assistance of those Citizens, that were then most eminent for their Virtue and Authority; amongst whom was Crassus the high-Priest, Mutius Scoevola the Lawyer, (who at that time was Consul) and Claudius Apias his Father-in-Law. Never did any Law appear more moderate and gentle, especially being enacted against so great an Oppression and Avarice: for they who ought to have been severely punished for transgressing the former Laws, and should at least have lost all their Titles to such Lands, which they had unjustly usurped; yet they were ordered notwithstanding to receive a Gratuity, for quitting their unlawful Claims, and restoring their Lands to those right Owners, who stood in need thereof. But though this Reformation was managed with so much Tenderness, and all the former Transactions smothered, the People were never the less careful to prevent all Abuses of the like nature for the future. On the other hand, the moneyed Men, and those of great Estates, were exasperated, through Covetousness, against the Law itself, and against the Lawgiver, through Anger and Obstinacy; they therefore endeavoured to seduce the People, insinuating to them, that Tiberius had introduced such a division of the Lands, with a design only to disturb the Government, and put all things into a Confusion.  
But they succeeded not in his Project; for Tiberius being a Person always resolute in the maintaining of an honourable and just Cause, and one whose Eloquence was sufficient to have made a less creditable Action appear plausible, was earnest, and not easily to be controlled. Upon this account, being placed in the Rostrum, he made a Speech on the behalf of the poor People, to this effect. The savage Beasts, says he, in Italy 
Tiberius' Speech.  have their particular Dens; they have their Places of Repose and refuge: but the Men who bore Arms, and exposed their Lives for the safety of their Country, enjoyed in the mean time nothing more in it but the fresh Air and Sunshine; and having no Houses or Settlements of their own, were constrained to wander from Place to Place with their Wives and Children. He told 'em, That the Commanders were guilty of a ridiculous Error, when at the Head of their Armies, they exhorted the common Soldiers to fight for their Temples and Altars; when not any amongst so many Romans, is possessed of either Altar or Monument, neither have they any Houses of their own, or Seats of their Ancestors to defend: they fought indeed, and were slain, but it was to maintain the Luxury and the Wealth of other Men: they likewise were styled also the Lords of the Universe, but in the mean time had not one foot of Ground, which they could call their own. An Harangue of this nature, spoken to an Enthusiastical and tumultuous Rabble, by a Person of extraordinary Prudence and great Zeal; none of his Adversaries at that time presumed to make any Opposition thereunto. Forbearing therefore all manner of Disputes, they turned themselves towards Marcus Octavius, his fellow- Tribune, who being a young Man, of a sober Conversation, modest in his Behaviour, and an intimate Friend of Tiberius', did upon that account decline at first the opposing of him; but at length, over-persuaded 
M▪ Octavius opp●ses this Law.  with the repeated Importunities of some considerable persons, he was prevailed upon to answer Tiberius; and he insisted chiefly upon the Abrogation of the Law; it being a Custom, that the Tribunes have a power to hinder any Law from passing and that the Commonalty can enact nothing, if only one of them dissents from it. Tiberius' being enraged at these Proceedings abolished presently this mild Law; but at the same time preferred another; which as it was more grateful to the Common People, so it was much more severe against Extortioners; commanding them, To make an immediate Surrender all such Lands, which they, contrary to former Laws, had got into their Possessions. From hence it was, that there arose daily Contentions between him and Octavius in their Orations; however, tho' they expressed themselves with much heat and earnestness, they yet were never known to use any scurrilous Language, or in their Passion to let slip any indecent Expression, so as to derogate from one another. From whence it's observable, how much a good Temper, and an Ingenuous Education does influence and compose men's Minds; not only in their Meetings for Pleasure and Diversion, but likewise in their Contentions, and in their very emulation for Preferments.  
When Tiberius considered, that Octavius himself had offended against this Law, and detained a great quantity of Ground from the Commonalty, he desired that all manner of Disputes might be laid aside; and generously proffered for the Public Good, tho' he himself had but an indifferent Estate to purchase Octavius' share, at his proper Cost and Charges: But upon the refusal of this proffer by Octavius, he then published an Edict, prohibiting all Magistrates to exercise their respective Functions, till such time as the Law was either ratified or rejected by Public Votes. He further Sealed up the Gates of Saturn's Temple, in which the Public Treasury was kept, so that the Treasurers could neither take any thing out from thence, or put any thing in. He threatened to impose a severe fine upon such as should presume to disobey his Commands, insomuch that all the Officers for fear of this Penalty, omitted the exercise of their several Jurisdictions. Upon this account, the Gentlemen of Estates put themselves into Mourning, went up and down Melancholy and Dejected; thy entered into a Conspiracy against Tiberius, and procured Ruffians to murder him; insomuch that he never went abroad without such a Tuck or Rapier as Robbers use, which the Latins call Dolon.  
When the day appointed was come, and the People Summoned to give their Votes, the Rich Men seized upon the BallottingBoxes: And carried them away by force, all things being Transacted in great Confusion. For when Tiberius' Party appeared strong enough to oppose the contrary Faction, and were drawn together in a Body. with Resolutions to do so; Manlius and Fulvius, two of the Consular Quality, threw themselves at Tiberius' Feet, took him by the Hand, and with Tears in their Eyes, humbly begged of him to desist. Tiberius' considering the inconveniencies that were likely to arise, and having a great Respect for two such Eminent Persons, demanded of them what they would advise him to do. They acknowledged themselves Persons altogether unfit to advise in a Matter of so great Importance, but earnestly entreated him to leave it to the Determination of the Senate. When the Senate was Assembled, and yet could not bring the Business to a Period, by reason of the prevalency of the Rich Faction, he then betook himself to illegal and unjust Methods, endeavouring to deprive Octavius of his Tribune ship; it being impossible for him without that, to get the Law ratified and confirmed. At first he caressed him with most Obliging Language, and taking him by his Hands, beseeched him, that now in the presence of all the People, he would take this Opportunity to Oblige them, in granting only that Request which was in itself so Just and Reasonable, being but a small Recompense in regard of those many Dangers and Hardships which they had undergone for the Public Safety. Octavius would by no means be persuaded to a Compliance; whereupon Tiberius declared openly, that seeing they two were jointly concerned in the same Office, and of equal Authority, it would be a difficult matter to compose this Difference without a Civil War; and that the only Remedy which he knew, must of Necessity be the Deposing one of them from their Office. He desired therefore that Octavius would Summon the People to pass their Verdict upon him first, averring that he would willingly relinquish his Authority if the honest Citizens would consent to it. But Octavius still continued refractory▪ wherefore Tiberius told him plainly, That the People should have liberty to vote against him, if upon mature Deliberation he did not suddenly alter his Mind, and after this Declaration Adjourned the Assembly till the next day. When the People were met together again, Tiberius placed himself in the Rostrum, and endeavoured a second time to persuade Octavius: But all being to no purpose, he referred the whole matter to the People, Ordering them to Vote whether Octavius should be Deposed or not; and when seventeen of the Thirty five Tribes had already Voted against him, and there wanted only the Votes of one Tribe more for his final deprivation, a short stop being here put to the proceedings, Tiberius vouchsafed to renew his Importunities, embraced and kissed him before all the Congregation, begging with all the earnestness imaginable, that he would neither suffer himself to be exposed to such Infamy, nor him to be reputed the Author and Promoter of such an odious Project. Octavius (they say) seemed a little softened and moved with their Importunities, and and with his Eyes full of Tears continued silent for a considerable time: But afterwards looking towards the Estates who were gathered together in a Body, partly for shame, and partly for fear of incurring their Displeasure, he generously bid Tiberius do what he pleased. The Law for his Deprivation being thus Voted Tiberius Ordered one of his Servants, whom he had made a Freeman, 
Octavius Deposed.  to pull Octavius out of the Rostrum, for he employed his own Domestic Servants in the stead of Sergeants.  
And this was a further addition to the Punishment, that Octavius was dragged out in such an Ignominious manner. The People immediately assaulted him with great violence, whilst the Rich Men ran in to his Assistance. Octavius presently fled, and without any Attendant escaped the Fury of the Rabble, tho'it happened that a trusty Servant of his, who had placed himself by his Master, that he might assist him towards his escape, in keeping off the Multitude, had his Eyes struck out, contrary to the intention of Tiberius, who ran with all haste (when he perceived the Disturbance) to appease the Rioters.  
This being done, the Law concerning 
This Law was again Ratified.  the lands was Ratified, and Confirmed, and three Commissioners were appointed to make a Survey of the grounds and see the same equally divided: The Commissioners were Tiberius himself, Claudius Appius his Father-in-Law, and his Brother C. Gracchus, who at this time was not at Rome, but in the Army under the Command of Scipio Africanus, before Numantia. These things were transacted by Tiberius peaceably, none daring to stand in Opposition to him; and besides all this, he choose by his own Interest and Authority another Tribune, not as formerly out of the Eminent Nobility, but Mutius, one of his own Domestic Servants. Upon the account of these proceedings, the Rich were extremely offended, and still dreaded, lest he should grow more Popular; they therefore took all Opportunities of Affronting him publicly in the Senate-House; for when he desired, as was usual, to have a tent provided at the Public Charge for his use, when he should begin his Expedition to divide the Lands, though it was a favour commonly granted to Persons employed in business of much less importance, yet was peremptorily refused 
An Obolus is a Penny Farthing.  to him; and they would allow him only nine Oboli to defray each days Expenses.  
P. Narsica was the chief promoter of these Affronts, and was not afraid to own how much he hated him▪ upon the account of his having formerly a very great Estate in those Public Lands, and did not a little resent it, to be turned out now by force. The People on the other hand were still more and more enraged, insomuch that a little after this, it happened that one of Tiberius' Friends died suddenly, and his Body being full of Malignant spots, the People therefore ran in a Tumultuous manner to his Funeral, crying aloud that the Man was Poisoned: They took the Coffin upon their shoulders, and carried the Corpse to the Funeral Pile, really believing that the plain Symptoms of Poison were easily discernible, for the Body swelled to a great bigness, and such a quantity of Corrupt Humours issued out, that the Funeral-fire was extinguished thereby; and when it was again kindled, the Wood still would not burn, insomuch that they were constrained to carry the Corpse to another place, where, with much difficulty, it took fire. Besides this, Tiberius, that he might incense the People yet more, put himself into Mourning, brought his Children amongst the Crowd, entreated the People to provide for them and their Mother, as if he himself did now despair of his own Security. About this time King Attalas, Surnamed Philopater, died, and Eudemus, a Pergamenian, brought his Last Will to Rome, whereby he had made the Roman People his Heirs.  
Tiberius, to ingratiate himself still more 
Tiberius' disposes of King Attalas' Legacy to the Common People.  with the Commonalty, immediately proposed making of a Law, that all the ready Money which Attalas left, should be distributed amongst such poor Citizens as were to be sharers of the Public Lands, for the better enabling of them to proceed in the management and cultivating of their Ground; and as for the Cities that were in the Territories of Attalas, he declared that the disposal of them did not at all belong to the Senate, but the People, and that he himself would ask their Pleasure herein; by this he exasperated the Senate more than ever he had done before, and therefore Pompeius stood up instantly, and acquainted the Senate that he was the next Neighbour to Tiberius, and so had the Opportunity of knowing, That Eudemus the Pergamenian had presented Tiberius with a Royal Crown and a Purple Robe, thereby intimating that Tiberius should ere long be King of Rome.  
Quintus Metellus also upbraided Tiberius, that when his Father was Censor, the Romans never returned home from their Country Houses after Supper, but they put▪ out their Torch's, lest they should be seen to have indulged themselves in Banqueting at unseasonable hours. But instead of this decent Custom, his common Practice was, to walk the Streets at Midnight, whilst mean and insolent Fellows flocked to him, and made up his Retinue.  
Titus Annius, a Man of no great repute either for his Honesty or Learning, but a cunning Sophister in proposing cramp Questions and returning Answers, offered to prove by undeniable Arguments that Tiberius had done unworthily in Deposing a Roman Magistrate, whom the Laws ever esteemed Sacred and Inviolable. The People immediately grew Tumultuous, and Tiberius Summoning a General Assembly, commanded Annius to appear and maintain that which he had asserted: But Annius being neither a good Logician, nor pretending much to Oratory, rather betook himself to his old way of ask some cunning sort of Questions, and desired that he would propose one or two to Tiberius, before he entered upon the Chief Argument. This Liberty being granted, and silence Proclaimed, Annius proposed this Question. If you, says he, had a Design to Vilify and Defame me, and I should apply myself to any other Magistrate for redress, and he should come readily to my assistance, would you for that reason fall into an extravagant Passion, and put him out of Commission? Tiberius, they say, being much surprised at this Question, was wholly silent, tho' at other times his assurance as well as his Eloquence was always remarkable; yet now upon this account he thought it convenient to dismiss the Assembly.  
Afterwards beginning to understand that his Behaviour towards Octavius did disgust the Populace as well as the Nobility (because the Dignity of the Tribunes seemed to be violated, which had always continued till that day very Sacred and Honourable) he made a Speech to the People in Justification of himself, out of which it may not be improper to Collect some particulars, that we may thereby discern what impression such Eloquence was able to make upon an Auditory. A Tribune, says he, of the People 
Tiberius' Speech.  is Sacred indeed, and aught to be inviolable, because in a manner Consecrated to be the Guardian and Protector of them; but if he degenerates so far as to Oppress the People, to retrench their Privileges, and take away all their Liberty of Voting, he than deprives himself of that Honourable Station by the neglect of his Duty, for which the Honour was bestowed upon him; otherwise a Tribune might not think himself obnoxious, tho' he should demolish the Capitol, or burn the Naval Magazines.  
Certainly when he that is only guilty of such Extravagances as these, can't be looked upon as a good Tribune; much less can he be so, that dares presume to diminish the Privileges of the People, because he ceases from that time to be the People's Tribune. Is it not very unreasonable, that a Tribune should have Power to Imprison a Consul, if the People must have no Authority to Degrade him when he uses that Honour which he received from them, to their detriment: For the Tribunes, as well as the Consuls, are Elected to that Dignity by the People's Votes. (But to proceed) the Kingly Government, which comprehends all sorts of Authority in itself alone, is confirmed with the greatest and most religious Solemnity imaginable, as being a Government which does most resemble that of Heaven. But the Citizens notwithstanding this, deposed King Tarquin▪ because of his tyrannical Oppressions, and for the Injustice of one single Man, the ancient Government under which Rome was built, was abolished for ever. What is there in all Rome so sacred and venerable, as the Vestal Virgins, to whose care alone the preservation of the Eternal Fire is committed; yet if their Charity be violated, and their Reputation stained, they are buried alive: for when they presume to commit any Offence against their Gods, they instantly lose that Veneration, which they claimed as Attendants in their Service; so likewise a Tribune should no longer be respected by the People as a sacred Person, when he offends against that Authority from whence he derived his own.  
We always esteem that Person legally chosen Tribune, who is elected only by the majority of Votes; and is not therefore the same Person much more lawfully degraded, when by a general consent of them all, they agree to depose him. Nothing is so sacred as religious Offerings; yet the People were never prohibited to make use of them, but suffered to remove and carry them wherever they pleased: they likewise, whenever it has been thought convenient, have transferred the Tribuneship as a sacred Present, from one Person to another; and if this had been an unusual thing, yet that Authority could not have been thought unalterable, because several Magistrates have often voluntarily surrendered their Commissions, or desired to be discharged.  
Those were the principal Heads of Tiberius' Apology; but his Friends apprehending the Dangers which seemed to threaten him, and those Conspiracies that were secretly contrived against him, were of opinion, that the safest way would be for him to petition, that he might be continued Tribune for the year ensuing. Upon this Consideration he again endeavoured to oblige the People with other Laws, making the years of serving in the War fewer than formerly, in granting the liberty of Appeals from the Judges to the People, and joining to the Senators that were Judges at that time, an equal number of ordinary Gentlemen, endeavouring as much as in him lay to lessen the Power of the Senate; which proceeded rather from Passion and Prejudice, than from any rational regard to Equity and the public Good. When it came to be debated, whether these Laws should be ratified, he was presently sensible, that his Adversaries had the most Votes, (the People as yet being not got together in a full Body) and in such Cases, 'twas his Custom to raise some disputes with his fellow-Officers, out of design only to gain longer time; but failing in that Project too, he at length adjourned the Assembly till the day following.  
Tiberius then went down into the Market place amongst the People, and made his first Addresses to them in an humble posture with Tears in his Eyes; and afterwards told them, he had just reason to suspect, that his Adversaries would attempt in the Nighttime to break open his House, and murder him. This worked so strongly with the Multitude, that several of them erected Tents round about his House, and kept Guard all night for the security of his Person. By break of day came one of the 
Several ill Omens happened to him.  Soothsayers, who prognosticate good or bad Success by the pecking of Fowls, and threw them something to eat: the Soothsayer used his utmost Endeavours to fright the Fowls out of their Coop; but none of them except one would venture out, which fluttered with its left Wing, and stretched out its Leg, and run back again into the Coop, without eating any thing. This put Tiberius in mind of another ill Omen, which had formerly happened to him: he had a very costly Head-piece, which he made use of when he engaged in any Battle, and into this piece of Armour two Serpents crawled, laid Eggs, and brought forth young ones; the remembrance of which, made Tiberius more concerned at this, than otherwise he would have been. However he went towards the Capitol, as soon as ever he understood that the People were assembled there; but before he got out of the House, he stumbled upon the Threshhold with such violence, that he broke the Nail of his great Toe, insomuch that Blood gushed out of his Shooe. He was not gone very far, before he saw two Ravens fight on the top of a House, which stood on his left hand as he passed along; and tho' he was surrounded with an infinite number of People, a Stone happened to fall just at his Foot, beaten down (as it's probable) by the Ravens: which Accident put a stop to those that were the boldest Men about him. But Blossius of Cuma, who happened to be then present, told him, That it would be a shameful thing for Tiberius, who was the Son of Gracchus, the Nephew of Scipio Africanus, and the Protector of the Roman People, to refuse (for fear of a silly Bird) to promote the Interest of his Countrymen, who might reasonably expect it from him; and that his Adversaries would not only represent this, as the effect of a mean Spirit, but the trick of a Tyrant, who had no other intention than to abuse the generous Kindness of the common People. At the same time several Messengers came also from Tiberius' Friends, to desire his presence at the Capitol, and to acquaint him, that all things went there according to expectation. Indeed Tiberius' first entrance there was very pompous, and he was honourably received; for as soon as ever he appeared, his Friends welcomed him with loud Acclamations into the Capitol: and when he had taken his Place, they repeated their expressions of Joy, and took care that no Person whatever should come near him, unless those who were his intimate Friends. Mutius then began to put the Business again to the Vote; but nothing was performed with the usual Decency and Order, by reason of the Disturbance which the Rabble made, by their pressing forwards to get into the Capitol.  
Whilst these things were carried on in this Confusion, Flavius Flaccus, a Senator, standing in a Place higher than ordinary, but at such a distance from Tiberius, that when he could not make him hear, by reason of the tumultuous noise, signified to him by certain motions of his Hand, that he had a desire to impart something of Consequence to him in private. Tiberius' ordered the Multitude to make way for him, by which means (tho' not without some difficulty) Flavius got to him, and informed him, that the Senators, seeing they could not prevail upon the Consul to espouse their Quarrel, had at length come to this final Determination amongst themselves, that he should be assassinated; and to that purpose had a great number of their Friends and Servants prepared to accomplish it. Tiberius no sooner communicated this Confederacy to those about him, but they immediately tucked up their long Gowns, broke the Halberds which the Sergeants used to keep the Crowd off, into pieces, and with those resolved to oppose all violent Assaultants. They who stood at a distance wondered, and demanded what the occasion of that Disorder should be; Tiberius knowing that they could not hear him at that distance, lifted his Hand to his Head, thereby intimating the great Danger which he apprehended himself to be in: his Adversaries taking notice of that Action, ran presently to the Senate house, and declared, that Tiberius desired the People to bestow a Crown upon him, and that he might be King of Rome. This being very surprising, Nasica presently demanded of the Consul, that he would punish this Tyrant, and defend the Government, as by Law established. The Consul mildly replied, That he would not be Guilty of an unjust action; and as he would not suffer any Freeman to be put to death, before Sentence had lawfully passed upon him, so neither would he protect Tiberius, if by his Insinuation the People should act any thing contrary to Law. But Nasica rising from his Seat in a great passion, Since the Consul, says he, regards not the Safety of the Commonwealth, let every one who will defend the Dignity and Authority of their Laws, follow me. He then casting the skirt of his Gown over his Shoulder, hastened to the Capitol; they who bore him company, wrapped their Gowns also about their Arms, and forced their way after him: but upon the account that they were Persons of the greatest Authority in the City, the common People durst not obstruct their going thither, but were rather so careful in avoiding 'em, that they tumbled over one another in haste. Some had furnished themselves with Clubs; others got up the feet of Stools and Chairs, which were broken by the hasty flight of the common People. Thus armed, they made towards Tiberius, knocking down all those whom they happened to meet with; so that the People were soon wholly dispersed, and many slain, as they endeavoured to make their escape.  
Tiberius' seeing these things, thought it his best way to save himself by flight: as he was running, he chanced to be stopped by one who catched him hold by the Grown; but he presently getting clear of that, fled in his under-Garments only. In this hasty flight it happened, that falling over those who before had been knocked down, as he was endeavouring to recover himself, one Publius Satureius, a Tribune, was observed to give him the first fatal stroke, by hitting 
Tiberius' slain.  him upon the Head with the foot of a Stool: the next Man who struck him, was Lucius Rufus, who afterwards boasted of it, as an honourable Exploit. In this Tumult there were above 300 Men slain, with Clubs and Staves only, there being no Warlike Instruments made use of. This was the first Insurrection amongst the Romans, that ended with the effusion of Blood, since the abrogation of Kingly Government; for all former Seditions, which were neither small, nor about trivial Matters, were always amicably composed, the two Parties constantly submitting to one another, either the Senate for fear of the Commons, or the Commons out of respect to the Senate. And it's probable indeed that Tiberius himself might then have been easily brought to submission, if he had not been proceeded against in such a rigorous manner; for he had not at that time above 3000 Men of his Party: but it's evident, that this Conspiracy was fomented against him, more out of an aversion and malice which the rich Men had to his Person, than for the Reasons which they commonly pretended against him: in testimony whereof, we may allege the Cruelty and unnatural Insulting which they used to his dead Body; for they would not suffer his own Brother tho' he earnestly begged the favour, to bury his Corpse in the Night, but threw it together with other Carcases into the River. Neither did their Cruelty stop here; for they banished some of his Friends without legal Process, and slew as many of the others as they could lay their hands on: amongst whom Diophanes the Orator was slain; they murdered one Caius Billius, by shutting him up close in a large Tun with Vipers and Serpents: Blossius of Cuma indeed was carried before the Consuls, and examined touching what had happened; who freely confessed, That he had never failed to execute what ever Tiberius commanded him: What, replied Nasica, then if Tiberius had commanded that you should burn the Capitol, would you have burnt it? His First Answer was, That Tiberius never commanded any such thing: but being pressed with the same Question by several others, he declared, That if Tiberius had commanded it, he would not have thought it an inglorious action to have done it; for he never commanded any thing but what he thought for the People's Advantage. Blossius at this time was pardoned, and afterwards fled to Aristonicus in Asia, whose Fortune being then reduced to a desperate condition, he killed himself. However the Senate to mollify the People after these Transactions, did not oppose the division of the public Lands, and permitted them to choose another Commissioner for that Business in the room of Tiberius: so they elected Publius Crassus, who was Gracchus' near Kinsman, because his Daughter Licinia was married to Caius Gracchus; although Cornelius Nepos says, that she was not the Crassus' Daughter, whom Caius married, but Brutus', that triumphed for his Conquests in Portugal: but most Historians are of the same opinion with us. Afterwards the People were much concerned for the loss of Tiberius; and it was apparent, that they wanted nothing but a convenient opportunity to be revenged, and already threatened to bring Nasica to his Trial. The Senate fearing lest some Mischief should befall Nasica, sent him Ambassador into Asia, tho' there was no other occasion for his going thither. The common people did not conceal their Indignation even in the open Streets, but railed at him, whenever they met him abroad, calling him a Murderer and a Tyrant, one who had polluted even the Temple itself, with the blood of a Tribune. Upon this Consideration Nasica left Italy, altho' he was obliged, being the Chief-Priest, to officiate in all Principal Sacrifices: thus wand'ring full of Discontent and Affliction from one Place to another, he died in a short time after not far from Pergamus. It is no wonder that the People had such an aversion to Nasica, when even Scipio Africanus, who, though deservedly beloved by the Romans, was in danger of quite losing the good opinion which the people had of him, only for repeating when the News of Tiberius' Death was first brought to Numantia, this Verse out of Homer:  
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. So may he perish, who such Crimes commits.  
And afterwards being asked by Caius and Fulvius, in a great Assembly, what he thought of Tiberius' Death; he answered, That he did not at all approve Tiberius' way of Proceeding. Upon which account the People would begin to interrupt him with their Hissing, in the middle of his Orations, which they never presumed to do before that time; and he on the other hand was so incensed at it, that upon this account he reflected very smartly upon the People. This is a full Account of the most material Passages in the Life of Tiberius.   

THE LIFE OF CAIUS.  
CAius Gracchus at first, either for fear of his Brother's Enemies, or designing to render them more odious to the People, absented himself from their public Assemblies, and quietly retired to his own House, as if he was a Person, to whom such private Circumstances were not only very agreeable at present, but that he was content also to pass the remainder of his Life, without affecting any public Action; which made some imagine, that he abhorred and detested the Transactions of Tiberius: however he was now but very young, being not so old as his Brother by nine years, who was scarce thirty, when he was slain.  
It was not long before he plainly discovered 
Gracchus' his Character.  his Temper, having a natural antipathy to a lazy Retirement and Effeminacy; nor in the least inclined to any sort of Luxury or Covetousness, but wholly addicted himself to the study of Eloquence, as Wings whereby he might easily aspire to public Business and Government; and it was very apparent, that he did not intend to pass his days in obscurity. When Bettius, a Friend of his, was impeached of high Misdemeanours, and he undertaking publicly to defend his Cause, the People were in an Ecstasy, and transported with Joy, to find him at the Bar, and Master of such Eloquence, that the other Orators seemed to talk like Children in comparison to him. This created new Jealousies and Fears amongst those in Authority, and their great design was, how to hinder Caius from being made Tribune.  
But soon after it happened, that he was 
He is chosen Quaestor.  elected Quoestor, and obliged to attend Orestes the Consul into Sardinia. This, as it pleased his Enemies, so it was not ungrateful to him; for ●eing naturally a stout Man, his Fame was equally remarkable in the Camp, as at the Bar. And besides as yet he very much dreaded meddling with State-affairs, and appearing publicly in the Rostr●●, which (because of the Importunity of Friends) he could no otherwise avoid, than by taking this Voyage, therefore readily embraced the opportunity of absenting himself. Notwithstanding which, many are of opinion, that he was an humble flatterer of the common People, and more ambitious than ever Tiberius had been, of popular Applause; but it's certain that he was forced upon, not that he courted public Business. And Tully relates this of him, That when he declined all those Concerns, and would have lived privately, his Brother appeared to 
His Dream.  him in a Dream, and calling him by his Name, said, To what purpose, Caius, are all these delays; there is no possibility of avoiding that Fate, which is destined for us two, both to live and die alike, in vindication of the People's Right.  
Caius was no sooner arrived in Sardinia, but he gave exemplary Proofs of his true Valour; for he not only excelled all the young Men of his Age in his early Actions in doing justice to his Inferiors, and in showing all Obedience and Respect to his superior Officer, but likewise in Discretion, Frugality and Industry, he surpassed even those who were much elder than himself.  
It happened to be a sharp and sickly Winter in Sardinia, insomuch that the General was forced to lay an Imposition upon several Towns, to supply the Soldiers ' with necessary clothes: the Cities sent an Express to Rome with a Petition, to be excused from that Burden; the Senate found their Request reasonable, and ordered the General to find some other way of new clothing the Army. While he was long contriving what course to take in this Affair, the Soldiers were reduced to great Extremities; but Caius went from one City to another, and by laying before them the reasonableness of that Demand, he so far prevailed with them, that of their own accord they clothed the Roman Army. These Transactions being carried to Rome, and seeming to be only the forerunners of popular Ambition, raised new Jealousies amongst the Senators: and besides this, there came Ambassadors out of Africa from King Micipsa, to acquaint the Senate, that their Master out of Respect to Caius Gracchus, had sent a considerable quantity of Corn to the General in Sardinia; at which the Senators were so much offended, that they turned the Ambassadors out of the Senate-house, and made an Order, that the common Soldiers should be relieved, by sending others in their room; but that Orestes should continue upon the Place, and Caius also, upon the account of his being Treasurer. But he soon finding how things were carried, fell into a great passion, and immediately took Shipping for Rome: his Appearance there was so unexpected, that he was generally censured, not only by his Enemies, but also by the Commons, who thought it an unreasonable thing, that he being Quoestor should desert the Army before his Commander. When this Misdemeanour came to be tried before the Censors, he desired leave to make his Apology; which he did so effectually, that his Auditors quickly entertained a better opinion of him, believing that he had been very much injured. He made it then appear, that he had served 12 years in the Army, whereas others are obliged to serve only 10; that he had continued Questor to the General three years, whereas he might by Law have returned at the end of one year; that none but he in that Expedition carried his own Money to the Army, whereas others first took care to drink off the Vessels of Wine which they carried with them, and then to have them better filled with the Riches and Spoil of the Country. After this, they brought other Accusations and Writs against him, for creating Differences among the Allies, and being engaged in the Conspiracy that was discovered about Fregella; but he having cleared himself of these things, he not only appeared wholly innocent of the Crimes laid to his charge, but made what Interest he could to be elected Tribune; in which tho' he was generally opposed by all Persons of Quality, yet there came such infinite numbers of People from all Parts of Italy, to vote for Caius, that many wanted Lodgings in the City; and the Field being not large enough to contain the Company, there were several who gave their Votes from Roofs and Battlements of Houses: however the Nobility did so influence the People, and cross Caius' Expectations, that he was not returned the first, (as was expected) but the fourth Tribune. When he came once to the execution of his Office, it was seen presently who deserved to have been the first Tribune; for he was a much better Orator than any of his Cotemporaries, and the Concern which he still retained for the Murder of his Brother, made him the bolder in speaking. He used on all occasions to remind the People of what had happened in that Tumult, and laid before them the Examples of their Ancestors; how they declared War against the Falisci, only for giving scurrilous Language to one Genutius, a Tribune of the People; and sentenced C. Vulturius to death, for taking the Wall of a Tribune in the Streets: Whereas, said he, these Persons did in the presence of you all murder Tiberius with Clubs, and dragged the slaughtered Body through the middle of the City, to be cast into the River; even his Friends, as many as could be taken, were put to death immediately, without any trial, notwithstanding that just and ancient Custom, which was always observed among our Forefathers; that whenever any one was accused of a capital Crime, and did not make his personal appearance in Court, a Trumpet was sent in the Morning to his Lodging, to summon him by sound of Trumpet to appear: and before this Ceremony was duly performed, the Judges would never proceed to pass Sentence; so cautious and reserved were our Ancestors about Business of Life and Death.  
Caius having moved the People with such Speeches (for his Voice was loud and strong) he proposed two Laws: The first was, That whoever was turned out of any 
His Laws.  public Office by the People, he should be thereby rendered incapable of bearing any Office afterwards. The second was, that if any Magistrate shall condemn a Roman to be banished without a legal Trial, the People shall be authorized to take cognizance thereof.  
One of these Laws did manifestly reflect upon M. Octavius, who at the Instigation of Tiberius, had been deprived of his Tribuneship; The other touched Popilius, who in his Praetorship had banished all Tiberius' Friends; whereupon Popilius being unwilling to stand the hazard of a Trial, fled out of Italy. As for the former law, it was abrogated by Caius himself, who declared his readiness to oblige Octavius for the sake of his Mother Cornelia: this was very acceptable and pleasing to the People, who had a great Veneration for Cornelia, both in respect to her Father and her Children; and therefore they afterwards erected a Statue of Brass in Honour of her, with this Inscription, Cornelia, the Mother of the Gracchis. There are several Expressions in writing, which he used perhaps with two much Affectation and Popularity concerning her, to one of her Adversaries: How, said he, dare you presume to reflect upon Cornelia the Mother of Tiberius? And because the Person who made the Reflections, had been suspected for Sodomy, With what face, said he, can you compare Cornelia with yourself? have you brought forth such Children as she has done? and yet all Rome knows, that she has refrained from the Conversation of Men, longer than you yourself have done. These and many other such satirical Expressions may be collected out of his Orations: he afterwards proposed several other Laws, to raise the People's Authority, and to detract from the Senate's.  
The first was concerning the public 
Other Laws preferred by C. Grach.  Lands, which were to be divided amongst the poor Citizens.  
Another was concerning the common Soldiers, that they should be clothed at the public Charge, without any diminution of their Pay, and that none should be obliged to serve in the Army who was not full 17 years old.  
Another gave an equal Liberty to all the Italians in general, of voting at Elections, as was granted to the Citizens of Rome.  
Another was concerning the price of Breadcorn, which was to be sold at a lower rate than formerly to the poor People.  
Another was concerning Matters of Judicature, whereby the Authority of the Senate was very much retrenched.  
For only Senators were formerly Judges in all causes, by which means their Authority was very much dreaded by the Roman Knights and the People: but he joined 300 ordinary Gentlemen with the Senators, who were 300 likewise in number, and ordained, that a judicial Authority should be equally invested in the 600. While he was arguing for the ratification of this Law, his Behaviour was observed to be quite different from others: for all other Orators in their Speeches, used to turn their Faces towards the Senate-house, and the Place called Comitium: but he, on the Contrary, was the first Man that in his Harangue to the People, turned himself the other way towards them, and after that time always observed the same posture. Which however insignificant that Turn might seem, yet it was the cause of no small one in State-affairs; for he in a manner converted the Government from an Aristocracy to a Democracy, thereby intimating by that Action, that all Orators in proposing State-affairs, aught to speak to the People, not the Senate.  
As soon as the Commonalty had ratified this Law, and given him power to elect 
Cajus' Power.  those whom he approved of, to be Judges, he was invested with such an absolute Power, that the Senate submitted to consult with him in Matters of Difficulty; and he always took care to advise nothing, that might any ways derogate from a Person of his Quality; As for example, his Resolution about the Breadcorn which Fabius the Propraetor sent from Spain, was very just and honourable; for he persuaded the Senate to sell the Corn, and return the Money to the same Provinces which had furnished them with it; and also that Fabius should be censured, for having rendered the Roman Government odious and insupportable to the Provinces abroad. This Proposal got him an extraordinary Respect and Favour amongst the foreign Provinces; besides all this, he proposed ways for the repeopling of several ruinous Cities, for repairing the Highways, and for building public Granaries. Of all which Works he himself undertook the Management and Superintendency, and was never wanting to give necessary Orders for the quick dispatch of different and great Undertake, and that too with such wonderful Expedition and Diligence, as if they had been only one; insomuch that all Persons, who either hated or feared him, stood amazed to see how active and industrious he was in all his Designs. As for the People themselves, they were strangely transported at the very sight of him, especially whenever they saw him surrounded with crowds of Labourers, Artificers, Messengers, Officers, Soldiers, and Scholars. All these he treated with an easy Familiarity, yet always took care to support his Dignity, even in his greatest Condescensions, accommodating his Carriage according to the Quality of every particular Person; by which means he so far prevailed, that his Enemies were looked upon no better than envious Detractors, whenever they presumed to represent him either dangerous, rash or guilty of the least ill Nature.  
He had that peculiar Art of insinuating himself, and gaining by degrees upon the Commonalty, that he became rather more Popular by his common Conversation, than by his public Harangues.  
But his greatest Endeavour was to put the Highways into good condition, always taking care to make them handsome and pleasant, as well as convenient; for they were drawn by his Directions, through the Fields, exactly in a strait Line, and paved with hewn Stone, founded upon great quantities of Sand, brought thither from the Places adjacent for that purpose: when he met with any Valleys or deep Holes occasioned by great Floods, he either caused them to be filled up with Rubbish, or Bridges to be built over, so well levelled, that they being of an equal height on both sides, the whole Work made a beautiful Prospect. Besides this, he caused the ways to be all divided into Miles, (each Mile containing 
The Italian Mile contains 8 Furlongs.  little less than eight Furlongs) and erected Pillars of Stone, to signify the distance from one Place to another: he likewise placed other Stones at small distances from one another, on both sides of the way, by means whereof Travellers might get easily on Horseback without Stirrups. For these Reasons the People highly extolled him, and were ready upon all occasions to express their Affection towards him. One day in an Oration to the People he declared, that he had only one Favour to request; which if granted, as he should think it the greatest Obligation in the World, so if it were denied, he would never blame them for the refusal: this Expression made the World believe, that his ambition was to be Consul, and it was generally expected, that he would be both Consul and Tribune at the same time. When the day for election of Consuls came, and all in great Expectation, to see what would be the Event of that days Work, he appeared in the Field with Caius Fannius, and made all the Interest he could for him, that he might be chosen Consul. This Interest was so considerably useful to Fannius, that he was immediately chosen Consul; and Caius likewise was then elected Tribune the second time, without his own 
Caius' chosen Tribune the second time.  seeking or petitioning for it, but at the voluntary motion of the People.  
When he understood that the Senators were his declared Enemies, and that Fannius himself was none of the truest Friends, he began again to flatter the People with other new Laws. He proposed that a Colony of Roman Citizens might be sent to repeople Tarentum and Capua, and that all the Latins should enjoy the same Privileges with the Citizens of Rome. But the Senate apprehending that he would at last grow too powerful and dangerous, took a new and unusual course to alienate the People's Affections from him, by their gratifying them in things beyond what they could reasonably expect. Livius Drusus was fellow- Tribune, with Caius, a Person of as good a Family, and as well educated, as any amongst the Romans, and no ways inferior to those, who for their Eloquence and Riches were the most famous and most powerful Men of that time. To him therefore the chief Senators make their Application, exhorting him to fall upon Caius; and that he would engage himself on their side in opposition to him, not by using any force, or opposing of the common People, but in gratifying and obliging them with such unreasonable things, as might otherwise very well deserve to be detested.  
Livius offered to serve the Senate with his Authority in this Business; and in order thereunto, enacted such Laws as were in reality neither honourable nor advantageous for the Public; his whole Design being to outdo Caius in pleasing and cajoling the Populace, (as Comedians do) with obsequious Flattery and Popularity: whereby the Senate gave plain Testimonies, that they were not at all displeased with Caius' management of Affairs, but privately designed either to ruin him utterly, or to lessen at least his Reputation. For when Caius proposed the repeopling of only two Colonies abroad, and mentioned the most considerable Citizens for that purpose, they accused him for abusing the People; but on the contrary were pleased with Drusus, when he proposed the sending of twelve Colonies abroad, and each to consist of 3000 Persons, and those too the most beggarly Rascals that he could find. When Caius divided the public Fields amongst the poor Citizens, and charged them with a small Rent, annually to be paid into the Exchequer, they were angry at him, as one who pretended to gratify the People only for his own Interest; yet afterwards they commended Livius, tho' he exempted them from paying even that little Acknowledgement. Besides they were displeased with Caius, for giving the Latins an equal Power, with the Romans, of voting at the Election of Magistrates; but when Livius proposed, that it might not be lawful for a Roman Captain to strike a Latin Soldier, they promoted the passing of that Law: and Livius in all his Speeches to the Mobile, always told them, That he proposed no Laws but such as were agreeable to the Senate, who had a particular regard to the People's Advantage. And this truly was the only Action during the time of his Tribuneship, which proved advantageous to the Public; for the People were by this inclined to show a more than ordinary Love and respect to the Senate: and tho' they formerly suspected and hated the principal Senators, yet Livius appeased and mitigated all their former Perverseness and Animosity, by convincing them, that he had done nothing in favour and for the benefit of the Commons, without their Advice and Approbation. But the greatest Credit which Drusus got for his Kindness and Justice towards the People, was, That he never seemed to propose any Law, either of his own Head, or for his own Advantage; for he committed the charge of seeing the Colonies rightly settled, to other Commissioners: neither did he ever concern himself with the distributions of the Moneys; whereas Caius was always the principal Man concerned in such considerable Transactions.  
When Rubrius, another Tribune of the People, had proposed to have Carthage again inhabited, which had been formerly demolished by Scipio, it fell to Caius' lot to see the same performed, and for that purpose he sailed into Africa. Drusus took this opportunity of his absence, to insinuate himself still more into the People's Affections; which he did chiefly by accusing Fulvius, who was a particular Friend to Caius, and deputed a Commissioner with him for the division of the Lands. This Fulvius was a Man of a turbulent Spirit, and notoriously hated by the Senate; and besides, he was suspected by others to have fomented a Difference between them and their Confederates, and underhand to have persuaded the Italians to rebel; tho' there was no other way to prove the truth of these Accusations, than by his being a suspicious Person, and of a seditious Temper. This was one principal Cause of Caius' Ruin; for part of the Envy which fell upon Fulvius, was derived upon him: and when Scipio Africanus happened to die suddenly, and no outward cause 
The Death of Scipio.  of such an unexpected Death appeared, except some marks of Blows upon his Body, which intimated that he had been violently murdered, (as we have related in the History of his Life) the greatest part of the Blame was thrown upon Fulvius, because he was his mortal Enemy, and that very day had reflected upon Scipio publicly in the Tribunal; nor was Caius himself clear from Suspicion: however such an horrible Murder, and committed too upon the Person of one of the greatest and most considerable Men in Rome, was never either punished or enquired into thoroughly; for the Mobile opposed and hindered the Proceedings of Justice, for fear that Caius should be found accessary to the Murder; but these things were sometime after. But in Africa, where at present Caius was engaged in the repeopling of Carthage, (which he named Junonia) many ominous Prodigies which presaged Mischief, are reported to have been sent from the Gods. For the First Ensigns Staff was broken with a violent Gale of 
Ill Omens happen to Caius.  Wind, notwithstanding all the Endeavours of the Ensign to the contrary. Another sudden Storm blew away the Sacrifices which were laid upon the Altars, and disordered the whole Platform, by which the bounds of the City were described, and besides all this, the Wolves made an Incursion, and carried away the very Marks that were set up, whereby they designed the Precincts of the City. Caius notwithstanding all this, ordered and dispatched the whole Business in the space of 70 days, and then returned to Rome, understanding how Fulvius was prosecuted by Drusus, and that the present Juncture of Affairs would not suffer him to be absent; for Lucius Hostilius, (one who sided much with the Nobility, and of no small Authority in the Senate, who had formerly sued to be Consul, but was repulsed by Caius' Interest, whereby Fannius was elected) was in a fair way now of being chosen Consul, because he had a numerous company of Friends; and it was generally believed, if he did obtain it, that he would wholly ruin Caius' Interest, whose Power was already in a declining condition; and the People were not so apt to admire his Actions as formerly, because there were several others who every day contrived new ways to please the People, with which the Senate did readily comply. After his Return to Rome, he quitted his House on the Palatine Mount, and went to live in a certain Place near to the public Court, thereby endeavouring to make himself more popular in those Parts, where most of the pitiful and meanest Inhabitants were lodged. In the next place he endeavoured to propose other Laws, in order to have them ratified by popular Votes; upon which account he convened a prodigious number of people from all the adjacent Places: but the Senate persuaded Fannius the Consul, to command all Persons, who were not Natives and Inhabitants of Rome, to depart the City. A new and unusual Proclamation was thereupon made, prohibiting any of the Allies or Confederates to appear at Rome during that time. Caius on the contrary published an Edict, accusing the Consul for what he had done, and setting forth to the Confederates, that if they would continue upon the Place, they might be assured of his Assistance and Protection. However he was not so good as his word; for tho' he saw one of his own familiar Friends and Companions dragged to Prison by Fannius' Officers, he notwithstanding passed by, without either assisting him, or taking any notice of him: which he did, either because he was afraid to stand the test of his Power, which was already decreased, or because he (as he himself reported) was unwilling to give his Enemies an opportunity, which they very much desired, of making an Insurrection. About that time there happened likewise a Difference between him and his fellow Officers upon this occasion: A Prize was to be fought before the People in the Marketplace, and most of the Officers erected Scaffolds round about, with an intention of letting them for Advantage. Caius commanded them to take down their Scaffolds, that the poor People might see the Sport without paying any thing. But no body obeying these Orders of his, he gathered together some Labourers, and overthrew all the Scaffolds, the very night before the Prize was to be played; so that by the next morning the Marketplace was cleared, and the common People had an opportunity of seeing the Pastime gratis. Upon this account, the Rabble esteemed him as a Man of great Generosity; but he very much disobliged the Tribunes, and the Action was looked upon as a piece of Rashness, and full of Presumption.  
This was thought to be the chief Reason, that he failed of being a third time elected 
Caius missed of his third Tribuneship.  Tribune; not but that he had the most Votes, but because his Colleagues out of Revenge caused false Returns to be made. But as to this Matter there is not much credit to be given: certain it is, he very much resented this Repulse, and behaved himself with an unusual sort of Arrogance towards some of his Adversaries, who were joyful at this Defeat of his, telling them, That all their Mirth was a 
* This saying is occasioned from a poisonous Herb in that Country, which whoever tastes of, he presently seems to laugh, and in that posture dies.  Sardonian Laugh only; they being wholly in the dark, as to those Intrigues which he was carrying on.  
As soon as Opimius was chosen Consul, they 
Opimius is the same Person, who in this Life was before mentioned by the Name of L. Hostilius.  presently cancelled several of Caius' Laws, especially as to what he had enacted, in reference to some Designs at Carthage, omitting nothing which was most probable to enrage him, that from some effect of his Passion, they might find out a colourable pretence to put him to death. Caius at first bore these things very patiently; but afterwards at the Instigation of his Friends, especially Fulvius, he resolved to raise Forces, and oppose the Authority of the Consuls. His Mother Cornelia also is reported by some, to have assisted him in carrying on this Sedition, by sending privately several Strangers into Rome, under pretence as if they came to be hired there for Harvest-men? and she acquainted her Son with this Project, by writing Letters to him in Ciphers: however 'tis confidently affirmed by others, that Cornelia did not in the least approve of these Actions.  
When the day came, in which Opimius designed to abrogate the Laws of Caius, both Parties met very early at the Capitol; and the Consul having performed all the Rites usual in their Sacrifices, on Quintus Attyllius, a Sergeant, carrying out the Entrails of the Beast, spoke to Fulvius, and his Friends who stood about him, Ye factious Citizens, says he, make way for honest Men. Some report, that besides this provoking Language, he extended his naked Arm towards 'em, which is reckoned, it seems, as a piece of Scorn and Contempt. Upon this they presently slew him, with a sort of Bodkins or Pencils, which are used in Writing; tho' some say, that at present they had furnished themselves with 'em for this Employment only. This Murder caused a sudden Consternation in the whole Assembly, and the chiefest Men in Authority had their different Resentments of it: as for Caius, he was in a great Passion, and severely reprimanded some of his own Party, because they had given their Adversaries a colourable pretence to proceed against them, which they had so long hoped for. Opimius' gratefully embracing this occasion, stood up, and excited the People to Revenge; but there happening a great shower of Rain on the sudden, it put an end to the business of that day.  
Early the next morning, the Consul having again summoned the Assembly, and whilst he advised with the Senators in the Court concerning public Affairs, the Corpse of Attyllius was laid upon a Bier, and brought through the Marketplace, being there exposed to open view just before the Senate-house, every one expressing a great deal of Sorrow and Lamentation. Opimius' was not at all ignorant, that this was designed to be done; however he seemed to be surprised, and wondered what the meaning of it should be: the Senators therefore presently went out, to know the occasion of it; and standing about the Corpse, some condoled the Person that was slain; all represented it is an inhuman and barbarous Action. In the mean time, there were some then present, who were sensible of, and very much resented this Partiality of the Senators; considering, that when they themselves had not only assassinated Tiberius Gracchus, as he was executing his Office in the very Capitol, but had also thrown his mangled Body into the River; yet that now they should expose to open view; that they should bewail and honour with their presence the Corpse of a mean mercenary Fellow, (who tho' he might perhaps die wrongfully, was however in a great measure the occasion of it himself) and by these means to undermine him, who remains the only Defender and Safeguard of the People.  
The Senators after some time withdrew, 
A Decree of the Senate against Caius Gracchus.  and presently ordered, that Opimius the Consul should be invested with such Power, whereby he might protect the Commonwealth, and suppress all Tyrants. This being decreed, he presently commanded the Senators to arm themselves, and that the Roman Knights should be in a readiness very early the next morning, and every one of 'em to be attended with two Servants well armed. Fulvius on the other side accoutred himself, and got together the Rabble. Caius at that time returning from the Marketplace, made a stop just before his Father's Statue, and fixing his Eyes for some time upon it, remained in a deep Contemplation; at length he sighed, let fall a few Tears, and departed. This made no small Impression upon those who saw it, and they began to upbraid one another, that they should desert and betray so worthy a Man as Caius. They therefore went directly to his House, remaining there as a Guard about it all night, tho' in a different manner from those who were to take care of Fulvius' Person; for they with a great deal of Drink and Noise passed away the night; and Fulvius himself, being the first who was made drunk spoke and acted many things, very unbecoming a Man of his Character: on the other side, the Party which guarded Caius, were very diligent, relieving one another by Turns, and prudently forecasting, as is usual in all public Calamities, what the issue of things might be. As soon as day light appeared, they roused Fulvius, who as yet slep● very secure, by reason of the Dose he took overnight; and having armed themselves with the Weapons which hung up in his House, that were formerly taken from the Gauls, whom he conquered in the time of his Consulship, they presently with Threats and loud Acclamations made their way towards the Aventine Mount.  
Caius could not be persuaded to arm himself, but put on his Gown, as if he had been going to the Senate-house, only with this difference, that under it he had then a short Dagger by his side. As he was going out, his Wife came running to him at the Gate, holding him with one Hand, and with her other a young Child of his; she thus tenderly 
Licinia's Speech to her Husband Caius Gracchus.  bespoke him: Alas Caius, I don't now part with you, as if you were going to make Speeches to the People, either as a Tribune or a Lawgiver; nor as if you wer● going to some glorious War, for tho' then you might perhaps have been subject to that Fate, which all must sometime or other submit to, yet you had left me this mitigation of my Sorrow, that your fall was honourable. But now, Caius, you expose your Person to the infamous Murderers of Tiberius, and that too unarmed, choosing rather to suffer the worst of Injuries, than be in any capacity of doing the least yourself; but what is yet far more than all, even your very Death at this time can't be anyways serviceable to the public Good. Faction prevails; power and success of Arms are now the only measures of Justice: had your Brother fell before Numantia, they would generously have given back, what then remained of Tiberius; but such is my hard Fate, that I probably must be an humble Suppliant to the Floods and to the Waves, that they would somewhere discover to my view their sacred charge of your Relics; for what trust is there now left for you, either from the Laws, or the Gods, since they have slain Tiberius? Licinia thus bewailing, Caius by degrees getting loose from her Embraces, silently withdrew himself, being accompanied by his Friends; she endeavouring to catch him by the Gown, fell prostrate upon the Earth, lying there for some time speechless, her Servants took her up for dead, and conveyed her to her Brother Crassus.  
Fulvius when the People were gathered 
Fulvius sent his youngest Son t● tre●● of a Peace  together in a full Body, by the advice of Caius, sent his youngest Son into the Market place, with an Herald's Rod in his Hand. He being a very handsome Youth, and modestly addressing himself, with Tears in his Eyes, and a becoming Bashfulness, humbly offered Proposals of Agreement to the Consul and the whole Senate. The greatest part of the Assembly were inclinable to accept of the Proposals; but Opimius was of opinion, that it did not become them to send Messengers, and capitulate with the Senate; but to be personally present, and like good Citizens, by defending their own Innocency, and submitting themselves to him, they might thus appease the Anger of the Senate. He commanded the Youth not to return, unless they would comply with these Conditions. Caius, as 'tis reported, was very forward to come, and clear himself before the Senate; but none of his Friends consenting to it, Fulvius sent his Son a second time to intercede for 'em, as before. But Opimius who chiefly designed that a Battle should ensue, caused the Youth to be apprehended, and committed into safe Custody; and then with a Company of his Foot-soldiers, and some Cretan Archers, set upon that Party which was under the Command of Fulvius. The Archers did such Execution, and wounded their Enemies so mortally, that they were soon put to flight. Fulvius absconded for a time in an old Bagnio; but shortly after being discovered 
Fulvius and his eldest Son slain.  he and his eldest Son were slain together. Caius was not observed to encounter any one; but laying these things very much to heart, retired to Diana's Temple; he there attempted to kill himself, but was hindered by his faithful Friends, Pomponius and Licinius: they took his Sword away from him, and were very urgent that he would endeavour to make his Escape. It's reported, that falling upon his Knees, and lifting up his Hands, he prayed earnestly to the Goddess, that the Romans, as a punishment for their Ingratitude and Treachery, might always remain in perpetual Slavery; for as soon as a proclamation was made of a Pardon, they presently deserted him.  
Caius therefore endeavoured now to make his Escape, but was pursued so close by his 
Caius' Flight.  Enemies, as far as the wooden Bridge, that from thence he narrowly escaped. There it was that his two trusty Friends begged of him, to preserve his own Person by flight, whilst they in the mean time would keep their Post, and maintain the Passage; neither colud their Enemies, till they were both slain, pass the Bridge. Caius had no other Companion in his flight but one Philocrates, a Servant of his. As he run along, it's true, every Body encouraged him, and wished him Success, (as standers by may do to those who are engaged in a Battle) but no body either freely lent him any Assistance, or so much as furnished him with a Horse; tho' he earnestly desired it, because his Enemies had gained Ground, and got very near him: however he had still time enough to hide himself in a little Grove, consecrated to the Furies. In that Place, 
Caius' Death.  his Servant Philocrates having first slain him, presently afterwards killed himself also, and fell dead upon his Master; tho' some affirm it for a truth, that they were both taken alive by their Enemies, and that Philocrates embraced his Master so close, that they could not wound Caius, till his Servant was slain.  
They say, that when Caius' Head was cut off, and carried away by one of his Murderers, Septimuleius, Opimius' Friend, met him, and forced it from him; because, before the Battle began, they had made Proclamation, that who▪ ever should bring the Heads either of Caius or Fulvius, he should, as a Reward, receive their weight in Gold. Septimuleius therefore having fixed Caius' Head upon the top of his Spear, came and presented it to Opimius the Consul. They presently brought the Scales, and it was found to weigh above 17 pounds. But in this Affair, Septimuleius gave as great signs of his Knavery, as he had done before of his Cruelty; for having taken out the Brains, he filled the Scull with Lead. There were others who brought the Head of Fulvius too; but being mean, inconsiderable Persons, were turned away without the promised Reward. The Bodies of these two Persons, as well as of the rest who were slain, to the number of 3000 Men, were all thrown into the River; their Goods were forfeited, and their Widows forbidden to put themselves into Mourning: but they dealt more severely with Licinia, Caius' Wife, and wronged her even of her Jointure; and as an addition still to all their Inhumanity, they barbarously murdered Fulvius' youngest Son; his Crime was not, that he took up Arms against 'em, or that he was present in the Battle, but because he had proposed Articles of Agreement: for this he was first imprisoned, then slain.  
But that which enraged the common People beyond all these things, was, because at this time (in memory of his Success) Opimius built the Temple of Concord, as if he gloried and triumphed in the Slaughter of so many Citizens: wherefore some body in the Night time, under the Inscription of the Temple, added this Verse:  

〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉  
Folly and Discord Concord's Temple built.   
Opimius' was the first, who being Consul, presumed to usurp the Power of a Dictator, and condemned, without any Trial, not only 3000 Citizens, but Caius Gracchus, and Fulvius Flaccus: One of whom had triumphed, and been Consul; the other far excelled all his Co temporaries in Virtue and Honour. Notwithstanding this, Opimius could not restrain himself from Extortion and Bribery; for when he was sent Ambassador to Jugurtha, King of Numidia, he was there corrupted by Presents, and at his Return being shamefully convicted of it, he was hated and reproached by the common People; so that growing melancholy and his Spirits Sinking, his Infamy still increased with his years.  
It quickly now appeared to the World, what Respect and Veneration they had for the memory of the Graccki. They ordered their Statues to be made, and fixed up in public view; they consecrated the Places where they were slain, and thither brought the first Fruits of every thing, according to the season of the Year, for to make their Offerings. Many came likewise thither to their Devotions, and daily worshipped there, as formerly at the Temples of the Gods.  
It's reported, that as Cornelia, their Mother, bore the loss of her two Sons, with a noble and undaunted Spirit; so in reference to the Temples where they lay interred, she only said, Their Memory deserved such Monuments. She removed afterwards, and dwelled near the Mount Mycenae, not at all altering her former way of Living. She was very much respected and beloved, and kept open house for the Entertainment of all Strangers, having daily a great number of Grecians and learned Men, who resorted thither: nor was there any foreign Prince but received Gifts from her, and presented her again. Those who were most conversant with her, were much diverted, when ere she pleased to entertain 'em with any Relation concerning her Father, Scipio African, or his way of Living. But it was very surprising, to have her make mention of her Sons, without any Tears or Sign of Grief; and to give a full Account of all their Deeds and Misfortunes, as unconcerned, as if she had been relating the History of some ancient Heroes. This made some imagine, that Age, or the greatness of her Afflictions, had made her delirious, and wholly insensible of all her Calamities: but they who were of that opinion, had no Notion at all, how much a noble Birth, or a good Education, could conquer any Affliction; and tho' envious 
The power of Education to conquer Afflictions.  Fortune may often be more successful, and may smother virtuous Actions; yet with the worse Calamities, she can't bereave us of that tranquillity of Mind, by which we generously bear them.  
The End of the Lives of the Gracchis, Tiberius and Caius.   

THE COMPARISON OF TIBERIUS & CAIUS GRACCHIS, with AGIS and CLEOMENES.  
WE having given an Account severally of these Persons, it remains only, that he should take a View of them, in Comparison with one another.  
As for the Gracchis; the greatest Detractors, and their worst Enemies, could not but allow, that they had a Genius to Virtue, beyond all other Romans, which was inproved also by a generous Education. Agis and Cleomenes seemed to have had better natural Parts, and a more solid Judgement; for tho' they wanted all the Advantages of good Literature, and were neither instructed in Morality, nor the well management of their Affairs, (from which, even those who were elder than they, had already much degenerated) yet they were public Examples of Temperance and Frugality.  
Besides, the Gracchis happening to live, when Rome had her greatest repute for Honour and virtuous Actions, might justly have been ashamed, if they had not inherited the Virtues of their Ancestors: whereas the other two had Parents of different Morals; and tho' they found their Country in a sinking condition, and debauched, yet that did not quench their forward Zeal to what was just and honourable.  
The Generosity and the Integrity of the two Romans, was chiefly remarkable in this, That in the administration of public Affairs, they kept themselves from the imputation of Bribery: whereas Agis might justly be offended, if he had only that mean Commendation given him, that he took nothing wrongfully from any Man, being he distributed his own Fortunes, which amounted in ready Money to the value of 600 Talents, amongst his fellow-Citizens; and surely extortion must appear a Crime of a strange nature to him, who esteemed it a piece of Covetousness, to possess, though ne'er so justly gotten, greater Riches than his Neighbours.  
Their Politics likewise, and Transactions, in reference to State-affairs, were of a very different nature. The chiefest things in general that the two Romans commonly aimed at, was the repairing of Cities, and mending of Highways; and in particular, the most generous Design which Tiberius is famed for, was his division of the Lands amongst the poor People; and Caius gained his greatest Reputation, by the addition of 300 of the Commonalty to the same number of Senators, investing them with an equal Authority.  
Whereas the Alteration which Agis and Cleomenes made, was in a quite different manner. They did not redress things by little and little, and cure small Distempers; for that would have been (according to Plato) like cutting off one of the Hydra's Heads, which was the only means to increase the number: but they made a thorough Reformation, and at once freed their Country from all Grievances; or to speak more truly, they took away those things, which were the cause of all their Calamities, and so restored their City to its ancient Grandeur.  
However this must be confessed in the behalf of the Gracchis, That their Undertake were always opposed by Men of the the greatest Quality. But on the other side, those which were first attempted by Agis, and afterwards consummated by Cleomenes, were supported by the famous Authority of those ancient Laws concerning Frugality and Levelling, which were instituted by Lycurgus, ratified and confirmed by Apollo. It is also further observable, That from the Transactions of the Gracchis, the City of Rome received no Additions to her former Greatness; whereas by the Conduct of Cleomenes Greece presently saw, that Sparta exerted the sovereign power over all Peloponnesus, and she still sought to enlarge her Dominions, with the greatest Princes of that Age; designing by all her warlike Actions, to set Greece at liberty, from her subjection to the Gauls and Illyrians, and restore her Government, as formerly, to the Race of Hercules.  
From their different manner of Dying, we may also make some Observations, in relation to their Courage. The Gracchis fight with their fellow-Citizens, were both slain, as they endeavoured to make their Escape; but Agis willingly submitted to his Fate, rather than any Citizen should be in danger of their Lives. Cleomenes also after his being affronted and abused, tho' he did design to be revenged, yet having failed of that opportunity, he then generously fell by his own Hand.  
But on the contrary we must consider, That Agis never did a great Action, worthy a Commander, being prevented by an untimely Death. And as for those heroic Actions of Cleomenes, we may justly compare with them that of Tiberius', when he was the first who attempted to scale the Walls of Carthage, it being looked upon as no mean Exploit. To which may be added likewise the Peace which he concluded with the Numantines, by which he saved the Lives of 20000 Romans, who otherwise had certainly been cut off. And Caius, not only at this Place, but in Sardinia too, behaved himself very valiantly; that their early Actions were no small Argument that afterwards they might have been deservedly compared with the chiefest of the Roman Commanders, if they had not died so young. Agis proceeded very mildly in the management of public Affairs; and meeting too with some Disappointments by the Craft of Agesilaus, he frustrated the Expectations of the Citizens, as to the division of the Lands, and was constrained to leave all his Designs imperfect and unfinished, only for want of a manly Resolution. Cleomenes on the contrary acted more boldly and rashly in all his public Transactions, and unjustly slew the Ephori, whom he might by Conquest have gained over to his Party, or else might easily have banished, not only them, but several others also of the City; for to cut off any Members, unless in the extremest necessity, is neither the part of a good Chirurgeon, nor a Politician, but argues unskilfulness in both. By this therefore Cleomenes appears cruel, as well as unjust.  
Neither of the Gracchis were forward to be engaged in a Civil War: and Caius is reported to have avoided all manner of Revenge, even when his Life was aimed at, showing himself always valiant against a foreign Enemy, but wholly unactive in a Sedition. This was the Reason that he went from his own House unarmed, and was present in the Battle; which makes it evident▪ that he had consulted rather, not to do any harm to others, than not to suffer any himself. Even the very flight of the Gracchis, must not be looked upon as an argument of their mean Spirit, but an honourable Retreat from endangering of others; for if they had stayed, they must either have yielded to those who assailed 'em, or else have sought 'em in their own defence. The greatest Crime that can be laid to Tiberius' charge, was the deposing of his fellow- Tribune, and that he afterwards substituted Caius in his room: and as for the Death of Attyllius, it is falsely and unjustly attributed to Caius; for he was slain unknown to him, and much to his Grief.  
On the contrary, Cleomenes (not to mention the Murder of the Ephori) set all the Slaves at liberty, and governed by himself alone in reality, having a Partner only for show; which was the Reason he made choice of his Brother Euclid, who was of the same Family. He also prevailed upon Archidamus, (who was the next Heir to the Kingdom of the other Line) that he would venture to return home from Messene; but after this being slain, because Cleomenes did not endeavour to revenge his Death, he gave an occasion of being justly suspected, that he was privy to it himself. Truly Lycurgus, whose Example he pretends to imitate, after he had voluntarily settled his Kingdom upon Charilaus his Brother's Son▪ fearing lest if the Youth should chance to die by Accident, he might be suspected for it, he travelled a long time, and would not return again to Sparta, till Charilaus had a Son, and an Heir to his Kingdoms. But we have ne'er another Grecian, who is worthy to be compared with Lycurgus; for amongst the Deeds of Cleomenes, there were greater Innovations, and worse Faults than these.  
They therefore who strictly examine their different Manners, may observe, That the two Grecians were warlike even from their Youth, and inclining to be Tyrants; that Tiberius and Caius by nature had too great an Emulation after Glory and Honours: and besides, they never stood in Competition for any thing; but as soon as the Contention began with their Adversaries, their Heat and Passions would so far prevail beyond their natural Temper, that by them, as by ill Winds, they were driven afterwards to all their rash Undertake. What could be more just and honourable, than their first Design, had not the Power and the Faction of the Rich, by endeavouring to abrogate that Law, engaged 'em both in those fatal Quarrels; the one, for his own Preservation; the other, to revenge his Brother's Death, who was murdered without any Law or Justice?  
From the account therefore which has been given, you yourself may perceive the Difference; which if it were to be pronounced of every one singly, I should affirm Tiberius to have excelled 'em all in Virtue; that young Agis had been guilty of the fewest Miscarriages; and that in Action and Boldness Caius came far short of Cleomenes.   
FINIS.   

Books Printed for Jacob Tonson at the Judge's Head in Chancery Lane near Fleetstreet.  

History.  
PLutarch's Lives in Five Volumes, translated from the Greek by several the most Eminent hands, adorned with fifty five Copper Cuts.  
Mezeray's Chronological History of France.  
Sir Paul Rycaut's History of the Spaniards Conquest of Peru, with several Cuts, explaining the Natural Customs of the Natives there.  
The most diverting Travels of Ferdinando Pinto.  
Camden's History of the Life and Reign of Queen Elizabeth.  
The History of the Wars, etc. between the League and the two Kings, Henry the III. and Henry the IV. of France; Englished by Mr. Dryden upon the Command of King Charles the Second.   

Poetry.  
The Works of Jeffrey Chaucer with his Life, and a Dictionary explaining the obsolete words.  
Mr. Edmond Spencer's Works, containing the Fairy Queen, and his other Pieces formerly Printed, with some new Poems not extant till this Edition.  
Mr. Milton's Juvenile Poems, with his Treatise of Education.  
Mr. Milton's Paradise lost, adorned with Cuts.  
Mr. Milton's Paradise regained, with the Poem of Samson Agonistes.  
The Works of Mr. Cow, published by Dr. Sprat.  
Mrs. Phillip's Poems with two Tragedies.  
Mr. Waller's Poems.  
The Maid's Tragedy altered by Mr. Waller, with other Poems published since his Death.  
Dr. Donn's Poems.  
Sir John Sucklin's Poems.  
Mr. Carew's Poems.  
Mr. Crashaw's Divine Poems.  
The Earl of Rochester's Poems.  
Sir Tho. Fanshaw's Pastor Fido, with other Poems.  
The Epistles of Ovid, Englished by the most Eminent hands.  
The Works of Horace, Englished by Mr. Creech.  
Mr. Dryden's Poetical Miscellanies in two parts.  
Mrs. Behn's Poems.  
Letters and Poems Amorous and Gallant.   

Plays Written by  
Shakespeare  
Johnson  
Fletcher  
Dryden  
The Earl of Orrery  
Sir Robert Howard  
Sir G. Etheredge  
Mr. Witcherly  
Mr. Otway  
Mr. Lee.  
And most single Plays.   

Missellanea.  
Seneca's Morals Abstractedly Translated, by Sir Roger L'Estrange.  
Sir Roger L'Estrange's Tully's Offices.  
Sir Roger L'Estrange's Guide to Eternity, Englished from Cardinal Bona.  
A Dialogue concerning Women.  
Sir W. Temple's Works.  
Love Letters from a Noble Man to his Sister.  
Critical History of the Old Testament.