PLUTARCH'S LIVES VOL. V.  Engraven by MBurgesies.   

THE FIFTH and LAST VOLUME OF PLUTARCH S LIVES.  
Translated from the Greek BY SEVERAL HANDS.  
LONDON: Printed for Jacob Tonson at the Judge's-Head in Chancery-lane, near Fleetstreet, 1693.   

The Lives contained in the Fifth Volume.  

Demetrius' Poliorcetes, Translated by Dr. Nalson. p. 1  
Marcus Antonius, Dr. Frazer. p. 137  
Demosthenes, p. 262  
Marcus Tullius Cicero, Dr. Fuller. p. 297  
Aratus, Dr. Bateman. p. 353  
Artaxerxes, Mr. Oakly. p. 427  
Dion, Dr. Wedale. p. 277  
Marcus Brutus, Mr. Duke. p. 361  
Galba, Mr. Taylor. p. 701  
Otho, Mr. Beaumond. p. 739    

A Chronological Table to the Fifth Volume of Plutarch's Lives.  
 The Olympiad. The Year of the Olympiad. After the Building of Rome. After the World's Creation. Before the coming of Christ. The Julian Period. Demetrius 117 1 441 3638 310 4402 Antonius 181 3 699 3896 52 4660 Aratus 132 2 502 3699 249 4463 Artaxerxes 94 4 352 3549 399 4313 Dion 105 4 396 3593 355 4357 Marcus Brutus 184 2 710 3907 41 4671 Demosthenes 105 3 395 3592 356 4356 Cicero 175 1 673 3870 708 4670 Galba 211 4 820 4017 00 4781 Otho. 212 1 821 4018 00 4782   



DEMETRIUS.  M Burghers sculp  
THE LIFE OF DEMETRIUS POLIORCETES Rendered into English, By JOHN NALSON, LL. D. VOLUME V.  
INgenious men have frequently compared Arts and Learning to our Natural Senses; and doubtless they were induced to do so from that resemblance, which the one hath to the other in distinguishing between different objects: But still, we must allow the precedence to Learning and Knowledge; for that the highest attainments of sense, arrive only to an Exact destinguishing between mean and Common Objects, as black and white, sweet and bitter, hot and cold, soft and hard, and this too, in an humble subserviency to the Understanding, to which they make reports according to the different impressions which they do receive: Whereas skilful Arts and Sciences, having the more elevated advantages of Inquiry and Reasoning, do not only enable us to know what is most agreeable, but by a prudent foresight to abstain from what is Evil, and prevent what may be dangerous. Thus the Wise Physician comes by his successful Art, not only to understand how to combat a present Distemper; but to secure the Health of his Patients for the future; and the artful Musician does not only know how to avoid ungrateful discords, but even from those disagreeing Notes to compound a wondrous Harmony.  
But above all, Temperance, Justice and Prudence, the noblest of all the Moral Virtues, do not only assist us with the knowledge of what is Honourable, Just and Good, but give us the Reverse of the contrary Vices, which ought to be avoided, as dishonest, unjust, and altogether disadvantageous to us: and even this sort of knowledge of what is evil, is so necessary to the Prudent conduct of humane Life, that without it, there would be no glory or virtue in abandoning those evils which we did not know; since otherways it must be attributed to the stupid simplicity of ignorant Chance, and not to a wise and prudent Choice. It was for this Reason, that the ancient Spartans' were used in their most celebrated festivals and entertainments, to load their 
* Ilotas  slaves with prodigal glasses, and then expose those drunken miserables to the public view; that so, the young Gentlemen of the City seeing the deformity, and antic dresses into which that transforming Vice degrades Humane Nature, they might at the expense of those poor wretches, imprint an early aversion to debauchery, in their tender minds. And tho' possibly it is but an indifferent method, nor very consistent with Humanity, to chastise vice in one, by forcing it upon another, yet it will not be unacceptable, amidst the great variety of examples in this Book, to expose to the view of the World, some pairs of noble Lives, who being advanced in the triumphant Chariot of Sovereign Authority, have, by their own inconsiderate folly and imprudence, tumbled from the height of Fortune into great extremities; and thereby have made themselves great examples of the Impotence and danger of great vices, even in the greatest Men. There is a strange pleasure in variety, but yet I must aver, That my design is not only to divert the Fancy of the Reader, by showing diversity of curious Figures, but to advantage him in the management of his own Affairs; to which nothing can contribute more, than the easy way of being wife and Virtuous at the expense of other men's Misfortunes; for as Ismenias, the famed Theban Artist, was wont to show his Scholars both the most excellent Masters in Music and the veriest Bunglers in the Science, that so they might imitate the one, and despise the other; and Antigenidas was used to say, that such young Gentlemen as applied themselves to the attaining skill in Music, would be more encouraged in their Industry by the pleasure they received from hearing sprightly Airs and Composures, after they had been first tired with the dull entertainments of Common and unskillful Musicians; so it appears highly reasonable, that the examples of those Lives, whose Vices and Follies have deservedly exposed them to the Censure of the whole virtuous World, should raise in us a Noble Emulation to imitate the glories of such others, as were the illustrious Characters of Great and Good.  
For this Reason, this Volume presents the Reader with the Lives of Demetrius 
* A stormer of Cities. Expugnator Vrbium.  Poliorcetes, and Antonius the Triumvir: Two Persons who have abundantly justified the opinion of the Divine Plato, that great Minds are apt to produce great virtues, and no less vices: And that they may not seem unequally Paired, these two great Persons were equally Amorous and Intemperate, Warlike and Munificent, Sumptuous in their way of Living, and haughty in their erterprises and undertake: Nor did Fortune seem to make any great disparity in their Destinies, for as during the whole course of their Lives, they were many times glorious and triumphant Victors; so were they also miferably vanquished; at one time they got much, at another they were forced to abandon all: sometimes they were tumbled down from the top of their glory, beyond even the Hope of almost a possible recovery, and on the sudden, beyond the expectance of Imagination, raised again to their former Dignity and Dominions: nor were the Fatal periods of their Lives without a Resemblance, the one ending his unfortunate days in a deplorable captivity, and the other, to avoid that lingering misfortune, taking Sanctuary in the Cold embraces of a voluntary Death.  
Antigonus had by his Lady Stratonice, the beautiful daughter of Correus, two Sons, the one after the Name of his Uncle he called Demetrius, the other carried the name of his Grandfather Philip, and died young. This is the most authentic Account, although some have reported, that Demetrius was not the Son of Antigonus, but of his Brother; and that his own Father dying young and his mother being afterwards married to Antigonus, he was pleased to adopt him his Son.  
Demetrius, who was one of the goodliest 
The Description of Prince Demetrius.  Princes of the World, tho' he was not altogether so tall as his Father Antigonus, yet he was of the largest proportion of men; but withal he had a Face so delicate and exact, that the most curious Painter or Graver, was not able to form any Idea, out of his own Imagination, comparable to those sweetnesses, which every feature of his inimitable Face had only peculiar to itself: there was something, one knows not how to express it, so soft, and yet so fierce, that it did at the same time appear both charmingly tender, and Imperiously astonishing; challenging both an irresistible, veneration, and a passionate kindness; such a mixture of Majesty, Youth, beauty and vivacity, as gave him one of the most August and Noble Airs in the World. Nor did his outward adornments at all contradict the inward Inclinations of his nature, for there was no person who had so great an Art to render himself both loved and feared; for as he was the most easy and agreeable person in his conversation, the most splendid in his entertainments, and in short, one who indulged himself and his friends the utmost liberty and freedoms in the enjoyment of his pleasures, so was he, of all the Princes of his age, the most vigilant, dexterous, and addressful in the prosecution of his martial affairs; so that his whole life seemed divided between the Love of pleasure and glory; herein proposing to himself the example of Bacchus, the Divinity he chiefly adored, equally famous for his successful achievements in the time of Action, and his luxuriant gaieties in the Leisure of Peace.  
He was a most passionate lover of his Father Antigonus, and the natural tenderness and deference which he had for his Mother, obliged him, for her sake, to redouble that love, which it was evident was not so much owing to fear, or barely Duty, as the more powerful ties of Choice and Inclination: Insomuch that it is reported, that returning one day, from hunting, he went up immediately into the Apartment of Antigonus, who had newly given Audience to certain foreign Ambassadors, and after he had made his Obeisance to Antigonus, who tenderly caressed and kissed him, he reposed himself upon one of the chairs, still holding the Javelins in his hand, which he had brought with him from the chase; whereupon Antigonus, who had just dispatched the Ambassadors, commanded them to be again introduced, and showing them his Son in that free posture and equipage, You may, my Lords, said he, if you so please, relate to your Masters, above what you have already received in Commission, after what manner of unjealous freedom, my Son and I live together: By this Action informing them, that this was no slender mark of the power and security of this Government, where there was so perfect a good Understanding between the Prince reigning and his Heir apparent; and that whereas commonly unsociable Majesty is surrounded with Armed Guards, and inward jealousies and distrusts, it was the glory of the Greatest of all the Successors of the mighty Alexander, that he had the happiness to be so perfectly assured of his son, that he could without difficulty permit him the freedom of coming thus Armed into his presence. And to speak the truth, among all the Successors of Alexander, that of Antigonus, was the only House, which for many descents was exempted from blushing, with the shedding of their own Royal blood: and whereas in this illustrious Family, only Philip was guilty of the death of his son, all the rest afforded frequent examples of Fathers who brought their Children, Husbands their wives, Children their Parents, to untimely Funerals; and for the Brothers to dispatch each other was so common, that as Mathematicians lay down to themselves certain first Principles, so this was esteemed by them as a Maxim, to assure themselves of the Royal Diadem, by sacrificing their Brothers to the fears and jealousies of their proving dangerous Rivals to their Sovereignty.  
But that we may the better understand the excellent temper of the young Demetrius, and what just and honourable sentiments, even his early years had for his Friendships, we must recount an odd adventure which passed betwixt him and Mithridates the son of Ariobarzanes; this young Prince, who was about the same age with Demetrius, was educated in the Court of Antigonus; and although he had the Reputation of an innocent and undesigning person, yet could he not avoid falling into the displeasure of Antigonus, who became 
The Dream of Antigonus▪ concerning Mithridates.  extremely suspicious of him by reason of a Dream which he had one night concerning him; for in his sleep, Imagination, which then most abusively plays the wanton with us, when she has put all our senses, the servants of reason, into their downy manacles, presented Antigonus with this Fantastic scene: He thought himself in a fair and spacious Field, where he sowed Golden seed, from whence he saw a most wondrous crop of that shining Metal immediately to spring, and successively to grow up to that maturity to hang its ripened heads, ready to bow to the fatal stroke of the sickle; that shortly after, returning in high expectance to reap the tempting Harvest, he found it all cut down, and nothing left but chaff and stubble; whereupon extremely discontented at the unexpected disappointment, he thought he overheard certain persons discoursing that it was Mithridates, who having reaped the Golden Harvest, was returned with it into the Kingdom of Pontus. Antigonus, strangely perplexed with this Dream, relates it to the Prince, and having first obliged him, by whatever was sacred, not to discover his intention, acquaints him with the Resolution he had taken against the life of Mithridates. Demetrius was most sensibly touched with this cruel resolution of Antigonus against an Innocent Prince, his Familiar, his Confident, Companion, and Friend, and not knowing how to manage himself with Innocence, betwixt his Friendship to the Prince, and his promise to his Father; but the next morning Mithridates coming according to his custom to divert himself with Demetrius, he drew him aside from the Company, and without opening his lips, with the point of his Javelin he traced these few words in the Dust, obliging Mithridates to read them, fly instantly, and save your Life, Dear Mithridates, and without further notice, putting them out with his foot, they returned to their Company, and pursued their accustomed Divertisements and Sports.  
Mithridates, who was very apprehensive, easily perceived by this Artifice that something fatal was determined against him by Antigonus; and therefore secretly taking Post that very Night, he quitted the Court, and made his Escape into Cappadocia; where resolving to be revenged of Antigonus for this intended Perfidy, he immediately raised a numerous Army, and not long after accomplished the Dream of Antigonus, whom, by the force of his Armies, he despoiled of many large Provinces and Territories; and by his great successes Established the Royal House of Pontus: The last of his Race and Name, and the eight in lineal succession from him, being that unfortunate Mithridates' King of Pontus, whose destiny so lately made an addition to the Triumphs of the irresistible Roman Eagles.  
This may serve for a specimen of the Early and uncommon Generosity and Honour of Demetrius; but it was not long before his boiling youth, transported with the ardent desire of Fame and Glory, met with greater occasions of signalizing his Courage and his Arms; for as Empedocles wittily observed, that there was a continual hostility among the four Elements which Compose the Universe, every one of them still combating with his Neighbour, and all of them continually striving to enlarge the boundaries of their Empires; so did it happen among the potent Successors of the great Alexander, betwixt whom, especially those whose Dominions lay contiguous, there was an Eternal Jealousy, and almost perpetual Wars: For Antigonus, who kept his Residence in the Metropolis of Phrygia, being advertised that his Neighbour Ptolemy, having passed from the Island of Cyprus, did with a potent Army invade Syria, and had reduced most of the considerable places in that Country under his Obedience, either by force or Composition; he dispatched his Son Demetrius, not then much above the Age of twenty two years, at the head of a Gallant Army, to arrest the successes of the Victorious Ptolemy: This was the first time, that he had appeared in Arms as an Absolute General and Commander; and our young Captain, whose heat was something too disproportionate to his Conduct, with mighty Eagerness and hasty Marches, advances with his Army to seek his Enemy? and receiving intelligence that Ptolemy was with all his Forces sat down before Gaza, he marched directly thither; upon his approach Ptolemy drew off his Army from the Siege, being as willing as Demetrius was hasty to put the matter to the fatal decision of the Sword: But here Fortune, who was betimes resolved to show her instability, was not at all Propitious to Demetrius; for after a Cruel Battle, which was obstinately maintained by Demetrius with the loss of five thousand of the most Valiant of his Soldiers, he was compelled to resign the Victory and the field to Ptolemy, who took, besides eight thousand Prisoners, all his Arms, Carriages, Ammunition, and his Camp, which was exceeding Rich: Nor was it at all strange, that a young Prince of so slender Experience in military affairs, should be vanquished by an Old beaten Captain in the Trade of War, and one trained up under the Discipline of Alexander, by whose prodigious Fortune even victory herself seemed to be overcome, and to submit herself tamely to his conquering Arms. However Ptolemy, who was as truly generous as he was great, made a most honourable use of this advantage, for he immediately returned all the Rich spoils of the Field, together with the enlarged Prisoners, with this Compliment to Demetrius, That he had not combated with him for Riches, but for Glory and Empire.  
Demetrius was infinitely surprised at this unexpected generosity, and one might see the warm blood mount into his Face, to be a second time vanquished by this obliging civility of Ptolemy, which was more insupportable than what he had suffered by his Arms, but as soon as he had a little recovered the disorder, into which this Action had put him, May the Gods, cried he, accord me this only bounty, that I may not long be indebted to Ptolemy, but that it may one day come within my Power to return him the same Compliment and favour, which he hath now put upon me.  
It might well be expected the disgrace of this disaster, to be defeated in the very first enterprise of his Arms, would have cooled the courage of our young Warrior; and possibly few persons of his Age, would have been able to support such a notable Overthrow, with so much Temper: but Demetrius, who was a very extraordinary person, demeaned himself upon this Occasion even to admiration; rather like an old Captain who had been long acquainted which the traverses of a capricious and inconstant Fortune, than a young and unexperienced Prince: for he set himself, with all the application imaginable, to provide Arms and Magazines; to rally his dispersed Troops, to reinforce them with Recruits, and to exercise his new Levies in the discipline of War, he strengthened all the considerable Garrisons, and with unwearied diligence performed all the Duties of an expert General, and by his example infused new Life and Courage into the hearts of his Soldiers, insomuch that they, who before were almost ready to present the Conqueror with the Keys of those Cities which they were to defend, now put on Resolutions, not to part with an inch of Ground, which Ptolemy should not purchase with the hazard of his Life. When the news of this Defeat was brought to Antigonus, he received it without any greater emotion, than saying, Ptolemy has indeed got a Victory over a Company of Youths, but ere long he shall find, that he must combat with Men: intimating, that shortly he would undertake the management of the War in his own person. But Demetrius sending to beg the favour of him, that he might once more throw the die of War, and Command the Army against Ptolemy: Antigonus who feared least the disgrace of being denied, might more abate the Courage of the Prince than the loss of the former Battle, sent him a new Commission to execute the Office of an absolute General.  
Not long after Cilles, Ptolomy's Lieutenant General, with a powerful Army took the Field, and looking upon Demetrius, since his last overthrow, as the Commander of a baffled and half vanquished Army, he had in his imagination driven him out of Syria, before he saw him: but he quickly found himself deceived; for Demetrius by hasty marches came so unexpectedly upon him, that he surprised the General and his Army, making him, and 7000 of the principal Officers and Soldiers, prisoners of War, before they heard of any approaching Enemy: the whole Booty of the Camp, which was very rich, fell likewise into his hands; but it was not that which gave Demetrius any satisfaction, comparable to the pleasure which he took, when, by this advantage, he found himself in a Condition to be generously revenged upon Ptolemy for his last obliging courtesy: However, Demetrius in this affair was resolved to comport himself according to his Duty, and therefore he dispatched an Express to Antigonus to give him an account of this good Fortune, and to receive his directions and commands, how to dispose of his Conquest. Antigonus who was most surprisingly transported with Joy at this unexpected news, and not less at the Noble Inclinations of his Son, immediately returned him in Answer, that he left him entirely at his own Freedom and Discretion, to make what Use he pleased of the Victory which he had gained. Demetrius was even ravished with contentment at his Commission, which was so agreeable to his wishes; and therefore sending for Cilles, he not only gave him his own, and the Liberty of all the Prisoners, but dismissed them loaden which magnificent presents, and the Admiration of his Generosity; desiring Cilles to oblige him with carrying this Message to Ptolemy, That he made him that small present, in return of the Favours he had received from him at Gaza.  
This defeat was so closely followed by Demetrius, that in a little time he obliged Ptolemy to abandon Syria; and having resettled the affairs of that Province, he hasted to return into the Arms of his Father, who then kept his Residence at Celene: So soon as Antigonus was advertised of his approach, he had not the patience to attend the short delay of his coming, but with a noble Train he immediately left the City, and went to meet the Prince; and with what caresses and endearments such an indulgent Father entertained a Son so hopeful and promising, is difficult to imagine, but impossible to express; but he conducted him home in great triumph, amidst a thousand acclamations and other signs of joy, which seemed to be owing rather to his safe return than the prosperous success of his Arms.  
But it was not long before Antigonus was forced to lose the satisfaction of his Conversation; being obliged to send him to reduce the Nabathean Arabians to their Obedience: and in this Expedition Demetrius ran one of the greatest hazards of his whole Life; for the Wild Arabs, decoyed him into those parched Deserts, which afforded no manner of subsistence, nor so much as a drop of water to refresh his Army; and having reduced him to this extremity, they drew up their forces to give him Battle: But when those barbarous people observed the courage and resolution of the Prince, and that he was so far from being in the least daunted at their approach, that he rather seemed to fly like a hungry Lion upon the prey, as if he had resolved to quench the thirst of his Soldiers with the blood of his Enemies, they were so astonished, that consulting their fear, they thought it fitter to commit their safety to their heels than hands, and therefore with great precipitation and disorder, they quitted the field, leaving Demetrius' not only possessed of the Victory, but of a very considerable Booty, among the rest 700. Camels with all their Lading of Water and other provisions, with which he refreshed his Army, and safely retreated out of that scorched Country, more barbarous than its wild Inhabitants.  
Not long after, Seleucus, whom Antigonus had formerly chased out of Babylon, having raised all the forces he was able, with his Army invested that mighty City, and without much resistance, made himself Master of it, and elevated with this success, he pushed on his good Fortune, and marched against the Country's next adjacent to Mount Caucasus, and the neighbouring Indies, hoping to subdue those Regions, and range them under his Dominion and Obedience.  
Demetrius being advertised of this Expedition of Seleucus, and conjecturing, that he had left Mesopotamia but flenderly guarded in his absence, he passed the Euphrates, with his Army, with such secrecy and expedition, that with his whole power he had invested Babylon, before they had heard of the march of his Troops. He immediately command an attack to be made upon one of the Citadels, which Seleucus had raised for the security of that important place, which was performed with that vigour and resolution, that he carried the Fort; but finding himself not in a Condition to master the City, he left 7000 Men in Garrison in the Fortress, and with the gross of his army retreated homewards; but in his return he gave his Soldiers the liberty to live at discretion, who in their march took from the Inhabitants of those Countries, through which they passed, whatsoever they thought fit; by which ill treatment of those People, though he did extremely enrich his Army, yet he impoverished his own Reputation, and lost the affections of those Countries, who ever after, by the ill usage they received from Demetrius, were the more firmly devoted to the Obedience of Seleucus, to whom he seemed to yield the Title of their Sovereign, by treating them like Enemies, and not his own Subjects.  
In his return having received Information that Ptolemy laid close Siege to the City of Halicarnassus, he marched directly thither and obliging him in some disorder to decamp, and retire from before it, he delivered that City from an imminent danger, and by his Expedition and success in that Action, brought a great Addition to the Reputation and Glory of his Arms.  
And now Demetrius, burning with the ardent desire of Glory, had fixed his Designs upon an enterprise, which was suitable both to his own, and the Inclinations of his Father Antigonus; and that was to break the Yoke of slavery, which Cassander and Ptolemy had laid upon the neck of the little Grecian Commonwealths, and to render those Country's Masters of their ancient Laws of Freedom; and certainly never any Princes undertook a War more generous and brave, since the only motive that induced them to it, was the glory to restore their Freedom to the miserable Grecians, and that they undertook it wholly at their own charges, and with the treasure which they had recovered from barbarous Nations, they attempted the assistance of the most civilised and learned, tho' most oppressed People of the World. To effect this great Design, it was resolved, at a Council of War, that the first attempt should be made upon the City of Athens; upon the debate of which point, when one of the great Captains gave his opinion, that if they could make themselves Masters of that City they ought to keep it in their own possession, for that it would serve them as a Bridge, over which they might at discretion, pass into the rest of Greece; Antigonns most generously as well as prudently replied, that the surest Bridge to pass over upon such an Enterprise was the Hearts and Inclinations of the People, which would most assuredly be lost, if that City were kept; and that Athens being one of the most celebrated Academies of the World, one ought to offer nothing prejudicial to that Repository of Arts and Learning, if, at least, they consult their own future reputation, which must in time to come be measured by those accounts, which from thence would be delivered to Posterity.  
Demetrius, who had raised a Fond of five Thousand Talents to defray the charges of this War, having with great applications rigged and equipped a Fleet of two hundred and fifty Galleys, he weighed Anchor, and the Wind standing fair, he steered a direct course to the City of Athens, where at that time Demetrius Phalereus who commanded as Deputy Governor under Cassander, had his residence, and had placed a strong Garrison in the Fortress of Munychea. Upon the twenty fifth of May, the Wind freshing up into a brisk Gale, and Demetrius, who was resolved to improve the Favour which Fortune seemed to lend him, by the addition of Artifice, hanging out Ptolomy's Flag, bore directly in for the Pyraeeum or Port of the City: The Sentinels, who descried the Fleet at some distance, made no doubt but that they were Friends, nor was the Error discovered till it was too late. It may well be imagined, that this surprise put the Captain of Cassander's Galleys, and the whole Garrison into such great confusions and disorders, as usually happen upon such approaches of an unexpected Enemy; and while they were preparing to make the best defence and opposition, which the suddenness of the Accident would permit, Demetrius who perceived the Mouth of the Haven defenceless and open, stood in directly into the Port: as soon as he was entered, mounting upon the Poop of the Admiral Gally, and making a signal with his hand, that he had something to say, he caused a Herald with a loud voice to make Proclamation, that he was come thither with that mighty Fleet, by the Command of his Father, but with no other Design than what he prayed the Gods to prosper with success proportionable to his pious Intention, which was to deliver them from the oppression of Cassander; to chase out that Armed force, by which he held them in a cruel Subjection, and to restore to them the freedom of their ancient Laws and Government.  
The People hearing this, presently threw down their Arms, and clapping their hands, with loud acclamations of Joy they immediately entreated. Demetrius to land, calling him their Deliverer and Benefactor, and assuring him of a Welcome entertainment. This sudden revolt of the Citizens obliged Phalerius, who saw it impossible to resist, to send certain of his Officers to Demetrius, to request from him, upon his Surrender, honourable Usage and Protection from the outrages of the People, who hated him for Cassander's sake, and whose insolences, in this change of his Fortune, he had but too just apprehensions to be afraid of. Demetrius according to his accustomed Generosity, treated the Messengers very respectfully, and having an extraordinary Veneration for the person, and Virtue of Phalerius, he sent Aristodemus of Miletus, a particular favourite to Antigonus, back again with the Messengers, to assure Phalerius, and those under his command, not only of their Liberty but security, and accordingly he sent them away with a sufficient convoy to the City of Thebes; whither Phalerius desired he might have Liberty to retire.  
Now though Demetrius had the most passionate desire in the World to view the so much celebrated City of Athens, yet having solemnly Vowed he would not enter into it, till he had given it entire Liberty from Cassander, he forbore it for the present, and having blocked up the Citadel of Munichia with a strong Rampart and deep Graff, he immediately weighed, and with his Fleet stood over for Megara, where also Cassande had a strong Garrison, which would if not removed, prove an uneasy Neighbourhood to his newly delivered Athenians.  
Whilst his Army laid close Siege to Megara, Demetrius understanding that Cratesipolis the Widow of Poliperchon, a Lady whose beauty was in greater Reputation than her Virtue, was at Patras, and that as he understood, she had no Aversion for him, he resolved secretly to make her a Visit; and therefore leaving the Siege, he took only a few light Horsemen for his Attendants, and went in pursuit of this extravagant Amour: And that he might without discovery, and with more freedom enjoy the conversation of this celebrated beauty, he commanded his Retinue to Pitch a Tent at some distance from Patras, and there to attend his return, and so with only two or three of his most intimate confidents, he took his way towards the City; but whether by the treachery of the Lady, or by pure accident is uncertain, so it happened, he fell into an Ambuscade of a party of Cassander's Troops, and was so warmly pursued, that he was obliged by changing his Coat with one of the ordinary Soldiers, and so disguising himself by the swiftness of his Horse to purchase a dishonourable safety, the just reward of such an adventure, narrowly Escaping being made a Prisoner to his Enemies, by rendering up his Liberty to the charms of a Lascivious Woman, and an unjustifiable Passion; the Party finding he was too well mounted to be taken, returned and seized his Tent where they found many curious presents intended for his Mistress, which made another addition to the loss of his Honour and Design, though a reward proportionable to the undertaking.  
But he had better success in his Wars than in his Amours, for returning to the Camp, he stormed the City of Megara, but at the request of the Athenians, who had assisted him in the Expedition, he would not permit his Soldiers to commit any violences or spoil, but having chased away the Garrison, he restored the Inhabitants to their freedom and laws, as he had before treated the Athenians: It happened that the Philosopher Stilpon did at that time reside near Megara, a person of great Reputation for his retired and contemplative Life; Demetrius who had a great Curiosity to see him, sent for him, and the Philosopher being come into the presence, Stilpon, said he, I hope you have received no ill Usage; nor lost any of your Goods by my Soldiers; my Lord, replied he smartly, I have not met with any who have thought knowledge or Virtue so valuable as to plunder them from me; but it seems, that upon the taking of the City Demetrius had bestowed Liberty upon all the Slaves, and among the rest upon the only one belonging to the poor Philosopher; and when he was about to take his leave, Demetrius, having Extremely caressed him, Well Stilpon, said he, I leave your City in perfect Liberty and freedom; True my Lord, answered he briskly, for you have not left us so much as one Slave belonging to us.  
Demetrius returning from Megara immediately sat down before the Citadel of Munychia, which in a few days he took by assault and caused the fortifications to be demolished; and thus having accomplished his Design, at the importunity of the Athenians, who requested him to refresh himself after his Fatigue, he solemnly entered the City, where causing the People to be summoned, in the Audience of a numerous Assembly, he publicly acquainted them; that he did not only freely restore them to the Liberty of their former Popular Government, but would prevail with his Father Antigonus, to bestow upon them fifteen thousand Measures of Wheat, and such a proportion of Timber, as would enable them to build an hundred Galleys for the defence of their City. In this manner did the Athenians recover their Popular state, after they had lost it for the space of fifteen Years, from the time of the fatal War of Lamia, and the unlucky Battle before the City of Cranon; after which they had been under a seeming Oligarchy, but really under the single Government of Demetrius Phalerius the Deputy Lieutenant of Cassander.  
But the excessive honours which the Athenians bestowed upon their deliverers Antigonus and Demetrius, drew upon them the envy of other Princes, and an universal Jealousy among all their neighbours; for here it was, that by the Courtship of the Athenians, they first took upon them the Style of Majesty and the Title of Kings, which hitherto they had declined, as only of right appertaining to the lineal descendants of Philip and Alexander the great, and which the rest of his Captains seemed to renounce. But so transported were the Athenians, that with a Wild and Extravagant Gratitude, they bestowed upon them not only the Title of Kings, but of their Tutelary Deities and Deliverers: and to enhance the compliment, by a common Vote it was decreed to change the stile of the City, which formerly named the year according to the Name of the Annual Magistrate; so that now a Priest of the two Tutelary Divinities, who was to be yearly chosen, was to have that honour; and all public Acts and Instruments were ordered to bear their Teste under his Name. And in the Ensigns of their City they caused the Pourtraicts of these two Princes to be drawn among the rest of the Gods, the Patrons and Guardians of their City. They also caused an altar to be erected and consecrated in the place where Demetrius first alighted from his Chariot, calling it the Altar of the Descent of Demetrius; they added two new Companies or Tribes to their former Number, calling them after the Names of those Princes Antigonides and Demetriades; and to the Senate which consisted of five hundred persons, fifty being chosen according to the ancient constitution, out of every Tribe, they added one hundred more out of these two new Companies. But the most sordid of all their gross and unmanly flatteries, was the Decree proposed by Stratocles, by which it was ordained and Enacted, that the Ambassadors, which they should send to Antigonus and Demetrius, should have the same stile and Character with those which were accustomed to be sent to Delphos, to consult the Oracle of the Pythian Apollo, or to Elis to the Olympian Jupiter, to perform the Grecian Solemnities, and to make oblations for the safety and preservation of their City, whom they called, the Ambassadors of the Gods.  
This Stratocles was a person of a most insolent and vicious temper, one who had led a lewd and dishonest life, not much unlike the infamous Cleon; for his Concubine one day bringing him a dish of certain heads for his Dinner; Look, said he disdainfully, I must dine upon heads, which we statesmen play with like Tennis-balls. At another time, when the Athenians received that notable defeat near the Island of Amorgos, he hasted from the encounter, and before the news could arrive at the City, having got a Chaplet of flowers upon his head, he came riding through the Ceramique street, with such a show of triumph, as if the Athenians had been Conqucrors, and instantly commanded all the People to render thanks to the Immortal Gods, and keep a solemn Festival for the happy Victory. But whilst they were in the height of their gaiety and joy, the Messengers, who had made no haste to bring the evil tidings, arrived with a true account of the Disaster, and the People being enraged that he had thus imposed upon them, he confidently came among them, and made this jest of the matter, Very fine, said he, and I warrant you think you do bravely now to be angry, and to reproach me for having made you two Holidays. This was the way of this humorist Stratocles.  
But that I may allude to the words of the Poet Aristophanes,  

Such strange excess transported their desire,  
They seemed even to add a flame to fire.   
For there was another of these audacious flatterers, who resolving to out shoot Stratocles in his own Bow, proposed, that it should be decreed, that whensoever Demetrius should honour their City with his Royal presence, they should treat him with the same Ceremonies and Honours, as they were accustomed to pay to the Deities of Ceres and Bacchus, and that to make his reception more splendid and magnificent, a Talon of silver should be issued out of the Exchequer to provide Sacrifices and oblations, to be offered to this new Divinity.  
In short, they strained their invention to that degree of extravagance, that they changed the name of the Month of 
* January.  Munychion, and called it Demetrian, and the Festivals of Bacchus, which used to be celebrated upon the last day of that Month by the name of Dionysia, they altered into the name of Demetria. But the incensed Deities soon manifested their displeasure at these sacrilegious flatteries, by divers uncommon presages and Prodigies, for as they were in a pompous Procession, carrying the Banner in which the Images of Antigonus and Demetrius were painted, together with those of Jupiter and Minerva, passing through the high street, a sudden and impetuous Gust of wind tore the Banner from the top to the bottom. A strange crop of Poisonous Hemlock, a weed formerly an absolute Foreigner to that soil, sprung up about the Altars which they had erected to those new Divinities; they were forced also to intermit the solemn Festivals of Bacchus, for that upon the very day upon which they used to be annually celebrated there happened such a severe and Rigorous frost, that not only the Vines and Fig trees were all blasted, but the very Wheat was perished with it; which gave occasion to Philipides a declared Enemy to Stratocles, to abuse him in these Comic Verses.  

The man of whom our blasted Vines complain.  
And the Torn Ensign, which the God's disdain,  
Who did to Mortals Divine Honours pay,  
'Twas he who hurt us, not this innocent play.   
This Philipides was a person for whom King Lysimachus had such an extraordinary Value, that for his sake he conferred many Royal favours upon the Athenians, and had such, even a superstitious veneration for him, that when he was about to undertake any affair of great Importance, he ever consulted first with Philipides, and was used to say, that he always took his very presence for a lucky Omen in his erterprises. Nor was it altogether without reason that he thus esteemed him, for Philipides was a person of an honest and divertive conversation, wholly free from the nauseous humours of the servile and officious Courtiers; and as his humour was easy and innocent, so was it also gay and pleasant, as may appear by this passage. Lysimachus upon a certain time being extremely obliged with his diverting Company, demanded of him, Philipides, said he, what will you that I should gratify you withal, and I will do it? With what your Majesty pleases, replied he, provided you do not load me with the Honour of being of your Privy Council. Such a person was honest Philipides, and I therefore thought it not amiss to prefer the innocent Comedian, before this impious haranguing flatterer Stratocles.  
But that which exceeds all the former follies and flatteries was that of Dromoclides of Sphetus, who when there was a debate concerning sending to the Delphian Oracle to inquire the lucky minute for the Consecration of certain Bucklers, he propounded in the Assembly, that they should rather send to consult the Oracle of Demetrius; and for the horrible rarity of the propositions, I will repeat the very words of the Decretal Order, which was in these terms. May it be happy and propitious? The People of Athens have decreed and ordained, that a fit person shall be chosen among the Athenian Citizens, who shall be deputed to be sent to our great Deliverer, and after he hath duly performed the just Rites and Sacrifices, shall inquire of him, in what most Religious and decent manner he will please to direct the Consecration of the Bucklers; and according to the answer which his Oracleship shall be pleased to return, the People shall be obliged to put it in speedy execution. Thus did these Officious flatterers, with their impious breath, blow up poor Demetrius, already crazed with his successes and honours, almost into a perfect pleurisy and madness.  
Demetrius, who was naturally amorous in this interval of leisure from his Martial affairs, became passionately in love with a fair Athenian Lady, whose name was Eurydice: She was descended of the ancient House of Miltiades, that Celebrated Captain, and had been Married very young to Opheltas Prince of Cyrene, but having the misfortune to be divorced from him by his untimely Death, she was not able to brook that Melancholy Court, but retired herself to Athens, whence Demetrius, who was as fortunate at storming the tender hearts of fair Ladies, as the Walls of the most obstinate Cities, after a short siege of Courtship overcame the difficulties and aversions, with which she defended herself against second Nuptials, and was Married to her. The Athenians took this Marriage for an extraordinary favour done to their City of which the Lady was a Native, when as in truth it was the effect of a Natural propension which he had to variety, for he had many Wives at the same time; but among them all Philla was the Lady to whom he paid the most respect and deference; she was the Daughter of Antipater, and the Widow of Craterus, who while he lived was of all the Successors of Alexander the most beloved, and at his death the most universally lamented by the Macedonians: And for these reasons Antigonus had obliged him to Marry her, notwithstanding the disparity of their years, Demetrius being much younger than that Princess; and when upon that account he made some difficulty of complying with his Father's pleasure, Antigonus whispered him softly in his Ear this Couplet, alluding to those verses in Euripides.  

Let not her years your Love abate,  
But Marry where's the best Estates.   
But as it frequently happens in such unequal Matches, how much respect and deference soever Demetrius paid to her Birth, Quality and Fortune, Philla was never entirely possessed of his heart; for besides several other Ladies whom he married, he had always many Mistresses, and was a Prince that surpassed all others of his time, in abandoning himself to the infamous slavery of his Passions, and unbounded pleasures.  
But he was not so absolutely charmed with the soft Lute of Venus, but that he had still an Ear for the shrill Notes of Bellona's Trumpet; and there happening at this time a new contest with King Ptolemy, concerning the Island of Cyprus, Antigonus sent for him to command his Troops in that expedition; his unwillingness to abandon the glorious Enterprise of the deliverance of Greece, which he had so fortunately begun, did for some time struggle with his compliance to the King's command; and seeing that he could not at present effect his design by the force of his Arms, he attempted to accomplish it by cunning and Artifice: He sent therefore to Cleonides, Ptolemy's Governor in Sicyone and Corinth, and privately made him very advantageous offers, if he would only retire from those places, and leave them at entire liberty: But Cleonides disdainfully rejecting all sorts of conditions, which might blemish his reputation with the infamy of so base a treachery to his Master, he was for that time forced to quit the prosecution of his designs in favour of the Grecians, and to apply himself to the War with Ptolemy: He therefore embarked his Troops, and with a mighty Navy sailed directly to the Island of Cyprus, where immediately upon his arrival, he fell upon Menelaus the Brother of Ptolemy, and gave him a notable defeat. The news of this affront so enraged Ptolemy that he came in person with all his Naval Power and Land forces, to revenge the disgrace of his Brother's overthrow.  
When both these Fleets were come within sight, Ptolemy having commanded his to drop their Anchors, he sent this insolent Message to Demetrius, That if he consulted his safety or honour, he would take this timely advice, and instantly retire, before his whole Fleet and Land forces were come up, for that otherwise he would compel him to do it with shame and ignominy. Demetrius not in the least shocked by these impotent Menaces, returned him an answer more civil in appearance, but not less high and daring. You may acquaint Ptolemy, said he to the Messengers, that I will do him the favour to permit him to escape, if he will oblige himself upon his honour, to withdraw his Garrisons from Sicyone and Corinth, and make those City's possessors of their own Freedom.  
The contest between these two potent Princes, and the issue of this War was such, as had not only a single influence upon themselves, but must draw after it the interests of many other Princes and Sovereign Lords; for it was apparent that he upon whom victory should incline to bestow her Laurels, would thereby become not only Master of the Kingdoms of Cyprus and Syria, but most undoubtedly the most Potent and formidable Monarch of all the Successors of Alexander.  
The Fleets had not long lain within view of one another, but that Ptolemy resolving to put it to the issue of a Combat, and in order thereunto, having Commanded Menelaus, who lay in the Port of Salamine with sixty Galleys, that in the heat of the Engagement he should attack the Rear of Demetrius his fleet, he instantly weighed, and with all the force of sails, and Oars he assailed Demetrius with a fleet of one hundred Galleys, excellently well manned and appointed for the Combat. But Demetrius, who apprehended his design, commanded ten of his Galleys to row up to the very mouth of the Haven of Salamine, and there to place themselves so advantageously, that Menelaus could neither come out with his fleet, nor be able to combat them, but upon equal numbers; and after this, having ranged his Land-Army upon the shore, he advanced to meet Ptolemy with 180 Galleys; and attacked him with such a furious impetuosity, that in a little time he forced him with only eight of the lightest and most nimble Sailors in his Fleet, to save himself by flight; leaving Demetrius in so entire a possession of the Victory, that 70 of his stoutest Galleys were taken, and the rest sunk, together with all the Seamen, Soldiers, Victuallers, and the Galleons, which carried his Women, Friends, Officers, and principal Servants, his Treasure, and all the Engines and Ammunition which he had provided for the War.  
Among the number of those whom Fortune by that Victory made Prisoners to Demetrius, the celebrated Lamia chanced to be one; a Lady, whose Beauty, admirable Skill upon the Lute, and charming Voice had rendered her extremely admired; and after she began to entertain much Courtship, she still increased in that infamous kind of Fame; and although she was now past the Meridian-Glories of her Beauty, yet had she something so agreeable in her Humour and Conversation, that Demetrius quickly exchanged his Liberty with her, and became a Prisoner to her Charms, to that degree, as that it was said, All other Ladies were amorous of Demetrius, but Demetrius was amorous only of Lamia.  
After the gaining of this signal Victory, Demetri●n came before Salamine; and Menelaus, upon his first Approach, being unable to make any considerable resistance, surrendered himself and all his Fleet, together with twelve hundred Horse, and twelve thousand Foot, with all their Arms and Ammunition: But that which added to the Glory of this Victory, was the generous deportment of Demetrius to the vanquished; for aster he had given honourable Funerals to the Dead, he bestowed Liberty upon the Living; and that he might not forget his flattering Athenians, he sent them, as a Present, complete Arms for twelve hundred Men.  
To carry this happy News, Aristodemus of Miletus, the most affected Flatterer belonging to the Court, was dispatched to Antigonus; and he, to enhance the welcome Message, was resolved to raise the expectation of Antigonus to the highest Pitch, by delaying his satisfaction to the latest moment: He therefore commanded the Frigate, which transported him, to come to an Anchor in the Road; and having ordered all the Ship's-Crew to remain aboard, he took the Longboat, and was set ashore alone: One may well imagine the King was in great pain to know the Issue of this Encounter, and when he was informed, that Aristodemus was coming all alone, it put him into strange Inquietudes and Disorders, lest he should be charged with some fatal Tidings; his impatience growing importunate, he sent one Messenger after another, to inquire what news; but Aristodemus, walking very gravely, and with a settled Countenance, without making any Answer, still marched on softly towards the Palace: Antigonus, who could not divine the meaning of this Delay, and no longer able to support the eagerness of his expectations, descended to the Gate of the Palace, followed by a Train of inquisitive Courtiers, and trembling, betwixt the uneasy Combat of the Passions of Hope and Fear, he advanced to meet this Fantastic Envoy; as soon as Aristodemus saw him within hearing, stretching out his Hands, he accosted him with this loud Exclamation, Royal Sir, said he, Rejoice! We have gloriously vanquished Ptolemy, We are absolute Masters of Cyprus, and have taken above sixteen thousand Prisoners. To which, Antigonus coldly replied, Welcome Aristodemus, with your good News; but truly since you have made us purchase it at so enhanced a price of Expectation, you must even be content to be paid in your own Coin, and languish in the long expectance of a slow Reward.  
The Courtiers, who were ecstasied with this good News, taking a sudden Limit from this Appellation of Aristodemus, in great Pomp proclaimed Antigonus and Demetrius Kings, and immediately placed a Diadem upon the Head of Antigonus, who sent a rich Crown also to his Son; the Superscription of the Letter which accompanied it, being, To the most excellent Majesty of King Demetrius.  
This News arriving in Egypt, that they might not seem to be dejected with the late Defeat, the Egyptians also took occasion to bestow the Style of King upon Ptolemy; and the rest of the Successors of Alexander, resolving not to be behindhand with them, also assumed the Title of Kings: Lysimachus taking at the same time the Royal Diadem, and Seleucus, who had before received it in all Addresses from the barbarous Nations, now also took it upon him in all the Applications which were made unto him from the Grecians: As for Cassander, he still retained his ancient Style in all his Letters and public Instruments, by leaving others, who addressed themselves unto him, at liberty, whether they would give him the Title of King, or wholly omit it.  
But this new addition of Honour was not confined only to the Name of King, or the Royal Ornaments, but seemed to inspire them with such haughty Sentiments, as in a manner changed their very Natures, and way of Living: for now they abandoned the former Familiarities towards their Friends, and in their very Mien, Gate, Salutations, and other Deportments, began to affect a supercilious State, and disagreeable Reservedness, and Affectation of Grandeur; appearing rather like formal Actors upon a Theatre, than those easy, free, and obliging Persons they were before; and to render themselves more feared, they put on with the Royal Habit, a certain Cruelty to their Subjects, to whom the sight of Punishments had formerly been very rare and unfrequent; but throwing away the Vizor of Popularity, they now openly avowed themselves absolute Sovereigns. This Fear of their displeasure begot the unmanly vice of Flattery among their Followers, the whole Court striving who should be most forward in these obsequious and mean compliances with these Humours, which, upon this Change they had taken up.  
Antigonus extremely elevated with the Success of his Arms at Cyprus, under the Conduct of Demetrius, resolved to push on his good Fortune, and in person to lead the whole Power of his Empire against King Ptolemy by Land, whilst Demetrius, as Admiral of the Naval Forces, should coast along the Shoar, to assist him by Sea, as occasion should require. In this Expedition it happened, that one Medius, a great Captain in the Army, had this odd presaging dream, he thought he saw Antigonus and his whole Army running, as if it had been a Race, that at the first jumping off the Score, they ran the Heat with great vigour and swiftness; but that towards the end of the Career, he saw Antigonus come lagging up tired, and almost breathless, and quite spent; and the Event proved accordingly; for Antigonus met with many Difficulties and Extremities by Land; and Demetrius was so shattered by foul weather at Sea, that he ●ost divers of his best Ships, himself very narrowly escaping a Shipwreck; so that all the great expectations of this Campagne came just to nothing, they being obliged to return home without having got any thing besides Losses and Disappointments.  
Antigonus, though now he was near the Eightieth Year of his Age, yet seemed uncapable of the Fatigues of War, by the Bulk of his Body, (which, besides that it was extraordinary, was also inclined to be corpulent) rather than by his Age, which was very green and vigorous at those years; he therefore committed the management of his greatest Affairs unto the Prince, whose Conduct was very admirably dextrous in Military Matters; and the old King was induced to bear with those excessive Liberties, wherein he drowned himself in the time of Peace, because he observed him to be the most temperate and abstemious Person in the World in the time of War and Action.  
It happened, that returning one day from his Field-Exercises, and coming to the King, as his Custom was, to kiss him, and doing it with a little more than usual warmness, What! I warrant you, Demetrius, said the King smiling, you fancied you were at the Lips of your Mistress Lamia: For she, of all his Women, had the most entire possession of his Heart: At another time, having been for several days lost in a Debauch among his Companions, and coming into the Presence, he desired Antigonus that his Majesty would excuse him that he had not in so long time paid his Duty to him; but the reason was he had been seized with so violent a defluxion of Rheum, that he had been obliged to keep his Chamber. Well! replied the old King, looking very pleasantly, I was informed so by your Servants; but pray, Demetrius, tell me, did the Defluxion come from Chios or Thassos'? Alluding to the rich Wines that were brought from those places; and not long after, Demetrius having given it out, that he was indisposed, Antigonus had the curiosity to make him a Visit: and coming to his Apartment, out bolts a young sprightly 
* Hic & alibi mutavi sexum, cum Plut archus 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 insinuat; quod scelus innominandum & Christianis auribus indignum existimavi.  Girl; the King entering, took a Seat by his Bedside, and taking hold of his hand, began to feel his Pulse: Demetrius, who was at a loss what excuse to make, told him, that he was now much better than he had been, and that he hoped his Fever had left him. Yes, replied the King very quick, I verily believe it has; for I just now met it at your Chamber-Door. However, Antigonus did more easily connive at these Vices, in regard of the other excellent Qualities whereof he was possessed; and indeed, this was the true Temper of this Prince, that to whatever he addicted himself, whether good or bad, he resigned himself wholly to it for that time; and not after the Custom of the Scythians, who, in the midst of their Cups, were wont to call for their Arms, as it were, to awaken their Courage, ready to drop asleep with their plentiful Glasses. As for Demetrius, if he devoted himself to his Pleasures and Luxury, he abandoned himself entirely to them; and if the Trumpet sounded to Horse, he was no less assiduous in the Fatigues of War; he was, beyond all doubt, a very great Captain, and most notably dextrous, not only in his Conduct, but in forming his Levies, and raising an Army, and in making all the necessary Preparations of Stores and Magazines, the very Muskles and Nerves of War, which he ever took care to provide in great abundance.  
His great Divertisement was in building Galleys, and inventing Engines of War; and having naturally a Genius addicted to Mechanics, he did not apply it to the making of frivolous and unuseful Toys, after the humour of some other Princes, who spent their vacant hours in Painting, Music, or Turning; as Aeropus King of Macedon, who took great pleasure in making pretty little Lamps and Tablets; or, as Ptolomaeus Philometor, whose Diversion was to cultivate Hellebore, Henbane, Hemlock, Aconite, Dorichnium, and other noxious Plants, which he used to sow himself in the Royal Gardens, and with great diligence, to gather the Seeds in their season, the Fruits and Juices, and to try Experiments of their Natures, Qualities, and Virtues. The Parthian Kings employed themselves something better becoming their Dignity and Martial Humour; for their Diversion was to sharpen the Points of their Arrows, Darts, and Javelins. But the Mechanic Inventions of Demetrius, though designed for Use and Service, had something noble and magnificent withal; and the wondrous contrivance of them was so uncommon, that one might easily read the Character of a great Mind and extraordinary Spirit in the Princely Artifice; they were such as by their magnificent and costly Structure, bespoke themselves the Products of a Royal Engineer, insomuch that they did not less surprise his Friends with their stupendious Magnificence, than they did astonish his Enemies with their dreadful Beauty; and it is no less pleasant than true, which is related of them, that the very Enemies against whom they were to be employed for their destruction, could not forbear running to gaze with admiration, upon his Galleys of five and six ranges of Oars, as they passed near their Coasts; and the Inhabitants of those Cities which were to be besieged, and stormed by those terrible Engines, could not forbear thronging to those Walls which they were about to batter, to satisfy their curiosity with the agreeable prospect of those stately Machine's, which from their use were called destroyers of Cities. And even Lysimachus, of all the Kings of his time, the greatest Enemy of Demetrius, coming to raise the Siege of Solos in Cilicia, sent to desire the permission to see his Galleys, and admirable Engines, which Demetrius easily accorded him, and having gratified his Curiosity by a full view of them, struck at once with fear and admiration, he quitted the Place, and his Design of relieving the besieged City. The Rhodians also, whom he had long besieged, and at last reduced to composition, made their humble Request, that he would bestow some one of these Engines upon them, which they might preserve as a Monument of his Puissance, and their brave resistance.  
The Quarrel betwixt him and the Rhodians, was upon the occasion of their being Allies to Ptolemy, whom they had assisted against Demetrius; and in the Siege the greatest of all the Engines was planted against their Walls; the Basis of it was exactly square, each side containing twenty four yards; the height of it was thirty three yards, still from the Basis to the Top growing narrower, something like a Cone or Pyramid; within it were several Apartments or Chambers, which were to be filled with armed Men, and in every Story or Apartment, the Front towards the Enemy had windows which were to be opened, in order to their discharging their Shot and Arrows against the Besieged; but that which was most admirable, was, that notwithstanding the vast Bigness of the Engine, yet, when it was moved, it never so much as once tottered, but went upon the Basis with an equal poise, making a most dreadful noise as it was forced along, and thereby gave both Wonder and Terror to the Spectators.  
Whilst Demetrius was at this Siege, there were presented unto him two complete Curasses of polished Steel, weighing each of them no more than forty pounds, and Zoilus, who had forged them, to show the excellence of their Temper, desired that one of them might be tried with an Arrow shot out of one of the Engines at no greater distance than six and twenty yards; and upon the experiment, it was found, that though the Dart did exactly hit the Curass, yet it made no greater impression, than such a slight scratch as might be made with the point of a Style or Graver. Demetrius, who was wonderfully delghted with the Workmanship, having well rewarded the Artificer, himself wore one of them in all his Encounters, and bestowed the other upon Alcimus the Epirot, one of the most robust and gallant Captains in his Army: This Alcimus was one of the strongest men in the World; for his complete Armour weighed sixscore pound, whereas the Arms of the ablest of the other Soldiers rarely exceeded half that weight; but notwithstanding all his strength and courage, no Armour was proof against his ill Destiny; for in a furious Attack, whilst he was gallantly fight, and encouraging his Soldiers by his example, he was slain near the Theatre during this Siege.  
The Rhodians all the time made a brave Defence, in so much that Demetrius evidently saw he was not to master them without great difficulty and hazard; nevertheless he persisted in his Resolution to try the last extremities: and the rather, because that the Rhodians having taken a Vessel in which there was inbarked certain rich Hangings for his Pavilion, Apparel, and other Necessaries, as also the Letters from the Princess Philla, who had sent them to him, they had undecently sent them together with the Ship to Ptolemy; being herein far from imitating the honourable example of the Athenians, who having surprised an Express sent from King Philip their Enemy, they opened all the Letters he was charged with, excepting only those directed to Queen Olympia, which, with great Civility they sent unbroken open to her. Notwithstanding this Provocation, Demetrius, into whose power it shortly after came to have repaid the Affront, would not suffer himself to be transported with revenge, so as to do a dishonourable Action, which he condemned in them; for it happened that the Design of the City of Jalysus, which the celebrated Protogenes had been seven years painting, and wanted only the finishing strokes, being surprised by his Soldiers in the Suburbs of the City, the Rhodians sent a Herald at Arms, to request of him, that he would be pleased to spare that rare Piece of Art and Curiosity; Demetrius sent them in answer, that he would as soon permit the burning of the Picture of his dear Father and King, Antigonus, as suffer the least injury to be done to such a curious Piece of laborious Skill and Beauty. And so admirable was this Painting, that 'tis said, when Apelles, that famed Master first saw it, he was so surprised, that unable to stifle his admiration, he stood mute, struck at once with wonder, and a little emulation at the beauty of the Work; but recovering his transport and his tongue, A most admirable and marvellous Piece! said he; but yet here want some of those Sweetnesses and softening Touches which my Paintings have, of which he was wont to boast, That he painted for Eternity. This curious Piece, among many others, was afterwards carried to Rome, where it was consumed by an accidental Fire in that City.  
Whilst Demetrius thus fruitlessly maintained the Siege, and the Rhodians no less obstinately defended their City, the Athenian Ambassadors came luckily to rescue his Reputation, by proposing an accommodation between them, that so Demetrius might be at liberty to assist them against Cassander, who had taken this opportunity to besiege the City of Athens: In short, a Peace was concluded, by which the Rhodians were obliged to assist Antigonus and Demetrius against all their Enemies, excepting Ptolemy the King of Egypt, and so soon as the Ratifications were exchanged, Demetrius with a Fleet of 330 Galleys, and a great Land-Army, sailed directly to Athens, where he not only presently dislodged Cassander, but falling upon his Rear, very much incommoded his Retreat, and pursuing him to the Straits of Thermopylae, obliged him there to a Battle, which ended in the total overthrow of Cassander's Army.  
After this Victory, he took in the City of Heraclea, the Citizens voluntarily opening their Gates to receive the Conqueror; and the Garrison consisting of 6000 Macedonians, revolted to him, and took Service under his victorious Ensigns. In his Return, having given Liberty to all the Grecians on this side the Straits of Thermopylae; made an Alliance with the Baeotians, and taken in the Cities of Cenchrees, Phylen, and Panacton, in which Cassander had placed strong Garrisons to awe the Country into obedience, he bestowed them upon the Athenians; and they, in requital, though they had before been so profuse in bestowing Honours upon him, that one would have thought they had exhausted all the store of Invention, yet strained and put their Wits upon the Rack, to extort from them new devised Honours and Flatteries. They ordered him a Lodging behind Minerva's Temple, in the Apartment of the Virgins, the vowed Votaries of that Goddess; upon which occasion some of the Wits exercised their Talon, and took the Liberty to say, That Minerva had got a dangerous Inmate, and that it was not much to the Reputation of her Virgin's Chastity to keep company with Demetrius, who was not so over straitlaced in that sort of Virtue; though it seems Antigonus had not given him the Example; for of him it is reported, That one time, observing that his other Son Philip had Lodgings appointed in a House where there were three pretty young Ladies, the King, without taking any notice to his Son, sent for the Officer who had taken up the Lodgings; to whom he said, Pray, good Sir, oblige me with removing my Son out of those little penned Lodgings; for I do not care to have these young People crowded one upon another.  
As for Demetrius, he was so far from showing any reverence to the Goddess, with whom he had taken up his Quarters, and whose younger Brother he had the vanity to have himself styled, and upon that score might have paid her some little decent respect, that he gave himself up to the most infamous Liberties; he debauched the young Women and ancient Matrons of the City of Athens, to that degree, as is as little to the Reputation of a modest Pen to relate, as it was dishonourable to the City; which may for ever blush at those lascivious Liberties in which this dissolute Prince, by their servile compliances, was not only permitted, but even tempted to debase both theirs, and his own Honour and Glory; in so much, that his Court seemed innocent, when he had only Chryseis, Lamia, Dema, Anticyra, and some other Ladies of common ill Fame, for the Companions of his Revels.  
But among such a heap of Vice, there was found one Jewel of severe Virtue and Chastity, whose Name deserves to be transmitted to Posterity in the Records of Honour, the young 
* Hic quoque mut avi sexum.  Damoclea; whose surpassing Beauty gave her the particular Title of the Fair Damoclea. Demetrius had essayed all the ways of passionate Courtship, Gifts, threatenings, and Flatteries, to make himself a passage into her Heart; but all in vain: Nay, she grew so weary of his importunate Addresses, and repeated Solicitations, that she declined all manner of public Conversation, perfectly out of design to avoid his disdained Passion; but going to a private Bath, and the lascivious Prince being informed of it, he followed, and surprised her there: In this Distress, the innocent Damoclea taking counsel from Despair, and resolving to secure her Honour, though with the loss of her Life, hastily throwing off the Cover of the Cauldron, she leaped into the boiling Vessel, and by that untimely Fate, becoming a Martyr to her Virtue, purchased an Immortality of Fame and Glory.  
Some time after Demetrius had left Athens, Cleonetus the Son of Cleomedon, made application to him, by his intercession, to procure that the Fine of fifty Talents, in which his Father had been condemned by the People of Athens, might be remitted; Demetrius gave him Letters to that effect; which, when he had produced at a common Counsel, it did not only diminish his Reputation, but strangely shocked the Citizens; who, though in compliance with the Letters, they remitted the Fine, yet they made an Edict, prohibiting any Citizen for the future to endeavour the obtaining of Letters of the like Tenor from Demetrius; but being informed, that Demetrius, to whom an Account of it was carried, resented it as an high Indignity and Affront, and that he gave out some passionate and menacing Words about it, these trembling Flatterers did not only rescind and vacate the former Order, but inhumanely put some of the Proposers and Advisers of it to death, and banished others; and to make up the Matter, it was in a full Assembly enacted and decreed, That whatsoever King Demetrius should in time to come Ordain, should be esteemed sacred and inviolable to the Gods and to Men: Upon which, when some of the best of the Citizens had said, That certainly Stratocles must be stark mad, and out of his wits to make such a horrid and impious Decree, Demochares, the Laconian replied, That if Stratocles had not been so mad, all the World must conclude him out of his Wits; thereby intimating what an advantageous Trade he made of this impious and servile Flattery; But Demochares paid dearly for his Wit; for being accused for it before the Criminal Judges, the People, who, as it must needs be where they govern, were not able to endure any thing less frantic than themselves, they adjudged this honest Man to perpetual Exile, for being in his Senses, and making an unseasonable use of his Wit and Reason: This was the natural Result of their new regained Liberty, and the true Character of the Temper of a Popular State, which is only a Liberty for all Persons to be Slaves to the wild, arbitrary, and extravagant humours of a giddy, rash, and inconstant multitude of Fools, managed by a Set of more cunning Knaves.  
After this, Demetrius marched with his Forces into Peloponnesus, where the Terror of his Victories had so benumbed the Hearts and Hands of his Enemies, that not one of them had the courage to oppose the Torrent of his Arms; but before his approach abandoned all the Towns and Garrisons which they were possessed of; so that he reduced all Arcadia under his Obedience, except the Cities of Mantinaea and Argos; he also by composition had Sicyon and Corinth surrendered unto him, paying to the respective Garrisons an hundred Talents.  
About this time it happened that the solemn Festivals of Juno were to be celebrated with the accustomed Sports at Argos; and Demetrius, who was resolved by assisting at them, to render the Solemnity more splendid and magnificent, at his being there, fell in love with, and married the fair Deidamia, the daughter of Aeacus, King of the Molossians, and Sister to Pyrrhus; which Nuptials did not a little contribute to the heightening of those Solemnities and Entertainments dedicated to Juno, the Goddess of Marriages: At the same time also, he prevailed with the Sicyonians to change the Situation of their City, to a place far more pleasant and commodious, where they built a new one, and complemented him with giving it the Name of Demetriada; and in conclusion, his Affairs being conducted to this prosperous Issue, he summoned a general Assembly of the Grecians to meet him at the Isthmus in Peloponnesus; where, by an extraordinary concourse of People, he was with an unanimous consent proclaimed Captain General of the Greeks; as before him Philip and Alexander the Great had been: And being blown up with the fresh Gales of his prosperous Fortune, he had the vanity to fancy himself not only equal, but superior to those two famous and renowned Kings: In this indeed he outdid great Alexander himself, who would never take upon him the Title of King of Kings, as did Demetrius, though many Kings paid Homage to him; nor did he ever go about to lessen, or divest any of them who were his Tributaries, of the Style of Kings; whereas Demetrius used to ridicule all those who gave the Title of Kings to any of the Successors of Alexander, except his Father and himself; and in his Entertainments, it was a common diversion with him, after his own and Father's had passed round by the Name of Kings, to drink the Healths of Seleucus, with the Title of great Master of the Elephants; of Ptolemy, by the Name of Lord High Admiral; of Lysimachus, with the Addition of Lord Treasurer; and of Agathocles, by the Name of Governor of Sicily and the Islands. This vain Humour being reported to these Princes, gave none of them any other emotion, than that of deriding the insolent Extravagances of Demetrius; only Lysimachus resented it with deep indignation, it being in effect, to reproach him, as being an Eunuch; such being usually then deputed to the Office of Treasurers; which made Lysimachus, who mortally hated him for this Indignity and Affront, reproach him with his Amours to Lamia; of whom he said, That she was indeed a pretty Stage-Queen, and acted her Part very admirably. Which, when it was told Demetrius, the Reflection touching him in a tender place: Well! said he, I would have Lysimachus know, that my Miss is every whit as honest and virtuous as his Penelope.  
But to proceed, Demetrius being about to return to Athens, signified by his Letters to the City, that he had a desire to be enroled in the Fraternity of the Priests of Ceres, and his Request was, That, without attending the time commonly allotted from the Initials, to the confirmation of those admitted into that Order, he might at once be admitted to the usual Ceremonies and Mysteries which were to be performed upon that occasion: Now this was an Innovation absolutely contrary to the Rules of the Foundation, and a thing which had never been allowed before; for from immemorial Antiquity the lesser Mysteries were celebrated in the Month of November, and the great Solemnity in August following; so that consequently none of the Novices were admitted to the latter, till they had at least spent an entire year in the state of Probationer: Yet all this notwithstanding, when, in the public Assembly, these Letters of Demetrius were produced and read, there was not one single Person, who had the courage to oppose them, except Pythodorus the Priest, who was Torchbearer in those Solemnities; but it signified nothing; for Stratocles, who was always wickedly ingenious, proposed as an Expedient, that the Month of March, than currant, should by Edict be taken and reputed to be the Month of November; which being as soon agreed as offered, and Demetrius thereby admitted to the lesser Ceremonies; by another Vote, they turned the same Month of March into the Month of August; by which contrivance, Demetrius was also gratified with being an Actor in the Greater, and admitted to the most secret Mysteries of that Solemnity; which gave the Comedian Philipides an occasion to exercise his Wit upon Stratocles in this Couplet 
Prodigious Skill! how strangely Flattering Fear  
Into one Month hath crowded all the Tear.   
And upon his having proposed, that Demetrius should lodge in the Temple of Minerva within the Castle, these;  

Stratocles thinks it is no sin,  
To turn a Temple to an Inn;  
Or with lewd wanton Company,  
To bless Minerva's Chastity.   
Most certain it is, that the flagitious Crimes which were then committed, deserved a severe satire. And Demetrius himself did in some measure scourge their mad Impiety by his unbounded Insolences; but that which did above all other things regret the Athenians, was, That having given Command, that they should with all expedition raise for his Service two hundred and fifty Talents, and they to comply with his Demands, being forced to levy it upon the People, with the severity of taking Distresses; when they presented him with the Money, which they had with such difficulty raised, as if it were a trifling Sum, he commanded it to be given to Lamia, and the rest of his Women, to buy them perfumed Washballs for their Baths; by which kind of Treatment, it is a question, whether the Shame or the Loss, the manner of his contemptuous Expression, or the parting with their Money, was the more galling Affliction to these foolish People; tho' the Story is variously reported; and some affirm, it was the Thessalians, and not the Athenians, who were thus treated by him. But however, this is most certain, that Lamia squeezed considerable Sums of Money from them, upon pretence of making a great Entertainment for him; and in truth the Supper was of that Magnificence and Plenty, and managed with so much Skill and pleasing Variety, that Lynceus of Samos, who was present at it, thought it worth his pains to write a Description of it. Upon this occasion, one of the Comical Wits of the Town gave Lamia the Name of Helepolis; saying, She alone was an Engine sufficient, without the other, to destroy a City. And Demochares of Solis, gave Demetrius the Appellation of Mythos, which signifies a Tale or Fable; because said he, There is never a Tale but has its Witch or Lamia at the end on't; and Demetrius has his Lamia too.  
In short, he was bewitched with this Woman to that degree, as for her sake, not only to draw upon himself the Envy & Jealousy of all his Wives, but the Hatred even of the best of his Friends; as appears by this instance; Lysimachus, showing to the Ambassadors of Demetrius the Scars of those Wounds which he had received upon his Thighs and Arms, by the Paws of the Lion, with which Alexander, in one of his furious Humours had obliged him to combat, they smiling, replied, That the King their Master was not without his Scars, but could show upon his Neck the Marks of a Lamia, a no less dangerous and furious Beast than that wi●h which he had encountered. And if she was not a real Enchantress, it is very odd and unaccountable, that Demetrius should show so great an aversion to marry Philla, by reason of the disproportion of her Age, when yet he was so passionate of Lamia, who was so far past the Meridian of her Years, as to stand in need of other Charms besides those of Youth and Beauty; she had indeed a delicate Voice, and most admirable Touch upon the Lute, with which Demetrius extremely delighted; and one Evening, after she had entertained him with that soft Music all the time he was at Supper, he demanded of Dema, whom, for her blunt way of speaking any thing to him, they usually called Mad Dema; What say you, Dema? How seems she to you now? Truly Sir, replied Dema, she seems to me to be an old Woman. And Demetrius, who was resolved to pursue the Humour, looking very pleasantly, But, Dema, said he, Do you see these delicate Fruits, and what an agreeable Repast she had provided for me this night? At which, Dema laughing heartily, Very pleasant in troth! said she, I'll undertake, if you will lie with my Grandam, she shall treat you far better than this comes to. It is also reported of this Lamia, how she opposed the famous Sentence of Bocchoris, the Egyptian Judge, on this manner: A certain young Spark, being wonderfully smitten with the Charms of a celebrated Courtesan, whose Name was Thonis, the insatiable Prostitute, thinking to make advantage of his Lascivious Folly, promised she would be at his Service; but withal, demanded so great a Sum, as he either was not able, or at least thought too great a price to purchase the Repentance of parting with it for one Night's Lodging: But it seems his Imagination, which was sharp set upon what he had treated of in the Day, presented him with the possession of her in a Dream; and the Shadow being much cheaper, and possibly wholesomer than the Substance, he was contented to have the Thonis of his own Fancy, and his Money too. But the confident Woman having heard the Story, with the Effrontery of those unblushing Brutes, commences a Suit against him, and lays her Action for so much Money as she had demanded of him; alleging, it was but just that she should have satisfaction, since he confessed he had had his Bargain: Bocchoris, who thought it the greatest Justice to put an Affront upon such Confidence, advised the Youth, to bring into the Court so much Money as she had demanded, and to count it over, so as Thonis might hear the Noise; which being done accordingly, Mistress, said Bocchoris, you may go about your Business if you please, for you are paid in your own Coin, one Fancy being as good as another. But Lamia, who, it seems, would turn Advocate for one of her own Profession, moved in Arrest of Judgement, That the Sentence was no way equal, in regard, that the desire which Thonis had to finger the Money, was in no sort satisfied by hearing it chink, but rather increased; whereas, on the contrary, the Youth was abundantly satisfied with the enjoyment of Thanis in the Entertainment of his amorous Imaginations: But this is sufficient to have related concerning Lamia, we must how return to Demetrius, whose Fortune, beginning to bend her Brows, will conduct us from the Comical, to the more Tragical Occurrences, and darker Scenes of his following Life.  
For now all these Kings whom he had disobliged, or who were jealous of his growing Ambition and formidable Power, entered into a strong Confederacy against him and his Father, King Antigonus; and assembling their united strength, Demetrius was constrained to abandon Greece, and to join with his Father, to weather the storm which was gathering from all Quarters, and threatened to discharge its violence upon their Heads: Antigonus, upon the occasion of this War, showed a Courage and Fierceness much disproportionate to his Years; he was a Prince of an undaunted Spirit; and could he but have preserved a little Temper in his vain Ambition, in aspiring at an absolute Sovereignty over others, he might in all probability, not only have continued in the first Rank of the Princes of his Age, but have left that Honour to his Descendants; but he was of a violent and haughty Spirit, much addicted to undervalue all other Princes, and to treat them both in his Words and Actions, more insolently than was either consistent with his Interest, his Prudence, or the Honour due to Kings; and though by this rash freedom of his Language, he had drawn a most formidable Power of the most considerable Princes against him; yet when he first heard of the Confederacy, he could not forbear despising the Confederates, by a Vanity peculiar to him: Oh! said he, are they flocking? I'll make no more to disperse them, than a Company of Rooks in a Cornfield, with throwing a Stone among them, and crying Hush.  
So soon as the Troops which composed the Gross of his Army could be brought together, Antigonus took the Field at the Head of seventy thousand Foot, and ten thousand Horse, and seventy five Elephants. His Enemies were little inferior to him in number of Men; for they had sixty four thousand Foot, and ten thousand five hundred Horse; but they far surpassed him in Elephants, of which they brought four hundred into the Field, and a hundred and twenty Chariots of War.  
When these two mighty Armies approached near, there happened an odd kind of alteration in the Humour of Antigonus, and though his Courage and Resolution received no great abatement; yet his Hope and Confidence seemed something to flag and hang their Wings; for whereas formerly there was wont to be a certain joyous Fierceness dwelling in his Eyes, that he used to speak boldly and bravely, and even in his Encounters, to drop some witty Raillery's, to encourage his Soldiers to contemn their Enemies, he now became very thoughtful, silent, and retired: One Day above all the rest, taking Demetrius along with him, he showed him to the Captains, and the whole Army, which was drawn out upon this occasion, and recommended him to them, as his declared Successor; these uncustomary Actions occasioned some admiration in those who observed them; but that which increased the Wonder, was, that now he took Demetrius into his most secret Counsels; whereas formerly he never used to communicate his Designs to any Person; but when he had resolved any thing, to give out his peremptory Commands for the execution; in so much that it is reported, that when Demetrius was a youth, he enquiring of the King, what time the Army should decamp: He answered him in a little Passion, What do you trouble yourself? Are you the only Person that are afraid you shall not hear the Trumpet?  
But there were other very ominous Presages besides this Change in the Humour of Antigonus; which according to the Superstition of those Times, abated the hopes and courage of the Army: For in his Dream, the Great Alexander, completely armed, seemed to appear to Demetrius, and demanded of him, what Word they intended to give in the time of the Battle? And Demetrius answering, That he intended the Word should be Jupiter and Victory: Well, than I see, said Alexander, turning short from him with an Air of Displeasure, you have no Service for me, I will go over to your Enemies, who, I am assured will entertain me with Joy. And the very Morning of the Combat, as the Armies were drawing up, Antigonus going out of the door of his Tent, by some Accident or other, stumbled, so that he fell flat upon the Ground, and bruised himself very sorely: this he, as well as others, took for no good Augury; and therefore, so soon as he had recovered his Feet, lifting up his Hands towards Heaven, O ye immortal Gods, cried he, if you so please, I beg a Victory from you this day; but if that cannot be granted, let me obtain the Favour of death at your hands, and that I may not live to blush to see myself vanquished, and with shame survive my dying Glory.  
When these two great Armies had for some time faced one the other, the Signal being given, after whole Showers of mortal Arrows, which obscured the very Sun, had been exchanged, as the first Compliments of Death, they quickly came to handy-blows; and Demetrius, who commanded the greatest and best part of the Cavalry, gave such a furious Charge upon Antigonus the Son of Seleucus, that unable to endure the Shock, he and the Body which he commanded, turned their Backs and fled; and Demetrius, transported with the Success, pursued them so eagerly, and so far, as that it fatally lost him the Day; for, when perceiving his Error, he would have come in to the assistance of his own Infantry, he was not able, the Enemy with their Elephants having cut off his Retreat; and on the other hand, Seleucus' observing the main Battle of Antigonus left naked of their Horse, he made an Offer of charging them in Front; but then suddenly by wheeling about, as if he intended to attack them in the Flank and Rear, he thereby gave opportunity to those among them, who had before resolved it, perfidiously to revolt from Antigonus, and come over to his Party, as great numbers of them did; and this put the rest into such a consternation, no man knowing who were Friends, and who Enemies, that the whole Army was instantly put to the Rout. In this amazing state of his Affairs, the old King Antigonus still kept his Post, and when a strong Body of the Enemies drew up to charge him, one of those about him, seeing it, cried out to him, Sir, consider with yourself what you will do; do you not see that Party which are coming down upon you; to which he only replied, And how shall they know me? Demetrius will come in to my rescue and assistance. There was his last Hope: But alas! it was in vain; for after he had looked on every side to see if he could perceive Demetrius coming to his relief, he was with a Storm of Arrows, Darts, & Javelins, born down dead upon the earth; where being fallen, there remained with him, of all the numerous Company of his flattering Followers, not one to take care of his Body after his Death, besides only Thorax of Larissa, the Thessalian; thus ended this fatal Battle, and thus the Life of the unfortunate Antigonus.  
After the unlucky event of this deciding Combat, the Kings, who had gained the Victory, tore all the Empire, which Antigonus and Demetrius before possessed, ●●to pieces, and shared those large Territories among themselves. As for the unfortunate Demetrius, he with five thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse marched with great haste to the City of Ephesus, where being arrived, it was the common Opinion, that he would seize upon the Treasures of Diana's Temple, to enable him to raise Recruits, and put himself into a capacity, to arrest the progress of his Enemy's Arms, and endeavour to reinstate himself in his former Empire; but he was so far from that, that fearing lest his Soldiers might be tempted to make some such impious attempt, he hasted from thence, and embarking the small Remains of his Army; he sailed for Athens; for there it was that he had placed his greatest hopes, having left there the best part of his Navy, his Treasure, and Queen Deidamia; and from them he had not the least doubt, but he should in this his extremity find a seasonable and considerable assistance. And considering what he had done for them, it is no wonder if Demetrius was exceedingly surprised, when at the Islands of the Cycladeses, the Athenian Ambassadors met him with this ingrateful Message, that he must not think of a Retreat to Athens, for that the People had made a Decree, That no Crowned Head should be rec 〈…〉 d into their City; as for his Q. Deidamia, they conveyed her honourably with attendance suitable to her quality to Megara.  
Demetrius, who had hitherto warded all the cross-blows of Fortune with a dextrous Constancy, and marvellous height of Courage, was not able to bear this without Transports and Emotions: It was impossible for him to reflect upon his former Favours to them, or without the most sensible resentment and displeasure, to find all those Applauses and Honours, with which they had oppressed him in his more prosperous Estate, so false and treacherous, as that contrary to his last Hopes, and reasonable Expectances, they should so basely desert him in this important Turn of Affairs; and from thence he drew a clear Inference, That there can be nothing more uncertain than the Judgement that is drawn of the felicity of Princes and Potentates, from the airy Honours, and servile Flatteries of a Populace; since it is difficult if not impossible to determine, whether those extraordinary heats of popular favour, are effects of their Inclinations, with respect to the virtue and merit, or of their Fears of the Power of Great and Prosperous Princes; and that the People are equally transported into extremes, both by Fear and Love. And therefore Judicious Princes are wisely accustomed, not to value themselves so much upon the erecting of Statues, Triumphant Arches, or paying even Divine Honours to them, as upon the Foundation of their own just Actions and Deportment, being assured, that as nothing is more common than for the unconstant multitude to hate excessively those, who receive immoderate Honours from them, even then when they seem most willingly to bestow them.  
But Demetrius, who found himself at that time not in a Condition to revenge the affront, cunningly dissembled his resentment, and only gently expostulated the matter with the Athenians, by his Ambassadors, desiring them, that since they would not permit him the Favour of coming to their City, that at least they would be so kind to send him his Galleys, among which there was one of thirteen Ranges of Oars: and this being accorded him, he sailed to the Isthmus of Peloponnesus, and finding his affairs in very ill condition, his Garrisons being either taken, or revolted to the Enemy, he left Pyrrhus to attend the affairs of Greece, and took his course into Chersonesus, where he ravaged the Territories of Lysimachus, and by the Booty which he took, both maintained and augmented his shattered Troops, nor did any of the other Princes once go about to impeach his enterprise on that side; for Lysimachus had as little reason to be beloved for his virtue, and as much to be feared for his Power, as Demetrius; and they were very well satisfied to be Spectators to see them lessen one the other.  
In the midst of these transactions, Seleucus sent Ambassadors to treat with Demetrius, for a Marriage betwixt himself and the Fair Stratonice, the daughter of Demetrius by the Princess Philla: It is true, that Seleucus had already a Son by Apamia the Persian Lady, whose name was Antiochus, but it was also true, that he was possessed of so many spacious Territories, as might well satisfy the ambition of more than one Successor; and that which the rather induced him to this Alliance with Demetrius, was that Lysimachus, to strengthen his Alliances, had married himself to one Daughter of King Ptolemy, and his Son Agathocles to another. Demetrius who looked upon the offer, as an unexpected piece of good Fortune, presently embarked Himself and Daughter, and with his whole Fleet sailed directly for Syria.  
During this Voyage he was often obliged to touch upon several Coasts, for the benefit of Provisions and fresh Water, and among other places in Cilicia; which by the apportionment of the Kings, after the defeat of Antigonus, was allotted to Plistarchus the Brother of Cassander: Plistarchus, who took this Descent of Demetrius upon his Coasts as an infraction of the mutual Treaty betwixt the Confederate Princes, posted away to Cassander, to oblige him to expostulate the matter with Seleucus, and to know the Reason, why he had entered into amity with Demetrius the common Enemy, without first acquainting the other Confederates with his intention. Demetrius receiving information of this, laid hold of the opportunity of his absence, and suddenly, tacking about, fell upon the City of Quindon, and surprised it, and in it a thousand two hundred Talents being part of the Treasure, which had been taken in the Battle from his Father Antigonus, and with this Prize he hasted to his Galleys, and Embarking himself and his Troops he pursued his Voyage.  
He was scarcely come to an Anchor on the Coast of Syria, before he was met by his Queen Philla, the Mother of the beautiful Bride; and immediately after they landed, and were all received by Seleucus at the City of Orossus, with all the innocent Freedom and Royal Gallantry imaginable: first Seleucus treated Demetrius and his Retinue ashore, in a stately Pavilion in his Camp; and than Demetrius entertained his new Son-in-Law, in a most splendid manner aboard the Admiral Gally, the than Wonder of the Seas: all these visits were made to show their mutual confidence, without all manner of armed attendants; and the Solemnity was continued for many days, until at length Seleucus took his leave, and conducted the fair Stratonice, to the City of Antioch, where they were welcomed with all the state and solemnity suitable to such an occasion.  
In his return Demetrius made a fresh Descent upon Cilicia, and when he had possessed himself of the whole Province, he sent his Queen Philla to her Brother Cassander, to answer the Complaints of Plistarchus. And here Queen Deidamia came by Sea out of Greece to meet him, but by the incommodiousness of that passage, which was too rough for so delicate and tender a constitution, she contracted an indisposition, whereof she shortly died. After her death, Demetrius by the mediation of Seleucus became reconciled to King Ptolemy, insomuch that he married his Daughter Ptolemaida: But the generous deportment of Seleucus to this unfortunate Prince was not long lived; for shortly after, desiring to have the Province of Cilicia from Demetrius, for which he offered him a sum of money, and being refused it, in great indignation he then demanded of him the Cities of Tyre and Sydon, rather with a design to beget a quarrel, than upon the least pretention of right or necessity; and certainly it was a very mean and unworthy baseness in him, who was possessed of all the vast Provinces between India and the Syrian Ocean, for two poor Cities, which he unjustly coveted, to disturb the Peace of his Father-in-law, who had already suffered so insupportable a change of Fortune; but herein he made good the opinion of the Divine Plato, That the certain way to be truly Rich, is not to be so solicitous to increase a Fortune, as to give limits to our own desires. For whoever is always grasping at more, confesses he is still in want, and is therefore miserable and poor, because in the midst of all his affluence he wants that contentment and moderation of his desires, which only can render any Person Rich and Happy.  
But Demetrius whose courage was not sunk with his Fortune, resolutely sent him this answer, that though he were to be vanquished a thousand times over again, he would never purchase the friendship of Seleucus at so tame a rate; and therefore to secure them against his attempts, he reinforced those strong Cities with sufficient Garrisons, and all manner of Warlike stores, to enable them to make a brave defence against Seleucus, if his insatiable ambition should tempt him to attack them. Having taken care of these important Places, and receiving information, that one Lacharis, taking the opportunity of their civil Dissensions, had set up himself as an Usurper over the Athenians, he imagined, that if he made a sudden attempt upon the City, he might now reduce it to his Obedience, and therefore with great diligence he sailed with a powerful Navy towards Greece: But Fortune, who was now grown very uncourtly to him, treated him with so rough a tempest, just when he came upon the Coast, that he lost divers of his Vessels, and a great number of Soldiers which were aboard them. As for himself he escaped, and began to make a little kind of War with the Athenians, but finding himself unable to effect his design, he sent to assemble the rest of his Fleet and Forces, which had been dispersed by the late storm, and with those Troops which he had he marched and laid Siege to the City of Messena. While he lay before this place, he ran one of the greatest dangers of his whole life, for in making an attack upon the Turn, an arrow from an Engine struck him full in the mouth, and passed clear through his jaw; but by the skill and care of his Surgeons, it was not long before it was healed; and as soon as he was in a condition to take the Field, he regained divers Cities which had revolted from him, and made an incursion into the Territories of the Athenians, where he took Eleusina and Rhamnus, and wasted all the whole Country thereabout. And that he might straiten the Athenians by cutting off all manner of Provision, a Vessel laden with Corn bound thither, falling into his hands, he ordered the Master and Merchant who had freighted her to be immediately hanged, thereby to strike a terror into others, that so they might not adventure to supply the City with Provisions; by which means they were reduced to such extremities that a bushel of salt was worth forty drachmas of Silver, and a bushel of wheat was sold at the excessive Rate of three hundred. In this distress, Ptolemy had sent to their relief an hundred and fifty Galleys, which came so near as to anchor before Egina, but this short blaze of hope was soon extinguished by the arrival of three hundred sail which came to the assistance of Demetrius from Cyprus, Peloponnesus, and other places, which struck such a panic fear into the Egyptians, that they cut and slipped their Anchors, and with Sails and Oars stood away for Egypt; which the Tyrant Lacharis understanding, he instantly quitted the City in order to his own safety and preservation.  
And now the Athenians, who, before by a Popular Edict, had made it Capital for any person so much as to propose a treaty, or accommodation with Demetrius, were compelled to send Ambassadors to him, not so much out of hopes of obtaining any honourable Conditions from his Clemency, as out of pure necessity, and to avoid a lingering Death by Famine, a domestic Enemy, which they were not able to resist; for this imperious Tyrant had reduced them to those extremities, that there happened many odd adventures during the time of the Siege, the effects of his irresistible Power: among which this story is very remarkable, That one day, a Father with his Son, sitting disconsolately in their House, lamenting their deplorable condition, which had not left them any thing to sustain their lives, a dead Rat happened to drop from the Ceiling between them; whereupon they immediate fell into a mortal scuffle, which of them should have the venison for his dinner: And in this Famine, the Philosopher Epicurus, so celebrated for indulging his appetite, was forced to save his own, and the lives of his Scholars, by a small quantity of Beans, which by number were every day distributed to them.  
In this miserable condition was the City when Demetrius made his public Entrance, and he was no sooner possessed of the Place, but he made Proclamation, that all the Inhabitants should instantly assemble in the public Theatre, which being done he surrounded them with his Armed Troops, setting also a strong Guard about the Stage. This administered no small terror and perplexity to the amazed People, who looked for nothing less than a Tragedy of Executions; but it was not long before he dissipated those Fears, for entering the Stage in Person by the passage through which the Actors used to enter, he made an Oration to them, wherein he only gently reprehended their former ill treatment of him, but withal told them, that he would receive them again into his grace and favour: And that it might appear his intentions were real, he bestowed amongst them the welcome Donative of a hundred thousand Bushels of Wheat; and to ingratiate himself the more, he promoted such Persons into the Offices of the Magistracy as he knew to be most agreeable to the People; so that nothing now was heard but loud acclamations of joy among the Athenians, and the Stages resounded with speeches in the praise of Demetrius; all the celebrated Orators of the City vying with one another in commendation of his generosity; and upon this occasion the Orator Dromoclides proposed a Decree, that the Port of Pyneum, and the strong Citadel of Munychia, might be put into the power of Demetrius to use them at his own discretion, which was no sooner offered than passed by unanimous suffrage of the People, and Demetrius having put strong Garrisons into those two places, by his own Authority placed another in the Museum, to the end that those People, who had showed so much levity in their dispositions, might be kept in subjection, and not by their future perfidies be able to divert him from the prosecution of his other erterprises.  
He had not been long Master of Athens before he had form a Design against the Lacedæmonians, of which Archidamus their King being advertised, he to prevent it, drew out an Army and marched against Demetrius; but in this wise Method of carrying War out of his own Territories, he had not Fortune answerable to his Courage, for he was overthrown in a Battle near the City Mantinaea; and Demetrius following his blow entered the Laconian Confines, and in a second Battle defeated him almost within view of the City of Sparta, wherein two hundred Lacedæmonians were slain, and five hundred taken Prisoners; and now it was esteemed almost impossible, for the Virgin City of Sparta, which hitherto had never submitted to a Conqueror, to escape being ravished by his victorious Arms. But certainly, there never was any Prince, upon whom Fortune made such short turns, mounting him to the Pinnacles of Hope and Glory, from thence to precipitate him into the utmost despair and misery: To day he would be great and potent, to morrow weak and broken, even almost beyond the relief of Hopes or Miracles, which made him sometimes in the low Ebb of his adverse condition reproach that inconstant Goddess with these verses of the Poet Aeschilus,  

Fortune of all the Deities most vain,  
Does lift me up, to throw me down again.   
Nor was there any period of his life in which she appeared more capricious than in this rancountre; for when all things seemed so gloriously to conspire, not only to the re-establishing, but enlargement of his Greatness and Empire, an express arrived, which brought him the dismal account, that Lysimachus with a mighty Army, had taken all the Cities of which he was possessed in Asia: Nor was this a single misfortune, for at the same time he was informed, that Ptolemy had subdued the whole Island of Cyprus, except the City of Salamine, where his Mother and Children were closely besieged, and in extreme danger; by which surprising Intelligence, the City of Sparta was delivered from that imminent fear and danger.  
But yet Fortune seemed to flatter him with hopes upon another occasion, treating him like the Woman in the Play of Archilocus. 
Who Water in one cheating hand did show  
Whilst in the other dreadful fire did glow.   
For Cassander King of Macedon dying, and his eldest Son, who succeeded him, not long surviving his Father, the two younger Brothers fell at variance concerning the Succession; and Antipater having barbarously murdered his own Mother Thessalonice, Alexander the younger Brother, fearing his savage and outrageous inclinations, called in to his assistance Pyrrhus' King of Epirus, and Demetrius, who was then in Peloponnesus: Pyrrhus made all imaginable expedition to his succour, and did it effectually; but for a recompense he held a great part of the Country which he had taken from Antipater, which begot a suspicion in Alexander, that he had brought upon himself a dangerous Neighbour; and that he might not run a greater hazard from Demetrius, whose Ambition, Power, and Reputation among the Macedonians, was such, as might well create a jealousy of him; this young Prince therefore posted away to the City of Deinon, where he understood Demetrius was come with his Army, in compliance with the request he had made him by his Letters; when he arrived there, he applied himself with great respects to Demetrius, and returned him high acknowledgements for his readiness to assist him, but withal gave him to understand, that now his affairs were in so good posture, that he had no occasion to give him any further trouble; and thereupon invited him to an entertainment which he had provided for him, in some measure to show how sensible he was of his Favours. But as Demetrius was about to go to the place of Assignation, one came and whispered in his Ear, that there was a train laid, that in the midst of the Jollity Demetrius was to be taken off. Demetrius who before began to suspect the treachery of Alexander, seemed not much concerned, but making only a little less haste, he sent to the principal Officers of his Army, commanding to draw out the Soldiers and make them stand to their Arms, and ordered those of his Retinue, to attend him into the very Room of the entertainment, and not to stir from thence, till they saw him rise from the Table. In this equipage he came to Alexander, and his Servants who were to have performed the Execution, finding themselves overpowered, had not courage to attempt any thing upon him; and indeed Demetrius gave them no opportunity, for he made a very short visit, and pretending to Alexander, that he was not at present disposed to be a good Companion, in regard that he had just now received advices, which obliged him by the necessity of his affairs to march away with his Army the next day; he therefore desired his excuse for the present, assuring him, that he would do himself the honour to wait upon him, when his affairs would permit him better leisure.  
Alexander was extremely overjoyed, not only at this resolution of his departure, but that it appeared voluntary, and without any sort of disgust, for he did not know that his Plot was discovered; and therefore in a Compliment, he would by all means accompany Demetrius unto the Confines of his Dominions; when they were arrived at Larissa a City of Thessaly, new Invitations passed between them, which were the outward appearances of respect and civility, but secretly intended for each others destructions; and this young Prince, who thought to avoid a second miscarriage in his design against the Life of Demetrius, drew the misfortune upon himself, for going to an Invitation which Demetrius had made him; that he might bring him into a like security and confidence by his example, he dismissed his ordinary Guards, and went slenderly attended with some of his most particular Friends; when they had sitten a little time, Demetrius hastily arising from the Table, the surprised young Prince rose also, and followed him just to the door, where Demetrius, as he passed through, only said to the Guards, Kill him that follows me. Which being Alexander, they immediately dispatched him, and such of his Friends as endeavoured to come to his Rescue, one of which, before he died, said, You have prevented us 〈…〉 t by one day.  
It is very easy to apprehend, that this action made this night pass over with great fears and disorders among the Macedonians, who followed Alexander; nor was the horror of the darkness much relieved by the succeeding beams of that day, which they had reason to suspect from the Power and Resentments of Demetrius would be their last; but these fears were dissipated with the darkness; for there was not any manner of violence offered them; but Demetrius sent to desire them to come into his presence, for that he was desirous to give them satisfaction, for what had happened to Alexander: It is not difficult to believe that they went cheerfully to give him the hearing, and therefore Demetrius having acquainted them with the baseness and treachery of Alexander, and his good Intentions toward them, there was no necessity to make a long harangue to draw those to his Party, who saw their Lives lay at his mercy; besides, there being none remaining of the Family of Cassander, but only Antipater, whose hands yet blushed with the blood of the Queen his Mother, and who for this abominable Parricide was equally infamous and odious to the People, and not being sensible of a Person more worthy than Demetrius, upon whom they might, if at liberty, fix their choice, they instantly proclaimed him King of Macedon, whereupon he presently returned to take possession of this new Kingdom, which Fortune had so unexpectedly thrown into his Arms. Nor was this choice at all disagreeable to the rest of the Macedonians, who remained at home, who had not yet forgot their resentments against Cassander, for his detestable treachery to Alexander the Great, of whom they suspected him the cruel Murderer: And all that kindness which they had formerly had for Antipater the Father of Cassander, was now centred upon Demetrius, who had married his Grandchild Philla; and the young Prince which he had by her, who was now in the Camp, serving his apprenticeship in the Trade of War, under the Conduct of his Father Demetrius. And to add to this unexpected good Fortune, an express arrived, which brought him the welcome news, that Ptolemy had generously dismissed his Mother and Children, bestowing upon them magnificent Presents and Honours; and also that his Daughter Stratonice, whom he had married to Seleucus, was, by a pretty kind of adventure, remarried to Antiochus the Son of Seleucus, and Crowned Queen of all the Provinces of Upper Asia, which happened thus.  
This Prince Antiochus become passionately in love with the beautiful Stratonice the young Queen, who had now made Seleucus the Father of a little Son, he struggled at first very hard with the beginnings of this extravagant Passion, but finding on the one hand, an impossibility to extinguish those flames her fair eyes had kindled, and on the other, that it was equally difficult to obtain his desires, he saw no other remedy for his hopeless misfortune, but what was to be expected from Despair and Death, which he therefore resolved upon, and in order to it, by feigning an Indisposition, to languish out his amorous Soul, by voluntary refusing all manner of nourishment for the support of his life. Erasistratus, the Physician who attended him, quickly perceived, that Love was his distemper, but all the difficulty was to discover the Object of his flame; he therefore diligently waited in his chamber, and when any of the charming Beauties of the Court made their visits to the sick Prince, he curiously observed, the emotions and alterations in the countenance of Antiochus, which he well knew, were wont upon such surprises, to betray the inward passions and inclinations of the Soul: He therefore took notice, that the presence of the Court Ladies wrought no manner of alteration in him; but when Stratonice came alone, or in company with Seleucus, to make him a visit, he observed in him all those symptoms of a most violent Passion, which are so tenderly expressed by the ingenious Sapph, he became suddenly mute and silent, his passion smothering his words, a fiery blush would mount into his Face, he would fix his Eyes upon Stratonice, and then presently withdraw those stolen and guilty looks; his pulse would be disordered, a cold sweat would seize upon him, and unable to support the violent Passion, he would become senseless and pale as that Death which he so much desired.  
Erasistratus, from these infallible symptoms, manifestly perceived that Stratonice was the dear Object of his Passion, and that he had taken a resolution rather to perish than discover his Love; he evidently saw that he was in danger of his life, if he did not find out some way, to apply the only Remedy which was capable of giving him recovery; and yet he could not but tremble to think of making a discovery of that Nature to Seleucus; but considering the extraordinary tenderness of Seleucus to the Prince; and the King one morning enquiring of his condition, he put on all the assurance he could, and told him, Sir, the Prince's disease is Love, and he is incurable, because it is impossible for him to enjoy the Object of his Passion, and impossible for him to live without it. The King was extremely surprised at this account which the Physician gave him, but would by no means be satisfied till he understood, how his Passion should be incurable. Why Sir, replied Erasistratus, because he is in love with my Wife. How! said Seleucus, will Erasistratus, my Dear Erasistratus, refuse me the kindness to bestow his Wife upon my Son and Successor; when there is no other way to save his life? Nay then Sir, replied Erasistratus, You, who are his Father, and upon that consideration, aught to have all the tenderness imaginable for a Son, pray would you take the Counsel which you give me; and if Antiochus were thus desperately in Love with Stratonice, would you so easily resign your interest to him? Ah my Dear Friend! answered Seleucus, may some kind God or Man, put the safety of the Prince upon that Issue; I would part not only with Stratonice, but my Empire upon condition that I might preserve Antiochus, my Dearest Antiochus; and with that the tears forced themselves a violent passage over his aged cheeks. Whereupon Erasistratus taking him by the hand, Sir, said he, You have then no need of the assistance of Erasistratus, for you, who are a Husband, a Father, and a King, are the most proper and in this case only Physician for your own Family, 'tis you only that can recover the life of Prince Antiochus, by refigning to him Stratonice, for that's his Disease.  
Whereupon Seleucus, instantly summoning a Counsel of all his great Officers, declared unto them the state of this Affair, and that he was resolved to bestow Stratonice upon the Prince, and to create him King, and her the Queen of all the Provinces of the Higher Asia; telling them, that he thought he had so absolute a Power over the Prince's will, that he hoped he should find in him no repugnance to obey his Commands; and for the Queen he hoped all his Friends would endeavour to make her sensible, if she manifested any reluctancy to this Marriage, that she ought to esteem those things just and honourable, which were so absolutely necessary to the general and public Good. And by these Arguments, Stratonice was persuaded to this second Marriage, which quickly restored the health of Antiochus, and was celebrated with extraordinary Joy and Solemnity.  
But to return to the affairs of Demetrius, he having obtained the Crown of Macedon, and being possessed of Thessalia, and the greatest part of Peloponnesus, the Cities of Megara and Athens, the two Keys of the Isthmus, he turned his victorious Arms against the Baeotians; these People at first made some overture of an accommodation, but Cleonimus of Sparta coming to their assistance, and reinforcing the City of Thebes with a considerable Garrison, and one Pisis a Thespian, who had a great influence upon the People, animating them to make a brave resistance, they broke off the Treaty and betook themselves to Arms: But no sooner had Demetrius begun to approach the Walls with his dreadful Engines, but Cleonimus affrighted at the sight of them, secretly withdrew himself; and thereupon the Baeotians, finding themselves abandoned by this cowardly Confederate, they surrendered the City to Demetrius, who put strong Garrisons into the chiefest Towns, and having drawn a good round sum of money from them, he placed Hieronymus the Historian, as his Deputy Governor; but as to the main, he treated those vanquished People very obligingly, and particularly Pisis, to whom he not only frankly restored his Liberty, but also made him Governor over the Thespians.  
It happened, not long after, that Lysimachus had the misfortune to be taken Prisoner by Dromichaetes, whereupon Demetrius hasted with his Army into Thracia, in hopes that in the disorder, into which this accident must have put the affairs of that Province, he might find an opportunity to repossess himself of it; but Lysimachus unexpectedly regaining his Liberty, and the newly conquered Baeotians, breaking out into a general Revolt, he was obliged to retire with his Army, and in great haste, to look after his own affairs at home. Upon his return he found that his Son Antigonus had in a Battle defeated the Forces of the Baeotians, and therefore he presently laid Siege to Thebes, whither they had retreated with their broken Troops; but understanding that Pyrrhus had made an incursion into Thessaly, and that he was advanced as far as Thermopylon, leaving Antigonus to continue the Siege, he marched with the rest of his Army to oppose the King of Epyrus; But Pyrrhus gave him no occasion to exercise his Courage; for upon the first news of his approach, he made a very hasty retreat out of the Country, whereupon Demetrius, leaving ten thousand foot and a thousand horse for the Guard of Thessaly, he returned to the Siege of Thebes, and there he brought his dreadful Engine in order to storm the City, but by reason of its unwieldy Bulk, and the unevenness of the Ground, it was moved with such labour and difficulty, that in two Months, it did not advance two furlongs; In the mean time the Citizens made a stout defence, and Demetrius, who was resolute to be revenged on them for their Perfidy, obstinately maintained the Siege, and exposed himself and his Soldiers to very hard and dangerous Service, insomuch that Antigonus, observing that many gallant Men daily lost their lives, being sensibly moved with pity, he addressed himself to the King his Father, and finding him as he thought in good humour, Sir, said he, I beseech your Majesty, what reason is there to expose so many valiant Men to such continual danger, without a greater necessity, when— But Demetrius in a great passion, without permitting him to proceed; And you, good Sir, why do you afflict yourself for this Matter, the more there are killed, the fewer there will be for you to make a provision for. But that the Soldiers might see he valued his own life at no dearer rate than theirs, he exposed himself to the same dangers to which he commanded them; and in a desperate attack, which he one day made, he was wounded with a Javelin, which struck quite through his neck, and put him into very great hazard of his life; but notwithstanding his illness he continued the Siege, and in conclusion took the Town; and after his entrance, when the Citizens expected all the severities which an incensed Conqueror could inflict, he only put to death thirteen of the Capital Rebels, and banished some few others, graciously pardoning all the rest: Thus the City of Thebes after it had been so long raised from its ruins, was twice taken in the space of those ten years.  
Shortly after, the Festivals of the Pythian Apollo, being to be celebrated, and the Aetolians, having blocked up all the passages to Delphos, Demetrius caused them to be kept at Athens, alleging it was great reason those Honours should be paid to Apollo in that place, both in regard he was the Tutelar Divinity of that City, and that the Athenians pretended to derive from him their Original and Pedigree.  
From thence Demetrius returned to Macedon, and being not only of a restless temper himself, but considering the Genius of the Macedonians, who were ever the best Subjects when employed in military expeditions, but seditiously busy and desirous of change in the idleness of Peace; he led them against the Aetolians, and having wasted their Country, he left Pantanchus, with a great part of his Army to perfect the Conquest, and with the rest he marched in Person to find out Pyrrhus; but so it fell out, that by taking different ways, these two Armies did not meet, but whilst Demetrius entered Epyrus, and laid all waist before him, Pyrrhus at the same time encountered Pantanchus, where in the heat of the Combat, the two Chief Commanders, meeting, bountifully entertained one the other with the Compliments of their Swords, till their Arms blushed at that kind of rude Civility, but in conclusion Victory perched upon the Standards of Pyrrhus, who besides great numbers slain upon the place, took five thousand Prisoners.  
This blow would not have been so considerable as to have given Demetrius any great hurt, had it not been, that Pyrrhus, by his brave and fierce deportment in this encounter, did not only win the Glory of the Field, but the hearts of the inconstant Macedonians; for now they began loudly to proclaim, that they saw in him the very picture of the hardy Courage and personal bravery of their adored Alexander; whereas the other Kings his Successors, and particularly Demetrius, they said, resembled him in nothing so much as in his extravagant humours and haughty vanity: And to say nothing but truth, Demetrius was something so affected in his Garb, as too nearly related to the Pageantry of the Theatre. For not only his Body was used to be clothed with the most exquisite travels of the needle in Gold and Purple Robes, and his Head encircled with the uncommon novelty of a double Diadem, but even his Shoes were made of curiously embroidered Purple with Golden soles: And such was the profuse vanity of this Prince, that he had commanded a Robe to be made for him, wherein with proud Art, there was to be wrought the Representation of the Universe, Sea and Land, the Celestial Bodies and Figures of the Sun, with all his Golden Glories, and the Silver Moon, and the sparkling Courtiers of the Night, which were to be imitated with the richest Diamonds that could be procured. But the reverse of his more gloomy Fortune overtaking him, the work was never finished; but as it was, it was long preserved as a Monument of his magnificent vanity: Not any of the Kings of Macedon his Successors, though reported divers of them to be haughty enough, arriving to that degree of Pride, to have it finished, or to adventure to wear it.  
But it was not this outward Garb and Pomp alone which disgusted the Macedonians, but his profuse and dissolute Way of living; and above all the difficulty of access to his presence was extremely disobliging: For either he would not be seen at all by such as attended long for dispatch of their affairs, or if he permitted them to come before him, he would treat them roughly and with disrespect; nor were only private Persons thus used by him, but even such Ministers as negotiated public affairs: Thus he made the Athenian Ambassadors, to whom yet he was more civil than to all the other Grecians, attend two years in his Court, before they could obtain an Audience from him; at another time when the Lacedæmonians sent a single Person on an Embassy to him, thinking it was done in contempt, in great indignation he demanded of him, Whether the Spartans' had but one Man that was fit to be sent upon an Embassy, since they sent no more? To whom the Ambassador according to the Laconian mode, tartly replied; Sure one Ambassador is enough to send to one King.  
It chanced one time that an humour took him to be a little more than ordinarily Popular, and therefore going abroad, he was immediately accosted by a multitude of importunate Petitioners; he very courteously received their Supplications, and put up their Petitions in the skirt of his Robe, the poor People overjoyed at this unusual Grace and Favour followed him close, in hopes to be presently dispatched in their suits; but when he came upon the Bridge of the River Axius, opening his lap, he dropped all the Petitions into the River. This action did strangely exasperate the Macedonians, who seeing their Hopes and Petitions both drowned, looked upon it as a very injurious and unkingly Frolic; and this brought to their remembrance, what some of them had seen, and others had heard related of King Philip, who by a pretty accident was reclaimed from this disobliging humour; for King Philip being one day abroad, an old Woman made her application to him with a Petition, the King told her, he could not then dispatch her, in regard he had affairs of greater importance upon his hands; to which the old Woman in a pet replied, What! greater than doing Justice? if you refuse to do Justice, pray lay aside your Royalty, and leave being a King. This sharp reprimand so nettled the King, that returning to the Palace, and setting all other matters apart, for several days together he did nothing else, but receive the complaints of all that would come, and redressed their real grievances, to the general contentment and satisfaction of his People.  
And certainly there is no other virtue more commendable or popular in a Prince, than Justice; which made Timotheus say that Mars is a great Tyrant, but Law, according to the incomparable Pindar, is the most Glorious Queen of the Universe. And upon this subject, Homer, the Prince of Poets, observes, that Jupiter did not bestow upon Kings, terrible Engines or Ships of War for the destruction of Cities, but had committed the Oracles of Law and Justice to their Custody in order to their good Government and Preservation, and that the most just Princes, and not the fierce and violent were the Genuine Offspring of the Gods. But Demetrius was not at all solicitous of the Title of such a King as refembled the Gods; for disdaining the appellations of Polieus, or Polioukos, the Tutelary preserver of Cities, he rather affected the Name of Poliorcetes, the Destroyer of Cities. By his affected folly mistaking the very nature of vice and virtue, placing his glory in injustice, and esteeming base and ungenerous actions, as if they had been the laudable Ornaments of a virtuous Prince.  
But to return to the historical pursuit of his life, Demetrius being at Pella, fell into a desperate malady, the true daughter of Intemperance and Luxury; and while he lay struggling with the violence of the distemper, Pyrrhus laying hold of this occasion, took from him the greatest part of Macedon, and advanced as far as the City of Edessa. But Demetrius recovering his health, quickly recovered from him his Dominions also, and obliged Pyrrhus, to content himself with his own Kingdom. And that he might not employ his whole time in these little conflicts with a neighbour, his thoughts being fixed upon another design from which he was unwilling to be diverted by this petty War, he concluded a Peace with Pyrrhus. For now he had form a design to endeavour the recovery of the whole Empire which his Father had possessed; and his preparations were every way suitable to his aspiring Hopes, and the greatness of the Enterprise. He gave out Commissions for the levying of ninety eight thousand Foot, and twelve thousand Horse; and orders for the building and rigging out a Fleet of five hundred Galleys; some to be built at Athens, others at Corinth, Chalc●s and Pella. And so assiduous and diligent was he, in the forwarding of these vast preparations, that he was continually posting from place to place, to give advice and direction to the Carpenters and Artificers for the building them, more strong and serviceable: And herein he was so great a Master, that the Artisans themselves, as well as all others, were amazed, not so much at the number, as at the stupendious bulk and contrivance of this extraordinary Navy; for hitherto there had never been seen a Galley with fifteen or sixteen ranges of Oars. It is true, that afterwards Ptolemy Philopater built a prodigious Galley of eighty Rows of Oars, which was two hundred and eighty Cubits in length, and the height of her from the Water to the top of her stern was forty eight Cubits, she had four hundred Mariners, and four thousand Rowers, and besides there was convenient standing for very near three thousand Soldiers to fight above the Decks. But this unwieldy Hulk after all this, was only fit for show, and not for service, for she looked like an immovable Castle upon the Water, and was not to be moved without extreme toil and peril; whereas these Galleys of Demetrius were not the less serviceable for their magnificence, but notwithstanding their beauty and ornaments, were as light and nimble, as they were extraordinary and sumptuous.  
The noise and storm of these great preparations; the like whereof had never been made since the expedition of Alexander the Great, threatening to fall upon Asia, awakened Seleucus, Ptolemy, and Lysimachus to look to themselves, which obliged them to enter into a confederacy for their mutual defence and security: They therefore dispatched Ambassadors to Pyrrhus, to represent to him the necessity of rejecting the peace he had made which Demetrius, and to persuade him to give him a deversion, by making an incursion into Macedon; for that Demetrius had only concluded the late Peace with him, to be at liberty to prosecute his greater Designs, and that should he become victorious, he would too late be sensible of the danger of so potent a Neighbour. Pyrrhus finding Reason in the Proposition, presently closed with them; so that in an instant Ptolemy with a mighty Navy invaded Greece; Lysimachus entered Macedon upon the side of Thracia, and Pyrrhus fell in upon that part next to Epirus, spoiling and wasting the whole Country. This was an unexpected Surprise to Demetrius; but however, leaving his Son Antigonus to look after the Affairs of Greece, he marched in great diligence to the relief of Macedon, and to oppose Lysimachus: He was no sooner arrived near the Frontier, but he received the ill News that Pyrrhus had taken the City Beraea; and the Report being once gotten among the Soldiers, the whole Camp was filled with Disorders and Confusion, Cries and Lamentations; the Soldiers grew insolent and mutinous, and bestowing a thousand Execrations upon Demetrius, they openly declared, that they would march home to take Care of their Country, Friends, and Families; but in reality the Design was to revolt to Lysimachus.  
Demetrius finding them in these Distempers, resolved to remove further from Lysimachus; for he judged, that though by reason of their former kindness to that Prince, under whose Conduct many of them had served in the Wars of Alexander, might make them unwilling to combat with him; yet they would make no difficulty to oppose Pyrrhus, a Foreigner and Invader, who had spoiled their Country; but he found himself under great Mistakes in these Conjectures: for when he was advanced near to Pyrrhus, these Mutineers took occasion to extol the Gallantry and Courage of Pyrrhus, his generous usage of those who had been his Prisoners, and to declare, that the Kingdom by the fundamental Custom, the Law of Antiquity ought to devolve upon the bravest Man; and in short, to meditate a general Defection and Revolt: For at first, some straggling Parties only deserted, but in a little time the whole Army broke out into an universal Mutiny; insomuch that some of them insolently told him, that if he consulted his own Safety, he were best to make haste to be gone; for that the Macedonians were resolved no longer to hazard their Lives, to combat for the satisfaction of his Luxury and Ambition; these were moderate Reproaches in comparison of some others which he was obliged to endure; and therefore easily guessing what would be the Issue, if he should expose himself longer to their Rage, he retired to his Tent, and putting off the Imperial Purple, stole away in the disguised habit of a private Soldier; and he was no sooner gone, but the Mutinous Army were all together by the Ears about the Plunder of his Tent; but Pyrrhus coming immediately, repressed their Fury, and took possession of it himself; and he, with Lysimachus, parted the Realm of Macedon betwixt them, after Demetrius had possessed it just seven years,  
As for Demetrius, being thus suddenly despoiled of his Crown, he retired to Cassandria, where Queen Philla, oppressed with insupportable grief, to see her Husband from the top of his Glory, reduced to the despicable condition of a private and banished person, reproaching Fortune for her blind Inconstancy, and overcome with the violence of her Despair, she took a fatal Potion, choosing rather to end her Days with the quick operation of the mortal Drug, than to languish out a miserable Life in the tedious delays of an adverse Fortune. But Demetrius did not love her so well as to bear her company in that sort of Nectar, as great a Friend as he was to Liquours; but kept his hopes still warm at the heart; and studying how to repair the Shipwreck of his Affairs, he parted for Greece, and there assembled all his Friends and Captains, who had formerly served him, in order to the forming an Army to endeavour the recovery of his former Dignity and Dominions; and one may well apply that of Sophocles concerning Menelaus, to the various changes of this Prince's Estate.  

Mounted on Fortune's ever rolling Wheel,  
Like that inconstant Deity I reel;  
Or like the fickle Lady of the Night,  
Who still puts on a different dress of Light,  
A Silver Cornet first adorns her Head,  
And the pale Beauty still does larger spread,  
Till her grown Lustre, blushing Stars admire,  
And hide their out-of-Countenance sparks of Fire;  
But then her dwindling Glories fade again,  
And are reduced to their former Wane.   
And certainly this changeable. Planet was the exact Emblem of this Prince, whose Accessions of Glory, and Eclipses of Honour, his Rises and Falls are perfectly figured by her several Faces; for even when his expiring Glory seemed to give the last Gasps, his Power would strangely revive, and his Hope's flourish, as they did at this time, by the coming of divers Troops to his assistance, which gave him encouragement to hope for the re-establishment of his Affairs: He had not however, since his last disgrace, re-assumed the Royal Robe; whereupon a certain Theban, seeing him in the mean habit of a private Person, applied to him the Distich of Eurypides, 
Of an immortal God, again a Mortal made,  
He courts Ismena's Banks, and Dirce's cooler Shade.   
But so soon as he began to entertain a prospect of Hope, of the change of his Fortune, he re-assumed the Regal Habit, and kept a little kind of Court at Thebes, though at the same time he restored their Democratick Government to that City.  
As for the treacherous Athenians, in this Misfortune, they again basely deserted him, and to do him the greater Disgrace, they displaced Diphilus, who was that year the Priest of the 
The Title of Antigonus and Demetrius.  two Tutelar Deities, and by a Popular Edict restored the Priesthood to its ancient Form; and hearing that Demetrius grew very powerful, they sent to King Pyrrhus, to beg his Assistance and Protection. Demetrius justly enraged against them for their repeated Perfidies, marched to Athens, and laid close Siege to the City: In this Distress they sent out to him Craterus the Philosopher, a Person of great Authority and Reputation, to mediate a Composure; who managed his Negotiation with so much dexterity, that, what with his humble Entreaties and Remonstrances, and the solid Reasons which he offered, Demetrius was persuaded to raise the Siege; and shipping his Army which consisted of eleven thousand Men, he resolved upon an Expedition into Caria and Lydia, to take those Provinces from Lysimachus; arriving at Miletus, he was met there by Eurydice, the Sister of Philla, his deceased Lady, who brought along with her Ptolemaida, the Daughter whom she had by King Ptolemy; which young Lady had before been affianced to Demetrius, and with whom he now consummated his Nuptials; but he was too intent upon his other Designs, to be diverted from them by his new Amour; and therefore he presently began the Campagne, and was so fortunate in the beginning, that many Cities revolted to him; and others, as particularly, the City of Sardis, he took by force, divers Troops of Lysimachus also came over to him with a considerable Sum of Money. But his Fortune, which was never constant, was now never lasting; for Agathocles, the Son of Lysimachus, with a powerful Army made head against him; which obliged him, with his Army to divert into Phrygia, with an intention to pass into Armenia; for he had an imagination, that if he could persuade the Medes or Armenians to revolt, he should thereby gain many convenient Seaports, and Places of Retreat, to secure him against any ill Accident or Disaster that might befall him: Agathocles pressed very hard upon him, and many Skirmishes and Conflicts passed between Parties, wherein Demetrius had still the Advantage: But Agathocles being much superior in number, straightened him so much in his Forage, that his Soldiers were forced to conflict more with Famine, than with their Enemies, and showed a great unwillingness to go into Armenia and Media; so that for fresh Quarters he was obliged to pass over the River Lycus, and in the passage, many of his Men, by the rapidness of the Torrent, were carried down the Stream, and drowned: This Mischance exasperated the Soldiers to that degree, that one of them fixed this Paper upon the Door of his Pavilion, taken out of Oedipus, with a little variation of the Name. 
Thou Son of blind Antigonus,  
Whither dost mean to hurry us?   
And to add to his Misfortune, the Pestilence, as is usual, when Armies are driven to such Necessities, as to subsist upon unwholesome Diet, began to assail them as well as the Famine; so that he lost eight thousand of his Men, and with the rest he retired to Tarsus; and because that City was under the Dominion of Seleucus, he strictly prohibited his Soldiers the committing any manner of outrages or violence, being unwilling to create himself a new Enemy of Seleucus; but when he perceived it was impossible to keep the Soldiers in order, they being reduced to extreme necessity, and Agathocles having blocked up all the Avenues of Mount Taurus, to prevent their foraging in his Territories, he resolved to write to Seleucus, to appease him in this Matter: The Letter contained a long and tragical Relation of the miserable state to which he was reduced, and passionate Intercessions for his commiseration to a distressed King and Relation, who was fallen into such a deplorable condition, as might extort Tenderness and Pity from his very Enemies.  
These Letters did so mollify the Heart of Seleucus, that he gave out positive Orders, to the Governors of those Provinces, that they should furnish Demetrius with all Accommodations suitable to his Royal Quality, and with sufficient Provisions for his Troops. But Patrocles, a Person of great Authority, and the Confident of Seleucus, persuaded him, that this entertainment of Demetrius, especially of his Soldiers, within his Dominions, was not at all agreeable to the sound Maxims of Policy; in regard, that of all the Kings of his time, Demetrius was the most violent in his Inclinations, and addicted to bold and daring Erterprises; and that now being driven to Extremities by his adverse Fortune, a Condition which many times tempted Persons of the greatest Temper and Moderation, to the most desperate Attempts, he could not with any Security to himself, afford him this Retreat or Entertainment: Seleucus animated with this Discourse, advanced with a powerful Army towards Cilicia; and Demetrius, astonished at this sudden alteration, betook himself for safety to the Strengths and most inaccessible places of Mount Taurus; from whence he sent Envoys to Seleucus, to request from him, that he would permit him the liberty with his Army to seek to repair his broken Fortunes among the barbarous Nations, and there to establish a Kingdom, where he might pass the remainder of his Life in quiet and repose; and not in that rigorous Season of Winter, to expose him in this distressed, naked condition, to the fury of his implacable Enemies; but to allow him a competent Time, and Maintenance for the support of his small Army, till he might with convenience depart.  
But Seleucus, whose Jealousy was now the governing Passion of his Soul, sent him this peremptory Answer, That he would permit him to stay two Months and no longer in Cataonia, provided he presently sent him the principal of his Friends and Officers, as Hostages for his departure then; and in the mean time he shut up all the Passages into Syria: So that Demetrius, who saw himself thus encompassed as in a Toil, like an enraged Lion, flew upon the Prey, and fell to wasting the Territories of Seleucus, and in many Encounters had the advantage of him; and particularly, when he was assailed by the Armed Chariots, he entirely defeated them, and thereby opened his passage into Syria: And now finding his Soldiers animated by these Successes, he was resolved to push at all, and to have one deciding Blow for the Empire with Seleucus; but that crafty Prince having refused the assistance of Lysimachus, whom he both mistrusted and hated, made no great haste to the Encounter, but chose rather to weary Demetrius, and waste his Power by Delays; for there was nothing that he dreaded more than the perpetual vicissitude of that Prince's Fortune, which he had so often known to have been raised from the most deplorate state, to the greatest excess of Glory.  
But now all things seemed to conspire to the Ruin of this miserable Prince; for he was seized with a violent Distemper, which did not only endanger his Life, but deprived him of his Reason; so that his Army began to moulder away insensibly; some deserting, and others stealing away from the Service, which they concluded desperate; after forty days he began to be so far recovered, as to be able to rally his Forces, and marched as if he directly designed for Cilicia; but in the Night, in great silence he took a Countermarch, and passing the Mountain Amanus, he foraged all the Country as far as Cyrrhestica. Whereupon Seleucus advanced towards him, and encamping at no great distance, Demetrius took a resolution to surprise him in his Camp; but the Design being by some Fugitives discovered to Seleucus, he had but just time in great consternation to leap out of his Bed, and give the Alarm to his men; as he was putting on his Boots to mount to Horse, Sirs, said he to the Officers about him; Look well to your Charges; for we must now expect to combat with a furious, and enraged wild Beast. But Demetrius, by the Noise and Murmur he heard in the Camp, finding they had taken the Alarm, drew off his Troops, and began to retreat in the best order that he could; but the Morning quickly appearing, Seleucus followed hard upon his Rear, and obliged him to a disadvantageous Encounter. Demetrius, having drawn his Army into Order, and given the Command of one half of his Troops to one of his most expert Captains, with the other he in Person charged so furiously, that he forced his Enemies to give Ground: But Seleucus lighting from his Horse, and covering his Arm with a Target, advanced to the foremost Ranks, and having put up the Vizor of his Helmet, that he might be known, he addressed himself to the Soldiers of Demetrius, exhorting them to lay down their Arms, and not desperately throw away their Lives; telling them withal, that it was for their sakes only that he had so long forborn coming to Extremities: And thereupon, without a Blow more, these perfidious Mercenaries submitted, and saluted Seleucus as their King.  
Demetrius, who in the whole course of his Life, had been accustomed to strange Turns, from thence drew a hope that he should weather this Storm also; and therefore with the slender attendance of his Friends, he fled to the Mountain Amanus, where, in a thick and spacious Wood he secured himself, resolving, under the Mantle of the Night, to make his Escape towards Caunus; where he hoped to find his Shipping ready to transport him: But upon Enquiry, finding that they had not provisions for more than one day, that Design was quashed, and he began to think of some other Project, whilst he was rolling over a thousand irresolute Thoughts, his Friend Sosigenes arrived, who had four hundred Pieces of Gold about him, and with this little Relief, he again re-assumed his first Resolution and Hopes to recover the Coast; so soon as it began to be dark, he set forward towards the Mountains; but perceiving by their Fires, that the Enemies had possessed themselves of all the Passages, and that it was impossible for him to pass undiscovered, he retreated to his old Station in the Wood, but not with all his Troop: for divers had deserted him, and the little Remainder were extremely dejected and disheartened, so that some of them began to talk of rendering themselves and Demetrius to Seleucus, as the only Means left them for their Safety: Which Demetrius overhearing, he drew out his Sword, and had infallibly passed it through his own Heart, but that some of his Friends interposing, prevented the fatal Attempt, and began to persuade him, that it was much more manly to try the Generosity of Seleucus, and to reserve his Life for a better Destiny, and ●uture Hopes: and with these Arguments, but principally by irresistible necessity, he suffered himself to be overcome; and therefore dispatched some of his Attendants to Seleucus, to let him know that he was willing to surrender himself and his Friends to his Generosity and Mercy. Seleucus' transported at this News, cried out: It is not the good Fortune of Demetrius, which hath found out this Expedient for his Safety, but my own; which I esteem the greatest favour she ever did me, since thereby she hath given me opportunity to show my Clemency and Generosity. And instantly he gave Order to his Domestic Officers to prepare a Royal Pavilion, and all things suitable, for the splendid Reception and Entertainment of Demetrius.  
There was in the Court of Seleucus, one Apollonides, who formerly had been intimately known to Demetrius; he was therefore, as the fittest Person, dispatched from the King, to attend Demetrius, and to desire him to dissipate all manner of fear and distrust, and to give him assurance that Seleucus was resolved to treat him with all the Honour due to a King, and the kindness of a Relation. No sooner was this message known, but all the principal Courtiers and Officers of Seleucus, thinking Demetrius would presently become a great favourite with the King, made haste to congratulate with Demetrius and kiss his hand: but this ill timed application and over officiousness, proved very mischievous to that poor Prince; for it gave occasion to his Enemies to insinuate to Seleucus, that this Usage of Demetrius was a most dangerous Civility, and that his presence might have very fatal influences upon the Army, the Officers showing more inclination to him already than was consistent with their Duty, or the safety of Seleucus; which representations made such impressions upon the spirit of Seleucus, as produced different sentiments and resolutions from the former.  
For whilst Apollonides, and after him many others were relating to Demetrius the kind expressions of Seleucus, and the Orders he had given; and that poor Prince, who before thought this Rendition of himself, the greatest misfortune of his Life, now began in his thoughts to applaud the Action, and to flatter himself with vain hopes, Pausanias with a Guard of a thousand Horse and Foot, amidst all the Caresses of his Friends, came, and by order from the King seized him, and carried him, not as he hoped, as a Prince to the Presence of Seleucus, but a Prisoner to the Castle of Chersonesus in Syria, where he was committed to the safe Custody of a strong Guard. It is true he wanted nothing but Liberty, for by the command of Seleucus, he had a most liberal allowance for himself and retinue; he had the liberty of a curious Garden and delightful Walks, and was for his Exercise permitted the Freedom of hunting in a large Park excellently stored with Game of all sorts, and had Horses likewise provided for his diversion, and for his Chariots, and to make his life more easy, such of his Servants as were willing to follow his Fortune, had the freedom of attending upon his Person; continual messages of kindness also, from time to time were brought him from Seleucus, requesting him to support the present Restraint of his Liberty cheerfully, assuring him, that so soon as Antiochus and Stratonice should arrive at the Court, the Conditions and Articles of restoring him to his Liberty should be perfected.  
But Demetrius had learned to give little credit to these deluding pretences, and therefore so soon as he was fallen into the misfortune of this Captivity, he sent Express command to his Son Antigonus, and to his Captains and Friends, at Athens and Corinth, that they should give no manner of credit to any Letters written to them in his name, though they were sealed with his own Signet, but, that looking upon him as if he were already dead, they should reserve what was left of his Empire for Antigonus, and esteem him as their lawful King.  
As for Antigonus, he received the sad news of his Father's Captivity, with all the Testimonies of a most afflictive sorrow; he put himself into deep mourning, and writ the most passionate and tender Letters to Seleucus, and the rest of the Kings, that his grief could dictate; he offered not only whatever they had left in the World, but himself to be a Hostage for the Liberty of the King his Father. Several other Princes, and divers Cities also, became intercessors for his freedom: only Lysimachus by his Ambassadors, basely offered a large sum of money to Seleucus to take away his life; but by this barbarous proposal, he rendered himself most detestable to Seleucus, to whom he was sufficiently odious before; nevertheless he still protracted the time of his deliverance, resolving, as he pretended, that he should owe it to the Intercession of Antigonus and Stratonice.  
Demetrius, to whom misfortunes had been customary, grew so familiar with this, that by long continuance, it became habitually easy: At first he accustomed himself to frequent exercises, Hunting, Horse-races, and such other divertisements as were permitted him, but by degrees he came to disuse them, and applied himself to Dice and Drinking, and to divert the importunity of his melancholy thoughts, with which he was haunted when sober, he took the Remedy of Intemperance, a Cure worse than the Disease; and whether this was the reason, or that this sort of pleasure was what he most naturally affected, and judged that he had committed an error in suffering himself to be diverted from it by his mad and vain Ambition, which had created so much trouble to himself and others, he now spent the greatest part of his time in this Way of consuming both that and his health; and he, who had so restlessly toiled to find glory and happiness, by Sea and Land, in mighty Fleets, and formidable Armies, now thought he had found the only Way to tranquillity and repose, and he would often passionately say, What other Period is there of all those Wars, which miserable Princes are wont to make, and what recompense can they hope for, to balance the pains they are at, and the dangers to which they are continually exposed, besides sitting down quietly at last, and enjoying their pleasures and delights?  
Demetrius having thus continued three years a Prisoner in Chersonesus, for want of exercise, and by indulging himself in Intemperance, in the 54th. year of his Age fell sick of a Distemper, which ended not but with his life: And Seleucus was extremely censured for making such professions of kindness, and restoring his Liberty to this Unfortunate Prince, but not performing them; and herein he did not imitate the bravery of Dromichetes of Thrace, who not only treated Lysimachus, when he was his Prisoner, nobly and like a King, but quickly restored him to his former condition of Liberty.  
And now we must attend the Unfortunate Demetrius with our last service to his Funerals, which suitable to his life, were very pompous and magnificent. For his Son Antigonus understanding that his ashes were coming over from Syria, he went with a noble Fleet to the Isles of the Archipelagus to meet them, and caused them to be deposited in an Urn of massy Gold. All the Cities, where they touched in their passage sent Chapplets to adorn the Urn, and deputed certain of the best of their Citizens in deep mourning to assist at the funeral Solemnity.  
When the Fleet of Antigonus approached the harbour of Corinth, the Urn covered with Purple, and a Royal Crown upon it, was placed upon the Poop of the Admiral Gally, a Troop of young Noble Men and Persons of Quality attended in Arms upon the Key to receive it at landing; and Xenophon the famed Musician began a Mournful Song in praise of the Dead, to which the Rowers in sorrowful Ejaculations made responses, their Oars all the while in their strokes keeping time with the doleful Cadences of the Music.  
Antigonus, who appeared all covered with tears and mourning, moved the Universal compassion of the numerous Spectators; and the Crowns and others Trophies of Honour being left at Corinth, the Urn was conveyed to Demetriada, a City to which Demetrius had given his name, after it had been built by his direction, and peopled with the Inhabitants of the small Villages of Jolchos.  
Demetrius left no other Children by his Queen Philla but Antigonus and Stratonice, but he had two other Sons, both of his own name, one whereof was surnamed the Meager, by a Sclavonian Lady, and the other by Ptolemaida, who reigned in Cyrene: He had also Alexander by Queen Deidamia who died in Egypt, and there are some who will have it, that he had also a Son by Eurydice whose name was Coriabus. To conclude, the Descendants of Demetrius in a continued Succession of Kings enjoyed the Crown of Macedon, Perseus being the last who was vanquished and led in triumph by the Romans. And now having represented the Tragedy with which Macedon hath furnished us, it is time to take a view of that which we expect from Rome.   


M. ANTHONY.  M Bur 〈…〉  
THE LIFE OF MARCUS ANTONIUS. From the Greek, By CHARLES FRASER, M. D. VOLUME V.  
THE Grandfather of Antony was the 
His Parentage.  famous Pleader, whom Marius put to death for having taken part with Sylla: His Father was Antony surnamed the Cretan, not the same with him that was so celebrated and esteemed for his skill in public affairs, but a worthy good man, and particularly remarkable for his Liberality, which may appear from this single Action of his. He was not very rich, and withal diverted from the exercise of his good Nature by his Wife, a Friend of his that stood in need of money came to borrow of him; money he had none, and therefore commands his Servant to bring water in a silver Basin with which he lathered himself, as though he had designed to shave, and sending away the Servant upon another Errand, gave his Friend the Basin, desiring him to make what use he pleased on't, but this making a great stir among the Servants, and putting his Wife into very ill humour, to save her the trouble of any further enquiry he acknowledged what he had done, and begged her pardon. His Wife was Julia of the Family of the Caesars, who for her discretion and fair behaviour was not inferior to the most celebrated Ladies of that time. 'Twas under her that Antony received his Education, she being after the death of his Father remarryed to Cornelius Lentulus, who was put to death by Cicero for having been of Catiline's Conspiracy: This probably was the first ground and occasion of that mortal grudge that Antony bore Cicero, who also did pretend that the body of Lentulus was denied Burial, till by great application made to Cicero's Wife it was granted to Julia. But this seems to be a manifest Error, for none of those that suffered in the Consulate of Cicero had the right of Burial denied them: As soon as Antony was grown 
Is debauched by Curio.  up, he proved a very beautiful youth, but by the worst of misfortunes he fell into the acquaintance and made a strict Friendship with Curio, a Man abandoned to his pleasures; who, to make Antony's dependence of greater necessity, plunged him into all the inconveniencies of Whoring and Drinking, and made his Expenses so Extravagant, that he contracted a debt that was very shameful in one of his age, even two hundred and fifty Talents. Curio was his Surety, which coming to the knowledge of Curio's Father, he took an occasion to dismiss Antony from his house. Soon after this he engaged himself with Clodius the most insolent and turbulent disturber of the Government, that that age had produced, but not being able long to endure his madness, and withal apprehensive of the powerful Cabal against Clodius, he left Italy, and travelled into Greece, where he spent his time in warlike Exercises, and in the Study of Eloquence; he affected much the Asiatic way of speaking, which was most in fashion then, and had most resemblance to his temper, which was very Rhodomantade and brave, very Ambitious, and unequal. After some stay in Greece, he was invited by Gabinius the Proconsul to make a Compagne in Syria, which at first he refused, not being willing to serve in a private Character, but receiving a Commission to Command the Horse, he went along with him. His first service was against Aristobulus, who had prevailed with the Jews to Rebel. He himself was the first that scaled the Walls, and on the strongest side of the Town, beat him from all his Forts, and in a pitched Battle overcame him, though much inferior in number, put most of them to the Sword, and took Aristobulus and his Son Prisoners. This War ended Gabinius was solicited by Ptolemy, to restore him to his Kingdom of Egypt, and a promise made of ten thousand Talents reward, most of the Officers were against this enterprise, and Gabinius himself did not much approve it, though shrewdly tempted by the ten thousand Talents, which had a powerful influence over him. But Antony desirous of engaging in brave Actions, and willing to gratify a Petitioning King, was resolved to use all his Interest to bring about Gabinius to undertake this Expedition, all were of opinion that the March to Peleusium was of more dangerous consequence than any thing else that could probably happen in the way; for they were to pass over a deep Sand, where no fresh water was to be hoped for, all along the Marshes of Serbonis, which the Egyptians give out to be the hollow Canal through which Typhon takes his breath, and is in truth an Eruption caused by the overflowing of the Red-Sea, which is separate from the Mediterranean but by a small Neck of Land. But Antony being Ordered thither with a party of Horse, did not only make himself Master of the passes, but won Peleusium a strong City, took in the Citadel, and by this means rendered the March secure to the Army, and the way to Victory not uneasy to the General. The Enemy was sensible of Antony's generous disposition, for when Ptolemy had entered Peleusium in great rage and malice, against the Egyptians, designing to put them every one to the Sword: Antony positively withstood him, and hindered the Execution. In great and frequent skirmishes and battles many were the proofs he gave of his personal Valour and Military Conduct, but never did it more plainly appear than in that Action of his, when wheeling about he attacked the Rear of the Enemy, and gave opportunity to them that charged the Front to obtain an entire Victory, for which he received both rewards and honours. Nor was his humanity less taken notice of towards the deceased Archelaus, he had been formerly his Guest and Acquaintance, as he was in duty bound he fought him bravely while alive, but finding his dead body, he buried him with all the Ornaments and Decency which were due to the quality of a King. Upon these and many other considerations, the Alexandrians spoke of him with infinite respect, and the Roman Soldiers looked upon him as one of most worthy qualifications; to complete all, he was a Man of Excellent Shape and Mein, his Beard was of a comely growth, his Forehead large, his Nose was of the Roman Shape, and something he had in his Countenance of Greatness, that made him seem to resemble the Statues and Medals we have of Hercules, and it was an ancient Tradition that the Antony's were descended of Hercules by a Son of his called Anteon, and this Opinion he endeavoured to confirm by affecting the likeness of him both in his Mein and Dress, for whensoever he appeared in public he wore his Vest girt low about the hips, a broad Sword on his side, and over all a large course Plad, or Mantle. What might seem to some very insupportable, as vain glory, raillery, drinking in public, frequenting the Common Soldiers Tables and eating places, made him the delight and pleasure of the whole Army. He was very agreeable in his Loves, and gained many Friends by the assistance he gave them in theirs, being very pleasant in his Raillery upon his own intrigues. The generous temper which he was of, in disposing of his gratuities with an open and liberal hand to the Soldiers, and his Friends, gave him a fair opportunity of making his fortune, and was very advantageous to him in establishing him in his new honours and employments, from which it is improbable he ever could have fallen, but by a thousand follies which he was Master of. One instance of his Liberality I must relate, he had ordered to one of his Friends twenty five thousand Crowns, and his Steward wondering at the extravagance of the sum, laid all the Silver in a heap as he should pass by. Antony seeing the heap asked what it meant? His Steward replied, the money you have ordered to be disposed of to your Friend, well perceiving the malice of the Action, says he, I thought I had ordered much more, 'tis too little, pray let the sum be doubled; but enough of this. The Citizens of Rome were divided into two parties, they that seemed to favour the Senate followed Pompey, who was then present, the others that considered the interest of the People sheltered themselves under the Authority of Caesar, who was then making War in Gaul. Curio the Friend of Antony having changed his party, had devoted himself to Caesar, and brought over Antony to his service, the Authority which he had gained by his Eloquence and great expenses which were constantly supplied by Caesar, gave him opportunity of making his Friend Antony first Tribune of the People and then Augur, whose coming into the heat of business made him capable of rendering no small services to Caesar. In the first place he opposed the Consul Marcellus, who had designed some old Legions for Pompey with Commission to raise new ones, making an order that they should be sent into Syria to reinforce Bibulus his Army, who was then making War with the Parthians, and that no one, as they should answer it at their peril, should give in their Names to serve under Pompey. Next finding that Pompey's Faction would not suffer Caesar's Letters to be received or read in the Senate, by virtue of his Office he read them publicly, and succeeded so well, that many were brought to change their mind, and to declare that Caesar's demands were but just and reasonable; at length two questions being started, the one whether Pompey should dismiss his Army, the other if Caesar his: some were for the former, for the latter all, except some few; when Antony stood up and put the question, if it would be agreeable to them that both Pompey and Caesar should dismiss their Armies, which proposal was approved of with great acclamations, and Antony desired, after much honour received, to put it to the Vote, but this was opposed by the Consuls, and Caesar's Friends making some new proposals, which did not carry the least appearance of unreasonableness were brow beaten by Cato, and Antony himself commanded to leave the Senate by Consul Lentulus. He gave them many a bitter ●●rse at his going out, and disguising 
Turned out of the Senate goes to Caesar.  himself in a Servants habit, accompanied only with Quintus Cassius in a hired Chariot, he went strait away to Caesar, they no sooner arrived, but great were the Complaints they made that affairs at Rome were transacted without any order or justice, that the privilege of speaking in the Senate was denied the Tribunes, and that he, that asserted the Common right of the People, was in imminent danger of his life, Caesar took hold of this pretence to march his Army into Italy; and upon this hint it was that Cicero writes in his Philippics, that Antony was as much the Cause of the Civil War, as ever Helena was of the Trojan. But this is but a surmise, for Caesar was not of so weak a temper as to suffer himself to be carried away by a passion into a Civil War with his Country, upon the sight of Antony and Cassius seeking refuge in his Camp, in mean habit and a Hackney Chariot, without ever having thought or taken his measures in an affair of so great consequence; this was to him, that wanted a pretence of declaring War, a fair and equitable occasion, but the true motive was the same that formerly set Alexander and Cyrus at odds with all Mankind, the unquenchable thirst of Empire, and the distracted Ambition of being the greatest Man in the World, which was impracticable for him, unless Pompey were reduced. So soon then as he had surprised Rome, and driven Pompey out of Italy, he purposed first to go against the Legions that Pompey had in Spain, and then to have a Fleet in readiness to attend his Motions, leaving the mean while the Government of Rome to Lepidus the Praetor, and the Command of the Army to 
He is left General in Italy.  Antony Tribune of the People, who was not long in getting the hearts of his Soldiers, eating and drinking himself with them, and making them presents to the utmost of his abilities. But on the other side he wanted not his Enemies, he was too lazy to inform himself in the Complaints of the injured, and was impatient in any thing of business, and his Familiarity with other people's Wives, gave him an ill reputation. In short the Government of Caesar (which in itself was little better than Tyrannical) was by the indiscretion and insolence of his Friends rendered insupportable: And Antony, as he had the greatest power in the Army, so he committed the most notorious Insolences, and had much to answer for. But Caesar at his return from Spain, winked at his faults, not thinking fit to disoblige a Soldier that could suffer all Fatigue, was very brave of his person, and an experienced Commander. Caesar going aboard at Brundisium, sailed over the Ionian Sea with a few Troops, and sent back the Fleet with Orders to Antony and Gabinius, to embark the Army, and Land as soon as might be in Macedonia. Gabinius having no mind to put to Sea, and being apprehensive of the Winter-Season, was forced to March his Army round about by Land; but Antony, being more afraid lest Caesar might suffer some great inconvenience from the number of his Enemies, who pressed him hard, beat back Libo, who was at Anchor 
o●ercomes Libo.  with a Fleet in the Mouth of the Haven of Brundisium, having Manned out several small Pinnaces and other Boats, with which he encompassed each Galley, and made them retire, gaining thus an occasion of putting aboard twenty thousand Foot, and eight hundred Horse, and so set out to Sea. The Enemy having espied him, made up to him; but this Danger he escaped, by reason that the Southwind was so high that the Enemy's Fleet was not able to live in so rough a Water; but. withal he had like to have fallen upon a Ridge of Rocks, where the Sea wrought so high, that there was no hope of escaping Shipwreck, when all on a sudden the Wind turned about to South-west, and blew from land to the main Sea, where Antony sailing in security, saw the Coast all covered with the Wreck of the Enemy's Fleet; for the Galleys of Pompey had been miserably tossed up and down, and many of them sunk; he took many Prisoners, and much Booty; he took also the Town of Lyssus, and by the seasonable arrival of so great Recruit, gave heart to the Affairs of Caesar. There was no Engagement in which he did not signalise himself; twice he stopped the Army in its flight, led them back to a Charge, and gained the Victory, that not without reason, his Reputation, next to Caesar's, was greatest in the Army; and what opinion Caesar himself had of him, did well appear, when Pharsalia was to determine who should be Emperor of the World; he himself chose to lead the right Wing, committing the charge of the left to Antony, as to the most experienced Officer of all that served under him. After the Battle, Caesar being created Dictator, went in pursuit of Pompey, and sent Antony to Rome, with the Character of Tribune of the People, who is in Office and Power next to the Dictator, when present, and in his absence rules in Chief. For upon the Election of a Dictator, all other Magistrates cease to exercise any Authority in Rome. The young Dolabella, who was also Tribune of the People at that time, and a great promoter of new Projects, was for enacting a Law, to rescind the registered Debts, and would needs persuade Antony to join with him; who was his Friend, and forward enough to promote any thing that was agreeable to the generality of the People. Asinius and Trebellius were of the contrary Opinion, and at the same time a grievous Fit of Jealousy possessing Antony, that Dolabella was kinder than he desired to his Wife; and taking it to heart, he parted with her (she was his Cousin-German, and Daughter to Caius Antonius, the Colleague of Cicero,) and taking part with Asinius, declared War with Dolabella, who had seized on the Marketplace, in order to give Authority by force to his new Law. Antony, by a special Command of the Senate, who had authorised him to oppose Dolabella's breaking into the Marketplace, gave him Battle; in the Fight many were lost on both sides, and by this action he did incur the displeasure of the common People, and, by reason of his Course of Life, was not only not agreeable, but (as Cicero says) had in detestation by the better sort of People, abominating his Midnight-Revelling, his wild Expenses, and his rolling from one little Whore to another, his Naps in the Day, and his Walks to digest his Debauches, and then at Night again his Entertainments and Balls, for the solemnising the Nuptials of some Comedian or Buffoon. It is reported, that drinking all night at the Wedding of Hippias the Comedian, and on the Morning, being to harangue the People, he ventured out, overcharged as he was, and vomited before them all, one of his Friends receiving it in his Gown. Sergius, the Comedian, was he who had the greatest Power with him, und Cytheries, of the same Vocation, the Woman that had his Heart; She, when he went his Progress, accompanied him in a Litter, and had her Equipage, not in any thing inferior to his Mother's; the world was scandalised at the great Pomp of his Travelling Plate, which was more proper for the Ornaments of a Triumph, than the Convenience of a Journey, at his causing Tents to be set up every where in the way by Rivers sides, and in Groves, for his dining with all the Luxury imaginable, and that he made his Chariot to be drawn by Lions, and lodged his little Whores, and singing Wenches, wheresover he passed, in the Houses of serious Men, and Women famous for their Matron-like Behaviour. And it seemed very unreasonable that Caesar out of Italy should far hard, and with great fatigue and danger pursue the remainder of a dangerous War, whilst others, in pretending his Authority, left no insolence unpractised upon their Fellow-Citizens, and this undoubtedly was occasion of great Trouble in Rome, and gave the Soldier encouragement to injure and plunder the People; upon this, it is probable that Caesar at his return, acquitted Dolabella, and being created the third time Consul, took not Antony, but Lepidus for Colleague. Pompey's House being to be sold, Antony would buy it, but was much troubled at the paying for it. This, and that he thought his former Services had not been recompensed as they deserved, made him not follow Caesar with his Army into Libya; and it is apparent, that Caesar's not countenancing his Follies, was a great Means of his amendment; being weary therefore of this Course of Life, he marries Fulvia the Widow of Clodius, the great Ringleader of the People, a Woman not born for Spinning or Houswifry, nor one that could be content with the power of ruling a private Husband, but a Lady capable of advising a Magistrate, and of ruling the General of an Army, so that Cleopatra had great Obligations to her for having taught Antony to be so good a Servant, he coming into her hands tame and broken in all obedience to the Commands of a Mistress. Antony had many Devices by which he used to entertain and divert her from her more serious way of Carriage. As when Caesar after his Victory in Spain, was on his return, Antony, among the rest, went out to meet him, and a Rumour being spread that Caesar was killed, and the Enemy marching into Italy, he returned to Rome, and disguising himself, came to her by night, as a Servant that brought Letters from Antony; but she, with great impatience, before she received the Letter, asks if Antony were well? instead of an Answer, he gives her the Letter, and as she was opening it, took her about the Neck and kissed her. This little Story, of many of the same nature, we thought fit to give you, by which you might guests of his humour. There was no body of Quality in Rome, that did not go some days journey to meet Caesar in his return from Spain; but Antony was the best received of any, admitted to ride the whole Journey with him in his Coach; behind came Brutus, Albinus, and Octavian, his Sister's Son, well known afterward by the name of Augustus Caesar. Caesar being created the fifth time Consul, without any demur chose Antony for his Colleague, but designing himself to quit the Consulat to Dolabella, he acquainted the Senate with his resolution; but Antony opposed it with all his might, and saying all the bitter things of Dolabella, and receiving as injurious Language in return, Caesar could bear with the indecency no longer, but referred the Consideration of this Matter to another time; and the next time it was proposed, Antony proclaimed, that all Omens that were taken from the flight of Birds, were against his promotion; so that Caesar was constrained to leave Dolabella very much discomposed; and 'tis credible, that Caesar had no great opinion of either of them; for when one accused them to have designed against him; 'tis not the Men so well fed, and so wall dressed I fear; but the pale and lean (said he) I dread; meaning Brutus and Cassius, who afterwards conspired his Death, and murdered him. To whom, Antony, without designing any harm, gave the most plausible pretence that could be wished for. The Romans were celebrating their Festival called the Lupercalia, when Caesar in his Triumphal Habit, and seated on a kind of Throne in the Marketplace, was a Spectator of the Sports; the Custom is, that many young Noblemen, and of the Magistracy anointed with Oil, and having Straps of white Leather in their hand, run about and strike every one they meet. Antony was sporting with the rest; who, as soon as the ancient Ceremonies were performed, took a Laurel Garland, and having wreathed the Diadem about it, made towards the Throne, and being lifted up by his Companions, would have put it upon the Head of Caesar, as if by that Ceremony he were declared King; but Caesar seemingly refused the Offer, and was applauded by the People with great Shouts; the Dispute betwixt Antony's offering, and Caesar's refusing the Crown, lasted some while. Antony receiving but little encouragement from the Shouts of a few Friends, and Caesar's Refusal being accompanied with the general Applause of the People; and this is very remarkable, that the People should endure patiently all that a Kingly Government could impose, and at the same time dread the Name of King, as the utter destruction of their Liberty. Caesar very much discomposed at what had passed, stepped down in haste from the Throne, and laying bore his Neck, said, he offered himself a willing Sacrifice to the People, if so it were their Pleasure. The Crown at last was put upon one of his Statues; but the Tribunes took it off, to the great satisfaction of the People, who followed them home with continual Shouts and Applauses: Caesar resented this, and afterwards turned them out of their Office. These Passages gave great encouragement to Brutus and Cassius, who in making choice of trusty Friends for such an Enterprise, were thinking to engage Antony; every one approved the Man, but Trebonius, who did inform them that Antony and he had been very intimate in the late Journey they took to meet Caesar, and that he had let fall several Words concerning the Matter now in hand, on purpose to sound him; that Antony very well understood him, but did not at all approve of the Discourse; howsoever the Matter was never revealed to Caesar, but still kept as a great Secret. The Conspirators then proposed that Antony should die with him, which Brutus would in no wise consent to, not thinking fit that an Action undertaken in defence of Justice and the Laws, should be liable to so foul an Imputation. Antony therefore, who was to be considered as a Man of Bodily Strength, and one that bore great Office in the State, was at Caesar's Entry to the Senate, to be amused without, in a Discouse of pretended Business. Just as it was ordered, Caesar was slain, and Antony surprised at the Action, took the Disguise of a Servant's Habit, and retired; but understanding that the Conspirators had assembled in the Capitol, and had no further Design upon any one, he gave them his Honour they might come down in safety, and sent his Son for an Hostage. That night Cassius supped at Antony's House, and Brutus with Lepidus, where they resolved the Senate should be called; and having passed an Act of Oblivion for the settlement of Affairs, Governments were assigned to Cassius and Brutus, and whatsoever Acts had passed during the Reign of Caesar, were ratified with the consent of the whole Senate. Thus Antony went out of the Senate with that Reputation and Esteem that never Man had gained before him; for it was apparent to the World that he had taken away all the Grounds of a Civil War, and had shown himself an able Minister of State, that knew how to unravel and compose Matters of so great Danger and Difficulty. But these temperate Counsels were soon infected with the Pride of being Favourite of the Multitude, and the Ambition of ruling in Chief, by the supplanting of Brutus. In order to this, Caesar's Body being exposed in the Marketplace, as the Custom is, while Antony made his Funeral-Oration, perceiving the People to be infinitely affected with what he had said from his Praises, he raised their Pity, and enlarged upon every Point, that could move Compassion; to complete all, he took the Robe from off the dead Corpse, and held it up, exposing it all bloody, and pierced through with many Stabs, call the Conspirators Villains, and bloody Murderers, his Harangue had so great an effect upon the Multitude, that they would not defer the Solemnities of the Funeral; but making a Pile of Tables and Forms in the very Marketplace, set Fire to it; and every one taking a Brand, ran in great fury to the Conspirators Houses, with a resolution to burn them alive. Upon this Tumult. Brutus, and his whole Party left the City, and Caesar's Friends joined themselves to Antony. Calphurnia Caesar's Wife, trusted herself to his Conduct, and the best part of her Estate, four thousand Talents; he got also into his Hands all Caesar's Papers, wherein were contained Journals of all he had done, and Draughts of what he designed to do; which Antony made good use of; for by this means, he made what Officers he pleased, brought whom he would into the Senate, recalled some from Exile, freed others out of Prison, and all this as ordered so by Caesar. The Romans, by way of Raillery, called all that received any benefit by this Artifice Charonites, who, if put to prove their Patents, must have recourse to the Registers of the Dead. In short, Antony's behaviour in Rome, was very absolute, he himself being Consul, and his two Brothers in great place, Caius the one, Praetor, and Lucius, the youngest, Tribune of the People.  
While Matters went thus in Rome, the young Caesar, Julius Caesar's Sister's Son, and by Testament left his Heir, arrived at Rome from Apollonia, where he was when his Uncle was killed. The first thing he did was to visit Anthony, as one his Uncle had greatest Obligation to; he spoke to him concerning the Money that was in his hands, and reminded him of the Legacy Caesar had made of seventy five Drachms to every Roman Citizen: Antony at first laughing at such Discourse from so young a man, told him, he wished he were in his Health, and that he wanted good Counsel, and good Friends; to tell him the Burden of being Executor to Caesar, would sit very uneasy upon his young Shoulders. This was no Answer to him, but still he insists to have the Money and other goods which were his Inheritance, insomuch that Antony used him injuriously, thwarted his Interest upon all Occasions, opposed him in his Election of Tribune, and when he urged the dedication of his Father's Golden Chair (as had been Enacted) he threatened to send him to Prison if he desisted not from soliciting the People. This made the young Caesar apply himself to Cicero, and all those that hated Antony, by them he was recommended to the Senate, while he himself courted the People, and from their respective quarters took the old Soldiers, and formed them into a Body: this made Antony so apprehensive, that he gave him a meeting in the Capitol, and after some words they came to an accommodation.  
That night Antony had a very unlucky Dream, fancying that his right hand was Thunder struck, and some few days after he was informed that Caesar designed upon his life. Caesar would have justified himself, but was not believed, so that the breach was now made as wide as ever, each of them posted day and night all about Italy to engage the old Troops that lay scattered in their Quarters, and great were the promises that were made to the Legions that were yet standing. Cicero was of great reputation in Rome and made use of all his Art to exasperate the People against Antony, and at length persuaded the Senate to declare him a public Enemy, and to send to Caesar the Rods and Axes, and all other Marks of Honour, that are usually given to the Praetor, and withal an Order was given to Hirtius and Pansa, who were their Consuls to drive Antony out of Italy. The Armies engaged nigh to Modena, and Caesar himself was present. Antony was defeated, though both the Consuls were slain. Antony in his Flight was pursued by all the misfortune imaginable, and the worst shape it appeared in was famine, but it was in these extremities that he naturally fell into a behaviour, that made him appear a Man much above himself; and Antony in misfortune was not easily distinguished from a virtuous Man. It is no extraordinary matter for Men that fall into great difficulties, to reason right, and understand what by their duty and honour they are bound to do and suffer: Yet there are but a very few, who in great extremities have courage enough to trust to their own Judgement, either to imitate what they admire, or avoid what they Condemn, but abandon themselves to their beloved Ease, and for very want of industry become irresolute. Antony was a most illustrious Example of patience to the Army, who accustomed to so much Luxury and delicacy, could be contented to drink stinking water, and feed upon wild Fruits, and Roots, nay 'tis reported they devoured the very Barks of Trees, and in passing over the Alps they lived upon the Flesh of Beasts, that man had never before tasted of, his design was to join Lepidus, who commanded the Army on t'other side the Alps, who he imagined would stand his sure Friend, he having done him many kind Offices to Julius Caesar; he encamped near Lepidus his Army, but receiving from him no sort of encouragement, was resolved to push his Fortune and venture all. His hair was very long and disordered, nor had he shaved his beard since his last defeat, in this guise, and a mourning Mantle flung over, he came into the Trenches of Lepidus, and began to Harangue the Army, some were moved at his habit, others at his words, that Lepidus liking it not, ordered the Trumpets to sound, that he might be heard no longer. This raised in the Soldiers a greater sense of pity, so that they resolved to send and confer with him, and dressed Laelius and Clodius in women's clothes, and sent them to Antony, they advised him presently to attack Lepidus his Trenches, assuring him that a strong party should receive him, and if so he thought fit kill Lepidus. But Antony would not suffer that any injury should be done him, and next morning he marched his Army to pass over the little River that parted the two Camps, he was the first that gained the other side of the River, where he espied Lepidus his Soldiers in great numbers reaching out their hands to help him; and beating down the works to make him way: Being entered the Camp, and finding himself absolute Master, he treated Lepidus with great civility, and gave him the title of Father, when he spoke to him, and though he had every thing at his own Command, he left him the honour of being called the General. This fair usage brought over to him Munatius Plancus, who was not far off with a considerable Force. Thus being very strong he repassed the Alps, and led with him into Italy, seventeen Legions, and ten thousand Horse, besides six Legions he left in Garrison under the Command of Varius one of his familiar Friends, that used to debauch with him, and was therefore surnamed Cotylon (which signifies a bottle,) Caesar perceiving that Cicero's intention was to re-establish the State in its former liberty, did soon quit that party, and by the Mediation of his Friends came once more to a good understanding with Antony. They both met together with Lepidus in a small Island, where the Conference lasted three days. The Empire of the World was soon determined of, it being divided amongst them, as if it had been their paternal Inheritance: That which gave them all the trouble was to agree who should be put to death, every one intending to destroy his Enemies and to save his Friends. The thirst of being revenged of their Enemies did in the end take off all manner of desire to preserve their Friends, and Caesar sacrificed Cicero to Antony, Antony his Uncle Lucius to Caesar, and both of them did easily grant to Lepidus the Liberty to murder his own Brother Paulus, though there are those that say it was required of him. I do not believe any thing was ever heard of so barbarous as this Composition, for in this exchange of blood for blood, they did not only murder those that were offered up unto their Fury, but them also that they abandoned to the range of others. This Agreement being made the Army desired it might be confirmed by some Alliance of Marriage, so that Caesar married Claudia the Daughter of Fulvia Wife to Antony. This affair being dispatched, three hundred more were adjudged to die (by proscription) Antony had given order to those that were to kill Cicero, to cut off his head and right hand with which he had writ his invectives against him, when they were brought before him, he beheld them with an inward satisfaction, not being able to contain himself from often smiling at so horrid a spectacle, when he had satiated himself with the sight of them, he ordered them to be hung up in the Court where the usual plead were, not considering that the affront he designed to the memory of the dead redounded to his own disgrace, who by this barbarous Action rendered himself unworthy of that power he exercised. His Uncle Lucius being closely pursued had taken refuge in his Sister's Chamber, who when the murderers had broke into her house, and were pressing into her Chamber, she met them at the door, and holding them by the hands cried out several times, Ye shall never kill Lucius, Caesar, till you first dispatch me, me that gave your General his life and being; and she ordered the matter so well that she saved her Brother.  
This Triumvirate was very hateful to the Romans, and Antony was most of all to blame, for he was Elder than Caesar, and had greater Authority than Lepidus, and withal was no sooner settled in his affairs, but he returned to his debauch and dissolute way of living: Beside the ill reputation he had gained by his intemperance, it was very disadvantageous to him his living in the house of Pompey the Great, a Man as much celebrated for his temperance and honesty, as ever he was admired for having Triumphed three times. They could not without regret see the doors of that house shut against the Magistrates and Foreign Ministers, who were shamefully refused admittance, while it was open to Players, Jugglers, and devouring Flatterers, upon whom he spent the greatest part of his ill acquired Riches, for they did not only take the Forfeiture of the Estates of such as were proscribed, defrauding the poor Widows and Orphans, and lay impositions upon all manner of Goods, but hearing that several sums of money were, by as well Strangers as Citizens of Rome, deposited in the hands of the Vestal Virgins, they went and took the money away by force. Caesar perceiving how extravagant Antony was in his Expenses, demanded a division to be made of the Revenues: The Army was also divided upon their march into Macedonia to make War with Brutus and Cassius, they leaving the Command of the City to Lepidus, having passed the Sea they encamped nigh the Enemy; Antony nigh Cassius, and Caesar nigh Brutus: Caesar did nothing worth relating, but success and Victory did still wait on Antony. In the first Battle Caesar was routed by Brutus, all his Baggage taken, and he himself very narrowly escaping by Flight, but as he himself writes in his Memoirs, he retired before the Charge by reason of a dream of one of his Friends. Antony overcame Cassius, but as some write he himself was not present at the Engagement, but that he joined them afterwards in the pursuit. Cassius with earnest entreaty had persuaded his faithful Friend Pindarus, not knowing any thing of Brutus his good Fortune, to kill him. Shortly after they fought another Battle, in which Brutus lost the day and slew himself. Caesar being sick, Antony had the honour of the Action, who finding Brutus his Body among the slain, he gently reproached him with the death of his Brother Caius, who was put to death by Brutus his order in Macedonia in revenge of Cicero, but he said Hortensius was most to blame, who was therefore ordered to be slain upon his Brother's Tomb. He cast his rich purple Mantle upon the dead Body of Brutus, and gave in charge to one of his Servants to take care of his Funeral, who not burning the Mantle with the Corpse, as Antony came to understand, and detaining part of the money which was to be expended in the Funeral, was ordered to be slain. Caesar was carried to Rome, no one expecting that he should recover from his sickness. Whilst Antony visited the Eastern Provinces to lay them under Contribution, he entered Greece at the head of a formidable Army. And the Impositions of necessity were to be very great since they had engaged that every common Soldier should receive for his pay five hundred Crowns.  
Antony's behaviour towards the Grecians was very obliging, he was pleased to entertain himself in hearing the learned men dispute, in seeing their sports, frequenting their Religious Ceremonies, and showed a great deal of equity in deciding of Controversies: He was fond of being styled the Lover of Greece, but above all in being called the Lover of Athens, to which City he had made very considerable presents.  
The Megareans in imitation of the Athenians must needs invite Antony to come and see their Senate House, which whilst he surveyed, they asked him how he liked it? he told them 'twas very narrow and ruinous, he caused an exact survey to be made of the Temple of Apollo Pythius as if he had designed to repair it, and indeed he had engaged himself to the Senate so to do, but passing into Asia, he forgot all these glorious Projects, and leaving Lucius Censorinus in Greece, his whole application was to enrich himself with the Spoils of Asia. There Kings every morning waited his Leisure at his Chamber door, and Queens were rivalling one another, who should make him the greatest presents, or appear most charming in his Eyes. Thus whilst Caesar was engaged in War, and struggling with Seditions in Rome, Antony at his Ease, fell naturally inhis old course of life: The Anaxenores' a set of Harpers, the Xuthi, a company of Players upon the Flute, and Metrodorus a dancing Master, with some other bands of Asian Music, did so much surpass his Italian Masters, that they had got great credit at Court: Nothing ran in the usual Channels, all business passing through their hands, so that all Asia was like the City that Sophocles speaks of, Where▪ 
Joyful sounds i' th' perfumed air  
Mix with Groans and cold despair.   
When he made his Entry into Ephesus, the Women met him in the same habit they solemnize the Feasts of Bacchus, the Men and Boys were dressed like Satyrs and Fauns, and quite throughout the Town nothing was to be seen but spears wreathed about with Ivy, Harps, Flutes and Hautbois, they saluted Antony in their Songs by the Name of Bacchus the gracious and the gentle, and so indeed he was to some, but for the most part he was barbarous and inhuman, for he would deprive persons of worth and quality of their Fortunes to gratify Villains and Flatterers, who would sometimes beg the Estates of Men yet living, pretending they were dead, and obtaining a Grant, take possession: He gave his Cook the House of a Magnetian Citizen for dressing his Supper well. But when he burdened Asia with doubling the Imposts, Hybreas the Agent for those Cities made his remonstrance in very pleasant language, and not ungrateful to Antony, showing him that since he thought fit to double their Taxes he would take some care that they might have their Summer and Autumn doubled too, that they might be in a condition to satisfy his demands: Then he added with some sharpness and assurance; In Asia has been raised for your service two hundred thousand Talents, which if you have not received, take an account of them that Levied it, but if it be received and yet you are in want, we are for ever ruined. These last words did touch Antony to the quick, who, very ignorant of many things that were done in his name, not that in his nature he was easily to be imposed upon, but by reason he had too great confidence in the integrity of those he employed. He was naturally very sincere, but somewhat slow of apprehension, but so soon as he was made sensible of his faults, he was much troubled, and very ready to ask pardon of them he had offended, he was very prodigal in his rewards, and very severe in his punishments, but his Generosity was much more extravagant than his Severity; his Raillery was very sharp, but the edge of it was taken off, and rendered inoffensive by his suffering any thing of Repartee; for he was as well contented to be handsomely rallyed, as he was pleased to rally others; this freedom had its inconvenience, for he imagined that those Friends, who used so much freedom in their mirth, would never flatter or deceive him in any business of consequence, not perceiving that these subtle Parasites dressed their fulsome flattery with a little pointed sauce to make it go down the better, which must have given him a surfeit had it not been disguised, and great use was made of the Liberty in business of importance, for upon examining any difficulty they ordered their affair so that they might seem not to yield to him out of complaisance, but that he had a reach much Superior to their capacity.  
Antony being of this disposition, the greatest 
He falls in Love with Cleopatra.  mischief that could befall him was the Love of Cleopatra, which awakened and inflamed many a hidden dormant Vice, and if there were any spark of Virtue yet remaining, it stifled it entirely. And thus it was his Love began; making preparation for the Parthian War, he sent to Command her to make her personal appearance in Cilicia to answer an accusation that she had given great assistance in the late Wars to Cassius. Delleus who was sent on this Message had no sooner seen her admirable beauty, and with what a quickness and grace she received him, but he began to consider how impossible it was that so beautiful a Creature should receive any ill treatment at the hands of Antony, and therefore he behaved himself with all respect to her, courted her with all humility to pass into Cilicia in splendid Equipage, and entreated her not to be apprehensive of Antony, a brave and courteous Soldier. She had great Faith in the words of Dellius, but more in her own Beauty, which having formerly recommended her to Julius Caesar and the young Pompey, she did not doubt but it might prove successful with Antony: Their Acquaintance was with her when a Girl, young and ignorant in the Arts of Love, but she was now to meet Antony in the flower of her age with all the Charms of Beauty, and all the artifice of riper years: she makes great preparation for her Journey, of Money, Gifts and other Ornaments of great value, which so wealthy a Kingdom did easily afford, but in her own irresistible Charms lay her great assurance: many were the Letters she received from Antony to hasten her coming, but she did not seem to make any great account of his Orders. At length she embarks upon a small Galley in the River Cydnus; the head of the Barge did shine with inlaid Gold, the Sails were of Purple Silk, the Oars of Silver, which beat time to the Flutes and Hautbois; she herself lay all along under a Canopy of Cloth of Gold curiously embroidered, dressed as Venus is ordinarily represented, and beautiful young Boys like Cupids stood on each side to fan her, her Maids were dressed like Sea Nymphs and Graces, some steering the Rudder, some working at the Ropes; the perfumes diffused themselves from the Vessel to the Shore, which was all covered with multitudes meeting and following the Galley, all the People running out of the City to see this strange sight, left Antony alone upon the Tribunal, and a rumour was spread abroad that Venus was come to Feast with Bacchus for the common good of Asia: Assoon as she was arrived Antony sent to invite her to Supper, but she thought it more decent that Antony should come to her, who to show his civility to a Stranger made no difficulty to wait on her; he found the preparations very magnificent, but nothing was so admirable as the great number of Lights, for on a sudden there was let down altogether so great a number of branches with Lights in them so ingeniously disposed, some in squares, and some in circles, that Fame cannot speak of a greater piece of curiosity. The next day Antony invited her to Supper, and was very desirous to outdo her as well in Magnificence as contrivance, but he came short of both, and was so much convinced of it that he began to despise and laugh at his own way of service. She perceiving that Antony's raillery was very gross, and savoured more of the Soldier than the Courtier, she gave herself the liberty to use him in the same manner without any sort of reserve. Cleopatra was not, as is reported, of so surprising a Beauty, that no one could be compared with her, or that no one could behold her without astonishment, but her Conversation had those Charms that were not to be resisted, and that natural grace and sweetness which appeared in every thing she said or did, stung her beholders to the Soul. Her tongue was hung so harmoniously, that no Instrument was capable of more variety of sounds. She spoke most Languages, there were but few of the barbarous Nations that she answered by an Interpreter, to most of them she gave Audience herself, as to the Aethiopians, Troglodytes, Hebrews, Arabians, Syrians, Medes, Parthians, and many others, which is the more admirable in consideration that the most of the Kings her Predecessors could scarce attain to the Egyptian tongue, and that several of them had quite forgot the Macedonian, which was their original Language.  
Antony was so strangely taken with this Woman, that notwithstanding Fulvia his Wife maintained his quarrels in Rome against Caesar with great difficulty, and that the Parthian Troops commanded by Labienus (that King having made him General) were assembled in Mesopotamia, and ready to enter Syria, could yet suffer himself to be carried away by her into Alexandria, there to lead an easy Childish life in divertisements too youthful for his age, squandring away as Antipho calls it his most precious and not to be retrieved time. They gave their way of living a particular name, call it, the inimitable life. They treated one another by turns, and their Expenses were without reason or measure. I remember I have heard my Grandfather Lamprias relate that Philotas a Physician of Amphyssa, who was at that time a Student in Alexandria, had told him, that he having an acquaintance with one of Antony's Cooks was invited by him to see what sumptuous preparations they were making for Supper, coming into the Kitchen, he admired the prodigious variety of all things, but particularly seeing eight wild Boars roasted whole, says he, surely you have a great number of Guests; the Cook laughed at his simplicity, and told him there was not above twelve to sup, but that every Dish was to be served up just roasted to a turn, and if any thing was but one minute ill timed 'twas spoiled, for, said he, may be Antony will sup just now, may be not this hour, may be not these two hours, for that he has a mind to spend some time in drinking or discoursing, so that it is not one but many suppers must be had in readiness, for it was not easy to guests at his hour. This was Philotas his Story, who related besides how coming afterwards into the service of Antony's eldest Son by Fulvia, and being admitted with others of the better rank of Servants to sit at Table with him, when he did not eat with his Father, it happened that another Physician, full of argument and noise had given great disturbance to the Company, whose mouth Philotas stopped with this Sophistical Syllogism: It is proper to give cold water to one that has a Fever in some degree; every one that has a Fever hath it in some degree; it is good therefore to give cold water in a Fever. The Man was quite struck dumb, and Antony's Son very much pleased, said, Philotas all that is yours, pointing to a side-board covered with rich plate. Philotas thanked him for his good will, but could not conceive that the young Man had power to dispose of things of that value, but soon after the Plate was all brought to him, and he desired to set his mark upon it, who fearing to accept the present, what ails the Man (said he that brought it) do you know that he that gives you this is Antony's Son, who could very well spare it if it were all gold, but if you will be advised by me, I would counsel you to accept of the value in money, for there may be amongst the rest some piece of antiquity, or the Work of some famous Master that Antony may have a particular esteem for. These relations I had from my Grandfather concerning Philotas.  
To return to Cleopatra: Plato admits 
Cleopatra's humouring him.  but of four sorts of Flattery, but this Woman would have learned him a thousand different kinds, that he ne'er dreamed off: Were Antony serious or disposed to mirth, she had every minute new graces and new arts to season all, with pleasure and delight, she had the absolute power over his Spirit, and never left him day nor night, she played at Dice with him, drank with him, hunted with him, and when exercising in Arms she was always by him, she would go a rambling with him a nights, to disturb and torment People under their Windows, dressed like an ordinary Woman, for Antony went in Servants disguise, and from those expeditions he often came home very scurvily treated and sometimes beaten severely. Though this sort of behaviour was very unpleasing to some, yet the Alexandrians were well satisfied in his frolicks and jovial humour, saying pleasantly, that they had great obligations for Antony, who diverted them with a Comical Countenance, and reserved the Tragical for the Romans. It would be very tedious to be more particular in his follies, but his fishing must not be forgot. He went out one day to angle with Cleopatra, and being so unfortunate as to catch nothing in the presence of his Mistress, he fell into a great passion, and gave secret orders to the Fishermen to dive under water, and put Fishes that had been fresh taken upon his hooks, he drew so fast that the subtle Egyptian perceived it, but feigning great admiration, she told every body how dexterous Antony was, and invited them next day to come and see him again; so soon as he had let down his hook, one of her Servants was too nimble for his Divers, and fixed upon his hook a salted Fish taken in the Pontic Sea, who when he felt his Line give, drew up the prey, which, as one may easily imagine, gave great occasion of Laughter, which she turning very agreeably, said, Allow us, brave Sir, poor inhabitants of Charos and Canopus the reputation to be skilful in this Art, your Game is Cities, Provinces, and Kingdoms.  
Whilst Antony was thus amused in his 
Leaves Alexandria.  Childish recreations, two Messengers arrive, the one from Rome, who informs him that his Brother Lucius and his Wife Fulvia, after many quarrels among themselves had joined to resist Caesar, but having lost all were forced to fly out of Italy: The other brought little better news, how that Labienus at the head of the Carthians had overran Asia from Euphrates and Syria all along to Lydia and jonia, scarce could he be roused from this sleep, but at length as it were recovering from a drunken Fit, he sets onward for Parthia, and having got as far as Phoenicia, upon the receipt of most lamentable Letters from Fulvia, he turned his Course with two hundred Ships to Italy, and in his way, receiving such of his Friends as fled from Italy, he was given to understand that Fulvia was the sole cause of the War, a Woman of a restless Spirit, and very bold, and withal, her hopes were that the commotions in Italy would force Antony from Cleopatra. But it happened that Fulvia as she was coming to meet her husband, fell sick by the way, and died at Sicyon, by which reason an accommodation with Caesar was easily made, for those that were Friends to them both, seeing Antony arrived in Italy, and nothing laid to his charge, but what he disowned, and shifted off upon Fulvia, they would not suffer that the time should be spent in justifying and accusing, 
Is reconciled to Caesar.  they made them both Friends, and so proceeded to the division of the Empire, the Eastern Provinces were given to Antony, to Caesar the Western, and Africa left to Lepidus; and an agreement was made that every one in their turn, as they thought fit, should make their Friends Consuls, when they took it not themselves: this Agreement was well approved of, but yet 'twas thought a Stronger tye would be very necessary, and here Fortune was propitious, for Caesar had an elder Sister not of the whole blood, for Accia was his Mother's name, hers Ancharia; this Sister he loved entirely, and a Lady she was of a Noble Character, the Relict of Caius Marcellus, and Antony was now a Widower by the death of Fulvia; for though he did not disavow the passion he had for Cleopatra, yet he disowned any thing of Marriage, Love and Reason still debating in his Breast what was to become of the fair Egyptian Queen. Every body was for promoting this Marriage, it being the general expectation, that a Lady of so much Honour, Beauty and Prudence, being perpetually with Antony, and having great credit with him, as might reasonably be expected, affairs would easily be so ordered, that no difference should arise betwixt him and Caesar: Both parties being agreed, they went to Rome to celebrate the 
Marries Octavia.  Nuptials, the Senate dispensing with the Law by which a Widow was not permitted to marry till ten Months after the death of her Husband.  
Sextus Compeius was in possession of Sicily, who with his Ships under the command of Menas and Menecrates two famous Pirates, infested the Italian Coast, that no Vessels durst venture into those Seas. Sextus had behaved himself with much humanity towards Antony, having kindly received his Wise and Mother in their Flight, and it was judged fit that he should be received into the peace: they met nigh to the Promontory of Misenum upon a point of Land that runs into the Sea, Pompey's Fleet being at anchor in the Road, and Antony and Caesar's Army drawn up all along the Side over against them. There it was concluded that Sextus should quietly enjoy the Government of Sicily and Sardinia, he conditioning to scour the Seas of all Pirates, and to send so much Corn every year to Rome.  
This agreed on, they invited one another to supper, and by lot it fell to Pompey's turn to make the first entertainment, and Antony ask where it was to be, there said he, pointing to the Admiral, for that is the only House that Pompey is Heir to of his Fathers: And this he said reflecting upon Antony who then was in possession of his Father's House. Having cast Anchor and made a Bridge from the promontory into the Galley he received them very gallantly, when they began to grow warm, which occasioned many pleasant passages upon the subject of Antony's and Cleopatra's loves, Menas the Pirate whispers Pompey in the ear, Sir, said he, will you be pleased that I cut the Cable, which will not only make you Master of Sicily and Sardinia but of the whole Roman Empire. Pompey having for a while considered what was proposed, returned him this answer, Menas this might have been done without acquainting me in't, now let us make the best of our present condition, for I cannot break my word. And so having been treated by the other two in their turns he set fail for Sicily.  
As soon as matters were concerted Antony dispatched Ventidius into Asia to put a stop to the inroads of the Carthians, and he to make a compliment to Octavius accepted of the Office of being Priest to the deceased Caesar, and in all occasions of common civility, as also in matters of the highest concernment, they both behaved themselves with a great deal of easiness and friendship: But Antony could not suffer with patience, that Caesar, in all little plays which they frequently diverted themselves with, should be constantly victorious: He had usually with him an Egyptian, skilful in the calculation of Nativities, who either to make his Court to Cleopatra, or that by the rules of his Art he found it so to be, did declare to him, that though the Fortune that did attend him was bright and glorious, yet it was overshadowed by Caesar's; and advised him to keep himself far distant from that young Man, for your Genius, said he, dreads his. When absent from him yours is proud and brave, but in his presence unmanly and dejected; and the event did show that the Egyptian spoke truth, for whensoever they played by drawing lots or at dice Antony was still the loser; and as they often fought game Cocks or Quails, Caesar's always had the Victory. This gave Antony a sensible displeasure, and made him put great confidence in the skill of his Egyptian ginger, so that having quitted the management of the home affairs to Caesar, he left Italy and took Octavia along with him into Greece, who had been lately brought to bed of a Daughter.  
Whilst he wintered in Athens he received the joyful news of Ventidius his Victory over the Carthians, of Labienus, and Charnapates, the General of King Herod's Army, being both slain; for the celebrating of which he ordered a public feast through Greece, and at the prizes which were fought at Athens he himself chose to be Moderator, and leaving at home the Ensigns that are carried before the General, he made his procession in a long Gown and Slippers with the wands marching before, which are usual in those solemnities, and he performed his duty in parting the combatants, when they had fought enough. When he was upon marching his Army he made him a garland of the Olive Tree consecrated to Minerva, and in obedience to some Oracle he filled a Vessel with the water of the 
* The Clepsidra was an hour glass with water instead of sand: That here mentioned is probably the public measure of time when causes were heard; of which six parts was allotted to the Accuser, nine to the Criminal, and one to the Judge.  Clepsidra to carry along with him. Pacorus the Parthian Kings Son at this time made an inroad into Syria, and was met by Ventidius, who gave him Battle in the Country of Cyrrestica, slew most of his Men and Pacorus among the rest. This Victory gave great reputation to the Romans and redeemed their honour, which had suffered much ever since the defeat of Crassus, the Parthians being obliged after the loss of three Battles successively, to keep themselves within the bounds of Media and Mesopotamia: Ventidius not being willing to push his good Fortune any further, for fear of raising some jealousy in Antony, but turning his Arms against them that had quitted the Roman interest, he reduced them to their former obedience: Among the rest he besieged Antiochus King of Commogena, who made an offer of a thousand talents for his pardon, and a promise to continue in a strict compliance to all Antony's commands; but Ventidius told him that Antony was upon his march, and that he must send his proposals to him; for that he had no power to treat with him to the end that this small affair might be transacted in Antony's name, that People might not think, that he did nothing but by his Lieutenants. The Siege grew very tedious, for when they perceived that they could not make any reasonable composition, they resolved to hold it out to the utmost extremity, so that Antony was in great confusion to see how little he had done, and repented himself that he had not accepted the first offer; in the conclusion he was easily induced to make an accommodation with Antiochus for three hundred Talents, and having given some orders for the affairs of Syria he returned to Athens: And having done Ventidius the honours he well deserved, he dismissed him to receive his Triumph; he was the only Man that ever triumphed for Victories obtained o'er the Parthians: A Man of obscure Birth, but by the means of Antony's friendship obtained an opportunity of showing himself, and doing great things; and his making so good use of it gave great credit to an observation made by Caesar, that Antony was much more successful in his Arms, by his Lieutenants, than in his own Person; for Sossius, Antony's Lieutenant in Syria, had done miracles: And Ventidius, whom he left in Armenia, had quieted all that Country, and defeating the Kings of Albania and Ibe●ia, had marched victorious to the Mountains of Caucasus, by which means the same of Antony's arms was grown very terrible to the barbarous Nations.  
Antony was much incensed against Caesar, by reason of several reports, that were made him of his unkindness, so that he set sail with three hundred Ships for Italy, and being refused harbour in the Port of Brundisium, he made for Tarentum; there his Wife Octavia, that came from Greece with him, obtained leave to visit her Brother, she was then big of her third Child; as she was on her way to Rome, she met Octavius by the way, his two great Friends, Maecenas and Agrippa, in his company, she took them aside, and with great impressment, told them, that of the most fortunate Woman upon Earth she was in evident danger of becoming the most miserable Creature breathing; that every one's eyes were fixed upon her, as the Wife and Sister of the two Men, that did divide the whole World between them, but that, if rash counsels should prevail, and war ensue, I shall be miserable (said she) without redress, for on what side soever Victory falls, I shall be sure to be a loser. Caesar was softened by the entreaties of his Sister, so that he marched in a peaceful manner to Tarentum. They that were present at this Interview were strangely delighted to see so great an Army drawn up by the Shore, and so great a Fleet in the Harbour without doing any act of hostility; nothing but kind Salutations, and other expressions of joy and friendship passing from one Army to th' other. Antony invited Caesar first to supper, which he accepted of in consideration of Octavia: At length an agreement was made between them, that Caesar should give Antony two of his Legions to serve him in the Parthian War, and that Antony should in return leave with him an hundred armed Galleys: And Octavia did obtain of her Husband besides this, twenty light Ships for her Brother: And of her Brother a thousand Foot for her Husband: So having parted very good friends, Caesar went immediately to make War with Pompey to conquer Sicily: And Antony leaving with him his Wife and Children, and his Children by his former Wife Fulvia, set sail for Asia. Then it was that the worst of infectious diseases, Love, and the Love of Cleopatra, which had lain quiet in his breast so long, and seemed to have given place to the temperate duties of Life, upon his approach to Syria, gathered strength again, and broke out into a flame; and unbridled Lust, which Plato calls the horse of the Soul, that has flung his Rider, broke loose in defiance of all wholesome and serious Counsel: He sends Fonteius Capito to conduct Cleopatra into Syria, to whom at her arrival, he made no small present; for besides what he had given her, he added the Provinces of Phoenicia, the Lower Syria, Cyprus, great part of Cilicia, and that side of Judea, which produces the true Balm, that part of Arabia, where the Nabathaeans are, by the Seaside; these profuse gifts did much displease the Romans; for although he had invested several private persons in great Governments and Kingdoms, and bereft many Kings of theirs, as Antigonus of Judea, whose head he caused to be struck off, the first crowned head, that ever suffered that opprobrious death. Yet nothing was so grievous to the Romans, as the vile profusions he made upon that Woman, and their dissatisfaction was much augmented by giving the Surnames of the Sun & Moon to Alexander and Cleopatra, Twins born to him by her. But he, who knew how to varnish over the most dishonest Action with specious colours, would say, that the greatness of the Roman Empire consisted more in giving, than in taking Kingdoms, and that the Noble Blood of Kings was communicated to all the World, when they left their Offspring in every place they came, and that by this means he had the honour to descend from Hercules, who never recommended the hopes of his Posterity to the guard of any one Woman, nor feared to transgress the Laws of Solon, in order to observe the great Dictates of Nature, which gives such lively instruction towards the continuance of our Race.  
After Phraortes had killed his Father Herod, and taken possession of his Kingdom, many of the Parthian Nobility left their Country; among the rest, Moneses, a Nobleman of great Authority, who making his application to Antony, was received with great kindness; for he looked upon him as one in the Circumstances of Themistocles, and his own Fortune, considering his great Wealth, was comparable to the Persian Kings; for he gave him three Cities, Larissa, Arethusa, and Hierapolis, which was formerly called Bombyce. But the King of Parthia did soon recall him, giving him his Word and Honour for his Safety; and Antony was not unwilling to give him leave to return, hoping thereby to surprise Phráortes; for he sent him word he would remain his Friend, upon condition he would send back the Roman Standards and Ensigns which were taken by the Parthians, when Crassus was slain, and withal the Prisoners that remained yet alive of that Battle. This done, he sent Cleopatra into Egypt, and gathering his Forces together, and joining the associate Kings (for there were many of them; the most considerable was Artuasdes, King of Armenia, who came at the head of six thousand Horse, and seven thousand Foot) he made a general Muster; there appeared sixty thousand Roman Foot, ten thousand Horse, consisting of Spann●rds and Gauls, who were esteemed of as Romans; of other Nation's horse and Foot, thirty thousand; and these great Preparations, that made India tremble, and put all Asia into a consternation, were of no use to him, because of Cleopatra, for in order to pass the Winter with her, every thing was done in haste, he was so charmed and bewitched with the Thoughts of his Mistress, that his Soul was employed in overcoming the Difficulties that kept him from her, more than in any design of vanquishing the Enemy; for whereas he should have taken up his Winter-Quarters in Armenia, to refresh his Men, who were tired with long Marches, having come at least five hundred Leagues, and then to have taken the advantage in the beginning of the Spring to invade Media, before the Parthians were drawn out of Garrison, he had not patience to expect his time, but marched into the Province of Atropatene, leaving Armenia on the right hand, and laying waste all that Country, his haste was so great, that he left behind all the Engines of Battery, which followed the Camp in three hundred Chariots; among the other Engines, there was a Ram of fourscore foot long, which was of great use in his Designs; and it was impossible, if they were either lost or endamaged, to repair them, or make the like; for the Provinces of the upper Asia produce not Trees long or straight enough for such Uses; nevertheless he left them all behind, as a great impediment to the Designs he had then projected; so that he had left a Party commanded by Tatianus, to guard them, and he himself laid Siege to Phraata, the principal City of the King of Media, wherein were that King's Wife and Children: Here it was that he was soon made sensible of the Error he committed in leaving the battering Rams behind him; for not having wherewithal to make a Breach, he was constrained with infinite pains to cast up a Mount of Earth against the Wall; during the Siege, Phraortes arrives with a great Army; who understanding that the Chariots were left behind, with the battering Engines, he sent thither a strong Party of Horse, by which Tatianus, with ten thousand Horse are slain, the Engines all broke in pieces, many taken Prisoners, and among the rest, King Polemon. This great Miscarriage in the opening the Campagne, did much discourage Antony's Army, and Artuasdes King of Armenia, despairing of any better Success, withdrew himself with all his Forces from the Roman Camp, although he had been the chief Promoter of the War. The Parthians encouraged by this Success, came up to the Romans at the Siege of their Royal City, and gave them many Affronts; upon which, Antony fearing that the Soldiers might lose Courage, or have a less esteem of him, if he lay idle, he, with all the Horse, three Praetorian Cohorts, and ten Legions, was resolved to go out and forage, designing by this means to draw the Enemy with more advantage to a Battle; and to effect this, he marched a Day's Journey from hi● Camp, which did bring the Parthians to a Battle, who were drawn up in readiness to charge him so soon as he should march; he order therefore the Tents and Baggage to be packed up, as if his intention were to decline the giving Battle, and only to lead his Men back to the Camp. The Enemy was drawn up in a Half-Moon, and Antony had given order to the Horse to charge them briskly so soon as the Legions were come up nigh enough to second them. The Parthians standing still while the Romans marched by them, were in great admiration of their manlike Behaviour, and exact Discipline, nothing could be more just than the distance which was kept between the Ranks, and the shaking their Pikes as they passed by, in a profound silence, was very graceful; but when the Signal was given, the Horse turned short upon the Parthians, and with loud Cries charged them home; they were bravely received at first; but the Legions coming up with loud shouts and rattling of their Arms, did so frighten the Horses, and soon the Parthians themselves, that they could keep their ground no longer. Antony pressed them hard, in great hopes that this Victory should give an end to the War; the Foot had them in pursuit three Leagues, and the Horse nine, and the Advantage summed up, they had but thirty Prisoners, and there was but fourscore slain: This was a great discouragement to them, to consider, that when they were victorious, their Advantage was so small, and that when they were beaten, they lost so great a number of Men; as it happened when the Carriages were taken.  
The next day, having put the Baggage in order, they marched back to the Camp before Phraata: in the way, meeting with some scattering Troops of the Enemy, and as they marched further, with greater Parties, at length with the Body of the Enemy's Army, fresh and in good order, who charged them, and broke their Ranks, that it was not without great difficulty that they reached the Camp. There Antony finding that his men had in a great consternation deserted the defence of the Mount, upon a Sally of the Medes, resolved to proceed against them by decimation, which is done by dividing the Legions by Ten, and out of every Ten, to put one to death, as it happens by Lot, and for them that escape, they have, instead of Wheat, their proportion of Corn in Barley. The War was now become grievous to both Parties; but was more dreadful to Antony, in respect that he was threatened with Famine, for he could no longer forage without great hazard and slaughter of his Men. And Phraortes on the other side, who was not ignorant of the humour of his men, did more than suspect, that if the Romans did obstinately persist in their resolution of carrying on the Siege, the Autumnal Equinox being past, and the Rains threatening him he should be deserted by his Soldiers, who would suffer any thing rather than wintering in open Field; to prevent which, he gave order to his chief Officers, not to pursue the Romans too close, when they met them foraging, but to suffer them to carry off some Provision; that they should praise their Valour, and declare, that it was not without just reason, that their King looked upon the Romans as the bravest men in the world, and that they should upon opportunity of more familiar Discourse blame Antony for his obstinacy, that whereas Phraortes desiring nothing more than Peace, and an occasion to show how ready he was to save the lives of so many brave Soldiers, he on the contrary, should defeat all his generous Designs, and trust himself rather to Winter and Famine, two Enemies, that must of necessity destroy them, though the Parthians should use all friendly endeavours to preserve them. Antony having these Reports from many hands, began to be in some hopes; but he would not send any Ambassadors to the Parthian, till he was informed by these kind Enemies, whether what they said was of their own head, or by order of their King, receiving answer that this was the sense of their Master, and new encouragement to believe them, Antony sent some of his Friends to demand the Standards and Prisoners that were yet remaining in his hands since the defeat of Crassus, lest if he should ask nothing, he might be supposed to be too much overjoyed with leave to make his retreat in quiet. The Parthian King made answer, That as for the Prisoners, he need not trouble himself; but if he thought fit to retreat, he might do it when he pleased, in peace and safety. Some few days therefore being spent in ordering the Baggage, he resolved upon his March; and here it was that Antony, the man in the world the fittest to harangue the Army, finding himself oppressed with shame and grief, could not find in his heart to speak himself, but employed Domitius Aenobarbus; many of the Soldiers resented it, as an undervaluing of them; but the better sort saw the true cause, and thought this rather an argument, why they on their side should treat their General with more respect than ordinary. Antony having resolved to return by the same way he came, which was through a plain flat Country, a certain Mardian came to him (one that was very conversant with the Manners of the Parthians, and whose fidelity to the Romans, had been tried at the Battle where the Machine's were lost) and advised him to leave the Mountains on his right hand, and not to expose his Men heavy armed in an open Country to the Assaults of a numerous Army of light Horse and Archers, that Phraortes with fair promises had persuaded him from the Siege, that he might with more ease cut him off in his Retreat; but if so he pleased, he would conduct him a nigher way, where he should find the Necessaries for his Army in greater abundance. Antony upon this, began to consider what was best to be done; he was unwilling to seem to have any Mistrust of the Parthians after their Treaty; but being more desirous to march his Army the nighest and most convenient way, he demanded of the Mardian some assurance of his Faith, who offered himself to be bound until the Army came safe into Armenia. Two days he conducted the Army bound, and on the third, when Antony little expected the Enemy, but marched in no very good order, the Mardian perceiving the Banks of a River broken down, and the Water overflowing the way by which they were to pass, did imagine that this might be done by the Parthians, to hinder their March, and did therefore advise Antony to be upon his Guard, for that the Enemy was nigh; and no sooner had he put his men in order, disposing of the Slingers in the Front, to make the onset; but the Parthians came pouring upon them, thinking to encompass the Army; they were received by the light Horse, which were sore galled by their Javelins, but they themselves being warmly entertained, and many wounded, made their retreat, but soon after rallying up afresh, they were beat back by a Battalion of gallic Horse, and appeared no more that day. By their manner of Attack, Antony being instructed what to do, did not only place the slings and javelins in the Front, but lined both the wings with the same, and so marched in a square Battle, giving order to the Horse to charge and beat off the Enemy, but not to follow them too far as they retired. So that the Parthians not doing much more Mischief for the four ensuing days than they received, began to abate in their heat, and complaining that the Winter-Season was much advanced, pressed for returning home.  
On the fifth Day Flavius Gallus, a brave Officer, who had a considerable Command in the Army, came to Antony, desiring of him some Troops of light Horse out of the Rear, and some other Horse out of the front, with the which he would undertake to do some considerable service. Which when he had obtained, he beat the Enemy back, not retiring, as was usual, to the Gross of the Army, but making his ground good, and pressing on with great obstinacy, the Officers who commanded in the Rear of this Detachment, perceiving how far he had got from the Body of the Army, sent to warn him back, but he took no notice of them. 'Tis said, that Titius the Questor snatched the Colours, and retreated, telling Gallus that he did very ill to lead so many brave men on to certain destruction, he on the other side, reviling him again, and commanding the men that were about him to stand firm, Titius made his retreat, but Gallus charging the enemies in the Front, was encompassed by a Party that fell upon his Rear; which at length perceiving, he sent a Messenger to demand succour; but they that commanded the Legions, among which was Canidius, a particular Favourite of Antony's, seemed to have committed a great oversight; for instead of marching up with the whole Army, they sent small Parties, and when they were defeated, they still sent out small Parties; so that by their ill management, the whole Army was in danger of being routed, which had certainly happened if Antony himself had not marched from the front of the main Battle at the head of the third Legion; which passing through them that fled, faced the Enemies, & hindered them from any farther pursuit. In this Engagement, were killed three thousand, five thousand were carried back to the Camp, the wounded, amongst the rest, Gallus shot through the Body with four Arrows, of which wounds he died. Antony went from Tent to Tent, to visit and comfort the wounded, and was not able to see his men without weeping, but they would take him by the hand cheerfully, and entreat him to go and get his own Wounds dressed, and not concern himself for them; calling him their Emperor and their General, and that if he did well, they were safe. For in short, never since that time can Fame make mention of a General at the Head of so gallant a Body of Men; whether you consider Strength and Youth, or Patience and Sufferance in all Labours and Fatigues; but as for the exact Obedience, and particular Respect they bore their General, that good will and perfect Friendship, that was so universal in the Army amongst Small and Great, Nobles and Peasants, Officers and common Soldiers, so affectionate, and so devoted to him, as to prefer his good Opinion of them to their very Lives and Being; that in this part of Military Discipline I may boldly say they equalled the Glory and Reputation of ancient Rome. Of which Love, as I have said before, many were the Reasons, as the Nobility and Antiquity of his Family, his Eloquence, his Behaviour, his Liberality, and Magnificence, his Familiarity in entertaining every Body, and particularly, his Kindness in assisting, visiting and bewailing the sick, furnishing them with all things necessary, that the poor Wretches that were sick and wounded, were as heartily disposed to serve, as those that enjoyed their Health and Vigour. But this last Victory had so encouraged the Enemy, that they began to despise the Romans, staying all night on horseback, nigh the Camp, in expectation of Plundering their Tents and Baggage, which they concluded they must desert, as a great impediment in their flight; and in the morning new Forces arrived, that their number was grown to be at least 40000 Horse. The King having sent Guards that attended upon his own Person, as to a sure and unquestioned Victory; for he himself was never present in fight. Antony designing to harangue the Soldiers, called for his mourning-habit, that he might move them the more; but he was persuaded by his Friends to put on the habit of General. In his Speech he gave great commendations to them that had gained the victory; as for those that fled, he blamed them much; the former gave him great Encouragement in their brave Promises; and the latter excusing themselves as well as they could, told him they were ready to undergo decimation, or if there were any other punishment he would please to inflict upon them they did submit cheerfully, only entreating that he would forget and not discompose himself with their faults, at which he lifted up his hands to Heaven, and prayed the Gods, that if to balance the great favours he had received of them, any judgement lay in store, that they would pour it upon his head alone, and grant that Army victory. The next day they took better order for their march, and the Parthians, who thought they were marching rather to plunder than to fight were surprised to find the enemy not disheartened, but fresh and resolute, so that they themselves began to lose courage; but for all this, at the descent of a little Hill, where the Romans were obliged to pass, the Parthians got together, and let fly their arrows in great showers upon them, and by reason of the difficulty of the way, their march was very slow. Here the Legions that were armed at all points were ordered to defend on each side the light armed, by kneeling down on their knees, a●d holding their shields stooping over them, the next rank holding theirs over the first, and so onwards, that the army in this figure did much resemble the order that is observable in the tiling of a House, or the degrees in a Theatre, and is a sure defence against Arrows, which glance upon them without doing any harm. The Parthians seeing the Romans down upon their knees could not imagine but that it must proceed from weariness; so that they laid down their Bows, and taking their Spears made a fierce onset: when the Romans with a great cry leapt upon their Legs, and with their Lances slew the foremost and put the rest to flight. After this rate it was every day, and the trouble they gave Antony was so vexatious that his marches were short, by reason of which the famine was very great in the Camp, for they could get but little Corn, and that which they got they were forced to fight for, and besides this they were in great want of Instruments to grind their Corn, and make their Bread, they had left them behind, the baggage horses being dead, or otherwise employed in carrying the sick and wounded: Provision was so scarce in the Army, that half a Peck of Wheat was sold for five Crowns, and Oats for the weight in Silver; they were brought to feed upon Herbs and Roots, such as are commonly eaten were very scarce, so that they were constrained to venture upon any they found, among others they happened upon an Herb that was mortal, which did first take away all sense and understanding. He that had eaten of it remembered nothing in the World; and employed himself wholly in removing of stones from one place to another, which he did with as much earnestness and industry, as if it had been a business of the greatest consequence, and required dispatch; through all the Camp there was nothing to be seen but Men grubling upon the ground for stones, which they carried from one place to another, but in the end after having vomited much Choler they fell down dead, and chiefly this when their Wine began to fail, which was a sovereign remedy against this distemper. When Antony saw them die so fast, and the Parthian still in pursuit, he was heard to cry out, O the ten Thousand, the ten Thousand! In remembrance of the famous retreat of Xenophon, who when he had a longer journey to make from Babylon, and a more powerful enemy to deal with, brought his Men home safe. The Parthians finding that they could not defeat the Roman Army, nor in no wise break the order of their Battle, and that withal they had been so often worsted, began to treat the foragers with a great deal of humanity; they came up to them in all appearance of friendship with their Bows unbended telling them that they were going home to their houses, that they had quite given o'er the pursuit, and that only some Median troops would follow them for two or three days, not with any design to annoy them, but only for the defence of some scattering Villages, and saying this, they saluted them and embraced them with a great show of friendship. Antony, who had all along a great desire to march through the flat Country, hearing these discourses was almost resolved to march the open way, and so much the more in regard that no water was to be hoped for in those Mountains. But while he was deliberating, Mithridates arrived in the Camp, he was first cousin to Moneses, of whom we related that he came for refuge into the Roman Army, and received in gift from Antony three Cities. Upon his arrival he desired some body might be brought to him that could speak Syriack or the Parthian Tongue. One Alexander of Antioch a friend of Antony's was brought to him, to whom the stranger declared, that he was sent to Antony from Moneses in acknowledgement of the favours and honours he had received from him, and to make him a return if it were possible; he asked Alexander if he saw those high Hills, pointing at some distance: He told him yes. 'Tis there said he the whole Parthian Army attend your passage, the great Plains behind those Hills will be very advantageous to you in your march, and therefore there they do expect you in ambush, being persuaded you will confide in their promises, and leave the way of the Mountains; 'tis true that in passing o'er the Mountains you will suffer the usual inconveniences for want of water, and the fatigue will be somewhat the greater; but if you pass through the plains, Antony must in all appearance run the fortune of Crassus. This said, he departed. Antony call his friends in Council, sent for the Mardian guide, who was of the same opinion. He told them that the way through the plain was a great way about, and very difficult to find, that the other indeed was rough, but than it was but for a day. Changing therefore his mind, he marched away that night, and commanded that every one should carry water sufficient for his own use, but most of them being unprovided of vessels; they made shift with their helmets, those that had bottles filled them for their own use. The Parthians were no sooner acquainted that the Romans were on their march, but they followed them, contrary to their custom, the same night, and by break of day they fell in with the rear, which was quite tired with marching, and want of sleep, that they were not in condition of making any considerable defence, for they had marched fifteen leagues that night, and at the end of their journey found the enemy at their heels, which put them out of all patience; besides being to fight for every step of the way they made in their retreat their thirst was increased beyond all sufferance. Those that were in the front of the Army were come up to a River, the water of which was extremely cool and clear, but brackish and medicinal, and being drank caused an unquenchionable thirst, and acute pains in the Bowels; of this the Mardian had forewarned them, but their thirst was so great, that beating back them that opposed them, they drank largely of it. Antony ran from one place to another, begging they would have a little patience, that not far off there was a River of wholesome water, and that the rest of the way was so difficult for the Horse that the Enemy could pursue them no further; and saying this, he ordered to sound a retreat to call them back that were engaged, and commanded the Tents should be set up, that the Soldiers might refresh themselves in the shade; but the Tents were scarce well put up, and the Parthians retired according to their custom, when Mithridates came again to them, and informed the Interpreter, with whom he had before spoken, that he should do well to advise Antony to stay where he was no longer than needs he must, that after having refreshed his Troops, he would endeavour with all diligence to gain the next River, that the Parthians would pursue them no further, but so far they were resolved to follow them. Alexander who was the Interpreter made his report to Antony, who ordered a good quantity of Gold Plate to be presented to Mithridates, who taking as much as he could well hide under his Gown went his way. Upon this advice Antony decamped while it was yet day, and the whole Army marched without receiving any molestation from the Parthians; but they themselves were the cause that that night was the most terrible of any they had yet past; for some of the Army had robbed and killed such as they suspected to have any Money, ransacked the Baggage and seized on the Money which was to pay the Army, in the end they laid hands on Antony's own equipage, broke all his inlaid Tables, and Cups of precious Stones, dividing the fragments amongst them. Antony hearing so great a confusion could not imagine any thing less than that the Enemy, falling upon his Troops, had utterly routed them, upon which he sent for one of his 〈…〉 ards called Rhamnus, to whom he had formerly given his liberty, and made him swear, that whensoever he should give him orders, he should run his Sword through his body, and cut off his head, that he might not fall alive into the hands of the Parthians; nor dead be known to be their General. While he was in this consternation and all his friends about him in tears, the Mardian came into the Tent and gave them all new Life, he did convince them, that by the coolness of the Air, and the fresh gales that blew so temperately, the River which he spoke of could not be far off, and consequently the difficulties of their retreat, and the danger of the Enemy's pursuit, were now at an end, the which he was the more assured of, because they had marched a great while and the night almost spent; he was informed at the same time that the great confusion, which was in the Camp, did proceed from the avarice of some few Soldiers that were pillaging one another. In order to compose this unruly tumult, he made a halt, and commanded the Signal to be given for encamping, the day began to break before the tumult was well appeased, and the Parthians bore hard upon the Rear with their Arrows; the light armed Troops were ordered to make head against them, and being seconded by the Legions, who covered one another with their Shields; they bravely received the onset of the Enemy, who did not think convenient to advance any further; the Army marching very leisurely, they at last came in sight of the River, where Antony upon the Banks drew up the Horse in a posture to receive and oppose the Enemy, and to favour the passage of his Army o'er the River, he first passed over the sick and wounded, and then all the rest; those that were left drawn up on th' other side had leisure to drink at their ease, for the Parthians, being now come to the River which was to be the bounds of their pursuit, unbent their bows, and told the Romans they might pass over freely, and made them great compliments in praise of their valour and conduct. At length the Horse pass over too, without being in the least molested by the enemy, and when they were on the other side the river, they drank their fill, as the others had done before, and joined the rest of the Army, not giving any credit to the fair words of their deceitful enemies. It was six days after the last skirmish that they arrived at the River Araxes, which divides Media and Armenia, and seemed, both by its deepness and the violence of the current, to be very dangerous in passing, and a report had crept in amongst them, that the Enemy was in ambush ready to set upon them as soon as they should be amused in their passage. But when they were got over on the other side, and found themselves in Armenia, just as if they were come into harbour after a tempest, they worshipped the Land, and shedding tears for joy, every one embraced his friend; but taking their journey through a Land that abounded in all sorts of plenty, and having suffered great want, they eat with that excess of every thing they met, that they fell into Dropsies, and Dysenteries. Here Antony making a review of his Army, found that he had lost twenty thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse, of which the better half perished, not by the Enemy but by Diseases; their march was of twenty seven days from Phraata, in which the Parthians were worsted in eighteen Battles, by which it is manifest that Artuasdes was the cause why Antony could not bring this War to a happy end, for had the sixteen thousand Median Horse, skilful in the Discipline of the Parthians, and accustomed to their manner of fight, been present, the Romans having put them once to flight, and the pursuit left to the Medians, it is impossible they could have rallied after their defeat, and appear again as they did in a posture to receive the Enemy; for which reason the whole Army was very earnest with Antony to march into Armenia, but he taking advice of his necessities, did not upbraid him with his dissertion, nor in the least abate of the usual civility, with which he was wont to treat him; for he found the Army wearied out, and in want of all manner of necessaries, but upon another occasion coming into Armenia with invitations and fair promises, he prevailed with Artuasdes to meet him, where he seized him, bound him and carried him to Alexandria, there to be led in triumph; by which he very much offended the Romans, in that he carried into Egypt the triumphal Ornaments due unto his Country, only to ingratiate himself with Cleopatra: But these matters happened afterwards. For the present marching his Army in great haste in the depth of Winter through continual storms of Snow, he lost eight thousand of his Men, and came very ill accompanied to a place called Leucocome, situated betwixt Sydon and Beryte nigh the Sea side, where he sat down in expectation of Cleopatra, and being impatient of the delay she made, he bethought himself of shortening the time in drink and debauchery, and not being able to endure the tediousness of a Meal, he would start from Table and run to see if she were coming, and this lasted till she came into Port. She brought with her clothes and Money for the Soldiers. Some say that Antony having received the clothes of her, distributed his own Money in her name.  
About this time a difference happened 'twixt the King of Media and Phraortes King of Parthia about division of the booty that was taken from the Romans, which caused great apprehension in the Median lest he should lose his Kingdom, he sent therefore Ambassadors to Antony with offers of entering into a confederate War against Phraortes, which gave Antony great hopes of obtaining his desire, seeing that by this means he should have such horse as was necessary to reduce the Parthians, and upon this consideration he returned into Armenia, and joining the King of Media nigh Araxes they began the War.  
Octavia having a desire to see Antony easily obtained leave of Caesar, not so much to gratify her humour, as to find a good pretence to begin the War upon her ill reception: She no sooner arrived at Athens, but in Letters from Antony she understood his new expedition, and his will that she should attend him there, though she were much displeased, not being ignorant of the ground of this usage, yet she writ to him to know to what place he would be pleased she should send the things she had brought with her for his use, for she brought clothes for his Soldiers, many horses, money and presents for his Friends and Officers, and two thousand chosen Soldiers well armed to recruit the Praetorian Cohorts. This Message brought Niger from Octavia to Antony; in the relation speaking much of her praise, insisting much upon her merit. Cleopatra being informed that Octavia was coming, and fearing lest that her easiness of behaviour and observance of Antony's humour joined with her discretion, and powerful alliance, should render her charms irresistible, she betook herself to die for love of Antony, bringing her body down with a slender opening Diet; when he entered the room she fixed her eyes upon him in a rapture, and when he took his leave, she never failed to swoon; when she designed to cry, she would turn about and wipe her eyes as being unwilling to let him know the greatness of her concern, all this was acting while he prepared for Media, and Cleopatra's Creatures that were to help forward the design, upbraided Antony with his insensibility, who could basely see a Lady perish, whose soul depended upon him, and him alone; they added, that it was true Octavia was his Wife, and did enjoy that honourable Title, because it was found convenient for the Affairs of her Brother that it should be so, but Cleopatra the sovereign Queen of many Nations, must be contented with the name of his Mistress, nor did she shun or despise the character, whilst she might see him, whilst she might live with him and enjoy him, if she were bereaved of this, she would not survive the loss. Antony was so well persuaded that Cleopatra must die if he forsook her, that he put off all thoughts of the War, and returned to Alexandria, deferring his Median expedition till next Summer, though he were informed of great seditions among the Parthians. Some while after he went into that Country, and made an alliance with the King of Media by Marriage of a Son of his by Cleopatra to the King's Daughter, who was yet very young; and so returned with his thoughts taken up about the Civil War. When Octavia returned from Athens, Caesar who thought she had been treated very injuriously, commanded her unto his own house, but she refused to leave the house of her Husband, and entreated him, that unless he had other motives to make War with Antony, that he would desist, thinking it very scandalous to be reported of the two greatest Commanders in the World, that they had involved the Roman People in a Civil War, the one to justify his Mistress, the other the resentment of his Sister's usage. Her behaviour did confirm her words to be her resolution, for she retired to his house and took that worthy care, not only of his Children by her, but of those by Fulvia also, as if he had been present. She received very kindly all the friends of Antony that had any pretention to preferment; or came to Rome upon any business, and was ready to prefer their Petitions to Caesar; but this honourable deportment of hers was injurious to the reputation of Antony, who could be capable of treating ill, a Woman of that merit; nor was the dividend he made unto his Sons at Alexandria looked upon but as insolent, and derogating from the honour of the Romans; for assembling the People in the public place, and causing two Golden Thrones to be placed in a State of Silver, the one for him, and another for Cleopatra, and at their feet lower Seats for his Children, he proclaimed Cleopatra Queen of Egypt; Cyprus, Africa and Caelosyria, and with her to be joined Caesario the supposed Son of Caesar the Dictator, who left Cleopatra with Child; as for his Sons by him and Cleopatra, they were to be treated in the stile of King of Kings: To Alexander he gave Armenia and Media with Parthia, so soon as it should be overcome, to Ptolemy, Phoenicia, Syria, Cilicia. Alexander was brought out before the People in the Median habit, in a Gown and narrow Hat, and Ptolemy in Slippers and a Mantle, with a Cap done about with the Diadem; for this was the habit of the successors of Alexander; this the Median and Armenian dress: and as soon as they had saluted their parents, the one was received by a Guard of Macedonians, the other by one of Armenians. Cleopatra was then, as at other times, when she appeared in public, dressed in the habit of the Goddess Isis, and did give audience unto the People under the name of the new Isis. Caesar relating these things in the Senate, and often accusing him to the People, had created in them an ill will towards him: Nor was Antony backward in his part to recriminate. The principal of his Articles were these; First, that he had not made any division with him of Sicily, which was lately taken from Pompey. Secondly, that he had not made restitution of the Ships he had lent him. Thirdly, that the power of Lepidus, his Colleague being abrogated he had retained his Army, his Governments, and the Revenues to him appropriated: And Lastly, that he had parcell'd out almost all Italy amongst his own Soldiers, and devised nothing to his. Caesar's answer was as follows: That since Lepidus was not fit to Rule he had dismissed him, the Government, that what he had got in War he would divide with Antony, so soon as he would give him his share of Armenia: That his Soldiers had not their share in Italy, because they were in possession of Media and Parthia, which having fought bravely under their Emperor they had joined to the Roman Empire. Antony was in Armenia when this news came to him, he presently therefore sent Canidius, with sixteen Legions towards the Sea, but he in the company of Cleopatra went for Ephesus, where the Rendezvous of the Fleet was ordered, which consisted, reckoning in the tenders, of eight hundred Vessels, of which Cleopatra furnished two hundred, and * twenty thousand Talents, with Provision 
Nigh one million of our Mony.  for the whole Army during the War. Antony was advised by Domitius and some others to send Cleopatra into Egypt, there to expect the event of the War; but she dreading a Peace might be contrived by the mediation of Octavia, had prevailed with Canidius by a considerable sum of Money to plead her Cause with Antony, and to let him know that it was not just, that one that bore so great a part in the charge of the Wars, should be robbed of her share of Glory in the carrying it on; nor would it be politic to disoblige the Egyptians, who were so considerable a part of his Naval Forces: Nor did he see how she was inferior to any of his Companions in Prudence, considering how well she had governed a great Kingdom by herself alone, and by the constant management of affairs, had arrived to a great Capacity. These arguments gained upon his Spirit, for it was destined by Fate, that Caesar should have all: So that joining their Forces, they made Sail for Samos, where they made very good Cheer; for as it was ordered that all Kings, Princes, and Governors, all Commonwealths, and Cities within the Circuit and Dependences of Syria, the Maeotide Lake, Armenia, and Illyria, do bring, or cause to be brought all Preparations and Munition necessary for War; so was it also proclaimed, that all such as made any profession of divertisement, should make their appearance at Samos; so that (while the whole World was in Tears and Lamentation) this Island alone for some days was filled with all sorts of Harmony, and the Theatre crowded with Dancers and Comedians, each City sent Oxen for Sacrifice, and the Kings that accompanied Antony, were in a perpetual dispute, who should make the most magnificent Feasts, and the greatest Presents; every particular man astonished at what he saw, saying, What will they do to be glad enough when they have got the Victory, since they are at such an expense of Merriment at the opening of the War? This over, he gave Priene to his Players for a Habitation, and set Sail for Athens; where afresh, Sports and Theatres were his Joy. Cleopatra being jealous of the Honour Octavia had received at Athens (for Octavia was much beloved by the Athenians) she insinuated herself into the favour of the People with all the Civilities imaginable: The Athenians, in requital, having decreed her Public Honours, deputed several of the Citizens to wait upon her at her House; amongst the which, Antony was one, as being free of the City; and he it was that made the Speech: He sent order to Rome to have Octavia removed out of his House, accompanied by all Antony's Children, except the Eldest by Fulvia, who was then with his Father; weeping and grieving that she must be looked upon as one of the Causes of the Civil War, she was pitied by the Romans, but more was Antony pitied by them that had seen Cleopatra, who was not preferable to Octavia, neither for Youth nor Beauty. Caesar having an account what great Preparations Antony had made, was afraid lest the War should be begun that Summer; for he wanted many Necessaries, and the People grudged very much to pay the Subsidies, for they that were obliged to pay the Fourth of what their yearly Revenue was; and the Libertines, who paid an Eighth, did do it with such reluctancy, that great Troubles had like to have ensued throughout all Italy; and this is looked upon as one of the greatest of Antony's Oversights, that he did not then press the War; for he gave Caesar leisure to provide himself, and satisfy the People; for while that Money is squeezing out of the People, they are very mutinous, but when they have parted with it, they are well enough satisfied to be quiet. Titus and Plancus, Men of Consular Dignity, and Friends to Antony, having been ill used by Cleopatra, whom they opposed in her Design of being present in the War; came over to Caesar, and being acquainted with the Contents of Antony's Testament, did inform him, it was deposited in the hands of the Vestal-Virgins, who did deny to deliver it up, but sent him word, if he pleased, he might come and seize it himself; which he did; and reading it over to himself, he noted those Places that were most for his purpose, and having summoned the Senate, did read them publicly: Many were scandalised at the Proceeding, thinking it very hard that they should think of punishing a man for what was not to be, till after his Death. He did more urgently press what Antony had left in his Will concerning his Burial; for he had ordered, that though he died in the City of Rome, his Body should be solemnly carried through the Marketplace, and sent to Cleopatra at Alexandria. Calvisius a Dependant of Caesar's urged other Crimes against Antony, committed in the favour of Cleopatra, that he had given her the Library of Perg 〈…〉 'em, wherein were two thousand distinct Volumes: That at a solemn Feast, he had risen from the Table, and treading upon her Foot, had given her a manifest Assignation; that he had suffered the Ephesians to salute her by the name of their Queen: That he had frequently at the public Audience of Kings, and Princes received amorous Messages written in Tablets made of Onyx and Crystal, and read them openly, that when Turnius, a man of great Authority and Eloquence among the Romans, was pleading, Cleopatra happening to pass by in her Chair, that Antony should leave them in the middle of their Cause, and wait upon her home: But Calvisius was looked upon as the Inventor of most of these Accusations. Antony's Friends went up and down the City to gain him Credit, and sent Geminius to him, to let him know his Affairs did require he should be more circumspect; that he was in danger to have all his Governments taken from him, and be proclaimed public Enemy to the City of Rome; but Geminius no sooner arrived in Greece, but he was looked upon as one of Octavia's Spies; he was scurvily rallied, and set at the lower end of the Table; but this he bore very well, seeking only an occasion of conferring with Antony; but once at Supper, being demanded what his Business was he came about? He answered, that his Business might very well deserve a serious Conference; but one thing he had to deliver, which might be spoke either full or fasting; which was, that Matters would bear much a better Face, if Cleopatra would return into Egypt: Antony being very angry, Gleopatra told him, Geminius, you have done very well to tell us this important Secret without a Rack: Geminius took an occasion to make his escape, and got to Rome: Many more of Antony's Friends were driven from him, by the insolent usage they could not bear from Cleopatra's Flatterers; amongst the which were Marcus, Syllanus, and Dellius the Historian. The last declared, he was asraid of his Life, and that Glaucus the Physician had informed him of Cleopatra's Design against him. She was angry with him, for having said that Antony's Friends were served with sour Wine; and that at Rome, Sarmentus, Caesar's Minion's little Serving-Boy, drank Falernum. Caesar was no sooner in readiness, but he declared War against Cleopatra, and Antony's Government was taken from him for being ruled by a Woman; Caesar added, that he had drank Potions that had bereaved him of his Senses; that the War● would be managed against them by Mardion the Eunuch, Photinus, and Iras, Cleopatra's waiting Woman, and Charmion, who were become Antony's chief Counsellors.  
These Prodigies were said to forebode the War. Pisaurum, where Antony had settled a Colony near the Adriatic Sea, was swallowed up in an Earthquake; a Marble Statue of Antony, that was at Alba, did sweat for many days together; and though it were often wiped, it continued to sweat: When he himself was in the City of Patras the Temple of Hercules was burnt by lightning: At Athens Bacchus was by a great Wind blown out of the Battle of the Giants and the Gods, and laid flat upon the Theatre; for Antony did derive himself from Hercules as we said before: And in imitating Bacchus in his way of living, was called young Bacchus; the same Whirlwind at Athens did bring down from amongst many others, the great Statues of Eumenes and Attalus, which were called the Antonine Statues. And in Cleopatra's Admiral, which was called Antonias, a dismal prodigy did happen, some Swallows had built in the Stern of the Admiral; but other Swallows came, beat the first away, and destroyed their Nests. Preparations being made on both sides, Antony had no less than five hundred Galleys well appointed, most of them had eight and ten Banks of Oars, so very rich, that they seemed designed for Triumph. He had a hundred thousand foot, and twelve thousand Horse; he had of Vassal Kings attending, Bacchus of Lybia, Tarcondemus of the Upper Cilicia, Archelaus of Cappadocia, Philadelphus of Paphlagonia, Mithridates of Commagena, and Adallas King of Thracia; all these attended him in the War: Out of Pontus Polemon sent him considerable Forces, as did also Manchus from Arabia, Herod out of Jury, and Amyntas King of Lycaonia and Galatia, and the Median King sent their Troops to join him. Caesar had two hundred and fifty stout Galleys, fourscore thousand Foot, and the number of Horse equal to the Enemy. Antony had under his Command, all that tract of Land, that lies betwixt Euphrates, and the Ionian Sea, and great part of Illyria. Caesar's Government extended from Illyria to the Westward Ocean, and from the Ocean all along the Tuscan and Sicilian Sea; as for the division of afric, Caesar had all the Coast that was opposite to Italy, Gaul, and Spain, and Antony the Provinces from Cyrene, reaching up into Aethiopia: He was so besotted with the Love of Cleopatra, that although he was much Superior to the Enemy in Land Forces, yet out of complaisance to his Mistress, he rather chose to engage him by Sea, and that when he could not but see how ill his Navy was supplied; his Captains for want of Mariners pressing every one they met, Carrier's, Ostlers, Laborers, and Boys; and for all this, the Vessels had not their compliment, but remained in a very ill plight for Sailing. Caesar on the other side had his Navy contrived, not for show but for service, no pompous Galleries but built light, and well manned with experienced Sailors from Tarentum and Brundisium; from thence he sent to Antony, not to draw out the time in delays, but that he would bring up his Forces, that he would give him secure Ports for his Fleet, and that for his Land Forces, he would give him as much ground to encamp in, as a horse could run over from the Seaside up the Continent. Antony on the other side bravely challenged him to a single Combat, though he were much the older, and that being refused proposed to meet him in the Pharsalian Fields, where Julius Caesar and Pompey had fought before. Whilst Antony was at Anchor before Actium, where now stands Nicopolis, Caesar crossed the Ionian Sea, and gained Toryne a place in Epirus, upon which Antony's Soldiers were ready to mutiny in consideration that their Land Forces were a great way off, but Cleopatra turning it into a jest; indeed, said she, we ought 
This jest will not come into our Language, Toryne is a Ladle, and the meaning is, that they had no more reason to fear his preparation for War, than his preparation for his Dinner.  to tremble now Caesar is sat down before Toryne: On the morrow at break of day Caesar appears, his Fleet drawn up in a Line ready to engage, which Antony perceiving, and not being assured that his Galleys, so ill provided, would be able to stand the shock, he armed all the Rowers, and made a show upon the Decks of being in readiness to engage; the Oars were mounted on each side of the Vessels, and so he Sailed up into the mouth of the Port of Actium, as though he were in all points provided for an engagement. And Caesar deceived by this stratagem retired. He also cut off the Water, from the Enemy, by making of Trenches and Forts, the water not being plentiful in those parts, nor very good: His carriage to Domitius was very generous, and much against the will of Cleopatra, for when he had made his escape in a little Boat to Caesar, having then an Ague upon him, although Antony could not but resent it highly, yet he sent after him his whole Equipage, with his Friends and Servants, and Domitius, as if he would have given a Testimony to the World how ashamed he was of his base desertion, died soon after. Among the Kings, also Amyntas and Deiotarus went over to Caesar, his Fleet was so unfortunate in every thing that was undertaken, and so unready upon every design, that Antony was constrained to lay his stress upon the Land Forces: Canidius, too, who commanded the Legions, when he saw how things stood, changed his opinion, and now was of advice that Cleopatra should be sent back, and that retiring into Thracia or Macedonia, the quarrel might be decided in a Land fight, and that Ditomes the King of the Geteses was in a readiness to attend him with a great Army, and that it was not in the least any disparagement to him to quit the Sea to Caesar, who in the Sicilian Wars had gained so great experience in Sea affairs, but that it would seem very ridiculous for Antony, the greatest Captain of the World, to make no use of his well disciplined and stout Troops, but to scatter them, and render them useless in the defence of a Navy; but for all this, Cleopatra prevailed that a Sea-fight should determine of all, having then an eye to flight, and ordering all her affairs, not as if she had the least thought of victory, but how she might, when all was lost, make her escape with greatest safety. There was a long neck of Land, which from the Camp ran into the Sea, where the Fleet rid at anchor; here Antony used to walk without suspecting any danger, but Caesar upon information from a Servant that it was not difficult to surprise him, laid an ambush, which rising up somewhat too hastily, seized the Man that came just before him, he himself escaping narrowly by flight; when it was resolved to stand to a Fight at Sea, they set fire of all, but sixty of the best Egyptian Vessels, and these he manned with twenty thousand armed Men, and two thousand Archers: Here it is reported of a foot Captain, well experienced in War, and one that had fought often under Antony, and had his Body all mangled with wounds, that he should cry out, O most noble General, why do you mistrust these Wounds and Swords you see, to put your confidence in rotten Wood, let Egyptians and Phoenicians contend at Sea, give us the Land where we will die upon the spot or gain the victory: To which he answered nothing, but by his look, and motion of his hand, seeming to bid him be of good courage, he passed forwards having no opinion of the posture of affairs; and when the Masters proposed the leaving of Sails behind them, he commanded they should be put aboard, for we must not, said he, let one Enemy escape. That day, and the three following, the Sea was so rough they could not engage, but on the fifth there was a calm, and then they fought. Antony, commanding with Publicola the right, and Celius the left Squadron. Marcus Octavius and Marcus Justius the middle Squadron. Octavius had given the charge of the left Squadron to Agrippa commanding in person the right: As for the Land Forces, Canidius was General for Antony; Taurus for Caesar, both Armies being drawn up in great order all along the Shoar. Antony in a small Vessel went from one Ship to another encouraging his Soldiers, and advising them to stand firm, and that the largeness of the Ships would render the fight, as fixed as if they were at Land: To the Masters he ordered that they should receive the Enemy lying still as at Anchor, and maintain the entrance of the Port, which was a dangerous Pass. They relate of Caesar, that going out of his Tent before day in order to visit his Fleet, that he met a Man driving an Ass, and ask his name, he told him it was Eutychus (which signifies fortunate) and my Ass, says he, is called Nicon (which is Conqueror;) and afterwards when he disposed the Beaks of the Ships in that place in token of his Victory, the Statue of this Man and his Ass in Brass were placed amongst them, having viewed his whole Fleet, and from the right Squadron discovering the Enemy's posture, he much admired the quiet order they were in, for in all appearance they seemed as if they had been at Anchor; and therefore he slackened his course, for they were not above half a League from one another; about noon a gentle Southern Wind did blow, and then Antony's Men being weary of expecting the Enemy so long, and trusting to their large tall Vessels, as if they had been invincible, began to advance the left Squadron. Caesar was overjoyed to see them move, and ordered the right Squadron to retire, that he might get out to Sea as far as he could, his design being to encompass him round with his light Galleys that were full manned; the Enemy being scarce able to move by reason of their great bulk, and in proportion to their bigness being very ill furnished with Seamen and Soldiers. When they engaged there was no striking of one Ship against another, because Antony's Ships, by reason of their great burden, were uncapable of being in a quick motion, by which the stroke is made effectual; on the other side, Caesar's Ships durst not strike upon the head of Antony's, which were all armed with Spikes of Iron, nor durst they give upon the Sides, by reason they were made of strong square pieces of Timber fastened together with Massy Pins of Iron. So that this engagement resembled a Land Fight, or that I may speak more properly the attack of some strong place, for there were always three or four Vessels about one of Antony's, pressing them with Pikes, Javelins, Darts, and several inventions of Fire, which they flung among them: Antony's Men pouring upon them with their Machine's from off their Wooden Towers. Agrippa drawing out the Squadron under his command, to him in the Enemy, Publicola was obliged to observe his motions and desert the middle Squadron, which was sore presled by Arruntius, Fortune not having yet determined on the day; when on a sudden Cleopatra with her sixty Sail was seen to make out to Sea, and to take her way quite through the Ships that were engaged, for they were placed behind the great Ships, which in breaking through they put to great disorder, the Enemy was astonished to see them with a fair wind to make for Peloponnesus: Here it was that Antony betrayed himself; here his behaviour was so below the Character of a Captain, nay, indeed of any thing that was Man, and much more below himself, that he confirmed what has formerly been observed, that a Lover's Soul lives in another body, for as if he had been born part of her, and so to be carried wheresoever she went, as soon as he saw her Ship under Sail, he abandoned all that were to spend their lives for him, and put himself aboard a Galley of five Ranks of Oars, taking with him only Alexander of Syria, and Scellius, to follow her that had so well began his ruin, and would be sure to accomplish it. She perceiving him to follow, gave the signal to come aboard; so soon as he came up with them, he was helped into the Ship, but without seeing her, he sets himself down very melancholy in the Stern, with both his hands supporting his head; in the mean while, Caesar's light Ships that were in pursuit of Antony, came into sight, but Antony commanding to tack about they all gave back, but one Eurycles the Laconian a stout fellow, who from off the Deck shaked his Lance in a very threatening posture. Antony standing at the Stern, demanded of him, who he was that pursued him so hard: I am, says he, Eurycles the Son of Lachares armed with Caesar' s Fortune to revenge my Father's death. This Lachaesr had been condemned to death by Antony for a robbery; but he did not venture to attack Antony, but ran with his full force upon the other Admiral, for there were two Ships so distinguished, and with the blow turned her round and took her and another Ship, wherein was all his rich Plate and Furniture: So soon as Eurycles was gone, Antony returned to his posture and sat silent; thus he behaved himself for three days, either angry or ashamed, and then arrived at Tenarus. There the Ladies that were entrusted with their most important Affairs, first brought them to speak together, then to eat, and at last persuaded them to lie together; several Ships, and many of his friends followed him, and brought him the news of his Fleets being quite destroyed, but that the Land Forces did yet stand firm, so that he sent Messengers to Canidius to march his Army through Macedonia into Asia, and designing to go from Tenarus to afric, he gave one of the larger Ships laden with vast Sums of Money, and Vessels of Silver and Gold of an inestimable price, to his friends, desiring them to share it amongst them, and provide for their own safety; they refusing his kindness with tears in their eyes, he comforted them with all the goodness and humanity imaginable, entreating them to retire, and writ Letters in their behalf to Theophilus his Steward at Corinth; that he would provide for their security, and keep them concealed till such time, as they could make their Peace with Caesar. Theophilus was the Father of that Hipparchus, who had so great interest in Antony, and was the first of all his Servants that went over to Caesar; he settled afterward at Corinth. In this posture were Antony's affairs.  
This Fleet of Antony's that engaged before Actium, suffered much by a stiff Gale that blew fresh in their Stern, was scarce routed till four o' th' Clock in the afternoon, with the loss of but five thousand Men, and three hundred Ships, as Caesar himself writes in his Commentaries, those that saw with their own Eyes the flight of Antony could not make others believe so incredible a thing, that a General, that had ten entire Legions, and twelve thousand Horse upon the Seashore, could so basely desert them, and he above all the world, who had so often seen Fortune in all her shapes, and been so accustomed to changes: His Soldiers who did passionately desire his arrival, still fancying he would appear from some part or other, gave great Testimony of their generous fidelity to his service, who when they were throughly persuaded that he was fled in earnest, kept themselves in a body seven days, making no account of the Ambassadors that Caesar sent to them, but at last, seeing that Canidius himself, who commanded them, was fled from the Camp by Night, and that the chief Officers had abandoned them, They put themselves into the hands of him that was strongest. After this Caesar set sail for Athens, where he made a peace with Greece, making a distribution of the provision of Corn which Antony had made for his Army, among the Grecian Cities which were reduced to extreme poverty; having been robbed of their Money, their Slaves, their Horses, and all their Beasts of Service. My great Grandfather Nicearchus used to relate that the Inhabitants of the Cities of Greece having no Horses, were compelled with stripes to carry a certain measure of Corn upon their shoulders to the Seaside, nigh Anticyra; but this hardship did not last, for when they were upon the second expedition, news came of Antony's defeat, this saved Cheronea, for the persons concerned in the General's affairs, and all the Soldiers fled upon this news, and left the Inhabitants to divide the Corn amongst them.  
When Antony came into Libya, from the Town of Paretonium, he sent Cleopatra into Egypt, and stayed himself in a very solitary condition, having no Company but two of his familiar friends, the one Aristocraces a Grecian, the other Lucilius a Roman. We have already spoken of the last in the life of Brutus, and how that to give him leisure to escape at the Battle of Philippi, he suffered himself to be taken, pretending to be Brutus. Antony, g●ve him his Life, and he remained firm to him to his last day.  
To add to the afflictions of Antony, he understood, that he who commanded for him in Libya, to whose care he had committed all the Troops of that Country, was gone over to Caesar; there he had a great mind to kill himself, but was hindered by his friends, and coming to Alexandria, he found Cleopatra busied in a most prodigious enterprise. There is but a small space of Land which divides the Red Sea from the Mediterranean, which also separates Asia from afric, and in the narrowest place is not much above thirty six miles over, Cleopatra had form a project of dragging her Galleys over this Neck of Land, and of setting them on Float in the Red-Sea, with all her riches aboard to seek some remote Country, where she might live in peace, secure from War and Slavery: But the first Galleys which were carried over, being burnt by the Arabians of Petra, and Antony not knowing, but that the Army before Actium stood yet firm; she desisted from her enterprise, and gave orders for the fortifying all the avenues of her Kingdom, but Antony leaving the City and the conversation of his friends, built him a house nigh Pharos upon a little Mount, which he had cast up in the Sea, and there secluding himself from the company of mankind, he resolved to imitate the life of Timon, because he had received the same hard usage; and that for the ingratitude and injuries, which he suffered from those he had obliged and esteemed his friends, he would hate and mistrust all Mankind.  
This Timon was a Citizen of Athens, and 
The History of Timon.  lived in the time of the Peloponnesian War, as may be seen by the Comedies of Aristophanes and Plato, in which he is lashed as the hater and enemy of mankind. This Man having a long time avoided, and despised the converse of every Body; and meeting Alcibiades a bold young Gentleman, he civilly saluted him and embraced him. Apemantus was astonished and demanding the reason; Oh, says Timon, you cannot imagine what mischief this young Man will one day do the Athenians: He never admitted any one into his Company, but this Apemantus, who was much of the same humour, and a zealous imitator of his way of Life. At the celebration of the Feasts for the Dead, these two were eating together, and Apemantus, saying to him, Oh Timon this is a pleasant Feast: It would be so, he answered, if thou wert away. One day he got up in a full Assembly into the Pulpit, and a great silence being made by reason of so unusual a sight, he began his Speech which was thus: Ye Men of Athens, I have a little Court-yard, and in it grows a Figtree, on which many of your Citizens have been pleased to hang themselves, and now having resolved to build in that place, I could not omit the making public Declaration of my design, lest I should prejudice any one by cutting down my Tree that has a mind to hang himself. He died and was buried at Hales nigh the Sea, which swells in that place, and flowing round his Monument makes it inaccessible, the Monument had this inscription.  

The wretch's heart who here does lie  
Did burst with grief and misery.  
Ask him not his name to tell,  
But God confound ye all, farewell.   
And this Epitaph was made by himself while yet alive; that which is usually reported to be his was made by Callimachus. 
Here Timon lies who hated man, begun,  
Curse, mortal, curse again, but pray march on.   
Thus much of Timon, of whom much more might be said. Canidius brought Antony word of the loss of his Army which was before Actium; then he received news that Herod of Judea was gone over to Caesar with very considerable Troops, that several great Commanders had deserted him, and that his interest was quite ruined every where: All this did not in the least move him, but quitting all hope that he might be rid of all care, and leaving his habitation by the Sea, which he called the Timonium, he was received by Cleopatra in the Palace, and the whole City was diverted by him with feasting, drinking, and presents. The Son of Caesar and Cleopatra was registered among the youths and Antyllas' his own Son by Fulvia received the Gown without the purple border, 
This Gown was given at sixteen.  which was given to them that are come of age; so that the Citizens of Alexandria did nothing but feast and revel for many days, they broke up the order of the inimitable Livers, and constituted another in its place nothing inferior to the former in splendour and luxury, and called it the Dyer's together; for all those that would die with Antony and Cleopatra gave in their Names, passing their time in all manner of pleasures, and treating one another by turns. But Cleopatra was busied in making a collection of all manner of poisonous drugs, and desirous to know which of them were the least painful in the Operation, she sent them to be tried upon such as were condemned to die, but finding that those poisons that had a quick effect caused sharp pains and great convulsions, and that the milder were so very long a working, she set herself to the examination of venomous Creatures, applying one sort to one Body, and another to others; and this was her daily practice, still finding that nothing was comparable to the bite of the Asp, which, without the least convulsion or groaning, caused a great heaviness in the head and desire of sleep with a gentle sweat all o'er the Face, the senses being stupefied by degrees; the patient in appearance, being sensible of no pain, but rather troubled to be disturbed or awakened, like those that are in a profound natural sleep. They both sent Ambassadors to Caesar into Asia, Cleopatra petitioned for the Kingdom of Egypt for her Children; and Antony that he might have leave to live a private Man in Egypt, and if that were thought too much, that he might retire to Athens, for want of friends, so many having deserted, and the remainder not deserving to be trusted, Euphronius his Son's Tutor was sent of this Embassy. For Alexas of Laodicea, who by the recommendation of Timagenes came acquainted with Antony at Rome, and had the greatest power over him of any of the Grecians, and was of all the insinuating Spirits, which Cleopatra made use of to persuade Antony, the most successful, and the only Man that could oppose Octavia's Counsels, was sent to Herod to keep that King from desertion, but he betraying his Master stayed with him, and confiding in Herod's interest, had the impudence to come into Caesar's presence, but Herod was not able to protect him, for he was presently bound in Fetters and sent into his own Country, where by Caesar's order he was put to death; this reward of his Treason did Alexas receive while Antony was yet alive. Caesar denying Antony's request made answer to Cleopatra, that there was no manner of favour which she might not reasonably expect, if she put Antony to death, or banished him. He sent back with the Ambassadors his own Servant Thyreus a Man of no ordinary parts, and not unlikely to succeed, coming from an Emperor in his youth to a vain Woman easily puft up with her own praises, and putting so great trust in her Charms. This Man making his audience much longer than ordinary, and receiving great honours from her, made Antony very jealous; so that he ordered him to be first whipped, and then sent back to Caesar, writing him word, he had been provoked by his proud insolent Carriage, and that a Man in his Circumstances was no great Master of his passions, but that if he took it ill, he had his Servant Hipparchus by him, whom he might use after the same manner, that they might be upon even Terms. But Cleopatra, that she might make atonement for her own indiscretion, and lay his jealousy, made all the submission imaginable: When her Birthday came, she kept it as was suitable to their deplorable Fortune; but his was observed with great splendour and magnificence, so that many of the Guests sat down in great want, and went home wealthy Men. After the defeat of Antony, Agrippa written many Letters to Caesar, to let him know, how necessary his presence was at Rome; for which reason the War was deferred for a season, but the Winter being over, he began his march; he himself by the way of Syria, and his Captains through afric. Peleusium being taken, there went a report as if that Town had been delivered to Caesar by Seleucus not without the consent of Cleopatra, but she to justify herself gave up into Antony's hands, the Wife and Children of Seleucus. She had caused to be built joining to the Temple of Isis, several Tombs and Monuments of a stupendious height, and very considerable for the workmanship, thither she removed her Treasure, her Gold, Silver, Emeralds, Pearls, Ebony, Ivory, Cinnamon, and after all, of Torch's and Flax a great quantity, upon which Caesar began to fear lest she should in a desperate fit set all these riches on fire, therefore while he was marching towards the City with his Arms he omitted no occasion of giving her assurance of his respect. Caesar having encamped in the Court where they used to manage their Horses, Antony made a fierce Sally, routed the Horse, and beat them back into their Trenches, and so returned with great satisfaction to the Palace where meeting Cleopatra, armed as he was, he kissed her, and recommended to her favour a brave Fellow that had signalised himself in this engagement, to whom she made a present of a Coat of Armour, and Helmet made of Gold, which he having received, went that very Night and rendered himself to Caesar. After this Antony sent a Challenge to Caesar to fight him hand to hand, who made him answer that he might find several other ways to end his Life; and he considering with himself, that he could not die more honourably than in Battle, resolved to fight Caesar both by Land and Sea. As 'tis reported, he commanded his Servants to treat him cheerfully, and fill him his Wine plentifully, that to morrow they should not do the same; but become Servants to a new Master, when he should lie extended on the ground, a poor dead Corpse, a very Nothing: His Friends that were about him, wept to hear him talk on this manner; which he perceiving, he told them, he should not le●d them out to fight with greater expectation of an honourable Death, than of a glorious Victory. At the dead of Night, when the whole City was in a deep silence and consternation it expecting the event of the next day, on a sudden was heard the sound of all manner of Instruments, and a horrible noise, like to that which is made at the Feasts of Bacchus; this tumultuous Procession seemed to have broke in at one Gate of the City, to have quite traversed it, and have gone out at the Gate which the Enemy lay before; and this did signify to them that understand Prodigies, that Bacchus, the God whom he had always a particular inclination for, and whom he did study to imitate, had now forsaken him: Assoon as it was light, he marched his Foot out of the City, and posted them upon a rising ground, from whence he saw his Fleet make up to the Enemy. There he stood in expectation of the Event; but as soon as ever the Fleets came nigh to one another, his first saluted Caesar's; which having returned the Compliment, they presently joined, and with all their force rowed up to the City: Antony had no sooner seen this, but the Horse 
Antony forsaken of all his Troops.  deserted him, and rendered themselves to Caesar; and his Foot being defeated, he retired into the City, roaring out, that Cleopatra had betrayed him, when he had fought only for her sake. She being afraid lest in his fury and despair he might do her a mischief, fled to her Monument, and making it as fast as she could with Bars and Bolts; she sent to make Antony believe she was dead, He believing it, cries out, Now Antony, what hast thou to do in this World? Fate now has snatched away the only cause for which thou couldst endure to live. Going into his Chamber, and opening his Coat of Armour, I am not (says he) troubled, Cleopatra, to be at present bereft of you; for I shall soon be with you; but this does much afflict me, that so famous a General should be inferior in greatness of Mind to a Woman. He had a faithful Servant, whose Name was Eros; he had engaged him formerly to kill him when he should think it necessary; and now he put him to his Promise, Eros drew his Sword, as designing to kill him; but when his back was turned, he slew himself, and falling dead at his Feet; Well hast thou done, my Eros, who since thou hadst not the heart to dispatch thy Master, hast taught him what he ought to do; and so he ran himself into the Belly, and laid himself 
Antony kills himself.  upon the Couch. He died not presently of the Wound, and by reposing himself, the Blood being a little stopped he came to himself, and entreated those that were about him, to put him out of his pain; but they all fled out of the Chamber, and left him bewailing and tormenting himself, whilst Diomedes, Secretary to Cleopatra, came to him, having been commanded to bring him to her in the Monument; when he understood she lived, with a great deal of Vigour he gave order to his Servants to take him up, and in their Arms was carried to the door of the Monument: Cleopatra would not open the door, but looking from a Window, she let down Cords, to which Antony was fastened, and she and her two Women, which were all that was susfered to enter the Monument, drew him up. 'Tis reported that nothing was more sad than this Spectacle, to see Antony covered all over with Blood, just expiring, still holding up his hands to her, and lifting up his body with that little force was left; nor was the Woman's an easier task, Cleopatra taking great pains, and straining hard with her head to the ground, tugging at the Rope, they that stood below encouraging her, and pitying her Condition: When she had got him up, she laid him on the Bed, tearing all her clothes, which she spread upon him, beating her Breasts with her hands, and wiping the Blood from off his Face, she called him her Lord, her Husband, her Emperor, and seemed to have forgot her own miserable condition, she was so intent upon his Misfortunes. Antony comforted her as well as he could, and called for Wine to drink, either that he was thirsty, or that he imagined that it might put him the sooner out of pain; when he had drank, he advised her to take her own Affairs into consideration, and as far as it would consist with her Reputation, to compose them; and that among all the Friends of Caesar, she should apply herself to Proculeius; that she should not pity him in this late turn of Fate; but rather rejoice in remembrance of his past happiness, who had been of all men that ever lived, the most illustrious and powerful, and in the end had bravely fought like a Roman, and been by a Roman overcome: Just as he breathed his last, Proculeius arrived from Caesar; For when Antony gave himself his Death's Wound, and was carried in to Cleopatra, Dercetaeus, one of his Guards, took up Antony's Sword, and hid it; and when he saw his opportunity, stole away to Caesar, and brought him the first News of Antony's death, and withal showed him the bloody Sword. Caesar upon this news retired into his Closet, and paying some tears to the memory of one that had been his Kinsman, Partner, and faithful Companion in so many Wars and Dangers, he came out to his Friends, and bringing with him many Letters, he read to them with how much reason and moderation he had always treated Antony, and in return, what fierce and arrogant Answers he received. From thence it was he sent Proculeius to use his utmost endeavours to get Cleopatra alive into his Power; for he was afraid of losing a great Treasure; and besides, she would be no small Addition to the Ornaments of his Triumph; but she refused to confer with him, but from within her Monument, he standing on the outside of the Door, which was strongly barred; but so that they might well enough hear one another's voice; her demand was, that her Kingdom might be disposed to her Children, he still insisting, that she would be of good Courage, and leave entirely to Caesar the consideration of her Affairs, he having taken particular notice of the place, returned to Caesar, who sent Gallus to parley with her the second time, who being come to the Door, did on purpose prolong the conference while Proculeius had fixed his scaling Ladders in the Window; through which the Women had pulled up Antony, and being followed by two Servants he went straight down to the Door where Cleopatra was discoursing with Gallus, one of the Women who was shut up in the Monument with her, was heard to cry out, Oh wretched Cleopatra! thou art taken alive, she turned quick and spying Proculeius, drew out her Dagger to stab herself, but Proculeius running up to her, and seizing her with both his hands, for shame (said he) Cleopatra, you wrong yourself and Caesar much, who would rob him of so fair an occasion of showing his clemency to the whole World, and in this unjust action of yours would seem to accuse the most courteous and worthiest of Men, of being implacable and not fit to be confided in, and disarming her, he examined her Robe for fear of any poison, that might be hid therein. After this, Caesar sent Epaphroditus one of his Servants, with order to treat her with all the gentleness and civility imaginable, but withal to be very intent, that he left her no opportunity of making herself away.  
In the mean while Caesar makes his entry 
Caesar enters Alexandria.  into Alexandria with Areius the Philosopher by his side, holding him by the hand and talking with him, that he receiving so great honours from him, might be the more considered by his fellow Citizens, then entering the open place where they usually performed their Exercises, he mounts the Throne (which was there on purpose erected) from whence he commanded the Citizens, who in great fear and consternation lay prostrate at his Feet, to stand up, and told them, That he forgave the People of Alexandria all their Crimes they had committed: First, for the sake of Alexander, who built their City, then for the City's sake itself, the largest and most beautiful in the World; and Thirdly, to gratify his friend Areius. These honours did Caesar confer upon Artius, by whose intercession many others lives were saved, amongst the which was Philostratus, a Man of all the Professors of Eloquence the most ready and famed, for his extemporary Speeches, but he having insinuated himself without any merit into the Academy, and his morals being detested by Caesar had his Petition rejected: He with a long white Beard, and a black Cloak was always at A●eius his Heels repeating this Verse,  

The wise Men will the wise Men save  
If that the wise Men wisdom have.   
Which Caesar hearing gave him his pardon to prevent rather the ill report might be raised of Areius than in any consideration of Philostratus. Of Antony's Children, Antyllus by Fulvia, betrayed by his Tutor Theodorus, was put to death; while the Soldiers were murdering him, his Tutor contrived to steal a precious Jewel which he wore about his Neck, and put it into his Pocket, which he denying, was convicted of Theft and hanged. Cleopatra's Children with their Governors had a Guard set on them, and were treated very honourably. Caesario who is reported to have been the Son of Caesar the Dictator, was sent by his Mother with a great Sum of Money through Ethiopia to pass into India, but his Tutor being as honest as Theodorus, had persuaded him to turn back to Rhodes, for that Caesar designed to make him a King. Caesar consulting what was best to be done with him, 'tis reported of Areius that he should say * plurarity of Caesar's 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 in allusion to Homer's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  is not safe, and afterwards he was put to death so soon as Cleopatra was dead. Many Kings and great Commanders made petition to Caesar for the body of Antony, to give him his Funeral rights, but he would not dispose of his Corpse from Cleopatra, who buried him with her own hands with all splendour and magnificence, it being granted to her to employ what she pleased in his Funeral. In this extremity of grief and sorrow, and having inflamed and ulcerated her Breasts with beating them, she fell into a high Fever, and was very glad of this occasion, as pretending to abstain from Meat in consideration of her Disease, and so to die in quiet without being importuned to live. Her Physician whom she confided in was Olympus, to whom she communicated this design, and made use of his advice to rid herself of this miserable life: As Olympus himself says, having Writ the History of these matters. But Caesar suspecting her design threatened to use her Children ill, which was the only battery capable of forcing her high spirit, so that she suffered any one to give her what Meat or what Medicine they pleased. Some few days after Caesar himself came to make her a visit and comfort her: She lay then upon her Pallet Bed in great disorder, but he being entered she rose from off her Bed, having nothing on but a thin Garment, she flung herself at his feet being strangely disfigured, her Hair and Face torn, with a trembling voice, and her eyes sunk in her head, on her body were many marks of blows, and it was in a decent condition to attend her grieved Soul, but for all this her good air and mien was not impaired, some sparks of beauty still remaining, and in spite of grief shining from within, and appearing in every graceful motion. Caesar desiring her to repose herself, sat down by her, and this opportunity she took to justify her proceedings, alleging that what she had done was more out of fear of displeasing Antony than from her own inclinations, which when Caesar confuted in every Article, that she insisted upon, she presently turned her discourse to move his compassion, as if she desired nothing more than to prolong her life, and having by her a list of all her treasure, she gave it into his hands, but Seleucus being present, who was one of the Treasury, told her that she had laid aside and suppressed many things of Value, upon which she fell into such a fury, that flying from her Bed, she caught him by the Hair, and struck him several blows on the Face, Caesar smiling and withholding her, is not it very hard Caesar (said she) when you do me the honour of a visit in this wretched condition I am in, that I should be affronted by one of my Menial Servants, if I have laid by any Woman's toys, they never were designed Ornaments, for one of my miserable Fortune, but that I might have some little Present by me, to make your Octavia, and your Livia, that by their entreaties I might hope to find you in some measure disposed to mercy. Caesar was pleased to hear her talk thus; being now assured that she was desirous to live; and he did therefore let her know, that those things she had laid by she might dispose of as she pleased, and his usage of her should be honourable above her expectation, and so he went away well satisfied that he had overreached her, but he was himself deceived; there was a young Nobleman named Cornelius Dolabella one of Caesar's favourites, one that had a great kindness for Cleopatra, he sent her word privately, as she had engaged him to do, that Caesar was about to return into Syria, and that she and her Children were to be sent before within three days; when she understood this news, she made her request to Caesar, that he would be pleased to permit her, to make her last Oblations to the departed Antony; which being granted, she ordered herself to be carried to the place where he was buried, and there upon her knees, accompanied by her Women, she embraced his Tomb with tears in her eyes, and spoke in this manner: My dearest Antony 
Cleopatra's Lamentation over Antony's Tomb.  (said she) it is not long since, that with these hands I buried thee, than they were free, now am I a miserable captive, and pay these last Duties to thee, with a guard upon me, for fear that my just griefs and sorrows should impair my servile Body, and make me less fit to appear in their Triumphs over thee. No further offerings and sacrifice expect from me, these are the last honours that Cleopatra e'er can pay thy memory, for she is to be hurried away, far from thee. Nothing could part us whilst we lived; but death doth seem to threaten for ever to divide us. That thou a Roman born shouldst lie buried here in Egypt, and I an Egyptian should be carried into Italy, there to expect that favour only; but if the Gods of thy Country, with whom thou now art, either can or will do any thing (for our Gods have betrayed us) suffer them not to leave me whilst I yet have life, let me not be lead in Triumph to thy shame; but have a little room in thy Grave, for amongst all my bitter misfortunes nothing has pressed my Soul so hard as to have lived thus long without thee.  
Having made these lamentations, crowning the Tomb with Garlands of Flowers, and kissing it, she gave orders to prepare her a Bath, and coming out of the Bath, she eat very sumptuously: After Supper a Country fellow brought her a little Basket, which the Guards intercepting, and ask what it was, the fellow put the leaves, which lay uppermost, aside, and showed them it was full of Figs, and they, admiring the largeness and beauty of the Figs, were invited to take of them, which they refused, and suspecting nothing bid him carry them in: Then Cleopatra sent to Caesar a Letter and sealed it, and putting every body out of the Monument, but her two Women, she shut the doors: Caesar opening her Letter, and finding therein such earnest requests that she might be buried in the same Tomb with Antony, he soon guest what was doing, once he was going himself in all haste, but changing his Mind, he sent one to see how affairs stood. Her Death was so sudden, 
Cleopatra's Death  that those that were sent by Caesar, surprised the Guards with their apprehensions, who breaking open the doors found her stone dead, lying upon her Bed of Gold, set out in all her Royal Ornaments: Iras one of her Women lay dead at her feet, and Charmion just ready to tumble, scarce able to hold up her own head, was adjusting her Mistress' Diadem, which was out of order; and when one that came in said, was this well done of your Lady, Charmion? extremely well, she answered, and becoming so great a Queen; as she said this, she fell down dead by the Bedside. Some relate, that an Asp was brought in amongst those Figs, and covered with leaves, and that Cleopatra had ordered it so, that she might be bit without seeing it; and that, in taking up the leaves, she should say, holding out her Arm to it, Art thou there? Others say, that it was kept in a Glass, and that she vexed and pricked it with a golden Spindle; but no one knew the certainty; for they reported also, that she carried Poison in a golden Bodkin, about which she wound her Hair; but there was not so much as a spot found or any suspicion of Poison in her Body, nor was any living Creature found within the Monument, but a certain tract of a creeping Creature imagined to be seen on the Window side upon the Sand nigh the Sea: Others say that Cleopatra had two marks in her Arm, imprinted very small by the Sting of the Asp, to which Caesar seemed to have given credit, for that Cleopatra's Statue was carried in Triumph with an Asp fixed to her Arm; with these uncertainties are these things related: Although Caesar were very much disappointed by her death, yet he could not but admire the greatness of her Mind, and did grant that her Body should be buried by Antony with all the Ceremony and Magnificence which was due unto her Quality, her Women also were buried in great splendour. Cleopatra died in the Nine and Thirtieth Year of her Age, of which she had Reigned Twenty Two; the Fourteen last years jointly with Antony: Antony died at the Age of Fifty three, some say Fifty Six, the Statues of Antony were all demolished, but those of Cleopatra remained untouched; for Archibius her Friend had given Caesar a Hundred and fifty thousand Pound that they should not run the same fate with Antony's. Antony left by his Three Wives, seven Children, 
Antony's Children.  of which Antyllus the eldest only was put to death: Octavia took the rest and bred them with her own. Cleopatra, his daughter by Cleopatra, was Married to Juba a comely Prince: Antony his Son by Fulvia was in that esteem; that whereas Agrippa was the chief Favourite of Caesar, and the Sons of Livia held the second Rank, the third Place without any dispute was reckoned to be possessed by Antony: Octavia also having had by her first Husband Marcellus, two Daughters, and one Son named Marcellus, Caesar gave unto him his Daughter in Marriage, and by that means adopted him; and Octavia gave one of her Daughters in Marriage to Agrippa; but Marcellus dying soon after his Marriage, and she perceiving that her Brother was not easy to determine whom to choose for his Son-in-Law, was the first that did persuade him to give his Daughter Julia to Agrippa, though in so doing he was to quit her Daughter: Caesar agreed to this Proposal and married Julia to Agrippa, and she receiving her Daughter back married her to Antony; of the two Daughters which they had by this Marriage, the one was married to Domitius Aenobarbus, and the other Antonia famous for her Beauty and Discretion was married to Drusus the Son of Livia, and Son-in-Law to Caesar; of this Line came Germanicus and Clodius: Clodius was Emperor, and Caius also the Son of Germanicus, who having reigned very wickedly was slain, He, his Wife, and his Daughter. Agrippina, who had Lucius Domitius by Aenobarbus, was afterward married to Claudius Caesar, he adopted Domitius, whom he named Nero Germanicus; he was Emperor in our time, and put his Mother to death, and with his madness and folly, did well nigh ruin the Roman Empire; he was in the Fifth Degree from Antony.    



DEMOSTHENES.  M Burghers delin. et sculp.  
THE LIFE OF DEMOSTHENES. Translated from the Greek. VOLUME V.  
WHoever it was, Sossius, that wrote the Poem in praise of Alcibiades upon his winning the Horse race at the Olympian Games, whether it were Euripides, (as 'tis most commonly reported) or some other person, he says, That to a Man's being happy, it is in the first place requisite he should be born in some famous City; But for him that would attain unto true happiness, which for the most part is placed in the qualities and disposition of the mind, it is in my opinion, of no other disadvantage to be of a mean obscure Country, than to be born of a Woman that is uncomely and low of stature. For it were ridiculous to think that Julis a little part of Ceos, which itself is no great Island; and that Aegina, which a certain Athenian once ordered to be removed, as a small eye sore, out of the Haven of Piraeus, should breed good Actors and Poets, and yet should never be able to afford a Just, Temperate, Wise, and Valiant Man. Other Arts indeed, whose end it is to acquire Riches or Honour, are sikely enough to wither and decay in poor obscure Towns; but Virtue like a strong and durable plant takes root and thrives in any place, where it can lay hold of an ingenuous Nature, and a mind that is industrious. Wherefore if either in our judgement of things, or course of Life, we fall short of what we ought to do, such failer we may justly attribute to ourselves, and not to the meanness of our Country.—  
Nevertheless, whosoever shall design to write an History consisting of materials which must be gathered from Observation and the reading of Authors, not easy to be had nor writ in his own Native Language, but many of them Foreign and dispersed in other hands; for him it is in the first place, and above all things most necessary to reside in some City of good Note and Fame, addicted to Liberal Arts, and populous; where he may have plenty of all sorts of Books, and upon enquiry may hear, and inform himself of such particulars as having escaped the Pens of Writers, are yet more faithfully preserved in the memories of men, lest otherwise he publish a Work deficient in many things, and those such as are necessary to its perfection.  
But for my own part, I live in a little Town, where yet I am willing to continue lest it should grow less, and having no leisure, while I abode in Rome, and other parts of Italy, to exercise myself in the Roman Language, both by reason of some public Business, and for the sake of those who came to be instructed by me in Philosophy; it was very late, and in the declination of my Age before I applied myself to the reading of Latin Authors. Upon which occasion, that which happened to me, may seem strange, though it be true; for it was not so much by the knowledge of Words, that I came to the understanding of Things, as, having gained some sort of experience in Things, by this means I attained to the signification of Words. But to acquire a gracesul and ready pronunciation of the Roman Tongue, to understand the various Figures and connexion of Words, and such other Ornaments, in which consists the beauty of that language, it were, I must confess, a pleasant and very agreeable diversion; but the Study and Exercise which is required to this, is not easy, and will better suit with those who have more leisure, and time enough yet before them for such Gallantries.—  
Wherefore in this Book (which of my 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Parallel Lives is the Fifth) intending to write concerning Demosthenes and Cicero, we will from their Actions and Employments in the Commonwealth, consider the Natures and Dispositions of both of them together: But to examine and compare their Orations one against the other; to show which of the two was the more fluent and pleasing, which the more close and smart Speaker, that we shall let alone. For there (as jon says;) 
We are but like a Fish upon dry Land.   
Caecilius (a Man apt to overshoot himself upon all occasions) was not aware of this, when too rashly he adventured to publish his Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero. But if it were a thing obvious and easy for every man, to know himself, possibly that Saying, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, had not passed for a Divine Oracle. Now for Demosthenes and Cicero, the Gods seem from 
Demosthenes' compared with Cicero.  the first to have made them much the same in their Natures and Constitutions, and in their Fortunes much alike; if we consider their Ambition, their love of Liberty in the Commonwealth, and their want of Courage in Dangers and Martial Affairs. And, I think, there can hardly be found two other Orators, who from small and obscure Beginnings became so great and mighty; who both contested with Kings and Tyrants; both lost their Daughters, were driven out of their Country, and returned with Honour; who flying from thence again, were both seized upon by their Enemies, and at last ended their Lives, together with the Liberty of their Countrymen. So that if there were a Trial of Skill between Nature and Fortune, as there is sometimes between Artists, it would be very hard to judge, whether that made these men more alike in their Dispositions and Manners, or, this in their Adventures and affairs.—  
But we will speak of the Eldest first.—  
Demosthenes, the Father of this Demosthenes, 
The Parentage of Demosthenes.  was a Citizen of the best Rank and Quality, (as Theopompus writes) he was surnamed, The Sword-maker; because he had a large Workhouse, and kept Servants skilful in that Art, at Work. But of that which Aeschines the Orator, said of his Mother, that she was descended of one Gelon, who fled his Country upon an Accusation of Treason, and of a Barbarian Woman, I can affirm nothing; whether ●he spoke true, or whether he slandered and belied her. This is certain, that Demosthenes, 
His Estate.  being as yet but seven years old, was left by his Father in a plentiful condition; (for the whole Value of his Estate was little short of fifteen Talents:) But he was injured by his Guardians, part of his Fortune 
Guardians.  being by them imbezzled, and the rest neglected; insomuch that even his Teachers were defrauded of their Salaries. This was the reason that he had not so liberal Education, and wanted such Learning as became an ingenious Youth: Besides that, his Mother, for the tenderness and weakness of his Body, did not put him upon Labour, nor did his Masters force him. He 
Constitution.  was thin and sickly from the beginning of his Age; and 'tis said, that in respect of his Bodily Infirmities, the Boys in scorn put upon him the reproachful Nickname 
Nicknames. Batalus.  of Batalus; now this Batalus (as some say) was a weak effeminate Piper; and Antiphanes made a Play on this Subject, in derision of him: Others make mention of Batalus, as a Poet, who wrote wanton Songs and Lampoons; and it should seem that a certain part of the Body, not fit to be named, was about that time, called Batalus by the Athenians. But the Name of Argas (for 
Argas.  this also they report to have been a Nickname of Demosthenes) was put upon him for his Behaviour, as being fierce and morose (for some of the Poets call a Serpent Argas) or for his way of speaking, which was offensive to his Hearers; (for Argas was also the Name of a Poet, who made very bad and harsh Sonnets.) But so much for this, as Plato says.  
The first occasion of his eager inclination 
The first beginning of his studying Oratory.  to Oratory, they say was this; Callistratus the Orator, being to plead in open Court for Oropus, the expectation of the Issue of that Cause was very great, as well for the Ability of the Orator, who had then a most flourishing Reputation, as also for the Fame of the Action itself. Therefore Demosthenes having heard the Tutors and Schoolmasters agree among themselves to be present at this Trial; with much importunity he persuades his Tutor to take him along with him to the Hearing; who having some Acquaintance with the Doorkeepers, easily procured a place where the Boy might sit unseen, and hear what was said. Callistratus having got the Day, and being much admired, the Boy began to look upon his Glory with a kind of Emulation, observing how he was Courted on all hands, and magnified by the Multitude. But much more did he wonder at the source of his Eloquence, able to subdue and win over any thing. From this time therefore bidding Farewell to other sorts of Learning and Puerile Disciplines, he now began to exercise himself, and to take pains in Declaiming, as one that meant indeed to be an Orator: He made use of Isaeus as his Guide 
What Masters he bad.  to the Art of speaking, though Isocrates at that time kept a School: Whether (as some say) because he was an Orphan, and was not able to pay Isocrates his Salary, being 10 l. or because he preferred Isaeus his way of speaking, as being more effectual, and sit for Use and Business. But Hermippus saith, That he met with certain Memoirs without any Author's Name, in which it was written that Demosthenes was a Scholar to Plato, and by him was much furthered in the Study of Eloquence: And he also mentions Ctesibius, as reporting from Callias of Syracuse, and some others, that Demosthenes secretly got, and throughly learned the Arts of Isocrates and Alcidamas.—  
As soon therefore as he was grown up to Man's estate, he began to go to Law with 
Demosthenes' 〈◊〉 his Guar 〈…〉  his Guardians, and to write Orations against them, who in the mean time sound out many Subterfuges and Tricks to renew the Suits. But Demosthenes (as Thucydides has it) being thus exercised by declaiming, and succeeding in it, though not without some toil and hazard, could not for all this recover any considerable part of his Father's Estate; however attaining hereby to a confidence in Speaking, and some competent experience in it, and having got a taste of the Honour and Power which are acquired by Plead; he now ventured to come forth, and to undertake Public Business. And as 'tis said of Laomedon the Orchomenian, that by advice of his Physician, he used to run long Stages for the curing of some indisposition of his Spleen, and by that means, having through Labour and Exercise framed the Habit of his Body, betook himself to the Garland-Games, and became one of the principal Runners at the long Race: So it happened to Demosthenes, who first applying himself to Oratory for recovery of his own private Estate, and so getting an ability of speaking; at length, in public Business, as it were, in those Games, he began to have the pre-eminence of all those 
Begins to plead publicly.  Citizens who contended for Mastery in Pleading at the Bar. But when he first addressed himself to the Popular Assemb 〈…〉, he met with great Discouragements, 
His discouragements  and was derided for his odd and uncouth way of speaking; for his Periods were confused, and his Arguments forced, which made all seem very harsh and tedious. Besides, he had (it seems) a weakness in his Voice, a perplexed and indistinct Utterance, and a shortness of Breath, which by breaking and disjointing his Sentences, much obscured the sense and meaning of what he spoke: So that in the end, being quite disheartened, he forsook the Assembly; and as he was walking carelessly, and sauntering about the Piraeum, Eunomus the Thiasian (than a very old Man) seeing him, upbraided him, as one who having a way of speaking much like that of Pericles, through softness of Mind, and Cowardliness, was wanting to himself; neither bearing up with Courage against popular Tumults, nor fitting his Body for Action, but suffering it to flag and languish through mere Sloth and Negligence. Another time, when he was exploded the Assembly, and went home with his Head muffled up, taking it very heavily, they report, that Satyrus the Actor, followed him, and being his familiar Acquaintance, fell into discourse with him: To whom, when Demosthenes bemoaned himself, that having been the most industrious of all the Pleaders, and having almost spent the wh 〈…〉 e strength and vigour of his Body in that Employment, he could not yet find any acceptance with the People; that drunken Sots, Mariners, and illiterate Fellows were heard, and possessed the Pulpit, while he himself was despised. You say true (Demosthenes) replied Satyrus, but I will quickly remedy the Cause of all this, if you will repeat to me some Sentence out of Euripides or Sophocles: Which when Demosthenes had pronounced, Satyrus presently taking it up after him, so humoured and rendered the same Sentence with such a becoming Mien and Gesture, that to Demosthenes it seemed quite another thing. By this being convinced how much Grace and Ornament accrues to Speech from due Action, he began to esteem it a small matter, and as good as nothing for a Man to exercise himself in Declaiming, if he neglected Pronunciation, and the Decency of Speaking. Hereupon, he built himself a place to study in under 
His studying place, and industry.  ground (which still remains with us.) And hither he would come constantly every day to form his Action, and to exercise his Voice, and here he would continue oftentimes, without intermission two or three Months together, shaving one half of his Head, that so for shame he might not go abroad, tho' he desired it never so much. Nor was this all; but he also made his Conversation with People abroad, his Discourse, and his Business subservient to his Studies, taking from hence Occasions and Arguments as Matter to work upon. For as soon as he was parted from his Company, down he would go presently into his Study, and run over every thing in order that had passed, and the Reasons that might be alleged for and against it. Besides, such Speeches as he was present at, he would recollect with himself, and reduce into Periods; and whatever others spoke to him, or he to them, he would correct, translate, and vary several ways. Hence it was that he was looked upon as a Person of no great Natural Wit; but as one who owed all the Power and Ability he had in speaking, to Labour and Industry: Of the truth of which, this was no small sign; that a Man should not lightly hear Demosthenes ever speak upon the Occasion, but 
Demosthenes' seldomspoke ex tempore.  though he were by Name frequently called upon by the People as he sat in the public Assembly; yet he would not rise up to plead unless he had well considered the Business, and came prepared for it: So that many of the Popular Pleaders used to flout at him: And Pytheas, once scoffing him, said, That his Arguments smelled of the Lamp. But Demosthenes replied upon him sharply; 'Tis true indeed, Pytheas, (said he) your Lamp and mine is not conscious of the same things. But to some others he would not much deny this; but would freely confess, that in his Plead he did neither commit all to Writing, nor yet wholly speak without Notes. And moreover, he would affirm, that he ought to be accounted the most Popular Speaker who used Premeditation; such Preparation being a kind of respect to the People; whereas to slight, and take no care how what is said, is like to be resented by the Multitude, savours more of an Oligarchick Humour, and of one that intends Force rather than Persuasion. But of his want of Courage and Assurance to speak ex-tempore, they make this also another Argument: That when he was at a loss, and discomposed, Demades would often rise up on the sudden, and readily assist him; but Demosthenes was never observed to do the same for Demades. Whence then (may some say) was it that Aeschines speaks of him as a Person so much to be wondered at for his boldness in speaking? Or how could it be when Python the Byzantian, with so much confidence, and such a Torrent of Words inveighed against the Athenians, that Demosthenes alone stood up to oppose him? Or when Lammachus the Myrrinaean had writ a Panegyric upon King Philip and Alexander, in which he uttered many things reproachfully of the Thebans and Olythians, and at the Olympian Games recited it publicly; how was it, that he presently rising up, and rehearsing historically and demonstratively what Benefits and Advantages all Greece had received from the Thebans and Chalcidians; and on the contrary, what Mischiefs the Flatterers of the Macedonians had brought upon it; so turned the Minds of all that were present, that the Sophister fearing the Tumult, privily withdrew himself out of the Assembly? But Demosthenes, it should seem, thought the other Qualities of Pericles to be of little use to him; but for his Action and Behaviour, and his forbearing to speak on the sudden, and upon every occasion, as being the things to which principally he owed his Greatness, these he followed, and endeavoured to imitate; neither wholly neglecting the Glory which the present occasion offered, nor yet willing too often to expose his Faculty to the mercy of Chance. Indeed the Orations which were only spoken by him, had much more of Boldness and Confidence in them, than those that he wrote; if we may believe Era●●sthenes, Demetrius Phalereus, 
Censures of Demosthen●s.  and the Comedians: Amongst whom Eratosthenes saith, that in his Plead he would be oftentimes transported with a king of Rage and Fury: And Phalereus, that he would frequently repeat to the People that Oath in the Verse,  

By Earth, by Springs, by Rivers, and by Streams.   
as a Man inspired, and besides himself. One of the Comedians calls him 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, a Bundle of foolish, idle Words: Another scoffs at him for using that Antithesis, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for Demosthenes much affected this Expression. Unless perhaps Antiphanes might speak this jestingly, with allusion to his Oration concerning Halonesus, which Demosthenes persuaded the Athenians not to take of King Philip, but to take from him. But all acknowledged Demades, upon the mere use of his Natural Wit, a Person not to be outdone; and that in what he spoke on the sudden, he excelled all the Studies and Preparations of Demosthenes. And Ariosto the Chian, has related a certain Censure which Theophrastus passed upon the Orators. For being asked what kind of Orator he accounted Demosthenes? He answered, Worthy of the City of Athens. And then, What he thought of Demades? He answered, Above it. And the same Philosopher reports, that Polyeuctus Sphettius, one of the Magistracy about that time, was wont to say, That Demosthenes was the greatest Orator, but Photion the ablest Pleader; being one who expressed the most Sense in the fewest Words. And indeed it is reported, that Demosthenes himself, as often as Photion went up into the Pulpit to plead against him, would say to his Acquaintance, Now 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  stands up he that will cut asunder all I have said. Yet it does not appear whether it was from the Eloquence of this Man, or from his Life and Reputation that Demosthenes had such an opinion of him, as thinking one Word or Nod from a Man in so high Credit, to be of more authority and force, than the many and long Speeches of others.  
Demetrius the Phalerean, tells us, having received the Relation (as he says) from Demosthenes himself, now grown old, that the ways he made use of to help the natural infirmities and defects of his Body, were such as these: His inarticular and stammering Pronunciation he overcame and rendered more distinct by speaking Orations with Pebbles in his Mouth: His Voice he exercised by discoursing and pronouncing Speeches or Verses when he was out of Breath, with running or going up steep Places. And in his House he had a large Looking-Glass, before which he would stand and repeat his Declamations. It is reported, that a certain Man coming to crave his advice and assistance, and relating at large what blows he had received from his adversary; sure said Demosthenes, thou hast suffered nothing of all this thou talk'st of: Upon which the Man straining his Voice and crying out a loud, How, Demosthenes! have I suffered nothing? I marry, replied he, Now I hear the Voice of one that has been injured and beaten. Of so great consequence towards the gaining of belief, did he esteem the tone and action of the Speaker. The action which he used himself was wonderfully pleasing to the Common People; but by those of the better sort (of whom Demetrius Phalereus was one) it was looked upon as low, mean, and unmanly. Yet Hermippus says of Aesion, that being asked his opinion concerning the ancient Orators and those of his own time, he answered that one would have wondered to hear those Ancients, with what decorum and grandeur they addressed themselves to the People, but the Orations of Demosthenes appear most admirable upon reading, both for their artificial composure and strength of Argument. The Speeches indeed which were penned by him, a Man may well say, were written with much severity and with some kind of bitterness; but in his repartees on the sudden he was usually facetious and pleasant. To Demades saying Demosthenes 
His Repartees.  teach me? So may the Sow teach Minerva. He replied, that Minerva of yours was lately taken playing the Whore in Collytus. To a Thief whose name was 
* Brass.  Calchus attempting to upbraid him for sitting up late, and writing by Candle-light; I know very well, said he, that my Candle troubles you; but wonder not (O ye Men of Athens) at the many Robberies which are so frequently committed, since we have Thiefs of Brass, and Walls of Clay. But concerning these matters, though we have much more of this kind to say, we will here put an end to our Discourse; it being but just and reasonable, that we now proceed to take an estimate of his Nature, and Manners from his actions, and management of Affairs in the Commonwealth.  
His first entering into public Business 
His first appearing in Civil Affairs.  was much about the time of the Phocian War, as himself affirms, and may be collected from his Philippick Orations; For these were made soon after that Action was over, and the first of his Speeches relate to Affairs which happened very near the same time. The Accusation he had prepared against Meidias 'tis manifest was writ by him when he was but Two and Thirty years old, having as yet no interest or reputation in the Commonwealth: And it seems to me, that upon this Consideration only, being afraid to proceed, he let fall his Action and was reconciled for a Sum of Money. For of himself 
He was no easy or good natured Man:  But of a disposition implacable and revengeful: However, finding it an hard matter and above his strength to deal with Meidias a Man so well secured on all sides with Money, Eloquence, and Friends, he yielded to the entreaties of those who interceded for him. But had he seen any hopes or possibility of prevailing, I cannot believe that 3000 Drachmas could have taken off the Edge of his Revenge. The cause he undertook in the Commonwealth was fair and 
The Party of Demosthenes.  just; the defence of the Grecians against Philip; in which he behaved himself so worthily, that he soon grew famous, and was every where admired for his Eloquence and Courage in speaking: He was adored through all Greece, the Great King of Persia courted him, and by Philip himself he was more esteemed than all the other Orators. His very Enemies were forced to confess, that they had to do with a Man of Worth and Honour; for such a Character even Aeschines and Hyperides have given him, where they accuse and speak against him. So that I cannot imagine what ground Theopompus had to say, that Demosthenes was of a wavering unsettled humour, which could not long continue firm either to the same Men, or the same Affairs; whereas the contrary is most apparent; for the same party and way of Government which he held with from the beginning, to those he kept 
His Constancy.  constant to the end; and was so far from leaving them while he lived, that he chose rather to forsake his life than his Party. He was not heard to Apologise for his shifting of sides like Demades, who would say, he often spoke against himself, but never against the City. Nor as Melanopus, who being generally against Callistratus, but often bribed off with Money, was wont to tell the People, The Man indeed is my Enemy, but we must submit for the good of our Country. Neither as Nicodemus the Messenian, who having first appeared on Cassander's side, and afterwards took part with Demetrius, said, These things were not in themselves contrary, it being always most adviseable to obey the Conqueror. But we have nothing of this kind to say against Demosthenes, as one who would turn aside or prevaricate, either in word or deed: For he still kept one constant Tenor in his actions, as if they had been all governed by one unalterable Scheme of Policy. And Panetius the Philosopher said, that most of his Orations are so written, as if they were to prove this one conclusion, that what is honest and virtuous is for itself only to be chosen; as that of the Crown, that against Aristocrates, that for the Immunities, and the Philippics; in all which he persuades his Citizens to pursue not that which seems most pleasant, easy, or profitable; but declares that in many cases, they ought in the first place to prefer that which is just and honourable, before their own safety and preservation. So that if he had kept his hands clean from Bribery, if his courage for the Wars had been answerable to the Generosity of his Principles, and the Excellency of his Orations, he might deservedly have his Name placed in the highest Rank with Cimon, Thucydides, and Pericles, and not in the Number of such Orators as Myrocles, Polyeuctus and Hyperides. Therefore amongst those who succeeded him, Photion, though he appeared on that side in the Commonwealth which was not so well esteemed of, and seemed to favour the Macedonians; yet for his Valour and Justice, he was thought a Person no way inferior to Ephialtus, Aristeides and Cimon: But Demosthenes being neither fit to be at all relied 
Not free from Brabery.  on for his Courage in Arms, (as Demetrius says) nor on every side well fortified against Bribery, (for how invincible soever he was against the gists of Philip and the Macedonians, yet lying open to assaults, and being overpowered by the Gold, which came down from Susa and Ecbatana) it appeared that he was much better able to recommend than to imitate the Virtues of our Ancestors. And yet (excepting only Photion) even in his Life and Manners he far surpassed the other Orators of his time. None of them discoursed to the People with 
His freedom of Speech to the People  so great freedom and boldness: He would not spare their faults, but opposed himself against the unreasonable desires of the Multitude (as may be gathered from his Orations.) And Theopompus writes that the Athenians having by Name appointed Demosthenes, and calling upon him to accuse a certain Person, he refused to do it: Upon which the Assembly being all in an uproar, he rose up and said, Your Counsellor whether you will or no (O ye Men of Athens) you shall always have me, but a Sycophant or false Accuser, though you would have me, I shall never be. His carriage in the Case of Antipho was plainly Aristocratical; whom, after he had been acquitted in the Assembly, he took and brought before the Court of Areiopagus, and, setting at naught the displeasure of the People, convicted him of having promised Philip to burn the Arsenal; whereupon the Man was condemned by that Court and suffered for it. He accused also Theoris the Priestess, amongst many other misdemeanours, for having instructed and taught the Slaves to deceive and cheat their Masters, for which the Sentence of Death passed upon her, and she was executed. The Oration which Apollodorus made 
His several Orations.  use of, and by it carried the Cause against Timotheus the Praetor, in an Action of Debt, 'tis said was written for him by Demost hens: As also those others against Phormio and Stephanus; but this practice of his was thought dishonourable, and justly enough; for the Speech which Phormio spoke against Apollodorus was also of his making; by which means he did as it were furnish two Adversaries out of the same Shop with Weapons to wound one another. Of his Orations which were made in public to the People, that against Androtion, and the other against Timocrates and Aristocratus was written for others, before he dealt himself in Affairs of the Commonwealth, for these it seems were published by him, when he was yet but Seven or Eight and Twenty years old. That against Aristogeiton, and that for the Immunities he spoke himself, at the request (as he says) of Cresippus the Son of Chabtias, but, as some say, out of Courtship to the young Man's Mother; though he never married her: For his Wife was a Woman of Samos, as Demetrius the Magnesian writes in his Book, de Synonymis. It is not certain whether his Oration against the Embassy of Aeschines was ever spoken; although Idomeneus says, that Aeschines wanted only Thirty Voices to acquit him; but this seems not to be true, at least so far as may be conjectured from both their Orations writ concerning the Crown: For neither of them hath mentioned any thing clearly or directly of it, as a Cause that ever came to Trial. But let others decide this Controversy.  
Now it was evident even in times of 
Demosthenes against Philip.  Peace, what course Demosthenes would steer in the Commonwealth: For whatever was done by the Macedonian he could not forbear finding fault with it; but upon all occasions was stirring up the People of Athens, and inflaming them against him: Therefore in the Court of Philip, no Man was so much talked of, or of so great account as he: And when he came thither one of the Ten Ambassadors, who were sent into Macedonia, though all had Audience given them, yet his Speech was answered with most care and exactness: But in other respects Philip entertained him not so honourably as the rest, neither did he show him the same kindness and civility with which he applied himself to the party of Aeschines and Philocrates: So that when the others commended Philip as an able Speaker, a beautiful Person, nay, and as a good Companion that could drink stoutly; Demosthenes could not contain himself from Raillery and Scoffing at the Praises they gave him: The first, he said was a quality which might well enough become a Rhetorician, the second a Woman, and the last was only the property of a Sponge; but none of them any away suitable to the Character or Commendation of a Prince. When things looked towards a War, (Philip on the one side being not able to live in peace, and the Athenians on the other side, being stirred up by Demosthenes) the first Action he put them upon, was the reducing of Eubaea, which by the Treachery of the Governors was brought under subjection to Philip. To this purpose, he having procured a Decree, they crossed over thither and chased the Macedonians out of the Island. The next was the Relief of the Byzantines and Perinthians with whom the Macedonians at that time made War. He persuaded the People to lay aside their enmity against those Nations, to forget the offences committed by them in the Wars with their Confederates, and to send them such Succours as saved and secured them. Not long after, he undertook an Embassy to the Grecians, whom he solicited and so for incensed against Philip, that (a few only excepted) he wrought them all into a general insurrection: so that besides the Forces to be raised by the Cities, there was an Army consisting of 15000 Foot and 2000 Horse, and the Money to pay these Strangers, was levied and brought in with great cheerfulness; but when the Allies desired that their contributions for the War might be ascertained and stated, Crobylus the Orator (as Theophrastus says) told them plainly, That War could not be kept to any set diet. Now was all Greece up in Arms, 
Demosthenes' solicits and prevails with the Thebans.  and in great expectation what would be the event of these things. The Eubaeans, the Achaians, the Corinthians, the Magarians, the Leucadians, and Corcyraeans, their People, and their Cities were all joined together in a League: But the hardest task was yet behind left for Demosthenes, to draw the Thebans into this Confederacy with the rest. Their Country bordered next upon Attica, they had great Forces for the War, and at that time they were accounted the best Soldiers of all Greece, but it was no easy matter to make them break with Philip, who by many good Offices had so lately obliged them in the Phocian War; especially considering the quarrels and disputes between these two Cities, occasioned from the nearness of their Frontiers, and by frequent light skirmishes on both sides daily renewed and exasperated. But after Philip, being now grown high and puffed up with his good success at Amphissa, had on a sudden surprised Elataea, and possessed himself of Phocis, the Athenians were under a great consternation, none durst venture up into the Pulpit, or knew what to say, all were at a loss, and the whole Assembly in deep silence and great perplexity. In this extremity of affairs, Demosthenes was the only Man who appeared, advising to apply themselves to the Thebans; and having otherways encouraged the People, and (as his manner was) raised their spirits up with hopes, he with some others, was sent Ambassador to Thebes. To oppose him (as Marsias says) Philip also sent thither his Ambassadors, Amyntas and Clearchus two Macedonians, besides Daochus, Thesialus, and Thrasydaeus. Now upon consultation the Thebans were well enough aware what suited best with their own interest; but every one had before his Eyes the dreadful▪ Calamities of War, and the wounds they lately received at Phocis were remaining yet green and fresh upon them. But such was the force and power of our Orator (as Theopompus tells us) that enkindling their minds, and inflaming them with a desire of Glory, he took away their sight, and cast a mist before all other considerations; so that without farther deliberation, or any regard had to the obligations which lay upon them, they cast away all fear, like Men possessed, and by his Eloquence inspired with worthy and honourable resolutions. This so famous an enterprise accomplished by an Orator, was thought to be of such great consequence, 
The Credit of Demosthenes, before the Battle.  that Philip immediately sent Heralds to treat and desire a Peace. All Greece was unanimously up in Arms. The Commanders in chief, not only of Attica, but of Boeotia, applied themselves to Demosthenes, and observed his directions: He managed all the Assemblies as well those of the Thebans, as those of the Athenians: He was beloved both by the one and by the other, and had the same Authority with both. Neither was all this respect showed him without good cause; for (as Theopompus has declared) it was no more than was decent and due to his merit. But there was, it should seem, some fatal destiny in the revolution of these Affairs, which, having determined to put a period at this time to the Liberty of Greece, opposed and thwarted all their actions; and by many signs foretold what should happen. Such were the dreadful Predictions uttered by the Pythian Priestess, and this Old Oracle cited out of the Sibylls.  

The Battle fought at Thermodon, let me  
An Eagle in the Air at distance see;  
Where they that vanquished are shall mourn; and he  
Who Conquers scarce survive his Victory.   
This Thermodon, they say, was a little River 
Thermodon.  with us in Cheronea, which emptied itself into Cephisus: But we know none of that name at this time, only we conjecture that which is now called Haemon, and runs by the Temple of Hercules, where the Grecians were encamped, might perhaps in those days be called Thermodon, and aster the fight, being filled with Blood and dead Bodies, upon this occasion (as we guess) might change its old name for that which it now bears. Yet Duris says, that this Thermodon was no River, but that some of the Soldiers, as they were pitching their Tents and digging Trenches about them, found a small Marble Statue, which, by the Inscription, appeared to be the Figure of Thermodon, carrying a wounded Amazon in his arms. Concerning this Battle there was also another Oracle alleged. 
Stay, Ravens, and expect the Fight at Thermodon,  
There will be Carcases good store to feed upon.   
In fine, it is not easy to determine what there is of Truth in these reports. But of Demosthenes 'tis said, that he had so great confidence in the Grecian Forces, and seeing the courage and resolution of so many brave Men ready to engage the Enemy, grew so high and lofty, that he would by no means endure they should give any heed to Oracles, or hearken to Prophecies, but gave out that he suspected even the Prophetess herself, as if she had been tampered with to speak in favour of Philip. The Thebans he put in mind of Epaminondas, the Athenians of Pericles, who always took their own measures and governed their Actions by reason, looking upon such Fopperies as a pretence only for cowardice. Thus far therefore, Demosthenes acquitted himself like a Man of Honour. But in the Fight when 
His Cowardice in the Fight.  it came to blows he did nothing honourable, nor were his performances any way answerable to his speeches. For deserting his Post, and throwing down his Arms, he run away most shamefully, not at all concerned (as 'tis well said by Pytheas) for the Inscription which was written on his Shield in Letters of Gold, With good Fortune.  
In the mean time Philip, soon after the 
Philip's carriage after the Victory.  Victory, was so transported with joy, that having drank to excess, he grew extravagant, and insulted over the dead, so that stamping, and dancing, and raising his Voice to the measures of his feet, he sung the first words of Demosthenes his Decree.  
Thus spoke Demosthenes the Son of Demosthenes of the Paeanean Tribe.  
But when he came to himself and had well considered the dangerous circumstances he was lately under, he was struck with horror, reflecting upon the strength and mighty power of such an Orator who had enforced him, within the compass of a few hours, to run the hazard both of his Life and Empire. His Fame also reached even to the Court of Persia, and the King sent Letters to his Lieutenants, commanding them to feed Demosthenes with Money, and to make their chief application to him, as the only Man of all the Grecians, who was best able to give Philip a diversion, and to employ his Forces nearer home in the troubles of Greece. This afterwards came to the knowledge of Alexander by certain Letters of Demosthenes which he found at Sardis, and by other Papers of the Persian Officers expressing the vast Sums which had been given him.  
At this time upon the ill success which 
Demosthenes' accused and acquitted.  now happened to the Grecians, those of the contrary Faction in the Commonwealth fall foul upon Demosthenes, who took this opportunity to frame several Informations and Indictments against him. But the People not only acquitted him of these Accusations, but continued towards him their former respects, and as a Man that meant well, they restored him to the management of their public Affairs: Insomuch, that when the Bones of those who had been slain at Cheronea, were brought home to be solemnly interred: Demosthenes was the Man they pitched on to make the Funeral Oration. The misfortunes which befell them, they did not bear with a base, low, or ignoble mind, but (as Theopompus writes in his Tragedies) by the Honour and Respects shown to their Counsellor, they made it appear, that they were no way dissatisfied with the Counsels he had given them. The Speech therefore was spoken by Demosthenes: But his decrees he would not have passed in his own name, but made use of his Friends one after another; for he looked upon his own Genius as unfortunate and inauspicious; till at length he took courage again after the death of Philip, who did not long outlive his Victory at Cheronea. And this it seems was that which was soretold in the last Verse of the Oracle.  

The Vanquished there shall weep, the Conqueror die.   
Demosthenes had secret intelligence of the 
The Behaviour of Demosthenes, and the Grecians, upon the death of Philip.  death of Philip; and laying hold of this opportunity to prepossess the People with Courage, and better Hopes for the future; he came into the Assembly with a cheerful countenance, pretending to have seen a Vision, from whence the Athenians were to expect some great Matters; and not long after arrived the Messengers, who brought the News of Philip's Death: No sooner had the People received it, but immediately they offered Sacrifice to the Gods, and decreed that Pausanias should be crowned: Demosthenes appeared publicly in a rich Habit, with a Chaplet on his Head, though it were but the seventh Day since the Death of his Daughter (as 'tis said by Aeschines) who upbraids him upon this account, and rails at him as one void of natural affection towards his Children; whereas indeed he has by this means rather betrayed himself to be of a poor low Spirit, and effeminate Mind, while he seems to make immoderate grief and lamentation, the only signs of a gentle and compassionate Nature, and to condemn those who bear such Accidents with more temper, and less passion. For my own part, as I cannot say that the Behaviour of the Athenians on this occasion, was any way decent or honourable, to crown themselves with Garlands, to sacrifice to the Gods, and all for the death of a Prince, who in the midst of his Success and Victories, when they were a conquered Nation, had used them with so much Clemency and Humanity; (for it was a practice both unworthy and base to make him free of their City, and to honour him while he lived; and yet as soon as he fell by another's hand, to set no bounds to their Jollity, to insult over him dead, and to sing triumphant Songs of Victory, as if by their own Valour they had vanquished him.) So I must needs commend the Carriage of Demosthenes; who leaving vain Tears and Lamentations to the Women, made it his Business to do that which he thought most profitable for the Commonwealth. And I think it the Duty of him, who would be accounted to have a Soul truly valiant, and fit for Government, that, standing always firm to the common Good, and neglecting his own private Calamities and Affairs, when they come into competition with the Public, he should maintain the dignity of his Character and Station; much more than it is of good Actors, who represent the Persons of Kings and Tyrants; and yet these, we see, when they either laugh or weep on the Stage, do not follow their own Inclinations, but observe that Decorum in their Actions which the Subject requires. Moreover, if we ought not to leave the unfortunate, forlorn, and comfortless, overwhelmed with sorrow, but to use some such speeches as may alleviate their Afflictions, and divert their Minds with more pleasing Objects (as we use to advise those who are troubled with sore Eyes, to withdraw their sight from bright and offensive Colours, to Green, and those of a softer mixture.) From whence can a Man furnish himself with better Arguments of Consolation for the Afflictions of his Family, than by endeavouring to attemper and allay his own private Misfortunes with the good success and recovery of his Country out of public Calamities; that so the better Fortune of the one may in some measure obscure and conceal the ill Circumstances of the other.  
I have been the larger in this Digression, because I observe in a Speech of Aeschines upon this Subject, that he endeavours to move, and soften the Minds of the People with Womanish Pity and Commiseration.  
But now to return to my Narrative, The 
Another Insurrection against Alexander.  Cities of Greece, by the instigation of Demosthenes, once more conspired together to make another Insurrection. The Thebans, whom he had provided with Arms, set upon their Garrison, and slew many of them; the Athenians made preparations to join their Forces with them; Demosthenes bestirred himself in the Pulpit, and writ Letters to the Persian Officers, who commanded under the King in Asia, inciting them to make War from thence upon the Macedonian; calling him Child and Changeling: 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  But, as soon as Alexander had settled affairs in his own Country, and came himself in person with his Army into Boeotia, down fell the Courage of the Athenians, and Demosthenes grew cold: So that the poor Thebans being thus deserted, and betrayed by them, were forced to give him Battle alone, and by this means lost their City. Hereupon, the People of Athens were all in an uproar, and in great perplexity resolved to send Ambassadors to Alexander: Amongst others, they made choice of Demosthenes for one; but his heart failing him for fear of the King's Anger, he returned back from Cithaeron, and left the Embassy. In the mean time, Alexander sent to Athens, requiring ten of their Orators to be delivered up to him, as Idomeneus and Thuris have reported; but, as the most, and best Historians say, he demanded these eight only; Demosthenes, Polyeuctus, Ephialtes, Lycurgus, Myrocles, Damon, calisthenes, and Charidemus. It was upon this occasion, that Demosthenes related to them the Fable wherein the Sheep are said to deliver up their Dogs to the Wolves. Himself, and those that were with him, contending for the safety of the People, he compared to the Dogs that defended the Flock; but Alexander he called the only Wolf. And withal, he farther told them, That as we see Corn-Masters sell their whole Stock by a few Grains of Wheat, which they carry about with them in a Dish, as a small Sample of the rest; so you, by delivering up us, who are but a few, do at the same time unawares surrender up yourselves all together with us. These things we find thus related in the History of Aristobulus the Cassandrian.—  
The Athenians were now deliberating, 
The Embassy of Demades to Alexander.  and at a loss what to do, when Demades, having agreed with the Persons whom Alexander had demanded, for 5 Talents, undertook to go Ambassador, and to intercede with the King for them; and, whether it was that he relied on his Friendship and Kindness, or that he hoped to find him satiated, as a Lion glutted with slaughter, he prevailed with him both to pardon the men, and to be reconciled to their City. Upon the departure of Alexander, the Faction of Demades grew great in power and authority; but Demosthenes was quite under Hatches. Yet when Agis the Spartan, made his insurrection; he also for a short time attempted to raise some commotions in Attica; but he soon shrunk back again, seeing the Athenians would not rise with him, and that Agis being slain, the Lacedæmonians were vanquished.  
At this time it was that the Indictment against 
The Action against Ctesiphon concerning the Crown.  Ctesiphon concerning the Crown, was brought to Trial. The Action was commenced a little before the Battle in Cheronea, when Charondas was Archon, but it came not to Sentence till about ten years after, Aristophon being then Archon. Never was any public cause more celebrated than this; both for the fame of the Orators, and for the generous courage of the Judges, who, though at that time the accusers of Demosthenes were men of the greatest power, and supported by the favour of the Macedonians, yet would not give Judgement against him, but acquitted him so honourably that Aeschines had scarce the fifth part of their Suffrages on his side; so that immediately he left the City, and spent the rest of his Life in teaching Rhetoric about the Island of Rhodes, and upon the Continent in jonia.  
It was not long after that Harpalus fled 
Harpalus comes to Athens.  from Alexander, and came to Athens out of Asia. He was conscious to himself of many lewd practices occasioned by his luxury, and feared the King, who was now grown terrible even to his best friends. Yet this man had no sooner addressed himself to the people, and delivered up his Goods, his Ships, and 
He corrupts the Orators.  himself to their disposal, but the other Orators of the Town had their Eyes quickly fixed upon his money, and came in to his assistance, persuading the Athenians to receive and protect their Suppliant. But Demosthenes at first gave advice to chase him out of the Country, and to beware lest they involved their City in a war upon this so unnecessary and unjust an occasion. Yet some few days after, as they were taking an account of the Treasure, Harpalus perceiving how much he was pleased with the King's Cup, and how curioufly he surveyed the sculpture and fashion of it, he desired him to poise it in his hand, and consider the weight of the Gold. Demosthenes being amazed to feel how 
And Demosthenes.  heavy it was, asked him what price it would come for? To you, Sir, said Harpalus with a smiling countenance, it shall come with 20 Talents. And presently after, when night drew on, he sent him the Cup with so many Talents. This Harpalus it seems was a person of good skill to discern a man's Covetousness by the air of his countenance, and from the pleasant cast of his eyes to discover his Nature. For Demosthenes could not resist the Temptation, but receiving the Present like a Garrison into his house, he was overcome, and wholly surrendered himself up to the interest of Harpalus. The next day he came into the Assembly with his Neck well swathed about with Wool and Rollers, and when they called on him to rise up & speak, he made signs as if he had lost his voice. But the Wits turning the matter to ridicule, said that certainly the Orator had been seized that night with no other than a Silver Squinzy. And soon after the People being sensible of the Bribery, grew angry, and would not suffer him to speak, or make any Apology for himself, but run him down with noise. Whereupon a certain Droll stood up, saying, O ye Men of Athens, What, Will you not hear the King's Cupbearer? So at length they banished Harpalus out of the City; and 
Harpalus banished.  fearing lest they should be called to account for the Treasure which the Orators had purloined, they made a strict Enquiry, going from house to house; only Callicles the Son of Arrenidas, who was newly married, they would not suffer to be searched, out of respect, as Theopompus writes, to the Bride, who was within. But Demosthenes opposed the Inquisition, and preferred a Decree to refer the business to the Court of Arieopagus, and to punish those whom they should find guilty. But he himself being one of the first whom the Court condemned, when he 
Demosthenes found guilty of Bribery, fined, and imprisoned.  came to the Bar, was fined fifty Talents, and committed to Prison; where, out of shame of the Crime for which he was condemned, and through the weakness of his Body, growing soon impatient and weary of his confinement, without the privity of 
His escape out of prison.  some, and by the connivance of others of his Keepers, he made his escape.  
He had not fled far from the City, when finding that he was pursued by some of those Citizens who had been his Adversaries, he endeavoured to hide himself. But when they called him by his Name, and coming up nearer to him, desired he would accept from them some Money, which they had brought from home, as a small Provision for his Journey, and to that purpose only had followed him; when they entreated him to take Courage, and without Passion to bear up against his Misfortune; he 
The Behaviour of Demosthenes in his Exile.  burst out into much greater Lamentation; saying, But how is it possible to support myself under so heavy an affliction, since I leave a City in which I have found such Enemies, as in any other it is not easy to meet with Friends so generous and kind. The Truth is, he bore his banishment after an unmanly fashion, settling for the most part in Aegina and Traezene, and with Tears in his Eyes, looking towards the Country of Attica. Insomuch that there remain upon record some Sayings of his, no way suitable to that generosity and bravery, with which he used to express himself, when he had the management of the Commonwealth. For as he was departing out of the City, it is reported, that he lifted up his hands towards the Acropolis, and said, O Lady Minerva, how is it that thou takest delight in three such fierce untractable Beasts, the Owl, the Dragon, and the People? The young men that came to visit, and converse with him, he deterred from meddling with State-affairs, telling them, that if at first two ways had been proposed to him, the one leading to the Pulpit and the Assembly, the other directly tending to Destruction, and he could have foreseen the many Evils which attend those who deal in public Business, such as Fears, Envies, Calumnies, and Contentions, he would certainly have taken that which led strait on to his Death.  
But now happened the Death of Alexander while Demosthenes was in this kind of Banishment which we have been speaking of. And the Grecians were once again up in Arms encouraged by the brave attempts of Leosthenes, who was then drawing a circumvallation about Antipater, whom he held close besieged in Lamia. Pytheas therefore the Orator, and Callimedon of Carabia, fled from Athens, and joining themselves with Antipater, they went about with his Friends and Ambassadors to keep the Grecians, from revolting and taking part with the Athenians. But on the other side, Demosthenes' associating himself with the Ambassadors that came from Athens, used his utmost endeavours, and gave them his best assistance, in persuading the Cities to fall unanimously upon the Macedonians, and to drive them out of Greece. Philarchus says, that in Arcadia there happened such a rancounter 
His contention with Pytheas.  between Pytheas and Demosthenes as came at last to down right railing, while the one pleaded for the Macedonians, and the other for the Grecians. Pytheas is reported to have said; that as we always suppose there is some Disease in the Family to which they bring Ass' Milk; so wherever there comes an Embassy from Athens, that City must needs be indisposed. But Demosthenes presently answered him, retorting the Comparison; Asses Milk is brought to restore us our health, and the Athenians come for the safety and recovery of the Sick. With these passages the People of Athens 
His return from Exile.  were so well pleased, that they decreed the recalling of Demosthenes from banishment. The Decree was brought in by Damon the Poeanean, Nephew to Demosthenes. So they sent him a Ship to Aegina, and he landed at the Haven of Piraeus, where he was met, and joyfully received by all the Citizens, not so much as the Archon, or the Priest staying behind. And Demetrius the Magnesian says, that he lifted up his hands towards Heaven, and blessed this day of his happy Return, as far more honourable than that of Alcibiades; since he was recalled by his Countrymen, not through any force or constraint put upon them, but by their own good will, and free inclinations. There remained only his pecuniary Fine, which according to Law could not be remitted by the People. But they found out a way to 
His Fine remitted.  elude the Law. It was a Custom with them to allow a certain quantity of Silver to those who were to furnish and adorn the Altar for the Sacrifice of Jupiter Soter. This Office for that turn they bestowed on Demosthenes, and for the performance of it ordered him fifty Talents, the very sum in which he was condemned. Yet it was no long time that he enjoyed his Country after his return, the attempts of the Grecians being soon all utterly defeated. For the Battle at Cranon happened in March, in July the Garrison entered into Munychia, and in October following died Demosthenes after this manner.  
Upon the report that Antipater and Craterus 
The relation of his death.  were coming to Athens, Demosthenes with his party, took their opportunity to escape privily out of the City; but at the instance of Demades they were condemned by the People. They dispersed themselves flying, some to one place, some to another: And Antipater sent about his Soldiers into all quarters to apprehend them. Archias 
Archias 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  was their Captain, and was thence called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, or the exile Hunter. He was a Thurian born, and is reported to have been an Actor of Tragedies; and they say that Polus of Aegina, the best Actor of his time, was his Scholar; but Hermippus reckons Archias among the Disciples of Lacritus the Orator; and Demetrius says, he spent some time with Anaximenes. This Archias finding Hyperides the Orator, Aristonicus of Marathon, and Himaereus the Brother of Demetrius the Phalerean at Aegina, he took them by force out of the Temple of Ajax, whither they were fled for safety, and sent them to Antipater then at Cleonae, where they were all put to death: And Hyperides (as they say) had his Tongue cut out. Demosthenes, he heard had taken Sanctuary at the Temple of Neptune in Calabria, and crossing over thither in some light Vessels, 
Demosthenes' seized by him.  assoon as he had landed himself, and the Thracian Spear men that came with him; he endeavoured to persuade Demosthenes that he would accompany him to Antipater, as if he should meet with no hard usage from him. But, Demosthenes in his sleep, the Night before had an odd unusual Dream: It seemed to him that he was acting a Tragedy, and contended with Archias for the Victory; 
Demosthenes' his Dream.  and though he acquitted himself well, and gave good satisfaction to the Spectators, yet for want of better Furniture and Provision for the Stage, he lost the Day. Wherefore as Archias was discoursing to him with many expressions of kindness, he sat still in the same posture, and looking up steadfastly upon him, O Archias (said he) I was never much taken with your Action heretofore, and now I am as little moved by your Promises. Archias at this beginning to grow angry and to threaten him; Now, said Demosthenes, thou speakest like the Oracle of Macedon; before thou didst but Act a Part. Therefore forbear only a little, while I write a word or two home to my Family. Having thus spoken, he withdrew himself farther into the Temple, and taking some Paper, as if he meant to write, he put the Quill into his Mouth, and biting it, as he 
He takes Poison.  was wont to do when he was thoughtful or writing, he held it there for sometime. Then he bowed down his Head and covered it. The Soldiers that stood at the Door supposing all this to proceed from want of Courage and fear of Death, in derision called him effeminate, faint-hearted, Coward. And Archias drawing near, desired him to rise up, and repeating the same kind things he had spoken before, he once more promised him to make his peace with Antipater. But Demosthenes, perceiving that now the Poison had pierced and seized his Vitals, uncovered his Head, and fixing his Eyes upon Archias. Now, said he, assoon as you please you may act the part of Creon in the Tragedy, and cast out this body of mine unburied: But, O gracious Neptune, I, for my own part, while I am yet alive, arise up and depart out of this sacred place; but Antipater and the Macedonians have not left so much as thy Temple unpolluted. After he had thus spoken and desired to be held up, because already he began to tremble and stagger, as he was going forward, and passing by the Altar, he fell down, and with a groan gave up the Ghost.  
Aristo saith, that he took the Poison out 
Various reports concerning his Death.  of a Quill as we have shown before. But Pappus a certain Historian (whose History was recovered by Hermippus) says, that as he fell near the Altar, there was found in his Paper this beginning only of a Letter and nothing more, Demosthenes to Antipater. The suddenness of his Death was much wondered at, and the Thracians who guarded the Doors, reported that he took the Poison into his Hand out of a Rag, and put it in his Mouth, and that they imagined it had been Gold which he swallowed. But the Maid that served him, being examined by the followers of Archias, affirmed that he had worn it in a Bracelet for a long time as an Amulet. And Eratosthenes himself says, that he kept the Poison in an hollow Ring, and that Ring was the Bracelet which he wore about his Arm. Many and various are the reports of those who have writ concerning this matter, which it is no way needful to recount: Yet I must not omit what is said by Democharis, a familiar intimate acquaintance of Demosthenes, who is of opinion, it was not by the help of Poison that he met with so sudden and so easy a death; but that by the singular favour and providence of the Gods, he was thus rescued from the barbarous cruelty of the Macedonians. He died the Sixteenth of October, a day the most sad and solemn of all the year, on which the Women celebrate the Thesmophoria of Ceres, and fast all day in the Temple of that Goddess.  
Soon after his death the People of Athens bestowed on him such honours as he had 
Honours bestowed on him after his death.  deserved. They erected his Statue of Brass; they decreed that the Eldest of his Family should be maintained in the Prytaneum; and on the Base of his Statue was engraven this famous Inscription:  

If with the Wisdom of thy Mind,  
An equal Courage had been joined:  
Greece ne'er had suffered so great harms;  
Enslaved by Macedonians Arms.   
For it is very ridiculous, which by some Men is reported, that Demosthenes should make these Verses himself in Calabria, as he was about to take the Poison.  
A little before we came to Athens, 'tis said, there happened such an accident as this. A Soldier being summoned to appear before his superior Officer, and to answer an Accusation brought against him, put that little Gold which he had, into the hands of Demosthenes his Statue: The Fingers of this Statue were folded one within another, and near it grew a small plane Tree; from which many leaves (either accidentally blown thither by the Wind, or placed so on purpose by the Man himself) falling together, and lying round about the Gold, concealed it for a long time. At length the Soldier returned, and finding his Treasure entire; the fame of this accident was spread abroad: And many of the Wits upon this occasion strove to vindicate Demosthenes from corruption, in several Epigrams which they made on the same subject.   


M. TULLIUS CICERO.  M Burghers sculp  
THE LIFE OF MARCUS TULLIUS CICERO: Translated from the Greek. By THO. FULLER, D. D. VOLUME V.  
IT is generally said, that Helvia the Mother of Cicero, was both well Born, and lived in good Fashion, but of his Father nothing is reported, but in extremes. For whilst some would have him the Son of a Fuller, and educated in that Trade, others reduce the original of his Family to 
* In Graeco 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. sed legendum: 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Regem Volscorum ad quem exul Coriolanus confugit. Vid. Li. lib. 2. vit. Coriol. in Aut. nost.  Tullius Attius an illustrious King of the Volsci: Howsoever he, who first of that House was surnamed Cicero, seems to have been a Person worthy to be remembered; because those who succeeded him did not only not reject, but were fond of that name, though vulgarly made a matter of reproach. For the Latins call a Vetch Cicer, and a flat excrescence in the resemblance of a Vetch on the tip of his Nose, gave him the surname of Cicero.  
But this Cicero, whose story I am writing, is said to have briskly replied to some of his Friends, judging it fit to lay aside or change that Name when he first stood for public Office, and engaged in Affairs of State, that he would make it his utmost endeavour to render the Name of Cicero more glorious than that of the Scauruses and Catulli; and therefore, when being Questor of Sicily, he had made an Oblation of Silver Plate to the Gods, and had inscribed thereon the Initial Letters of his two names Marcus and Tullius, instead of the Third, he merrily commanded the Artificer to engrave the Figure of a Vetch by them: These things are related of his Name.  
Of Cicero's Birth it is reported, that his Mother was delivered without pain or labour on 
* Ter. Non. Jan. Ciceronis natalis, sed Pridie. Non. Jan. votum pro salute principis, vid. Cal. Rom.  the Third of the Nones of January, that Day on which now the Magistrates of Rome, Pray and Sacrifice for the Emperor; it is said also that a Spectre appeared to his Nurse, and foretold the Child she then suckled, should afterwards become a great Benefit to the Roman State, which things would otherwise have appeared dreams and trifles, had not himself soon demonstrated the truth of the Prediction, for when he came to the age of going to School, he was of such eminent Pregnancy, and had such Fame and Glory amongst the Boys, that their Fathers would often visit the School, that they themselves might behold that Cicero, and as Eye Witnesses, report his quickness and aptness in Learning so much celebrated; but the ruder sort of them were angry with their Children, to see them as they walked together, receiving Cicero with respect into the middle place.  
Now he being, as Plato would have the Scholarlike and Philosophical Temper to be disposed to all manner of Learning, and neglectful of no Art or Science, had a more peculiar propensity to Poetry, and there is a Poem now extant, made by him when a Boy, in Tetrameter Verse, called 
* Fortè Potnius Vid. Virg. Geor 3. Ver. 267.— Quo Tempore Glauci Po●niades malis membra absumpsere quadrigis.  Pontius Glaucus.  
In progress of time, applying himself more generally to those Studies, he became not only an excellent Orator, but also one of the most eminent amongst the Roman Poets; and the Glory of his Rhetoric still remains, notwithstanding the many new Modes in Speaking since his time, but his Poetry is become wholly obsolete, and without Fame, by reason of those many witty Poets which have since succeeded and surpassed him.  
Leaving his Juvenile studies, he became an Auditor of Philo the Academic, whom the Romans, above all the other Scholars of Clitomachus, admired for his Eloquence and loved for his pleasant Conversation: He also applied himself to Mutius Scaevola an eminent Statesman, and as they termed it, 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Princ. Senat. Princeps Senatus dictus fuit is qui in lectione Senatus quae per Censores peracto censu fiebat primo loco recitabatur, A. Gell. l. 3. c 3.  Prince of the Senate, of whom he acquired knowledge of the Laws.  
For some time he served in Arms under Sylla in the Marsian War, but perceiving the Commonwealth running into Factions, and from Faction all things tending to an absolute Monarchy, he again betook himself to his retired and contemplative Life, and conversing with the Learned Greeks wholly applied to his Study, till Sylla had obtained the Government, and the Commonwealth was in some kind of settlement.  
About this time, Chrysogonus, Scylla's emancipated Slave, being informed by some body, of an Estate belonging to one who was said to be put to death by proscription; had bought it himself for two thousand Drachmas, of which when Roscius the Son and Heir of the dead complained, and demonstrated the Estate to be worth 
† It is very difficult to defend our Author in all places where he expresses the value of the Roman by the Attic Money, but in this place Rualdus has defended him against Scaliger, although he finds fault with some mistakes of that kind in other parts of this Life, and therefore we will take it for granted, that Cicero's Duobus millibus nummum exactly answers Plutarch's 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and his sexagies 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and to understand the great disproportion, betwixt Chrysogonus' price and Roscius' value of his Father's goods, we suppose that Nummus signifies Denarius, and not Sestertius; That the Roman Denarius, and the Attic Drachma were of the same value, and they are generally computed to 7 ob. q. of our money, though some pretenders to greater exactness make the Attic Drachma 8 d. q. That the Attic Mina was of the same value with the Roman Libra; That every Mina contained one hundred Drachmas Every Attic Talon, Sixty Mina's, and six thousand Drachmas: Which makes a great disproportion, and 〈…〉 a just Cause for Roscius' complaint; and yet the disproportion 〈…〉 be still greater if Nummus signified, as Scaliger conten 〈…〉 s, Sestertius which was but the fourth part of a Denarius or Drachma. Vide Ma●ucium in Tull. Orat. pro Roscio Amar. & Ruald. notas praefixas, & Xylandri affixas Plutarch. in Ed. Paris.  two hundred and fifty Talents, Sylla took it so heinously to have his Actions questioned, that he preferred a Process against Roscius for the murder of his Father, Chrysogonus managing the evidence: None of the Advocates durst assist him, but fearing the cruelty of Sylla, avoided the Cause.  
The young Man being thus deserted, fled for refuge to Cicero: His Friends encouraged him, as never being like again to have a fairer and more honourable introduction to Glory; he therefore undertakes the defence, carries the Cause and was admired for it.  
But fearing Sylla, he traveled into Greece, and gives it out, that he did it in order to his health; And indeed he was so lean and meager, and had such a weakness in his stomach, that he could take down nothing but a spare and thin Diet, and that not till late in the Evening: His voice was loud and good, but so harsh and unmanaged, that in vehemence and heat of speaking, he always raised it to so high a tone, that there was reason to fear the endangering of his Body by it.  
When he came to Athens, he was an Auditor of Antiochus the Ascalonite, being taken with the volubility and elegance of his Speech, although he did not approve the Novelty of his opinions: For Antiochus had now fallen off from the new Academy, as they call it, and forsaken the Sect of Carneades, either moved by clear conviction and the evidence of sense, or, as some say, through ambition and opposition to the followers of Clitomachus and Philo, and had changed his opinion, in most things, embracing the Doctrine of the Stoics. But Cicero rather affected and adhered to these Doctrines of the new Academy; resolving with himself if he could get no public employment in the Commonwealth, to retire thither from pleading and political affairs, and to pass his life with quiet in the study of Philosophy.  
But after he had received the news of Sylla's death, and his body again strengthened by exercise, was come to a vigorous habit, his voice managed and rendered sweet and full to the Ear, and pretty well fitted to the disposition of his Body, his Friends at Rome, earnestly soliciting him by Letters, and Antiochus as much persuading him to return to public Affairs, he again furbished up his Rhetoric, as the proper instrument of a Statesman; and re-excited his political faculty, both diligently exercising himself in declamations, and applying to the celebrated Orators of that time.  
From 
† Athens.  hence he took shipping for Asia and Rhodes; amongst the Asian Rhetoricians he conversed with Xenocles of Adramyttus, Dionysius of Magnesia, and Menippus of Caria; at Rhodes for an Orator with 
* The translator renders according to the import of the Greek, though it is evident Plutarch was mistaken both in this and Caesar's Life, making two men of one, a Father and a Son: For the famous Rhetorician, Master both to Caesar and Cicero, was called Apollonius Molon. vid. Rualdi notas praefix. Pl. Ed. Par.  Apollonius the Son of Molon, and for a Philosopher with Possidonius.  
It is reported, that Apollonius not understanding the Roman Language, desired Cicero to declaim in Greek, and that he readily obeyed him, as knowing it the best way to have his defects amended: After he had ended his declamation, others were astonished, and mutually contended in praise of the Orator, but Apollonius as he had discovered no great transport whilst he heard him, so when he had done, he sat musing with himself for some considerable time, at which Cicero being disturbed, he said unto him; thou, O Cicero, I praise and admire, but I pity the Fortune of Greece to see Arts and Eloquence the only Ornaments that were left her, by thee transported to the Romans.  
And now when Cicero full of expectation, was again bend upon political affairs, a certain Oracle blunted the edge of his inclination, for consulting the God of Delphos how he should arrive at the top of Glory, Pythia answered, By making his own genius, and not the opinion of the People the guide of his life; and therefore at first he passed his time in Rome cautiously, and was very backward in pretending to public Offices, so that he was at that time in little esteem, and had got the names of Greek and Scholar, the usual and ordinary Cant of the meanest Mechanics of Rome.  
But being by Nature very desirous of Fame, and by his Father and Relations also incited thereto, he applied himself to pleading, in which he arrived at eminence, not by gentle and slow degrees, but on a sudden his glory shone forth, and he far surpassed all the Advocates of the Bar.  
At first it is said, he was, as well as Demosthenes, very defective in Action, and therefore he diligently applied himself sometimes to Roscius the Comedian, and sometimes to Aesop the Tragedian.  
They report of this Aesop, that whilst he was representing on the Theatre Atraeus deliberating the revenge of Thyestes, he was so transported beyond himself in the heat of Action, that with his Truncheon he smote one of the Servants hastily crossing the Stage, and laid him dead upon the place.  
And such afterwards was Cicero's Action, that it did not a little contribute to render his Eloquence persuasive, deriding the Rhetoricians of his time, for delivering their Orations with great noise, he said it was want of Ability to speak that made them bawl, as lame Men who cannot walk get on horseback.  
And indeed his facetious humour in jeering and jesting seemed very proper and delightful at the Bar, but his using it to excess offended many, and gave him the repute of ill manners.  
He was appointed Questor in a great scarcity of Corn, and had Sicily for his Province, where though at first he displeased many by compelling them to send in their Provisions to Rome; yet after they had had experience of his Care, Justice, and Clemency, they honoured him more than ever they did any of their Governors before.  
Not long after some young Men of good and noble Families charged with disorder and dissoluteness against Martial Discipline, were sent back from Rome to the Praetor of Sicily. But Cicero so excellently managed their defence, that he got them all discharged.  
Returning to Rome with a great Opinion of himself for these things, a pleasant accident befell him, for lighting upon an eminent Citizen of Rome in Campania, whom he accounted his Friend, and ask him what the Romans said and thought of his Actions, as if the whole City had been filled with the noise and glory of what he had done, he answered, Why Cicero where hast thou been all this time: It struck him dead at Heart to perceive, that the report of his Actions was fallen into the City of Rome as an immense Ocean, without any return of public Glory. And therefore afterwards considering with himself, that the glory he contended for was an infinite thing, and that there was neither end nor measure in such pursuits, he abated much of his Ambitious thoughts: Yet, nevertheless he was excessively pleased with his own praise, and continued to the very last most passionately desirous of Glory; which often interrupted the prosecution of his wisest Resolutions.  
Applying himself more resolutely to public Business, he accounted it an absurd thing that Artificers using Vessels and Instruments inanimate, should know the Name, Place, and Use of every one of them; and yet the Statesman, who manageth public Affairs by Men, should be negligent and careless in the knowledge of Persons, and things relating to the Commonwealth; and therefore he not only acquainted himself with the Names, but also knew the particular Place where every one of the more eminent Citizens dwelled, what Lands he possessed, the Friends he made use of, and those that were of his Neighbourhood, and when he traveled the road of Italy, he could readily name and show the Estates and Seats of his Friends.  
Having so small an Estate, though a sufficient competency for his own expenses, it was much wondered that he took neither Fees nor Gifts from his Clients, more especially, that he did it not when he undertook the prosecution of Verres: This Verres, who had been Praetor of Sicily, and stood charged by the Sicilians, of many evil practices during his Government there, Cicero caused to be condemned not by speaking, but in a manner by holding his Tongue. For the Judges favouring Verres, had deferred the Trial by several Adjournments to the last day, in which it was evident there could not be sufficient time for the Advocates to be heard, nor to bring the Cause to an Issue; Cicero steps up, and said there was no need of Speeches, and therefore producing and examining Witnesses he required the Judges to proceed to Sentence.  
And yet there are many pleasant things said to be spoken by Cicero in this Cause. As when an emancipated Slave, by Name 
* Q Cecilius Niger ad ●e accusa●di munus pertinere contendit quia erat Verris Questor.  Cecilius, suspected of the Jewish Religion, would have put by the Sicilians, and undertaken the prosecution of Verres himself; Cicero said, but what has a Jew to do with Swine's Flesh. For the Romans call a 
† Here the Translator errs with his Author, for Verres, according to M. Terentius Varro, amongst the Latins, signifies a Boar-pig, Magalis a gelt Pig, and it should have been in the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, to have justified another rendering.  gelt Pig, Verres. Verres reproaching Cicero for Effeminacy, he replied, you should have given this reproach within your own doors, to your Children; for Verres had a Son, a pretty grown Boy, who was supposed basely to prostitute his Beauty: Hortensius the Orator not daring directly to undertake the defence of Verres, was yet persuaded to appear for him at the laying on of the Fine, and received an Ivory Sphynx for his reward: Cicero in some passage of his Speech obliquely reflecting on him, Hortensius told him, he was not skilful in solving Riddles, no says Cicero, and yet you have a Sphynx at home.  
Verres being thus condemned, and Cicero setting the Fine but at 
‖ Myriad simpliciter positae in re nummarianunquam aliud significant quam Decem Millia Drachmarum, ut decies apud Latinos nunquam aliud quam decies sestertium. Gronovius de pecunia veteri, p. 541. Ed. Elsev. So that the 75 Myriad in Cicero's Taxation must be accounted Myriad of Denarii, which as Rualdus computes them, amounts to Tricies sestertium, a Sum far short of the Legal penalty in such Cases; and therefore there must be an Error in Plutarch, or his Transcriber: But if an account be taken of this Matter from Cicero's own Relation, it will be very evident that he gave no occasion to render his Justice suspected of being corrupted by Bribery, as Plutarch intimates: For he did not only require of Verres the double value of his unjust Extortions in Sicily, which was the least Sum that could be by Law imposed, but with a more severe Justice also one other half. For Verres' Exactions being valued at Quadraginties, the double forfeiture amounts but to Octingenties sestertium, but he demands Mille sestertium, quo nomine à te Millies Sestertium, ex lege repete, ut ex divinatione & oratione re in Verrem patet.  Seventy five Myriads, he lay under the suspicion of being corrupted by Bribery to lessen the Summ. But yet the Sicilians in Testimony of their Gratitude, sent and brought him many presents from that Isle when he was Aedilis, of which he made no private Gain for himself, but rather made use of their Generosity to bring down the Price of Victual.  
He had a very pleasant Seat at 
* Non Arpi urbs Apuliae, sed Arpinum in Campania ut sunt Neapolis & Pompeii Test. Plin. Lib. 3. Cap. 3.  Arpinum, he had also a Farm near Neapolis, and another about Pompeii, but neither of any great value. The Portion of his Wife Terentia, amounted to Twelve Myriads, and his own Inheritance was computed to Nine Myriads of Denarii, of this he lived freely and temperately, with the learned Greeks and Romans that were his Familiars. He rarely if at any time sat down to Meat till Sunset, and that not so much for Business, as for his Health, and the Weakness of his Stomach. He was otherwise in the care of his Body nice and delicate, as by using himself to a set number of Walks and Rubbing; and after this manner managing▪ the habit of his Body, he brought it in time to be healthful, and able to endure great fatigue and labour.  
He made over his paternal Seat to his Brother, but he himself dwelled near Mount Palatine, that he might not give the trouble of long Journeys to those that made suit to him; and indeed there were not fewer daily appearing at his Door, to do their Court to him, than did to Crassus for his Riches, or to Pompey for his power amongst the Soldiers, the most admired and greatest Men of Rome of that time. Yea Pompey himself paid observance to Cicero, and Cicero's Power in the Commonwealth conferred much to the increase of the Authority and Glory of Pompey. When many and great Competitors stood with him for the Pretor's Office, he was chosen before them all, and managed the Decision of Causes with Justice and Integrity: It is reported that Licinius Macer, a Man of himself of great power in the City, and supported also by the assistance of Crassus, was accused before him of extortion, and that in confidence of his own Interest, and the diligence of Friends, whilst the Judges were debating about the Sentence, he went to his own House, where hastily trimming himself, and putting on a White Gown as already acquitted, he returned again towards the Court; but Crassus meeting him in the Porch, and telling him, that he was condemned by general Suffrage, he went home, threw himself upon his Bed, and died immediately: This Sentence gave Reputation to Cicero for his dexterity in overruling the Bench. When Vatinius one of a rough Nature, insolent at the Bar to the Judges, having his Neck swollen with scrofulous humours, stood before the Tribunal of Cicero 〈…〉 d ask something, which he denied, and desired longer time to consider of; had said he would not have disputed this, had he been Praetor; Cicero turning towards him, replied, but I have not so large and stiff a 
* In Omni pene lingua usitatum, impudentes, praesertim in dicendo temerarios valido & duro collo praeditos dicere.  Neck as you have.  
When there were but two or three Days remaining in his Office, Manilius was brought before him, and charged with Extortion. Now this Manilius had the good opinion and favour of the Common People, and was thought to be prosecuted only for Pompey's sake, whose particular Friend he was; and therefore, when he had asked a set time for his Trial, and Cicero had allowed him but one Day, and that the next only; the common People grew highly offended, because it had been the custom of the Praetors to allow Ten Days at least to the Accused; when the Tribunes of the People having called him to the Bar, and accusing him (of an unusual Practice) he desiring to be heard, said, that as he had always used the Accused with Equity and Humanity, as far as the Law allowed, so he thought it hard to deny the same to Manilius, and that he had studiously appointed that day of which only, as Praetor, he was Master, and that it was not the part of those that were desirous to help him, to cast the judgement of his Cause upon another Praetor. These things being said, made a wonderful change in the People, and commending him much for it, they desired that he himself would undertake the defence of Manilius, which he willingly consented to, and that principally for the sake of Pompey, who was absent, and therefore stepping up again, he made an Oration of the whole Matter, from the beginning, briskly reflecting upon the Factious, and the Enemies of Pompey.  
Yet he was preferred to the Consulship no less by the Nobless, than the common People for the good of the City; and both parties jointly assisted his promotion upon this account. The change of Government made by Sylla, which at first seemed intolerable, by time and usage did now appear to the People, no ill way of settlement; there were indeed some that endeavoured to alter and subvert the present State of Affairs, but more for their own private gain than public good.  
Pompey being at this time employed in Wars with the Kings of Pontus and Armenia, there wanted sufficient force at Rome, to suppress those that affected change in the Commonwealth: These had for their Head a Man of a bold, daring and restless Humour, Lucius Catiline, who was accused besides other great Offences of deflowering his Virgin Daughter, and killing his own Brother, of which latter fearing to be prosecuted at Law, he persuaded Sylla to set him down as though he were yet alive, amongst those that were to be put to death by proscription.  
This Man the profligate Citizens choosing for their Captain, gave faith to one another, by Sacrificing a Man and eating of his flesh; and a great part of the young Men of the City were corrupted by him, he providing for every one, Pleasures, Drink, and Women, profusely supplying the expense of those debauches.  
All Etruria was in a disposition to revolt, and a great part of Gallia Cisalpina, but Rome itself was in the most dangerous inclination to change, by reason of the unequal distribution of the Wealth of that place, for Persons of the greatest Honour and Spirit, had made themselves poor by shows, entertainments, ambition of Offices, and sumptuous Buildings, and by this the Riches of the City were fallen into the hands of mean and despicable Persons, so that there wanted but little Weight to remove the Seat of Affairs, it being in the power of every daring Man to overturn a sickly Commonwealth.  
But Catiline being desirous of procuring a strong Fort in order to his future Designs, pretended to the Consulship, and was in great hopes of having Caius Antonius for his Colleague, a Man of himself, neither a fit Leader for the best nor worst designs, but such a one as might make a good accession to the others Power: These things the greatest part of the good and honest Citizens apprehending, put Cicero upon standing for the Consulship, whom the People readily receiving, Catiline was put by, so Cicero and C. Antonius were chosen, although amongst the Competitors Cicero was the only Man descended from a Father of the Equestrian, and not of the Patrician Order.  
Tho the Designs of Catiline were not yet publicly known; yet great previous Commotions immediately followed upon Cicero's entrance upon the Consulship; for on the one side, those which were forbidden, by the Laws of Sylla, public Offices, being neither inconsiderable in power nor number, stood and caressed the People for them, speaking many things truly and justly against the Tyranny of Sylla, had they not disturbed the Government in an improper and unseasonable time; on the other side, the Tribunes of the People proposed Laws upon the same Hypothesis, constituting a Decemvirate with unaccountable power; with whom, as Lords, should be the Right of selling the public Lands of all Italy and Syria, and whatsoever Pompey had newly Conquered, of judging and banishing whom they pleased, and of planting Colonies, of taking moneys out of the Treasury, and of levying and paying what Soldiers should be thought needful, and therefore several of the Nobility favoured this Law, but especially C. Antonius, Cicero's Colleague, in hopes of being one of the Ten; but that that gave the greatest fear to the Nobless was, that he was thought privy to the Conspiracy of Catiline, and not to dislike it, because of his great Debts.  
Cicero endeavouring in the first place to provide a Remedy against this danger, got a Decree of the Province of Macedonia for Antonius, and Gallia which was given to himself, he relinquished. By this kindness he so wrought Antonius to his beck, that like a hired Player, he was always ready to Second him for the good of his Country, and when he had made him thus tame and tractable, Cicero with greater courage attacked the affectors of Innovation, and therefore in the Senate, making an Oration against the Law of the Decemvirates, he so confounded those which proposed it, that they had nothing to reply: But if when they again endeavoured, and having prepared things beforehand, had called the Consuls before the Common Hall; Cicero fearing nothing went first out, and commanded the Senate to follow him, so that he not only threw out the Law, but vanquished the Tribunes with his Eloquence, that he made them lay aside all their other pretences.  
For Cicero was the Man who principally demonstrated to the Romans, how great a relish Eloquence gives to that that is good, and how invincible a just proposal is, if it be well spoken, and that it is necessary for him, who would dextrously govern a Commonwealth, in action always to prefer that which is honest before that which is popular, and in speaking to separate that which is offensive, from that that is convenient.  
And there was an accident in the Theatre in the time of his Consulship, which was a demonstration of the prevalence of his Eloquence.  
For whereas formerly the Knights of Rome, were mingled in the Theatre with the common People, and took their places amongst them as it happened, 
* Vel potius L. Roscius Otho Tribune of the People, for so were his Names and Office, and the Law instituted about that Matter, is styled Lex Roscia.  Marcus Otho the Praetor was the first, who in Honour distinguished them from the other Citizens, and appointed them a proper Seat, which they still enjoy as their more eminent place in the Theatre: This the common People took as an indignity done to them; and therefore when Otho appeared in the Theatre, they in reproach hissed him; the Knights on the contrary received him with loud clapping, the People repeated and increased their hissing; the Knights continued their clapping, upon this turning upon one another, they fell to reproaches, so that the Theatre was in great disorder: Cicero being informed of it, came himself to the Theatre, and summoning the People into the Temple of Bellona, he so effectually chid and chastised them for it, that they again returning into the Theatre, received Otho with a loud applause, contending with the Knights who should give the greatest demonstrations of honour and respect to the Praetor.  
The Conspiracy of Catiline at first timorous and disheartened, began again to take courage, and therefore assembling themselves together, they exhorted one another more boldly to undertake the Design before Pompey's return, who, as it was said, was now on his March with his Forces for Rome. But the Veterane Soldiers of Sylla were Catiline's chiefest confidence; these had been disbanded all about Italy, but the greatest number and the valiantest of them lay scattered about the Cities of Etruria, dreaming of new Plunder and Rapine amongst the hoarded Riches of Italy: These having for their Leader Manilius, who had eminently served in the Wars under Sylla, joined themselves to Catiline, and came to Rome to assist him with their Suffrages at the Election: For he again pretended to the Consulship, having resolved to kill Cicero in the Tumult of the Assembly.  
Besides, the Gods seemed by Earthquakes, Thunders, and Spectres to foretell the Design, and there were also intimations from Men concerning it, true enough in themselves, though not sufficient for the conviction of the Noble and very powerful Catiline: Wherefore Cicero deferring the Day of Election, convened Catiline into the Senate, and there examined him of those things that were reported; Catiline believing there were many in the Senate desirous of Change, and to give a Specimen of himself to the Conspirators present, answered with a gentle Hypocrisy: What ill do I, says he, there being two Bodies, the one Lean and Consumptive with a Head, the other great and strong without one, if I put a Head to that Body which wants one: These things being enigmatically spoken of the Senate and People, Cicero was the more afraid.  
Him, armed with Coat of Mail, the most eminent Citizens, and many of the Young Gentlemen conducted from his House to the Campus Martius, where designedly throwing his upper Garment off from his Shoulders, he showed his Armour underneath, and discovered his danger to the Spectators, who being very much moved at it, gathered round about him for his defence. But at length, Catiline was by a general Suffrage again put by, and Silanus and Murena chosen Consuls.  
Not long after this Catiline's Soldiers were got together in a Body in Etruria, the Day appointed for the Design being near at hand: About midnight some of the principal and most powerful Citizens of Rome, as Marcus Crassus, Marcus Marcellus, and Scipio Metellus went to Cicero's House, where knocking at the Gate, and calling up the Porter, they commanded him to awake Cicero, and tell him they were there. The Business was this; Crassus his Porter after Supper, had delivered him Letters brought by an unknown Person: Some of them were directed to others, but one to Crassus without a Name; this only Crassus read, which informed him, that there was a great slaughter intended by Catiline, and advised him to leave the City: The others he did not open, but went with them immediately to Cicero, being affrighted at the danger, and to free himself of the suspicion he lay under, for his familiarity with Catiline. Cicero therefore considering of the Matter, summoned the Senate at break of day. The Letters he brought with him, and delivered them to those to whom they were directed, commanding them to read them publicly; they all alike contained an account of the Conspiracy.  
But after Quintus Marrius a Man of Praetorian dignity, had declared that there was 
In the Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 but here the Translator follows Sallust.  a listing of Men in Etruria; and that Marcius was said to be by with a great force hover about those Cities, in expectation of some alteration in Rome. The Senate made a decree to put over all affairs to the Consuls, and that they taking them into their care, should according to their discretion, order and preserve the Commonwealth. This the Senate did not use to do often, but only in case of imminent danger: After Cicero had received this power, he committed all Affairs abroad to Q. Metellus, but the manage of the City he kept in his own hands. Such a numerous attendance guarded him every day he went abroad, that the greatest part of the Marketplace was filled with his train when he entered it. Catiline impatient of further delay, resolved himself to fly to Manlius his Camp; but commanded Marcius and Cethegus to take their swords, and go early in the morning to Cicero's gates, as if only intending to salute him, and then to fall upon him and slay him. This a Noble Lady Fulvia coming by Night, discovered to Cicero, bidding him beware of Cethegus and Marcius. They came by break of day, and being denied entrance, stormed and roared at the Gates, which rendered them more suspicious. But Cicero going forth, summoned the Senate into the Temple of Jupiter Stator seated on the top of the holy Street, which goeth up to the Capitol; where Catiline with others of his party also coming, as intending to make his defence, none of the Senators would sit by him; but all of them left that Bench where he had placed himself, and when he began to speak interrupted him with noise.  
At length Cicero standing up commanded him to leave the City, for since one governed the Commonwealth with words, the other with arms, it was necessary there should be a Wall betwixt them: Catiline therefore immediately left the Town, with three hundred armed Men, and taking to himself as a Magistrate, the rods, axes and other ensigns of Authority, he went to Marcius, and having got together a Body of near twenty thousand Men, with these he marched to the several Cities, endeavouring to persuade or force them to revolt. So it being now come to open War, Antonius was sent forth to fight him, the remainder of those in the City which Catiline had corrupted Cornelius Lentulus got together and encouraged.  
He had the Surname Sura, a Man of a Noble Family, but a dissolute liver, who for his debauchery was formerly thrown out of the Senate, he was then the second time Praetor, as the custom was, when ejected Persons were restored to the Senatorian Honour: It is said that he got the Surname Sura upon this occasion; being Questor in the time of Sylla, he had lavished away and consumed a great quantity of the public moneys, at which Sylla being provoked, called him to give an account in the Senate, he appeared with great insolence and contempt, and telling him that he would make no account, held up the Calf of his leg, as boys use to do when they make a default at Ball, upon which he was Surnamed Sura, for the Romans call the Calf of the leg Sura.  
Being at another time prosecuted at Law, and corrupting some of the Judges, he escaped only by two suffrages, but he complained what he had given to one of them was a needless charge, because one suffrage would have been sufficient to have absolved him.  
This Man, such a one in his own nature, and incensed by Catiline, the false Prophets and Magicians had also corrupted with vain hopes, enchanting him with fictitious Verses and Oracles, and demonstrating from the Sybilline Prophecies, that there were three Cornelius' designed by Fate to be Monarches of Rome; two of which, Cinna and Sylla had already fulfilled the fatal decree, and that the Gods were now coming to offer the Monarchy to the third Cornelius remaining, and that therefore he ought by all means to accept it, and not lose his opportunity by delay, as Catiline had done.  
Lentulus therefore designed no mean or trivial matters, for he had resolved to kill the whole Senate, and as many other Citizens as he could, to fire the City, and spare no body but only Pompey's Children, intending to seize and keep them as pledges of his reconciliation with Pompey: For there was then a common and strong report, that Pompey was returning from a great expedition. The Night appointed for the design was the first of the Saturnalia's: Swords, Flax, and Sulphur, they carried and hid in Cethegus his house, and providing one hundred Men, and dividing the City into as many parts, they had allotted to every one singly his proper place, so that in a moment many kindling the fire, the City might be in a flame all together, others were appointed to stop up the Aqueducts and to kill those who should endeavour to carry water to quench it.  
Whilst these things were preparing, it happened there were two Ambassadors from the Allobroges then resident at Rome, a Nation at that time in a distressed condition, and very uneasy under the Roman Government: These Lentulus and his party adjudging useful instruments to move and seduce Gallia to revolt, admitted into the Conspiracy, and they gave them Letters to their own Magistrates, and Letters to Catiline, in those they promised liberty, in these they exhorted Catiline to set all Slaves free, and to bring them along with him to Rome, they sent with them to Catiline, one Titus, a Native of Croton who was to carry those Letters to him.  
These being the Counsels of inconsidering Men, and such as conversed together with Wine and Women, Cicero pursued with industry, consideration, sobriety, and great prudence, having besides several Emissaries abroad, who observed and traced with him all they did, he also conferred privately with, and confided in many, who were thought engaged in the Conspiracy, he knew all the discourses which passed betwixt them and the strangers; and lying in wait for them by Night, he took the Crotonian with his Letters, the Allobroges Ambassadors being in private Consult with him: By break of day he summoned the Senate into the Temple of Concord, where he read the Letters and examined the discoverers.  
Junius Syllanus added that several had heard Cethegus say, that three Consuls and four Praetors were to be slain; Piso also a Person of Consular dignity, testified other matters of the like nature, and Caius Sulpicius, one of the Praetor's being sent to Cethegus his house, found there a great quantity of Arrows, Arms, Swords and Daggers all newly furbished: At length the Senate, decreeing indemnity to the Crotonian upon discovery of the whole matter, Lentulus was convicted, abjured his Office (for he was then Praetor) and put off his Robe edged with purple in the Senate, changing it for another garment more agreeable to his present circumstance: He thereupon with the rest of his confederates present, was committed to the Praetor, in free Custody.  
It being evening and the common People in crowds, expecting without; Cicero went forth to them, and told them what was done, and then, attended with them, went to the house of a Friend, and near Neighbour, for his own was taken up by the Women, who were celebrating with secret rites the Feast of the Goddess, whom the Romans call Bona, or the good, the Greeks 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉; for a Sacrifice was annually performed to her in the Consul's house, either by his Wife or Mother in the presence of the Vestal Virgins.  
Cicero being got to his Friend's house privately, a few only being present, fell to deliberate with himself, how he should treat these Men; the severest punishment, and such indeed as was fit for so great crimes he was afraid, and shy of executing, as well from the Clemency of his Nature as also lest he should be thought to exercise his authority too insolently, and to treat too rudely Men of the Noblest Birth, and most powerful friendships in the City, and yet if he should use them more mildly, he had a dreadful prospect of danger from them, for there was no likelihood, if they suffered less than death, they would be reconciled to him, but rather adding new rage to their former wickedness, break forth into all manner of insolence, whilst he himself should gain thereby the repute of a cowardly and timorous Person, upon other accounts not thought over valiant by the Vulgar: Whilst Cicero was doubting what course to take in these matters, a portentous accident happened amongst the women's sacrificing; for on the Altar where the fire seemed wholly extinguished, a great and bright flame issued forth from the Ashes of the burnt Wood, at which others were affrighted; but the holy Virgins, called to Terentia, Cicero's Wife, and bid her haste to her Husband, and command him to execute what he had resolved for the good of his Country; for the Goddess had given great light to his Safety and Glory. Terentia therefore, as she was otherwise in her own Nature neither pitiful nor timorous, but an ambitious Woman, (who, as Cicero himself saith, would rather thrust herself into his public Affairs, than communicate her domestic to him) told him these things, and incensed him against the Conspirators; the same did also Quintus his Brother, and Publius Nigridius, one of his Companions in Philosophy, whom he often made use of in his greatest and most weighty Affairs of State.  
The next day, a debate arising in the Senate about the punishment of these Men, 
* Julius Syllanus primus sententiam rogatus, quia codem tempore Consul designatus erat. vid. Sallust.  Syllanus being the first who was asked his Opinion, said, It was fit they should be all sent to Prison, and there suffer the utmost Penalty; to him all consented in order till it came to Caius Caesar, who was afterwards Dictator; he was then but a young Man, and had only gained the Beginnings of his future Rise, having directed his Hopes and Policy that way, by which he afterwards changed the Roman affairs into a Monarchy; his guilt was unknown to others, yet to Cicero he had given many suspicions, though no sufficient proof to convict him; and there were some indeed that said, tho' he was very near being discovered, yet he had escaped him; but others were of opinion that Cicero voluntarily overlookt and neglected the evidence against him for fear of his friends and power; for it was very evident to every body, that these would be rather a means of Caesar's escape, than Caesar's guilt an occasion of their punishment: When therefore it came to Caesar's turn to give his opinion, he stood up 
* Senator stando sententiam dixit. , and declared that the Conspirators should not be put to death, but their Estates confiscated, and their Persons 
† Alia erat sententia Caesaris, viz. Conjuratos Catalinae in perpetuam custodiam damnandos, non pro tempore, sic testatur Crisp. Salustius, qui judicio interfuit, vel interesse potuit. vid. Bell. Catiline. p. 36. Ed. Elsev.  sent to such Cities in Italy, as Cicero should approve, there to be kept Prisoners till Catiline was conquered: To this Sentence, being the most moderate, and he that delivered it, a most powerful Speaker, Cicero himself gave no small weight; for he stood up, and turning the scale on either side, he spoke sometimes in favour of the former, sometimes of Caesar's Sentence.  
But all Cicero's Friends judging Caesar's Sentence most expedient for Cicero (because he would incur the less blame, if the Conspirators were not put to death) chose rather the latter; so that Syllanus also changing his Mind, retracted his Opinion, and said he had not declared for capital, but only the utmost punishment, which to a Roman Senator is Imprisonment. Caesar having given his Sentence, Catulus Luctatius was the first who contradicted it; him Cato seconded, and in his Oration cast such a vehement suspicion upon Caesar, and so filled the Senate with anger and resolution, that a Decree was passed for the execution of the Conspirators; but Caesar opposed the confiscation of their Goods, not thinking it fit that those who had rejected the mildest part of his Sentence, should make use of the severest: Many insisting for it, he appeals to the 
* Penes Tribunos plebis erat morem interponere Senatus consulto.  Tribunes; but they would not be ruled by him, till Cicero himself yielding, remitted that part of the Sentence about confiscation.  
After this, Cicero went out with the Senate to the Conspirators; they were not all together in one place; but the several Praetors had them, some one, some another in custody: And first he took Lentulus out of the Palace, and brought him by Via Sacra, through the middle of the Marketplace, a Circle of the most eminent Citizens encompassing and guarding Cicero. The People affrighted at what was doing, passed by in silence; especially the young Men seemed with fear and trembling, as if they were initiating in some sacred Mysteries of Aristocratick Tyranny.  
Afterwards passing from the Marketplace, and coming to the Gaol, he delivered Lentulus to the Officer, and commanded him to execute him, and after him Cethegus, and so all the rest in order he brought, and delivered up to Execution.  
And when he saw many of the Conspirators in the Marketplace, standing together in companies, ignorant of what was done, but expecting Night, as if the Men were still alive, and in a possibility of being rescued, he called to them in a loud voice, and said, They did live; for so the Romans to avoid harsh Language, express those that are dead: It was now Evening when he returned from the Marketplace to his own House, the Citizens no longer attending him with silence, nor in order, but receiving him as he passed, with acclamations and applauses, saluted him, Saviour and Founder of his Country.  
A bright Light shone through the Streets from the Lamps and Torches set up at the Doors, and the Women appeared from the Tops of their Houses, to honour and behold Cicero returning home with a splendid Train of the most principal Citizens; amongst whom were several who had managed great Wars, obtained Triumphs, and added to the Possessions of the Roman Empire, both at Sea and Land; these, as they passed along with him, acknowledged to one another, that though the Roman People were indebted to several Officers and Commanders of that Age, for Riches, Spoils, and Power; yet to Cicero alone they owed the safety and security of all these, for delivering them from so great and eminent a danger; for though it might seem no wonderful thing to prevent the Design, and punish the Conspirators, yet to defeat the greatest of all Conspiracies with so little damage, trouble and commotion, was very extraordinary; for many of those who had run in to Catiline, as soon as they heard the fate of Lentulus and Cethegus, left and forsook him, and he himself with his remaining Forces joining Battle with Antonius, was destroyed with his Army.  
And yet there were some who were very ready both to speak and do ill to Cicero for these things, and they had for their Leaders some of the Magistrates of the ensuing Year, as Caesar one of the Praetors, and Metullus and Bestia the Tribunes, these entering upon their Office some few days before Cicero's Consulate expired, would not permit him to make his Oration to the People; but throwing the Forms before the Rostra, hindered his speaking, commanding him, if he pleased, only to abjure his Office, and descend: Cicero upon this, moving, as going to abjure, and silence being made, he made his Oath not in the usual, but a new and peculiar Form, viz. That he had saved his Country and preserved the Government; the truth of which Oath all the People by Oath confirmed.  
Caesar and the Tribunes being the more exasperated by these things, endeavoured to create him further trouble, and therefore a Law was proposed for the calling Pompey home with his Army, to suppress the insolence of Cicero; but it was a very lucky thing to Cicero, and the whole Commonwealth, that Cato was at that time one of the Tribunes, for he being of equal power with the rest, and of greater esteem, opposing their Designs, both easily defeated all other projects, and in an Oration to the People, so highly extolled Cicero's Consulate, that the greatest Honours were decreed him, and he publicly declared the Father of his Country, which Title he seems 
* Viz. The first time he had the honour of that Name given him before an Assembly of the People, for it was before given him in a full Senate by Q Catulus, as Cicero himself testifies, Orat. cont. Piso. & pro P. Sextio.  first to have obtained, when Cato so styled him in his Oration to the People.  
At this time therefore his Authority was very great in the City; but he created himself much envy, and offended very many, not by any evil Action, but because he was always praising and magnifying himself: for neither Senate, nor Assembly of the People, nor Court of Judicature could meet, in which he was not heard to boast of Catiline and Lentulus; besides, he so filled his Books and Writings with his own Encomiums, that he rendered a stile in itself most pleasant and delightful, nauseous, and irksome to his hearers; this ungrateful humour, like a disease, always cleaving to him: Nevertheless, though he was intemperately fond of his own praise, yet he was very free from envying others, and most liberally profuse in commending both the Ancients and his contemporaries, as is to be understood by his Writings, and many of those Sayings are still recorded, as that concerning Aristotle, that he was a River of flowing Gold, of Plato's dialogue, that if Jupiter were to speak, he would discourse as he did; Theophrastus he was wont to call his peculiar delight, and being asked which of Demosthenes his Orations he liked best, he answered the longest.  
And yet some affected imitators of Demosthenes, have complained of a saying, written by Cicero in an Epistle to some of his Friends, that Demosthenes in some of his Orations nodded; but they are forgetful of the many and singular Encomiums he frequently gives him, and the Honour he did him, when he named the most elaborate of all his Orations, those he wrote against Anthony, Philippics.  
And as for the eminent Men of his own time, either for Eloquence or Philosophy, there was not one of them which he did not by Writing or Speaking favourably of, render more illustrious, he obtained of Caesar when in power, the Roman freedom for Cratippus the Peripatetic, and got the Court of Areopagus by public Decree to request his stay at Athens for the Instruction of their Youth, and the Ornament of their City. There are Epistles extant from Cicero to Herodes, and others to his Son, in which he requires them to follow the Philosophy of Cratippus.  
In another he blames Gorgias the Rhetorician for seducing his Son to Luxury and Drinking, and therefore forbids him his Company, which latter with another to Pelops the Byzantine are the only two of his Greek Epistles, which seem to be written in Anger; in the first he justly reflects on Gorgias, if he were what he was thought to be, a dissolute and incorrigible Person; but in the other, he meanly expostulates and complains with Pelops, for neglecting to procure him a Decree of certain Honours from the Byzantines; but these things are to be charged upon his Ambition, and the warmth and vehemency of his Speaking, which often made him neglect Decorum.  
When Numatius, who had escaped judgement by Cicero's defence, prosecuted his Friend Sabinus, it is said that Cicero fell so foul upon him in his Anger, that he told him: Numatius, thou wert not acquit for thy own sake, but because I so overshadowed the light, that the Court could not perceive thy guilt: When from the Rostra he had made Encomiums of Crassus with good applause, and within fews days after had again as publicly reproached him, Crassus called to him and said, Didst not thou thyself in this place lately commend me; no says Cicero, I only exercised my Eloquence in declaiming upon a bad Subject. At another time Crassus saying, that none of the Crassis in Rome lived above Threescore years, and afterwards recalling himself, and saying what was in my Head to say so? Cicero replied, Thou knowest the Romans were glad to hear it, and therefore thou saidst it to wheadle the People; when Crassus said, that he was pleased with the Stoics, because they assert, the good Man is always Rich; nay rather says he, because they affirm all things belong to the Wise; for Crassus his covetousness was very notorious. When one of Crassus his Sons, who was generally thought very like Axius, and for which cause his Mother lay under an ill public Fame, made an Oration with good applause in the Senate, Cicero being asked what he thought of him, answered in a Greek Clinch, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Crassus' being to go into Syria resolved to leave Cicero, rather his Friend than his Enemy, and therefore one day kindly saluting him, told him he would come and Sup with him, which the other as courteously received. Within few days after, some of Cicero's acquaintance, interceding for Vatinius, as desirous of reconciliation and Friendship (for he was then his Enemy) replied, and will indeed Vatinius also come and Sup with me: And thus he used Crassus.  
Vatinius pleading with Scrofulous tumors in his Neck, he called him the 
† Either reflecting on the impudence of the speaker or the roughness of his Style. Utrumque sortium Horat. notat. 1. Serm. 7. satire. vers. 7. confidens, tumidus 2. Ser. Sat. 5.— Tumidis infla sermonibus utrem.  Swollen Orator; having heard that he was dead, and presently after that he was alive again, may that rascal perish, says he, who told so ill a lie.  
Caesar attempting a Law for the division of the Lands in Campania amongst the Soldiers, many in the Senate opposed it, amongst the rest Lucius Gellius, one of the oldest Men in the House, said, it should never pass whilst he lived: Let us defer it till then, says Cicero, for Gellius does not require a very long day. To one Octavius, supposed an African born, saying to Cicero pleading, that he did not hear him, Cicero replied, as yet your ear is not bored: When Metellus Nepos told him, that he had destroyed more as a Witness than he had saved as Advocate, I confess it, says Cicero, for I have much more Truth than Eloquence: To a young Man accused of giving a poisoned Cake to his Father, and confidently threatening, that he would bespatter Cicero with reproaches, he said, I had much rather have those, than your Cake: Publius Sestus, having amongst others retained Cicero as his Advocate in a certain cause, and yet desirous to talk all for himself, and allow no body to speak for him, when he was ready to be acquitted by the Judges, and the Ballets were passing, Cicero called to him, Sestus use thy time to day, for to morrow thou wilt be but a private person: He cited Publius Colla to bear testimony in a certain Cause, one who affected to be thought a Lawyer, though ignorant and unlearned, to whom, when he had said, I know nothing of the matter, he answered, Thou thinkest perhaps we ask thee about a point of Law: To Metellus Nepos in a dispute betwixt them, often repeating who is thy Father, O Cicero: he replied, Thy Mother has made the answer of that question to thee more difficult, for Nepos his Mother was accounted a lewd Woman. This Nepos was one of a very uncertain humour, for on a sudden he left the Tribuneship, and fled into Syria to Pompey, and immediately after returned again with less confidence than he went; now he burying his Tutor Philager with more than ordinary curiosity, had set up over his monument a Marble Crow, which Cicero observing told him, Thou hast done wisely in this, for thy Tutor has rather taught thee to fly than speak.  
When Marcus Appius in his preamble to a Plea, had said, that his Friend had desired him to employ all his Industry, Eloquence, and Fidelity in that Cause. Cicero answered, than thou hast been very hard to thy Friend in not performing one of those things he had desired of thee. To use this bitter raillery against Opposites and Antagonists in pleading seems allowable Rhetoric at a Bar, but to fall upon every body, only to move laughter, this created him great hatred: A few of which passages I shall relate. Marcus Aquilius, who had two Sons in Law in Exile, he called 
† It is a known story that Adrastus' King of Argos married his two Daughters to two Fugitives Tydeus and Polynices.  Adrastus; Lucius Colla, an intemperate Lover of Wine, was Censor when Cicero pretended to the Consulship, Cicero being dry at the Election, his Friends stood round about him whilst he was drinking, You have reason to be afraid, says Cicero, lest the Censor should be angry that I drink water. Meeting one day Voconius with his three very ugly Daughters, he cried out. 
This Man has sown his seed,  
Without Apollo's leave or aid.  When Marcus Gellius, who was reputed the Son of a Slave, had read several Letters in the Senate; with a very shrill and loud voice, Wonder not, says Cicero, for this fellow is one of the Criers: When Faustus Sylla the Son of Sylla the Dictator, who had during his Dictatorship by public bills proscribed and condemned several Citizens, had so far wasted his Estate, and got into debt, that he was forced to publish his bills of sale, Cicero told him, That he liked these bills much better than those of his Father: By these things he became very odious to many.  
But Clodius' Faction conspired against him upon this occasion: Clodius was one of a Noble Family in the flower of his youth, and of a bold and resolute humour; he being in Love with Pompeia Caesar's Wife, got privately into his House in the habit and dress of a Minstrel, (for the Women were then offering that Sacrifice in Caesar's house, which is neither to be heard nor seen by Men) and there was no Man present; but Clodius, being a Youth and beardless, hoped to get to Pompeia among the Women, without being taken notice of, but entering that great house by Night he was lost in the passages, where Aurelia one of Caesar's Mother's Women spying him, wand'ring up and down, enquired his name, thus being necessitated to speak, he told her, he was seeking for one of Pompeia's Maids, by name Aura, she perceiving it not to be a Woman's Voice shrieked out, and called in the Women, who presently shutting up the Gates, and searching every place, at length found Clodius fled into the Chamber of that Maid with whom he came in: This matter being noised abroad, Caesar put away his Wife Pompeia, and Clodius was 
* Not by Caesar as the Latin Translator by rendering it actively seems to imply, for he did not so much as testify against him, but by the Tribune of the People, as our Author affirms in the life of Caesar.  prosecuted for profaning the holy Rites.  
Cicero was at this time his Friend, for he had been useful to him in the conspiracy of Catiline, as one of his forwardest assistants and guard of his Body.  
Clodius putting the stress of his defence, upon this point, that he was not then at Rome, but a far off in the Country, Cicero testified that he came to his house that day, and discoursed with him of several matters, which thing was indeed true, although Cicero was thought to testify it, not so much for the truth's sake, as to preserve his quiet with Terentia his Wife, for she had a spite at Clodius upon the account of his Sister Clodia, who had a mind to marry Cicero, and managed the design by one Tullus, a Friend and intimate of Cicero's in his greatest affairs: And Cicero himself by frequently visiting and paying his Court to Clodia as a Neighbour, had given Terentia ground to suspect him. And she being a Woman of a sour humour, and having the ascendant of Cicero, had provoked him to conspire and testify against Clodius.  
Afterwards many good and honest Citizens did give evidence against him for perjuries, forgeries, bribing the People, and deflowering of Women. Lucullus proved by his Maidservants, that he had lain with his youngest Sister, when she was his Wife; and there was a public Fame, that he did also converse with his two other Sisters in the same way; Terentia, whom Martius Rex, and Clodia, whom Metellus Celer, had married; the latter of them was called Quadrantula, because one of her Lovers had deceived her with a purse of small brass money instead of Silver, the smallest brass coin being called a Quadrant. Upon this Sister's account, Clodius was principally defamed. Notwithstanding all this, when the common People appeared in Tumults against the accusers, and prosecutors of Clodius, the Judges were so affrighted, that a guard was placed about them for their defence; though the names were confusedly written upon the Tables, yet it was evident that the greatest number did absolve him; and it was said there was bribery in the Case, and therefore Catulus meeting the Judges, told them, You did well in requiring a guard for your safety, for fear your money should have been taken from you; and when Clodius upbraided Cicero, that the Judges did not believe his Testimony, Yes, said he, five and twenty of them believed me, for so many of them have condemned you, but the other thirty did not believe you, for they did not absolve you till they had received your Money.  
But Caesar, though cited did not give his Testimony against Clodius, nor pretended to be convinced of his Wife's Adultery, but that he had put her away, because it was fit that Caesar's Bed should not be only free of the evil fact, but of the Fame too.  
Clodius having escaped this danger, and got to be chosen one of the Tribunes of the People, immediately attacked Cicero, heaping up all matters, and inciting all Persons against him, the common People he wheedled with popular laws; to each of the Consuls, he decreed large Provinces, to Piso, Macedonia, and to Galinius, Syria: He mustered together a rabble of indigent Persons to serve his design, and had always armed Slaves about him; of the three Men then in greatest power, Crassus was Cicero's open Enemy, Pompey indifferently caressed both, Caesar was going with an Army into Gallia.  
Cicero applies himself to him, th' none of his firm Friends, having had a suspicion of him ever since the conspiracy of Catiline; of him he desires the Honour of being his Lieutenant General in that Province. Caesar accepting him, Clodius perceived that Cicero fled his tribunitian Authority, and therefore pretends to be inclinable to a reconcilement, lays the greatest fault upon Terentia, makes always a favourable mention of him, and treats him with kind expressions, as one who had neither hatred nor ill will towards him, and thus expostulating the matter moderately and friendly, he so freed Cicero of all his fears, that he resigned his Lieutenancy to Caesar, and betook himself again to political affairs. At which Caesar being exasperated, he confirmed Clodius against him, and wholly alienated Pompey from him, he also himself declared in a public assembly of the People, that he did not think Lentulus and Cethegus with their accomplices were well and legally put to death, without being brought to Trial.  
And this indeed was the crime charged upon him, of which Cicero standing accused and prosecuted, he changed his habit, and in a sordid and untrimmed dress went about and supplicated the People, but Clodius always met him in every corner, having a pack of abusive and daring fellows about him, who with insolence publicly derided his dress, and change of habit, and would often by throwing dirt and stones at him interrupt his supplications to the People. Although at first, almost the whole Equestrian order changed their habits with him, and no less than twenty thousand young Gentlemen followed him untrimmed, and supplicating with him to the People on his behalf: Afterwards the Senate met, to pass a decree, that the People should change their habit as in time of public sorrow: But the Consuls opposing it, and Clodius with armed Men besetting the Senate-house, many of the Senators ran out, shrieking and tearing their clothes but this sight moved neither shame nor pity in them, for Cicero must either fly or determine it by the Sword with Clodius. He entreated Pompey to aid him, who was on purpose gone out of the way, and resided at his Countryhouse near Albania, and first he sent his Son-in-Law Piso, to intercede with him, but afterwards went himself, of which Pompey being informed, he durst not stay to see him, for he had a great reverence for that Man, who had contended in so many quarrels for him, and had directed so much of his policy for his advantage, but being Caesar's Son-in-Law, at his instance he set aside all former kindness received from Cicero, and slipping out at another door avoided his intercession: Thus being forsaken by Pompey, and left alone to himself, he fled to the Consuls. Gabinius was always surly to him, but Piso treated him more civilly, desiring him to yield and give place for a while to the fury of Clodius, and to expect the change of times, and to be once more a Saviour to his Country from those commotions and dangers which were raised upon his account.  
Cicero receiving this answer, consulted with his Friends: Lacullus advised him to stay, as being sure to prevail at last, others to fly, because the People would soon desire him again, when they should have enough of the rage and madness of Clodius. This last Cicero approved. But first he took the Statue of Minerva, which had been long set up in his house, and worshipped with singular devotion, and carrying it to the Capitol, there dedicated it with this inscription: MINERVAE VRBIS ROMAE PRAESIDI. To Minerva the Patroness of Rome. And receiving a safe convoy from his Friends, about the middle of the night he left the City, and went on foot through Lucania intending to reach Sicily. But as soon as it was publicly known that he was fled, Clodius procured of the People a decree of Exile, and by bill interdicted him Fire and Water, prohibiting any within five hundred Miles in Italy, to receive him into their Houses. But all others, who reverenced Cicero, little regarded the Decree, for showing him all kind offices they attended him in his passage.  
But at Hipponium a City of Lucania, now called Vibo, one Vibius a Sicilian by birth, who amongst many other effects of Cicero's friendship, had been made Surveyor of the works when he was Consul, would not indeed receive him into his house, yet sent him word, he would appoint a place in the Country for his reception. C. Virginius the Praetor of Sicily, who had made use of Cicero in his greatest necessities, wrote to him to forbear coming into Sicily. At these things Cicero being disheartened went to Brundisium, whence putting forth with a prosperous wind, a contrary gale blowing from the Sea carried him back to Italy the next day; he put again to Sea, and having finished his Sail to Dyrrachium, and putting on shore there, it is reported, that an Earthquake and storm at Sea happened at the same time, from whence the Soothsayers conjectured his Exile would not be long; for those things were Prognostics of Change. Although many visited him with respect, and the Cities of Greece contended which should honour him most, yet he continued disheartened and disconsolate, like an unfortunate Lover, often casting a look back upon Italy, and indeed he was become so mean spirited, contracted, and dejected by his misfortunes, as none could have expected in a Man so thoroughly conversant in all sorts of Learning as he was.  
And yet he often desired his Friends not to call him Orator, but Philosopher, because he had made Philosophy his business, but had only used Rhetoric as an instrument of Governing the Commonwealth, when there was necessity for it.  
But the desire of Glory has great power in blotting the Tinctures of Philosophy out of the Souls of Men, and of imprinting the passions of the Vulgar, by custom and conversation in the minds of those that govern them; unless the politician be very careful so to engage in public affairs, as to interest himself in the affairs themselves, but not in the passions that are consequent to them.  
Clodius having thus driven away Cicero, fell to burning his Villas, and afterwards his City house, and built in the place of it a Temple to Liberty, the rest of his goods he exposed to Sale by daily proclamation, but no body came to buy them.  
By these things he became formidable to the chiefest Citizens, and having got together a Body of the Commonalty let loose to all manner of insolence and licentiousness, he fell foul upon Pompey, inveighing against several things done by him in the Wars; for these matters Pompey falling under an ill Opinion with the People, began to be displeased with himself for deserting Cicero, and changing his mind, wholly set himself with his Friends to contrive his return, and when Clodius opposed it, the Senate made a Vote, that no public Matter should be decreed or acted, till Cicero was recalled: But when Lentulus was Consul, the commotions grew so high upon this Matter, that the Tribunes were wounded in the Common Hall, and Quintus, Cicero's Brother was left as dead, and hid amongst the slain; upon this the People began to change their Opinion, and Annius Milo one of their Tribunes, was the first who took confidence to hale Clodius by force unto Judgement. Many of the Common People, and of the Neighbouring Cities joining with Pompey, he went with them, and drove Clodius out of the Common Hall, and Summoned in the People to pass their Vote; and it is said the People never passed any Suffrage more unanimously than this; the Senate also joining with the People, sent Letters of Thanks to those Cities, which had received Cicero with respect in his Exile, and decreed, that his House & Villas which Clodius had destroyed should be rebuilt at the public charges.  
Thus Cicero returned Sixteen Months after his Exile, and the Cities were so glad, and the Men so zealous to meet him, that what Cicero boasted of afterwards, viz. That Italy had brought him on her Shoulders home to Rome, was rather less than the Truth: And Crassus himself, who had been his enemy before his Exile, went then voluntarily to meet him, and was reconciled; to please his Son Publius, as he said, who was Cicero's most affectionate Friend.  
Cicero had not been long at Rome, but taking the opportunity of Clodius his absence, he goes with a great company to the Capitol, and there tears and defaces the Tribunitian Tables, in which was recorded the Acts that were done in the time of Clodius: Clodius, calling him in question for this, Cicero answered that he being of the Patrician Order, had got the Office of Tribune against Law, and therefore nothing was valid that was done by him: Cato was displeased and opposed Cicero, not that he commended Clodius, but rather disapproved his whole Administration of Affairs; yet he contended it was an irregular and violent course for the Senate to Vote the abolishing of so many Decrees and Acts, in which also were the Memoirs of his Government at Cyprus and Byzantium.  
This occasioned a breach betwixt Cato and Cicero, which though it came not to open enmity, yet it made a more reserved Friendship betwixt them: After this Milo killed Clodius, and being arraigned for the Murder, he chose Cicero for his Advocate. The Senate fearing least the questioning of so eminent and high Spirited a Citizen as Milo, might disturb the Peace of the City, committed the regulating of this, and such other trials to Pompey, to preside for the security of the City, and of the Courts of Justice: Pompey therefore went in the Night, and encompassed the outward part of the Forum with Soldiers. Milo fearing lest Cicero being disturbed by such an unusual sight should manage his Cause ill; persuaded him to come in his Chair into the Forum, and there to repose himself till the Judges were set, and the Court filled: For Cicero, as it seems was not only timorous in Arms, but began his plead also with fear, and scarce left trembling and shaking in some causes in the height and forms of his Oration: Being to defend Licinius Murena against the prosecution of Cato, and endeavouring to outdo Hortensius, who had made his plea with great applause, he took so little rest that Night, and was so disordered with much Thought and overwatching, that he fell far short of his Antagonist. Coming forth of his Chair to undertake the Cause of Milo, and seeing Pompey placed above as in a Camp, and Arms shining round about the Forum, he was so confounded, that he could hardly begin his Speech for the trembling of his Body, and hesitance of his Tongue: But Milo appeared at the trial brisk and confident, disdaining either to let his hair grow, or to put on the mourning habit, which seems to be the principal cause of his condemnation.  
And yet Cicero in these things was rather thought to be concerned for his Friend than timorous. He was afterwards made one of those Priests whom the Romans call Augurs, in the room of Crassus the younger dead in Parthia, and having by lot obtained the Province of Cilicia, he set sail thither with twelve thousand Foot, and two thousand six hundred Horse; he had orders also to reduce Cappadocia to the love and obedience of Artobazanes their King, which settlement he effected with great acceptance without Arms; and perceiving the Cilicians, by the great loss the Romans had suffered in Parthia, and the Commotions in Syria, grown insolent; he reduced them into good Temper, by a gentle Government. He received no Presents, though sent him by Kings: He remitted the Province the charge of Public Suppers; but entertained daily at his own House the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, ingenious and accomplished Men of the better Quality, not Sumptuously, but Liberally. His House had no Porter, nor was he seen in Bed by any Man; but early in the Morning standing or walking before his Door, he courteously received those that visited him.  
He never commanded any to be beaten with Rods, nor to have their Garments rend: He never gave contumelious Language in his Anger, nor inflicted Punishment with Reproach. When he found any of the Public moneys purloined, he enriched the Cities with it; and those who voluntarily made Restitution, without any further Punishment, he preserved entire in their Reputation. He made a little effort of War, and drove out the Thiefs which infested the Mount Amanus, for which he was saluted by his Army Imperator. To Caetius the Orator, desiring him to send him some Panthers from Cilicia, to be exposed on the Theatre at Rome, with boasting reflecting on his own Actions he wrote, that there were no Panthers in Cilicia, for they were all fled to Caria in Anger, that in so general a Peace they were left the only Subjects of his Arms.  
Leaving his Province for a time, he touched at Rhodes, but more willingly tarried at Athens, with a desire of renewing his old Studies; where he visited the most eminent Men of Learning, and saluted his Friends and Familiars; and being deservedly Honoured in Greece, he returned to his own City, where Affairs were just as it were in a flame, breaking out into a Civil War. When the Senate would have decreed him a Triumph, he told them, he had rather, so Differences were accommodated, follow the Triumphant Chariot of Caesar. In private, he gave Advice to both; writing many things to Caesar, and entreating several of Pompey; mollisying, persuading, and exhorting each of them: But when matters became incurable, and Caesar was approaching Rome, Pompey durst not abide it, but with many honest Citizens left the City: Cicero avoided the flight, and seemed to adhere to Caesar, though it is very evident he was in his Thoughts much divided, and wavered betwixt both; for thus he writes in his Epistles: To which side should I turn? Pompey has an honest and specious Pretence for War, but Caesar has managed his Affairs better, and is more able to secure himself and his Friends; so that I know whom I should flee, not whom I should fly to. But when Trebatius, one of Caesar's Friends, by Letter signified to him, that Caesar thought it was his Interest to secure himself on his side, and to be partaker of his Hopes; but if his Age would not permit that, that he should retire into Greece, and there abide and enjoy his Quiet, remote from either Party. Cicero, wondering that Caesar did not write himself, answered in Anger, that he would do nothing unworthy of those things he had already done in Public Affairs.  
After this manner therefore he writes in his Epistles. But as soon as Caesar was marched into Spain, he immediately takes Shipping to go to Pompey; and he was very acceptable to all the rest but Cato, who taking him privately, chid him for joining himself to Pompey: As for himself, he said, it had been very undecent, to have forsaken that part of the Commonwealth which he had chosen from the beginning; but he might have been more useful to his Country and Friends, if remaining Neuter, he had attended and governed the Event, and not without Reason or Necessity have made himself an Enemy to Caesar, and partner of so great Dangers.  
By these sayings, Cicero's mind was partly changed, but principally because Pompey made no great use of him; although indeed he was himself the cause of it, by professing he repented his coming, by deriding Pompey's Preparations, by despising his Counsels, and not forbearing Jeers and pleasant Reflections upon his Fellow-Soldiers: For whilst he walked sour and melancholy in the Camp, he was always endeavouring to move Laughter to others, who had as little reason to be merry, as himself. And here it may not be amiss to relate some few of those Jests. To Demetrius, preferring one to a Command, who was no Soldier, and saying in his defence, that he was a Modest and Prudent Person; he replied, Why did not you keep him then for a Tutor for your Children? Some commending Theophanes the Lesbian, who was Master of the Works in the Camp, for that he had excellently comforted the Rhodians after the loss of their Fleet: What an extraordinary thing, said he, it is to have a Greek Officer? When Caesar had done many things successfully, and in a manner besieged Pompey, Lentulus was saying, it was reported, that Caesar's Friends were melancholy: You mean, says Cicero, they are wishing ill to Caesar. To one Marcius, newly come from Italy, and telling them, that there was a strong report at Rome, that Pompey was blocked up; he said, And therefore you sailed hither, that you might see it with your own Eyes, and believe it. To Nonius, encouraging them after a Defeat to be of good hope, because there were seven Eagles still left in Pompey's Camp: You encourage well, said Cicero, if we were to fight with Jackdaws. Labienus demonstrating from Divination, that Pompey was to be Conqueror: Yes, said Cicero, and by trusting to this Stratagem, we have already lost our Camp.  
After the Battle of Pharsalia was over (at which he was not present, for want of Health) and Pompey was fled, Cato having considerable Forces, and a great Fleet at Dyrrachium, would have had Cicero Commander in Chief, according to Law, and the Precedence of his Consular Dignity. But Cicero refusing the Command, and wholly avoiding to join with their Arms, was very near being slain; young Pompey and his Friends calling him Traitor, and drawing their Swords upon him, had slain him, had not Cato interposed, and hardly rescued and brought him out of the Camp.  
Afterwards arriving at Brundisium, he tarried there some time, in expectation of Caesar, who lingered because of his Affairs in Asia and Egypt; and when it was told him, that he was arrived at Tarentum, and was coming thence by Land to Brundisium; he hastened towards him, not altogether without Hope, and yet in some Fear of making experiment of the temper of an Enemy, and Conqueror in a public Presence. But there was no necessity for him, either to speak or do any thing unworthy of himself. For Caesar, as soon as he saw him coming a good way before the rest of the Company to meet him, made his descent towards him, and saluted him; and leading the way, discoursed with him alone for many furlongs; and from that time forward continued to treat him with Honour and Respect: So that when Cicero wrote an Oration in praise of Cato, Caesar writing against it, took occasion of commending the Eloquence and Life of Cicero, as most exactly resembling that of Pericles and Theramenes. Cicero's Oration was called Cato, Caesar's, Anti-Cato.  
It is reported, that when Quintus Ligarius was prosecuted for having been one in Arms against Caesar, and Cicero had undertaken his Defence, Caesar said to his F●iends, What hinders, but 
* 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, for a while.  that after so long a time we should hear Cicero speak? It being long since concluded, that Ligarius is an ill Man, and our Enemy. But when Cicero began to speak, he wonderfully moved him, and proceeded in his Speech with that variety of Pathos, and that admirable Grace, that the colour of Caesar's Countenance often changed; and it was very evident, that all the Passions of his Soul were in commorion. At length, the Orator touching upon the Pharsalian Battle, he was so transported, that his Body trembled, and some of the Papers he held, dropped out of his hands; and thus being overpowered, he acquitted Ligarius.  
After this, the Commonwealth being changed into a Monarchy, Cicero withdrew himself from public Affairs, and employed his leisure in instructing those young Men that would, in Philosophy; and by their Conversation and Acquaintance, being of the noblest and best Quality, he again got very great Power in the City. But his chief Business was to Compose and Translate Philosophical Dialogues; and to render Logical and Physical Terms into the Roman Idiom: For he it was, as it is said, who first or principally gave Latin names to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and many such other Greek Terms of Art, continuing by Metaphors, and other Proprieties, to render them intelligible and expressible by the Romans. For his Recreation, he exercised his Dexterity in Poetry; and when he was set to it, would make five hundred Verses in one Night: He spent the greatest part of his time at his Countryhouse near Tusculum. He wrote to his Friends, that he led the Life of Laertes, either jestingly, as his Custom was, or rather through Ambition for public Employment, and Dislike of the present State of Affairs. He rarely went to the City, unless to pay his Court to Caesar. He was commonly the first amongst those who Voted him Honours, and always forward in speaking some new thing in praise of the Man and his Actions: As that which he said of the Statues of Pompey; for these being defaced and thrown down, Caesar had commanded to be restored, and they were so; and therefore Cicero said, That Caesar, by this Act of Humanity, had indeed set up Pompey's Statues, but he had fixed and established his own.  
He had a Design, as it is reported, of writing the History of his Country, and of intermingling with it the Affairs of Greece, with the whole Body both of their true and fabulous Stories: But he was diverted by many public and private Affairs, and other cross Accidents; most of which seem to have befallen him by his own fault. For first of all, he put away his Wife Terentia, because he had been neglected by her in the time of the War, and sent away destitute of Necessaries for his Journey; neither did he find her kind when he returned into Italy; for she went not to Brundisium, where he stayed a long time; nor would allow her young Daughter, who undertook so long a Journey, decent Attendance, or viatick Expenses; besides, she left him a naked and empty House, and yet had involved him in many and great Debts. These were alleged for the most specious Pretences of the Divorce. But for Terentia, who denied all these things, Cicero himself made an evident Apology, by marrying a young Virgin not long after, for the love of her Beauty, as Terentia upbraided him; or as Tyro, his emancipated Slave hath written, for her Riches, to discharge his Debts; for the young Woman was very rich, and Cicero had the Custody of her Estate, being left Guardian in Trust; and being indebted many Myriads, he was persuaded by his Friends and Relations to marry this young Woman, notwithstanding her Age, for the present satisfaction of his Creditors with her Money.  
Antonius, mentioning this Marriage in his Answer to the Philippics, reproaches him for putting away a Wise, with whom he had lived to old Age; withal wittily upbraiding Cicero's sitting at home as unactive, and un-souldier-like. Not long after this Marriage; his Daughter died in Childbed at Lentulus' House; for she was married to him after the Death of Piso, her former Husband. The Philosophers from all parts came to comfort Cicero; for he took this Accident so grievously, that he put away his new-married Wife for seeming to rejoice at the death of Tullia. And thus stood Cicero's domestic Affairs at this time.  
He had no Concern in the Conspiracy against Caesar, although Brutus' most principal Confident; and one who was as aggrieved at the present, and as desirous of the former state of Public Affairs, as any other whatsoever: But the Conspirators feared his Temper, as wanting Courage; and his old Age, in which the most daring Dispositions are apt to be timorous.  
As soon therefore as the Fact was committed by Brutus and Cassius, and the Friends of Caesar were got together, so that there was fear the City would again be involved in a cruel War, Antonius being Consul, convened the Senate, and discoursed some things briefly tending to Accommodation. Cicero interposing with many things agreeable to the Occasion, persuaded the Senate to imitate the Athenians, and decree Oblivion for all things that were done under Caesar's Authority, and to bestow Provinces on Brutus and Cassius; but neither of these things took effect.  
For as soon as the Common People, of themselves inclined to Pity, saw the dead Body of Caesar born through the Marketplace, and Antonius showing his Garments filled with Blood, and pierced through on every side with Swords, enraged with Fury, they made a Search for the Murderers, and with Firebrands in their hands ran to their Houses, to burn them. But being forewarned, they avoided this Danger, and expecting many more, and greater attend them, they left the City: Upon this Antonius was on a sudden puffed up, and looking as if he would assume the Government, he became formidable to all; but most formidable to Cicero; for perceiving his Power again increasing in the Commonwealth, and knowing him studious of the Friendship of Brutus, his presence was very uneasy to him: Besides, there had been some former Jealousy betwixt them, occasioned by the unlikeness and difference of their Manners. Cicero fearing the event of these things, was inclined to go as Lieutenant with Dolabella into Syria. But Hircius and Pansa being designed Consuls after Antonius, good Men, and Lovers of Cicero, entreated him not to leave them; undertaking to suppress Antonius, if he were present: But he neither wholly distrusting, nor trusting them, left Dolabella to go without him, promising Hircius that he would go and spend his Summer at Athens, and return again when he entered upon his Office. So he took his Voyage by himself; but lingering in his Passage, such News came to him from Rome, as is usual in such cases, that Antonius repented, and was strangely changed; doing all things, and managing Public Affairs at the Will of the Senate; and that there wanted nothing but his Presence to reduce things to a happy Settlement; and therefore blaming himself for his great Cowardice, he returned again to Rome, and was not deceived in his hopes at the beginning: For such multitudes flocked out to meet him, that the Compliments and Civilities which were paid him at the Gates, and at his entrance into the City, took up almost one whole day's time.  
On the Morrow Antonius convened the Senate, and summoned Cicero thither; he came not, but kept his Bed, pretending to be ill of his Journey; but the true reason seemed the fear of some Design against him, upon a suspicion and intimation given him on his way to Rome. But Antonius took this Affront very heinously, and sent Soldiers, commanding them to bring him, or burn his House; but many interceding, and supplicating for him, he was contented 
Senatori absenti mulcta indicebatur, & donec solveretur pignus ab eo capiebatur. Rosin. Antiq. pag. 1100.  only to accept Sureties for the payment of his Mulct for absence.  
Ever after, when they met, they passed one another with silence, and continued reserved; till Caesar the younger coming from Apollonia, entered upon the Inheritance of Julius Caesar, and had a Controversy with Antonius for two thousand five hundred Myriads, which he detained of that Estate. Upon this, Philip, who married the Mother, 
In the account of Antony's Debt to Caesar, our Author 〈…〉 bo〈…〉 himself and other W 〈…〉 s. In Antony's Life, the Sum 〈…〉 i● 〈…〉 d with him is 4000 Talents, here, but 2500 Myriads. According to Pa●er●ulus, and Cicero's Philip, the Sum is septies millies Sestertium, which amounts to above 17000 Myriads; Sums vastly different from the Account given in this Life, and more likely to be the Matter of Controversy betwixt two such Great Men.  and Marcellus the Sister of this Caesar, came with the young Man to Cicero, and agreed with him, That Cicero should assist with his utmost Power in Eloquence and Politics, with the Senate and People, and Caesar give Cicero the defence of his Riches and Arms; for at this time the young man had a great Party of the Veterane Soldiers of Caesar about him; and Cicero 〈…〉 emed very willing to embrace the Friendship of Caesar.  
For it seems, while Pompey and Caesar were yet alive, Cicero in a Dream seemed to summon some Sons of the Senators into the Capitol, as if Jupiter designed to declare one of them for a Governor of Rome; the Citizens with curiosity running, stood about the Temple, and the Youths sitting in their Purple Robes, kept silence: On a sudden the Doors opened, and the Youths arising one by one in order, passed round the God, who reviewed them all, and dismissed them displeased, but this Youth passing by, the God stretched forth his right hand, and said, O ye Romans, this young Man, when he shall be Lord of Rome, shall put an end to all your cruel Wars. It is said, that Cicero, by this Vision in his Dream, had framed the perfect Idea of the Youth, and preserved it in his Mind, though he did not then know him. The next day going down into Campus Martius, he met the Boys returning from their Exercise; and the first that Cicero saw was he, just so as he appeared to him in his Dream: Being astonished at it, he asked him, who were his Parents? And it proved to be this young Caesar, who had for his Father Octavius, one of the most eminent Citizens; for his Mother, Actia, the Sister of Caesar; and therefore Caesar wanting Children of his own, made him by Testament Heir of his Estate and Family.  
From that time it is said that Cicero very studiously saluted the Youth whensoever he met him, and he as kindly received the Civility; and by Fortune he happened to be born when Cicero was Consul. These were the pretended Reasons; but it was principally Cicero's Hatred of Antonius, and a Temper unable to resist Honour, which fastened him to Caesar, with an opinion of uniting Caesar's Power to his public Designs; for he had so insinuated himself into the young Man, that he called him Father; at which thing Brutus was so highly displeased, that in his Epistles to Atticus, he reflected on Cicero, saying, That it was manifest, by his courting Caesar, for fear of Antonius, he did not intend Liberty to his Country, but designed a bountiful Master to himself. Notwithstanding, Brutus took Cicero's Son, then studying Philosophy at Athens, gave him a Command, and by his Advice directed much of his Affairs. At this time Cicero's Power was at the greatest height in the City, and he did whatsoever he pleased; for he had suppressed and driven out Antonius, and sent the two Consuls, Hircius and Pansa, to follow him with an Army; but persuaded the Senate to decree to Caesar the Lictors and Praetorian Ensigns, as fight for his Country. But after Antonius was defeated, and both the Consuls slain, the Forces which came from the Battle, joined themselves with Caesar. The Senate fearing the young Man, and his extraordinary Fortune, endeavoured by Honours and Gifts, to call off the Soldiers from him, and to lessen his Power; pretending there was no further need of Arms, now Antonius was put to flight.  
This giving Caesar an Affright, he privately sends some Friends to entreat and persuade Cicero to procure the Consular Dignity for them both together; and that he should manage the Affairs as he pleased, have the Supreme Power, and govern the young Man, who was only desirous of Name and Glory. And Caesar himself confessed, That in fear of Ruin, and in danger of being deserted, he had seasonably made use of Cicero's Ambition; persuading him to stand with him, assist, and join his Votes for the Consulship. And thus was old Cicero wheedled and gulled by the young Man, to bring over his Suffrages, and engage the Senate on his ●ide. His Friends soon blamed him for it; and within a little time after, he himself perceived, he was ruined by it, and had betrayed the Liberty of the People; for the young Man was so exalted, by obtaining the Consular Authority, that he bid Cicero Farewell; and reconciling himself to Antonius and Lepidus, united his Power with theirs, and divided the Government with them, as if it had been part of a common Estate. Thus united, they made a Schedule of above two hundred Persons, who were designed to be put to Death: But the Proscription of Cicero made the greatest Contention in all their Debates: For Antonius was inclinable to no Agreement, till he was first killed: To Antonius, Lepidus consented; but Caesar opposed them both. Their Meetings were held alone by themselves, remote from Company, for three days, near the City of Bononia: The Place where they met, was over against the Camp, encompassed with a River; Caesar, as it is said, very earnestly contended for Cicero the first days; but on the third day he yielded, and gave him up. The Terms of their mutual Concessions were these; That Caesar should desert Cicero, Lepidus his Brother Paulus, and Antonius, Lucius Caesar, his Uncle by his Mother's side: Thus did they fall by Anger and Fury from the sense of Humanity, and demonstrated, that no Beast is more savage than Man, when possessed with Power, answerable to his Rage. But whilst these things were contriving, Cicero was with his Brother at his Countryhouse near Tusculum; whence, hearing of the Proscriptions, they determined to pass to Astura, a Villa of Cicero's, near the Sea, and to take shipping from thence for Macedonia, to Brutus; for there was a Report, that he was strong in those Parts. They traveled together in their several Litters, oppressed with Sorrow, and often stopping on the way, till their Litters came together, miserably condoled one another. But Quintus was the most disheartened, when he reflected on his want of Necessaries for his Journey; for, as he said, he had brought nothing with him from home. And even Cicero himself had but a slender Viatick Provision: It was adjudged therefore most expedient, that Cicero should make what haste he could to fly, and Quintus return home to provide Necessaries, and thus resolved, they mutually embraced, and parted, making great Lamentation.  
But Quintus within a few days after, betrayed by his Servants to those who came to search for him, was slain, together with his young Son: But Cicero was carried to Astura; where, finding a Vessel, he immediately went on board her, and sailed as far as Circium with a prosperous Gale; but when the Pilots resolved immediately to hoist Sail from thence, whether fearing the Sea, or not wholly distrusting the Faith of Caesar, he went on shore, and passed by Land a hundred Furlongs, as if he were going for Rome; but wanting Resolution, and changing his Mind, he again returned to Sea, and there spent his Night in Melancholy, and perplexed Thoughts: sometimes he resolved to go into Caesar's House privately, and there kill himself upon the Altar of his Household-gods, to bring Divine Vengeance upon his Family; but the fear of Torture put him off this Course. And again, revolving in his Mind other troublesome and uncertain Resolutions, at last he yielded himself to his Servants to be carried by Sea to Capua, where he had a Country House, and a pleasant Retirement in the Spring, when the Easterly Winds blow sweetest.  
There was in that place a Chapel of Apollo's not far from the Seaside, from which a great flight of Crows arising with great noise, made towards Cicero's Ship as it rowed to Land, and lighting on both sides of the Cross-Yard, some croaked, others pecked the ends of the Sails. This was looked upon by all as an ill Omen; and therefore Cicero went again on shore, and entering his House lay down upon his Bed, to compose himself to Rest: Many of the Crows sat about the Windows, making a horrid noise; but one of them light upon the Bed where Cicero lay covered up, and with its Bill by little and little pecked off the clothes from his Face. His Servants seeing this, blamed themselves, that they should stay to be Spectators of their Master's Murder, and do nothing in his Defence, whilst the brute Creatures did assist and take care of him in his undeserved Affliction; and therefore, partly by entreaty, partly by Force, they took him up, and carried him in his Li●ter towards the Seaside.  
But in the mean time the Assassinators were come with a Band of Soldiers, Herennius the Centurion, and Popilius the Tribune (whom Cicero had formerly defended, when prosecuted for the Murder of his Father) finding the Doors shut, they broke them open, where Cicero not appearing, and those within saying, they knew not where he was; it is reported, that a Youth, who had been educated by Cicero in the Liberal Arts and Sciences, an emancipated Slave of his Brother Quintus, Philologus by name, discovered to the Tribune, that the Litter was carrying to the Sea through the close and shady Walks: The Tribune, taking a few with him, ran to the place where he was to come out. As soon as Cicero perceived Herennius running in the Walks after him, he commanded his Servants there to set down the Litter; and stroking his Chin, as he used to do, with his left hand, he looked steadfastly upon his Murderers. His Face was overgrown with Dust and Hair, and worn away with Cares; so that the greatest part of those that stood by, covered their Faces whilst Herennius slew him; and thus was he murdered, stretching forth his Neck out of the Litter, and being that very Year threescore and four years old. Herennius cut off his Head, and by Antonius' Command, his Hands also, by which his Philippics were written; for so Cicero styled those Orations he wrote against Antonius, and so they are called to this day. When these Members of Cicero were brought to Rome, Antonius was holding an Assembly for the choice of public Officers; and when he heard it, and saw them, he cried out, Now let there be an end of all our Proscriptions.  
He commanded his Head and Hands to be fastened up over the Rostra of the Orators; a horrid ●ight to the Roman People, who believed they saw there not the Face of Cicero, but the Image of Antonius his Soul. And yet amidst these Actions he did Justice in one thing, by delivering up Philologus to Pomponia, the Wife of Quintus; who having got his Body into her Power, besides other grievous punishments she used, made him cut off his own flesh by pieces, and boil and eat it; for so some Writers have reported: But Tyro, Cicero's emancipated Slave, has not so much as mentioned the Treachery of Philologus.  
Some while after, as I have heard, Caesar visiting his Daughter's Son, found him with a Book of Cicero's in his Hand; the Boy for fear, endeavoured to hide it under his Gown; which Caesar perceiving, took it from him, and turning over a great part of the Book standing, gave it him again, and said, My Child, this was a learned Man, and a lover of his Country.  
But as soon as he had vanquished Antonius, being then Consul, he made Cicero's Son his Colleague in that Office, in whose Consulship the Senate took down all the Statues of Antonius, and defaced all the other Monuments of his Honour; and decreed that none of that Family should hereafter bear the Name of Marcus. Thus did the Divine Powers devolve the finishing their Revenge of Antonius upon the House of Cicero.   

The Comparison of Demosthenes and Cicero.  
THese are the most memorable of those things delivered in History of Demosthenes and Cicero, which have come to our knowledge: But omitting an exact Comparison of their several Faculties in Speaking, yet thus much seems fit to be said: That Demosthenes, to make himself a Master in Rhetoric, had applied all the Knowledge he had natural, or acquired, wholly that way: That he far surpassed in force and strength of Eloquence all his Contemporaries, in Harangue and Pleading Causes; in Gravity and Magnificence of Style, all that were eminent of the Demonstrative, and in Accuracy and Artifice, all of the Sophistick way. That Cicero was very Learned, and by diligent Study a general Scholar: That he hath indeed left behind him many Philosophical Treatises of his own in the Academic way: But yet it is very evident, that in all his Speeches and Plead he affected to make Ostentation of his Learning. And one may discover the different Temper of each of them in their Speeches: For Demosthenes' his Oratory was without all embellishment and jesting, wholly composed to Gravity and Seriousness; not smelling of the Lamp, as Pythias scoffingly said, but of the Temperance, Thoughtfulness, Austerity, and Melancholy of his Temper. But Cicero, by his jeering Humour, was often carried out to Scurrility; and by disguising serious Arguments at the Bar with jests and laughter, for the advantage of his Client; he had no regard to what was decent: As that he said in defence of Celius, That he had done no absurd thing in such plenty and delicacy, to indulge himself in Pleasures; it being a kind of Madness, not to enjoy those things we possess, especially since the most eminent Philosophers have asserted Pleasure to be the chiefest Good. It is reported, That when Cicero being Consul, undertook the defence of Murena against Cato's Prosecution, that upon Cato's account, he said many things Comically against the Stoical Sect, for the absurdities of their Paradoxes, as they called them; so that a loud laughter passing from the Crowd to the Judges; Cato with a gentle smile said to those that sat next him, O Gentlemen, what a ridiculous Consul have we!  
And indeed Cicero was by a natural Temper very much disposed to Mirth, and delighted in Jeering, and always appeared with a smiling and serene Countenance. But Demosthenes had constant Care and Thoughtfulness in his Look, which he seldom or never laid aside; and therefore was accounted by his Enemies, as he himself confesseth, morose and ill-mannered.  
And it is very evident cut of their several Writings, that this never touched upon his own Praises, but decently and without offence, when there was need of it, and for some weightier end; but upon other occasions modestly and sparingly: But Cicero's immeasurable boasting of himself in his Orations, did proclaim in him an intemperate Thirst after Glory: As when he cried out, 
Let Arms resign their Honour to the Gown,  
And to the Tongue the Victor throw his Laurels down.  But at last he did not only extol his own Deeds and Actions, but his Orations also, as well those that were only spoken, as those that were published; as if he were vying youthful Confidence with Isocrates and Anaximenes, the Sophisters; not as if he were instructing and directing the Roman People, the hardy, warlike, and irresistible Romans.  
It is necessary indeed for a Statesman to be an able Speaker; but it is an ignoble thing for any Man to admire and relish the glory of his own Eloquence. And in this matter Demosthenes had a more than ordinary Gravity and Magnificence of Mind; accounting his Talon in speaking but a mean Acquirement, which needed great Candour in the Audience, and adjudging those which are puffed up by such Reflections, to be, as indeed they are, Servile and Mechanical. But the power of persuading and governing the People did equally belong to both; so that those who had Armies and Camps at Command, stood in need of their assistance; as Chares Diopithes and Leosthenes of Demosthenes', Pompey and young Caesar of Cicero's, as Caesar acknowledges in his Commentaries to Agrippa and Maecenas.  
But what is thought and commonly said most to demonstrate and try the Tempers of Men, viz. Authority and Place, by moving every Passion, and discovering every frailty, never happened to Demosthenes; nor had he the occasion of giving such Proof of himself, having never obtained any eminent Office, nor led any of those Armies into the Field against Philip, which he raised by his Eloquence.  
But Cicero was sent Quaestor into Sicily, and Proconsul into Cilicia and Cappadocia, at a time when Avarice was at the height, and the Commanders and Governors who were employed abroad, thinking it a mean thing to steal, set themselves to seize by open force; so that it seemed no heinous matter to take Bribes: But he that did it most moderately, was in good Esteem; and yet then gave great demonstration of his contempt of Riches, and as great of his Humanity and good Nature.  
And at Rome also, when he was created Consul in Name, but indeed received Sovereign and Dictatorian Authority against Catiline and his Conspirators, he attested the truth of Plato's Prediction, That then the miseries of States would be at an end, when by a happy Fortune the Supreme Power with Wisdom and Justice should meet together in the same Subject.  
It is said to the Reproach of Demosthenes, that his Eloquence was mercenary; that he privately made Orations for Phormio and Apollodorus, though Adversaries in the same Cause; That he was charged with Monies received from the Kings of Persia, and condemned for Bribes from Harpalus: And should we grant all those that have written these things against him (which are not a few) to have falsified; yet it cannot be denied, but that Demosthenes wanted Courage to look off of those Presents, which in Respect and Gratitude were sent him from the Persian Kings; and that one addicted to 
* Our English Merchants call it Bottomry. Vsurae nauticae pro magnis in proverbium abiere, vid. Chil. Eras. Vsura nautica est infinita, est enim pensatio suscepti periculi, hodie ex institutione Justiniani est centesima, vid. Calv. Lexicon. Apud Athenienses 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, fuit 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, id est, quintarius, nempe in quintam sortis partem quod vulgo dicimus viginti in centum. Salmasius de Usura, p. 188. Lugd. Bat. 1639. Vsurae communes Atticis▪ majores, nauticae minores quam Romanis, rationem dat Salmasius, quia Navigationes At he 〈…〉 enses omnes fere Bosphorum petebant, qui longissimae Pontum. Salmas. Ibidem.  Maritime Usury, was like to do otherwise.  
But that Cicero did refuse from the Sicilians, when he was Quaestor, from the King of Cappadocia, when he was Proconsul, and from his Friends at Rome, when he was in Exile, many Presents, though urged to receive them, has been said already. Moreover, Demosthenes his Banishment was infamous, upon Conviction for Bribery; Cicero's very Honourable, for ridding his Country of pernicious Fellows; and therefore his Banishment was not at all regarded: But for this Man's sake the Senate changed their Habit, and put on Mourning, and would not be persuaded to make any Act before Cicero's return were decreed. And yet Cicero passed his Exile, sitting down idly in Macedonia: But the very Exile of Demosthenes made up a great part of the Services he did for his Country; for whilst he traveled the Cities of Greece, he every where, as we have said, assisted the Grecians, driving out the Macedonian Legates, and approving himself a much better Citizen than Themistocles and Alcibiades did in the like Fortune. And after his return, he again applied himself to the same Public Services, and continued opposing Antipater and the Macedonians. But Lesbius reproacheth Cicero in the Senate, for sitting silent, when Caesar, a beardless Youth, asked leave to put in for the Consulship against Law: And Brutus, in his Epistles, charges him with cherishing a greater, and more heavy Tyranny, than that they had removed.  
But above all, none but must pity Cicero's Death; for an Old Man to be carried up and down by the kindness of his Servants, to fly and hide himself from that Death, which was so near at hand, and yet at last to be Murdered.  
But Demosthenes, though he seemed at first a little to supplicate, yet his preparing, and keeping the Poison by him, was admirable; but more admirable the using of it: For when the God afforded him not a Sanctuary, by flying to a greater Altar, he got away from Arms and Guards, and laughed at the Cruelty of Antipater.    


ARATUS.  MBurg. sculp.  
THE LIFE OF ARATUS. Translated from the Greek, By JOHN BATEMAN, M. D.  
THE Philosopher Chrysippus, O Polycrates, quotes an ancient Proverb, not as really it should be, apprehending, I suppose, that it sounded too harshly, but so as he thought it would run best in these words, Who Father's praise except their generous Sons? 
Who may be allowed to praise their Ancestors.  But Dionysodorus the Traezenian correcting him, restores the true one which is thus, Who Fathers praise except degenerate Sons? Telling us that this Proverb stops the mouth of those, who having no merit of their own, deck themselves with the Virtues of their Ancestors, and are puffed up with their praises. But, as Pindor hath it, 
He that by Nature doth inherit  
From Ancestors a Noble Spirit.  (as thou thyself, who in thy life copyest out the fairest Originals of thy Family.) Such, I say, may take great satisfaction in often hearing and speaking of the best of their Progenitors; for they assume not the glory 〈◊〉 other men's Praises for want of worth of their own, but uniting both in one, celebrate them, as the Authors both of their Descent and Manners; wherefore I have sent unto thee the Life which I have written of thy Fellow Citizen and Progenitor Aratus, whom thou comest no way short of either in Esteem or Power. Not that thou hast not been most diligently careful to inform thyself from the beginning concerning his Actions, but that thy Sons Polycrates and Pythocles may be bred up by domestic examples, hearing and reading such things as are fit for their imitation. For it is a piece of self-conceit, not noble emulation, to think one's self already arrived at the highest pitch of improvement.  
The City of Sicyon, from the time that it first fell off from a mere Doric Aristocracy, (its harmony being thereby quite confounded into the Seditions and Contests of the Demogogues) continued to be distempered 
The Government and State of the City of Sicyon.  and unsettled, changing from one Tyrant to another, till Cleon being slain, Timoclidas and Clinias, Men of the most repute and power amongst the Citizens, were chosen Governors; and the Commonwealth now seeming to be in a pretty settled condition, Timoclidas died, and Abantidas the Son of Paseas, to possess himself of the Tyranny, killed Clinias; and of his Kindred and Friends, slew some, and banished others. He sought also to kill his Son Aratus, whom he left behind him, being but seven years old. This Boy in the hurly-burly, getting out of the House with those that fled, and wand'ring about the 
Aratus' narrow escape.  City helpless and in great fear, by chance, got undiscovered into the House of a Woman, who was Abantidas his Sister, but married to Prophantus, the Brother of Clinias, her name was Soso. She being of a generous temper, and believing the Boy had by some special Providence, fled to her for shelter, hid him in the House, and at night sent him away to Argos. Aratus being thus delivered, and secured from this danger, he immediately conceived, and ever after nourished a vehement and fervent hatred against Tyrants; being therefore bred up amongst 
His Education at Argos.  his father's acquaintance and friends at Argos after an ingenuous manner; and perceiving his body to bud forth in good constitution and stature, he addicted himself to the Exercises of the Palaestra, to that degree, that he strove in the public Games, and came off Conqueror; and indeed in his Statues one may observe a certain kind of Athletic cast, and the gravity and Majesty of his countenance does not dissemble his full diet, and the use of full exercise. Whence it came to pass that he less studied Eloquence than perhaps became a man bred up to the Administration of Civil affairs, and yet that he was more polite in speaking than many do believe; some collect from those Commentaries, which he hath left, tho' penned carelessly and extempore, and in such words as first came to his mind; some time after Dinias and Aristotle the Logician killed Abantidas, who using to be present in the Marketplace at their disputes, and to make one in them, they insensibly accustomed him to this practice, and so had opportunity to lay an Ambush for him. After him Paseas the Father of Abantidas taking upon him the government was slain by the treachery of Nicocles, who himself set up for Tyrant; it is reported that he was extremely like to Periander the Son of Cypselus, as it is said that Orontes the Persian did much resemble Alcmaeon the Son of Amphiaraus; and a Lacedaemonian youth, Hector; whom Myrsilus relates to have been trodden to pieces by the crowd of those that came to see him upon that report; this Nicocles governed four Months, in which after he had exceedingly plagued the City, he was very near losing it by a stratagem of the Aetolians. By this time Aratus, being grown a youth, was in much esteem, both for his noble birth and parts, which showed themselves neither small nor unactive, but beyond his age tempered with firmness of resolution, for which reason the Exiles had their eyes most upon him, nor did Nicocles less observe his motions, but secretly spied and watched him, not out of apprehension of any considerable or dangerous attempt, but suspecting he held correspondence with the Kings, who were his Father's friends and acquaintance. And indeed Aratus first attempted this way: but finding that Antigonus, who had promised fair, neglected him and delayed the time, and that his hopes from Egypt and Ptolemy were too remote, he determined to cut off the Tyrant by himself; and first he broke his mind to Aristomachus and Ecdelus, the one an Exile of Sicyon, the other namely Ecdelus an Arcadean of Megalopolis, a Philosopher, and a daring man, having been the familiar friend of Arcesilaus the Academic at Athens. These readily consenting, he communicated himself to the other Exiles, whereof some few being ashamed to seem to despair of success engaged in the design, but most of them endeavoured to divert him from his purpose as one that for want of experience was too rash and daring.  
Now whilst he was consulting to seize upon some Post in Sicyonia, from whence he might make war upon the Tyrant, there came to Argos a certain Sicyonian newly escaped out of Prison, Brother to Xenocles one of the Exiles, who being by him presented to Aratus, he informed him, that 
Aratus attempts to free Sicyon.  that part of the Wall over which he escaped was within almost level to the ground, adjoining to a rocky and elevated place, and that without, it might be scaled with Ladders. Aratus hearing this, dispatches away Xenocles, with two of his Servants, Seuthas and Technon to view the wall, resolving, if he could do it secretly and with one risk, to hazard all at one push rather than as a private person to oppose the Tyrant by long War and open Force. Xenocles therefore with his Companions returning, and having taken the height of the wall, and declaring the place not to be difficult of access, but that it was not easy to approach it undiscovered by reason of some small but very cursed Curs, that a Gardener kept hard by, he immediately undertook the business. Now the preparation of Arms gave no jealousy, because Robberies and Incursions were then used on all hands, and for the Ladders, Euphranor a Carpenter made them openly, his trade rendering him unsuspected, tho' one of the Exiles. As for men, each of his Friends in Argos furnished him with ten a piece out of those few they had, and he set out thirty of his own servants, and he hired some few Soldiers of Xenophilus the chief of the Captains of the Robbers, to whom it was given out, that they were to march into the Territories of Sicyon to seize the King's Stud, and many of them were sent before by contrary ways to the Tower o● Polygnotus, with orders to stay there; Caphesias also was dispatched away beforehand lightly armed with four others, who were, as soon as it was dark, to come to the Gardener's house, pretending to be Travelers, and lodging there to shut up him and his Dogs, for there was no other way to the City; and for the Ladders, they being made to take in pieces, were put into Chests, and sent before hidden upon Wagons, in the mean time some of Nicocles his spies appearing in Argos, and being said to go privately about watching Aratus, he came by daybreak into the Marketplace showing himself openly conversing with his friends; then being anointed in the place for Exercises, and taking with him thence some of those young men that used to drink and spend their time with him, he went home, and presently after several of his servants were seen about the Marketplace, some carrying Garlands, some buying Flambeaus, some speaking to the Women that used to sing and play at Banquets; which things the Spies observing were deceived, and said laughing to one another, That certainly nothing was more timorous than a Tyrant, if Nicocles being master of so great a City and so great power, stood in fear of a youth, that spent what he had to subsist upon in his banishment in pleasures and day debauches, and being thus cheated returned home.  
But Aratus immediately after dinner departing and coming to his Soldiers at Polygnotus' Tower, led them to Nemea; where 
His marches towards Sicyon.  he discovered to them his true design, and having made them many large promises and speeches, he marched towards the City, giving for the word Propitious Apollo, proportioning his march to the motion of the Moon, so as to have the benefit of her Light upon the way and to be at the Gardiner's house which was close to the wall, just as she was set. Here Caphesias came to him, who could not catch the dogs which run away from him; but had made sure of the Gardener. Upon which most of the Company being out of heart, and desiring to retreat, Aratus encouraged them to go on, promising them to retire in case the Dogs were too troublesome, and at the same time sending before those that carried the ladders, conducted by Ecdelus and Mnasitheus, he followed them himself leasurly, the Dogs already barking very loud, and baying at Ecdelus and his Companions; however they got to the wall and reared the ladders with all safety. But as the foremost men were mounting them, the Captain of the Watch that was to be relieved by the morning Guard, passed by that way at the sound of a little bell, with many torches, and a great deal of noise, hearing which they clapped themselves close to the ladders, and so were unobserved, but the other Watch coming to meet this, they were in extreme danger of being discovered. But having escaped that also, immediately Mnasitheus, and Ecdelus got upon the wall, and possessing themselves of the passages each way, they sent away Technon to Aratus desiring him to make all the hast he could. Now there was no great distance from the Garden to the wall and a certain tower in which a great Greyhound was kept. Yet he heard them not as they marched forward, whether being naturally drowsy, or else overwearyed the day before, but the Gardiner's Curs awaking him, he first began to grumble, and then as they passed by to bark out aloud, and the barking was now so great, that a Sentinel that was further off called out to the Dogkeeper, to know why the Dog kept such a barking, and whether any thing had happened. Who answered that it was nothing, but only that his Dog fell a barking at the lights of the watch, and the noise of the Bell. This reply much encouraged Aratus' Soldiers, who thought the Dogkeeper was privy to their design, and therefore concealed what was passing; and that many others in the City were of the conspiracy. But when they came to scale the wall, the attempt than appeared both to require time, and to be full of danger, for the ladders shook and bend extremely if they mounted them not leisurely, and one by one, and time pressed, for the Cocks began to crow, and the Country people that used to bring things to the Market were upon coming to the Town. Wherefore Aratus hasted to get up himself, forty only of the company being already upon the wall, and staying but for a few more of those that were below, he made straight to the Tyrant's Palace, and the main guard where his mercenary Soldiers kept watch, and coming suddenly upon them, and taking them prisoners without killing any one of them, he immediately sent to all his Friends to desire them to come to him, which they did from all Quarters: By this time the day began to break, and the Theatre was full of the multitude that were held in suspense, by uncertain reports, and knew nothing distinctly of what had happened, until a Public Cryer going before him proclaimed that Aratus the Son of Clinias invited the Citizens to recover their liberty, and then believing that what they so long looked for, was now come to pass, they pressed in throngs to the Tyrant's gates to set them on fire, and so great was the flame of the house, now all on fire, that it was seen as far as Corinth; so that the Corinthians 
Delivers the City without bloodshed.  wondering what the matter should be, were upon the point to have come to their assistance. Now Nicocles fled away secretly out of the City by means of certain underground passages, and the Soldiers helping the Sicyonians to quench the fire plundered the Palace. This Aratus hindered not; but divided also the rest of the riches of the Tyrants amongst the Citizens. In this exploit not one of those engaged in it, was slain, nor any of the contrary party, fortune so ordering the action as to be clear and free from civil bloodshed. Of the Exiles he restored fourscore expelled by Nicocles, and no less than five hundred of those that were driven out by former Tyrants, and had endured a long and near fifty years' banishment. These returning most of them very poor were impatient to enter upon their former possessions, and retiring to their several Country Farms and Houses, gave occasion of great perplexity to Aratus, who considered that the City without was envied for its liberty, and aimed at by Antigonus, and within was full of disorder and sedition; wherefore as things stood, he thought it best to associate it to the Achaean Community; 
And aessociates it to the Achaeans.  for being Dorians they willingly took upon them the name and polity of the Achaeans, who at that time had neither great Authority nor power. For the most of them lived in small Towns, and their Territory was neither large nor fruitful, and the neighbouring Sea was without Ports, entering the Land for the most part in rockey Creeks. And yet these made it evidently appear that the Grecian force was invincible whensoever it met with order and concord within its self, and a prudent General; for though they were the most inconsiderable part of the ancient Grecian power, not equalling the strength of an ordinary City, yet by prudence and unanimity, and because they knew how not to envy and malign but to obey and follow him amongst them, that was most eminent for virtue, they not only preserved their own liberty in the midst of so great and powerful Cities and Dominions, but delivered from slavery the most part of Greece.  
As for Aratus he was in his behaviour an exact Commonwealths-man, generous, more 
The Character of Aratus.  intent upon the public than his private concerns, a bitter hater of Tyrants, making the common good the measure of his friendships and enmities, so that he seems not to to have been so true a Friend, as a courteous and gentle Enemy, suiting himself to all opportunities for the sake of the Commonwealth. So that the consent of Nations and Community of Cities, the Senate, the Theatre do with one voice proclaim that Aratus was a lover of nothing but noble actions. He was indeed backward and diffident to make use of war and open force; but for secret attempts and sudden surprising of Cities and Tyrants most politic and dexterous. Wherefore though he affected many things beyond hope which he undertook, yet he seems to have left no less unattempted, though feasible enough, for want of assurance; for it should seem that as the sight of certain beasts is strong in the night but dim by day, the tenderness of the humours of their eyes not bearing the mixture of the light: so the genius of some men though easily daunted as to things to be attempted in the sight of the Sun, is yet very daring in secret and covert erterprises, which inequality is occasioned in noble minds for want of Philosophy, whence is produced a certain wild and uncultivated virtue without true knowledge, as may be made out by many examples.  
Aratus therefore having associated himself and his City to the Achaeans, serving in the Cavalry was much beloved by his Officers for his exact obedience, for though he had made so large an addition to the Community, as that of his own credit, and the power of his Country, yet he was as ready to be commanded by any of the Achaean Generals, whether of Dyma or Trita, or though of never so mean a City, as the most common Soldier. Having also a present of five and twenty Talents sent him from the King he took them, but gave them all to his poor Fellow Citizens, as well for other uses as the redeeming of Captives. But the Exiles being by no means to be satisfied, 
He sails into Egypt.  disturbing continually those that were in possession of their Estates, the City was in great danger of falling into civil dissensions. Having therefore no hope left him, but from the kindness of Ptolemy he resolved to sail thither, and to beg so much money of the King as would satisfy all parties. So he set ●ail from Methone above the foreland of Malea, as designing to pass through the channel there. But the Pilot not being able to keep the Vessel up against the strong Wind and high Seas, he was turned from his course, and with much ado got to Adria, an Enemy's Town; for it was possessed by Antigonus, who had a Garrison there. To avoid which he immediately landed, and leaving the Ship went up into the Country a good way from the Sea, having along with him only one Friend called Timanthes, so hiding themselves in a certain woody place they had but an ill night's rest of it. Not long after the Governor came, and enquiring for Aratus was deceived by his Servants, being instructed to say, that he was fled into the Island of Eubaea; wherefore he declared the Ship, the Cargo, and Servants to be Lawful prize, and detained them accordingly. As for Aratus he being after some days reduced to extrèmity, by good fortune a Roman Ship happened to put in just in the place where he continued sometimes peeping out to discover the coast, sometimes keeping close; she was bound for Syria. And going abroad he agreed with the Master to land him in Caria: In which voyage he met with no less danger than before. From Caria, being after much time arrived in Egypt, he immediately went to the King, who had a great kindness for him by reason of the presents he used to send him of drawings and pictures out of Greece. In which Aratus having very good judgement did usually present him with some of the most curious and best done, especially those of Pamphilus and Melanthus making collections of them at any rate.  
For the Sicyonian pieces were even then in 
The Sicyonian Painting in much esteem  great esteem as being the only ones, whose colours were lasting, so that the so much admired Apelles himself went thither and gave a Talon to be admitted into the society of the Painters there, not to partake of their skill which he wanted not, but of their credit, wherefore Aratus when he freed the city immediately took down the Statues of the rest of the Tyrants, but he demurred a long time about that of Aristratus, who flourished in the time of Philip. For this Aristratus was painted by Melanthus' People, standing by a Chariot in which VICTORY was carried, Apelles himself having a hand in it, as Polemon Periegetes reports. It was an extraordinary piece, and therefore Aratus was inclinable to spare it for the workmanship, but then instigated by the hatred he bore the Tyrants, commanded it to be taken down; But here, as it is reported, Neacles the Painter, one of Aratus' Friends entreated him with tears in his eyes to spare it, and finding that he could not prevail, said to him, that War was to be waged with the Tyrants themselves, not with their pictures. Therefore let alone the Chariot and the Victory, and I will cause Aristratus to vanish out of the piece. Which Aratus consenting to, Neacles blotted out Aristratus and instead thereof painted a Palmtree, not daring to add any thing else of his own invention; the feet of the defaced figure of Aristratus are said to be hid under the Chariot. By the means therefore of Pictures 
Ptolomy's liberality to Aratus.  Aratus was in favour with the King, who after he was more fully acquainted with him loved him so much the more, and gave him for the relief of his City one hundred and fifty Talents: forty whereof he immediately carried away with him, when he sailed to Peloponnesus, but the rest the King divided into several gifts, and sent them to him afterwards by parcels. Now a great thing it was to procure so much riches for his fellow Citizens, whereof other Captains and Demagogues receiving but a small proportion from the Kings, grew unsufferable, and becoming their Slaves, betrayed to them the liberty of their Countries. But a much greater, that by means of those sums he effected a reconciliation and good understanding between the rich and poor, and created quiet and security to the whole People. Admirable was his moderation amidst so great power, for being declared sole Arbitrator and Plenipotentiary for composing the differences of the Exiles, he would not accept that Commission alone, but associating fifteen of the Citizens, with great pains and trouble adjusted matters, and settled peace and friendship in the City, for which good service not only all the Citizens in general bestowed extraordinary honours upon him, but the Exiles, apart by themselves, erecting his Statue in Brass, inscribed thereon this Elegy.  

Thy well known vigour, counsels, feats of War,  
Engraved on Herculeses Pillars are;  
But we, Aratus, this thy Statue place,  
Freed by thy help from Exile and Disgrace.   

In memory of thy Virtue may it stand,  
And of thy Justice, by the God's command,  
Because thou to thy Country didst restore,  
The Laws and Liberty she had before.   
Aratus acting in this manner, got above the envy of the Citizens, by the good offices he did; but King Antigonus being troubled in his mind about him, and designing, either wholly to bring him over to his party, or else to make him suspected 
Antigonus endeavours to win Aratus to his party.  by Ptolemy, besides other marks of his favour showed to him, who had no mind to receive them, he added this, that, Sacrificing to the Gods in Corinth, he sent portions to Aratus at Sicyon, and at the Feast, where were many guess, he said openly, I thought this Sicyonian Youth had been only by natural instinct a lover of Liberty, and his Fellow-Citizens, but now I look upon him as a good Judge of the manners and actions of Kings. For formerly he despised us, and having his hopes further off, admired the Egyptian Riches, hearing so much of their Elephants, Fleets, Palaces, etc. But viewing all these at a nearer distance, and perceiving them to be but meerShow and Pageantry, he is now come over to us: And for my part I willingly receive him, and resolving to make great use of him myself, command you to look upon him as a friend. These words were soon taken hold of by those that envied and maligned him, who strove, which of them should, in their Letters to Ptolemy, charge him with the most and heaviest calumnies, so that he sent to expostulate the matter with him: So much Envy and Ill will did there always attend the so much contended for, ardent and almost lovesick Friendships of Princes and Great men.  
But Aratus being now for the first time chosen General by the Achaeans plundered the Country of Locris, which lies just over 
Aratus plunders Locris.  against them, and also Calydonia: Then he went to assist the Baeotians with ten thousand Soldiers, but came not up to them, till after the Battle near Chaeronea, where they were beaten by the Aetolians, with the loss of Abaeocritus the Baeotarch, or Governor of Boeotia, and a thousand men besides. The year following being again elected General, he resolved to attempt the taking of the fortress called Acro-Corinthus: 
Resolves to attempt the taking of the Citadel of Corinth.  Not so much for the advantage of the Sicyonians or Achaeans, as considering that by driving thence the Macedonian Garrison, he should take off the yoke from the neck of all Greece. Chares the Athenian having the good fortune to get the better in a certain battle of the King's Generals, wrote to the people of Athens, that this Victory was Sister to that at Marathon, and so may this Action be very well termed Sister to that of Pelopidas the Theban, and Thrasibulus the Athenian, when they slew the Tyrants; except perhaps it exceed them upon this account, that it was not against natural Grecians, but against a foreign and stranger Domination; now the Isthmus insinuating between the two Seas, does there unite the Continents of Greece; and Acro-Corinthus, being a high mountain arising out of the 
* Hear the old English Translator makes a pleasant mistake for whereas Amyo● calls Peloponnesus Presqu'Isle, that is, Peninsula, the old Translator tells us news of a certain Island of Peloponnesus called Presche, Sister to the Isle of Pines.  very middle of the Country, whensoever it is kept with a Garrison, cuts off all Peloponnesus, from commerce, free passage of men, and arms, and all traffic by Sea and Land, and makes him Lord of all, that is master of it, wherefore the younger Philip did not jest but said very true, when he called the City Corinth the Fetters of Greece, so that this post was always much contended for, especially by the Kings and Tyrants, and so vehemently was it longed for by Antigonus, that his passion for it came little short of that of frantic love, being continually taken up with devising how to take it by surprise, from those that were then masters of it, since he despaired to do it by open force.  
Therefore Alexander Lord of the place being dead, poisoned by him, as is reported, and his Wife Nicaea succeeding in the Government, and the possession of Acro-Corinthus, 
The Acrocorinth seized by Antigonus.  he immediately sent his Son Demetrius to her, and giving her pleasing hopes of a match with the Prince, it being no unwelcome thing to an Elderly Lady, to have the conversation and enjoyment of a brisk Youth, with his Lure he brought her to hand; but for all this, she would not deliver up the place, but held it with a very strong Garrison, which he seeming to take no notice of, celebrated the Wedding in Corinth, entertaining them with shows and great treats every day, as one that had nothing else in his mind but pleasure and mirth. Now as soon as 
* A famous Musician of that time.  Amaehaeus began to sing in the Theatre, he waited himself upon Nicaea to the Play, she being carried in a stately Chair, extremely pleased with her new honour, not dreaming of what was intended. As soon therefore as they were come to a turning of the street, that led up towards the Citadel, he desired her to go on before him to the Theatre, but for himself, bidding farewell to the Music, farewell to the wedding, he went on faster than one would have thought his age would have admitted, to the Acro-Corinthus, and finding the gate shut, knocked with his Staff, commanding them to open, which they within being amazed did, and having thus made himself Master of the place, he could not contain himself for joy, but that, though an old man, and one that had seen so many turns of fortune, he must needs Revel it in the open Streets and midst of the Market-places, crowned with Garlands, and attended with Minstrels, Inviting every body he met to partake in his Debauch. So much more does joy without discretion transport and ruffle the mind, than either fear or sorrow. Antigonus therefore having in this manner possessed himself of Acro-Corinthus, he put a Garrison into it of those he trusted most, making Persaeus the Philosopher Governor.  
Now Aratus even in the life-time of Alexander 
Erginus discovers a secret path leading to the weakest part of the Citadel.  had an intention to get it for his Country, but a Confederacy being made between him and the Achaeans, he desisted; but now another opportunity of effecting the thing offered its self, which was this. There were in Corinth four brothers Syrians born, one whereof called Diocles served as a Soldier in the Garrison, but the three others, having robbed the King's Treasure, retreated to Sicyon to one Aegias a Banker, whom Aratus made use of in matters of Money; to him they immediately sold part of their Gold, and the rest one of them, called Erginus, coming often thither exchanged by parcels. Becoming by this means familiarly acquainted with Aegias, and being by him led into discourses concerning the Fortress, he told him, that climbing up to his brother amongst the steep Rocks, he had observed a winding path leading to that part of the Wall of the Castle, which was lower than the rest, at which Aegias drolling with him, and saying, will you then for the sake of a little Gold Pilfer thus from the King, when you may if you please Sell one hour for a great sum of Money, for Traitors and House-breakers if taken, are alike punished with death: Erginus smiling upon him promised to break the thing to Diocles (for he did not so fully trust his other Brothers) and returning within a few days, he bargained to conduct Aratus to that part of the wall, where it was no more than fifteen foot high, and to do what else should be necessary▪ together with his Brother Diocles. Aratus therefore agreed to give them threescore Talents, if he succeeded, but if he failed in his enterprise, and yet he and they came off safe, than he would give each of them a House and a Talon. Now the threescore Talents being to be disposed in the hands of Aegias for the use of Erginus and his Partners, and Aratus neither having so much by him, nor willing by taking it up of others to give them a jealousy of his design, he pawned his Plate and his wives Jewels to Aegias for the money. For so generous was his soul, and so strong a passion had he for great exploits, that remembering that Photion and Epaminondas were esteemed the best and justest of all the Grecians, because they scorned the greatestresents, and would not prostitute their honour for money, he chose to be at secret charges about those attempts, in which he ran all the hazard alone, for the sake of the rest, that did not so much as know what was a doing. Who therefore is there that does not admire, and sympathise with the great mind of this man, who at so vast expenses purchased so extraordinary danger? and lent his richest Jewels to have an opportunity to expose his own life, by falling upon his Enemies in the dead of the night, without desiring any other security for them, than the hope of glory?  
Now this exploit, though dangerous enough in its self, was made much more so by an error happening through mistake in the very beginning. For Technon one of 
Technon Servant to Aratus his mistake.  Aratus' Servants was sent away to Diocles that they might together view the wall. Now he had never seen Diocles, but made no question of knowing him by the marks Erginus had given him of him, namely, that he had curled hair, was of a swarthy complexion, and beardless. Being come therefore to the appointed place, he stayed waiting without the gates, for Erginus and Diocles. The place was called Ornis. In the mean time Dionysius Elder Brother to Erginus and Diocles, who knew nothing at all of the matter, but much resembled Diocles, happened to pass by. Now Technon encouraged by the likeness of his features, asked him, if he was any thing related to Erginus, who answering he was his Brother, Technon fully persuaded that he talked to Diocles, not so much as ask his name, or staying for any other token, gave him his hand, and began to discourse with him and ask him questions about matters agreed upon with Erginus. Dionysius cunningly laying hold of his mistake, seemed to understand him very well, and returning towards ●he City, held him on in discourse insenbly. And being now near the gate he was just about to seize on him, when by chance Erginus met them, and apprehending the cheat and the danger, beckoned to Technon to make his escape, and immediately both of them, betaking themselves to their heels, ran away as fast as they could to Aratus, who for all this despaired not, but immediately sent away Erginus to Dionysius to bribe him to hold his tongue, and he not only effected that, but also brought him along with him to Aratus. Whom, as soon as they had him, they no longer left at liberty, but binding him, they kept him close shut up in a room, whilst they prepared for executing their design.  
All things being now ready, he commanded the rest of his forces to pass the night 
Aratus marches to Corinth by night.  in Arms, and taking with him four hundred chosen men, few whereof knew what they were going about, he led them to the gates by the Temple of Juno. It was about the midst of summer, when the Moon was at full, and the night was clear without any clouds, so that there was great danger lest the Arms glistering by Moonlight should discover them. But as the foremost of them came near the City, a great mist came off from the Sea, and darkened the City and places thereabout. Then the rest of them sitting down put off their shoe's (both because they make less noise and also climb surer, that go up ladder's barefooted) but Erginus taking with him seven young men habited like Travellers, got unobserved to the gate, and killed the Sentry with the other Guards, and at the same time, the Ladders were clapped to the walls, and Aratus having in great haste got up a hundred men, he commanded the rest to follow as they could, and immediately drawing up his Ladders after him, he marched 
Surprises the City.  through the City with his hundred men towards the Castle, being overjoyed that he was undiscovered, not doubting of the success. When immediately four of the Watch were seen coming towards them with a light. But they discovered them not, because they were in the shade; wherefore covering themselves a while near some walls and old ruins, they laid in wait for them, and three of them they killed. But the fourth being wounded in the head with a sword, fled, crying out that Enemies were got into the City, and immediately the Trumpets sounded, and all the City was in an uproar at what had happened, and the streets were full of People running up and down, and many lights were hung out, both below in the Town, and above in the Castle, and a confused noise was to be heard in all parts. In the mean time Aratus laboured to get up the Rocks, at first slowly, and with much difficulty, having lost the Path, which lay deep, and was overshaddow'd with Craggs, leading to the wall with many windings and turnings; but the Moon immediately and by miracle, as is said, dispersing the Clouds, gave light to the most difficult part of the way, till he got to that part of the wall he desired, and there she overshadowed, and hid him, the Clouds coming together again. Now those Soldiers, which Aratus had left without the gate near Juno's Temple, to the number of three hundred, entering the Town full of tumult and lights, and missing the way by which the former had gone, finding no tract of them, were very much afraid, shrouding themselves under the shady side of a Rock, and there they stood, being in great distress and perplexity. For now Aratus Soldiers being engaged with those of the Garrison, a warlike cry descended, and a confused noise was heard echoing on all hands, by reason of the refraction from the mountains, and therefore uncertain whence it first proceeded. Being thus in doubt which way to turn themselves, Archelaus Captain of Antigonus' men, having a great number of Soldiers with him, made up towards the Castle with great shouts and the noise of Trumpets to fall upon Aratus' People, and passed by the three hundred, who as if they had rose out of an ambush immediately charged him, killing the first they encountered, and so affrighted the rest together with Archelaus, that they put them to flight and pursued them, till they had quite broke and dispersed them about the City. No sooner were these defeated, but Erginus came to them, from those that were fight above, to acquaint them, that Aratus was engaged with the Enemy, that defended themselves very stoutly, and 
Storms the Acro-Corinth,  fought bravely for the wall, so that he stood in need of speedy help. They therefore desired him to lead them on without delay, and marching up, they by their shouts made their Friends understand who they were, and encouraged them; now the full Moon, shining on their harness, made them at a distance appear more in number to the Enemy than they were. And the Echo of the night multiplied their shouts; in short falling on with the rest they made the Enemy give way, and by break of day were Masters of the Castle and Garrison, so that the rising Sun gave 
and takes it.  lustre to their Exploit. By this time the rest of the Army came up to Aratus from Sicyon, the Corinthians joyfully receiving them at their Gates, helping them to secure the rest of the King's party; and now having put all things into a safe posture, he came down from the Castle to the Theatre, an infinite number of People crowding thither to see him, and to hear what he would say to the Corinthians. Wherefore drawing up the Achaeans on each side the entrance of the Theatre, he appeared, armed as he was, from behind the Scenes, his countenance much altered by reason of his toil and watching, so that the natural spiritedness and gaiety of his temper was overborne and depressed by the weariness of his body. The People, as soon as he came forth, breaking out into great applauses and congratulations, he took his Spear in his right hand, and resting his knee a little bent, and his body against it, stood a good while in that posture, silently receiving the shouts and acclamations of those, that extolled his valour, and admired his fortune; which being over, standing upright, he began an Oration in the name of the Achaeans, suitable to the late Action, persuading the Corinthians to associate themselves to the Achaeans, and withal delivered up to them the Keys of their gates, which had never 
Makes an Oration to the Citizens.  been in their power since the time of King Philip; and for Antigonus' Captains he dismissed Archelaus, whom he had taken prisoner, Theophrastus refusing quarter he caused to be slain, and for Persaeus, when he saw the Castle was lost, he got away to Cenchreae. Where some time after discoursing with one that said to him, that in his opinion none but a wise Philosopher was fit to be a General, he replied, The Gods know that none of Zeno ' s maxims once pleased me better than this, but now I am quite of another mind, convinced by that Sicyonian youth. This is by many related of Perseus.  
But Aratus presently after made himself master of the Temple of Juno, and haven of Lechaeum, seized upon five and twenty of the King's ships, together with five hundred horses, and four hundred Syrian slaves which he sold. The Achaeans also put a Garrison of four hundred Soldiers, fifty Dogs with as many Keepers into Acro-Corinthus. Now the Romans extolling Philopaemen called him the last of the Grecians, as if no great man had ever since his time been bred amongst them, but I may well say that this was the last of the Grecian exploits, being comparable to the best of them, both for the daringness of it and the success as the consequences declared, for the Megarians revolting from Antigonus took 
The good effects of this Exploit.  part with Aratus, and the Traezenians, and Epidaurians engrafted themselves into the Achaean Community. His first inroad was into Attica, and passing over into Salamis he plundered the Island, turning the Achaean force every way, as now let loose, and set at liberty. Those Prisoners that were Freemen he sent home to Athens without ransom, inciting them thereby to throw off their fetters; he made Ptolemy to become a Confederate of the Achaeans, and their General both by Sea and Land, and so great was his power with them, that since he could not by Law be chosen their General every year, yet every other year he was, and by his counsels and actions was in effect always so. For they perceived that neither riches nor reputation, not the friendship of Kings, nor the private interest of his own Country, nor any other thing else was so dear to him as the increase of the Achaean power and greatness. For he believed that small Cities could be preserved by nothing else, but a continual and combined force, united by the bond of common interest; and as the members of the body live and breath by their mutual communication and connexion, and when once separated pine away and putrify, in the same manner are Cities ruined by being dismembered from one another, as well as preserved, when linked together into one great body, they enjoy the benefit of that Providence and Counsel that governs the whole.  
Now being troubled within himself, that whereas the chief neighbouring Cities enjoyed their own Laws and Liberties, the Argives alone should be in Bondage, he 
Aratus attempts to free Argos.  resolved to dispatch their Tyrant Aristomacus, being very desirous, both to show his gratitude to the City where he was bred up by restoring its Liberty, and to add so considerable a Town to the Achaeans. Nor were there some wanting, who had the courage to undertake the thing, of which Aeschylus and Charimenes the Soothsayer were the chief; but they wanted Swords, for the Tyrant had prohibited the keeping of any under a great penalty; wherefore Aratus having provided some small daggers at Corinth, and hiding them in the packsaddles of the packhorses that carried ordinary ware, he sent them to Argos. But Charimenes letting in another person into the design, Aeschylus and his Partners being angry at it cast him off also, resolving to execute the business by themselves, which he discovering, in a great rage went and detected them, just as they were going to kill the Tyrant; however the most of them made a shift to escape to Corinth. Not long after Aristomacus was slain by his Servants, and Aristippus a worse Tyrant than he seized the Government, upon which Aratus mustering all the Achaeans that were of age, hasted away to the aid of the City, believing that he should find the Argives very ready to join with him; but the people being accustomed to Slavery, 
But fails in his design.  and none appearing to receive him, he retreated, giving thereby occasion to accuse the Achaeans of committing acts of Hostility in the midst of Peace; upon which account they were Sued in the Court of the Mantmaeans; and Aratus not making his Appearance, Aristippus Cast them, and had Costs given him to the value of Thirty Minae. And now Hating and Fearing Aratus, he sought means to kill him, having the assistance, and good wishes of King Antigonus; so that he was perpetually dogged and watched by those that waited for an opportunity to dispatch him. But the surest Guard of a Prince is the good 
The surest Guard of a Prince  will of his Subjects; for where the Nobility and Common People are not afraid of, but for their Governor, he sees with many Eyes and hears with many Ears whatsoever is a doing; wherefore I cannot but here digress a little from the course of my Narrative to describe that manner of Life, which they so much envied Arbitrary power, and the so much celebrated and admired pomp of uncontroled government obliged 
The Tyrant Aristippus' manner of life.  Aristippus to lead; for tho' Antigonus was his Friend and ally, and that he had a numerous Lifeguard, and hath not left one Enemy of his alive in the City, yet was he forced to make his Guards watch without in the Bassecourt, and for his Servants, he turned them all out immediately after Supper, and then shutting the doors upon them, he crept up into a small Chamber together with his Wench through a trap-door, upon which he placed his bed, and there slept after such a fashion, as one in his Condition can be supposed to sleep, that is, interruptedly and in great fear. The Ladder was taken away by his Wenches Mother, and locked up in another Room, which in the Morning she brought again, and putting it to, called up this Brave and Wonderful Tyrant, who came creeping out like some Snake from his hole; whereas Aratus not by force of Arms, but Lawfully, and by his Virtue, having obtained a firmly settled Command, wearing an ordinary Garment and Cloak, being the common and declared Enemy of all Tyrants, hath left behind him a noble offspring remaining among the Grecians to this day; but of those that usurped strong Castles, maintained Life-guards, fenced themselves with Arms, Gates and Bolts, most like poor Hares died a violent Death, without either Family, or honourable Monument to preserve their memory.  
Against this Aristippus therefore Aratus made many open and secret attempts, whilst he endeavoured to take Argos, though without success, and particularly clapping scaling Ladders one night to the wall he desperately got up upon it with a few of his Soldiers, and killed the Guards that opposed him. But the day appearing, the Tyrant set upon him on all hands, whilst the Argives, as if it had not been their Liberty that was contended for, but were about to distribute the Nemaean Prizes, like equal and just Spectators sat looking on in great quietness. Aratus fight lustily was run through the thigh with a Lance, yet he maintained his ground against the Enemy till night, and had he held out that night also, he had gained his point; for the Tyrant thought of nothing but flying, and had already shipped most of his goods; But Aratus having no intelligence thereof, and wanting water, being disabled himself by his wound, retreated with his Soldiers, and despairing to do any good this way, fell openly with his Army into Argolis, and plundered it, and joining battle with Aristippus near the River Chares, he is accused to have withdrawn out of the fight, and thereby abandoned the Victory. For whereas one part of his Army had apparently got the better, and was pursuing the Enemy at a good distance from him, yet retreated he in great disorder into his 
Aristippus fights Aratus and beats him.  Camp, not so much because he was overpressed by the Enemy on his Wing, as despairing of success, and through a Panic Fear. But when the other Wing returning from the pursuit showed themselves extremely vexed, that though they had put the Enemy to flight and killed many more of his men than they had lost, yet those that were in a manner conquered should erect a Trophy as Conquerors, being much ashamed he resolved to sight them again about the Trophy, and the next day but one drew up his Army to give them battle; but perceiving that they were reinforced with fresh Troops, and came on with better courage than before, he durst not hazard a Fight, but desiring a Truce to bury his dead, retreated; however by his dexterity in managing all affairs with great Obligingness and Courtesy, and by his general Favour, he not only excused and obliterated this Fault, but also brought in the Cleonaeans to the Achaean Association, and celebrated the Nemaean Games at Cleonae, as properly and most anciently belonging unto them. These Games were also celebrated by the Argives at the same time, which gave the first occasion to the violation of the privilege of safe Conduct and immunity always granted to those that came to strive for the Prizes, the Achaeans at that time selling as Enemies all those they could catch going through their Country to the Games at Argos. So vehement and implacable a Hater was he of the Tyrants.  
Not long after Aratus having notice that Aristippus had a design upon Cleonae, but was afraid of him, because he then resided in Corinth, he assembled his Army by public Proclamation and commanding them to take along with them provision for several days he marched to Cenchreae, hoping by this Stratagem, to entice Aristippus to fall upon Cleonae, when he supposed him far enough off, and so it happened, for he immediately brought his Army against it from Argos. But Aratus returning from Cenchreae to Corinth in the dusk of the Evening, and besetting the passages with Guards, he led on the Achaeans, who followed him in so good order and with so much speed and alacrity, that they were not discovered by Aristippus, not only 
Aratus regains, his credit and Aristippus is killed.  whilst upon their March, but even when they were got into Cleonae in the night, and were drawn up in order of battle. As soon as it was morning the Gates being opened and the Trumpets sounding he fell upon the Enemy with great cries and fury, and routing them followed the pursuit, especially that way that Aristippus endeavoured to make his escape, through a Country full of windings and turnings. The Pursuit lasted as far as Mycenae, where the Tyrant was slain by a certain Cretan called Tragiscus, as Dinias' reports, and of the common Soldiers above fifteen hundred. Yet tho' Aratus had obtained so great a Victory without the loss of a man, he could not make himself master of Argos nor set it at liberty; because Aegias and the younger Aristomachus got into the town with the King's forces and seized upon the Government. But by this exploit he spoilt the Scoffs and Jests of those that flattered the Tyrants, and in their Raillery would say, that the Achaean General was usually troubled with a Looseness when he was to fight a battle, that the sound of a Trumpet struck him with a Drowsiness and a Giddiness, and that when he had drawn up his Army and given the word, he used to ask his Lieutenants and Officers, what further need there could be of his Presence since the dye was cast, and then went a-loof off to expect the success. And so much did these reports gain credit, that when the Philosophers disputed whether to have one's Heart beat, and to change Colour upon any danger, be an argument of fear, or rather of weakness and coldness of constitution, Aratus was always quoted, as a valiant Capt. but subject to be so affected in time of Battle.  
Having thus dispatched Aristippus, he devised with himself how to ruin Lysiades the Megalopolitan, who Tyrannised over his 
The Tyrant Lysiades voluntarily frees Megalopolis.  Country. This person was naturally of a generous temper, and not insensible of true honour, induced to usurp the Government, not by the ordinary motives of other Tyrants, Licentiousness, and Avarice, but being young and stimulated with the desire of Glory, suffered his noble breast to be unwarily prepossessed with the vain and false Applauses given to Tyranny, as some happy and glorious thing; but he no sooner seized the Government, than he grew weary of the weight of it; and at once emulating the Tranquillity and fearing the Policy of Aratus, he took a most noble resolution first to free himself from Hatred, and Fear, from Soldiers and Guards, and then his Country, as a public Benefactor, and immediately sending for Aratus resigned the Government, and incorporated his City into the Achaean Community. The Achaeans applauding this generous action chose him General, upon which, desiring to outstrip Aratus in Glory, amongst many other improper things, he declared war against the Lacedæmonians, which Aratus opposing was thought to do it out of Envy; but Eysiades was the second time chosen General, 
Emulates and opposes Aratus.  tho' Aratus appeared against him, and laboured to have that charge conferred upon another; for Aratus himself had that Command every other year, as has been said; and Lysiades succeeded so well in his pretensions that he was thrice chosen General, governing alternately as did Aratus; but 
And thereby loses the favour of the Achaeans.  at last declaring himself his professed Enemy, and accusing him frequently to the Achaeans, he was rejected; for it appeared plainly that with counterfeit and adulterated Merit he contested against true and sincere Virtue; and as Aesop tells us that the Cuckoo once ask the little Birds why they flew away from her, was answered, because they feared she would one day prove a Hawk; so Lysiades' former Tyranny still cast a Suspicion upon him, that he was not inwardly changed. But Aratus gained still more honour in the Aetolick War, for the Achaeans resolving to fall upon the Aetolians in the Megarian Confines, and Agis also 
The Aetolick War.  the Lacaedemonian King, who came to their assistance with an Army, encouraging them to fight, Aratus opposed this determination, and patiently enduring many reproaches, many flouts and jearing at his soft and cowardly temper, he preferred the true common Interest before his own Credit, and suffered the Enemy to pass over the mountain Gerania into Peloponnesus unfought withal; but understanding that they had suddenly taken Pellene in their march, he changed his mind, and not losing time in drawing together his whole force, he marched towards the Enemy with such as he had about him, to fall upon them being now weakened by the intemperances' and disorders committed upon their good success; for as soon as the Soldiers entered the City, they were dispersed in the several houses, quarrelling and fight with one another about the Plunder; and as for the Commanders they were running about after the Wives and Daughters of the Pellenians, putting their Helmets upon their heads, that every man's prize might be plainly distinguished thereby, and not be seized by another. In this posture were they when news came that Aratus was ready to fall upon them. And being now in great amazement, as must needs happen in such a confusion, before all of them heard of the danger, the nearest to the Gates and Suburbs skirmishing with the Achaeans immediately fled; being already overcome, and struck a great consternation into those that came into their assistance. In this confusion one of the Captives, Daughter of Epigethes, being extremely handsome and tall, happened to be sitting in the Temple of Diana, placed there by the Commander of the band of chosen men, who had taken her, and put his headpiece upon her, she hearing the noise, and running out to see what was the matter, stood looking upon those that fought, having the Helmet upon her head, in which posture she seemed to the Citizens to be something more than human, and struck such fear and dread into the Enemy, that believed it to be a divine apparition, that they lost all courage 
Pellene recovered by a Panic fear.  to defend themselves; and the Pellenians tell us, that the Image of Diana stands usually untouched, and when the Priestess happens at any time to remove it to some other place, no body dares look upon it, but 〈…〉 turn their faces from it; for not only is the sight of it terrible and hurtful to mankind, but it makes even the Trees barren, and to cast their fruit, by which it happens to be carried. This Image therefore they say the Priestess produced, at that time, and holding it directly in the faces of the Aetolians, made them lose their reason and judgement. But Aratus mentions no such thing in his Commentaries, but says that having put to flight the Aetolians, and falling in Pell Mell with them into the City, he drove them out by main force and killed seven hundred of them. This Action has been always reckoned amongst the most famous Exploits, and Timanthes the Painter has left a lively representation thereof. But many and great Nations combining against the Achaeans, Aratus clapped up a Peace with the Aetolians, and making use of the assistance of Pantaleon the most potent man amongst the Aetolians; 
Peace made with the Aetolians.  he not only made a Peace, but a Confederacy betwixt those two States.  
But being desirous to free the Athenians also, he was censured and accused by the Achaeans, for that notwithstanding the Truce and Suspension of Arms made between them and the Macedonians, he had attempted to 
Aratus excuses the assaulting the Piraeum.  take the Haven of Piraeum. But he denies this fact in his Commentaries, and lays the blame on Erginus, by whose assistance he took Acro-corinthus, alleging that he upon his own private account endeavoured to Scale the Piraeum, and his Ladders happening to break, being hotly pursued called out upon Aratus as if present, by which means deceiving the Enemy, he got safely off; but methinks this excuse is very weak and improbable; for it is not very likely that Erginus a private man, and a Syrian Stranger, should conceive in his mind so great an attempt, without the instigation, and assistance of Aratus; nor was it twice or thrice, but very often that like obstinate Lovers, he discovered a design to be Master of the Piraeum, and was so far from being discouraged by his disappointments, that his missing his hopes but narrowly, was an incentive to him, to proceed the more boldly in his design. One time amongst the rest, making his escape through 
* The Territory between Athens and Eleusis.  Thriasium, he put his Leg out of joint, and was forced to Scarify it in order to his cure, so that for a long time he was carried in a Litter to the Wars. And as 〈…〉 n as Antigonus was dead, Demetrius succeeding him in the Kingdom, he was more bend than ever upon setting Athens at Liberty; openly despising the Macedonians. Wherefore being overthrown in Battle near Phylacia by Bythis Demetrius' General, and there being a very strong report, that he was either Taken or Slain, Diogenes the Governor of the Piraeum 
He is defeated by the Macedonian General and reported to be Slain:  sent Letters to Corinth commanding the Achaeans to depart that City, seeing Aratus was dead. When these Letters came to Corinth, Aratus happened to be there in Person, so that Diogenes' Messengers being sufficiently mocked and derided, were forced to return to their Master. King Demetrius also sent a Ship, wherein Aratus was to be brought to him in Chains. But the Athenians exceeding all bounds of Flattery to the Mecedonians, Crowned themselves 
Invades the Athenians in a rage for their flattery:  with Garlands upon the first news of his Death; Wherefore invading their Territories in a rage, he pierced as far as the Academy, but then suffering himself to be pacified, he did no further act of hostility; by which means the Athenians having full proof of his virtue, when afterwards upon the death of Demetrius, they attempted to recover their Liberty, called him in to their assistance, and although at that time another Person was General of the Achaeans, and himself had long lain Bedrid of an infirmity, 
is pacified, and assists them to recover their Liberty.  yet rather than fail the City in a time of need, he was carried thither in a Litter, and prevailed with Diogenes the Governor to deliver up the Piraeum, Munychia, Salamis, and Sunium to the Athenians in consideration of a hundred and fifty Talents, whereof Aratus himself gave twenty to the City. Upon this the Aeginetae and the Hermonians joined themselves to the Achaeans, and the greatest part of Arcadia became Tributary to them, so that the Macedonians ceasing to molest them, by reason of their Wars with other Neighhouring Nations, and the Aetolians being their Allies, the Achaean power increased very considerably. Now Aratus desirous to effect a design he had long had in his mind, and impatient, that Tyranny should still Nest its self, in so neighbouring a City as Argos, he sent to Aristomachus to persuade him to restore Liberty to that City, and to associate it to the Achaeans, and that following Lysiades' Example he should rather choose to be the General of a great Nation, with Esteem and Honour, than the Tyrant of one City, with continual Hatred and Danger. Aristomachus 
Persuades Aristomachus to see free Argos.  slighted not the Message, but desired Aratus to send him fifty Talents, with which he might pay off the Soldiers. In the mean time whilst the Money was providing, Lysiades being then General, and extremely ambitious, that this advantage might seem to be of his procuring for the Achaeans, he accused Aratus to Aristomachus, as one that bore an irreconcilable hatred to the Tyrants, and persuading him to commit the affair to his management, he presented him to the Achaeans. But there the Achaean Counsel gave a manifest proof of the great Credit Aratus had with them, and the good Will they bore him. For when he spoke against Aristomachus' being admitted into the Association, they rejected him with great anger, but as soon as being pacified he began to appear for it, they cheerfully and readily Decreed that the Argives and Phliasians should be incorporated into their Commonwealth, and the next year they chose Aristomachus General, who being in credit with the Achaeans, was very desirous to invade Liconia, and for that purpose sent for Aratus from Athens. Aratus wrote to him to dissuade him all he could from that Expedition, being very unwilling the Achaeans should be engaged against Cleomenes, who was a daring man, and grown to a strange power. But Aristomachus resolving to go on, he obeyed and served in person; and 
Aristomachus oontrary to Aratus' advice invades Laconia.  when Cleomenes coming upon them on the sudden near Pallantium, Aristomachus would have fought him; Aratus hindered him, for which he was accused by Lysiades, and openly opposed by him in his pretensions to the Office of General, but carried it by plurality of Voices, and was chosen General the twelfth time. This year being routed by Cleomenes near Lyc●●um, he fled from it, and wandering the whole Night was believed 
Aratus is routed by Cleomenes.  to be Slain; and indeed it was confidently reported so throughout all Greece; but he having escaped this danger and rallyed his forces, was not content to March off in safety, but making use of the present Conjuncture, when no body dreamt any such thing, fell suddenly upon the Mantineans, Allies of Cleomenes, and taking 
But shortly after takes Mantinaea.  the City put a good Garrison into it, and made the stranger inhabitants free of the City; procuring by this means those Advantages for the beaten Achaeans, which being Conquerors they could hardly have obtained. The Lacedæmonians again invading the Megalopolitan territories, he marched to the assistance of the City, but refused to give Cleomenes, who did all he could to provoke him to it, any opportunity of engaging him to a battle, nor could be prevailed upon by the Megalopolitans, who urged him to it extremely. For besides that by nature he was averse to set Battles, he was then much inferior in number of men, and was to deal with a daring man, and in his prime, himself being now in the declension of his courage and ambition. He considered also that he ought to maintain that Glory he was now in possession of, by caution, which the other aspired to by forwardness and daring; so that tho' the Light armed Soldiers had sallied out, and driven the Lacedæmonians as far as their Camp, and even to their Tents, yet would not Aratus bring the Citizens to the charge, but posting himself in a hollow passage hindered them from passing on. But Lysiades exrtemely vexed at all this, and loading Aratus with reproaches entreated the horse that together with him they would second 
Lysiades engaging rashly in a Battle with Cleomenes is slain.  them that had the Enemy in Chase, and not let a certain Victory slip out of their Hands, nor forsake him that was going to Venture his Life for his Country. And being now reinforced with many Stout men that turned after him; he charged the Enemy's right Wing, and routing it followed the pursuit, hurried on without Fear or Wit by his Eagerness and Ambition into Crooked Ways full of Trees and broad Ditches, where being engaged by Cleomenes he was Slain, Fight Gallantly at the very Entrance of his Country, the rest flying back to their main Body, and troubling their Ranks put the whole Army to the rout. Aratus was extremely blamed for this Action, suspected to have betrayed Lysiades, and being constrained to retire with the Achaeans, who returned in a Rage, he followed them as 
Aratus in disgrace.  far as Aegium; where calling a Counsel that decreed, that he should no longer be furnished with Money, nor have any more Soldiers hired for him, but that, if he Would make War, he should pay them himself; which Affront he resented so far, as to resolve to give up the Seal and lay down the Office of General; but upon second thoughts, he thought it best to have Patience, and afterwards marched with the Achaeans to Orchomenos to Fight with Megistonus the Father-in-law of Cleomenes, 
Fights Megistonus and takes him Prisoner.  where he got the Victory killing three hundred men and taking Megistonus Prisoner.  
Now whereas he used to be chosen General every other year, when his turn came he was called to take upon him that charge, but he refused it, and Timoxenus was chosen in his stead. The true cause whereof was not the Pique, he was supposed to have 
Refuses the Generalship of the Achaeans and why.  taken at the People, but the ill Circumstances of the Achaean affairs. For Cleomenes did not now invade them coldly and Cautelously as formerly, as one Curbed by the Magistrates of this City, but having killed the Ephori, equally divided the Lands, and made many strangers free of the City, was without control in his Government; and therefore fell in good earnest upon the Achaeans to bring them under his power. Wherefore Aratus is much blamed, that in a Stormy and tempestuous time, like a cowardly Pilot, he should forsake the Helm, when he should rather have pressed, whether they would or no, to have saved the State; or if he thought the Achaean affairs desperate, to have yielded all up to Cleomenes, and not to have exposed Peloponnesus to the Barbarous Macedonian Garrisons, and filled Acro-Corinthus with Illyrick and Galatian Soldiers, and under the specious name of Confederates, to have made those Masters of the Cities, whom he had been so great an Enemy to, both by his Arms and Policy, and in his Commentaries had branded with reproach and infamy, and say that Cleomenes was arbitrary 
I seensured for calling in Antigonus and the Macedonians.  and Tyrannical, yet was he descended from the Heraclidae, and Sparta was his Country, the obscurest Citizen whereof, deserved to be preferred to the Generalship, before the best of the Macedonians, by those that had any regard to the Grecian Nobility. Besides Cleomenes sued for that command over the Achaeans, as one that would return the Honour of that Title with real kindnesses to the Cities; whereas Antigonus being declared absolute General by Sea and Land, would not accept thereof, unless Acro-Corinthus were upon that Condition put into his hands, following here in the Example of Aesop's hunter; for he would not get up and Ride, the Achaeans, who desired him so to do, and offered their backs to him by Embassies, and Popular degrees, till by a Garrison and Hostages he had bitted and bridled them; though Aratus does all he can to excuse this, upon the account of pure necessity. But Polybius writes that he long before this juncture apprehending the daring Temper of Cleomenes, had a private conference with Antigonus, and that he had beforehand prevailed with the Megalopolitans, to press the Achaeans to crave Aid from Antigonus for they were they most harrassed by the War, Cleomenes continually Plundering and Ransacking their Country, and so writeth also Phylarchus, who unless seconded by the Testimony of Polybius would not be credited; for he is most passionately partial to Cleomenes, when ever he speaks of him, and as if he was pleading, not writing a History, defends the one and accuses the other. The Achaeans therefore lost Mantinaea, being recovered by Cleomenes, and 
The Achaeans lose Mantinaea and are beaten at Hecatombaeum by Cleomenes.  being beaten in a great Fight near Hecatombaeum, so general was the Consternation, that they immediately sent to Cleomenes to desire him to come to Argos, and take the the Government upon him. But Aratus as soon as he understood that he was coming, and was got as far as Lerna with his Army, fearing the worst sent Ambassadors to him, to entreat him to come accompanied with three hundred only, as to Friends and Confederates, and if he mistrusted any thing, he should receive Hostages; but Cleomenes alleging that this was plain Mockery and Affront, returned, sending a Letter to the Achaeans full of Reproaches and Accusation against Aratus, and he also wrote Letters against Cleomenes; so that bitter Revile and Railleries' were bandied on both hands, without sparing even their Marriages and Wives. Hereupon Cleomenes sent a Herald to declare War against the Achaeans, and in the mean time miss very narrowly of taking Sicyon by Treachery. Turning from thence he stormed Pellene, and took the City, deserted by the Achaean General, as he did Pheneon and Penteleon not long after; upon which the Argives voluntarily 
Their affairs in very ill posture.  joined with him, and the Phliasians received a Garrison, and in short nothing held firm for the Achaeans, but an universal Confusion surrounded Aratus, who beheld all Peloponnesus shaken, and the City's Revolting by the practices of Innovators; for no place was quiet or satisfied with the present condition; so that amongst the Sicyonians and Corinthians themselves, many were detected to have had private Conferences with Cleomenes, who of a long time, out of a desire to make themselves Masters of their several Cities, had secretly maligned the Government. Aratus having absolute Power given him to bring these to condign Punishment, executed as many of 
Aratus being commissioned to punish the Traitors is forced to shift for his own life.  them as he could find at Sicyon, but going about to find them out and Punish them at Corinth also, he irritated the People, already Sick and Weary of the Achaean Government. Wherefore running Tumultuously to the Temple of Apollo, they sent for Aratus, resolving to take or kill him before they broke out into open Rebellion. He came accordingly leading his Horse in his hand, as if he suspected nothing: Then several standing out and accusing him, with Mild Words and a settled Countenance he commanded them to sit down, and not to stand crying out upon him in so disorderly manner, desiring also those that were about the Door to go in, and in saying so he stepped aside a little, as if he would give his Horse to some body. Clearing himself thus of the Crowd, and speaking without discomposure to the Corinthians that he met, commanding them to go to Apollo's Temple, and being now, before they were aware, got near to the Citadel, he leapt upon his Horse, and commanding Cleopater the Governor to have a special care of his Charge, he galloped to Sicyon, followed by thirty of his Soldiers, the rest leaving him, and shifting for themselves, and not long after it being known that he was fled, the Corinthians pursued him, but not overtaking him they immediately sent for Cleomenes, and delivered up the City to him, who valued not the gain thereof so much, as he thought he had lost by the escape of Aratus. However being now strengthened by the coming in of those that inhabited the Corinthian Shore, who gave up their Cities to him, he made a Wall and Circumvallation round the Citadel of Corinth.  
But Aratus being arrived at Sicyon, a great many of the Achaeans flock to him, and in an Assembly there, he was chosen General with absolute Power, having about him a Guard of his own Citizens, after he had now managed the Achaean affairs three and thirty years, being always the chief Man in Credit and Power of all Greece, but was now deserted on all hands, helpless, and tossed about in that Tempest, which threatened the Shipwreck of his Country; for the Aetolians refused to assist him in his distress, 
Aratus in great distress.  when he sent unto them for Aid, and the Athenians who were well affected to him, were diverted from lending him any Succour, by the Authority of Euclides and Mition. Now whereas he had a House and Treasure in Corinth, Cleomenes meddled not with it, nor suffered any Body else to do so, but sending for his Friends and Domestics, he commanded them to take care of his Concerns, as those that were to give an account of them to Aratus: He also privately sent Tripylus unto him, and afterwards Migistonus his Father-in-law, to offer him besides several other things, a yearly Pension of twelve Talents, which was twice as much as Ptolemy allowed him, for he gave him but Six; and all that he demanded was only to be declared General of the Achaeans, and together with them to have the keeping of the Citadel of Corinth: To which Aratus returning answer that the Achaean affairs were not so properly in his Power, as he was in the Power of them, Cleomenes believing himself to be mocked and abused, immediately invaded the Country of Sicyon, destroying all with Fire and Sword, and besieged the City three Months, whilst Aratus was in dispute with himself whether he should call in Antigonus upon Condition of delivering up the Citadel of Corinth to him, for he would not lend him assistance upon any other Terms. In the mean time the Achaeans held a Counsel at Aegium, to which they called Aratus; but it was very hazardous for him to pass thither, because Cleomenes was encamped about the City of Sicyon, besides the Citizens endeavoured to stop him by their Entreaties, protesting that they would not suffer him to expose himself to so evident Danger, the Enemy being so near; the Women also and Children hung about him, weeping and embracing him as their common Father, and Defender. But he having comforted and encouraged them as well as he could, got on Horseback, and being accompanied with Ten of his Friends, and his Son, than a Youth, got away to the Sea side, and finding some Vessels there, which Road at Anchor, went on Board of them and Sailed to Aegium to the Counsel, in which it was decreed that Antigonus should be called in to their Aid, and should have the Citadel 
Antigonus called in to the assistance of the Achaeans.  of Corinth delivered to him, to whom Aratus sent his Son with the other Hostages. The Corinthians extremely offended at this proceeding Plundered his Goods, and gave his House to Cleomenes. Antigonus being now near at hand with his Army, in which were twenty Thousand Foot, and one Thousand four hundred Horse, Aratus with the other Magistrates went to meet him by Sea, the Enemy suspecting nothing of it, as far as Pegae, having no great Confidence either in Antigonus or the Macedonians; for he was very sensible that his greatness was built upon their loss, and that the first pretention he had to the management of affairs was founded upon the Enmity between him and Antigonus the Elder. But perceiving the present necessity, and Juncture unavoidable, to which those that seem to command, are constrained to obey, he resolved to put all to the venture. So soon therefore as Antigonus was told, that Aratus was coming up to him, he Saluted the rest of the Company after the ordinary manner, but him he received at the first in a very Honourable 
Receives Aratus very Honourably.  manner, and finding him afterwards to be a good and discreet man, admitted him to his private familiarity; for Aratus was not only useful to him in the management of affairs and concern, but agreeable also in private Conversation; and therefore though Antigonus was young, yet as soon as he observed the temper of the man to be proper for a Prince's Friendship, he made more use of him than of any other, not only of the Achaeans, but also of the Macedonians, that were about him; So that the thing fell out to him just as the Gods had foretold in a Sacrifice. For it is reported, that as Aratus was not long before offering Sacrifice, there were found in the Liver two Gallbags enclosed in the same Caul, whereupon the Soothsayer told him, that there should be the strictest Friendship imaginable between him, and his Greatest and most Mortal Enemies: which Prediction 
A Prediction pleasantly fulfilled.  he at that time slighted, having no great Faith in Southsaying and Prognostications, but depending most upon Rational Deliberations. But afterwards things succeeding well in the War, Antigonus made a great Feast at Corinth, to which he invited a great number of Guests, and therein placed Aratus next above himself, and calling for a Coverlet, asked him if he did not find it Cold, to which Aratus replying that he was ready to Shake with Cold, he commanded him to come nearer to him, and so the Servants threw the same Coverlet over them both: Then Aratus Remembering the Sacrifice fell a Laughing, and told the King what happened to him in that Sacrifice, and the Interpretation of it. But this fell out a good while after. So Aratus and the King plighting their Faith to each other at Pegae, immediately marched towards the Enemy, with whom they had frequent Skirmishes, Cleomenes behaving himself very well, and the Corinthians making a very brisk Defence.  
In the mean time Aristotle's the Argive 
Argos revolts from Cleomenes.  Aratus' Friend sent privately to him, to let him know, that he would cause Argos to Rebel, if he would come thither in Person with some Soldiers. Aratus acquainted Antigonus therewith, and having fifteen hundred men with him, sailed immediately from the Isthmus to Epidaurus. But the Argives had not Patience till he could arrive, but making a sudden insurrection fell upon Cleomenes' Soldiers, and drove them into the Citadel. Cleomenes having notice of this, and fearing lest, if the Enemy should possess themselves of Argos, they might cut off his retreat home, leaves Acro-Corinth, and Marched away by Night to help his Men. He got hither first, and beat off the Enemy, but Aratus appearing not long after, and the King approaching with his Forces, he retreated to Mantinaea, upon which all the Cities again declared for the Achaeans and Antigonus made himself Master of the Acrocorinth. Aratus being now chosen General by the Argives, persuaded them to make a Present of the Tyrants and Traitors Estates to Antigonus. As for Aristomachus, after having put him to the Rack in the City of Cenchreae, they drowned him in the Sea, for which Aratus was exceedingly blamed, that could suffer 
Aratus is blamed for the death of Aristomachus, and upon other accounts.  a Man to be so unjustly put to Death, who was a good Man, one of his long acquaintance, and one who at his Persuasion had removed himself from the Government, and annexed his City to the Achaeans: Besides he stands charged with several other things, as that they so lightly gave Corinth to Antigonus, as if it had been an inconsiderable Village; that, when Orchomenos was Sacked, they suffered him to put into it a Macedonian Garrison, that they made a decree that no Letters, nor Embassy should be sent to any other King, without the consent of Antigonus, that they were forced to hire, and maintain the Macedonians, that they made Sacrifices, Feasts and Games in Honour of Antigonus, Aratus' Citizens setting the Example, and receiving Antigonus, Lodged and entertained at Aratus' House. All these Miscarriages they charged him with, not considering, that having once put the Reins into Antigonus' hands, he was now hurried along by the impetuosity of the Regal Power, being Master of nothing but his Tongue, the Liberty of which it was not very safe for him to use neither. For it was very plain, that Aratus was much troubled at several things, as appears by the business about the Statues; for Antigonus replaced the Statues of the Tyrants of Argos that had been thrown down, and on the contrary threw down the Statues of all those that had taken the Acro-Corinth, except that of Aratus, nor could he by all entreaties divert him from this resolution. Besides the usage of the Mantineans by the Achaeans seems not to savour of the Grecian Temper and Manners; for being Masters of their City by the help of Antigonus, they put to death the Chief and most Noted men amongst them: And for the rest, some of them they Sold, others they sent bound in Fetters into Macedonia, and made Slaves of their Wives and Children. The Money raised hereby was a third Part of it divided amongst themselves, and the other two thirds were distributed amongst the Macedonians: and this seems to have been done by a certain Sort of Legal Revenge; for although it be a Barbarous thing for men of the same Nation and Blood thus to Butcher one another in their Fury, yet necessity makes it, as Simonides says, Sweet and something excusable, being the properest Remedy to Appease and Satisfy Inflamed and Exasperated Minds. But for what was afterwards done to that City, Aratus can never be excused upon any account, either of Reason or necessity; for the Argives having the City freely bestowed on them by Antigonus, and resolving to People it, he being then Chosen the Director of that affair and being General at that time, decreed, that it should no longer be called Mantinaea, but Antigonea, which name it still bears; so that by this means the Memory of the Beautiful Mantinaea is quite extinguished, that the City might bear the Name of the Destroyer of its Citizens. After this Cleomenes being overthrown in a great Battle near Sellasiae, forsook the City of Sparta, and Fled into Egypt, and Antigonus having shown all manner of Civility and Kindness to Aratus, retired into Macedonia.  
Antigonus falling Sick there, sent Philip 
Philip the Son of Antigonus comes into Peloponnesus.  the Heir of his Crown into Peloponnesus being yet scarce a Youth, commanding him chiefly to follow the Counsel of Aratus, and by his means to treat with the Cities, and make himself known to the Achaeans; and Aratus receiving him accordingly, so managed him, as to send him back to Macedon, both well affected to himself, and full of desire and Ambition, to engage in the affairs of Greece. Antigonus being now dead, the Aetolians despising the Sloth and Negligence of the Achaeans; (for being accustomed to be defended by other men's Valour, and Sheltering themselves under the Macedonian- Arms, they lived in all careless Dissoluteness,) attempted to make themselves Masters of Peloponnesus, and Plundering the Paetrenses and Dymaeans in their way, invaded the Messenian Territory, wasting the whole Country; at which Aratus being Nettled, and finding that Timoxenus the then General delayed and wasted time, being now ready to lay down his Office, anticipated his Government, which he was chosen to succeed in by five days, that he might bring relief to the Messenians, and mustering the Achaeans, who were both as to their Persons unexercised in Arms, and in their Minds averse to War, he was overthrown at Caphyae. Having thus begun the War, as it seemed, with too much Heat and Passion, he as soon ran into the other extreme, Cooling and Desponding at that rate, that he let pass and oversaw all the fair opportunities of advantage given by the Aetolians, 
Aratus ill success against the Aetolians occasioned the calling in of Philip into Greece.  who now sported and junketed, as it were throughout all Peloponnesus, with all manner of Insolence and Licentiousness. Wherefore praying once more the assistance of the Macedonians, they drew in and introduced Philip to intermeddle in the Affairs of Greece, hoping that by reason of his confidence in Aratus, and the Friendship he had for him, they should find him very tractable, and to be managed as they pleased.  
But the King being over persuaded by Apelles Megalaeus, and other Courtiers, that endeavoured to ruin the Credit Aratus had with him, favouring the contrary Faction strove to have Eperatus chosen General by the Achaeans; but he being scorned by the Achaeans to the last degree, and Aratus taking no care of affairs, all things went to Rack, upon which Philip finding his mistake, reconciled himself to Aratus, and was wholly his, and his affairs increasing both in Power, and Reputation, he depended upon him for the augmentation of both. Aratus hereby giving 
Who suffers himself to be governed by the Counsel of Aratus.  a proof to the World that he was as good a Nursing Father of a Kingdom, as he had been of a Republic; for the actions of the King had in them the Touch and Colour of his Judgement and Temper; for the Moderation showed by this young Prince to the Lacedæmonians, who had incurred his displeasure, and his Courteous affability to the Cretans, by which in a few days he brought over the whole Island to his obedience, and his expedition against the Aetolians, so wonderfully successful, brought Philip Reputation for harkening to good advice, and to Aratus for giving it; for which things the King's Followers envying him more than ever, and finding they could not prevail against him by their secret practices, they begun openly to 
Aratus affronted by Philip's Courtiers.  abuse and affront him in their debauches, with extraordinary Petulancy and Impudence; so that once they threw Stones at him as he retired from Supper to his Tent. At which Philip being extremely offended, immediately fined them twenty Talents, and finding afterwards that they still troubled and disturbed his affairs he put them to death. But not long after being puffed up with the prosperity of his affairs, many and great Vices began to spring forth in him; and his natural bad inclination breaking through the thin Veil cast over them, in a short time discovered his Native humour. And in the first place he privately injured Aratus the 
Is ill used by Philip himself.  Younger in his Wife, which was not known of a good while, because he was lodged and entertained at their house, than he began to be more rough and untractible in public affairs, and showed plainly that he would cast off Aratus. Which the Messenian affairs first gave occasion to suspect. For they falling into sedition, and Aratus delaying to help them, Philip came thither a day before him, and threw a bone as it were amongst them, ask privately on the one hand the Messenian Officers, if they had not Laws whereby to suppress the insolence of the common People, and on the other the Ringleaders of the People, whether they had not hands to help themselves against their Oppressors? Upon which gathering courage, the Magistrates attempted to lay hands on the heads of the Faction, and they on the other side coming upon the Magistrates with the Rabble killed them, and very near two hundred persons with them. Philip having committed this fact and set the Messenians by the ears together more than before, Aratus arrived there and both showed plainly that he took it ill himself, and also that he suffered his Son bitterly to reproach and revile him. It should seem that the young Man was in love with Philip, which made him at that time tell him, that he no longer appeared to him the handsomest, but the most deformed of all men after so foul an Action. To all which Philip gave him no answer, though he appeared much nettled, and muttered often to himself whilst he was speaking; but for the Elder Aratus, seeming to take all that he said in good part, being also by Nature crafty, and having a good Command of himself, he gave him his hand and led him out of the Theatre, and carried him with him to Ithome, to Sacrifice there to Jupiter and take a view of the place; for it is a post as fortifyable as the Acro-Corinth, and with a Garrison is as strong, and does as much command the neighbouring Country. Philip therefore went up into this Castle, and having offered Sacrifice there, receiving the Entrails with both his hands from the Priest, he showed them to Aratus and Demetrius Pharius, presenting them sometimes to the one, and sometimes to the other, ask them what they judged by the tokens in the Sacrifice it were best for him to do with the fort, whether to keep it for himself or restore it to the Messenians. Demetrius smiling answered him, if you have in you the Soul of a Priest you will restore it, but if of a Prince you will hold the Ox by both the horns. By which Aenigma he made him understand that Peloponnesus would be wholly submiss and at his devotion, if he added Ithomata to the Acro-Corinth. Aratus said not a word of a good while, but Philip entreating him to declare his opinion, he spoke thus. Many and great Hills are there in Crete, and many Rocks in Boeotia and Phocis, and many inexpugnable places are there both near the Sea, and in the midland in Acarnania, and yet all these People obey your Orders though you have not possessed yourself of any one of these Places. Thiefs nest themselves in Rocks and Precipices, but the strongest Fort a King can have is fidelity and affection. These have opened to you the Cretian Sea, these made you Master of Peloponnesus, and by the help of these, young as you are, are you become Captain of the one, and Lord of the other. As he was thus speaking, Philip returned the entrails to the Priest, and pulling him along with him by the hand, come on then said he let us follow this course, as if he thought himself forced by him, and deprived of the Town.  
From this time Aratus began to withdraw from Court, and retired by degrees from Philip's Company; for when he was preparing to march into Epirus, and desired him that he would accompany him thither, he excused himself and stayed at home, apprehending that he should get 
Aratus falls out with Philip.  nothing but discredit by his Actions. But when afterwards having shamefully lost his Fleet against the Romans, and miscarried in all his designs he returned into Peloponnesus, where endeavouring first to win the Messenians by his artifices, and failing therein, he fell openly to spoil and waste their Country, than Aratus fell out with him downright, and utterly renounced his Friendship. For he began then to smell out the injuries done to his Son in his Wife, and though they vexed him to the heart, yet he concealed them from him for he could only let him know he had been abused but could not help him to the means to revenge himself; for strange and unexpected was the change made in Philip, who of a mild King, and modest and chaste Youth, became a lascivious man and most cruel Tyrant; though in reality this was not a change of his nature, but a bold unmasking of his ill inclinations, being no longer in awe of any man, which by reason of his fear he had a long time dissembled. For that the respect he from the beginning bore to Aratus had a great allay of fear and awe, appears evidently from what he did to him at last. For being desirous to put him to death, not thinking himself, whilst he was alive, to be at liberty either as King or Tyrant; he durst not attempt to do it by open force but commanded Taurion one of his Captains and Familiars to make him away secretly, and that by poison in his absence. 
Taurion poisons Aratus by the command of Philip.  Taurion therefore contracted a friendship with Aratus, and gave him a dose not of your strong and violent poisons, but such as cause gentle hectical heats, and a hollow Cough, and so by degrees bring on certain death. Aratus perceived what was done to him, but knowing that it was in vain to make any words of it, bore it patiently and with silence as if it had been some common and usual distemper. Only once a Friend of his being with him in his Chamber he spit some Blood, which his Friend observing and wondering at, 
He dies at Aegium.  These, O Cephalon, said he, are the rewards of a Kings Love. Thus died he in Aegium in his seventeenth Generalship. The Achaeans were very desirous that he should be buried there with a Funeral and Monument suitable to his life; but the Sicyonians believing it a dishonour to them if he were interred any where but in their City, prevailed with the Achaeans to grant them the disposal of the Body.  
But there being an ancient Law that no person should be buried within the Walls of their City, and a strong superstition also as to this matter, they sent to Delphos to ask counsel of the Pythioness, who returned this Answer.  

Thou ask'st Sicyon, Aratus Resting place,  
If thee his Urn and Funeral Rites shall Grace,  
Who grudges him the Light Earth where he lies  
Is the Disgrace o'th' Sea, the Land, and Skies.   
This Oracle being brought, all the Achaeans rejoiced much at it, but especially the Sicyonians, who changing their 
And is buried at Sicyon.  Mourning into public Joy, immediately fetched the Body form Aegium, and in a kind of Solemn procession brought it into the City, being Crowned with Garlands, and arrayed in white garments with singing and dancing, and choosing the most conspicuous place, they buried him there, as the Founder and Saviour of their City. The Place is to this day called Aratium, and there they yearly make two Solemn Sacrifices to him, the one on the day he delivered the City from Tyranny 
* The fifth of November.  being the fifth day of the Month Daisium which the Athenians call Anthesterion, and this Sacrifice they call Soteria. The other on his Birthday; now the first of these was performed by the Priest of Jupiter Soter, the second by the Priest of Aratus wearing a linen girdle not pure white but mingled with Purple. The Hymns were sung to the harp by the Choir belonging to Bacchus; the Procession was led up by the Rector of the Gymnasium with the boys and young men, these were followed by the Senate wearing Garlands, and other Citizens such as pleased, whereof some small footsteps remain to this day. But the greatest part of the Ceremonies have through time, and other intervening accidents been disused. And such, as History tells us, was the life and manners of 
The youngest Aratus poisoned also by Philip dies.  the Elder Aratus. And for the younger, Philip abominably wicked by Nature, and cruelly insulting, gave him such poisonous Medicines as though they did not kill him indeed, yet made him run stark mad, and drove him to attempt horrid and absurd things, and to desire to do actions, and satisfy appetites, that were ridiculous and shameful; so that his death which happened to him young and in the Flower of his Age, cannot be so much esteemed a misfortune as a deliverance and end of his misery. But Philip paid dearly all the rest of his Life, for these violations of friendship and hospitality, for being overcome by the Romans, he was forced to give up all into their hands, and being deprived of his other dominions he lost all his ships also except five, and was constrained to pay a fine of a thousand Talents, and to give his Son for Hostage, only out of mere pity he was suffered to keep Macedonia and its dependences, where continually putting to death the noblest of his Subjects, and the nearest relations he had, he filled the whole Kingdom with horror and hatred of him. And whereas amidst so many misfortunes, he had but one good 
Philip smarts sufficiently for these murders.  chance which was the having of a Son extremely virtuous, him, through Jealousy, and Envy at the honour the Romans had for him he caused to be murdered, and left his Kingdom to Perseus, who as some say, was not legitimate, but born of a Sempstress called Gnathenion. This was he whom Paulus Aemylius led in Triumph, and in whom ended the Succession of Antigonus' Line and Kingdom. But the Posterity of Aratus continues still in our days at Sicyon and Pellene.   


ARTAXERXES.   
THE LIFE OF ARTAXERXES. Translated from the Greek, By Mr. OAKLY.  
THE first Artaxerxes among all the Crowned Heads of Persia, the most remarkable for a Meek and Noble Spirit, was surnamed Longimanus; his right hand being longer than his left: And he was the Son of Xerxes. The second whose Story I am now writing, being for his vast memory styled Mnemon, was his Grandson by his Daughter Parysatis: Who brought Darius four Sons, the Eldest Artaxerxes, the next Cyrus, and two younger than these Ostanes, and Oxathers. That Cyrus borrowed his Name of the ancient Cyrus, as they say he had his from the Sun, which in the Persian Language is called Cyrus. And Artaxerxes was at first called Arsicas, though Dinon says Oartes. But it is highly improbable that Ctesias (though otherwise he has cast into his book an universal Rhapsody of incredible and senseless Fables) should be ignorant of the name of the King, as being Physician in ordinary to him, his Wife, his Mother, and Children. This Cyrus presently even in his tender years, was fierce and violent; on the other side Artaxerxes seemed in all respects more gentle and more soft, more effeminate in his Passions. He married a Fair and Virtuous Lady with the consent of his Parents, but kept her as expressly against it. For King Darius having put her brother to death, was projecting likewise how to destroy her too. But Arsicas throwing himself at his Mother's Feet, and having moved her with whole streams of tears, at last with much ado persuaded her that they should neither put to death, nor divorce that his dear Consort from him. However Cyrus was the Queen's darling, and the Son whom she most desired to settle in the Throne. And therefore his Father Darius now lying ill, and he being sent for from Sea to Court, set out thence with a full gale of hopes, that by her means he should be declared his Successor in the Empire. For Parysatis urged this specious plea in his behalf, which Xerxes by the advice of Demaratus had of old made use of, viz. that she had brought him Arsicas, when he was a Subject, but Cyrus when a King. Notwithstanding she prevailed not with Darius, but the eldest Son Arsicas was pronounced King, his name being changed into Artaxerxes; and Cyrus left Perfect of Lydia, and Duke of the Maritine Provinces. It was not long after the decease of Darius before his Successor went among the Pasargades, that he might consummate the ceremony of his Inauguration by the assistance of the Persian Priest. There is a Temple dedicated to a Warlike Goddess, which a man would guests to be Minerva; into which, when the Royal Person to be anointed has passed he must strip himself of his own robe, and put on that which Cyrus the First wore before he attained to the Monarchy, then having devoured a frail of Figs he must eat Turpentine, and drink a cup made of vinegar and milk. To which if they superadd any other rites, it is unknown to any but those that are present at them. Now Artaxerxes being about to address himself to this Solemnity, Tisaphernes came to him bringing a certain Priest, who having trained up Cyrus in his Youth according to the established Discipline of Persia, and having taught him Philosophy was likely to be as much concerned as any man that his Pupil mounted not the Throne. And for that reason his veracity was the less questioned when he charged Cyrus as tho' he had been about to lie in wait for the King in the Temple, and to assault and assassinate him as he was putting off his Garment. Some affirm that he was apprehended upon this impeachment, others that he had entered the Temple and was pointed out there, as he lay lurking, by the Priest. But as he was going to Execution his Mother clasped him in her Arms, and having bound him with the tresses of her hair she joined his neck close to her own, and by her bitter lamentation, by her most formal intercession to Artaxerxes for him she reversed the decree; and he remanded him to his former Province. In which he sat uneasy, nor did he so well remember his delivery as his chain, being through his rage more eagerly desirous of the Kingdom than before. Some say that he revolted from his Royal Brother, because he had not a revenue proportionable to the daily expense he was at in the support of his Family, in that proclaiming him no less fool than Rebel. For had he had nothing else, yet he had a Mother ready with a stretcht-out hand to supply him with whatever he could desire whether for his use or Grandeur. But the great number of Soldiers, who being hired from many places were maintained, as Xenophon informs us, for his service, by his Confidents both Domestic and Foreign do sufficiently evince his riches. For he assembled them not together in a Body, as yet concealing his enterprise; But he had Agents every where listing strangers upon several pretences. Now both Parysatis being at Court with his Majesty, removed all jealousies, and Cyrus himself always wrote in an humble and dutiful manner to him; one while soliciting Princely bounty, another drawing a Counter-charge against Tisaphernes, as if his emulation and contest had been wholly with him. Moreover there was a certain natural dilatoriness in the King, which was mistaken by many for Clemency. Yet indeed in the beginning of his Reign he seemed to exemplify the gentleness of the first Artaxexes, being more accessible in his Person, and excessive in the distribution both of honours and rewards to the deserving. He was obliging even in his punishments taking out the sting and contumely of them, and in the intercourse of gifts he delighted no otherwise in those that offered them to, than in those that received them from him, appearing still when he gave cheerful and generous. Nor truly was there any thing, however inconsiderable given him, which he did not deign kindly to accept of; insomuch that when one Omises had presented him with a very large Pomegranate, by this light, said he, this man, were he entrusted with it, would soon turn a small City into a great one. Afterwards some offering him one thing, some another, as he was in his Progress, a certain poor Labourer having got nothing in a readiness to make a present to him of, ran straight to the River side, and taking up water in his hands he offered it to him; with which Artaxerxes was so well pleased, that he sent him a large goblet of massy Gold, and a thousand Darius'. And to Euclidas a Lacedaemonian, speaking many things to him like a frontless, arrogant fellow, he commanded one of his Tribunes thus to express himself from him, that I give thee leave to say what thou wilt to me, but remember that I, as King, may say and do too what I please. At a Hunt Tiribazus having showed him that his Robe was rend, he demanded of him what he should do? He answering, it may please your Majesty to put on another and give me that; the King did so, saying withal, I bestow this on thee Tiribazus, but I charge thee not to wear it. He, little regarding the injunction laid upon him (tho' he was no obstinately ill, but only an empty half-witted Man) straightway put the Gown on his back, and bedecked himself with jewels of Gold, and Womanish attire, at which the whole Court was angry; it being absolutely against the Laws of Persia, for any but the Kings to wear them. But his Majesty laughed at him, and told him, thou hast my leave to wear those Golden toys as a Woman, and the Robe of State as a Fool.  
And whereas none usually sat 〈…〉 down to eat with the King beside his Mother and Wife, the former being placed above, the other below him; Artaxerxes invited also to his table his two younger Brothers Ostanes and Oxathres. But the Chariot of his Wife Statira presented the Persians with the most taking sight, being always drawn with its Curtains down, and allowing the Ladies of the Country both to salute and approach her. Which thing endeared his Government to the People. Yet some over busy, Factious men that delighted in innovation, gave it out, as their opinion, that Cyrus, being a man of a great spirit, and excellent Warrior, and a generous Master, was in these circumstances desirable, and that the largeness of their Empire absolutely required a daring and ambitious Prince. Cyrus than not only relying upon those of his own Low Province near the Sea, but upon many of those in the higher Countries near the King, attempts a War against him. He wrote likewise to the Lacedæmonians exciting them to his assistance, and to supply him with some stout men, assuring them that to the Footmen that should appear he would give Horses, and to the Horsemen Chariots; that upon those who had Farms he would bestow Lordships, that those who were Lords of Villages, he would make so of Cities, and that those who would be his Soldiers should receive their pay not stinted by account, but in a full heaped measure. Besides among many other things he fond extolled himself, for he said he was informed with a greater Soul, that he was more a Philosopher and a better Magician, and that he could both drink and bear more Wine than his Brother Artaxerxes: who as he averred, through fear and effeminacy did neither in his Chases ride his horse nor in dangers sit without tottering upon his Throne. The Lacedæmonians, his Letter being read, sent a Billet to Clearchus commanding him to obey Cyrus in all things. So Cyrus marched towards the King, having under his Conduct a numerous host of Barbarians, and but little less than thirteen thousand Stipendiary Grecians; assigning first one cause, than another for his expedition. Yet the true reason lay not long concealed, but Tisaphernes went to the King in person to declare it. Thereupon the Court was all in an uproar and tumult, the Queen's Mother bearing almost the whole blame of the enterprise, and her retainers being not only suspected but accused. But she who gave her the most disturbance was Statira, who passionately resented this War, and cried out; what is now become of your Promises? What of your Intercessions? By which having freed him that had been guilty of Treason against his Brother, you have embroiled us in War and Troubles? For which words Parysatis hating Statira, and being naturally implicable and savage in her anger and revenge, she consulted how she might destroy her. But since Dinon has left it upon Record, that her bloody project took effect in the time of War, and Ctesias after it; I shall not quarrel the Chronology of the latter: it being very unlikely, that he, who was a Spectator of the whole Scene of affairs, should not know where to fix the Aera of one so considerable. Nor indeed had he any cause designedly to misplace its date in his Narrative of it, though in his History upon other occasions he frequently makes excursions from truth to mere Fiction and Romance.  
Now as Cyrus was upon the march towards the Court, tidings were brought him, as though the King did deliberate about it, and were not in haste to fight and presently to join battle with him; but to wait in the heart of his Kingdom, till there should be a general confluence of his Forces thither from all parts of his Dominions. And to convince him of this news he had cast a Trench in his way ten fathoms in breadth, and as many in depth, the length of it being no less than four hundred furlongs. Nor did he regard Cyrus after he had passed over it, being within that place for which it was made a fence, till he had advanced almost to the City of Babylon. Then Tiribazus, as the report goes, being the first that was so hardy to tell his Majesty, that he ought not to defer the conflict, nor quitting Medea, Babylon, and Susa, poorly to skulk in Persia, as having an Army far more numerous than his Enemies and an infinite Company both of Nobles, and Captains that were greater Soldiers and Politicians than Cyrus himself; he resolved to begin the fight, as soon as 'twas possible for him. Thereupon at first, and in an instant, appearing gloriously at the head of nine hundred thousand well marshaled men, he so startled and surprised the Rebels, who with a boldness equal to their contempt marched against him neither in order nor well armed, that Cyrus with much noise and tumult was scarce able to range and compose them. Then the King leading on his men silently, and by leisure, made the Grecians stand amazed at his good discipline, who expected irregular shouting and leaping, a huge confusion and distraction in so infinite a multitude as that was. He also wisely placed the choice of his armed Chariots in the Front of his own Phalanx, over against the Grecian Troops, that by the fierceness of their onset, they might cut down their ranks before they closed with them.  
But forasmuch as this battle hath been described by many Historians, and particularly by Xenophon, who represents it to the eye by pointing at things, not as tho' past but present, and by his lively draught of it, engages his hearer when recited in a seeming concern and danger; it would be folly in me to give any larger account of it then barely to mention those things which he has omitted, and yet deserve to be recorded. The place then in which the two Armies were drawn out for the fight, was called Cunaxa, being about five hundred furlongs distant from Babylon; where Clearchus beseeching Cyrus, before the dispute, to retire behind the Battalion of Macedonians, and not expose himself to hazard; for his honour, they say, he thus replied, What strange advice is this Clearchus? Would you have me, who aspire to the Empire, appear to all these unworthy of it; But as Cyrus' offence was in rushing headlong into the midst of dangers, and not keeping aloof from what threatened him with ruin; so Clearchus was as much too blame, if not more, who refused with his men to confront the main body of the Enemy, where the King stood, and joined his right wing to the River, for fear he should be surrounded. For aiming altogether at safety, and desiring nothing but to sleep in a whole Skin, it had been his best way not to have stirred from home. But he having come armed a vast distance from the Sea-coast, no other thing inducing him to it, but that he might settle Cyrus in the Imperial Throne; and yet afterwards looking out for a Place and Station, wherein he took footing, not that he might preserve him under whose pay and conduct he was, but that he might himself engage with more ease and security, seemed much like one that through fear of present dangers had quitted the consideration of his all at stake, and been false to the design of his expedition. For it is evident from the very event of the battle, that none of those who were in array round the King's person were able to stand the Shock of the Grecians Charge; and had they been beaten out of the Field, and Artaxerxes either fled or fallen, that Cyrus by his conquest had purchased not only safety, but a Crown. And therefore Clearchus is more to be condemned for his caution, which was manifestly the destruction of the Life and Fortune of Cyrus, than he could be for his heat and rashness. For had the King made it his business to discover a place, where having posted the Grecians, he might encounter them with the least hazard, he would never have found out any other, but that which was most remote from himself and those near him; from whence when he was routed, he was insensible of it; and tho' Clearchus had the Victory, yet Cyrus being ignorant of it made no advantage of it before his fall. Yet he knew well enough what was expedient to be done, and accordingly commanded Clearchus with his men to stand in the middle of his Forces: Who when he had replied that it should be as well managed as possible, afterwards spoiled all. For the Grecians, where they were, hewed down the Barbarians till they were weary, and chased them successfully a very great way. But Cyrus being mounted upon a fierce, headstrong and unlucky Horse, as Ctesias says, called Pasacas; Artagerses the Leader of the Cadusians galloped up to him, crying aloud, O thou most unjust and senseless wretch who art a reproach to that most August and Honourable Name among the Persians', Cyrus, thou art come leading on the renowned Grecians in an ominous Voyage to the plunder of thy Countrymen. Thou fond hopest too, unnatural Traitor as thou art, to destroy thy Sovereign and Brother; who, as thou shalt soon experimentally perceive, is master of ten thousand times ten thousand better men than thou art. For thou shalt certainly here lose thy head, before thou seest the face of our King; which when he had said he cast his Javelin at him. But his Coat of male stoutly repelled it, and Cyrus was not wounded; yet the stroke falling heavy upon him, he reeled upon his Steed. Then Artagerses turning his Horse, Cyrus luckily threw a Dart, and struck the point of it through his neck near the Shoulder-bone: So that thereupon it is indeed almost universally owned that Artagerses was slain by him.  
Now as to the death of Cyrus, since Xenophon, as being himself no eye-witness of it, toucheth upon it but lightly, and in few words; it may not be amiss perhaps to run over on the one hand what Dinon, and on the other what Ctesias has said of it. Dinon then affirms that the death of Artagerses, Cyrus having violently attacked the Vanguard of Artaxerxes, wounded his horse, and so was he dismounted; and when Tiribazus had soon lifted him up upon another, and said to him my Liege, remember this day, which ought not to be forgotten, that Cyrus again spurring up his horse struck down Artaxerxes. But at the third assault the King being enraged, and saying to those near him, that death was more eligible than such insolence, he made up to Cyrus, who madly and blindly rushed upon the Spears of the Enemy. So the King struck him with his javelin, as likewise did all those that were round about him. And thus Cyrus falls, as some say, by the hand of the King; as others by the Dart of a Carian, whom Artaxerxes for a reward of that his atchieument did the honour to set him ever after bear a Golden Cock upon his Spear before the first rank of his Army. For the Persians call those of Caria Cocks, by reason of the Crests with which they adorn their Helmets.  
But the account of Ctesias, that I may draw in little what he has branched out at large, is thus as follows; Cyrus after the slaughter of Artagerses road up fiercely against the King, as he did against him, not either exchanged a word with the other, But Arieus Cyrus' confident darted first at the King, yet wounded him not. Then the King let fly a Dart at his Brother, but missed him, though he both hit and slew Tisaphernes, a man truly generous, and devoted to the interest of Cyrus, who having directed his Lance with a surer hand against the King, pierced his breast with it quite through his Armour two inches deep, so that he tumbled with this stroke upon the Earth. At which those that attended him being put to flight and disorder, he rising with a few, among whom was Ctesias, and recovering a little Hill not far off rested himself. But Cyrus' horse being high-mettled carried him a great way into the midst of his Enemies, the approaching night making it hard for them to know him, or his followers to find him. However being made fierce with conquest, being withal naturally bold and violent, he passed through them crying out, and that more than once in the Persian Language submit yourselves poor men, submit; which they indeed did throwing themselves down at his feet. Then his Tiara (which kind of Hat none but Princes of the blood, or Generals wore) dropped off his head, and a lusty young Persian by name Mythridates rnnning by, and not knowing who he was, with a Dart pierced one of his Temples near his Eye out of which wound much blood gushed, so that Cyrus swooning and senseless, fell off his horse, which straggling ran away. from him. But Mithridates' Mate gathered up the Caparison of his horse, and his Cap that had slipped off all died with Gore. Then some few Eunuches that were with him, being by reason of that stroke scarcely and with much difficulty come to himself, endeavoured to mount him upon another horse, and so to convey him safe away. Now because he was not able to ride, nor to walk without great toil by himself, they led and supported him, being indeed in body vertiginous and reeling, but healed in his mind by the comfortable thoughts of his Victory; whilst he hears the vanquistt salute the King, and show to their Lord and Master Cyrus for Grace and Mercy: In the mean time some wretched and indigent Caunians, who upon the account of some vile employments followed the Royal standard, were by chance joined with those attendants of Cyrus, supposing them to be of their own party. But as soon as they discovered their red coats, when all the Loyal Subjects wore white ones; they knew that they were Enemies. One therefore of them not dreaming that it was Cyrus ventured to strike him behind with his Spear. So Cyrus being ham-stringed and falling, he did at the same time dash his wounded Temple against a Stone, and died. Thus runs Ctesias account, wherein methinks he as it were, with a dull knife saws him to death, and has much ado to shut up the Tragedy. As he now lay dead Artosyras his Majesty's Intelligencer, it seems, passed by on horseback; and having observed the Eunuches of Cyrus dolefully deploring his Fate, he asked Pariscas the most trusty of them; saying, whom dost thou sit by here Lamenting? He replied, do not you see, O! Artosyras, that it is my master Cyrus? Then Artosyras wondering bid the Eunuch be of good Cheer, and keep the dead Body safe. So going in all haste to Artaxerxes, (who now dispaired of the success of his affairs, and was highly indisposed both by his drought and wound) he with much joy assured him that he had seen Cyrus' dead. Thereupon he presently desired in person to go to the place, and commanded Artosyras to conduct him where he lay. Yet seeing there was a great noise made about the Grecians, and that they were become formidable, as being said to be in Chase of their Enemies, and to conquer and carry all before them; he thought fit to send out no less than thirty men with Torches in their hands to inquire more fully into the truth of the matter. In the interim there being in appearance, but a few steps between him and death, by reason of his thirst; his Enunch Satibarzanes ran about seeking out drink for him. For the place had no water in it, and he was then at a good distance from his Camp. After a long search he at last luckily met with one of those poor Caunian Slaves, who had in a nasty leathern Bottle about four pints of base stinking water; which he took, and bare, and gave it to the King, which when he had drunk all off, Satibarzanes asked him if he did not altogether loath that nauseous draught; but he swore by all he thought Sacred, that he never drank wine with such a gust, nor water though out of the swiftest or purest Stream. And therefore, says he, if after a hearty desire to reward him, who gave thee this, I shall not have opportunity to do it, I humbly beg of Heaven, to make him rich and prosperous. No sooner had he said this, but his thirty Scouts arrived with joy, and triumph in their looks, bringing him the tidings of his unexpected fortune. And now he was encouraged, by the great number and confluence of his Soldiers that flocked to him, and he descended into the plain, with many lights and flambeaus round about him. As soon as he came near the dead Traitor, and according to a certain law of the Persians, his right hand, and head were lopped off from his body; he gave a strict charge that the latter should be brought to him, and grasping the hair of it, which was long and bushy, he showed it to his men, as they were wavering, and still upon the Wing. Who were amazed at it, and did him homage; so that there were presently seventy thousand of them got about him, and entered the Camp again together. He led out to the fight, (as Ctesias affirms) four hundred thousand. But Dinon and Xenophon aver that there were many more than forty Myriads actually engaged. As to the number of the slain, as the Catalogue of them was given up to Artaxerxes; Ctesias says they were nine thousand, but that they appeared to him no fewer than twenty. Neither of which accounts is without Controversy.  
But that is a manifest untruth of his to say that he was sent along with Phayllus the Zacynthian, and some others to the Grecians. For Xenophon knew well enough that Ctesias was always resident at Court; for he makes mention of him in that History, of which he is certainly the Author. And therefore had he come, and been deputed the interpreter of such momentous words; Xenophon sure would not have struck his name out of the Embassy any more than he did that of Phayllus. But Ctesias (as 'tis evident) being strangely vainglorious and no less a favourer of the Lacedæmonians and Clearches, never fails to assume to himself some Province in his narrative, with which being taken up he records many and glorious things of Clearchus and Sparta. When the battle was over Artaxerxes sent goodly and magnificent gifts to the Son of Artagerses, whom Cyrus slew. He conferred likewise high honours upon Ctesias and others, and having found out the Caunian, who gave him the bottle of water, he made him of a poor obscure man a rich Peer. As for the punishments he inflicted upon delinquents, there was a kind of harmony betwixt them and the crimes. He gave order that one Arbaces a Mede, that had fled in the fight to Cyrus, and again deserted him at his fall, should take up a Whore stark naked, and carry her hanging by his neck a whole day round about the Marketplace; as one that censured his Cowardice and Effeminacy, not his treason and malice. Another, besides that he had revolted to them, having falsely vaunted that he had killed two of the Rebels; he decreed that three needles should be struck through his tongue. Now both supposing that with his own hand he had cut off Cyrus, and being willing that all men should think and say so, he richly presented Mithridates who first wounded him, and charged those by whom he conveyed the gifts to him to tell him, that his Majesty hath honoured you with these his favours because you found and brought him the horse-trappings, and hat of Cyrus. The Carian also by whom Cyrus being wounded in the Ham died, suing for his reward; he commanded those that brought it him to say that the King presents you with this as a secondary gratification for the good news told him: for first Artosyrus, and next to him, you assured him of the decease of the grand Traitor. So Mithridates retired without Clamour indeed, yet with much trouble and high resentments. But the unfortunate Carian was possessed through his indiscretion with a common infirmity. For being ravished with the sight of the Princely gifts that were before him, and being tempted thereupon to challenge and aspire to things above him, he deigned not to accept the King's present, as a retribution for his indiligence; but storming, appealed to witnesses, and declared it aloud, that he, and none but he had killed Cyrus, and that he was with no small injury deprived of that Glory. These words, when they came to his ear, did much exasperate the King, so that forthwith he sentenced him to be beheaded. But the Queen Mother, being in the King's presence, said, let not your Majesty upon such easy terms discharge this pernicious Carian, rather let me deal out to him the chastisement for his insolent expressions. When he had consigned him over to the Mercy of Parysatis, she charged the Executioners to take up the man, and stretch him upon the rack for ten days, than punching out his eyes to drop molten brass into his ears till he expired with the very anguish of his tortures.  
Mithridates also, within a short time after, miserably perished by his own folly: For being invited to a Feast where the King and Queen Mother's Eunuches were, he came arrayed in cloth of Gold, a Robe he received from the King. After they went to eat, the Eunuch that was the greatest Favourite of Parysatis, thus speaks to him; A lovely Garment surely Mithridates is this his Majesty has given you, the Chains and Bracelets are glorious, your Scymeter of invaluable worth: How happy hath he made you, and the object of every eye? To whom he being a little pot-valiant, replied, What are these things Sparamixes? Sure I am, I showed myself to the King in that day of Trial to be one deserving more stately and specious gifts than these. At which Sparamixes smiling, said, I do not malign or envy you Mithridates, but since the Grecians tell us, that Wine is the Mirror of Truth, I would ask you, my Friend, what glorious or mighty matter was it to find a Hat, that had slipped off a Horse, and to bring it to the King? And this he spoke, not as ignorant of the truth, but desiring to unbosom him to the company, he provoked the vanity of the man, made ungovernably talkative by drink. He accordingly could not forbear expressing himself to this effect, Talk you what you please of Horse-trappings, Hats, and such trifles: I tell you plainly, that this hand was the bane of Cyrus: For I threw not my dart as Artagerses did in vain and to no purpose, but hitting him and piercing him through the Temple very near his Eye, I prostrated the Man and he died of that wound. Then the rest with dejected looks did already read the destiny and ruin of Mithridates. But he who treated them, said to him, Prithee, my Friend, let us eat and drink now, revereing the good fortune of our Prince, and let us wave this discourse, which is too weighty for and above us. Presently after Sparamixes told Parysatis what he said, and she told the King; who was wonderfully enraged 〈◊〉 it, as having the lie given him thereby, and being in danger to lose the most glorious and most pleasant circumstance of his Conquest. For it was his desire that every one, whether Greek or Barbarian, should believe, that in the mutual assaults and conflicts between him and his Brother, he giving and receiving a blow, was himself indeed wounded, but that the other lost his life. And therefore he decreed, that Mithridates should be put to death in Boats, which execution is after the following manner. Taking two Boats framed exactly to fit and answer each other, they lay down in one of them the Malefactor that suffers, upon his back; then covering it with the other, and so setting them together, that through the opposite sections, the head, hands and feet of them may be kept out, and the rest of his body lie hidden within; they offer him food, and if he refuse to eat it, they force him to do it, by picking his eyes; then having eaten they drench him with a mixture of Milk and Honey for a Portion, not only pouring it into his mouth, but all over his face; which since they constantly turn his eyes directly towards the Sun, wholly disappears by reason of the multitude of Flies, that stick close to it: And discharging that within, which those that eat and drink must needs do, creepers and vermin spring out of the corruption and rottenness of the excrement, by which piercing into the very bowels of him, his body is consumed. So when the man is manifestly dead, the uppermost being taken off, they see his flesh devoured, and swarms of such noisome creatures preying upon, as it were growing to his inwards. Thus Mithridates languishing for seventeen days at last expired.  
Me●abates the King's Eunuch, who had cut off the hand and head of Cyrus, remained still as a mark for Parysatis' vengeance. Whereas therefore he was so circumspect, that he gave her no advantage against him, she framed this kind of snare for him. She was a very ingenious woman upon other accounts, but an excellent Artist at Dice, and therefore before the War had often played with the King: After the War too, when he was at leisure, and inclined to melancholy, she challenged him to play at dice with her for a thousand Darius', and willingly let him win them, and paid him down in Gold, yet pretending to be concerned for her loss, and that she would gladly have beaten him, she pressed him to begin a new Game for an Eunuch; in which he complied with her. But first they agreed, that each o● them might except five of the most trusty Eunuches, and that out of the rest of them, the Loser should yield up any the Winner should make choice of. Upon these conditions they played. Thus being vigorous upon her design, and intent upon her Game, and the Dice running luckily for her, when she had got the Game, she pitched upon Mesabates, who was not in the number of the five excepted. Now before the King could suspect the matter, having delivered him up to the Tormentors, she strictly enjoined them to flay him alive, to nail his distorted body to three Crosses, and to stretch his skin upon stakes separately from it.  
These things being done, and the King taking them heinously, and being hugely incensed against her, she with raillery and laughter told him, You are a jolly and happy man indeed, if you are so much disturbed for the sake of an old rascally Eunuch, when I, though I have thrown away a thousand Darius', exclaim not at, but acquiesce in my fortune. Artaxerxes then repenting that he had been thus deluded by her, hushed up all. But Statira did both upon other accounts evidently oppose her, and was irreconcilably angry with her for this, that she did against all law and humanity sacrifice the Eunuches, and the King's loyal Subjects to the Ghost of her darling Cyrus.  
Now after that Tisaphernes had circumvented, and with Oaths perfidiously betrayed Clearchus and other Leaders, and taking them, had sent them bound in Chains to the King; Ctesias says, that he was importuned by Clearchus, to supply him with a Comb, and that when he had it, and had combed his head with it, he was much pleased with the use of it, and gave him a Ring, which might be a token of their intimacy to all his Relations and Friends in Sparta; and that the Sculpture in this Signet, was a set of grave Matrons dancing. He tells us that the Soldiers his fellow captives, did subduct from, and excise the food sent to Clearchus, giving him but little or nothing of it. Which thing Ctesias says he rectified, causing a better allowance to be conveyed to him, and that a distinct share should be distributed to the Soldiers by themselves; adding that he ministered to, and supplied him thus at the expense and instance of Parysatis. Now there being a Gammon of Bacon daily carried to Clearchus, among other dishes, he said, that she advised and instructed him, that he ought, striking it over head in the flesh, and hiding it, to send him a small knife, and not suffer the fate of his Friend to be dispensed by the tyranny of the King. But withal he assures us, that through fear and tenderness he refused it, and the rather, because Artaxerxes had promised and sworn to his Mother, beseeching him to spare Clearchus, that he would do so: Yet he says, that afterwards, at the instigation of his Wife Statira, he put every man of them to death besides Menon, and that thence forwards Parysatis watched her advantage against Statira, and made up Poison for her; affirming therein improbable things, and such as imply the unparallelled rashness of her Gild, if she committed so execrable an Act, as to dare, out of respect to Clearchus, to attempt the life of the lawful Queen, that was Mother to those, who were Heirs of the Empire. But it is evident enough, that this part of his History, is devoted as a Shrine to the memory of Clearchus. For he would have us believe, that when the Generals were executed, the rest of them were torn in pieces by Dogs and Birds; but as for the remains of Clearchus, that a violent Gust of Wind, bearing before it a vast heap of earth did erect a Hill for a Monument to cover his body: In which, after a few Dates had been sown, in a small time, he says, a lovely Grove grew up and scattered its shade all over the place; in so much that the King was much concerned that he had cut off one so dear to Heaven, as Clearchus.  
Parysatis therefore having entertained an inveterate grudge and emulation against Statira, and seeing that the power she herself had with Artaxerxes was founded upon the honour and veneration he had for her, but that her Daughter's influence was made strong and unmoveable, by her love and obedience; she was resolved to contrive her ruin, playing at hazard, as she thought, for the greatest Stake in the world. Among her Maids of Honour, there was one that was trusty, and in the highest esteem with her, whose name was Gigis; who, as Dinon averrs, assisted in making up the poison. But Ctesias will allow her only to be conscious of it, and that much against her will; expressly charging Belitaras for actually poisoning the Queen, tho' Dinon says it was one Melantas'. Now these Princess' beginning again to be reconciled, and feast together, yet by reason of their former jars and jealousies, they did not take the same meats from the same attendants without fear and caution. There is a small Persian Bird, the Guts of which are without excrement, and the inside of it wholly fat; so that they suppose the little Creature lives upon air and dew. It is called Ryntaces. Ctesias affirms, that Parysatis dividing this Bird with a knife drenched in poison on the one side, and free from it on the other, did eat the untouched and wholesome part herself, and gave Statira that which was infected. But Dinon will not have it to be Parysatis, but Melantas' that cut up the Bird, and presented the envenomed part of it to Statira, who dying with horrid Agonies and Convulsions, was both herself sensible of the virulent Drug she had taken, and intimated her suspicion of the Queen Mother to the King, who knew her brutish fierceness, her implacable temper. Whereupon, being resolved upon a speedy Inquest, he seized upon his Mother's Pursivants and domestic Servants that attended at her Table, and put them upon the Rack. Parysatis kept Gigis at home with her a long time, and tho' the King commanded her, she would not produce her. But she at last desiring that she might be dismissed to her own home by night, Artaxerxes had intimation of it, and saying wait for her hurried her away, and adjudged her to death. Now Poisoners in Persia suffer thus by Law. There is a broad Stone, whereon placing the head of them, they do with another dash press it till they have broke both it and the face in pieces, which was the punishment Gigis lost her life by. But as for his Mother, Artaxerxes neither denounced nor inflicted any other penalty upon her, save that he banished and confined her, not much against her will, to Babylon, protesting that whilst she lived he would not come near that mighty City.  
This was the State of the King's Affairs at home: But he no less vigorously endeavoured to captivate the Grecians, that came along with Cyrus, than to conquer him, and keep possession of the Empire; and yet could not do it. For when they had lost their General Cyrus and their other Commanders, they escaped with safety almost out of the Persian Court, convincing and demonstrating to all men, that the business of that Prince and People was to be Rich, Riotous and Effeminate; or else to be Pompous and Stately; insomuch that all Greece took courage and despised those mean Barbarians; especially the Lacedæmonians, who thought it strange if they should not now deliver their Countrymen, that dwelled in Asia from their Subjection to the Persians, nor put an end to their contumelious usage of them. And first having an Army under the conduct of Thimbron, then under Dercylidas; but doing nothing memorable, they at last committed the War to the menage of their King Agesilaus. Who, when he had arrived with his Men in Ships at Asia, as soon as he had landed them, fell to work, and got himself great renown. For he defeated Tisaphernes in a pitched Battle, and forced many Cities to revolt. After these great Actions, when Artaxerxes had wisely considered, how he might wage War most advantageously with them, he sent Hermocrates of Rhodes into Greece with vast Treasures of Gold, commanding him by a free distribution of it to corrupt the leading men in the Cities, and to stir up the rest of the Grecians to an united engagement with Sparta. So Hermocrates following his instructions, the most considerable Cities conspiring against it, and all Peloponnesus being in an uproar, the Ephori remanded Agesilaus from Asia. At which time, they say, as he was upon his return, he told his Friends, that Artaxerxes had driven him out of Asia with thirty thousand Archers, the Persian Coin having an Archer stamped upon it. He scoured the Seas too of the Lacedæmonians, Conon the Athenian, and Pharnabazus being his Admirals. For Conon, after the Sea Fight, in a place, called the Goat's River, resided in Cyprus; not that he consulted his security, but looking for a vicissitude of affairs with no less hopes than men wait for a low or full tide in the Sea. Who perceiving, that his Stratagems wanted power to actuate them, and that the King's forces wanted a Wiseman to steer them, sent him an account by Letter of his projects, and charged the Bearer to hand it to his Majesty, if possible, by the meditation of Zeno a Cretian, or Polycratus the Mendaean, (the former being a dancing-Master, the latter a Physician) or in the absence of them both by Ctesias; who is said to have taken Conon's Letter, and foisted into the Contents of it a request that his Majesty would be pleased to send over Ctesias to him, as being a serviceable Man in Maritine affairs. Yet Ctesias is positive, That the King of his own accord deputed him to this Province. But Artaxerxes getting the better of the Lacedæmonians in a Sea-Fight under the Conduct of Pharnabazus and Conon, after he had stripped them of their Jurisdiction by Sea, did at the same time reduce almost all the Grecians to their allegiance; so that upon his own terms he made that celebrated Peace with them, which is styled the Peace of Antalcidas. This Antalcidas was a Spartan the Son of one Leon, who stickling for the King's Interest, obliged the Lacedæmonians to covenant to let all the Greek Cities in Asia, and the Islands adjacent to it, to become Subject and Tributary to him, when this Peace was concluded: If we may give the venerable name of Peace to that which was the reproach and ruin of Greece; a Treaty which was as 〈…〉 glorious to the vanquished as any War in its issue had ever been to them. And therefore Artaxerxes, though always abominating other Spartans', and looking upon them (as Dinon says) to be the most impudent Men living, did yet put a strange value upon Antalcidas, when he came to him into Persia: So that one day the King taking a Garland of Flowers, and dipping it in the most precious Ointment sent it to him after Supper, a favour which all were amazed at. Indeed he was a person fit to be thus delicately treated, and to have such a Crown, who had among the Persians in his dancing imitated Leonidas and Callicratidas. Whereupon Agesilaus, it seems, one having said, O ye deplorable Fate of Greece now, when the Spartans' turn Medes! Replied, nay rather when the Medes become Spartans'. Notwithstanding the subtlety of the Repartee, it did not wipe off the infamy of the Action: But a little after the Lacedæmonians lost the Principality of their State, having fought unfortunately at Leuctres; though▪ their glory was utterly lost before them in that scandalous and dishonourable League. So long indeed as Sparta was Empress of Greece, Artaxerxes did not only entertain Antalcidas generously, but endeared him by the name of his Friend. But when routed and humbled at the Battle of Leuctres, being under great distresses for money, they had dispatched Agesilaus into Egypt, and Antalcidas had addressed himself to Artaxerxes, beseeching him to supply their necessities; he so despised, slighted, and rejected him, that returning the scorn of his enemies, and in dread of the States, he pined himself to death. Ismenias also the Theban and Pelopidas, who got the day at Leuctres, arrived at the Persian Court; where the latter did nothing unworthy of himself. But Ismenias being commanded to do obeisance to the King, dropped his Ring before him upon the ground, and so stooping to take it up, he seemed to pay him homage. For some secret intelligence that pleased him he bestowed upon Timagoras the Athenian ten thousand Darius' by the hand of his Secretary Beluris, and fourscore Milch Kine were driven after him standing in need of Milk from the Cow, by reason of his indisposition. Moreover he sent him a Bed, Furniture, and Valets, the Grecians having not skill enough to make it, as also Chair-men to carry him, being infirm in Body, quite to the Sea side. Not to mention the Treat made for him at Court, which was princely and splendid: Insomuch that Osthanes the King's Brother thus spoke to him, Be mindful of this Table, which is not put before you thus spread for nothing. Which was rather a reflection upon his Treason, than to remind him of his Brother's bounty. The Athenians therefore condemned Timagoras to death for taking Bribes.  
But Artaxerxes gratified the Grecians in one thing in lieu of the many wherewith he plagued them, and that was by taking off Tisaphernes their most hated and malious Enemy; whom he put to death, Parysatis adding her charge to those accusations that were already drawn up against him. For the King persisted not long in wrath with his Mother, but was reconciled to her, and sent for her, being assured, that she had Wisdom and Courage fit for an Empire, and there being now no cause discernible, but that they might converse together without suspicion or offence. And from thence forward humouring the King in all things according to his hearts desire, and by brooking nothing ill which he did, she got a mighty influence upon him, and prevailed in whatever she requested of him. She perceived he was desperately in love with Atossa, one of his own Daughters, and that he concealed and checked his passion chiefly for fear of herself, tho' if we may believe some Writers, he had privately enjoyed the young Princess already. Now as soon as Parysatis suspected the intrigue, she was more fond of her Granddaughter than before, and extolled both her virtue and beauty to him, as being truly Imperial and Majestic. In fine she persuaded him to marry the Maiden, and to declare her to be his lawful Wife, in spite of the opinions and determinations of the Greek Sages; forasmuch as she said he was designed by Providence for a Law to the Persians, and to be the great Arbitrator of good and evil. Some Historians further affirm (in which number is Heraclides the Cumean) that Artaxerxes married not only this one, but his second Daughter Amestris also, of whom we shall speak by and by. But he so entirely loved Atossa when she became his Consort, that tho' Leprosy had run through her whole body, he was not in the least offended at it; but putting up his prayers to Juno for her, he adored her alone among the Deities, being prostrate upon the earth. His Nobles also and Favourites made such Offerings to that Goddess by his direction, that all a long, for about two miles betwixt the Court and her Temple, the road was choked up with Gold and Silver, with purple and Horses devoted to her. He waged War out of his own Kingdom with the Egyptians, under the Conduct of Pharnabazus and Iphicrates, but was defeated by reason of their dissensions. So in his expedition against the Cadusians, he went himself in person with three hundred Thousand Footmen, and ten Thousand Horse. And making an incursion into their Country which was scarce, through its roughness, passable, and withal very misty, having neither Seedtime nor Harvest, but with Pears, Apples, and other Tree-fruits breeding up Warlike and valiant men; he unawares fell into great distresses and dangers. For there was nothing to be got, fit for his men to eat, of the growth of that place, nor to be imported from any other. He would only have beasts for burden slaughtered, insomuch that the head of an Ass was sold for near forty shillings. In short the King himself was at a loss for provision, and there were but few horses left, the rest they had spent for food. Then Tiribazus, a man for his Valour often in great favour with his Prince, and as often for his buffoonery quite out of it, particularly at that time being low and despicable did yet preserve the King and his Army. There being two Kings amongst the Cadusians, and both of them encamping separately after he had made his application to Artaxerxes, and imparted his design to him, he went to one of the Princes, and sent away his Son privately to the other. So each of them deceived his man, assuring him that the other Prince had deputed an Ambassador to Artaxerxes suing for friendship and alliance with him alone; and therefore if he were wise he told him he must apply himself to his Master before he had decreed any thing, and that he would lend him his assistance in all things. Both of them gave credit to these Words, and because they supposed there was a mutual grudge betwixt them, the one dispatched away Envoys along with Tiribazus, the other with his Son. But Tiribazus staying somewhat long, the surmises and accusations of his Enemies made an impression upon Artaxerxes. Who was very Melancholic, and being sorry that he had confided in Tiribazus, gave ear to his Rivals who impeached him. But at last he came, and so did his Son, both of them bringing the Cadusian Agents along with them, and so there was a League and Peace signed with both the Princes. And now Tiribazus, being great and splendid, returned with the Persian Monarch, who plainly proved that cowardice and effeminacy are the effects of a base degenerous Nature, guided by erroneous notions, and not of niceness and superfluous excesses as most men suppose. For notwithstanding his Jewels of Gold, his Robe of State, and the rest of his costly attire, worth no less than twelve thousand Talents, with which he was constantly clad, his labours and toils were no less than those of the meanest persons in his Army. Nay turning up his Horse with his Quiver by his side, and his Shield on his Arm he led them through craggy and steep ways, insomuch that the other Soldiers observing his cheerfulness, and unwearied strength took wing, and went the more swiftly along with him: Whose daily march was above two hundred furlongs. After he had arrived at one of his own Mansions, which had lovely Parks nobly kept in order though situated in a Region naked and without Trees; the weather being very cold he gave full Commission to his Soldiers to provide themselves with wood by cutting down any without exception even the Pine and Cypress. When they were at a stand, and for sparing them, being large and goodly Trees, he, taking up an Axe himself, fell the greatest and fairest of them. After which his men used their hatchets, and piling up many Fires, passed away the Night with ease: Nevertheless he returned not without the loss of many and valiant Subjects, and of almost all his Horses. Wherefore having imagined that he should grow little in the eyes of his people through the misfortune and ill success of this expedition, he suspected that he was despised by some of his Nobles, many of whom he slew in his rage, and yet still was jealous of more. For fear is the bloodiest passion in Princes, whereas the bold and courageous amongst them are merciful, gentle, and confiding. And thus the timorous and sluggish brutes are ever untractable and the most unruly; whilst the Nobler being made confident by their spirit refuse not the acquaintance of their owners. In process of time after Artaxerxes, being very old, perceived that his Sons were in controversy about his Kingdom, and that they made parties among his Favourites and Peers. Those that were equitable among them thought it fit that as he had received it, so he should bequeath it to Darius whose just inheritance it was. The younger Brother Ochus, who was hot and violent, had indeed a considerable number of the Courtiers that espoused his interest, but his chief hope was that by Atossa's means he should prepare his Father. For he had smoothed her up with the thoughts of being his Wife, and Queen, after the death of▪ Artaxerxes. And truly it was buzzed abroad that before it Ochus maintained too great correspondence with her, but secret and unknown to the King: Who being willing timely to dash his Son Ochus' hopes, lest he attempting the very same things his Uncle Cyrus did, Wars and Contentions might again afflict his Kingdom, proclaimed Darius, than fifty years old, his Successor, and gave him leave to wear the Imperial Hat cocked up. It is a Rule and usage of Persia, that the Heir apparent to the Crown should beg a boon, and that he that declared him so should give whatever he asked, provided it were within the Sphere of his power. Darius therefore requested Aspasia, the most tenderly beloved Miss of Cyrus, but then the King's Concubine, she was originally a Phocian born in the Country of jonia, of gentile Parents, and well educated. Once when Cyrus was at Supper, she was led into him with other Women, who when they were sat down by him, though he sported and dallied and talked wantonly with them, did without shyness admit that his fulsome Courtship; but she stood by the Table, with a graceful silence, refusing to come to him when Cyrus called her. And when his Chamberlains were going to force her towards him, she said, whosoever lays hands on me shall rue it, so she seemed to the company a sullen, rude country thing. However Cyrus being well pleased with her reserved humour laughed it off, and said to the Man that brought the Woman, dost not thou plainly see that this Woman alone of all that came with thee is truly Noble, and of an impregnable Chastity? After which time he began to regard her, and loved her above all of her Sex, and called her Aspasia the Wise. But Cyrus being slain in the fight she was taken among the spoils of his Camp, whom when Darius did demand, no doubt he much offended his Father. For the Barbarous people keep a very jealous and watchful Eye over their Carnal pleasures; so that 'tis death for a Man not only to come near and caress any Concubine of his Prince, but likewise in his journey to make an excursion, or pass over to the Coaches in which they are carried. And though to gratify his Lust, he had against all Law married his Daughter Atossa, and had beside her a Seraglio of three hundred and sixty the most exquisite beauties in his Dominions; yet being importuned for that one by Darius, he urged that she was a freewoman, and allowed him to take her if she had an inclination to go with him, but by no means to force her away against it. Aspasia therefore being sent for, and contrary to the King's expectation, making choice of Darius, he gave him her indeed, being constrained by Law, but when he had done so, a little after he took her from him. For he consecrated her Priestess to Diana of Ecbatane; whom there they name Anitis, that she might spend the remainder of her days in a strict Chastity, thinking thus to punish his Son, not with rigour but moderation, by a revenge chequered with jest and earnest. But he took it heinously, either he was a passionate admirer of Aspasia, or because he looked upon himself as highly affronted and scorned by his Father. Tiribazus perceiving him thus divided betwixt Lust and rage did exasperate him yet farther after he had observed in his injuries a representation of his own. Of which take the following account: Artaxerxes having many Daughters promised to give Apama to Pharnabazus to Wife, Rodogeune to Orantes, and Amestris to Tiribazus; whom alone he disappointed by marrying Amestris himself, and yet was just to the other two. However to make him amends he betrothed his youngest Daughter Atossa to him. But after he had, being enamoured of, married her too, (as has been said.) Tiribazus had an irreconciliable grudge against him, who was seldom at any other time steady in his temper, but uneven and inconsiderate. Wherefore whether he were in the number of the choicest Favourites of his Prince, or whether he were offensive and odious to him; he demeaned himself in neither condition with moderation: But being advanced, he was intolerably insolent, and in his degradation his deportment was not submissive and peaceable, but fierce and haughty. And therefore Tiribazus was to the young Prince as Oil thrown upon a flame, ever urging him, and saying that in vain those wear their Hats upright, who consult not the Success of their affairs, and that he was ill befriended of reason if he imagined (whilst he had a Brother, who that he might have his choice of Women endeavoured to undermine him, and a Father of so rash and fickle a humour) that he should by sucession insallibly step up into the Throne. For he that out of fondness to a lewd Ionian female hath eluded a Law Sacred and inviolable among the Persians, is not likely to be faithful in the performance of the most important promises. He added too that it was not all one for Ochus not to attain to, and for him to be put by his Crown; since Ochus as a Subject might live happily, and no body could hinder him, but he being proclaimed King, must either take up the Sceptre, or lay down his Life. These words presently inflamed Darius. That of Sophocles perhaps being generally true,  
Ill Council soon is at its Journeys End; For the path is smooth, or upon an easy descent, that leads us to what we are inclined, and for the most part of us are propense to Vice through our strangeness too, and ignorance of the loveliness of Virtue. And no doubt the greatness of the Empire, and the jealousy Darius had of Ochus furnished Tiribazus with materials for his remonstrance. Nor was Venus wholly unconcerned in the matter upon the loss of her Votary Aspasia: Darius therefore resigned himself up to the dictates of Tiribazus, and many now conspiring with them, an Eunuch detected their Plot to the King, and the way how it was to be managed, being very well informed that the Traitors had resolved to break into his Bedchamber by night, and there to kill him as he lay. After Artaxerxes had been thus advertised, he did not think fit by disregarding the discovery to despise so great a danger, nor to believe it when there was little or no proof of it. Thus than he did; He charged the Eunuches constantly to be amongst and accompany the Conspirators wherever they were. In the mean while he broke down the Wall of the Chamber behind his Bed, and when he had made a door, he hid it with Tapestry. So the hour approaching, and the Eunuch having told him the very nick of time in which the Traitors designed to assassinate him, he waited for them in his Bed, and rose not up, till he had seen the faces of his aggressors, and accurately discerned every man of them. But as soon as he saw them with their Swords drawn, and coming up to him, throwing up the hanging he made his retreat into an inner Chamber, and bolting to the door he alarmed the Court. Thus when the Ruffians had been seen by him, and had attempted him in vain; they with speed went back through the same doors they came, enjoining Tiribazus especially and those near him to retire, because clearly discovered. They therefore made their escape different ways, but Tiribazus as they were laying hold on him slew many of the King's Guards, and at length being struck through with a Dart at a distance, he fell. And as for Darius who was brought to the Bar with his Children, the King appointed Princely Judges to sit over him, who because he was not himself at the Trial, but accused Darius for Proxy, commanded his Notaries to write down the opinion of every one of the Judges, and show it to him. In short after they had resolved all as one man, and sentenced Darius to death, the Officers seized on him, and hurried him to a prison not far off. To which place the Executioner, when summoned came with a razor in his hand, with which men of his employment cut off the heads of high offenders. But when he saw that Darius was the person thus to be punished, he was appalled, and started back, offering to go out, as one that had neither power nor courage enough to behead him, who a little before had been proclaimed King, yet at the threats and commands of the Judges who stood at the Prison-door he returned, and grasping the hair of his head, and binding his face to the ground with one hand, he cut off his neck with the Razor he had in the other. Some affirms that sentence was passed in the presence of Artaxerxes; that Darius after he had been convicted by clear evidence, falling prostrate before him, did humbly beg his pardon; that instead of giving it he rising up in rage, and drawing his Scymeter smote him till he had killed him; that then leading them to his Palace he did Worship the Sun, and said, Be gone in Triumph, O ye Persians and declare to your fellow Snbjects how the mighty Oramazes hath dealt out vengeance to the contrivers of unjust and unlawful things. Such than was the issue of this Conspiracy. And now Ochus was big with expectation, being puffed up with the interest he had in Atossa; but yet was afraid of Ariaspes the only Male surviving beside himself of the Legitimate offspring of his Father, and of Arsames one of his natural Sons. For indeed Ariaspes was already declared Prince by the wishes of the Persians, not because he was the elder Brother, but because he excelled Ochus in gentleness, plain dealing, and good nature; whereas Arsames appeared by his Wisdom accomplished for the Throne, and that he was most dear to his Either, Ochus very well knew. So he laid Snares for them both, and being no less treacherous than bloody, he made use of the Cruelty of his nature against Arsames, and of his craft, his willingness against Ariaspes. For he suborned the King's Eunuches and Favourites to convey to him menacing and harsh expressions from his Father, as though he had decreed to put him to a cruel and ignominious death. When they seemed daily to communicate these things as secrets, and said one while that the King would do this to him ere long, at another within a few moments; they so astonished the good Prince, they struck such a terror into him, and cast such a confusion and anxiety upon his thoughts, that having prepared some fatal drugs he drank them, that he might be delivered from his hated Life. The King knowing what kind of death he died, heartily lamented him, and gave a shrewd guess at the impulsive cause of it. But being disabled by his age to search into and prove it, he was after the loss of his Son more indulgent to Arsames, did manifestly place his greatest confidence in him, and made him privy to all his designs. Whereupon Ochus had no longer patience to defer the execution of his purpose, but having procured Arsaces, Tiribazus' Son for the undertaking, he killed Arsames by his hand. Artaxerxes at that time had but a little while to live by reason of his very old age. So when he heard of the Fate of Arsames, he could not at all bear it, but strait sinking under the load of his grief expired, after he had enjoyed life ninety four years, and an Empire sixty two. And then he seemed a moderate and gracious Governor, especially if compared to his Son Ochus, who outdid all his Predecessors in blood and Cruelty.   


THE LIFE OF DION. Englished from the Greek. by Robert Wedale, L L D.  
DIO.  M Burg. sculp▪ 
Now we may draw a Parallel of the 
The Comparison of Dion and Brutus.  Lives of these two great Men from their Fortunes, wherein Chance, not Design, made them much alike, for they were both cut off by an untimely death, not being able to accomplish those ends which through many risks and difficulties they aimed at. But above all, this is most wonderful; that by Divine Permission both of them had notice given of their approaching death by a frightful and ominous Daemon, which visibly appeared to them. Although there are a sort of men who utterly deny any such thing, and say, that no man in his right wits ever saw a Phantom or apparition; but that Children only, and silly Women, or Men crazed by some Distemper of their Mind, or Disease of their Body, entertain such idle and absurd Fancies, overfondly conceiting themselves haunted with Spirits and Goblins. Yet if Dion and Brutus, men of great Courage and Learning, not easily deluded by Fancy, or discomposed by any sudden apprehension, were so disturbed at these Visions, that they forthwith declared to their Friends what they had seen; I know not how we can aviod admitting again the exploding Opinion of the Ancients, That the Devils and evil Spirits, out of an envious hatred to good men, vigorously oppose whatever they do; and by raising distractions and terrors in their minds, endeavour to shake and undermine their Virtue, lest by a steady and unbyass'd perseverance in Goodness, they should after death obtain a happier condition of futurity than those wretched Being's can ever hope for. But I shall refer these things to another place, and in this Twelfth Book of the Lives of great Men, compared one with another, begin with his who was the elder.  
Dionysius the First, having seized the Government 
Dionysius the Tyrant of Sicily.  of Sicily, took to Wife the Daughter of Hermocrates, a Syracusian. She, in an Insurrection which the Citizens made before the Government was well settled, was abused in such a barbarous and outrageous manner, that for shame she put an end to her own life. But Dionysius, soon reestablished and confirmed in the Throne, married two Wives, 
Marries two Wives.  one named Doride of Locris, the other Aristomache, a Native of Sicily, and Daughter of Hipparinus, a Nobleman of the first Quality in Syracuse, and Colleague with Dionysius when he was chosen General of the Army. 'Tis said he married them both in one day, but which he enjoyed first is uncertain; ever after he divided his kindness equally betwixt them, both accompanying him together at his Table, and in his Bed by turns. Indeed the Syracusians were urgent that their own Countrywoman might be preferred before the Stranger; but Doride, to recompense the aspersion of being a Foreigner, had the good Fortune to be the Mother of Dionysius' eldest Son, whilst Aristomache continued a long time without Issue, tho' the King was very desirous to have Children by her, and caused Doride's Mother to be put to death, laying to her Charge, that she had bewitched Aristomache, to prevent her being with Child.  
Dion, Aristomache's Brother, at first found a very Honourable Reception at 
Dion comes to Court.  Court for his Sister's sake; but his own worth and parts soon procured him a nearer place in the Prince's Affection, who among other favours gave special Command to his Treasurers to furnish Dion with whatever Money he demanded, enjoining them withal the same day to give him a particular account of what they had delivered out. Now, tho' Dion was before reputed a person of extraordinary Parts, a noble Mind, and daring Courage, yet all these excellent Qualifications received a considerable improvement by Plato's happy arrival in Sicily. It was without doubt no humane Contrivance, but the 
Plato comes into Sicily.  direction of Providence, designing that this remote Cause should hereafter occasion the recovery of the Sicilians lost Liberty, and the subversion of the Tyrannical Government, which brought the Philosopher out of Italy, and settled him at Syracuse. Dion soon gained his acquaintance, 
Dion Plato's Scholar.  and became the most considerable among his Scholars, by his wonderful disposition to Learning, and inclination to Virtue, far above what his years could promise, as Plato himself reports of him, and his own Actions sufficiently testify. For tho' he was bred up under the Tyrant in a condition much below himself, inur'd to a dissolute and servile kind of life, under a haughty and imperious Command, glutted with extravagant Pleasures, and a customary regard to nothing but Wealth and Luxury, (the mistaken happiness of life;) yet no sooner had he tasted the Sweets of more rational Notions, and was made acquainted with the Precepts of Philosophy, which direct the way to Virtue and true Satisfaction, but his Appetite increased, and his Soul was inflamed with a desire of more knowledge, and greater Attainments: Hereupon innocently, tho' not judiciously, concluding from his own ingenuous disposition, that the same powerful Reasons would work the same Effects upon Dionysius, he made it his business, and at length obtained the favour of him at a leisure hour to admit and hear Plato. At this their meeting, the Subject-matter 
Dionysius hears Plato discourse.  of their Discourse in general was Virtue, but more particularly they disputed concerning Fortitude, which Plato proved Tyrants, of all men, had the least pretence to; and thence proceeding to treat of Justice, he asserted the happy Estate of the Just, and the miserable condition of the Unjust. Here the King, touched to the quick, and not able to answer his Arguments, would not endure to hear him out, being highly displeased with the rest of the Auditors there present, who with wonder and delight had listened to his Discourses. At length, exceedingly exasperated, he asked the Philosopher in a great rage, what business he had in Sicily? To which Plato answered, I came hither to seek an honest man: It seems then, replied Dionysius, you have lost your labour. Dion supposing the King's anger pretty well over, at Plato's Request, conveyed him suddenly 
Plato leaves Si 〈…〉 y.  aboard a Galley, the Captain's name polis, a Lacedaemonian, bound for Greece; but Dionysius privately dealt with polis, by all means to kill Plato in the Voyage; If not, to be sure to sell him for a Slave; alleging for an inducement, that as a good man he could not be endamaged, but would still enjoy his happiness, tho' he lost his Liberty. polis therefore, as 'tis reported, carried Plato to Aegina, and there sold him to the Aeginetes, then at War with Athens, having made a decree, That whatever Athenian was taken on their Coasts, should forthwith be exposed to Sale. Notwithstanding Dion was in no less Favour and Credit with Dionysius than formerly, but was entrusted with the most considerable Employments; and sent on an Honourable Embassage to Carthage, 
Dion sent Ambassador to Carthage.  in the management of which he gained very great Reputation. Besides, the King bore with the Liberty he took to speak his mind freely; he being the only man who upon any occasion durst so boldly say what he thought; witness his smart Repartee upon the account of Gelon. Dionysius on a time ridiculing Gelon's Government, and alluding to his Name, said, Gelon was [〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉] the laughingstock of Sicily: while others seemed to admire and applaud the Quibble, Dion very warmly replied, Sir, you got the Crown, by being trusted for Gelon's sake; but for your sake no man will ever hereafter be trusted again; for indeed Gelon made it appear, that Monarchy was the best of Governments, and you have convinced us 'tis the worst. Dionysius had three Children by Doride, 
Dionysius his Children.  and by Aristomache four, two of which were Daughters, Sophrosyne and Arete. Sophrosyne was married to his Son Dionysius; Arete to his Brother Thearides; after whose death, Dion took his Niece Arete to Wife. Now, when Dionysius was sick, and like to die, Dion endeavoured to discourse with him in behalf of the Children he had by Aristomache; but was still prevented by the Physicians, designing thereby to ingratiate themselves with the next Successor, who also, as Timaeus reports, gave him, as he desired, a sleeping Potion, which soon deprived him of his Senses, and made 
His Death.  him sleep his last.  
Hereupon at the first Council Dionysius 
Dionysius the Second succeeds his Father.  the Second held with his Confidents, Dion discoursed so well of the present Exigency and state of affairs, that he made all the rest appear in their Politics but young Statesmen; and in their Votes, rather Slaves than Councillors, who timorously and disingenuously advised what would best please the young King, rather than advance his Interest. But that which startled them most, was the Proposal he made to avert the imminent danger they feared of a War with the Carthaginians, undertaking to sail immediately over into afric, and if the King desired it, to conclude a Peace upon honourable terms; but if he rather inclined to War, that he would fit out and maintain at his own proper cost and charges fifty Galleys, ready for the Service. Dionysius admired his Gallantry, and received the frankness of his Offer with great satisfaction. But the other Courtiers, thinking this his Generosity reflected upon them, and jealous of being lessened by his growing greatness, from hence took all occasions by private insinuations and slanders to render him obnoxious to the King's displeasure; as if he designed by his Power at Sea to surprise the Government, and by the help of those Naval Forces confer the supreme Authority upon his Sister Aristomache's Children. But indeed the most apparent and prime Cause of their invidious and malicious proceedings against him, was his reservedness in Conversation, and Singularity in his way of Living; for they who had from the beginning by flatteries and all unworthy artifices insinuated themselves into the favour and familiarity of the Prince, youthful and voluptuously bred, were wholly subservient to his Pleasures, and sought how to entertain him daily with new Amours, and such idle and extravagant Employs, as Wine, womans, and other lewd Diversions: By which means the Tyranny, like Iron softened in the fire, seemed to the Subject to be more moderate and gentle, and to abate somewhat of its extreme severity; the edge thereof being blunted, not by the Clemency, but rather the sloth and degeneracy of the young King; whose dissoluteness gaining ground daily, and growing upon him, soon weakened and broke those Adamantine Chains, with which his Father Dionysius 
His Debauchery.  said he had left the Monarchy fastened and secured. 'Tis reported of him, that having begun a drunken Debauch, he continued it ninety days without intermission; in all which time no grave Man appeared, or serious Discourse was heard at Court, but Drinking, Singing, Dancing, Buffonery, and all sorts of licentious Raillery reigned there without control. 'Tis likely than they had little kindness for Dion, who never indulged himself in such Diversions and Youthful Frolicks; for which reason they made his very Virtues the subject of their Calumnies, and nicknamed whatever was remarkable in him, Vice: They called his Gravity Pride, his Plaindealing Obstinacy, the good advice he gave was all construed Reprimand, and he was censured for neglecting and scorning those whom he would not accompany in their Misdeameanours. And to say the truth, he was naturally of a haughty Humour, austere, reserved, and unsociable 
Dion's haughty Humour.  in Conversation, which made his Company unpleasant and disagreeable, not only to the young King, who delighted in none but his smooth-tongued Courtiers and Parasites, but many also of Dion's intimate Friends, tho' they well approved the Integrity and Generosity of his temper, yet justly blamed his surly Carriage, as savouring too much of an uncouth and starched humour, and wanting something of Address and due Civility in the reception of those that applied themselves to him; of which Plato afterwards wrote to him, and (as it were) Prophetically advised him carefully to avoid a surly demeanour, unless he intended to be abandoned by all Society, and live alone by himself.  
Now, tho' Dion, by reason of the present state of Affairs, was very considerable, and in great esteem, as being the only stay and prop of the Government, which was in a tottering and unsafe condition; yet he well understood that he owed not his Greatness to the King's kindness, but to the necessity of his concerns; and supposing the prime cause of this to be his Ignorance, and want of Education, he endeavoured to induce him into a course of ingenious Studies, and acquaint him with the Precepts of Morality; thereby hoping to take off the aversion he had to Virtue, and by degrees inure him to a complacency in performing good and laudable Actions. Dionysius in his own Nature was not the worst of Princes, but his Father fearing that if he should come to understand 
His Edution.  himself better, and converse with wise and learned Men, he might complot against him, and dispossess him of his Kingdom, kept him in a close confinement to his Lodgings; where for want of other Company, and ignorant how to spend his time better, he busied himself in making little Chariots, Candlesticks, Joynt-stools, Tables, and the like wooden Implements. For his Father, Dionysius 
Dionysius the first very timorous.  the First, was so diffident and suspicious of all mankind, and withal so wretchedly fearful, that he would not suffer a Barber to trim him with Razor or Scissors, but made one of his Artificers with a live Coal sear off his excrescent hairs. Neither were his Brother or his Son allowed to come into his Apartment in the Habit they wore, but they, as all others, were stripped to their skins by some of the Guard, and put on other clothes before they were admitted into the Presence. When on a time his Brother Leptimes was discoursing the situation of a place, and took a Javelin from one of the Guard to describe the Plot, he was highly incensed at him, and caused the Soldier that delivered him the Weapon to be put to death. He declared, the more judicious his Friends were, the more he suspected them; because he knew that were it in their choice, they would rather Command, than be subject to a Superior. He flew Marsyas, one of his Captains, whom he had preferred to a considerable command, for dreaming that he killed him; supposing that it was not a roving Fancy, but a previous thought, and resolved design which had form that Idea in his imagination; so timorous was he, so miserable a Slave to his fear, yet very angry with Plato, because he would not allow him to be the valiantest Man alive.  
Dion (as we said before) seeing Dionysius the Son defective in his Understanding, and irregular in his Manners, for want of good Education, advised him to set to Study; persuading him earnestly to 
Dion persuades Dionysius to send for Plato.  entreat Plato, the greatest Philosopher in the World, to come into Sicily; and when he came, to permit himself to his direction and advice, by whose instructions he might learn to lead a virtuous life, and be conformable to the glorious Idea of that Divine Essence, whose wise Conduct all things obey, and out of confusion form the beautiful Order of the Universe; by which means he would procure great happiness to himself and all his Subjects, who obliged by his Justice and Moderation, would then willingly pay him Obedience as their Father, which now grudgingly, and upon necessity they are forced to yield him, as their Lord. For Fear and Force, a great Navy and standing Army of ten thousand Mercenary Soldiers, are not (as his Father said) the Adamantine Chains which secure the Regal Power, but the love and affection of Subjects to their Prince, endeared to him by his Clemency and Justice; which tho' they seem more pliant than the stiff and hard bonds of Severity, are nevertheless the strongest and most durable Ties to fix and establish a settled and lasting Empire: Moreover, it is mean and dishonourable that a Prince, glorious in his Equipage, splendid in the Gallantry and Magnificence of his Court, should not at all excel a Peasant in Discourse and Conversation, nor have his princely Mind accomplished, as well as Body adorned, according to his Royal Dignity.  
Dion frequently entertaining the King upon this Subject, and as occasion offered, repeating some of the Philosophers Learned Arguments, Dionysius grew impatiently desirous to have Plato's Company, and 
Plato sent for.  to hear him discourse: Forthwith therefore he sent divers Letters to him to Athens, to which Dion added his entreaties; also several Philosophers of the Pythagorean Sect from Italy, persuaded him to come and manage the pliable Youth of the King, and by his grave and serious Advice restrain the unstable and desultory efforts of his new-acquired Power and Grandeur. Plato (as he says of himself) being ashamed to seem busy only in words, and slothful in Action, hoping withal that if he could work a Cure upon one Man, the Head and Guide of the rest, he might remedy the Distempers of the whole Kingdom of Sicily, yielded to their Requests.  
But Dion's Enemies fearing an alteration in Dionysius, persuaded him to recall from Banishment one Philistus, a Learned 
Philistus the Historian.  Man, and very skilful in Tyrannical Policy, whom they designed to set in opposition to Plato and his Philosophy. For Philistus from the beginning was a great instrument to promote the Tyranny, and being Governor of the Castle, kept it a long time for that Faction. There was a report that he had to do with the Mother of Dionysius the First; and that he was not altogether ignorant of it. But Leptimes having two Daughters by a married Woman whom he had Debauched, gave one of them in marriage to Philistus without acquainting the King, who being enraged, put Leptimes' Mistress in Prison, and Banished Philistus the Kingdom: 
Why banished.  Whereupon he fled to some of his Friends at Adria, in which retirement and leisure 'tis probable he writ the greatest part of his History; for he returned not into his Country during the Reign of that Dionysius.  
But after his Death, as is before related, 
Recalled from Banishment.  Dion's Enemies occasioned him to be recalled Home, as fitter for their purpose, and a firm Friend to the Arbitrary Government, which he immediately upon his return endeavoured to abett; and at the same time divers Calumnies and Accusations against Dion were by others brought to the King; as that he held Correspondence with Theodotes and Heraclides, to subvert the Monarchy: for indeed 'tis likely he had hopes by the coming of Plato to take off the unlimited Power of Dionysius, and make him more moderate and equitable in his Authority; but if he continued averse to that, and were not to be reclaimed, he resolved to depose him, and restore the Commonwealth to the Syracusians; not that he approved a Democracy or Popular Government, but thought it preferable to a Tyranny, when a good Aristocracy, or Regency of the Grandees, could not be procured.  
This was the state of Affairs when Plato 
Plato arrives in Sicily.  came into Sicily, who at his first arrival was received with wonderful demonstration of Kindness and Respect; for one of the King's richest Chariots waited upon him when he came on shore. Dionysius himself sacrificed to the Gods, in thankful acknowledgement for the great happiness which had befell his Kingdom: The Citizens also entertained marvellous hopes of a speedy and thorough Reformation. For that at Court they observed a modest Decorum in their Feast, a grave composure in their Behaviour, and the King himself returned kind and obliging Answers to all Petitions and Causes that came before him. Men were generally grown very desirous of Learning, and eagerly intent upon the study of Philosophy; insomuch, that the very Palace, as 'tis reported, was covered with dust by the numerous Concourse of the Students in the Mathematics, that resorted thither.  
Not long after, at a Solemn Sacrifice in the Castle, according to the Custom of the Country, when the Priest, as he was wont, prayed for the long continuance of the present Government: Dionysius standing by, was heard to say, What, will you never leave off cursing me? This sensibly vexed Philistus and his Party, who conjectured, that if Plato by so little acquaintance, had thus transformed and altered the young King's mind, consequently by longer converse, and greater intimacy, he would get such Power and Authority, that it would be impossible to withstand him. They did therefore no 
Dion railed at by the Courtiers.  longer privately, and apart, but jointly, and in public all of them rail at Dion, noising it about, that he manifestly charmed and bewitched Dionysius by Plato's Sophistry; to the end, that when he was persuaded voluntarily to part with the Regency, and throw off his Authority, Dion might take it up, and settle it upon his Sister Aristomache's Children. Others seemed to take it in great scorn, that the Athenians, who formerly arrived in Sicily with a great Fleet, and numerous Land-Army, but were routed and beaten off with great loss, without being able so much as to take the City of Syracuse; should now by means of one Sophister, overturn the whole Empire of Dionysius; inveigling him to cashier his Guard of ten thousand Lances, dismiss a Navy of four hundred Galleys, disband an Army of ten thousand Horse, and triple the number of Foot, and go seek in the Schools an unknown and imaginary Bliss, and learn by the Mathematics how to be happy; while in the mean time he resigned the substantial enjoyments of absolute Power, Riches, and Pleasure of Dion and his Sister's Children.  
By these means at first Dion incurred 
Out of favour at Court.  the King's suspicion, and by degrees his apparent displeasure and aversion. A Letter also was intercepted, which Dion had writ to the Carthaginian's agents, advising them, that when they treated with Dionysius concerning a Peace, they should not come to their Audience, unless he were there; and then he would effectually dispatch their business according to their minds. When Dionysius had showed this to Philistus, and as Timaeus relates, consulted with him about it, he overreached Dion by a feigned reconciliation, fairly pretending to receive him again to his favour; but leading him alone one day to the Seaside, under the Castle Wall, he showed him the Letter, and taxed him with Conspiring with the Carthaginians against him; when Dion assayed to offer something in his own defence, Dionysius suffered him not; but immediately forced him aboard a Vessel, which lay there for that purpose, 
Is forced away into Italy.  and commanded the Sailors to set him ashore on the Coast of Italy.  
When this was publicly known, all Men thought it very hard usage, and a great piece of Cruelty. The Ladies also in the Court mightily lamented Dion. But the Citizens of Syracuse encouraged themselves, expecting that for his sake some Insurrection would ensue; which together with the mistrust others would have of the King, upon this account, might occasion new measures, and an alteration in the state; which Dionysius perceiving, and being very much concerned at, he endeavoured to pacify the Women, and others of Dion's Kindred and Friends; assuring them, that he had not banished, but only sent him out of the way for a time, fearing that if he continued there present upon the place, Passion might prevail upon him to punish his Obstinacy with greater severity. He gave also two Ships to his Relations, with Liberty to send him into Peloponnesus what of his Estate, Goods, or Servants they thought fit  
Dion was very Rich, and little inferior to the King himself in the Splendour and 
His Riches.  Furniture of his House; which his Friends packed up and conveyed to him: besides many Rich Presents, which were sent him by the Ladies and others of his Acquaintance. The Abundance of his Wealth and Treasure gained him great Honour and Regard among the Grecians; and by his Riches and Grandeur, at the best but a and now an Exile, set out the Magnificence and Power of his Lord the King.  
Upon this, Dionysius immediately removed Plato into the Castle, designing under colour of an honourable and kind Reception, to set a Guard upon him, lest he should follow Dion, and declare to the World in his behalf, how injuriously he had been dealt with. And now time and Conversation (as Wild Beasts by use grow tame and tractable) brought Dionysius to endure Plato's Company and Discourse; so that he began to love the Philosopher, but with such an Affection, as had something of the Tyrant in it, requiring of Plato, that he should, in return of his kindness, love him only, and admire him above all other Men; being ready to permit to his care the chief management of Affairs, and even the Government too, upon Condition that he would not prefer Dion's Friendship before his. This extravagant Affection was a great trouble to Plato; for it was accompanied with petulant and jealous Humours, like the fond Passions of those that are desperately in Love; frequently falling out with him, and presently entreating to be friends again; for now he was beyond measure desirous to be Plato's Scholar, and to proceed in the Study of Philosophy: yet he seemed still to have some regret, and to be ashamed of himself to those that endeavoured to pervert him from this design, as if he were grown degenerate, and like to be spoiled and undone.  
But a War about this time breaking 
Plato sent away.  out, he sent Plato away, promising him the next Summer to recall Dion, tho' in this he was not so good as his Word; nevertheless, he remitted to him the product of his Revenues; desiring Plato to excuse him for the prefixed time, by reason of the War; but as soon as he had settled a Peace, he would immediately send for Dion; requiring him in the interim to be quiet, and not raise any disturbance, nor speak any thing ill of him among the Grecians. This Plato endeavoured to effect, by keeping Dion with him in the Academy, and busying him in his Philosophical Studies.  
Dion sojourned in the City with Calippus, one of his Acquaintance; but for 
Dion sojourns at Athens.  his diversion, he bought a Seat in the Country, which afterwards, when he went into Sicily, he gave to Speucippus, the most familiar Companion he had of all his Friends at Athens; Plato designing by his pleasant Conversation, full of seasonable and witty Mirth, to sweeten and divert Dion's austere and melancholy Temper; for Speucippus was a very ingenious and merry Droll, as Timon, in his Satyrs, calls him.  
Now Plato intending to exhibit a Play 
Exhibits a Play for the Youth.  for the Youth, Dion took upon him the ordering and management thereof, and defrayed the whole Expense at his own Charge; Plato giving him this opportunity to oblige the Athenians, which was like to procure his Friend more kindness than himself Credit. Dion went also to see several other Cities, and was entertained 
Travels in Greece.  in their Public Assemblies by those of the best Quality, and the greatest Statesmen; betraying nothing in his Conversation either rude or unbecoming; neither taking too much state upon him, nor of too easy condescension; but in all his behaviour showed a great deal of Modesty, Generosity, and Manly Bravery: And in his Philosophical and Political Discourses, no less Skill and Learning; by which means he gained the Love and Respect of all men, and in many Cities had Public Honours decreed him: the Lacedæmonians 
Is made Citizen of Sparta.  making him a Citizen of Sparta, without regard to the displeasure of Dionysius, tho' at that time he aided them in their Wars against the Thebans.  
It is reported, that Dion, upon an Invitation, went to the House of Pteodorus, the Megarensian, who was a very Potent and Wealthy Man; and when by reason of the great concourse of People about his Doors, who waited the dispatch of Business, his access was troublesome and difficult, turning about to his Friends, who seemed concerned and angry at it, What reason, said he, have we to blame Pteodorus, who ourselves used our Visitants no better when we were at Syracuse?  
Soon after, Dionysius envying Dion, and withal jealous of the favour and interest 
His Revenues stopped.  he had among the Grecians, put a stop upon his Incomes, and no longer sent him his Revenues; making his own Commissioners trusties of the Estate; but endeavouring to obviate the ill will and discredit, which upon Plato's account might accrue to him among the Philosophers, he got into his Court many that were reputed Learned Men; and ambitiously desiring to surpass them all in their Debates, he was forced to make use of (tho' sometimes impertinently) what he had occasionally learned of Plato, and now wished for his Company again, repenting he had not made better use of it when he had it, and given no greater heed to his excellent Precepts and Discourses: Like a Tyrant therefore, inconsiderate in his Desires, heady and violent in his Passions; on a sudden he was eagerly bend on the dedesign of recalling him, and left no stone unturned, but prevailed with Archytas the Pythagorean, by whose means he first became acquainted and familiar with Plato, to stand obliged for the performances of his Promises, and to persuade him to return into Sicily.  
Archytas therefore sent Archidemus, 
Plato sent for.  and Dionysius a Galley, with divers Friends, to entreat his return; moreover, he writ to him himself expressly and in plain terms, that Dion must never look for any favour or kindness, if Plato would not be prevailed with to come into Sicily; but upon his arrival he might then be assured of whatever he desired. Dion also was much solicited by his Sister and his Wife to oblige Plato to gratify Dionysius in this request, and pretend no excuse to the contrary. So that, as Plato says of himself, the third time he set Sail for Sicily, 
Venturing again to shoot Charibdis' dangerous Gulf.  This arrival brought great joy to Dionysius, 
Plato arrives in Sicily.  and no less hopes to the Sicilians, who were as earnest in their wishes, as studious in their endeavours, that Plato might get the better of Philistus, and Philosophy triumph over Tyranny: Neither was he unbefriended by the Ladies, who upon all occasions studied to oblige him; but he had from Dionysius that peculiar Credit, which no man else ever obtained, to that degree of confiding, that he might come into his Presence without being examined or searched. When the King offered him a very considerable sum of Money, and repeated the tender of his Bounty; but Plato still refused to accept it, Aristippus, the Cyrenian, then present, said, That Dionysius was liberal without danger of hurting his Treasury; for to those that wanted much he gave very little, and a great deal to Plato, who received nothing.  
After the first Compliments of kindness were over, when Plato began to discourse of Dion, he was at first diverted by dilatory Excuses, which soon after begat feuds and disgusts, tho' as yet not publicly taken notice of; Dionysius endeavouring all he could to conceal them; and by other Civilities and Honourable usage, to draw him off from his Kindness to Dion: Plato, for some time, did not divulge this his perfidious dealing, and breach of promise, but bore with it, and dissembled his rescent: While matters stood thus betwixt them, and as they thought, they were unobserved, and undiscovered, Helicon the Cyzicinian, one of Plato's followers, foretold an Eclipse of the Sun, which happened according to his Prediction: for which he was much admired by the King, and rewarded with a Talon of Silver. Aristippus, drolling with some others of the Philosophers, told them, he also had something extraordinary to Prognosticate; which they entreating him to declare, I foretell, said he, that Dionysius and Plato will in a very little time fall out.  
At length, Dionysius made Sale of Dion's Estate, converted the Money to his own use, and removed Plato from an Apartment he had in the Gardens of the Palace, to Lodgings near those of the Guards he kept in Pay, who bore Plato an old grudge, and sought Opportunity to make him away; suppposing he advised Dionysius to lay down the Government, and disband his Soldiers. When Archytas understood the danger Plato was in, he immediately sent a Galley with Messengers to demand him of Dionysius; alleging, that he stood engaged for his safety, upon the confidence of which, Plato came for Sicily. Dionysius, to palliate his secret hatred, before Plato came away, treated him with great Entertainments, and all seeming demonstrations of kindness; but could not forbear breaking out one day into such an expression as this; No doubt, Plato, but when you are at home among the Philosophers your Companions, you will complain of me, and reckon up a great many of my faults. To which Plato smiling, returned Answer, I hope, Sir, we shall never be so put to it in the Academy, for want of Subjects to discourse of, as to talk of you. Thus they say Plato was dismissed; but his own Writings do not altogether agree with 
Sent away again.  this Relation.  
Dion was very angry at this, and not long after he declared himself an open Enemy to Dionysius, having received some intelligence concerning his Wife, about which Plato by Letters had held a Correspondence with Dionysius; now thus it was. After Dion's Banishment, Dionysius sending back Plato, desired him to ask Dion privately, if he would be against his Wife's marrying another Man: (for there went a report, whether true, or raised by Dion's Enemies, was uncertain; that his Marriage was not pleasing to him, and that he lived with his Wife uneasy and dissatisfied:) When Plato therefore came to Athens and had discoursed the matter with Dion, he writ a Letter to Dionysius in which he expressed every thing else plainly and intelligibly; but this affair in covert and abstruse terms, that none else but he might understand it; signifying therein to him, that he had talked with Dion about the business, and that it was evident, he would highly resent the Affront, if Dionysius should attempt any such thing: At that time therefore, while there were yet great hopes of an accommodation, he altered nothing in his Sisters concerns, suffering her to live with Dion's Son; but when things were come to that pass, that no Reconciliation could be expected, and that Plato, after his second return, was again sent away in displeasure, he then forced Arete, against her will, to Marry Timocrates, one of his Favourites; in this Action coming short, even of his Father's Justice and Lenity. For when Philoxenus, who had married his Sister, Theste, being in disgrace, and is declared Enemy, for fear had fled and left Sicily, he sent for his Sister and taxed her, that being privy to her Husband's flight, she had not declared it to him: But the Lady, confident and fearless, made him this reply: Do you believe me, Brother, so bad a Wife, or so timorous a 
Theste's Answer to Dionysius the First.  Woman, that having known my Husband's flight, I would not have born him company, and shared the worst of his Fortunes? Alas! I was ignorant of it; for better had it been for me, and more honourable, to be called the Wife of the Exile Philoxenus, than the Sister of the Tyrant Dionysius. 'Tis said, the King admired her ready and confident answer; the Syracusians also honoured her for her Bravery; insomuch, that she retained her Dignity and Princely Retinue after the dissolution of the Tyranny; and when she died, the Citizens, by Public Decree, attended the Solemnity of her Funeral. Tho' this be a digression from the present purpose, it is not altogether an useless Remark.  
From this time, Dion set his mind wholly 
Dion resolves upon a War with Dionysius.  upon a War, tho' Plato was against it with a modest regret, reflecting upon the Entertainment he had received from Dionysius; and also considering Dion's Age: But Speucippus, and the rest of his friends assisted and encouraged him to undertake the deliverance of Sicily from Slavery, which in humble manner, with lift up hands, seemed to implore his help, and with open Arms ready to receive him. For when Plato sojourned at Syracuse, Speucippus being oftener than he in company with the Citizens, throughly understood how they were inclined; and tho' at first he was shy of, and suspected their bold talk, fearing they were set on by the King to trapan him; yet at length he gave ear and credit to what they said. They generally agreed in their wishes and 
Is encouraged by the Sicilians readiness to assist him.  prayers that Dion would undertake the Design, and come, tho' without either Navy, Men, Horse, or Arms: that he would put himself aboard a Ship, and lend the Sicilians only his Person and Name against Dionysius. This Information from Speucippus encouraged Dion, who that he might the better conceal his Design, he employed his Friends privately to raise what men they could; many great Statesmen and Philosophers were assisting to him; among whom was Cyprius Endemus, (on whose Death Aristotle writ his Dialogue of the Soul) and Timonides, the Leucadian; they also engaged on his side Miltas, the Thessalian, who was skilful in foretelling Events, and his fellow-Student in the Academy: Of all that were Banished by Dionysius, who were not fewer than a thousand, five and twenty only listed themselves; the rest for fear declined the undertaking. The general Rendezvous was in the Island Zacynthus, whither 
Zante.  they marched a small Army, being not in all eight hundred complete; but all of them experienced Men, who had signalised themselves in many and great Engagements; well disciplined and inur'd to hardship, and for Courage and Conduct, the very flower of all the Soldery; and such as by their Example would animate and encourage to action the numerous Forces Dion hoped to have in Sicily. Yet these Men, when they first understood the Expedition was against Dionysius, were troubled and disheartened, blaming Dion, that hurried on like a mad man by his Passion and Despair, he rashly threw both himself and them into certain Ruin: Nor were they less angry with their Commanders and Mustermasters, that they did not in the beginning let them know the design of the War. But when he had in an Oration set forth the unsafe and weak condition of Arbitrary Government; and declared that he carried them rather for Commanders than Soldiers; the Citizens of Syracuse, and the rest of the Sicilians having been long ready for a Revolt: and after him, Alcimenes, a Grecian Nobleman of great Quality and Reputation, who accompanied him in the Expedition, harangued them to the same effect; they were quiet and contented.  
It was now the midst of Summer, and the Winds blew which are constant to that season of the year called by the Greeks Etesiae; the Moon being at the full, when 
Dion Sacrifices to Apollo.  Dion prepared a magnificent Sacrifice to Apollo, and with great Solemnity marched his Soldiers to the Temple in all their Arms and Accoutrements; after the Sacrifice, he feasted them all in the Public Cirque, or place of Exercise of the Zacynthians, where he had made Provision for their Entertainment; who seeing with wonder the plenty and richness of Gold and Silver Plate; and the Tables furnished in an extraordinary manner, far exceeding the fortunes of a private Man, concluded with themselves, that one of his Age, and Master of so much Treasure, would not engage himself in so hazardous an Enterprise, without good assurance of hope, and certain and sufficient Supplies from his Friends. As they were offering Wine to the Gods, and performing their customary Devotions, the Moon was Eclipsed, 
The Moon Eclipsed.  which was no wonder to Dion, who understood the revolutions of Eclipses, and how the Moon was over-shadowed by the direct interposition of the Earth between her and the Sun: But because it was necessary that the Soldiers should be satisfied and encouraged, who were surprised and troubled at it, Miltas the Diviner standing up in the midst of the Assembly, bid them be of good cheer, and expect all happy success; for that the Gods did foretell something that was at present glorious and resplendent should be Eclipsed and obscured. Now, nothing being more resplendent than they Grandeur of Dionysius, their arrival in Sicily should cloud the glory, and extinguish the brightness of that illustrious Empire. Thus Miltas in public descanted upon the Accident: But concerning a swarm of Bees, which settled on the Poop of Dion's Ship, he privately told him and his Friends, that he feared the great Actions they were like to perform, tho' for a time they should thrive and flourish, would be of short continuance, and soon suffer a decay. it is reported also, that many ill prodigies happened to Dionysius at 
Prodigies before the War in Sicily.  that time. An Eagle snatching a Javelin from one of the Guard, carried it aloft, and from thence let it fall into the Sea. The water of the Sea, that washed the Castle Walls, was for a whole day sweet and potable; as many that: tasted it experienced. Pigs were farrowed perfect in all their other parts, but without Ears. The Diviners did declare this to portend a Revolt and Rebellion; for that the Subjects would no longer give ear to the Commands of their Superiors. They expounded the sweetness of the Water to signify to the Syracusians, a Change from bad and woeful Times into better and more happy Circumstances. The Eagle, being the Bird of Jupiter, and the Spear, an Emblem of Power and Command: This Prodigy was to denote, That Jupiter, the chief of the Gods, designed the destruction and dissolution of the present Government. These things Theopompus in his History relates.  
Two great Ships carried all Dion's 
Dion sets Sail with his Fleet.  Men, which were tended by a third somewhat less, and two Galleys of thirty Oars. Besides his Soldiers Arms, he carried two thousand Shields, a very great number of Darts and Lances, and abundant stores of all manner of Provisions, that there might be no want of any thing in their Voyage; because they resolved to keep out at Sea, and ply in the Main, fearing to come near the Shore upon advice that Philistus road at Anchor in the Bay of Apulia with a Fleet ready to intercept them. Twelve days they sailed with a fresh and gentle gale; the thirteenth they made Pachynus, afore-Land of Sicily: There the chief Pilot advised them to Land presently; for if they were forced again from the Shoar, and did designedly pass the Cape, they might ride out at Sea many Nights and Days, expecting a Southerly Wind in the Summer season. But Dion fearing a descent too near his Enemies and desirous to land at greater distance, and further up in the Country, weathered the Cape Pachinus. They had 
Passes the Cape Pachinus.  not sailed long, before stress of Wether (the Wind blowing hard at North) drove the Fleet from the Coast, it being a very stormy Season, much about the time that Arcturus appears; and there happening then a great deal of Thunder and Lightning, with violent Rains, and tempestuous gusts of Wind, the Mariners were at their Wit's end, and wholly ignorant what Course they ran; till on a sudden they found they were driven to Circina, an Island on the Coast of afric, craggy, and 
I● driven 〈…〉 e Coast of afric.  full of dangerous Rocks, upon which they scaped narrowly of being forced and staved to pieces; but labouring hard at their Oars, with much difficulty they kept clear until the Storm ceased. Then lighting by chance upon a Vessel, they understood they were upon the beginning of the Flats, called the great Syrtis: Being now again disheartened by reason of a sudden Calm, and beating too and again, without making any way, they had a Southerly briese from the Shoar, when they least expected the Wind in that quarter, and scarce believed the happy change of their Fortune. The Gale increasing, and beginning to blow fresh, they clapped on all their Sails, and praying to the Gods, put out again to Sea, steering to rights for Sicily from the Coast of afric; and running steady before the Wind, the fifth day they arrived at Minoa, a little Town of Sicily, in the Possession of the 
Arrives at Minoa in Sicily.  Carthaginians; of which, Synalus, an Acquaintance and Friend of Dion's happened at that time to be Governor; who not knowing it was Dion and his Fleet, endeavoured to hinder his Men from Landing; but they made their descent with their Swords in their hands, yet slew none of their Opponents (for that Dion had strictly forbidden them, because of the kindness he had for the Governor) but forced them to retreat; and following close, pressed in a body with them into the place, and took it. As soon as the two Commanders 
Takes the Town.  met, they mutually saluted each other; and Dion delivered up the place 
And delivers it up again.  again to Synalus without the least damage done to any one therein. Synalus Quartered and Entertained the Soldiers, and supplied Dion with what he wanted. They were very much encouraged by the lucky accident of Dionysius' absence at that nick of time, for he was lately gone with eighty Sail of Ships into Italy: Wherefore, when Dion persuaded the Soldiers to refresh themselves there after their tedious and troublesome Voyage, they would not be prevailed with, but earnest to make the best use of that Opportunity, they urged Dion to lead them strait on to the Capital City. Leaving therefore their Baggage, and the Arms they did not use, Dion desired Synalus to convey them to him as he had occasion, and marched directly 
Marches to Syracuse.  to Syracuse.  
The first that came in to him upon his march, were two hundred Horse of the Agrigentines, who inhabit near Ecnomus; and after them, the Geloans: Which News soon flying to Syracuse, Timocrates, who had married Dion's Wife, the Sister of Dionysius, and was left Commander in Chief in the City in his absence, immediately dispatched a Courier to Dionysius with an Express concerning Dion's Arrival; while he himself took all possible care to prevent any stirs or tumults that might arise in the City; where all were in great suspense, but as yet continued quiet, fearing, to give too much credit to what was reported. A very strange Accident happened 
By a strange Accident Dionysius hears not Dion's arrival.  to the Messenger who was sent with the Letters; for being arrived in Italy, as he traveled through the Country of the Brutii, hastening to Dionysius at Caulonia, he met one of his Acquaintance, who was carrying home part of a Sacrifice. The Fellow accepted a piece of the Flesh, which his Friend offered him, and proceeded in his Journey with all speed: But having traveled hard a good part of the Night, and being, through weariness, forced to take a little Rest, he laid himself down in the next convenient place he came to, which was in a Wood near the Road. A Wolf winding the Flesh, came and seized it as it was fastened to the Mail, and therewith carried it away also, in which was the Express to Dionysius. The man awaking, and missing his Mantua, sought for it up and down a great while, and not finding it, resolved not to go to the King without his Letters, but to conceal himself, and keep out of the way. Dionysius therefore came to hear of the War in Sicily, from other Hands, and that a good while after.  
As Dion proceeded in his March, the Camarineans joined his Forces, and many of the Territory of Syracuse revolting, came in to him: the Leontines and Campanians, who, with Timocrates, guarded the Epipole, receiving a false Alarm, which was spread on purpose by Dion, as if he intended first to attack their Cities, left Timocrates, and hasted home to take care of their own Concerns. When this News was brought to Dion, where he lay near Macra, he raised his Camp by Night, and came to the River Anapus, which is distant from the City about ten Furlongs; there he made a halt, and sacrificed by the River, directing his Devotions to the rising Sun. The Soothsayers declared, That the Gods promised him Victory; and they that were present seeing him assist at the Sacrifice, with a Garland on his head, one and all crowned themselves with Garlands. There were about five thousand that joined his Forces in their March; who, tho' but ill provided with such Weapons as came next to hand, yet by their Briskness and Courage, supplied the want of better Arms; and as if Dion were already Conqueror, they ran forward with loud Shouts and Acclamations, encouraging each other by the Hopes of regaining their long lost Liberty. The most considerable Men, and better sort of the Citizens of Syracuse, clad all in White, 
The Citizens meet him at the Gates.  met him at the Gates. The mobile set upon all that were of Dionysius' Party, and principally searched for those they call Setters or Informers; a parcel of wicked Atheistical Wretches, who made it their Business to go up and down the City, thrusting themselves into all Companies, that they might inform Dionysius what men said, and how they stood affected. These Varlets were the first that suffered, being drubbed and knocked on the head by the Rabble that light upon them.  
Timocrates, not being able to force his way to the Garrison that kept the Castle, taking Horse, fled out of the City; and by his Flight filled the places where he came with Fear and Confusion, magnifying all he could Dion's Forces, lest he should seem upon a slight Apprehension, to have deserted the City. By this time Dion was come up, and appeared in the 
Dion marches into the City in triumph.  sight of the People; he marched first in a rich Suit of Arms, and by him on one hand his Brother Megacles, on the other Calippus the Athenian, crowned with Garlands; of the foreign Soldiers a hundred followed for his Lifeguard. The several Officers led the rest in good Order and Equipage. While the Syracusians beheld, and received them like a sacred and triumphal Proceeding, bringing in, after forty eight years' Exile, the Liberty and Authority of the People again into their City, entering by the Gate Menetide; and having by sound of Trumpet quieted the Noise of the People, he caused Proclamation to be made, that Dion and Megacles, who were come to destroy the Tyrannical Government, did declare the Syracusians, 
Proclaims the Sicilians free.  and all other Sicilians to be free from Slavery and Arbitrary Power. But being desirous to harangue the People himself, he went up by the Acradina. The Citizens on each side the way brought Beasts for Sacrifice, set out their Tables, Goblets, and standing Plate; and as he passed by, threw Flowers and other Regalia's upon him, with Vows and Acclamations, honouring him as a God. There was under the Castle and Pentapyla, a lofty and stately Sundial which Dionysius had set up; getting up upon the top of that, he made an Oration to the People, persuading them to maintain and defend their Liberty; who with great expressions of Joy and Acknowledgement, created Dion and Megacles Lieutenant-Generals, 
Is chosen General.  choosing at their Request and Desire, twenty other Colleagues of which half were of those who returned out of Banishment. It seemed also to the Diviners a happy Omen, that Dion, when he made his Oration to the People, had under his Feet as a sign of Subjection, that slately Monument which Dionysius at his own Expense had erected. But because it was a Sundial on the which he stood when he was made General, they expressed some Fears, that the great Actions he had performed, might be subject to decline, and admit a sudden change of Fortune.  
Dion taking the Epipole released all 
Besieges the Castle.  the Prisoners, and invested the Castle with a strong Work. Seven days after Dionysius arrived, and got into the Citadel, about 
Dionysius arrives.  the same time Dion received the Carriages, with the Arms and Ammunition he left with Synalus. These he distributed among the Citizens, the rest that wanted, furnished themselves as well as they could, and expressed great Courage and Readiness for the Service. Dionysius sent Agents at 
Sends to treat with Dion and the Citizens.  first privately to Dion to try what Terms they could make with him. But he declaring, that what Overtures they had must be in public, the Syracusians being now no longer in Subjection, but at Liberty to manage their own Affairs: They then addressed themselves to the Citizens, with fair Words and specious Promises, assuring them, that they should have Abatements of their Tributes and Taxes, not be compelled to serve in the Wars, tho' undertaken by their own Approbation and Consent. The Syracusians laughed at these Offers, and Dion returned their 
Their Answer.  Answer, That Dionysius must not think to treat with them upon any other Terms, but resigning the Government; which, if he would actually do, he would not forget how nearly he was related to him, or be wanting to assist him in whatsoever was reasonable and just. Dionysius seemed to consent to this, and sent his Agents again, desiring some of the Syracusians to come into the Citadel, and consult with him for the good of the Public, being ready to make fair Propositions, which he▪ believed they could not but yield to, and equally willing to accept such as they had to offer him. There were therefore some deputed, such as Dion approved of; and the general News from the Castle, was That Dionysius would voluntarily resign his Authority, and that he did it out of Choice rather than Compulsion. But this was only a feigned device, and crafty Trick to amuse the Syracusians; for he imprisoned the Deputies 
Dionysius puts the Deputies in Prison.  that were sent to him, and caused the Garrison by break of Day, having first, to encourage them, made them drink plentifully, to make a sudden sally, and attack the Works Dion had made. The Alarm being unexpected, and the Action carried on with a great deal of Courage 
Makes a Salley.  and Resolution on the part of the Besieged, they broke through the Works, and with loud Shouts assailed the Besiegers so furiously, that they were not able to maintain their Post. But a Party of Dion's men taking the Alarm, hasted to their Relief; neither did they at first know what to do, or how to employ the Aid they brought; not being able to hear the Commands of their Officers, for the horrid Noise and Confusion of the Syracusians which fled from the Enemy; and do what they could, ran in among them, and broke through their Ranks; till Dion seeing none of his Orders could be heard, resolved to let them see by his Example what they ought to do; and charged into the thickest of the Enemy: The Fight about him was fierce and bloody; for he being signally known, as well by the Enemy as his own Party, they ran with great Noise and Fury to the Quarter where he fought. Tho' by reason of his Age he was unfit for such a brisk Engagement, yet with great Vigour and Courage he charged all he met, cutting in pieces several of the Enemy that withstood him, till he was wounded 
Is wounded  in the Hand with a Lance; his Armour also being very much battered in this close Fight, and scarce any longer serviceable, and having many Hurts through his Shield, by Arrows and Darts, wherewith they galled him at distance; at length he fell to the ground, b●t was immediately rescued, and carried off by his Soldiers. 
And carried off.  The Command in chief he left to Timonides, and mounting his Horse, rid about the City, rallyed those that fled, and commanding a Detachment of the foreign Soldiers out of Acradina, where he had posted them to guard that Place, he brought them as a fresh Reserve upon the Enemy, who were tired with the heat of the Action, and well nigh ready to give over their Design; for having hopes at their first Salley to have retaken the City, when beyond their Expectation, they found such 
Dionysins' men beat into the Castle.  brave Resistance, and now fresh Assailants, they retreated into the Castle: As soon as they gave ground, the Greek Soldiers pressed hard upon them, and pursued them to the very Walls. There were lost in this Action, of Dion's men, seventy four, and a very great number of the Enemy; this being a signal Victory, and principally obtained by the Valour of the foreign Soldiers. The Syracusians rewarded them with a hundred Grecian Pou●ds, and presented Dion a Crown of Gold.  
Soon after this, there came Messengers from Dionysius, bringing Dion Letters from the Ladies his Relations; and one 
Letters sent to Dion from Dionysius.  was superscribed, Hipparinus to his Father Dion: this was the Name of Dion's Son, tho' Timaeus says, he was from his Mother Arete's Name, called Aretoeus; but I think credit is rather to be given to Timonides' Report, who was his fellow-Soldier and Confident. The rest of the Letters were read publicly, containing many 
Read publicly.  Solicitations and humble Requests of the Ladies; but the People not admitting that which was sent from his Son to be unsealed, Dion forcibly broke it open. It was from Dionysius seemingly writ to Dion, but in effect to the Syracusians, and so worded, that under a plausible Justification of him, and civil Requests to him, was couched a Design of rendering him suspected to the People. He reminded him of the good Service he had formerly done the Government, and how vigorous an Assertor he had been of the Prerogative; adding many Threats to his dearest Relations, his Sister, Son and Wife, if he did not comply with the Contents; conjuring him in the most passionate and moving Expressions to have regard to their Safeties. But that which touched Dion most, was, he earnestly entreated him, That he would not destroy the Government, but take it upon himself, and not put the Power into the Hands of those men, who always hated him, and would never forget their old Picques and Quarrels, but keep it in his own, and thereby secure from Injuries and Violence himself, his Friends, and Dependants.  
When this Letter was read, the Mobile did not (as they ought in Justice) pay a due Deference to the unmoveable Constancy and Bravery of Dion, who withstood all his most pressing Concerns, to be true to his Virtue, and his Honour; but from hence took occasion to fear and 
Dion suspected.  suspect that he lay under invincible Obligations to be favourable to Dionysius; and therefore began already to be hankering after a new General; and the rather, because to their great Joy, they received the News of Heraclides' arrival. This Heraclides was one of those whom Dionysius 
Heraclides arrives.  had banished, a very good Soldier, and of great Note for the considerable Commands he had formerly under the King; yet a Man of no constant Resolution, but of a fickle Temper, and least of all steady and unbiass'd when he had either a Rival or a Colleague in any honourable Command. He had a Difference formerly with Dion in Peloponnesus, and thereupon resolved upon his own Fund, with what Ships and Soldiers he had, to make War upon Dionysius. When he arrived at Syracuse with seven Galleys and three Ships, he found Dionysius already close besieged, and the Syracusians high 
Courts the Mobile.  and proud of their Victories. Forthwith therefore he endeavoured by all ways to make himself popular; and indeed he had in him naturally something that was very insinuating and taking with the Mobile, who love to be courted and cajoled. He gained his end also the easier, and drew the People over to his side, because they were angry with Dion, and disliked his Gravity as too Majestical, Stately, and not enough condescending; for Success had made them headstrong and insolent, so that they now thought fit to be treated with, and harangued as a free People, before they had in reality obtained their Freedom. Getting therefore together in a riotous Assembly, they chose Heraclides 
Is chosen Admiral.  their Admiral; but when Dion came and complained, That conferring this Trust upon Heraclides, was, in effect, to cancel what they had formerly granted him (for he was no longer their Generalissimo, if another had the Command of the Navy) they repealed their Order, and, tho' sore against their Wills, took his Commission away again. When this Business was over, Dion invited Heraclides to his House, and gave him a gentle Reprimand, That he did not well, nor advisedly to quarrel him upon a Punctilio of Honour at a time when the least false Step might be the Ruin of their whole Design; and then calling a Common Council, he made Heraclides Admiral, and prevailed with the Citizens to allow him a Lifeguard, as he himself had.  
Heraclides openly pretended much Observance for Dion, and made him great Acknowledgements for this Favour, attending him with all Submission, as ready to receive his Commands; but underhand he dealt with, and tainted the Mobile and Innovators, so that he involved Dion in perpetual Disturbances, and created him much Perplexity and disquiet; for if he advised to give Dionysius Passport to leave the Castle, he was censured as designing to deliver and protect him: if to avoid giving the People any Trouble or Suspicion, he continued the Siege, they cried out, He protracted the War the longer to keep his Command of General, and over-awe the Citizens. There was one Sosis, notorious in the City for a bold and wicked Villain, yet a great Pretender to the Liberty and Property of the Subject; especially that which consists in the uncontrollable Freedom of their Tongues. This Fellow plotting against Dion, stood up one 
Sosis plots against Dion.  Day in an Assembly, and having sufficiently railed at the Citizens, as a parcel of Sots and Blockheads, that could not see how they had made an Exchange of a dissolute and drunken Tyrant, for a sober and crafty Master, publicly declared, he was absolutely against Dion, and Arbitrary Government; and so he took his leave of the Company. The next day he was seen running through the Streets (as if he fled from some that pursued him) almost stark naked, wounded in the head, and bloody all over: in this pickle getting the Rabble about him, he told them, that he was barbarously assaulted by Dion's Men; and to confirm what he said stewed them the Wounds he had received in his Head. The Mobile in general took his part, raging and railing against Dion, as cruel and tyrannical, who took such Arbitrary Courses to stop the Mouths of the People, by knocking them on the Head. Just as they were in this seditious and tumultuous Hurly-burly, Dion came to vindicate himself, and made it appear, That this Sosis was Brother to one of Dionysius' Guard; and that he was set on by him to embroil the City in Tumult and Confusion: Dionysius having now no way left for his Security, but to make his Advantage of their Dissensions and Distractions. The Chirurgeons also having searched the Wound, found it was rather razed, than cut with a downright Blow; for the Wounds made with a Weapon are most commonly deepest in the middle, but this was very slight, and all along of an equal depth; that it was not one continued Wound, as if cut at once, but several Incisions, in all probability, made at several times, as he was able to endure the Pain. There were some too that knew him, who brought a Razor, and showed it openly to the Company, declaring, That they met Sosis running in the Street all bloody, who told them, That he had narrowly escaped with his Life from Dion's Soldiers, who had sorely wounded, and were still in pursuit of him. They hastening to take the Pursuers, could meet with no man, but spied this Razor lying under a hollow Stone near the place from which they observed he came. Sosis was now like to go by the worst of it. But when, to back all this, his own Servants came in and gave Evidence, That he came out of his own House alone before break of Day, with a Razor in his Hand, Dion's Accusers sneaked away, and the People by 
Is found guilty of false Accusation, and condemned to die.  a general Vote, condemned Sosis to die, being once again well satisfied with Dion, and his Proceedings.  
Yet they were still no less jealous of his Soldiers, and the rather because the War was now carried on principally by Sea; for that Philistus was come from Apulia with a great Fleet to Dionysius' Assistance, 
Philistus arrives with a Fleet to help Dionysius.  they supposed therefore that there would be no longer need of the Greek Soldiers, who were all Land-men, and armed accordingly, and rather in a Condition to be protected by them, who were skilful Seamen, and depended at present chiefly upon the strength of their Shipping. They grew also more haughty, and selfconceited, by the Advantage they got in an engagement by Sea, in which they took Philistus Prisoner, and used him in a most barbarous and cruel manner. Ephorus relates, That when he saw his Ship was taken he slew himself. But Timonides, who from the beginning of the War was with Dion in all the considerable Actions, writing to Speucippus the Philosopher, relates the Story, That Philistus' Galley running aground, he 
Taken Prisoner, and slain.  was taken Prisoner alive, and first disarmed, then stripped, and exposed stark naked, tho' an old Man, to all sorts of Scorn and Contumely; afterward they cut off his Head, and gave the Rabble his Body, who dragged it along the Acradina, and then threw it into a Common-shore. Timaeus upbraiding him, adds further, That the Boys tied him by his lame Leg, and so drew him through the Streets of the City, while the Syracusians insulted over his Carcase, to see him tied by the Leg, who said, It would not become Dionysius to be beholding to the Swiftness of his Horse to fly from his Throne, but rather to be dragged from thence by the Heels; tho' Philistus relates, That this was said to Dionysius by another, and not by himself. But Timaeus takes this Occasion, and truly a just one, of his zealous and constant 
Timaeus the Historian.  Adherence to the Tyranny, to vent his own Spleen and Malice against him. They indeed who were injured by him, are the more excusable, if they expressed their Resent in Indignities to his dead Body; but they who write his History after his Death, and were no way wronged by him in his life-time, but have had the Advantage of his learned Writings, in Honour ought not with opprobrious and scrurrilous Language upbraid him for those Misfortunes, which many times by unhappy Accidents have befallen even the best of Men. On the other side, Ephorus 
Ephorus the Historian.  is as much out of the way in the lavish Encomiums he bestows on Philistus; for tho' he is very good at disguising base and unworthy Actions with fair and colourable Pretences, and in his Expressions is very florid and Rhetorical, yet when he has done his best, he can never acquit him of the Imputation he lies under, of being of all Mankind the most zealous Assertor of Arbitrary Government; and that no man ever more industriously promoted, or fond admired the Luxury, Power, Riches and Alliances of such as made themselves absolute Princes. But between both these Extremes, he that neither praises Philistus for his Faults, nor insults over his Misfortunes, seems to me best to consult his own Credit, and perform the part of an Historian.  
After Philistus' Death, Dionysius sent 
Dionysius makes offer of Surrender.  to Dion, offering to surrender the Castle, all the Arms, Provisions, and Garrison-Soldiers, with full Pay for them for five Months, demanding, That he might have safe Passport to go unmolested into Italy, and there to continue, and also enjoy the Seignory of Gyata (a large and fruitful Territory in the Precinct of Syracuse, reaching from the Seaside to the middle of the Country.) Dion rejected these Proposals, and referred him wholly to the Syracusians to treat with them. And they hoping in a short time to take Dionysius alive, dismissed his Ambassadors without 
Receives no Answer.  Audience; which he understanding, left his eldest Son Apollocrates to defend the Castle; and putting aboard those he loved best of his Friends, and the richest of his Goods and Treasure, took the Opportunity of a fair Wind, and made his escape undiscovered by the Admiral Heraclides 
Makes his Escape by Sea.  and his Fleet.  
The Citizens loudly exclaim against Heraclides for this Neglect, and were ready to mutiny against him, but he set up one Hippon, a great Man with the Populacy, and a notable Haranguer, to propose 
Hippon a Leveller.  to them an equal Division of the Lands and Revenues of the Country, alleging, That the beginning of Liberty was Equality, and that Poverty and Slavery were inseparable Companions. Heraclides sided with him in this levelling 
Heraclides joins with him.  Project, and encouraged the Faction against Dion, who rigorously opposed it; in fine he persuaded the People to ratify this by their Vote, and pass it into a Law, and farther to decree, That the foreign Soldiers Pay should be stopped, That they would proceed to the Election of new Commanders, take away Dion's Commission, and no longer be subject to his severe and imperious Discipline. The People eagerly desirous to shake off their Yoke of Slavery, which, as a Disease had long hung upon them, began to do things at random, and like wilful and lawless Men, inconsiderately destroyed what they endeavoured 
Sets the Citizens against Dion.  to set up; hating Dion, who, like a good Physician, endeavoured to keep the City, by a sparing and regular Diet, in a due and lasting temperament of Health.  
When they assembled to choose their Commanders, in the midst of Summer unusual and terrible Thunders, with other dreadful Prodigies for fifteen days together, dispersed the People, deterring them in point of Religion to create new Generals with such ominous Prognostics: But the leading men of the City, in a fair and clear day, having got their Party together, to make an Election, a draught-Ox, who was used to the Crowd and noise of the Streets, without any Provocation grew unruly to his driver, and breaking his Yoke, ran furiously into the Theatre, where they were assembled, driving out the People before him in great disorder and confusion: From thence madding, and tearing, and throwing down all that stood in his way, he rambled over that part of the City which the Enemies afterwards made themselves masters of. Nevertheless, the Syracusians not regarding all this, elected five and twenty Captains, 
They choose five and twenty Commanders.  and among the rst Heraclides; and underhand tampered with Dion's Men, promising, if they would desert him, and List themselves in their Service, to make them Citizens of Syracuse, and invest them with all the Privileges and Immunities of the Natives. But they, to show their fidelity and courage, with their Swords in their hands, placing Dion, for his security, in the midst of their Battalion, marched out of the City, not offering 
Dion's Soldiers guard him out of the City.  violence to any one, but openly upbraiding all they met with their baseness and ingratitude. The Citizens slighted them, because they were but few, in respect of their greater numbers, and because they did not first assail them; and supposing they might with ease overpower and cut them all off, before they got out of the City, they fell upon them in 
The Citizens set upon them.  the Rear: Here Dion was in a great strait, being necessitated either to fight against his own Countrymen, or tamely suffer himself and his faithful Soldiers to be cut in pieces. He therefore used many entreaties to the Syracusians, stretching out his hands towards the Castle, wherein was a strong Garrison, and showing them the Enemy, who in great numbers appeared on the Walls to be Spectators of this Action. But no persuasions could stop the impetuous Torrent of the Multitude, who like waves in a Storm were blown up by the seditious breath of their busy Incendiaries. He commanded his Men therefore not to charge them, but to advance with shouts and clashing of their Arms; which when the Syracusians saw, not a man of them durst stand their ground, but fled incessantly through the streets, 
Fly before them.  tho' none but their own fears pursued them. Dion presently commanded his 
Dion marches to the Leontines.  Men to face about, and led them towards the City of the Leontines.  
The very Women laughed at the new Captains for this cowardly Retreat; who to redeem their Credit, ordering the Citizens to stand to their Arms, followed 
The Syracusians march after him, and are beaten  after Dion, and came up with him as he was passing a River; some of the light Horse began to Skirmish. But when they saw Dion no more tame and calm, no signs in his Face of his Fatherly tenderness towards his Countrymen, but with a stern look, and full of fury, as resolved not to suffer their indignities any longer, ordering his Battalia, and ready to give the Onset, they presently turned their backs more cowardly and basely than before, and fled to the City, with the loss of some few of their Men.  
The Leontines received Dion very Honourably, 
The Leontines receive Dion.  rewarded his Men, and made them free of their City; sending Envoys to the Syracusians, to require them to do the Soldiers Justice, and give them their Pay; who in return, sent back other Agents to accuse Dion. But when in a full Assembly of the Leontines, the matter was heard and debated, the Syracusians appeared plainly to be in fault; but they refused to stand to the award of their Confederates, huffing and disdaining to hearken to any thing but what their cajoling Leaders, and popular Sycophants advised them to.  
About this time Dionysius sent a Fleet 
Nypsius arrives with a Fleet.  under the Command of Nypsius, the Neapolitan, with Provisions and Pay for the Garrison. The Syracusians fought him, had the better, and took four of his Ships; but they made very ill use of their good success, and for want of good Discipline to express their Joy, sell to Drinking and feasting in an extravagant manner, with so little regard to their main concern, that when they thought themselves sure of taking the Castle, they were very near losing their City. Nypsius seeing all the Citizens in this disorder, spending Day and Night in their drunken Revels and Debauches, and their Commanders well pleased with the Frolic, or at least not daring to contradict the riotous Crew, who were Pot-valiant, and not to be controlled; taking advantage of this Opportunity, made a descent, and stormed their Works, which having gained and ruined, 
Storms the Works, and 〈…〉 ters' the 〈…〉 ty.  he attacked the City, leaving the ravage of it to the Will and Mercy of his Soldiers.  
The Syracusians quickly saw their Folly and Misfortune, but could not in the distraction they were in, so soon redress it. The Soldiers made miserable havoc in the City, putting the men to the Sword, demolishing the Fortifications, dragging the Women and Children with lamentable shrieks and cries Prisoners into the Castle. The Commanders giving all for lost, were not able to put the Citizens in any tolerable posture of defence, who were confusedly mixed with the Enemy. While they were in this condition, and the Acradina in danger to be taken, in which was all the hope they had left, and every one was sensible what they wanted; but no man for shame durst name Dion, whom they had so ungratefully and basely dealt with; Necessity at last forcing them, some of the Auxiliary Troops cried out, Send for Dion and his Peloponnesians from the Leontines, or we are utterly undone. No sooner had they the confidence to mention his Name, and it was heard among the People, but they gave a shout for joy, and with tears in their Eyes wished him there, that they might once again see that Hero at the Head of them, whose Courage and Bravery in the worst of dangers they could never forget; remembering not only with what undaunted Gallantry he always behaved himself, but also what courage and confidence he inspired them with when he led them against the Enemy. They immediately 
Dion sent for back by the Syracusians.  therefore dispatched Archonides and Telesides of the Auxiliaries and Hellanicus, with five more of the Horse; who posting with all the speed they could make, reached the City of the Leontines in the close of the Evening. The first thing they did, was to leap from their Horses, and fall at Dion's feet, with tears relating the sad condition the Syracusians were in. Many of the Leontines and Peloponnesians began to throng about them, guessing by their speed, and the manner of their Address, that there was something extraordinary in the business.  
Dion presently called an Assembly, and 
Calls an Assembly.  the People being gathered together in a very little time, Archonides and Hellanicus came in among them, and in short declared the misery and distress of the Syracusians; begging the Foreign Soldiers to forget the injuries they had received, and ashst the distressed, who had suffered more for the wrong they had done, than they themselves who received it would (had it been in their power) have inflicted upon them. When they had made an end, there was a profound Silence in the Theatre; Dion then stood up, and began to speak, but a flood of Tears stopped his words: his Soldiers were sensibly troubled at his Grief, praying him to moderate his Passion and proceed: When he had therefore recovered himself a little, Gentlemen (says 
His Speech to his Soldiers.  he) and fellow-soldiers, I have called you here together to take care of your own Concerns, for it will ill become me to consult myself if Syracuse be lost; which tho' I cannot save from Destruction, I will nevertheless hasten thither, and be buried in the Ruins of my Country, yet if you can find in your hearts to assist us, the most inconsiderate and unfortunate of Men, you may to your eternal Honour, again retrieve this unhappy City. But if the Syracusians can obtain no more pity nor relief from you, may the Gods reward you for what you have formerly valiantly done for them, and for your constant fidelity and kindness to Dion; who you must remember, as he deserted you not, when injured and abused, so he cannot now forsake his fellow-Citizens in their Afflictions and Misfortunes.  
Before he had well ended his Speech, the Soldiers with a great shout testified their readiness for the Service, crying out, To march immediately to the Relief of the City. The Syracusian Courriers hugged and embraced them, praying the Gods to shower down Blessings upon Dion and his valiant Peloponnesians. When the noise was pretty well over, Dion gave Orders that all should to their Quarters, to prepare for their March; and having resreshed themselves, come completely Armed to their Rendezvous in the very place they now were; resolving that very night to hasten to their Succour.  
Now, at Syracuse, Dionysius' Soldiers, as long as day continued, ransacked the 
Dionysius' Men retreat into the Castle.  City, and did all the mischief they could; but when Night came on, they retired into the Castle, missing very few of their number; at which the factious Ringleaders taking heart, and hoping the Enemy would rest content with what they had done, and make no further Attempt upon them; persuaded the People again to reject Dion, and if he came with the Foreign Soldiers, not to admit him; advising them not to yield, as inferior to them in point of Honour and Courage; but to save their City, and defend their Liberties and Properties themselves. The Populacy therefore and their Leaders send Messengers to Dion, to forbid him to advance; but the Nobility and the Horse sent others to him, to desire him to hasten his March: For which reason he slacked his pace, and came forward but slowly; and in the middle of the Night the Faction that was against him set a Guard upon the Gates of the City to hinder him from coming in.  
But Nypsius made another Salley out of 
Make another Sally.  the Castle with a far greater number of Men than before, who quite ruined what of the Rampart was left standing, and fell in pellmell to sack and ravage the City. The slaughter was now very great, not only of the Men, but of the Women also and Children; for they regarded not so much the Plunder, as to destroy and kill all they met. For Dionysius despairing to regain the Kingdom, and mortally hating the Syracusians, resolved to bury his lost Empire in the utter Ruin and Desolation of Syracuse. The Enemy therefore to prevent Dion's Succours, resolved upon the most terrible and ready way of destruction, to lay the City in ashes; firing all at hand with Torches and other Combustibles; 
Fire the City.  and at distance with flaming Arrows, and other Fireworks, shot from their Bows and Engines. The Citizens in great distraction fled every way before them. They who to avoid the Fire forsook their Houses, were taken in the Streets, and put to the Sword: They who betook themselves for Refuge into the the Houses, were forced out again by the flames. Many were burnt, and many killed by the fall of Houses and Ruins of Walls and Towers. This fresh misfortune by general Consent opened the Gates for Dion: It happened that he made no extraordinary haste when he received advice, that the Enemies were retreated into the Castle; but early in the Morning some Horse brought him the news of another Assault; and soon after some of those who before opposed his coming, fled now to him, to entreat him he would hasten his Relief. The Fire and Desolation increasing, Heraclides sent his Brother, and after him, his Uncle Theodotes, to beg him to help them, for that now they were not able to make any longer Opposition; that he himself was wounded, and the greatest part of the City was either in ashes, or in flames.  
When Dion met this sad News, he was about sixty furlongs distant from the City. When he had acquainted the Soldiers with the Exigency, and exhorted them to behave themselves like men; the Army no longer marched, but ran forwards, and by the way were met by several who begged them to quicken their pace. By the wonderful eagerness of the Soldiers, 
Dion and his Men come to their succour.  and their extraordinary Speed, Dion quickly came to the City, and entered at the Gate Hecatompedon, sending his Vanguard presently to charge the Enemy; that seeing them, the Syracusians might take Courage: In the mean time he drew up in good Order his main Body, and all the Citizens that came in and joined him; forming his Battalions long, and setting over them double Officers, that he might, as occasion required, make Detachments, and to amuse and terrify the Enemy, fight them in several Quarters at once. As they saw him in the Streets advance at the Head of his Men to engage the Enemy, a confused Noise of Shouts, congratulations, Vows, and Prayers was raised by the Syracusians, who now called Dion their Deliverer, their Tutelar-Deity, and his Soldiers their Friends, Brethren, and Fellow-Citizens; none seemed to regard themselves, or value their safeties, but to be concerned more for Dion's Life, than for all their own together. So daringly he marched before them to meet the danger, first through Blood and Fire, and over heaps of dead Bodies that lay in his way.  
And indeed the Posture of the Enemy was in appearance terrible; for they were flushed with Victory, enraged, and had posted themselves very advantageously along the demolished Works, which made the approach to them very hazardous and difficult: yet that which discouraged Dion's Men most was the apprehension they were in of the Fire, which made their march very troublesome and difficult; 
March in great danger thró the Ruins.  for the Houses being in flames on all fides, they were surrounded with them, and treading upon burning Ruins, every minute in danger of being overwhelmed with falling Houses, through clouds of Ashes and Smoke they laboured hard to keep their Order, and maintain their Ranks. When they came near to the Enemy, by reason of the advantage of their Post, and the inconvenience of a Defile they were to pass, but few of them could engage at a time; but at length fight with great Bravery, and the Syracusians with shouts encouraging their Party, Nypsius' Men were beaten 
Beat Nypsiu●'s Men into the Castle.  off and routed; most of them escaped into the Castle, which was near at hand; all that could not get in, were pursued and picked up here and there by the Soldiers, and put to the Sword.  
The present Exigence did not suffer the Citizens to reap the benefit of their Conquest in such mutual Congratulations and expressions of Joy as become the Victorious; for now all were busily employed to save what Houses were left standing, labouring hard all Night, and could scarce master the Fire. The next day not one of the Popular Haranguers 
The Demagogues leave the City:  durst stay in the City, but all of them, knowing their own Gild, by their flight confessed it, and secured their Lives. Only Heraclides and Theodotus voluntarily surrendered themselves to Dion, acknowledging that they had wronged him, and begging he would be kinder to them than they had been just to him; adding, how much it would be for his Honour, who was Master of so many excellent Accomplishments, to moderate his Anger, and be generously compassionate to the ungrateful; confessing, that they who were formerly his professed Enemies, were now absolutely overcome by his Virtue. Tho' they humbly addressed to him, his Friends advised him not to pardon those turbulent and illnatured Men, but to leave them to the mercy of his Soldiers, and utterly root out of the Commonwealth the ambitious Affectation of Populacy; a Disease as pestilent and pernicious as the most Arbitrary Power whatever. Dion endeavoured to satisfy them, telling them, That other Generals employed their thoughts and designs chiefly about warlike Acquists; but that he had long studied in the Academy how to conquer his Passions, and not let Emulation and Envy conquer him. That to do this, it is not sufficient that a Man be obliging and kind to his Friends, and those that have deserved well of him; but also indulgent and favourable to those from whom he has received Injuries and Affronts. That he was resolved to let the World see that he valued not himself so much upon excelling Heraclides in Ability and Conduct, as he did in outdoing him in Justice and Clemency; herein to have the Advantage is to excel indeed. The Honour of Victory in War is never entire; for Fortune will be sure to claim her share, tho' no man pretend to rival the Conqueror. What if Heraclides be perfidious, malicious, and base, must Dion therefore sully his Honour, or injure his Virtue by a passionate Concern for it? For tho' the Laws determine it juster to revenge an Injury, than to do an Injury; Yet it is evident, that both Originally proceed from the same deficiency and weakness of Humane Nature: The malicious Humour of Men, tho' perverse and refractory, is not so savage and invincible, but it may be wrought upon by Kindness, and habitually 
Dion pardons Heraclides and Theodotes.  altered by repeated Obligations. Dion making use of these Arguments, pardoned and dismissed Heraclides and Theodotes.  
And now resolving to repair the Blockade about the Castle, he commanded all the Syracusians to cut Palisado's, and bring 
Carries on the Siege.  them to the Works; and then dismissing them to refresh themselves, and take their Rest, he employed his own men all Night, and by Morning had finished his Line of Circumvallation, and fortified his Trenches. Both the Enemy and the Citizens next day wondered to see the Works so far advanced in so short a time; burying therefore their Dead, and redeeming the Prisoners, which were near two Thousand, they called a public Assembly, whe●e Heraclides made a Motion, that Dion should be declared General at Land and Sea. The Nobility approved well of it, and desired the Commonalty to assent. But the Mobile of Sailors and Handycraftsmen would not yield that Heraclides should lose his Command of the Navy; and tho' they knew him to be otherwise an ill Man, yet they believed he would be more compliant with the Populacy, than Dion, and readier to serve their Ends. Dion therefore submitted to them in this, and consented Heraclides should continue Admiral. But when they began to press the levelling Project, of an equal Distribution 
Repeals the Votes of the Levellers.  of Lands and Estates, he not only opposed it, but repealed all the Votes they had formerly made upon that account, which most sensibly vexed them. Heraclides took Advantage of this, and being at Messana, he harangued the Soldiers and Ships Crews that sailed with him, accusing Dion, That he had a Design to make himself Absolute: And at the same time he held a private Correspondence with Dionysius by means of his Confident, Pharax, a Spartan. Which when the Nobility of Syracuse had Intimation of, there arose a Sedition in the Army, and the City 
A Famine occasioned by the Sedition in the Army.  was reduced to that Extremity, that they were almost famished for want of Provision. Dion now knew not what Course to take, being blamed by all his Friends, for that he had encouraged against himself such a troublesome, malicious, and perverse Man as Heraclides was.  
Pharax at this time lay encamped at Neapolis. Dion therefore drew out the Syracusians, but with an intent not to engage him, till he saw a fit Opportunity. But Heraclides and his Seamen exclaimed against him, That he delayed fight on purpose, that he might the longer continue his Command; so that tho' much against his Will he was forced to an Engagement, and beaten, his loss being inconsiderable, 
Dion, forced to engage Pharax▪ is beaten.  and that occasioned too chiefly by the Dissension that was in the Army; he rallied his men, and having put them in good Order, and encouraged them to redeem their Credit, resolved upon a second Onset. But in the Evening he received Advice, That Heraclides with his 
Prevents Heraclides Design of Possessing himself of the City.  Fleet were under Sail for Syracuse, with a Resolution to possess himself of the City, and keep him and his Army out; presently therefore taking with him some of the principal Men, and a Party of light Horse, he posted to the City, and got thither about Nine the next Morning, having rid seven hundred Furlongs that Night. Heraclides, tho' he strove to make all the Sail he could, yet coming too late, tacked and stood out again to Sea; being unresolved what Course to steer, accidentally he met Gaesylus the 
Gaesylus the Spartan.  Spartan, who let him know, that he was come to head the Sicilians, as Gausippus had formerly done. Heraclides readily joined with him, and bragged to his Sailors, That now he had a Counter-balance to weigh down Dion' s Ambition. Hereupon he sent a Herald to Syracuse to summon them to accept a Spartan General: Dion returned Answer, That▪ they had Generals enough; and if they wanted a Lacedaemonian to command them, he could supply that Office, being himself a Citizen of Sparta. When Gaesylus saw he had lost his hopes of being Generalissimo, the landed, and reconciled Heraclides to Dion, making Heraclides swear the most solemn Oaths to perform what he● engaged, for which Gaesylus himself undertook to be Guarranty.  
The Syracusians then laid up their Navy, which was at present a great Charge, and of little use to them; but an occusion of Differences and Dissensions among the Generals and pressed on the Siege, finishing another Breast-work, with which they invested the Castle. The besieged 
Apollicrates delivers up the Castle upon Articles.  seeing no hopes of Succours, and their Provisions sailing, began to mutiny 〈…〉 o that Apollicrates, in despair of holding longer out for his Father, capitulated, and articled with Dion to deliver up the Castle, with all the Garrison Soldiers and Ammunition, to have five Galleys and safe Passport for himself, his Mother, and Sisters, which Dion granted, and he with them sailed to Dionysius. Scarce a man in the City but was there to behold this joyful Sight, calling upon those that were absent to come and see this happy Day. How gloriously the Sun now shined upon the Syracusians, who were enfranchised and delivered from all their Slavery and Oppression. This Flight of Dionysius, being one of the greatest, and most remarkable Examples of Fortune's Inconstancy, that any History mentions, how extraordinary may we imagine their Joy to be? How entire their Satisfaction, who totally subverted the most potent Tyranny that ever was, by very slight and inconsiderable Means?  
When Apollicrates was under Sail, and Dion going to take Possession of the Castle, 
Dion enters the Castle.  the Ladies could not stay while he made his Entry, but ran to meet him at the Gate. Aristomache led Dion's Son, and Arete followed after weeping, fearful and dubious how to salute, or address to her Husband, because she had so long accompanied with another man. Dion first caressed his Sister, than his Son; when Aristomache bringing Arete to him, O Dion (said she) your Banishment made us all equally miserable; your Return and Victory has raised our drooping Heads, and cancelled. all our Sorrows, excepting this poor Lady's, whom I, to my great unhappiness, saw compelled to be another's, while you were yet alive. Fortune has now given you the sole dispose of us; how will you determine concerning her in these her necessitous Circumstances? Or in what Relation must she salute you, as her Uncle, or as her Husband? This Speech of Aristomache's forced Tears from Dion, who with great Tenderness and Affection embraced his Wife, gave her his 
Takes again his Wife.  Son, and desired her to retire to his own House, where he intended to reside, when he had delivered up the Castle to the Syracusians. For tho' all things now succeeded to his Wish, yet he resolved not to enjoy any present Advantage of his good Fortune before he had gratified his Friends, rewarded his Allies, and bestowed upon his Fellow-Citizens and foreign Soldiers some special Mark of Favour and Honour; his Generosity herein exceeding his Ability, being content himself with a very frugal and moderate Competency; for which he was much admired. That when, not only Sicily and Carthage, but all Greece looked upon him as extremely happy, and no Man living greater than he, no General more renowned for Valour and Success: Yet in his Garb, his Attendance, his Table, he seemed as if he rather commoned with Plato in the Academy, than lived among his Soldiers and Officers, who love to be jolly, enjoy themselves plentifully every day, and cheer their Hearts after the toils of War, and dangers they have passed. Plato indeed writ to him, that the Eyes of all Men were now upon him; but 'tis evident that he himself had sixth his Eye upon one particular place, the Academy; and considered, That the inquisite and judicious there regarded not his great Actions, his Courage, or his Fortune, but watched to see how temperately and humbly he could bear his Prosperity; how evenly and unconcerned he could behave himself in the honourable and happy Condition he now was. Neither did he remit any thing of his wont Reservedness in Conversation, or Majestical Carriage to the People, notwithstanding a little Condescension and obliging Civility was very necessary for his present Affairs. And Plato, as we said before, advised him to avoid a surly Demeanour, unless he intended to be abandoned by all Company, and live alone by himself. But certainly he was naturally an Enemy to Complaisance; and besides, he had a design to reform the Syracusians, and make them more grave and stayed, who were grown very dissolute, soppish and humoursome.  
Heraclides began again to set up against him; and being sent for one day by Dion to Council, he refused to come, or consult otherwise than as a private Citizen, and in a Public Assembly. Soon after, he impeached Dion, because he had not demolished the Citadel, and because he had hindered the People from throwing down Dionysius' Tomb, and doing despite to the Dead; moreover, he accused him for sending to Corinth for Counsellors and Assistants in the Government, and thereby neglecting and slighting his Fellow-Citizens. And indeed he had prevailed with some Corinthians to come to him, hoping by their means and presence the better to settle that Government he intended; for he designed to restrain the unlimited Power of the People; which indeed is not a Government, but (as Plato calls it) a Market, where Authority is bought and sold; and to introduce and establish a mixed Policy made up of the Spartan and Cretian, betwixt a Commonwealth and a Monarchy, wherein the Nobles did preside and manage the Affairs of greatest Consequence; for he saw the Corinthians were chiefly governed by the Grandees, and that the People were but little concerned in Public Business.  
Now, knowing that. Heraclides would be his most considerable Adversary, who was always a turbulent, fickle, and factious Man; he gave way to some, whom formerly he hindered when they designed to kill him, who breaking in, Murdered 
He is murdered by Dion's means.  Heraclides in his own House. His Death was much resented by the Citizens: Dion made him a splendid Funeral, followed his Hearse with all his Soldiers, and made an Oration to the People; by which they understood, that it would have been impossible to have kept the City quiet, as long as Dion and Heraclides were Competitors in the Government.  
Dion had a Friend, called Calippus, an 
Calippus the Athenian.  Athenian, who, Plato says, grew familiar with him, and his Confident: not upon the merit of his Learning, but because he was introduced by him into some Mysterious Ceremonies of their Religion, and so contracted an accidental Acquaintauce. This man was all along with him in the Army in great Honour and Esteem, being the first of his Friends, who marched by his side into Syracuse with a Garland upon his Head, for that he had behaved himself very well in all the Action, and made himself remarkable for his Courage and Gallantry. He finding that Dion's principal and most considerable Friends were cut off in the War, Heraclides now dead, and the People without a Leader, and that the Soldiers had a great Kindness for him, like a perfidious and wicked Villain, in hopes to get the Chief Command of Sicily, by the ruin of his Friend and Benefactor; and, as some say, being bribed by the Enemy with twenty Talents to destroy Dion, inveagled and engaged several of the Soldiers in a Conspiracy against him, laying this cunning and wicked beginning of his Plot. He daily informed Dion what he heard, or what he feigned the Soldiers said against him; whereby he gained that Credit and Confidence that he was allowed by Dion to consort privately with whom he would, and talk freely against him in any Company, that he might discover who were his secret and factious Malignants. By this means Calippus in short time got together a Cabal of all the seditious Discontents in the City; and if any one who would not be drawn in, advised Dion that he was tampered with, he was not troubled or concerned at it; believing Calippus did it in compliance with his Directions.  
While this Conspiracy was a foot, a 
Dion sees ae strange Apparition.  strange and dreadful Apparition was seen by Dion, as he sat one Evening in a Gallery in his House, melancholy and thoughtful, hearing a sudden Noise, he turned about, and saw at the end of the Room, by clear daylight, a tall Woman, in her Countenance and Garb like one of the Tragical Furies, with a Broom in her Hand sweeping the floor; being amazed, and terribly affrighted, he sent for some of his Friends, and told them what he had seen; entreating them to stay with him, and keep him company all Night; for he was greatly astonished and perplexed, fearing that if he were left alone, the Spectre would again appear to him: He saw that no more. But a few days after, his only Son, being almost grown up to man's Estate, upon some displeasure and pet he had taken upon a Childish and frivolous Occasion threw himself headlong from 
His Son breaks his Neck.  the top of the House, and broke his Neck.  
While Dion was under this Affliction, Calippus drove on his Conspiracy, and spread a Rumour among the Syracusians, That Dion being now Childless, was resolved to send for Dionysius' Son, Apollocrates, who was his Wife's Nephew, and Sister's Grandson, and make him his Heir and Successor. By this time, Dion, his Wife, and Sister began to suspect what 
Dion informed of the Plot.  was doing, and were from all hands confirmed in the Belief of the Plot. Dion as 'tis probable, being troubled for Heraclides Murder, which was like to be a blot and slain upon his Honour, and the great Actions of his Life, in great anxiety and disquiet declared, he had rather die a thousand times, and open his Breast himself to the Assassin, than live not only in fear of his Enemies, but suspicion of his Friends.  
Calippus seeing the Ladies very inquisitive to search the bottom of the business, and fearing the event, came to them, utterly denying it with Tears in his Eyes; and offering to give them whatsoever assurances of his Fidelity they desired: They required, That he would take the great Test and solemn Oath, which was after this manner: The Juror went▪ into the Temple of Ceres and Proserpina; after the performance of some Ceremonies, he was clad in the Purple Vestment of the Goddess, and holding a lighted Torch in his Hand, took his Oath. Calippus did as 
Calippus denies it upon Oath.  they required, and forswore the Fact. But he so little valued the Goddess, that he stayed but till the Festival of Proserpina, by whom he had Sworn, and on that very day committed his intended Murder; disregarding the Solemnity of the Day, for that he knew he must at any other time as impiously offend her whensoever he, who introduced him into her Religion, should be the Murderer of her Devoto.  
There were a great many in the Conspiracy; and as Dion was at home with several of his Friends in his Entertaining-Room, some of the Conspirators beset the House round, others secured the Doors and Windows. The Assassins were Zacinthians, who went in to him in their ordinary Habit unarmed. The Guard without shut the Doors upon them, and kept them fast. The Murderers fell upon him, endeavouring to stifle and dispatch him; but not being able, they called for a Sword, but none durst open the Door: There were a great many within with Dion, but every one was for securing himself; supposing, that by letting him lose his Life, he should save his own; and therefore no man ventured to assist him. When they had waited a good while, at length Lycon the Syracusian, reached a short Sword in at the Window to one of the Zacinthians, and stunned and almost senseless as he was, like a Sacrifice at the Altar, they cut Dion's Throat; his Sister and Wife big with Child they hurried to Prison, who, poor Lady, in her unfortunate condition, was there brought to Bed of a Son, which by the consent of the Keepers they intended to bring up, the rather because Calippus began already to be embroiled in Troubles.  
After the Murder of Dion, he was the 
Calippus Chief at Syracuse.  only man that was looked upon, had the sole Government of Syracuse in his Hands; and to that effect writ to Athens, a place, which, next the Immortal Gods, being guilty of such an abominable Crime, he ought to have reverenced and feared. But true it is, what is said of that City, That the good Men she breeds are the most Excellent, and the bad the most notorious; as their Country Attica▪ produces the most delicious Honey, and the most deadly Poison. Calippus did not long continue to scandalise Fortune, and upbraid the Gods with his Prosperity, who seemed to wink at, and bear with that wretched man, while he purchased Riches and Power by the most heinous and enormous Impieties, but he quickly received the Punishment he deserved; for going to take Catana, he lost Syracuse; whereupon they report he said, He had lost a City, and got a Bauble. Then attempting Messene, he had most of his Men cut off, and among the rest, Dion's Murderers. When no City in Sicily would admit him, but all hated and abhorred him, he went into Italy, and took Regium; there being necessitous, and not able to maintain his Soldiers, he was killed by Leptimns and Polyperchon, 
Killed at Rhegium.  and (as Fortune would have it) with the same Sword that Dion was Murdered, which was known by the size, being but short, as the Spartan Swords, and the Workmanship of it very curious and Artificial. Thus Calippus received the Reward of his Villainies.  
When Aristomache and Arete were released out of Prison, Icetes, one of Dion's Friends, took them to his House, and for a while entertained them well, and like a faithful Friend; afterwards, being persuaded by Dion's Enemies, he provided a Ship, and pretended to send them into Peloponnesus, but commanded the Sailors, when they came out to Sea, to kill them, and throw them over board. Others say, 
Dion's Sister, Wife and Son drowned.  that they and the little Boy were thrown alive into the Sea. This Man also escaped not the due recompense of his wickedness for he was taken by Timoleon, and put to Death; and the Syracusians, to revenge Dion, slew his two Daughters, of which I have Discoursed more particularly in the Life of Timoleon.   

THE LIFE OF MARCUS BRUTUS'. Translated by Mr. Duke.  
BRUTUS'.  M Burghers sculp. 
Cato the Philosopher was Brother to Servilia, the Mother of Brutus, and he it was whom of all the Romans his Nephew most admired, and studied to imitate, and afterwards married his Daughter Porcia. But of all the Sects of the Greek Philosophers, tho' there was none of which he had not been a Hearer, and in which he had not made some proficiency, yet he chiefly esteemed the Platonists, and not at all approving of the modern and the middle Academy, (as it was called) applied himself wholly to the study of the Ancient. He was all his Life-time a great Admirer of Antiochus, of the City of Ascalon, and took his Brother Ariston into his own House for his Friend and Companion, a Man for his Learniug inferior indeed to many of the Philosophers, but for the evenness of his Temper, and sweetness of Conversation, equal to the best. As for Empylus, of whom he himself and his Friends made often mention in their Epistles, as of one that constantly lived with Brutus, he was an Orator, and has left behind him a short but well penned History of the Death of Caesar, entitled Brutus.  
In Latin he was a good Speaker, and had by constant exercise attained a sufficient Excellency in making public Orations, and pleading Causes: But in Greek he was remarkable for affecting the sententious and short Laconic way of Speaking; In his Epistles especially, as when in the beginning of the War he writ thus to the Pergamenians: I hear ye have given Dolabella Money; if you gave it willingly, ye must own ye have injured me; if unwillingly, show it, by giving willingly to me. And another time to the Samians: Your Councils are careless, your Actions slow; what think ye will be the end? And of the Patareans thus: The Xanthians suspecting my Kindness, have made their Country a Grave of Despair; The Patareans trusting themselves to me, have lost nothing of their former Liberty; It is in your Power to choose the Judgement of the Patareans, or the Fortune of the Xanthians. And this is the Style wherein his most remarkable Letters were usually writ.  
When he was but a very young Man, he accompanied his Uncle Cato to Cyprus, who was sent with an Army against Ptolemy, King of Egypt. But as soon as Ptolemy had killed himself, Cato being by some necessary Business detained in the Isle of Rhodes, sent one of his Friends named Caninius, to take into his care and keeping the Treasure of the King; but afterwards suspecting his Fidelity, he writ to Brutus to sail immediately to Cyprus out of Pamphylia, where he than stayed to refresh himself, being but newly recovered of a Fit of Sickness. He obeyed his Orders, but with a great deal of unwillingness, as well out of Respect to Caninius, that was thrown out of this Employment by Cato with so much Disgrace; as also because he esteemed such a Commission too mean for a Gentleman, and not at all becoming him that was in the prime of his Youth, and given to Books and Learning. Nevertheless, applying himself to this Business, he behaved himself so well in it, that he was highly commended by Cato, and having turned all the Goods of Ptolemy into ready Money, brought the greatest part of it in his own Ship to Rome.  
Upon the Division of the Empire into two Factions, when Pompey and Caesar taking up Arms against one another, the whole Government was turned into Confusion, it was generally believed that he would have taken Caesar's side; for his Father not long before had been put to Death by Pompey. But he thinking it his duty to prefer the Interest of the Public before his own private Resentments, and judging Pompey's to be the better Cause, took part with him; tho' formerly he used not so much as to salute or take any notice of Pompey, if he happened to meet him, esteeming it a great crime to have the least Conversation with the Murderer of his Father. But now looking upon him as the General of his Country, he listed himself under his Command, and set Sail for Sicily, in quality of Lieutenant to Sestius, who had the Government of that Island. But finding no opportunity there of showing himself in any great Action, and hearing that Pompey and Caesar were encamped near one another, and were preparing to begin the Battle, upon which the whole Empire depended, he came of his own accord to Macedonia to partake in the Danger. At his coming, it is said, that Pompey was so surprised, and so pleased, that rising from his Chair, in the sight of all his Guards, he saluted and embraced him, as one of the chiefest of his Party. All the time that he was in the Camp, expecting that which he spent in Pompey's Company, he employed in Reading and in Study, which he did not neglect even the day before the great Battle of Pharsalia. It was the middle of Summer, and the Heat was very great, and the Camp sustained many inconveniencies, by being lodged in a marshy Ground, and they that carried Brutus his Tent, had stayed a long while before they came. Yet tho' upon all these Accounts he was extremely harassed, and out of order, having at last in the middle of the day scarcely anointed himself, and eaten very sparingly, whilst most others were either laid to sleep, or were wholly taken up with the thoughts and apprehensions of what would be the issue of the Fight, he spent his whole time till the evening in writing an Epitome of Polybius. It is said, that Caesar had so great a regard for him, that he ordered his Commanders by no means to kill Brutus in the Battle, but to spare him, if possible, and bring him safe to him, if he would willingly surrender himself; but if he made any Resistance, to suffer him to escape, rather than do him any Violence. And this he is believed to have done out of a Tenderness to Servilia, the Mother of Brutus; for Caesar had, it seems, in his Youth, being very intimate with her, and she passionately in Love with him: And considering that Brutus was born about that time, in which their Loves were at the highest, Caesar had some Reason to believe that he was begot by him. There goes a Report too, that when some great and weighty Matters concerning the Conspiracy of Catiline, which had like to have been the Destruction of the Commonwealth, were debated in the Senate; Cato and Caesar, tho' differing in their Opinions, were placed near to one another: In the middle of the Debate a little Note was delivered to Caesar from without, which he took and read silently to himself. Upon this Cato cried out aloud, and accused Caesar for holding Correspondence, and receiving Letters from the Enemies of the Commonwealth: Many of the Senators being much concerned, and the House in an Uproar, Caesar delivered the Note, as he had received it, to Cato, who reading it, found it to be a lewd Letter from his own Sister Servilia, and threw it back again in Rage to Caesar, with these words, Keep it to yourself, you Sot. And the Senate that had been interrupted, fell afresh to the Business that was before them; so public and notorious was Servilia's Love to Caesar.  
After the great Overthrow at Pharsalia, Pompey himself having made his Escape to the Sea, and Caesar's Army storming the Camp, Brutus stole privately out of one of the Gates, to a marshy Place full of Water, and covered with Reeds, from whence venturing out in the Night, he got safe to Larissa. From Larissa he writ to Caesar, who expressed a great deal of Joy to hear that he was safe, and having sent for him, not only forgave him freely, but honoured and esteemed him equal, at least to his chiefest Friends. Now when nobody could give any certain Account which way Pompey had fled, Caesar took a little Journey alone with Brutus, to try what was his Opinion herein, and believing by some Discourses which passed between them, that he could give a good guess which way Pompey had taken in his Flight, laying aside all other thoughts, he fell directly to pursue him towards Egypt. But Pompey having reached Egypt, as Brutus guessed his Design was to do, was there barbarously murdered.  
Brutus had so much power with Caesar, that he pacified and reconciled him to his Friend Cassius; nay, when he pleaded in defence of the King of the Lybyans, tho' he was overwhelmed with the greatness of the Crimes alleged against him, yet by his Entreaties and Applications to Caesar in his behalf, he preserved to him agreat part of his Kingdom. It is reported, that Caesar when he first heard Brutus speak in public, said to his Friends, I know not what this young man intends, but whatever he intends, he intends vehemently. For his natural firmness of Mind, not easily yielding or complying in favour of every one that entreated him, when it was set on work by the Motives of right Reason, and the Principles of Honesty, which way soever it turned itself, moved with great Vigour and Impetuosity, and generally effected its Designs. No Flattery could ever prevail with him to listen to unjust Petitions; and reckoned that to be overcome by the Impotunities of shameless and fawning Flatteries, tho' some compliment it with the Name of Modesty and Bashfulness, was the foulest disgrace a great Man could suffer. And he used to say, That he shrewdly suspected that they who could deny nothing, had not very honestly employed the flower of their Youth.  
Caesar being about to take an Expedition into Africa against Cato and Scipio, committed to Brutus the Government of Gallia Cisalpina, to the great Happiness and Advantage of that Province. For while those of other Provinces laboured under the Violence and Avarice of their Governors, and suffered as much Oppression, as if they had been Slaves and Captives of War, Brutus put an end to all such Insolences here, and by his easy Government made them amends for all their former Calamities, and reconciled and fixed all their Affections to Caesar; insomuch that it was a most welcome and pleasant Spectacle to Caesar, when in his Return he passed through Italy, to see the Cities that were under Brutus his Command, and Brutus himself increasing his Train and Honour, and most obligingly attending him in his Progress.  
Now several Praetorships being void, it was all men's opinion, that that of the chiefest Dignity, which is called the Praetorship of the City, would be conferred either upon Brutus or Cassius; and some say, that there having been some little difference upon former Accounts between them, this Competition set them much more at variance, tho' they were related to each other, Cassius having married Junia, the Sister of Brutus. Others say, that this Contention was raised between them by Caesar's means, who had privately given each of them such hopes of his favouring their Pretensions, as made them break out into this open Competition and Trial of their Interest. Brutus had only the Reputation of his Honour and virtue to oppose to the many and gallant Actions performed by Cassius in his Youth against the Parthians. But Caesar having heard each side, and deliberating about the Matter among his Friends, said, Cassius indeed pleads with most Justice, but Brutus must have the first Praetorship. So another Praetorship was given to Cassius; but the gaining of this could not so much oblige, him, as he was incensed for the loss of the other. And in all other things Brutus was partaker of Caesar's Power as much as he desired; for he might, if he had pleased, been the chief of all his Friends, and had Authority and Command beyond them all, but Cassius by his Conversation drew him off from Caesar, and turned him to himself. Indeed he was not yet wholly reconciled to Cassius, since that Competition which was between them; but yet he gave ear to Cassius his Friends, who were perpetually advising him not to be so blind, as to suffer himself to be softened and won upon by Caesar, but to shun the Kindness and Favours of a Tyrant, which they intimated, that Caesar showed him, not to express any Honour to his Merit or Virtue, but to unbend his Strength, and slacken the vigour of his Mind. Neither was Caesar wholly without suspicion of him, nor wanted Informers that accused Brutus to him; but he feared indeed the high Spirit, and the great Authority, and the many Friends that he had, but thought himself secure in his Honesty and Virtue. When it was told him first that Antony and Dolabella designed some Disturbance, It is not, said he, the fat and the long-haired men that I fear, but the pale and the lean, meaning Brutus and Cassius. Afterwards when some accused Brutus to him, and advised him to beware of him, taking hold of his Flesh with his Hand, he said, What? do ye think that Brutus will not wait out the time of this little Body? as if he thought none fit to succeed him in so great Power but only Brutus. And indeed it seems to be without doubt, that Brutus might have been the first Man in the Commonwealth, if he could have had patience but a little time to be second to Caesar; if he would have suffered his Power insensibly to decay after it was come to its highest pitch, and the fame of his great Actions to die and wither away by degrees. But Cassius, a Man of a fierce Disposition, and one that out of private Malice, rather than Love of the Public, hated Caesar, not the Tyrant, continually fired him and stirred him up. Brutus could not endure the Imperial Power, but Cassius hated the Emperor: and among other Reasons on which he grounded his Quarrel against Caesar, the loss of his Lions, which he had procured when he was designed Aedile, was not the least, for these Caesar finding in Megara, when that City was, taken by Calenus, seized to himself. (These Beasts, they say, were a great mischief to the Megarians; for when their City was taking, they broke open the Lion's Dens, and pulled off their Chains, and let them lose, that they might run upon the Enemy that was entering the City; but the Lions turned upon them themselves, and running wildly about, tore a great many of them to pieces, so that it was a miserable spectacle even to their enemies to behold.) And this, some say, was the chief provocation that stirred up Cassius to conspire against Caesar; but they are much in the wrong: for Cassius had from his Youth a natural Hatred and Rancour against the whole race of Tyrants, which he showed when he was but a Boy, and went to the same School with Faustus, the Son of Sylla; for he speaking great words among the Boys, and extolling the unlimited command of his Father Sylla, Cassius rose up, and struck him two or three Boxes on the Ear: which when the Tutors and Relations of Faustus designed to inquire into, and to prosecute, Pompey forbade them, and sending for both the Boys together, examined the matter himself. And Cassius then is reported to have said thus, Come on, Faustus, dare to speak before this man those words, that provoked me, that I may strike you again as I did before. Such was the Disposition of Cassius.  
But Brutus by many Persuasions of his familiar Friends, and many Letters from unknown Citizens, was roused up and pushed on to this Undertaking. For under the Statue of his Ancestor Brutus, that overthrew the Kingly Government, they writ these words, O that we had a Brutus now! And O that Brutus were alive! And Brutus his own Tribunal, on which he sat as Praetor, was filled each Morning with such Inscriptions as these, You are asleep Brutus; And, You are not a true Brutus. Now the Flatterers of Caesar were the occasion of all this, who among other invidious Honours which they strove to fasten upon Caesar, crowned his Statues by night with an imperial Crown, with a design to stir up the People to salute him King instead of Dictator. But the quite contrary came to pass, as I have more particularly shown in the Life of Caesar.  
When Cassius went about soliciting Friends to engage in this Design against Caesar, all whom he tried, readily consented, if Brutus would be Head of the Conspiracy; for their opinion was, that for this Enterprise they wanted not Hands or Resolution, but the Reputation and Authority of a Man, such as he was, to lead them on, and by his presence justify the Undertaking: that without him they should go about this Action with less heart, and should lie under greater Suspicions when they had done it; for if their Cause were just and honourable, they were sure Brutus would not refuse it.  
Cassius having considered these things with himself, went to Brutus, and made him the first Visit after their falling out; and after the Compliments of Reconciliation passed, and former Kindnesses renewed between them, he asked him, if he designed to be present at the Senate on the Calends of March, for it was discoursed he said, that Caesar's Friends intended then to move that he might be made King. When Brutus answered, That he would not be there. But what, says Cass●s, if they should send for us? It is my Business then, replied Brutus, not to hold my peace, but to stand up boldly, and d●e for the Liberty of my Country. To which Cassius with some Concern answered, But what Roman will suffer you to die? What, do you not know yourself, Brutus? Or do you think that those Inscriptions that you find upon your Praetor's Seat, were put there by Weavers, Victuallers, or the vile Rabble, and not by the first and most powerful Men of Rome? From other Praetors indeed they expect Largesses, ●nd Shows, and Gladiators, but from you they claim, as an hereditary Debt, the extirpation of Tyranny; they are all ready to suffer any thing on your account, if you will but show yourself such as they think you are, and expect you should be. Which said, he fell upon Brutus, and embraced him, and after this they parted each to try their several Friends.  
Among those of Pompey's Faction, there was one Caius Ligarius, whom Caesar had pardoned tho' accused for having been in Arms against him. This Man, not being so thankful for having been forgiven, as stomaching that Power which made him need a Pardon, hated Caesar, but was one of Brutus his most intimate Friends. Him Brutus visited and finding him sick, O Lygarius, says he, what a time have you found out to be sick in? At which words Ligarius raising himself and leaning on his Elbow, took Brutus by the Hand, and said, But, O Brutus, if you are on any Design worthy of yourself, I am well. From this time they tried the Inclinations of all their Acquaintance that they durst trust, and communicated the Secret to them, and took also into the Conspiracy not only their familiar Friends, but as many as they believed bold and brave, and despisers of Death. For which Reason they concealed the Plot from Cicero, tho' he was very much trusted, and as well beloved by them all, le●t to his own Disposition, which was naturally timorous, adding the wariness and caution of old Age, and weighing every Particular, that he might not make one step without the greatest security, he should blunt the edge of their forwardness and resolution, in a Business which required all the dispatch imaginable.  
There were also two others that were Companions of Brutus; Statilius the Epicurean, and Favonius, a Follower of Cato, whom he left out of the Conspiracy for this Reason: As he was discoursing one day with them at a distance, and proposing some Questions to be disputed of, as among Philosophers, to try what opinion they were of, Favonius declared his Judgement to be, that a Civil War was worse than the most unjust Tyranny: And Statilius held, that to bring himself into Troubles and Danger, upon the account of evil or foolish men, did not become a man that had any Wisdom or Discretion. But Labeo, that was present, contradicted them both; and Brutus, as if it had been an intricate Dispute, and difficult to be decided, held his peace for that time; but afterwards discovered the whole Design to Labeo, who readily undertaking it, the next thing that was thought convenient, was to gain the other Brutus, surnamed Albinus, a man of himself of no great Bravery or Courage, but considerable for the number of Gladiators that he bred up for the public Shows, and the great confidence that Caesar put in him. When Cassius and Labeo discoursed with him concerning this Matter, he gave them no Answer; but meeting Brutus himself alone, and finding that he was their Captain, ●he readily consented to partake in the Action, and the very Name of Brutus brought many others, and those of the best Quality, over to the Conspirators: who tho' they neither gave or took any Oath of Secrecy, nor used any other sacred Rite, to assure their Fidelity to each other, yet all kept their Design so close, were so wary, and managed it so silently among themselves, that tho' by Prophecies, and by wonderful Apparitions and Prodigies, and by the Entrails of sacrificed Beasts, the Gods gave warning of the Conspiracy, yet could it not be believed.  
Now Brutus considering that the greatest Men of all Rome for Virtue, Birth or Courage, depended wholly upon him, and surveying with himself all the Dangers they were to encounter, strove as much as possible, when abroad, to keep his uneasiness of Mind to himself, and compose his unquiet Thoughts; but at home, and especially at Night, he was not the same Man, but sometimes his working Care would make him start out of his Sleep, and other times he was so taken up with Thoughts, and so perplexed in his Mind, that his Wise that lay with him could not choose but take notice that he was full of unusual Trouble, and had in Agitation some dangerous and difficult Affair. Porcia, as was before said, was the Daughter of Cato; and Brutus, tho' her Cousin-german, had married her very young, tho' not a Maid, but after the Death of her former Husband, by whom she had one Son that was named Bibulus; and there is a little Book called, The Memoirs of Brutus, written by him, yet extant. This Porcia being addicted to Philosophy, a great lover of her Husband, and full of Courage and Prudence, resolved not to inquire into Brutus his Secrets, before she had made this trial of herself: She turned all her Attendants out of her Chamber, and taking a little Knife, such as they use to cut Nails with, she gave herself a deep gash in the Thigh, upon which followed a great Flux of Blood, and soon after violent pains, and a dangerous Fever, occasioned by the anguish of the Wound. Now when Brutus was mightily afflicted for her, she in the height of all her pain spoke thus to him: I, Brutus, being the Daughter of Cato, was given to you in Marriage, not like a Concubine, to partake only in the common Civilities of Bed and Board, but to bear a part in all your good and all your evil Fortunes: and for my part, when I look upon you, I find no Reason to repent the Match; but from me, what Evidence of my Love, what satisfaction can you receive, if I may not share with you in bearing your most hidden Griefs, nor be admitted to any of your Counsels that require Secrecy and Trust? I know very well that Women seem to be of too weak a Nature to be trusted with Secrets; but certainly, Brutus, a virtuous Birth and Education, and a Conversation with the Good and Honourable, are of some force to the forming our Manners, and strengthening our natural weakness. And I▪ can boast, that I am the Daughter of Cato, and the Wife of Brutus; in which two great Titles, tho' before I put too little confidence, yet now I have tried myself, and find, that even against Grief and Pain itself I am invincible. Which words having spoke, she showed him her Wound, and related to him the whole trial that she had made of her own Constancy: At which he being astonished, lifted up his Hands to Heaven, and begged the assistance of the Gods in his Enterprise, that he might live to be a Husband worthy of such a Wife, as Porcia. So having comforted his Wife, he left her.  
A Meeting of the Senate being appointed, at which it was generally believed that Caesar would be present, the Conspirators agreed to make use of that Opportunity: For than they might appear all together without suspicion; and besides they had hopes that all the noblest and leading Men of the Commonwealth, that would be then assembled, as soon as the great Deed was done, would immediately appear for them, and assert the common Liberty. The very Place too where the Senate was to meet, seemed to be, by divine appointment, favourable to their purpose: it was a Porch, that had one Nich towards the Theatre, in which there stood a Statue of Pompey, erected to him by the Commonwealth, when it adorned that part of the City with the Porticoes and the Theatre. To this place it was that the Senate was called on the Ides of March; so that some God seemed to bring Caesar thither, to revenge upon him the Death of Pompey.  
As soon as it was Day, Brutus taking with him a Dagger, which none but his Wife knew of, went abroad: the rest met together at Cassius his House, and brought forth his Son, that was that day to put on the Manly Gown, as it was called, into the Forum; and from thence going all to Pompey's Porch, stayed there, and expected the coming of Caesar to the Senate. Here it was chiefly that any one who had known what they had purposed, would have admired the unconcerned Temper, and the steady Resolution of these men, in the most dangerous Undertaking; for many of them being Praetors, and by their Office obliged to judge and determine Causes, did not only hear calmly all that made any Application to them, or had any Suits depending before them, as if they were free from all other Thoughts, but decided Causes with as much Accuracy and Judgement, as they had heard them with Attention and Patience. And when one Person refused to stand to the Award of Brutus, and with great Clamour and many Attestations appealed to Caesar, Brutus looking round about him upon those that were present, said, Caesar does not hinder me, nor shall he hinder me from doing according to the Laws. Yet there were many unusual Accidents that disturbed them, and by mere chance were thrown in their way: The first and chiefest was, The long stay of Caesar, tho' the Day was far spent, and his being detained at home by his Wife, and forbidden by the Soothsayers to go forth upon some Defect that appeared in his Sacrifice. Another was this, There came a Man up to Casca, one of the Conspirators, and taking him by the Hand, You concealed, said he, the Secret from us, but Brutus has told me all. At which words when Casca was surprised, the other said laughing, How come you to be so rich of a sudden, that you should stand to be chosen Aedile? So near was Casca to have discovered the Secret, being deceived by the Ambiguity of the others Discourse. Then Popilius Lena, a Senator, having saluted Brutus and Cassius very obligingly, whispered them softly in the Ear, and said, My Wishes are with you, that you may accomplish what you design, and I advise you to make no delay, for the thing is now no Secret. This said, he parted, and left them in a great Consternation, suspecting that the Design had taken Vent. In the mean while there came one in all haste from Brutus his House, and brought him News that his Wife was dead: For Porcia being extremely disturbed with Expectation of the Event, and not able to bear the greatness of her Cares, could scarce keep herself within Doors; and at every little Noise or Voice she heard, leaping forth, and starting suddenly, like one of the mad Priestesses of Bacchus, asked every one that came to the Forum, What Brutus was doing? and continually sent one Messenger after another to inquire. At last, after long Expectation, the strength of her Body could hold out no longer, but overcome with her Doubts and Fears, she fainted away. She had not time to betake herself to her Chamber, for as she was sitting amongst her Women, a sudden want of Spirits, and a great Stupidness seized her, and her Colour changed, and her Speech was quite lost. At this Sight her Women made a great and lamentable Outcry, and many of the Neighbours running to Brutus his House, to know what was the matter, the Report was soon spread abroad that Porcia was dead; tho' she recovered in a little while, and came to herself again. When Brutus received this News, he was extremely troubled, nor without Reason, yet was not so carried away by his private Grief, as to neglect the public Concern: for now News was brought that Caesar was coming, carried in a Sedan; for being discouraged by the ill Omens that attended his Sacrifice, he had determined to undertake no Affairs of any great Importance that day, but to defer them till another time, pretending that he was sick. As soon as he came out of his Sedan, Popilius Laena, he who but a little before had wished Brutus good Success in his undertaking, coming up to him, discoursed a great while, with him, Caesar standing still all the while, and seeming to be very attentive. The Conspirators not being able to hear what he said, but guessing, by what themselves were conscious of, that this Conference was the discovery of their Treason, were strangely dejected, and looking upon one another, agreed from each others Countenances, that they should not stay to be taken, but should all kill themselves. And now when Cassius and some others were laying hands upon their Daggers under their Robes, and were drawing them out, Brutus viewing narrowly the Looks and Gesture of Laena, and finding that he was earnestly petitioning, and not accusing, said nothing, because there were many Starngers to the Conspiracy mingled amongst them, but with a cheerful Countenance encouraged Cassius. And after a little while, Laena having kissed Caesar's Hand, went away, showing plainly, that all his Discourse was about some particular Business relating to himself.  
Now when the Senate was gone in before to the Place where they were to sit, some of the Conspirators got close to Caesar's Chair, pretending they had some Suit to make to him, and Cassius turning his Face to Pompey's Statue, is said to have invoked it, as if it had been sensible of his Prayers; Trebonius in the mean while drew Antony towards the Door, and kept him in Talk without the Court. Caesar now entered, and the whole Senate rose up to him: As soon as he was sat down, they all seemingly very officious crowded round about him, and set Tullius Cimber, one of their own Number, to intercede in behalf of his Brother that was banished; they all joined their Prayers with his, and took Caesar by the Hand, and kissed his Head and his Breast. But he rejecting at first their Supplications, and afterwards, when he saw they would not desist, violently rising up, Tullius with both Hands catched hold of his Robe, and pulled it off from his Shoulders, and Casca that stood behind him, drawing his Dagger, gave him the first, but a slight Wound, about the Shoulder. Caesar presently snatching hold of the Handle of the Dagger and crying out aloud in Latin, Villain Casca what dost thou? He in Greek calling to his Brother, bade him come and help Now being wounded by a great many Hands, and looking round about him to see if there was any way to escape, as soon as ever he spied Brutus with his Dagger drawn against him he let go Casca's Hand, that he had hold on, and covering his Head with his Robe, gave up his Body to the barbarous Murderers. They so eagerly pressed towards the Body, and so many Daggers were hacking together, that the Conspirators cut one another; Brutus porticularly received a Wound in his Hand, and all of them were besmeared with Blood.  
Caesar being thus slain, Brutus stepping forth into the middle of the Senate-house, intended to have made a Speech, and called back, and encouraged the Senators to stay; but they all frighted, ran away in great Disorder, and there was a great Confusion and Press of People about the Gate, tho' none pursued or followed; for they had firmly resolved to kill no Body besides Caesar, but to call and invite all the rest to Liberty. It was indeed the opinion of all the others, when they consulted about the Execution of their design, that it was necessary to cut off Antony with Caesar, looking upon him as an insolent Man, an affecter of Monarchy, and one that had gained a powerful Interest by his conversation and acquaintance in the Army. And this they urged the rather, because at that time, to the natural Ambition and Haughtiness of his Temper, there was added the Dignity of being Consul and Colleague to Caesar. But Brutus opposed this Counsel, insisting first upon the Injustice of it, and afterwards giving them hopes that a great change might be worked in Antony. For he did not despair, but that Caesar being taken off, so honourable a Man and such a Lover of Glory as Antony, stirred up with Emulation of their great Attempt, would lay hold of this occasion to be a joint restorer with them, of the Liberty of his Country. Thus did Brutus save Antony's life, but he in the general consternation put himself into a Plebeian habit and fled. But Brutus and his Party betook themselves to the Capitol, and in their way showing their hands all bloody, and their naked Swords, and proclaiming Liberty to the People. At the first all Places were filled with Lamentation, and the wild running too and fro occasioned by the sudden surprise and passion that every one was in, made a great Tumult in the City. But no other Murder following and no Man being spoiled of his Goods, the Senators and many of the People took courage and went up to the Conspirators in the Capitol: And a multitude being gathered together, Brutus made an Oration to them very Popular, and proper for the State that affairs were then in. Therefore when they applauded his Speech and cried out to him to come down, they all took confidence and descended into the Forum; the rest were promiscuously mingled with one another; but many of the most eminent quality attending Brutus, conducted him between them with great splendour from the Capitol, and placed him in the Rostrum. At the Sight of Brutus the Rabble, though consisting of a confused mixture, and all disposed to make a Tumult, were struck with Reverence and expected what he would say, with order and with silence: and when he began to speak, heard him with all imaginable quiet and attention. But that all were not pleased with this action, they plainly showed when Cinna beginning to speak, and accuse Caesar, they broke out into a sudden rage, and railed at him in such opprobrious Language, that the Conspirators thought fit again to withdraw to the Capitol. And there Brutus expecting to be besieged, dismissed the most Eminent of those that had accompanied them thither, not thinking it just that they who were not partakers of the fact should share in the danger. But the next day the Senate being assembled in the Temple of Tellus, and Antony and Plancus and Cicero, having made Orations to move the People to forget what was past, and to be mutually reconciled, it was decreed, that the Conspirators should not only be put out of all fear or danger, but that the Consuls should take care of what Honours, and Dignities were proper to be conferred upon them. After which done, the Senate broke up; and Antony having sent his Son as an Hostage to the Capitol, Brutus and his Company came down, and mutual Salutes, and Invitations passed between them and the whole Company that were gathered together: Antony invited and entertained Cassius, Lepidus did the same to Brutus, and the rest were invited and treated by others, as each of them had either acquaintance or friends, among the People.  
As soon as it was day, the Senate ordered thanks to Antony, for having stifled the beginning of a Civil War: afterwards Brutus and his Associates that were present received the thanks of the Senate, and had Provinces assigned, and distributed among them. Crete was allotted to Brutus, Africa to Cassius, Asia to Trebonius, Bythinia to Cimber, and to the other Brutus, that part of Gallia, that lay about the River Po. After these things, they began to consider of Caesar's Will, and the ordering of his Funeral; Antony desired that the Will might be read, and that the Body should not have a private or dishonourable Interment, lest that should further exasperate the People: This Cassius violently opposed, but Brutus yielded to it, and gave leave; in which he seems to have a second time miscarried: For as before in sparing the Life of Antony, he could not be without some blame from his Party, in setting up a violent Enemy against the Conspiracy; so now in suffering him to have the ordering of the Funeral, he fell into a total and irrecoverable Error. For first, it appearing by the Will, that Caesar had bequeathed to the Roman People three hundred Sesterces a Man, and given to the Public his Gardens beyond Tiber, (where now the Temple of Fortune stands) the whole City was fired with a wonderful affection for him, and a passionate sense of the loss of him. And afterwards when the Body was brought forth into the Forum; Antony, as the custom was, making a Funeral Oration in the Praise of Caesar, and finding the multitude moved with his Speech, to stir them up yet farther to Compassion, unfolded the bloody Garment of Caesar, showed them in how many places it was pierced, and exposed to their view the number of his Wounds. Now there was nothing to be seen but Confusion, some cried out to kill the Murderers, others (as was formerly done when Clodius was Tribune of the People) tore away the Benches and Tables out of the Shops round about, and heaping them all together, built a great Funeral Pile, and having put the Body of Caesar upon it, set it on fire. The place wherein this was done, was surrounded with a great many Temples and other consecrated houses, so that they seemed to burn the Body in a kind of Sacred Solemnity: As soon as the fire flamed out, the multitude flocking in, some from one part, and some from anoother, snatched the brands that were half burnt out of the Pile, and ran about the City to fire the houses of the Murderers of Caesar. But they having beforehand well fortified themselves escaped this danger.  
There was a kind of a Poet, one Cinna, not at all concerned in the guilt of the Conspiracy, but on the contrary one of Caesar's friends: This man dreamt that he was invited to Supper by Caesar, and that he denied to go, but that the Emperor entreated, and pressed him to it very earnestly; and at last taking him by the hand led him into a very deep and dark place, whither he was forced against his will to follow, in great Consternation and Amazement. After this Vision he had a Fever the most part of the Night, nevertheless in the morning hearing that the body of Caesar was to be carried forth to be Interred, he was ashamed not to be present at the Solemnity; but came abroad, and mingled himself with the People that was thus stirred up, and enraged by the Speech of Antony. The multitude perceiving him, and taking him not for that Cinna, (who indeed he was) but for him that a little before in a Speech to the People had reproached and inveighed against Caesar, fell upon him and tore him to pieces. This Action chiefly, and the alteration that Antony had wrought, so alarmed Brutus and his Party, that for their safety they retired from the City: The first stay they made was at Antium, with a design to return again as soon as the fury of the People had spent itself and was abated; which they expected would soon and easily come to pass, in an unsettled Multitude, apt to be carried away with such sudden, and impetuous Passion, especially since they had the Senate so favourable to them: Which though it took no notice of those that had torn Cinna to pieces, yet made a strict search, and apprehended in order to punishment those that had assaulted the houses of the Conspirators. By this time also the People began to be dissatisfied with Antony, who they perceived, was setting up a kind of Monarchy for himself; they longed for the return of Brutus, whose Presence they expected, and hoped for at the Games, and Spectacles, which he, as Praetor, was to exhibit to the public. But he having intelligence that many of the old Soldiers that had boar Arms under Caesar, by whom they had had Lands and Colonies given them, lay in wa 〈…〉 for him and by small Parties at a time had stolen into the City, would not venture to come himself; however in his Absence, there were most magnisicent and costly Shows exhibited to the People; for having bought up a great number of all sorts of wild Beasts, he gave positive order, that not any of them should be returned or ●av'd, but that all should be killed at the Public Spectacles: He himself made a Journey to Naples, to procure a considerable number of Comedians; and hearing of one Canutius, that was very much wried up for his acting upon the Stage, he writ to his Friends, to use all their entreaties to bring him to Rome (for being a Grecian, he could not be compelled; he writ also to Cicero, begging him by no means to omit being present at the public Shows.  
This was the posture of Affairs, when another sudden alteration was made upon Octavius his coming to Rome; he was Son to the Sister of Caesar, who adopted him, and le●t him his 〈◊〉 by his Will. At the time when the Murder was committed, he was following his Studies at Apollonia, where he stayed expecting to meet Caesar, in his expedition which he had designed against the Parthians; but hearing of his Death he immediately came to Rome, and to ingratiate himself with the People, taking upon himself the name of Caesar, and punctually distributing among the Citizens the Money that was left them by the Will, he soon got the better of Antony; and by Money and Largesses, which he liberally dispersed amongst the Soldiers, gathered together, and brought over to his Party, a great number of those that had served under Caesar. Cicero himself, out of the hatred which he bore to Antony, sided with Octavius; which Brutus took so ill, that he treated him very sharply in his Letters, telling him, That he perceived Cicero could well enough endure a Tyrant, but was afraid that he who hated him should be the Man; that in writing and speaking so well of Octavius, he showed that his only aim was to enjoy an Easy, and a Gentle Slavery: But our Forefathers (said Brutus) could not brook even gentle Masters. Further he added, That for his own part he had not as yet fully resolved, whether he should make War or Peace: But that as to one point he was fixed and settled, which was never to be a Slave; that he wondered Cicero should fear the danger of a Civil War, and not be much more afraid of a dishonourable, and infamous Peace: That all he could hope for in destroying the Tyranny of Antony, was to make Octavius the Tyrant. And this is the Substance of Brutus his first Letters to Cicero.  
The City being now divided into two Factions, some betaking themselves to Caesar, and others to Antony, the Soldiers selling themselves, as it were, by public Outcry, and going over to him that would give them most; Brutus began to despair of any good event of such Proceedings, and resolving to leave Italy, passed by land through Leucania, and came to Elea by the Seaside. From hence it was thought convenient, that Porcia should return to Rome; she was overcome with grief to part from Brutus, but strove as much as was possible to conceal it; but in spite of all her manly Resolutions, a Picture which she found there accidentally betrayed it. The Story of it was that parting of Hector from Andromache, when he went to engage the Greeks, giving his young Son Astyanax into her Arms, and she fixing her Eyes upon him, with an earnest and affectionate look. As soon as she espied this Piece, the Resemblance it bore to her own concern, made her burst out into Tears, and several times a day she walked where that Picture hung to gaze at it, and weep before it. Upon this occasion, when Acilius one of Brutu's Friends repeated out of Homer these Verses, wherein Andromache speaks to Hector.  

Be careful Hector, for with Thee my All,  
My Father, Mother, Brother, Husband fall.   
Brutus smiling replied. But I must not answer Porcia, as Hector did Andromache.  
Mind you your Wheel, and to your Maids give Law.  
For tho' the natural weakness of her body hinders her from acting what only the strength of Men can perform, yet she has a mind as valiant, and as active for the good of her Country as the best of us. This Relation is in the Memoirs of Brutus, written by Bibulus, Porcias' Son.  
Brutus took Ship from hence, and sailed to Athens; where he was received by the People, with great demonstrations of kindness, which they expressed in their loud Acclamations, and the Honours that were decreed him by the Public. He lived there with one that had been formerly his Guest, and was a constant Auditor of Theomnestus the Academic, and Cratippus the Peripatetic, with whom he was so engaged in a Philosophical Conversation, that he seemed to have laid aside all thoughts of public Business, and that he might be wholly at Leisure for Study and Philosophy. But all this while being unsuspected he was secretly making preparation for War; in order to which he sent Herostratus into Macedonia, to bring over the Commanders that were there to his side, and he himself caressed and won upon the Affections of all the young Roman Gentlemen, that were then Students at Athens. Of this number was Cicero's Son, whom he every where highly extolled, and said, that Whether sleeping or waking, he could not choose but admire a young Man of so great a Spirit, and such a Hater of Tyrants.  
At length he began to act openly, and to appear in public Business; and being informed that there were several Roman Ships very richly Laded, that in their course from Asia, were to touch at Athens, and that they were Commanded by one of his Friends; he went to meet him about Carystus: Finding him there, and having persuaded him to deliver up the Ships, he made a very splendid Entertainment, for it happened to be his Birthday. Now when they came to drink somewhat briskly, and were making Libations for Victory to Brutus and Liberty to Rome, Brutus to animate them the more called for a larger Bowl, and holding it in his hand upon no occasion or Forethought on a sudden pronounced aloud this Verse.  

Fate and Apollo against me Conspire.   
Some Historians write that in the last Battle which he fought at Philippi, the Word that he gave to the Soliers was Apollo, and from thence conclude that this sudden unaccountable Exclamation of his was a Presage of the great Overthrow that he suffered there.  
Antistius, the Commander of these Ships, at his parting gave him 500000 Sesterces of the Money that he was conveying to Italy. And all the Remains of Pompey's Army, which after their General's Defeat wandered about Thessaly, readily, and joyfully joined themselves to Brutus. Besides this he took from Cinna five hundred Horse that he was carrying to Dolabella into Asia. After that he sailed to Demetrias, and there seized a great quantity of Arms, that had been provided by the command of Julius Caesar for the Parthian War, and were now designed to be sent to Antony. Then was Macedonia put into his hands, and delivered up by Hortensius the Praetor, and all the Kings and Potentates round about willingly offered themselves to join with him. When news was brought that Caius the Brother of Antony having passed through Italy, was marched on directly to join the Forces that Gabinius Commanded in Dyrrachium, and Apollonia. Brutus' designed to prevent him, and to seize them first, and in all haste moved forwards with those that he had about him; his march was very difficult, through rugged places, and in a great Snow, but so swift, that he had left those that were to bring his Provisions a great way behind. And now being very near to Dyrrachium, with weariness and cold, he fell into a Distemper called Bulimia, or Violent Hunger: This is a Disease that seizes both Men and Cattle, after much labour, and especially in a great Snow: Whether it is caused by the natural Heat, which when the Body is seized with cold, is forced all inwards and suddenly consumes all the Nourishment laid in; or whether the sharp and subtle Vapour, which comes from the Snow as it dissolves, cuts the body, as it were, and destroys the Heat, which is thence dispersed throw the Pores; for the Sweatings which are frequent in this Distember, seem to arise from the Heat metting with the cold, and being quenched by it, in the Superficies of the Body. But of this I have in another place discoursed more at large. Brutus growing very faint, and there being none in the whole Army that had any thing for him to eat, his Servants were forced to have recourse to the Enemy, and going as far as to the very Gates of the City, begged Bread of the Sentinels that were upon Duty. As soon as they heard of the sad Estate of Brutus, they came themselves, and brought both Meat and Drink along with them; for which act of Humanity Brutus, when he took the City, showed all Kindness and Civility, not to them only, but to all the rest of the inhabitants for their Sakes.  
Caius Antonius being now arrived at Apollonia, summoned all the Soldiers that were near that City to join him there; but finding that they nevertheless went all to Brutus. and suspecting that even those of Apollonia, were inclined to the same Party, he quitted that City, and come to Buthrotus; having first lost three Companies of his Men, that in their march thither, were cut to pieces by Brutus. After this he attempting to make himself Master of some strong places, about Byllis, which the Enemy had first seized; he was overcome in a set Battle by young Cicero, to whom Brutus gave the Command of the Army that day, and whose Conduct he made use of often, and with great Success. Caius Antonius was surprised in a Marshy Place, from whence he could not retire; and Brutus having him in his Power, would not suffer his own Soldiers to fall upon those of the Enemy; but encompassing them with his Horse, gave command that none of them should be killed, for that in a little time they would all be of his side; which accordingly came to pass, for they surrendered both themselves and their General: So that Brutus had by this time a very great and considerable Army. He showed all Marks of Honour and Esteem to Caius Antonius for a long time, nor took any of his Titles or Dignities away, tho' as some report he had several Letters from Rome, and particularly from Cicero, advising him to put him to Death. But at last Brutus perceiving that he began to hold private Consults, and corrupt his Officers, and was raising a sedition amongst the Soldiers he put him aboard a Ship, and kept him close Prisoner. In the mean time the Soldiers that had been corrupted by Caius, had retired to Apollonia, and sent word to Brutus, desiring him to come to them thither. He answered that this was not the custom of the Romans, but that it became those who had offended to come themselves to their General, and beg forgiveness of their Crimes; which they did and accordingly received their Pardon.  
As he was preparing to pass into Asia, there was an account brought to him of the Alteration that had happened at Rome, where the young Caesar assisted by the Senate, in opposition to Antony, was got into great Power. And having now thrown his Competitor out of Italy, began himself to be very formidable: Suing for the Consulship contrary to Law, and maintaining a great Army, of which the Commonwealth had no manner of need. At length perceiving that the Senate dissatisfied with his Proceedings, began to cast their Eyes abroad upon Brutus, and decreed and confirmed the Government of several Provinces to him, he was in some apprehension of danger. Therefore dispatching Messengers to Antony, he desired that there might be a Reconciliation, and a strict Friendship between them. Then drawing all his Forces about the City he made himself be chosen Consul, tho' he was but very young, being scarce Twenty years old, as he himself writes in his Commentaries. At his first entry upon the Consulship he immediately ordered a Judicial Process to be issued out against Brutus, and his Accomplices, for having Murdered the greatest Man, and the highest Magistrate of Rome, without being heard or condemned; and appointed L. Cornificius to accuse Brutus, and M. Agrippa to accuse Cassius. None appearing to Plead their Cause, the Judges were forced to pass Sentence and condemn them both. It is reported, that when the Crier (as the custom was) with a loud voice cited Brutus to appear, the People could not keep in their sighs, and those of the best quality hung down their Heads for Grief. Publius Silicius was seen to burst out into Tears, which was the cause that not long after he was put down in the List of those that were Proscribed. Now the Triumvirs, Caesar, Antony and Lepidus, being perfectly reconciled shared the Provinces among themselves, and made up the Catalogue of Proscription wherein were set down those that were designed for Slaughter, amounting to two hundred Men, to which number Cicero was slain. This news being brought to Brutus in Macedonia, he was forced to send orders in Hortensius, that he should kill Caius Antonius, in revenge of the Death of Cicero his Friend, and Decius Brutus his near Kinsman, who also was proscribed and slain. Upon this account it was that Antony having afterwards taken Hortensius in the Battle of Philippi, Slew him upon his Brothers Tomb. But Brutus expressed himself more ashamed for the cause of Cicero's death, than grieved for the misfortune of it, and could not help accusing his friends at Rome, that they were Slaves more through their own Fault, than those that Lorded over them: That could see and be present, and yet suffer those things, which even to hear related, aught to them to have been insufferable.  
Now Brutus having made his Army, that was already very considerable, pass into Asia; ordered a Fleet to be made ready in Bythinia, and Cyzicum for them to embark in: But himself going the way by Land, took care to settle and confirm to himself all the Cities, and gave Audience to the Princes of the Parts, through which he passed; and sent orders to Cassius into Syria to come to him, and leave his intended Journey into Egypt; letting him understand that it was not to gain an Empire for themselves, but to free their Country, that they went thus wand'ring about, and had got an Army together, whose business it was to destroy Tyrants: That therefore, if they remembered and resolved to persevere in their first intentions, they ought not to be too far from Italy, but to make what hast they could thither, and endeavour to relieve their fellow-Citizens from Oppression.  
Cassius obeyed his Summons, and returned; and Brutus went to meet him: And at Smyrna they both met; which was the first time they had seen one another since they parted at the Piraeum in Athens; one for Syria, and the other for Macedonia. They were both overjoyed, and raised to the highest degree of Confidence of their Success, from the Forces that each of them had got together: Since they who had fled from Italy, like the most despicable Exiles, without Money, without Arms, without a Ship, or a Soldier, or a City to rely on, in a little time after had met together, so well furnished with Shipping and Money, and an Army both of Horse and Foot, that they were in a condition to contend for the Empire of Rome. Cassius was desirous to show as much Respect and Honour to Brutus, as Brutus did to him: But Brutus still prevented him, for the most part coming to him, both because he was the elder Man, and of a more weak Constitution than himself. Men generally reckoned Cassius a very expert Soldier, but of a harsh and angry Nature, and one that desired to Command rather by fear than love; though on the other side among his Familiar Acquaintance he was given to scurrilous Jesting, and loved to play the Buffoon. But Brutus, for the sake of his Virtue, was esteemed by the People, beloved by his Friends, admired by the best Men, and hated by none, no, not his Enemies themselves: For he was a Man of an extraordinary mild Nature, of a great Spirit, insensible of the Passions of Anger, or Pleasure, or Covetousness; steady and inflexible in his Opinion, and zealous for what ever he thought right and honest. And that which gained him the greatest Credit and Reputation among the People, was their belief, that his designs in this whole Undertaking were honourable and just. For they could not hope, that even Pompey the Great himself, if he had overcome Caesar, would have submitted his Power to the Laws, but would have ever managed the Public Affairs himself; only soothing the People with the specious name of Consul or Dictator, or some other milder Title than King.  
But they thought that Cassius, being a Man governed by Anger and Passion, and carried often by his covetous Humour beyond the bounds of Justice; endured all these hardships of War, and Travel, and Danger, rather to obtain Dominion to himself, than Liberty to the People. And as for the former disturbers of the Peace of Rome, whether a Cinna, a Marius, or a Carbo, it is manifest that they having set their Country as a stake for him that should win, did almost own in express terms, that they sought for Empire. But even the Enemies of Brutus can't lay this accusation to his charge: Nay, many have heard Antony himself say, That Brutus was the only Man that Conspired against Caesar, out of a sense of the Glory and Justice of the Action; but that all the rest rose up against the MAN, and not the TYRANT: from private Envy and Malice of their own. And it is plain, that Brutus (by what he writes himself) did not so much rely upon his Forces, as upon his own Virtue: For thus he speaks in his Epistle to Atticus, immediately before he was to engage with the Enemy. That his Affairs were in the best state of Fortune that he could wish; for that either he should overcome, and restore Liberty to the People of Rome, or die, and be himself free from Slavery. That other things being agreed upon and settled, one thing was yet in doubt, whether they should live or die Free Men. He adds further, That Marc Anthony had received a just Punishment for his Folly, who when he might have been numbered with Brutus, and Cassius, and Cato, would join himself to Octavius: That though they should not now be both overcome, they soon would fight among themselves. And in this he seems to have been no ill Prophet. Now, when they were at Smyrna, Brutus desired Cassius that he might have part of the great Treasure that Cassius had heaped up, because all his own was expended in furnishing out such a Fleet of Ships as was sufficient to keep all the Sea in their Power. But Cassius' Friends dissuaded him from this; for, said they, it is not just that the Money which you with so much Parsimony keep, and with so much Envy have got, should be given to him, to be disposed of in making himself Popular, and gaining the favour of the Soldiers. Notwithstanding which, Cassius gave him a third part of all that he had; and then they parted each to their several Commands. Cassius having taken Rhodes, behaved himself there with very great Cruelty; though at his first entry, when some had called him Lord and King; he answered, that he was neither King nor Lord, but the Destroyer and Punisher of a King and Lord. Brutus, on the other part, sent to the Lycians, to demand from them a supply of Money and Men; but Naucrates, a Popular Man among them, persuaded the City to Rebel; so that some of the Country possessed themselves of several little Mountains and Hills, with a design to hinder Brutus' passage: Brutus, at first, sent out a party of Horse, which surprising them at Dinner, killed 600 of them; and afterwards, having taken all their small Towns and Villages round about, he set all his Prisoners free without Ransom; hoping to win the whole Nation by his Clemency. But they continued obstinate; filled with anger for what they had suffered, and despising his Goodness and Humanity; till Brutus, having forced the most warlike of them into the City of Xanthus, besieged them there. Several endeavoured to make their escape by swimming and diving under the River, but were taken by Nets for that purpose let down, which had little Bells at the top, which gave present notice of any that was taken in them. The Xanthians after that, made a Sally in the Night, and seizing several of the Battering Engines, set them on fire; but being soon perceived by the Romans, were beaten back to their Wall; and there being a very violent Wind, it forced the flames to the Battlements of the City with such fierceness, that several of the adjoining Houses took fire. But Brutus, fearing lest the whole City should be destroyed, commanded his own Soldiers to assist those of the City, and to quench the fire. But the Lycians were on a sudden possessed with a strange and incredible despair; such a Frenzy which cannot be better expressed, than by calling it a violent desire to die; for both Women and Children, the Bondmen and the Free, those of all Ages, and of all Conditions, strove to force away the Soldiers, that came in to their Assistance from the Walls; and themselves gathering together Reeds and Wood, and whatever combustible matter they could, spread the fire over the whole City, feeding it with whatever fuel they could, and by all possible means exciting its fury; so that the flame having dispersed itself, and encircled the whole City, blazed out in so terrible a manner, that Brutus being extremely afflicted at their Calamity, got himself on Horseback, and rid round the Walls, earnestly desirous to preserve the City; and stretching forth his hands to the Xanthians, begged of them, that they would spare themselves, and save their Town. Yet none regarded his entreaties, but by all manner of ways strove to destroy themselves; not only Men and Women, but even Boys and little Children, with a hideous outcry some leaped into the fire, others threw themselves from the Walls, others fell upon their Parents Swords, opening their breasts, and desiring to be slain. After the Destruction of the City, there was found a Woman who had hanged herself, with her young Child hanging from her Neck, and the Torch in her hand with which she had fired her own House: It was so Tragical a sight, that Brutus could not endure to see it, but wept at the very relation of it; and proclaimed a Reward to any Soldier that could save a Xanthian. And it is said, that an hundred and fifty only were preserved, and that too against their wills. Thus the Xanthians, after a long space of years, the fatal period of their Destruction being, as it were, accomplished, by their desperate Courage, revived the memory of the Calamity of their forefathers, who after the very same manner in the Persian War had fired their City, and destroyed themselves.  
Brutus, after this, finding the Patarians resolved to make resistance, and hold out their City against him, was very unwilling to besiege it; and was in great perplexity lest the same Frenzy might seize them too. But having in his power some of their Women Captives, he dismissed them all without any Ransom; who returning, and giving an account to their Husbands and Fathers, who were of the greatest Quality, what an excellent Man Brutus was; how Sober, how Temperate, and how Just, persuaded them to yield themselves, and put their City into his hands. From this time, all the Cities round about came in to his Power, submitting themselves to him, and found him gracious and merciful, even beyond their hopes. For though Cassius at the same time had compelled the Rhodians to bring in all the Silver and Gold that each of 'em privately was Master of; by which he raised a Sum of eight thousand Talents, and besides that, condemned the Public to pay the Sum of five hundred Talents more. Yet Brutus, not having taken above a hundred and fifty Talents from the Lycians, and having done them no other manner of injury, parted from thence with his Army to jonia. Through the whole course of this Expedition, Brutus did many memorable Acts of Justice, in dispensing Rewards and Punishments to such as had deserved either: One of which I will relate, because he himself, and all the Nobility of Rome were pleased with it above all the rest. When Pompey the Great, being overthrown by Caesar, had fled to Egypt, and landed near Pelusium, the Protectors of the young King consulted among themselves, what was fit to be done on that Occasion, nor could all agree in the same Opinion; some being for receiving him, others for driving him from Egypt: But Theodotus, a Chian by birth, and a Mercenary Teacher of Rhetoric, then attending upon the King, and for want of better Men, being admitted into the Council, undertook to convince 'em, that both Parties were in the wrong; those that counselled to receive Pompey, and those that advised to send him away: That in their present case, one thing only was necessary, to seize him, and to slay him; and ended his Speech with the Proverb, That dead Men don't bite. The Council agreed to his Opinion, and Pompey the Great (an Example of incredible and unforeseen Events) was slain; and slain by the Rhetoric and Eloquence of Theodotus, as that Sophister himself had the impudence to boast. Not long after, when Caesar came to Aegyt, some of the Murderers received their just Reward, and were put to death, as they deserved. But Theodotus, though he had gained from Fortune a little time for a poor despicable and wand'ring Life; yet could not lie hid from Brutus, as he passed through Asia; but being seized by him, and executed, had his Death made more memorable than his Life.  
About this time Brutus sent to Cassius, to come to him at the City of Sardis; and, when he was on his Journey, went forth with his friends to meet him; and the whole Army being in array, saluted each of them with the Name of Emperor. Now (as it usually happens in business of great concern, and wherein many Friends, and many Commanders are engaged) several Jealousies of each other, and private Accusations having passed between Brutus and Cassius, they resolved, before they entered upon any other business, immediately to withdraw into some private Apartment; where the Door being shut, and they two alone, they began first to expostulate, then to dispute hotly, and accuse each other; after that from the liberty of speech and hard words, that passed between them, they were transported into Passion, and at last burst out into Tears. Their Friends, who stood without, were amazed, hearing them loud and angry, and feared lest some mischief might follow, but yet durst not interrupt them, being commanded not to enter the Room. But Marcus Favonius, one that had been a follower of Cato, and not so much for his Reason or Wisdom, as for his wild and frantic Carriage, would pass for a Philosopher, was rushing in upon them, but was hindered by the Attendants; but it was a hard matter to stop Favonius, where ever his wildness hurried him; for he was fierce and violent in all his behaviour: And though he was a Senator, yet thinking that one of the least of his Excellencies, he valued himself more upon a sort of Cynical liberty of speaking what he pleased; which sometimes was diverting enough to those that would interpret in jest his importunate scurrility. This Favonius breaking by force through those that kept the Doors, entered into the Chamber, and with a mimical voice pronounced this Verse that Homer makes Nestor use:  

Be ruled, for I am elder than you both.   
This made Cassius laugh; but Brutus thrust him out, calling him impudent and counterfeit Cynic; But yet for the present this put an end to their Dispute, and they both parted. Cassius made a Supper that Night, and Brutus invited his Friends thither; when they were sat down, Favonius having bathed, came in among them; Brutus called out aloud, and told him, that he was not invited, and bid him go sit at the lower end of the Table: But he violently thrust himself in, and sat down in the middle, where he diverted the whole Company all the time of their Entertainment with Drollery and Philosophy. The next day after, upon the accusation of the Sardians, Brutus publicly disgraced and condemned Lucius Pella, one that had been Censor of Rome, and employed in Offices of Trust by himself, for having embezzled the Public Money. This Action did not a little vex Cassius; for, but a few days before, two of his own Friends, being accused of the same Crime, he only in private admonished them; but in public absolved them, and continued them in their Office; and upon this occasion he accused Brutus of too much rigour and severity of Justice, in a time which required them to use more gentleness and favour. In Answer to this, Brutus' bid him remember the Ides of March (the day when they killed Caesar) who himself did neither vex nor grieve all Mankind, but was only the support and strength of those that did; he bid him consider, that if there was any colour for Justice to be neglected, it had been better to have suffered the injustice of Caesar's Friends, than to give impunity to their own; for then, said he, we could have been accused of Cowardice only; whereas now we are liable to the accusation of Injustice, after all our pain and dangers which we endure: By which we may perceive what was Brutus' purpose, and the Rule of all his Actions.  
About the time that they had designed to pass out of Asia into Europe, it was said, that a wonderful Apparition was seen by Brutus. He was naturally given to much Watching, and being used to great moderation in his Diet, and having perpetual Employment, he allowed but a very small portion of time for sleep: He never slept in the day time, and in the Night then only when all his business was finished, and when every one else being gone to rest, he had no body to discourse with him. But at this time the War being begun, having the whole state of it to consider of; and being very careful and solicitous of the Event, after his first sleep, which he took moderately just after Supper, he spent all the rest of the Night in managing his most urgent Affairs; which if he had dispatched in time, he employed himself in Reading, till the third Watch; at which time the Centurions and Tribunes were used o come to him for Orders. Thus one Night, before he passed out of Asia, he was very late all alone in his Tent, with a dim Light burning by him, all the rest of the Army being hushed and silent; and musing with himself, and very thoughtful, as he turned his Eye to the Door, he saw a terrible and strange Appearance of a prodigious and frightful Body coming towards him without speaking. Brutus boldly asked it, What art thou? Man or God? Or, upon what Business dost thou come to us? The Spirit answered, I am thy Evil Genius, Brutus: Thou shalt see me at Philippi. To which, Brutus, not at all disturbed, replied, Then I will see thee.  
As soon as the Apparition vanished, he called his Servants to him, who all told him, that they had neither heard any Voice, nor seen any Vision: From that time he continued watching, till the Morning; and then went to Cassius, and related to him the Apparition he had seen. He being bred up in the Principles of Epicurus' Philosophy, and being often used to dispute with Brutus concerning Matters of this Nature, spoke to him thus, upon this Occasion: Brutus, It is the Opinion of our Sect, that all that we feel or see, is not real and true; but that our Sense is a most slippery and deceitful thing: The Mind, which is more quick and subtle, moves and varies That into all manner of Ideas, which have no real existence in Nature, as readily as we imprint any form upon Wax; so that it is easy for the Soul of Man, which has in itself both that which forms, and that which is form, to vary it into what shapes it pleases. This is evident from the sudden changes of our Dreams, in which the imagination, upon very slight Principles, represents to us all sorts of Passions of the Soul, and appearances of things; for it is the nature of the Mind to be in perpetual motion, and that motion is our Imagination and Thought: But besides all this, in your case, the Body being tired and worn out with continual labours and cares, naturally works upon the Mind, and keeps it in suspense and trouble. But that there should be any such thing as Daemons or Spirits, or if there were, that they should have humane shape, or voice, or power, that can reach to us, is altogether improbable; though I confess I could wish that there were such Being's, that we might not rely upon our Arms only, and our Horses, and our Navy all which are so great and powerful, but might be confident of the assistance of the Gods also in this our most Sacred and Honourable Attempt.  
With such Discourses as these, Cassius in some manner settled and composed the mind of Brutus.  
As soon as the Army began to march from whence they were encamped, two Eagles flew to them, and lighted on the two first Ensigns, and continually followed the Soldiers, and were fed by them, till they came to Philippi, and there but one day before the Fight, they both flew away. Brutus had already reduced most of the Places and People of these Parts; but he marched on as far as to the Coasts of Thassos', that if there were any City, or Man of Power, that yet stood out, he might force them all to Subjection. In these Parts Norbanus was encamped, in a Place called The straits, near Symbolon: Him they surrounded in such sort, as they forced him to dislodge and quit the Place; and Norbanus narrowly escaped losing his whole Army; Caesar, by reason of his Sickness being left behind: For he had certainly been lost, had not Antony arrived to his Relief with such wonderful swiftness, that Brutus could not believe that he was come. Caesar came up to the Army ten days after. Brutus was encamped over against him, and Cassius over against Antony. The space between the two Armies, is called by the Romans, the Fields of Philippi. Never did two so great Roman Armies appear together ready to engage each other. The Army of Brutus was somewhat less in number than that of Caesar: But in the splendidness of their Arms, and richness of their Equipage, it did wonderfully exceed; for most of their Arms were of Gold and Silver, which Brutus had lavishly bestowed among them: For though in other things Brutus had accustomed his Commanders to use all Frugality and Moderation, yet he thought that the Riches which Soldiers carried about them in their Hands, and on their Bodies, would stir up the Ambition of those that were desirous of Glory; and make those that were covetous, and lovers of Gain, fight the more valiantly to preserve their Arms, which were their Estate.  
Caesar made a View and Lustration of his Army within his Trenches, and distributed only a little Corn, and but five Drachmas to each Soldier for their Sacrifice they were to make. But Brutus, either pitying this poverty, or disdaining this meanness of Spirit in Caesar, first, as the Custom was, made a general Muster and Lustration of his Army in the open Field, and then distributed a great number of Beasts for Sacrifice to every Band, and fifty Drachmas to every Soldier: So that in the Love of his Soldiers, and their readiness to fight for him, Brutus had much the advantage of Caesar. But at the time of Lustration, it is reported, that an unlucky Omen happened to Cassius; for one of his Officers presenting him with a Garland, that he was to wear at Sacrifice, gave it him with the inside outward: Farther, it is said, That some time before, at a certain solemn Procession, the Golden Image of Victory, which was carried before Cassius, fell down by a slip of him that carried it. Besides this, there appeared many Birds of Prey daily about the Camp; and several swarms of Bees were seen in a place within the Trenches, which Place the Soothsayers ordered to be shut out from the Camp, to remove the Superstition which insensibly began to prevail with even Cassius himself, in spite of his Epicurean Philosophy, but had wholly infected and subdued the Soldiers: From whence it was that Cassius was very unwilling to put all to the hazard of a present Battle; but advised rather to draw out the War till farther time; considering that they were stronger in Money and Provisions, but in the number and Men, inferior. But Brutus on the contrary, was still, as formerly, desirous to come with all speed to the decision of a Battle; that so he might either restore his Country to her Liberty, or else deliver from their Misery all those Men that he had harassed with the expenses, and the troubles and dangers of the War. And finding also his Light-Horse, in several Skirmishes, still to have had the better, he was the more encouraged and resolved: And some of the Soldiers having deserted, and gone to the Enemy, and others beginning to accuse and suspect one another, many of Cassius' Friends in the Council changed their Opinions to that of Brutus. But there was one of Brutus' Party, named Atellius, who opposed his Resolution, advising rather that they should tarry till the next Winter. And when Brutus asked him, In how much better a Condition he hoped to be a Year after? His Answer was, If I gain nothing else, yet I shall live so much the longer.  
Cassius was much displeased at this Answer; and among all the rest, Atellius was had in much disesteem for it: And it was presently resolved to give Battle the next day. Brutus that Night at Supper showed himself very cheerful and full of Hope; and entertained his Guests with Reasonings and Discourses of Philosophy, and afterwards went to his Rest. But Messala says, that Cassius supped privately with a few of his nearest Acquaintance; and that he appeared thoughtful and silent, contrary to his Temper and Custom. That after Supper, he took him earnestly by the hand, and speaking to him kindly, as his manner was, said in Greek, Bear witness for me, Messala, that I am brought into the same Necessity, as Pompey the Great was before me, of hazarding the Liberty of my Country upon one Battle: Yet ought we to be of Courage, relying on our good Fortune, which it were unjust to mistrust, though we have taken evil Counsels. These, Messala says, were the last words that Cassius spoke before he bade him farewell; and that he invited him to Supper with him the next Night, being his Birthday. As soon as it was Morning, the Signal of Battle, being a Scarlet Coat, was set out in Brutus' and Cassius' Camp, and they themselves met in the middle space between their two Armies: There Cassius spoke thus to Brutus, The Gods grant, O Brutus, that this day we may overcome, and that all the rest of our time we may live a happy Life together. But since the greatest of humane Concerns are the most uncertain; and since it will be very difficult for us ever to see one another again, if the Battle should go against us, tell me, what is your resolution concerning Flight and Death? Brutus' answered, When I was young, Cassius, and unskilful in Affairs, I was engaged, I know not how, into an Opinion of Philosophy, which made me accuse Cato for killing himself, as thinking it an irreligious act against the Gods, nor any way valiant among Men, not to submit to Divine Providence, nor to be able fearlessly to receive and undergo whatever ill shall happen, but to fly from it. But now in the midst of danger I am quite of another mind; for if Providence shall not dispose what we now undertake according to our wishes, I resolve to try no farther hopes, nor make any more preparations for War, but will die contented with my Fortune. For I already have given up my Life to the Service of my Country on the Ides of March; and all the time that I have lived since has been with Liberty and Honour.  
Cassius at these words smiled, and embracing Brutus, said, With these Resolutions let us go on upon the Enemy; for either we ourselves shall Conquer, or have no cause to fear those that do. After this, they discoursed among their Friends about the Ordering of the Battle: And Brutus desired of Cassius, that he might Command the Right Wing, though it was thought that this was more fit for Cassius, in regard both of his Age, and his Experience: Yet even in this Cassius complied with Brutus; and placed Messala with the valiantest of all his Legions, in the same Wing. Brutus immediately drew out his Horse, excellently well equipped, and took the same care of bringing up his Foot after them. Now Antony's Soldiers were casting a Trench from the Marsh by which they were encamped, to cut off Cassius' passage to the Sea. Caesar was at a distance in his Tent, not being able to be present himself, by reason of his Sickness; but his Soldiers not expecting that the Enemy would come to a set Battle, but only make some excursions with their Darts and light Arms to disturb those that were working in their Trenches, nor taking enough notice of them that were coming directly upon them, ready to give Battle, were amazed when they heard the confused, and the great outcry that came from the Trenches. In the mean while Brutus sent his Tickets, in which was the Word of Battle, to the Captains; and himself riding about to all the Troops, encouraged the Soldiers; but there were but few of them that understood the Word before they engaged, and the most of them not staying for it, with great fury and shouting ran upon the Enemy. This disorder caused a great confusion in the Army, and the Legions were scattered and dispersed one from another: That of Messala first, and afterwards the next went beyond the left Wing of Caesar; and having cut off, and passed that Wing, with the slaughter of not many of the Enemy, fell directly into Caesar's Camp. Octavius himself (as his own Commentaries show) had but just before been conveyed away, upon the persuasion of Artorius, one of his Friends, who had dreamt that he saw a Vision, which commanded Caesar to be carried out of the Camp. And it was believed that he was here slain; for the Soldiers had pierced his Litter, which was left empty, in many places with their Darts and Pikes. There was a great slaughter in the Camp that was taken, and two thousand Lacedæmonians that were newly come to the Assistance of Caesar, were all cut off together. The rest of the Army that had not gone round by the left Wing of Caesar, but had engaged his Front, easily overthrew them, being in great Consternation for the loss of their Camp, and slew upon the place three Legions; and being carried on with the stream of Victory, pursuing those that fled, fell into the Camp with them, Brutus himself being there. But they that were conquered, took the Advantage of what the conquerors did not consider; for they fell upon that part of the main Body, which they found shattered and unguarded, the right Wing being broke off from them, and furiously carried away in the pursuit; yet they could not break into the midst of their Battle, but were received with strong resistance and obstinacy: Yet they put to flight the left Wing, where Cassius commanded, being in great disorder, and ignorant of what had passed on the other Wing, and pursuing 'em to their Camp, they pillaged and destroyed it, though neither of their Generals were present. For Antony, as they say, to avoid the fury of the first Onset, had retired into the Marsh that was hard by; and Caesar was no where to be found after his being conveyed out of the Tents. But some of the Soldiers showed Brutus their Swords bloody, and pretended that they had killed him; describing his Person and his Age. Now, the midst of Brutus' Battle had routed all that resisted them with great slaughter; and Brutus was every where as plainly Conqueror, as on the other side Cassius was conquered. And this one mistake was the ruin of their Affairs, That Brutus did not come to the relief of Cassius, thinking that he, as well as himself, was Conqueror; and that Cassius did not expect the Relief of Brutus, thinking that he too was overcome. For a Proof that the Victory was on Brutus' side, Messala urges his taking of three Eagles, and many Ensigns of the Enemy, without losing any of his own. Brutus, now returning from the pursuit, after having destroyed Caesar's Camp, wondered that he could not see Cassius' Tent standing high, as it was wont, and appearing above the rest, nor any of the others appearing round about it. For they were immediately overturned and pillaged by the Enemy upon their first falling into the Camp. But some that had a more quick and discerning sight than the rest, acquainted Brutus that they saw a great deal of shining Armour, and Silver Targets moving to and fro about Cassius' Tents; and that they thought, that by their Number and their Armour, they could not be those that they left to Guard the Camp; but yet, that there did not appear so great a number of dead Bodies thereabouts, as is probable would have been after the defeat of so many Legions. This first made Brutus suspect Cassius' Misfortune; and leaving a Guard in the Enemy's Tent, called back those that were in the pursuit, and rallyed 'em together, to lead 'em to the relief of Cassius, who was now in this condition; First, he was angry at the first Onset, that Brutus his Soldiers made without the Word of Battle, or Command to Charge. Then after they had overcome, he was as much displeased to see them all rush on to the Plunder and Spoil, and neglect to surround and encompass the rest of the Enemy. Besides this, by his own delay and slowness, more than by the briskness and conduct of the Captains of the other side, he found himself hemmed in by the Right Wing of the Enemy, and all his Horse making with all hast their escape, and flying towards the Sea; the Foot also began to fly, which he perceiving, laboured as much as ever he could to hinder their flight, and bring them back; and snatching an Ensign out of the Hand of one that fled, he stuck it at his Feet, though he could hardly keep even his own Praetorian Band together: So that at last he was forced to fly with a few about him to a little Hill, that over-looked all the Plain. But he himself being weak sighted, discovered nothing, only the destruction of his Camp, and that with much difficulty; but they that were with him saw a great Body of Horse, sent by Brutus, moving towards him. Cassius believed these were Enemies, and in pursuit of him; and sent away Titinius (one of those that was with him) to learn what they were. As soon as Brutus' Horse saw him coming, and knew him to be a Friend, and a faithful Servant of Cassius, those of them that were his more familiar Acquaintance shouting out for joy, and alighting from their Horses, saluted and embraced him; and the rest road round about him in great Triumph and Noise through their excess of gladness at sight of him. But this was the occasion of the greatest mischief that could be: For Cassius really thought that Titinius had been taken by the Enemy, and cried out, Through too much fondness of Life, I have lived to endure the sight of my Friend taken by the Enemy before my face. After which words, he retired into a private Tent, taking along with him only Pindarus, one of his freedmen, whom he had reserved for such an Occasion ever since the unhappy Battle against the Parthians, where Crassus was slain. But he escaped that Misfortune; but now wrapping his loose Garment about his Head, he made his Neck bare, and held it forth to Pindarus, commanding him to strike; and his Head was found lying severed from his Body; but no Man ever saw Pindarus after this Murder, from which some suspected, that he had killed his Master without his Command. Soon after, they perceived who the Horsemen were, and saw Titinius crowned with Garlands, making what hast he could towards Cassius. But as soon as he understood by the Cries and Lamentations of his afflicted Friends, the unfortunate error and death of his General, he drew his Sword, and having very much accused and upbraided his own long stay, that had caused it, he slew himself. Brutus, as soon as he was assured of the Defeat of Cassius, made haste to him; but heard nothing of his Death, till he came near his Camp: Then having lamented over his Body, calling him, The last of all the Romans, saying, That it was impossible that the City should ever produce another man of so great a Spirit. He sent away the Body to be buried at Thassus, lest celebrating his Funeral within the Camp, might breed some disorder. He then gathered his Soldiers together, and comforted them; and seeing them destitute of all things necessary, he promised to every Man 2000 Drachmas, in recompense of what he had lost.  
They at these words took courage, and were astonished at the Magnificence of the gift; and waited upon him at his parting, with shouts and praises, magnifying him for the only General of all the four, who was not overcome in the Battle. And indeed he proved by his Actions that it was not without reason he believed he should Conquer; for with a few Legions he overthrew all that resisted him; and if all his Soldiers had fought, and the most of them had not passed beyond the Enemy in pursuit of the Plunder, it is very likely that he had utterly defeated them all. There fell of his side eight thousand Men, reckoning the Servants of the Army, whom Brutus called Brigas: And on the other side, Messala says, his Opinion is, that there were slain above twice that number; for which reason they were more out of Heart than Brutus, till a Servant of Cassius, named Demetrius, came in the Evening to Antony, and brought to him the Garment which he had taken from his Master's dead Body, and his Sword: At the sight of which they were so encouraged, that as soon as it was Morning, they drew out their whole Force into the Field, and stood in Battle-array against Brutus. But Brutus found both his Camps wavering and in disorder, (for his own being filled with Prisoners, required a Guard more strict than ordinary over 'em; and that of Cassius was much discontented at the change of their General; besides, some Envy and Hatred which those that were conquered bore to that part of the Army which were conquerors) wherefore he thought it convenient to put his Army in Array, but to abstain as much as he could from fight.  
All the Slaves that were taken Prisoners, of which there was a great number that behaved themselves not without suspicion among the Soldiers, he commanded to be slain; but of the Freemen and Citizens, some he dismissed, saying, That among the Enemy they were rather Prisoners than with him; for with them they were Captives and Slaves, but with him Freemen and Citizens of Rome. Others he was forced to hide, and help them to escape privately, perceiving that some of his Friends and Commanders were implacably bend upon Revenge against them. Among the Captives there was one Volumnius, a Mimic, and Sacculio, a Buffoon; of these Brutus took no manner of notice, but his Friends brought them before him, and accused them, that even then in that condition they did not refrain from their abusive Jests and scurrilous Language. Brutus having his Mind taken up with other Affairs, said nothing to their Accusation; but the judgement of Messala Corvinus was, That they should be whipped publicly upon a Scaffold, and so sent naked to the Captains of the Enemy, to show 'em what sort of Fellow-drinkers and Companions were fit for such Warriors. At this some that were present laughed; but Publius Casca, he that gave the first Wound to Caesar, said, That it was not decent to jest and make so merry at the Funerals of Cassius. But thou, O Brutus, says he, will show what esteem you have for the memory of that General, in punishing or preserving those that scoffed and spoke abusively of him. To this, Brutus, with great indignation, replied, Why then, Casca, do you tell me of this, and not do yourself what you think fitting? This Answer of Brutus was taken for his consent to the death of these wretched Men; so they were carried away and slain.  
After this, he gave the Soldiers the Reward that he had promised them; and having slightly reproved 'em for having fallen upon the Enemy in disorder, without the Word of Battle or Command: He promised 'em, that if they behaved themselves bravely in the next Engagement, he would give them up two Cities to spoil and plunder, Thessalonica and Lacedaemon. This is the only inexcusable fault in the Life of Brutus; though Antony and Caesar were much more cruel in the Rewards that they gave to their Soldiers after Victory: For they drove out almost all the old Inhabitants of Italy, to put their Soldiers in possession of other men's Lands and Cities; but indeed their only design and end in undertaking the War, was to obtain Dominion and Empire. But Brutus, for the reputation of his Virtue, could not either overcome or save himself but with Justice and Honour, especially after the death of Cassius, who was generally accused of putting Brutus upon several violent and cruel Actions. But now, as in a Ship, when the Rudder is broken by a Storm, the Mariners fit and nail on some other piece of Wood instead of it; striving against the danger not so well as before, but as well as in that necessity they can. So Brutus being at the Head of so great an Army, and engaged in such weighty Affairs, and having no Commander equal to Cassius, was forced to make use of those that he had, and to do, and to say many things according to their Advice; which he chiefly followed in whatever might conduce to the bringing of Cassius' Soldiers into better Order. For they were very headstrong and intractable, bold and insolent in the Camp for want of their General, but in the Field cowardly and fearful, remembering that they had been beaten. Neither were the Affairs of Caesar and Antony in any better posture; for they were straightened for Provision, and the Camp being in a low Ground, they expected to endure a very hard Winter. For being encompassed with Marshes, and a great quantity of Rain, as is usual in Autumn, having fallen after the Battle, their Tents were all filled with Mire and Water, which through the coldness of the Wether immediately froze.  
And while they were in this condition, there was News brought to them of their loss at Sea. For Brutus' Fleet fell upon their Ships, which were bringing a great supply of Soldiers out of Italy; and so entirely defeated 'em, that but very few escaped being slain, and they too were forced by Famine to feed upon the Sails and Tackle of the Ship. As soon as they heard this, they made what hast they could to come to the decision of a Battle, before Brutus should have notice of his good Success. For it happened, that the Fight both by Sea and Land was on the same day. But by some misfortune, rather than the fault of his Commanders, Brutus knew not of his Victory till twenty days after. For had he been informed of this, he would not have been brought to a second Battle, since he had sufficient Provisions for his Army for a long time, and was very advantageously posted, his Camp being safe from the injuries of the Wether, and almost inaccessible to the Enemy: And his being absolute Master of the Sea, and having at Land overcome on that side, wherein he himself was engaged, would have mightily encouraged him. But (it seems) the state of Rome not enduring any longer to be governed by Many, but necessarily requiring a Monarchy, Providence, that it might remove out of the way the only Man that was able to resist him, that was destined to this Empire, cut off this good Fortune from coming to the ears of Brutus; Tho it came but a very little too late: For the very Evening before the Fight, Clodius, a deserter from the Enemy, came and told him, that Caesar had received advice of the loss of his Fleet, and for that reason was in such haste to come to a Battle. This Relation met with no Credit, neither would Brutus so much as admit him to his Presence, but utterly despised him, as one that had had no good Information, or one that had invented Lies to please him, and bring himself into favour.  
The same Night, they say, the Vision appeared again to Brutus in the same shape that it did before, but vanished away without speaking. But Publius Volumnius (a Man given to the study of Philosophy, and one that had from the beginning born Arms with Brutus) makes no mention of this Apparition, but says, that the first Standard was covered with a swarm of Bees; and that there was one of the Captains, whose Arm of itself sweated Oil of Roses; and though they often dried and wiped it, yet it would not cease. And that immediately before the Battle, two Eagles falling upon each other, fought in the space between the two Armies; that the whole Field kept incredible silence, and all were intent upon the Spectacle, till at last that which was on Brutus' side yielded and fled. But the story of the Ethiopian is very famous, who meeting the Standard-bearer at the opening the Gate of the Camp, was cut to pieces by the Soldiers that took it for an ill Omen.— Brutus having brought his Army into the Field, and set 'em in Array against the Enemy; he paused a long while before he would fight, for examining his Army, he began to have some suspicions of some of them, and others were accused to him. Besides, he saw his Horse begin the Fight not with any great Vigour or Resolution, but still expecting what the Foot would do; then suddenly, Camulatius, a very good Soldier, and one whom for his Valour he highly esteemed, riding hard by Brutus himself, went over to the Enemy, the sight of which grieved Brutus exceedingly. So that partly out of Anger, and partly out of fear of some greater Treason and Desertion, he immediately drew on his Forces upon the Enemy, after Three of the Clock in the Afternoon. Brutus on his side had the better, violently charging the Enemies lest Wing, which gave way and retreated, and the Horse too fell in together with the Foot, when they saw them amazed and in disorder. But the other Wing, when the Captains ordered them to march on to the Fight, fearing to be encompassed, being fewer in number than their Adversaries, spread themselves, and widened the middle of their Battle, by which being weakened, they could not withstand the Charge, but at the first Onset fled. After their defeat, the Enemy surrounded Brutus behind, who all the while performed all that was possible for an expert General and valiant Soldier; showing in the greatest danger a Courage and a Conduct that deserved to Overcome. But that which was advantageous to him in the former Fight, was much to his prejudice in this second. For in the first Fight, that part which was beaten, was presently cut in pieces; but in this, of Cassius' Soldiers that fled, few were slain, and those that escaped, daunted with being beaten, put the greatest part of the Army, when they came to join with them, into Despair and Confusion. Here Marcus, the Son of Cato, was slain fight, and behaving himself with great bravery in the midst of the Youth of the greatest Quality and Valour. He would neither fly, nor give the least ground, but still fight, and declaring who he was, and naming his Father's Name, he fell upon a heap of dead Bodies of the Enemy. And several others of the bravest Men in the Army were there slain, who ran in to save Brutus. There was in the Field one Lucilius, an excellent Man, and a Friend of Brutus, who seeing some of the Barbarian's Horse, taking no notice of any other in the pursuit, but directly making towards Brutus, resolved to stop them, though with the hazard of his Life; and being left a little behind, told them, that he was Brutus: They believed him the rather, because he prayed to be carried to Antony, pretending that he feared Caesar, but durst trust him. They overjoyed with their Prey, and thinking themselves wonderfully fortunate, carried him along with them in the Night, having first sent Messengers to Antony of their coming: He was extremely pleased, and came to meet them; and all the rest that heard that Brutus was taken and brought alive, flocked together to see him; some pitying his Fortune, others accusing him of a meanness unbecoming his former Glory, that out of too much love of Life, would be a Prey to Barbarians. When they came near together, Antony stood still, considering with himself in what manner he should receive Brutus. But Lucilius being brought to him, with great confidence said, Be assured, Antony, that no Enemy either has, or ever shall take Marcus Brutus alive, (forbid it, ye Gods, that Fortune should ever so much prevail above Virtue) but he shall be found, alive or dead, as becomes himself. As for me, I am come hither by a cheat that I put upon your Soldiers, and am ready, upon this occasion, to suffer whatever Torments you will inflict. All were amazed to hear Lucilius speak these words: But Antony, turning himself to those that brought him, said, I perceive, my Fellow-soldiers, that you are concerned, and take it ill, that you have been thus deceived, and think yourselves abused and injured by it: But know, that you have met with a Booty better than that you sought: For you were in search of an Enemy, but you have brought me here a Friend. For indeed I am uncertain how I should have used Brutus, if you had brought him alive; but of this I am sure, that 'tis better to have such Men as Lucilius our Friends, than our Enemies. Having said this, he embraced Lucilius, and for the present commended him to the care of one of his Friends, and ever after found him a steady and a faithful Friend.  
Brutus had now past a little Brook, encompassed with Rocks, and shaded with Trees, and it being Night, would go no farther, but set down in a hollow place at the foot of a great Rock, with a few of his Captains and Friends about him. At first, looking up to Heaven, that was then full of Stars, he repeated two Verses, one of which, Volumnius writes, was this,  

Punish, great Jove, the Author of these ills.   
The other, he says, he has forgot. Soon after, naming severally all his Friends that had been s●ain before his face in the Battle, he fetched a deep sigh, especially at the mentioning of Flavius and Labio, whereof one was his 
* Labio.  Lieutenant, and the other 
† Flavius.  Master of his Workmen in the Camp. In the mean time, one of his Companions that was very thirsty, and saw Brutus in the same condition, took his Helmet, and ran to the Brook for Water, when a noise being heard from the other side of the River, Volumnius taking Dardanus, Brutus' Armour-bearer with him, went out to see what it was: They returned in a very short space, and enquired about the Water: But Brutus very calmly smiling, said to Volumnius, It is all drunk, but you shall have some more fetched. But he that had brought the first Water being sent again, was in great danger of being taken by the Enemy; but, having received a Wound, with much difficulty escaped.  
Now, Brutus guessing that not many of his Men were slain in the Fight, Statilius undertook to pass through the Enemy (for there was no other way) and to see what was become of their Camp; and promised, that if he found all things there safe, to hold up a Torch for a Signal, and then return. The Torch was held up, for Statilius got safe to the Camp; but he after a long time not returning, Brutus said, If Statilius be alive, he will come back. But it happened, that in his return he fell into the Enemy's hands, and was slain. The Night now being far spent, Brutus, as he was sitting, leaned his Head towards his Servant Clitus, and spoke to him; he answered him not, but fell a weeping. After that, he drew aside his Armour-bearer, Dardanus, and had some Discourse with him in private: At last, speaking to Volumnius in Greek, he conjured him by their common Studies and former Conversation, that he would take hold of his Sword with him, and help him to thrust it through him: Volumnius refused it, and several others did the like; and one of them saying, that there was no staying there, but they needs must fly: Brutus rising up, said, Yes indeed, we must fly, but not with our Feet, but with our Hands. Then taking each of them by the Hand, with a cheerful Countenance he said, That he found an infinite Satisfaction in this, That none of his Friends had been false to him. That as for Fortune, he was angry with That, only for his Country's sake. As for himself, he thought he was much more happy than they who had overcome; not only in regard of what was past, but even in his present Condition; since he was now leaving behind him such a Reputation of his Virtue, as none of the Conquerors, with all their Arms and Riches, should ever be able to acquire, no more than they could hinder Posterity from believing and saying, That being unjust and wicked Men, they had destroyed the Just, and the Good, and Usurped an Empire to which they had no Right. After this, having exhorted and beseeched all about him to provide for their own safety, he withdrew from them with two or three only of his peculiar Friends; Strato was one of these, with whom he had contracted an Acquaintance when they both studied Rhetoric together. Him he placed next to himself, and taking hold of the Hilt of his Sword, and directing it with both his hands, he fell upon it, and killed himself. But others say, that not he himself, but Strato, at the earnest entreaty of Brutus, turning aside his Head, held the Sword, upon which he violently throwing himself, it pierced his Breast, and he immediately died. This same Strato, Messala, a Friend of Brutus, being after reconciled to Caesar, brought to him once at his leisure, and with Tears in his Eyes said, This, O Caesar, is the Man that did the last Friendly Office to my beloved Brutus. Upon which, Caesar received him kindly, and had good use of his Service among the rest of the Valiant Greeks, that served him in the Battle of Actium. It is reported of Messala himself, that when Caesar once gave him this Commendation, That though he was his fiercest Enemy at Philippi in the cause of Brutus, yet he had showed himself his most entire Friend in the Fight of Actium. He answered, You shall always find me, Caesar, on the best and justest side. Now, when Antony had found the Body of Brutus, he commanded the richest Coat that he had to be thrown over it; and afterwards the Coat being stolen, he found the Thief, and had him put to death; and then sent the Ashes and Relics of Brutus to his Mother Servilia. As for Porcia his Wife, Nicolaus the Philosopher, and Valerius Maximus write, That being desirous to die, but being hindered by her Friends, who continually watched her, from killing herself, she snatched some burning Coals out of the fire, and shutting them close in her mouth, stifled herself, and died. Though there is yet extant a Letter of Brutus to his Friends, in which he laments the death of Porcia, and accuses them for neglecting her so, that she desired to die, rather than languish with her Disease. So that it seems Nicolaus was mistaken in the time. For this Epistle (if it indeed is Authentic, and truly Brutus') gives us to understand, the Disease, and the Love of this Lady, and the manner of her Death.  
The End of the Life of Brutus.   

The Comparison of Dion and Brutus.  
SEeing then that these Men grew so very famous, especially in that with inconsiderable helps they attained to such Power and Greatness. On this score Dion has by far the Advantage: For he had no Partner, none to share the Glory, as Brutus had of Cassius; who was not indeed of that reputation for Virtue and Honour; yet not inferior for his Diligence, his Courage, and his Experience in the Toils of War.  
And some there be, who to him impute the rise and beginning of the whole Action; saying, that it was He who roundly to Brutus gave his Advice against Caesar.  
Whereas Dion seems not only of himself to have provided Arms, Ships, and Soldiers, but likewise Friends and Partners for the Enterprise.  
Neither did he, as Brutus, gather to himself from the War any Strength or Riches; but laid out of his own Substance, and employed his private Necessaries for the Liberty of his Country.  
Besides this, Brutus and Cassius, when they fled from Rome, could not live safe or quiet, condemned to Death, and were pursued, they were of necessity forced to take Arms, and hazard their Lives in their own defence, to save themselves, rather than their Country.  
On the contrary, Dion enjoyed more ease, was more safe, and his Life more pleasant in his Banishment, than was the Tyrant's who had banished him; when he flies to Action, and runs the Risk of all to save Sicily.  
But take notice, it was not the same thing to free the Sicilians from Dionysius, and to support Rome against Caesar; because the former owned himself a Tyrant, and vexed Sicily with a thousand Oppressions. Whereas Caesar's Government, in the modelling of it, very much puzzled his Adversaries. They who had addressed, and they that were forced, were both sensible, truly, of the Name and Appearance; but Fact that was Cruel or tyrannical, they saw none; only he held forth in that distemper of Affairs, the necessity of a Monarchy, as the gentlest Cure by God himself prescribed them. Whereupon, the Common People presently miss Caesar, and grew enraged and implacable against those that killed him.  
On the contrary, Dion was hotly prosecuted by the Commons, for having let Dionysius escape; and for not having digged up the former Tyrant's Grave.  
In all Actions of War, Dion was a Commander without fault, improving to the utmost those Counsels which himself gave, and, where others failed, correcting, and turning every thing to the best. But Brutus when all at stake, and to be decided by Battle, seems to have showed very indifferent Conduct. Nor, having done amiss, knew he how to set things right again: He wanted Heart, and wanted Hope; nor, so much as Pompey, could trust his Fortune, when he had still ground 〈…〉 gh to rely on his Troops, and was 〈…〉 ea 〈…〉 Master of all the Seas with his Ships.  
The greatest thing charged on Brutus, is, that He, a 〈…〉 whom he list, of his Party, being sa 〈…〉 by Caesar's kindness, and he accounted a Friend, and preferred above many, did yet lay violent hands upon Caesar. Nothing like this, could be objected against Dion; quite contrary, whilst he was of Dionysius' Family, and his Friend, he did good Service, and was useful to him; but driven from his Country, wronged in his Wife, and his Estate lost, he openly entered upon a War, Just and Lawful.  
However, the Matter turns otherwise; for the chief Glory of both, was their hatred of Tyranny, and abhorrence of Wickedness; this was clear and sincere in Brutus: For he had no private Quarrel with Caesar, but put all to the Risk for the Liberty of his Country. The other, had he not been piqued, had not fought. This is plain from Plato's Epistles, where it is showed, that he was turned out, and did not forsake the Court, to wage War upon Dionysius. Moreover, the Public Good reconciled and made Brutus Pompey's Friend, and Caesar's Enemy; proposing for his Hatred and his Friendship, no other End and Standard, but Justice. Dion was very serviceable to Dionysius, whilst in favour; when no longer trusted, he grew angry, and fell to Arms. Hereupon his Friends were not all of them satisfied with his Undertaking, lest having overcome Dionysius, he might not settle the Government, by some softer Name, cheating the People.  
The very Enemies of Brutus would say, That he had no other End or Aim, from first to last, save only to restore to the Roman People their Ancient Government.  
Notwithstanding what has been said the Adventure against Dionysius, was nothing ●●ual with that against Caesar: For none that was familiarly conversant with Dionysius, but detested his perpetual Sotting with Wine, womans, and Dice. Whereas it required an huge Soul, and undaunted Courage, to entertain but a Thought of vanquishing Caesar, so formidable by his Reputation, his Power, and his Prosperity; and whose Head so buzzed with the Names of the Parthian and Indian Kings, that he could not sleep.  
Dion was no sooner seen in Sicily, but thousands ran in to him, and joined him against Dionysius; whereas the Renown of Caesar, even when dead, gave heart to his Friends: And his very Name so heightened the Person that took it, that from a simple Boy, he presently became the Chief of the Romans. And he used it for a Spell against the Malice and Popularity of Antony.  
If any object, That it cost Dion great trouble and difficulties to overcome the Tyrant; whereas Brutus slew Caesar naked and unprovided: This shows a work of vast Policy and Conduct, to bring it about, that a Man so guarded round, and so fortified at all Points, should be taken naked and unprovided. For it was not on the sudden, nor alone, nor with a few that he fell upon and killed Caesar; but after long concerting the Plot, and Confidence in a great many Men, not one of whom deceived him: for he either presently discerned the best Men, or by confiding in them, made them good. But Dion, either making a wrong Judgement, trusted himself with ill Men, or else by his employing them, made ill men of good; either of the two would be a Reflection on a Wise Man. Plato is severe upon him, for choosing such for Friends, as betrayed him: Besides, when Dion was killed, none appeared to revenge his Death.  
Whereas Brutus, even amongst his Enemies, had Antony that buried him splendidly. Caesar also took care his Honours should be preserved. There stood at Mediolanum in Gallia Cisalpina a Brazen Statue, representing Brutus, and curiously wrought. Caesar passing that way, made a Halt, and in the hearing of many, commanded the Magistrates to come before him: He told them, Their Town had broken the League with him, harbouring an Enemy. At the first, they denied the thing; and not knowing what to say, looked upon one another; When Caesar, turning towards the Statue, and wrinkling his Brow, Pray, says he, Is not that our Enemy who stands there? They were all in Confusion, and had nothing to answer: But he smiling, much commended the Gauls, as who had been firm to their Friends, though in Adversity; and so commanded that the Statue should remain standing, as he found it.    


SER. SULPICIUS GALBA.  
Disce Militare Miles.   
THE LIFE OF GALBA: Translated from the Greek. By ANDREW TAYLOR, MA. Late Fellow of King's College in CAMBRIDGE.  
IPhicrates, the Athenian, supposed that a Soldier of Fortune ought to be covetous, and sensual, to put him upon bold Adventures, to to lay in a stock to gratify his Lusts; but most were of Opinion, that the Body of an Army, as well as the natural one (though never so strong) should make no Efforts apart, but in compliance with their Head. Wherefore they tell us that Paulus Aemilius, recruiting his Forces in Macedonia, and finding them talkative, and impertinently busy, as though they were all Commanders, issued out his Orders that they should have only ready Hands, and keen Swords, and leave the rest to his Care and Conduct. But Plato observing nothing succeed well under a brave General, unless the Army were also sober, and agreeable, judged, that to obey orderly, as well as to command, required a generous temper, with constant Discipline and Exercise, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  chiefly to allay their hot Spirits and active Humour, with Gentleness and Civility: And indeed sundry sad Instances elsewhere, as well as amongst the Romans, after the Death of Nero, are plain proofs, that nothing is more dangerous than a Military Power, unskilfully managed; therefore Demades, after the Death of Alexander, compared the Macedonian Army to the Cyclops Polyphemus, after his Eye was out, seeing their many disorderly and giddy motions. But the Roman Government he likened to the Giants that assailed Heaven, whose force returned upon itself, and with a great deal of bustle, only wrought its own ruin, not so much by the Emperor's Ambition, as the Covetousness and Extravagancy of the Soldiers, making them push out one another, for their advantage. Thus Dionysius, in Raillery, said of Pheraeus, enjoying the government of Thessaly only ten Months, He 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  acted a pretty short Part, and so exit Pheraeus; but the Royal Palace at Rome received four Emperors in less time, one making room for another to enter.  
This was the only satisfaction of the distressed, that they needed not require any other Justice on their Oppressors, seeing them thus murder each other, first of all, and that most justly, he that ensnared them first, and taught them to expect such great Matters as he had promised at Caesar's Death, sullying that brave Action, viz. the revolting from Nero, turning it into scandalous Treachery by his Bribery; for Nymphidius Sabinus, Captain of the Guards, together with Tigellinus, after Nero's Circumstances were known, and that he designed to fly into Egypt, persuaded the Army to declare Galba Emperor, as if Nero had been already gone; promising to all the Soldiers, as well those abroad, as the Home-Guards, so round a Sum for a Largess, that it was impossible any one could raise, but he must be infinitely more exacting than ever Nero was. This presently dispatched Nero, and soon after Galba too; they murdered the first, in expectation of the promised Sum; and not long after, the other; because he kept not touch with them according to his Word, thus vainly enquiring who would purchase at such a rate, they destroyed themselves by Treachery and Rebellion, before they obtained their Expectations: But to give you a particular Relation of all that passed, would require too large a History. But I ought not pass by what is most material; what the Caesars both did and suffered. Sulpitius Galba is owned by all, to be the richest of a private Person that ever came to the Imperial Seat, (besides the additional Honour of being of the Family of the Servii,) he valued himself for his relation to Catulus, a Person of Eminence in his time, both for Virtue and Renown; tho' he voluntarily yielded to others for Power and Authority: Galba was also akin to Livia, Wife to Augustus, by whose interest he was by the Court preferred to the Consulship. 'Tis said of him that he honourably discharged his Command in Germany, and being made Proconsul in Libya, he gained that Reputation few ever had. But his thrifty, narrow Entertainments (beneath the dignity of a General) was a great diminution; and only afforded him the mean credit of being called an orderly, sober Gentleman. He was entrusted by Nero with the Government of Spain, when he had not yet learned to revere the great Citizens in Authority. To the Opinion they had of his mild Natural Temper, his old Age occasioned a Belief that he would act too cautiously. And although he had the management of Nero's Officers in his own hands, who with savage cruelty harassed the Provinces 〈…〉 gave them this only ease and consolation, that he seemed plainly to sympathise with the poor injured Slaves, as a fellow-sufferer. And when Lampoons were made upon Nero, and sung every where about, he neither prohibited them, nor showed any indignation, as the Procurators did; for which indeed he was the more beloved; as also that he was well acquainted with them, having been in chief power there eight years; at which time Junius Vindex, General of the Forces in Gaul, began to make Head against Nero, and 'tis reported, that Letters came to him before it fully broke out into Rebellion; which he seemed neither to give credit to, nor thwarted, nor in the least acquainted Nero, whereas other Officers had informed him, according to what came to their hands, and so spoiled the Design (as much as in them lay) who afterwards sharing in the Conspiracy, confessed they had been treacherous to themselves, as well as him. At last Vindex plainly declaring War, wrote to Galba, encouraging him to take the Government upon him, and head the Gauls, a very considerable Body indeed, not less than 100000 Men, and able to raise more if occasion were. He then propounded this Advice to his Friends, some of hom thought it fit to expect what 〈…〉 motions there might be, or what inclinations Rome might discover towards an alteration; but Titus Junius Captain of the Guards, spoke thus; Galba, what means this Demur, to inquire whether we shall continue faithful to Nero, is perfect Madness; what though Vindex be an Enemy of Nero's, yet his Friendship is in no wise to be rejected, much less to be informed against, or opposed by Arms, because he would rather have you the Roman Emperor than Nero their Tyrant. Thereupon, Galba by an Edict appointed a certain Day for enfranchising those that requested it, the Rumour of which soon brought together a great crowd of Men so readily inclined to innovations, that he scarcely appeared stepping up to the Chair of State, but they with one consent saluted him Emperor, which Title he refused at present to take upon him; but after he had a while inveighed against Nero, and bemoaned the loss of those brave Men that had been destroyed by him, he offered himself, and service to his Country, not by those specious Titles of Caesar, or Emperor, but only as Lieutenant to the Senate and People.  
Now that Vindex did wisely in inviting Galba to the Empire, Nero himself bore testimony, though he seemed to despise him, and altogether to slight the Gauls and their Concerns; yet when he heard of Galba (as by chance he had washed and sat down to Dinner) he in indignation overturned the Table. But the Senate voting Galba an Enemy, he being disposed to sport, and likewise personate a confidence amongst his Friends; This bodes no ill to me (says he) who want such a Booty as that of the Gauls, which must all fall in as lawful prize; and for Galba ' s Estate, I can use, or sell it as occasion serves, he appearing an open Enemy: and accordingly appointed a public Auction, wherein Galba's Fortune was exposed to Sale: which when Galba heard of, he sequestered Nero's Estate in Spain, and found far more brisk bidders.  
The most part in this Juncture revolted from Nero, and adhered to Galba; only Clodius Macer in Africa, and Virginius Rufus, Commander of the Germane Forces in Gallia, took different measures from all the rest; yet these two were not absolutely unanimous; for Clodius being sensible of his Rapines and Murders (being acted by cruelty and covetousness) stood wavering, not finding it safe, either to retain or quit his Command. But Virginius, who had the Command of their chief Legions, by whom he was often complemented with the Title of Emperor, and pressed to take it upon him, declared that he neither would assume that honour himself, nor see it given to any other, than whom the Senate should elect.  
These things at first, did not a little perplex Galba; but presently Virginius and Vindex's Forces compelled their Commanders (having got the Reins, as it were, out of their hands) to an Engagement, where Vindex sustaining the loss of 20000 men, and offering violence to himself, the Report straight spread abroad, that all desired Virginius should take the Empire upon him, or they would return to Nero again. Galba being startled at this, wrote to Virginius, exhorting him to join with him, for the preservation of the Empire, and the liberty of the Romans, and so retiring with his Friends into Colonia, (a Town in Spain) he passed away his time, rather repenting his former rashness (wishing for his wont ease and privacy) than setting about what was fit to be done. It was now Summer, when on a sudden in the Evening comes one of Galba's Freemen from Rome (a Sicilian by Birth) in seven days space, and being informed where Galba was reposing himself in private, rushing by the Grooms of the Chamber, he hastily ran into the Room, and told him, that Nero being yet alive, but not appearing, first the Army, and then the People and Senate declared Galba Emperor; not long after, it was reported that Nero was dead; but I (says he) not giving credit to common Fame, went myself and when I beheld him stretched out stark dead, I hastened to bring the News. This clearly revived Galba, and a great Crowd hastening to the door, were very confident of the truth of his Tidings, though the speed of the man was almost incredible. Two days after came Titus Jun●us, with sundry others from the Camp, who gave an account of the orders of the Senate as to that Affair, and for his Service was considerably advanced. On his Freeman he conferred the honour of the Gold-Ring, and Marcianus Vicellius was made chief Ruler over all his Freemen. But Nymphidius Sabinus at Rome, not fair and leisurely, but violently at one pull, ingross'd all business to himself. C. Galba being an old man, at least seventy three, and scarcely for Age, to be coached to Rome. And not only so, but he inveigled the Army also, formerly inclined to him, but now his only Creatures, by his liberal distributions; they looking upon him as their sole Benefactor, and Galba perfectly his Debtor. Thus presuming on his interest, he straight commanded Tigellinus in joint commission with himself, to lay down his Arms, and making a noble Treat, he invited the Proconsuls, and chief Commanders, making use of Galba's Name to the invitation; he also prepared many of the Army to declare that Galba ought to be sent to with a Petition, that Nymphidius might be sole Commander.  
Moreover what the Senate acted, out of respect to him, styling him their Benefactor, and attending daily at his Gates, and giving him the Compliment of confirming their Acts, carried him on to a greater degree of Arrogance, that in a short time he became not only to be envied, but even dreaded by his Adorers. When the Consuls themselves had dispatched their Couriers with the decrees of the Senate to the Emperor sealed (whom the Magistrates of each Town took care to speed away with all convenience) he highly resented it, that it was done without his Warrant, and none of his Soldiers employed on the Errand. Nay further, he deliberated what course to take with the Consuls themselves, but upon their submission and apology, he was at last pacified: To gratify the People, he permitted them to beat out the Brains of any Malignant of Nero's Party. Amongst others: they murdered one Spicillius, a Fencer, in the Marketplace, and threw him under Nero's Statues, which they dragged about the Street. Apponius, they knocked down flat to the ground, and after drove loaded Carts over him, to make sure work, though he was one had accused Nero; and many others they tore in pieces, some of them no way obnoxious, in so much that Mauriscus, a person deservedly of great account and quality, told the Senate that he feared in a short time, they might wish for Nero again. Nymphidius now advancing towards the consummation of his hopes, did not refuse the honour of being called Caius Caesar's Son, Successor to Tiberius Caius, who, as it is said, was well acquainted with his Mother in his youth, a woman indeed handsome enough, the Offspring of Kalisto, one of Caesar's Freemen, and a certain Sempstress. But it's plain that Caius' familiarity with his Mother, was of too late date for him to lay any claim to; but it was strongly suspected, he might if he pleased pretend to Martianus, a Gladiator, whom his Mother Nymphidia had a great kindness for; being a man of repute in his way, whom also he much resembled; however, 'tis well he certainly owned Nymphidia for his Mother. The down-fall of Nero he ascribed to himself alone, and thought he was not sufficiently rewarded with the Honours and Riches he enjoyed; nay, nor with Sporus (Nero's beloved darling) in to the bargain, whom he immediately sent for at the interment of Nero, and caressed him as though he had been his Spouse, calling him Poppaeus, but he must also aspire to the Empire, and by some Female Friends and Senators (wrought underhand) to assist him in the business. He dispatched one Gellianus, a Friend of his, into Spain, to view the posture of affairs; but all things succeeded well with Galba after Nero's death, only Virginius standing doubtful, created a jealousy in him, lest he should listen to the suggestions of some who encouraged him, to take the government upon him; having at present, beside his conquest over Vindex, the command of a great Army, and reduced Gaul (a considerable part of the Roman Empire) when they seemed wavering, and indeed rather inclined to Rebellion. No man surely had a greater Name and Reputation than Virginius, who in their great revolutions freed the Romans from Tyranny, and a gallic War.  
But he standing to his first resolves, reserved to the Senate the power of electing an Emperor; but when it was manifest that Nero was dead, the Soldiers pressed him hard to it, and one of the Colonels entering his Tent with his drawn Sword, bidding him either take the Government or that. But after Fabius Valens having the command of a Regiment, had first sworn Fealty to Galba, and had Letters from Rome of the Resolves of the Senate, with much ado he persuaded the Army to declare Galba Emperor. Flaccus Hardonius immediately, by his Commission, was sent to succeed him, to whom when he had consigned his forces, he marched to meet Galba, and attend him on his Journey, who apparently showed him no displeasure, being under a little dread of him, nor yet much respect on the account of his Friends, chiefly Titus Junius, who enviously thinking to hinder Virginius' promotion, contributed much to his happiness, rescuing him from those hazards and hardships, the other Officers were involved in, which occasioned him a quiet life, and a peaceable old Age. About Narbon a City in Gaul, some of the Senators met him by order of the House, and (after they had dispatched their compliments) beseeched him to make what haste he could to appear to the People, that impatiently expected him; whom he discoursed courteously and familiarly, but in his entertainment, though Nymphidius had sent him both rich Provision and Attendants of Nero's, he laid all aside and made use of nothing but his own, which made him appear great, far above those little vanities. But in a short time Junius abusing his generous civil way of treating without pomp, terming it popularity, and a mere pretence to moderation unbecoming his Grandeur, persuaded him to make use of Nero's store, and make his Regal's Noble and Princelike; so that it soon appeared that the Old Man, had put himself under Junius' disposal; a Person excessive covetous, above all things, and not a little addicted to Women; for being a youngster newly entered into the Wars, under Calvisius Sabinus, he brought his Captain's Wife, a wanton dame, in a Soldier's habit by Night into the Camp, and used her like a Leaguer Lady, even at 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  the head Quarters; for which insolence, C. Caesar cast him into Prison, from whence he was fortunately delivered by his death: Being invited by Claudius Caesar to Supper, he privily conveyed away a Silver Cup; which Caesar hearing of, inviting him next Day, gave order to his Servants to set before him, nothing but Earthen ware; this mild rebuke seemed Comical, and to be done rather in sport than displeasure. But what he acted covetously for his own advantage (having great power with Galba) was either the real or seeming cause of many tragical and fatal mischiefs. Upon this account Nymphidius became very uneasy, upon the return of Gellianus out of Spain, who was sent to pry into Galba's actions, understanding that Corn. Lacon commanded the Emperor's Guards, and that Junius was the great Favourite, and that he might not so much as come nigh, much less have any opportunity to offer any thing in private; so narrowly they watched him with all caution imaginable; upon which he called together the Officers of the Army, and declared to 'em that Galba of himself was a fair square old Gentleman, but not taking his own measures, he was ill managed by Junius and Lacon: and lest, before they were aware, they should engross the Authority Tigillinus had in the Army, he propounded to them to send Ambassadors from the Camp, acquainting him that if he pleased to remove only them two from his Counsel and Presence, he would be much more welcome and dear to all at his arrival: Wherein when he saw he did not prevail, (it seeming absurd and unmannerly to give Rules to an old Commander, what Friends to retain or displace, (as if he had been a Youth, newly taking the Reins of Authority into his hands:) steering another course, he wrote complaining, deceitful Letters: one while as if the City 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  were unsettled, and had not yet put over some old grudge, and that Clodius Macer withheld the Provision from Africa, they so much relied on; and that the Forces in Germany began to be mutinous, and that he heard the like of those in Syria and Judaea. Galba, not minding him much, nor giving credit to his stories, resolved to surprise him; but one Clodius Celsus dissuaded him, averring that he could not believe one Family in Rome would ever give Nymphidius the Title of Caesar.  
Nevertheless many derided Galba, amongst the rest Mithridates of Pontus, saying, One of these days when this wrinkled bald coote shall appear publicly at Rome, they'll account it an utter disparagement ever to have had such an Emperor. At last it was resolved, about Midnight to bring Nymphidius into the Camp, and declare him Emperor; but Antonius Honoratus the first Colonel, summoning together in the evening those under his command, charged himself and them severely with their many and unreasonable turns and alterations, without any regard to merit, as if some evil Genius hurried them from one Treason to another.  
What tho Nero ' s miscarriages (says he) gave some colour to their former treachery, yet what pretence have they to betray Galba? Has he killed his Mother, or murdered his Wife, or disparaged the Imperial Throne, by acting the Fool's part on the Stage? Neither did we desert Nero for all this, till Nymphidius had persuaded us, that he had first left us, and fled into▪ Egypt; shall we therefore send Galba after, to appease Nero ' s Ghost; and designing the Son of Nymphidia Emperor, take off one of Livia ' s family, as we have already the Son Agrippina; rather doing justice on him, let us revenge Nero ' s death, and show ourselves true and faithful by preserving Galba.  
The Colonel having ended his harangue, the Soldiers assented, and encouraged all they met with to persist in their fidelity to the Emperor: And indeed brought over the greatest part, but presently hearing a great shout, (Nymphidius imagining (as some say) that the Soldiers called for him, or rather hastening to prevent their tumult and disorder, marched towards the Light, carrying in his hand a Speech in Writing, made by Ciconius Varro, which he had on purpose conned to wheedle the Soldiers, but seeing the Gates of the Camp shut up, and abundance armed about the Walls, he began to be afraid? Yet drawing nearer, he demanded what they meant, and by whose orders they were then in Arms; but hearing a general acclamation, all with one consent, crying out, we acknowledge none but Galba Emperor. He advancing towards them approved of what they did, and likewise commanded those that followed him to do the same. The Guard notwithstanding permitted him to enter the Camp, only with a few, where he was presently saluted with a dart, which Septimius, being before him, received 〈◊〉 his Shield; others assaulted him with their naked Swords, and pursued him into a Soldier's cabin, where they flew him, and dragging his Body thence, they drailed it about, and exposed it next day to public view, which when Galba heard of, he commanded that all his confederates that had not met with the same fate, should immediately be dispatched; amongst whom were Ciconius (who made his Oration) and Mithridates formerly mentioned. But it seemed to be Arbitrary and Illegal, and though it might be just, yet by no means popular, to take off Men of their rank and quality without a fair hearing. Every one expected another Scheme of government, being deceived, as 'tis usual, by the first plausible pretences; But the death of Petronius Tertullian, though faithful to Nero, yet being a Man of consular dignity, most of all concerned them. Indeed the taking of Macron in Africa by Trebonius, and Fronteius by Valens in Germany, had a fair pretence, they being dreaded as armed Men, having their Soldiers at their devoir; but to deny Tertullian an old Man and unarmed, to try to clear himself, was not agreeable to that moderation, and equity at first promised. These things reflected much upon Galba. When he came within three Miles or thereabouts of the City, he happened to light on a disorderly rabble of Seamen, who had beset him in his pass. These were they whom Nero made Soldiers, ordering them into one division. They so rudely crowded to have their commission reinforced, in so much, that they obstructed the sight of Galba, so that he could not salute those that came to accost their new Emperor; but tumultuously pressed on with loud shouts, to have colours to their Legion; and quarters assigned them. But Galba put 'em off till another time, which they interpreting a denial, grew more insolent and mutinous, some of 'em with their drawn Swords in their hands; whereupon Galba commanded the Horse to ride over them, whereby they were soon routed, never a Man standing his ground, and many of them were slain in the pursuit. An ill Omen, that Galba should make his first entry, through so much blood and slaughter. Now he became dreadful and terrible to those who formerly despised his infirm old age. When he attempted to make a clear alteration, and to retrench Nero's profuseness in gifts, and extravagant expenses, he much missed his aim and fell so short of State, that he came not within the compass of decency. Poor Canus an excellent Musician, playing all Supper time, received only a few Crowns from the Emperor's own hand; with a large commendation, and this Item, that it was out of his own purse, and not on the Public account. Besides he ordered Nero's liberal largesses to Actors, Fencers, and such like, to be strictly remanded, bating only the tenths, though it turned to very small account, most of those Persons expending their daily income, as fast as received, being a dissolute sort of Men; he exacted also of those that entertained them, or made any advantage of 'em, to refund. The trouble was infinite, the profit running into many hands, the Emperor thereby basely disparaged, and Junius deservedly hated and maligned, rendering Galba mean and despicable to others, whilst he only made advantage of all places and things about him. Yet never satisfied as Hesiod hath it, 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
Junius seeing him old and decaying grasped at all, supposing his time short, his good fortune only appearing, and e'en vanishing at the same instant.  
Thus the old Gentleman was abused by Junius' male administration, either censuring or impeding all his just proceedings; such was the punishing Nero's adherents, when he destroyed the bad (amongst whom were Elias Polycletus, Petinus, and Patrobius, the People mightily applauded the act, crying out, as they were dragged through the Market place, This is a goodly show, grateful even to the God's themselves.  
But when the Gods, and Men demanded justice on Tigillinus, Nero's great Tutor and Manager of his Tyranny, Junius obstructed it being roundly bribed by the Gentleman under hand: but Tertullian, he could not permit to escape with life, though he had done no great mischief (only did neither betray nor envy Nero whilst Emperor) but dealt far otherwise with him, that made him obnoxious, even worthy of death, and afterwards deserted and betrayed him whom he had so corrupted; a great instance that Junius could do any thing; and that those that had Money might despair of nothing. However the People were so fond of seeing Tigillinus dragged to Execution, that they never ceased to require it at the Theatre, and all public Places till they were checked by an Edict of the Emperors, persuading them that Tigillinns could not live long, being much wasted with a Consumption, and desired that they would not make his Government appear Cruel and Tyrannical. So the dissatisfied Mobile were laughed at, and Tigillinus made a splendid Feast and Sacrificed for his recovery. After Supper, Titus Junius rising from the Emperor went to revel it with Tigillinus taking his Daughter, a Widow, with him, to whom Tigillinus presented his Service with 250000 l. and commanded the Governess of his Concubines to take off a rich Necklace from her own, and to tie it about hers, valued at 150000 l. Afterwards his more moderate acts began to be censured, as also his dealing with the Gauls, who were in the Conspiracy with Vindex; for they looked upon their freedom, and abatement of Taxes, not so much the clemency of their Prince, as Junius' profit. Hence many began to malign the Government. But the Soldiers were kept on a while, in expectation of the donative he promised, supposing that if they did not receive the full, yet at least as much as Nero gave them. Afterwards Galba hearing they began to complain, declared greatly, and like a brave General, that he was used to make choice of, and not to buy his Soldiers, which when they heard of, they conceived an implacable hatred against him, for he did not seem only to defraud 'em, and blast their present expectations, but to give an ill precedent, and instruct his Successors to do the like. Their heartburning, and caballing at Rome was as yet concealed, and that reverence they bore whilst Galba was present, somewhat retarded their motions, and took off their edge, finding no probable ground for disturbance, which somewhat curbed their discontents for the present. Those that had been formerly under Virginius, and now under Flaccus in Germany valuing themselves much upon the engagement with Vindex, and making no great advantage of it, grew very refractory and intractable towards their Officers, and Flaccus they undervalved being much indisposed and unserviceable indeed by the Gout; besides a Man of little experience in military Affairs.  
At one of their solemn Festivals, when it was customary for the Officers of the Army to wish all health and happiness to the Emperor, the common Soldiers began to mutiny, but they continuing their good wishes cried out, he deserves it not, when the like insolence was committed several times by Tigillinus' forces, information was given Galba by the Procurators, whereupon suspecting that he might be despised, not only for his old age, but also for want of issue, he determined to adopt some young Man of quality, and declare him his successor. Marc. Otho was in his thoughts, a Person of no mean extraction, but from his Childhood as scandalous as any for lewdness and debauchery, and as Homer terms Paris 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Fair Helen's spruce Gallant, being remarkable for nothing else, his name was swallowed up in hers. So Otho was notoriously talked of for nothing more than his Marriage with Poppea, whom Nero had a kindness for, when she was Crispinus' Wife, but being as yet respectful to his own Lady, and paying a deference to his Mother, he engaged Otho underhand to solicit her in his behalf. Nero you must know conversed familiarly with Otho, making use of his prodigality, and was well pleased, when he took the freedom to droll, on his thrifty, penurious humour, reflecting both in words and actions; as when Nero one day perfuming himself with some rich essences favoured Otho with a small sprinkle, and he treating Nero, next day in a Bravado, ordered gold and silver pipes to disperse the like on a sudden freely, like a mist throughout the room. As to Poppea, he was before hand with Nero, and anticipated his joys, and upon promise of Nero's favour, prevailed with her to part with her Husband, and brought her to his own house as his Spouse, but was not content afterwards to have a share in her, but grudged to have Nero for a Rival. Poppea in the mean time was not concerned at this their jealousy, and sometimes excluded Nero (when Otho was not present) either to make Nero the more sharp, or, as some say, being weary of his conversation, not approving a Marriage with him: However she did not quite slight his address, being gamesome enough, and well inclined: On the account of this match, Otho was in danger of his Life, and strange it was he escaped, Nero having taken off his Wife, and Sister, to compass this design. But he was beholding to Seneca's friendship, by whose persuasions, and entreaty Nero was prevailed with, to dispatch him, Proproetor, into Lusitania, towards the Sea coast, where he behaved himself very obligingly towards all, full well knowing this command was but to colour and disguise his banishment.  
When Galba revolted from Nero, Otho was the first Governor of any of the Provinces that came over to him, bringing what Utensils he had of Gold and Silver, which he presented to the mint; and also what Servants he had, rightly qualified, to wait upon a Prince, in all other points too he was faithful to him, and gave him sufficient proof that he was inferior to none, in managing public business. By this time he had so far ingratiated himself, that he road in the same Coach with him, the whole progress; and in his travels he mightily gained on Junius, both by his conversation, and presents; but especially by giving him the preference, he secured the next place, (by his interest) before all others. Neither was he at all envied, gratifying all men's requests freely; appearing courteous; and of easy access towards all, especially the Soldiers; many of whom he preferred to commands some of them immediately, by the Emperor; others by Junius' means; craving the assistance of the two favourites Siculus and Asiaticus. These were the Men in Power in all matters relating to Court: As oft as he entertained Galba, he gave his Guards, besides their own Pay Crowns a piece, upon pretence of respect to the Emperor, but really with an intent to inveigle the Soldiers, and so outdo him in his Politics.  
Galba consulting about a Successor Junius introduced Otho, yet not gratis, but upon promise he would marry his Daughter, if he were made his adopted Son, and Successor to the Empire; but Galba always declared, that he preferred the public good, before his own private interest, not aiming so much to pleasure himself, as to advantage the Romans. Indeed he did not seem so much as inclined to make choice of Otho, to inherit his own private fortune, knowing his extravagant lavish humour, and that he was already dipped 50000 l. thick. 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.   
So he gave Junius the hearing, but calmly suspended his determination without giving any answer, only appointed him Consul, and Junius his Colleague; it was the general Opinion, that he would declare him his Successor, at the beginning of the next year. Now the Army desired nothing more than that Otho should be the Person; but the Forces in Germany falling into a Mutiny whilst he was deliberating, prevented his design, for the Soldiers in general, had a pique against Galba, not having given them their expected largess, yet they made a pretence of a more particular concern, as that Virginius Rufus was cast off dishonourably, and that the Gauls who engaged with them were well rewarded, the rest being punished that joined not with Vindex; to whom alone Galba paid his acknowledgement, and honoured his Memory after his death with public Solemnities, as though he had been constituted Emperor, by his means only.  
Whilst these discourses past openly throughout the Army; on the first of January, Flaccus summoning 'em to take the anniversary Oath of Fealty to the Emperor, they threw down Galba's Statues, and utterly defaced them, afterwards having sworn, in the name of the Senate and People, they departed.  
But their Commanders now feared Anarchy, and Confusion, as much as their Apostasy and Rebellion: whereupon one of them stepping forth thus accosted them:  
What will become of us, my fellow Soldiers, if we neither set up another General, nor retain the present one, seeming not so much to rescue ourselves from Galba, as to decline all subjection, and be under no Command? Let us a while permit Flaccus Hordeomus as a cipher, a mere shadow, and image of Galba: But Vitellius, chief Commander of the lower Germany, is but one days March distant, whose Father was Censor, and thrice Consul, and as I may say, in a manner Co-Emperor with Claudius Caesar: he of all Men, in so great employ, gives the clearest proof of his ●ounty and largeness of mind, viz. his poverty; how despicable soever it seems to some. Him let us make choice of, that all may see, we know how to choose an Emperor better than either the Spaniards or Lusitanians. Which motion whilst some assented to, and others gainsaid; a certain Ensign slipped out, and carried the News to Vitellius, whilst he was treating much company by Night. This taking air, soon past through the Army; and Fabius Valens a principal Commander, riding before his full Troops next day, saluted Vitellius Emperor. He seemed to decline it, pretending a dread he had to undertake the Weight of the Government; but the next day by noon being well encouraged by a plentiful repast; he began to yield, and submitted to take on him the Title of Germanicus, they gave him; but desired to be excused, as to that of Caesar; immediately Flaccus' Soldiers laying aside their specious popular Oaths, imposed by the Senate, they swore obedience to Vitellius as Emperor, and to observe whatever commanded. Thus Vitellius was publicly owned Emperor in Germany; which News coming to Galba's Ear, he no longer deferred his adoption; yet knowing many of his Friends were inclined to Dolabella, but more to Otho (neither of whom he well approved of) on a sudden without any one's privity, he sent for Piso, who was nearly related to Crassus, and Piso (whom Nero slew) in whose natural temper eminently appeared much modesty and gravity, and indeed all virtuous inclinations. Going then into the Camp, he declared him his Successor to the Empire. But immediately many prodigious Omens appeared from Heaven; and when he began to make a Speech to the Soldiers, the frequent Claps of Thunder, and flashes of Lightning, and a dismal black storm covering both the Camp and City, were plain discoveries, that the Heavens did not favour this adoption. The Soldiers also seemed dissatisfied by their sullen looks; seeing nothing of the wont distributions, on such occasions. Those that were present and observed Piso's Countenance and Voice admired to see him no more surprised, though he seemed not insensible of so great a favour.  
On the other hand Otho appeared full of sadness and disturbance at his disappointment, as being once thought worthy, and even ready to be invested in his good Fortune, and now to be put by was a shrewd sign of the displeasure and ill will of Galba toward him. This filled him with fears and jealousies, and grievously perplexed his Mind, whilst he dreaded Piso, hated Galba, and was full of wrath and indignation against Junius. But the Chaldeans and Soothsayers about him, would not permit him to lay aside his hopes, or quit his design, chiefly Ptolomaeus, much relying upon a Prediction, that Nero should not murder him, but he himself should die first, and Otho succeed as Emperor. Now the first proving true, he thought he ought not distrust the rest; but none exasperated him more, than those that seemed privately to pity his hard Fate, to be so ungratefully dealt with by Galba, especially Nymphidius' and Tigillinus' Creatures, who were now cast off, and reduced to their former state; these seemed highly to resent this indignity put upon him; amongst whom were Veturius and Barbius, the one termed Optio, (the Captain assistant) the other Tesserarius, the Person entrusted with setting the Watch, and giving the Word: Amongst them Onomastus, one of Otho's Freemen went to the Camp to tamper with the Army, and brought over some with Money, others with fair promises, which was easily done, they being already corrupted, and only wanting a fair pretence; it had been otherwise, more than the work of Four days (which happened betwixt the Adoption and Massacre) thus totally to have infected a sound Army, so as to cause a general revolt. They were aslassined Feb. 15. on which Day in the Morn, Galba Sacrificed in his Palace, in the Presence of his Friends, when Vmbricius the Priest, taking up the entrails and predicting not darkly, and by conjecture, but manifest ill boding Omens of great troubles ensuing, and dangerous Snares laid for the Life of the Emperor.  
Thus Otho had even been discovered by the Finger of God; but being just behind Galba, attending diligently to the Soothsayers Lecture, his countenance changed for fear, and he betrayed no small concern; which Onomastus observing, acquainted him that one of the Master Builders waited for him at home: (now that was the signal for Otho to meet the Soldiers) pretending then, that he had purchased an old house, and was going to show the defects to those that sold it: he departed and passing by Tiberius' house (as they called it) he stepped into the Market Place, nigh the Golden Pillar, where all the several Italian ways centre, where 'tis reported no more than twenty five received him, and saluted him Emperor; which put him to a stand, though not out of any effeminacy, being in his nature bold, and hardy enough; in hazardous adventures; but the Soldiers that were present, would not suffer him to recede; but with their drawn Swords about his Chair, commanded the Bearers to take him up, whom he hastened on, though in the mean time, he said to himself, I am a lost Man. Those who overheard him, rather admired than were concerned at the inconsiderable number that attempted such an enterprise. But, as they marched on, about as many more met him, and here and there three or four at a time adjoined themselves. Thus returning towards the Camp, with their Arms in their hands, they cried out a Caesar, a Caesar; whereupon one Martius, who commanded the Guards, who was no ways privy to it, being surprised at the unexpectedness of the thing, permitted him entrance; and afterwards no Man made any resistance, for they that knew nothing of the design, being purposely encompassed by the Conspirators, as they were straggling here and there: first sub 〈…〉ed for fear, and after were persuaded into a compliance. This came presently to 〈◊〉 ear in his Palace, whilst the Priest was intent on the Sacrifice, as yet holding the entrails in his hand, so that they who usually slighted those matters, were astonished, and began to admire the prodigious Omen. The Mobile ran confused from the Market upon the report; but Junius Lacon, and some of his Freemen guarded him, with their drawn Swords, Piso instantly made to the band of Pensioners, who were the Royal Guard. Marius Celsus, that stout Man, was dispatched to the Illyrian Squadron, who were planted at Vipsanus, to secure that Post. Galba now consulting whether he should quit his Palace, Junius dissuading him, but Celsus and Lacon encouraged him by all means to come forth; and sharply reprimanded Junius for his pains. But on a sudden a rumour came hot that Otho was slain in the Camp; immediately appeared one Julius Atticius, an eminent Officer of the Guard with his drawn Sword, crying out, that he had slain great Caesar's Enemy; and pressing through the Crowd that stood in his way, he presented himself before Galba with his bloody Weapon; who looking on him, demanded, who commanded him so to do? My fidelity, says he, and the Oath I have taken to be true to the Emperor. Which action when the People applauded, giving loud acclamations, Galba was carried out in his Chair to sacrifice to Jupiter, and so to show himself publicly; but coming into the Market Place (the tide being turned) a report met him that Otho had made himself Master of the Camp; but as usually in such a Crowd, some called to him to return back, others to move forward, some encouraged him to be bold and fear nothing; others to be cautious, and distrust his circumstances: Thus whilst his Chair was tossed to and fro, (as it were on the waves) often tottering, there appeared first Horse, and straightways Foot, fromwards Paulus' Portico with one accord crying out; down with this private Man; at which the Rabble hurried confusedly; not as if they intended to disperse, but to possess themselves of the Porches, and bulks in the Market Place, as if it were to some strange sight in the Theatre. And as soon as Attilius Sarcelio overturned Galba's Statue, they immediately fell to open hostility, and threw their darts at Galba's Chair; but missing their aim, they attacked him nearer hand, with their naked Swords; and no Man offered to stand up in his defence, save only Sempronius Indistrus; a Captain, the only Man of so many thousands, that the Sun beheld that day, worthy the Roman Empire, who though he had never been obliged by Galba, yet out of bravery and allegiance, he endeavoured to defend him from their insolent assaults: first lifting up his commanding staff, (with which they use to correct the Soldiers when disorderly) he called aloud to the aggressors, charging 'em to forbear the Emperor: but presently being environed, he guarded a long time with his Sword till at length (having received many a wound) he grew weak in the harns and fairly dropped, and overthrowing Galba's 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  Chair at a place called Curtius' Lake, they slew him as he lay tumbling in his arms: He boldly offered his Throat, bidding them strike there, if it were for the Romans good, many a wound he received on his Legs and Arms, and at last was slain (as most say) by one Camurius one of the fifteenth Legion; some name Terentius, others Arcadius, and there are others that say it was Fabius Fabulus, who as 'tis reported bore away his head privily in the skirt of his Garment, being unable to take hold of it by reason of his baldness. His associates not suffering him to conceal this manly act, by their persuasion, piercing the head of this grave Prince, he marched twirling and flourishing with it, on his bloody Spear, like one of Bacchus' frolic Priests. But when they brought the Head to Otho, Fellow Soldiers, says he, this is nothing unless you show me Piso ' s too, which was presented him not long after. The young Man retreating upon a wound received, was pursued by one Marcus, and slain before the Temple of Vesta. Titus Junius was also dispatched out of the way, who confessed himself privy to the Conspiracy against Galba, only, he cried out, that he died contrary to Otho's pleasure, and without his privity, however they cut off his Head and Lacon's too, and brought 'em to Otho, requesting a boon; and as Archilochus says; When six or seven lay breathless on the ground, 'twas I, 'twas I, say thousands, gave the wound. Thus many that had no hand in his murder with bloody Hands and Swords presented Otho with their Petition for a gratuity, whom Vitellius found out after, to the number of one hund. and twenty, and requited with the loss of life. Not long after came Marius Celsus into the Camp, whom sundry accused of encouraging the Soldiers to assist Galba; the Rabble required justice, but Otho refusing to gratify their fury; yet fearing an absolute denial, he pretended it was not his interest, to take him off so soon, having many matters yet to sift out of him, but committed him safe to the custody of those he most confided in.  
Forthwith a Senate was convened, and as if they were not the same Men, or had other Gods to swear by, they took an Oath in Otho's name (as himself had in Galba's, which how religiously he kept it plainly appears,) and withal conferred on him the Titles of Caesar and Augustus; whilst the dead Carcases of the slain lay yet in their Robes in the Market Place. As for their heads, when they could make no other use of them, Junius' they sold to his Daughter for 2500 drachmas. Piso's was begged by his Wife of one Veranius. Galba's they gave to Patrobius' and Vitellius' Servants; but when they had 'em, after all sorts of abuse and indignities, they tumbled them into that vile place, where Caesar's Enemies that suffer death, 
Quod ab urbe Semitertio miliari distat.  are usually cast, called Sestertium. Indeed Galba's Body was conveyed away by Priscus Helvidius by Otho's permission, and buried in the night by Argius his Freeman. Thus you have the History of Galba, a Person inferior to few Romans, either for Birth or Riches, rather exceeding all of his time in both; he lived in great credit and reputation in the Reign of five Emperors, he ruined Nero rather by his fame and vogue in the World, than by force and Power.  
Of those that put in for the Empire, at that time, none judged any worthy (though some thought themselves so) save only Galba whom they elected, and created Emperor, whose authority was such, that but lending his name to Vindex's defection from Nero, what was called Rebellion before, was termed now only a Civil War, they being transported with the thoughts of a Person fit to Govern. He designed not so much to take business to himself as to give himself up to business, thinking to reduce those that were merely wheadled 
〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉.  by Tigillinus and Nymphidius; as Scipio, Fabrinus, and Camillus, had regulated the Soldiers of their time; but being now even worn out with age, he was become a weak superannuated Emperor. And giving himself up, as Nero had before him, to those insatiable covetous Varlets, Junius and Lacon, (who made a gain of all things) he quite lost himself to that degree, that though many pitied his fate, yet none desired to live under his Government.   


M. SILVIUS OTHO.   
THE LIFE OF OTHO: Translated from the Greek. By THO. BEAUMONT, M. A. And Late Fellow of New Coll. Oxon.  
THE New Emperor Otho about break of day went out to sacrifice in the Capitol, and commanding Marius Celsus to be brought to him, he took him and embraced him in his Arms, using kind speeches, and advising him rather to forget the cause of his confinement, than to remember his enlargement: To which Celsus replied ingeniously and sharply, that his Crime would give an assurance of his integrity, and be security for his behaviour, for that it was imputed to him, as a Crime, that he had been faithful to Galba, and yet no favourite: Upon this they were both admired by those that were present, and applauded by the whole Camp.  
After he had made a long Oration in the Senate, wherein he discoursed of many things with great popularity, he began to settle the affairs of State, and therefore as to the remainder of his own Consulship, that part he committed to the care of Virginius Rufus his Colleague; but as to others designed for that Office by Nero or Galba he made no change. The grave and reverend among the People either in respect of age or dignity, he adorned with the Priesthood; And for those Senators who had been banished by Nero, and returned under Galba, to them he restored, what was left undisposed of their Fortunes. Insomuch that the Nobility and Gentry, who at first had great fears and jealousies upon them, (imagining that it was not an humane Creature, but some fury or bloody Fiend that was seizing the Empire) now became more pleasant, being sweetened with the hopes of a Reign that seemed to smile upon them.  
At the same time nothing was so welcome, nothing gained him the hearts of all the Romans so as the business of Tigillinus, a Man that lay under all the torments of Soul and Body, for he was punished with the very fear of punishment, which the whole City exacted as a debt due to public Justice; and he laboured likewise under incurable diseases of Body, which he had contracted by his insatiable lust with corrupt Women, a vice that reigned in him to the last moment of his Life: And though wisemen thought this vice together with its fatal consequences to be punishment enough, and equal with many deaths, yet it grieved the People, that he should enjoy the benefit of the Sun, when so many and such brave Men had been deprived of it by his means. Wherefore Otho sent after him into the Country of Simersa, where he lurked with several Vessels ready to carry him off upon any danger; He attempted to corrupt the Messenger that apprehended him, and offered great sums of money for his escape, and though his attempts were in vain, yet he gave the same reward as if he had escaped; but withal he entreated him only to tarry a little till he was shaved, whereupon he took the Razor and cut his own throat. Thus did Caesar gratify the People by doing justice to the public, without the least discovery of his own private revenge.  
At first out of a popular humour he did not decline the Name and Title of Nero, but was saluted so in the Theatre; neither did he oppose them that brought out Nero's Statues to open view: Nay farther Claudius Rufus tells us, that several Patents were sent express into Spain, wherein the famous Name of Nero was used as an additional Title to the Name of Otho: Not but that as soon as he found it offensive to the Nobility he left it off.  
In this manner he began to lay the foundations of his Government, when his guards grew discontented, advising him not to confide in the Nobility, but rather to withdraw himself, and forbid them his presence. This they did, either out of good will as being really afraid, or out of design to set the Empire in a Combustion.  
But this is certain touching Crispinus, (who with the 17th. Band had orders to apprehend certain suspected Persons) as he was loading his Wagon by Night with Arms and Ammunition, some of the boldest among the Soldiers cried out, that Crispinus had no good intentions in this Act, that the Senate was hatching New Plots, and that those arms were prepared against Caesar, not for him. This report being given out among the common Soldiers, it set them all on fire, that some laid hands on the Carriage, and others slew Crispinus himself with two more Centurians which opposed them; and all falling to their Arms, and encouraging each other to assist the Emperor, marched furiously to Rome; and having intelligence that fourscore of the Senate were at Supper in the Palace they went on thither; declaring that now was the time wherein they might at once take off all Caesar's Enemies. This put the City into a great consternation, as if they were to be sacked immediately; In the Court they did nothing but run up and down, and even Otho himself was not a little perplexed; fearing his guests, and fearful for them; whom he saw with Eyes fixed upon him speechless and trembling, some having brought their Wives a long with them to supper. Whereupon at the same instant he ordered the Captains of the Guard to pacify and entertain the Soldiers with fair speeches, while the Guests rose from Table, and were let out at another door. They were but just escaped when the Guard pressed into the Room; ask what was become of Caesar's Enemies? Otho then rising and addressed himself to them, sparing neither words, entreaties, nor tears, and yet he could scarce persuade them to go back. On the morrow after he had bestowed a Largess of fifteen hundred and fifty Drachmas a Man, he went into the Camp; where he took occasion to commend the Loyalty and readiness of the Soldiers in general. But withal telling them that there were some few disaffected Persons amongst them, who had abused his Clemency and their Fidelity, and therefore desires that they would assist him in the punishing of them, all approved and consented to this motion, however he himself was well satisfied in the Execution of two Villains only, such as no body could lament. The Public Censure of these proceedings was various, some who already began to love and credit him, were full of wonder at such a change: Some again looked upon it as a seasonable piece of policy made use of only in this juncture of affairs to win the People over to his side against the War.  
For now it was no longer doubted that Vitellius had assumed the Imperial Title and Command. Courriers came slocking in apace; some with Intelligence of Parties falling into Vitellius: Others that the Pannonian, Dalmatian, and Mysian Commanders and Forces sided with Otho: And these were presently seconded with kind Letters from Mutianus and Vespasian, the Generals over two puissant Armies, one in Syria and the other in Judea. This set him up so, that he wrote to Vitellius advising him to keep within his private Station, and offering, besides great treasure, the freedom of the City where he might repose the rest of his days in pleasure and security. This at first was answered only in raillery; but being heated they fell to downright railing and libelling. 'Twas idle and ridiculous, though not without ground, to object those faults from which neither could be excused. For which of these two exceeded in rioting and wantonness, which of them had least experience in Arms, or which of them before they usurped had been most oppressed with Poverty and Debt, was a question not easy to determine.  
Of the Prodigies and Apparitions that went about at this time; some were vouched only by report: But these were generally taken notice of, how the Statue of Victory Triumphant in the Capitol had let lose the reins of her Chariot, as unable to hold them: And how that other of Caius Caesar in the Island of Tiber without either Earthquake or Whirlwind turned itself from West to East, which by conjecture fell out near the time when Vespasian publicly took upon him the Government. But none of these presages moved the multitude like the accident of Tiber. It was indeed the season when Rivers use to be full, but now it so swelled above its Banks, and made such desolation, overflowing, and covering great part of the City, especially about the Corn-Market, that it occasioned a sore dearth for many days.  
When it became known that Vitellius his Captains Caecinna and Valens had possessed themselves of the Alps, Dolabella, a Patrician then in Rome, was suspected by the guard of attempting some innovations; therefore (whether fearing him, or any other) Otho sent him with assurance of his favour, to the City of Aqui●um. Among the Magistrates, which were chosen to attend him in his journey, he pitched upon Lucius the Brother of Vitellius, whom he confirmed altogether in his former Station: And took exceeding care of Vitellius' Mother and Wife, that they might not apprehend any danger from him. Rome he left in the hands of Flavius Sabinus, Brother to Vespasian, either out of Honour to Nero (by whom he had been placed in that Command, and outed by Galba) or by Sabinus' advancement, to evidence his esteem and reliance on Vespasian.  
Otho himself stayed at Brixillum, a City on the River Po, but he sent out the Army, under the Conduct of Marcus Celsus, Suetonius, Paulinus, Gallus, and Spurina; Men of Conduct and Valour, but they had no Forces to put their own Counsels in Action, because of the disorders and insolency of the Soldiers, who owning no other Captain than Caesar, thought it beneath their quality to be commanded by any but himself. Neither were the Enemy's Troops much better disciplined, or more tractable to their Officers, but heady and proud upon the same account. Only they were well trained, and accustomed to labour, which they could away with. But these Praetorians were grown perfectly effeminate by Idleness and want of exercise, having spent most of their time in Sights, Entertainments and Plays. And yet they were so puffed up with conceit and arrogance, that they challenged their Reward as the best, when their Service was of the worst. Spurina once would have forced them upon Duty, but it brought his person in danger, and had almost cost him his Life. Besides, they spared for no sort of outrage and ill language, calling him Traitor, and charging him with ill Conduct, to the ruin of Caesar and his Affairs; some of them moreover in a Debauch, pressed into his Tent, demanding a Pass while they went to make complaint against him to the Emperor.  
But the Reproaches of the Vitellians at Placentia, did not a little help the Cause, and Spurina too for the present. For they marching straight up to the works, upbraided Otho's Men upon the Walls, terming them expert Actors, Dancers, and Spectators of harmless Exercises, but strangers to martial Discipline, and the Art of War; Men that valued themselves for beheading a naked graybeard (meaning Galba) but had not the Heart to enter the open Field with Men at Arms: Which Scoffs so nettled and heated them, that falling down at Spurina's feet, they besought him to make use of them, and command them, that would stick at no pains or peril. So, when the Walls were assaulted very strongly, and many Engines of Battery were brought up, Spurina's men got the day, and having beat off the Enemy with great slaughter, preserved one of the most flourishing and renowned Cities in Italy.  
As to all other points, Otho's Commanders were much less burdensome both to Cities and private Men, than those of Vitellius, of whom Caecinna was no ways acceptable in speech or behaviour, but uncouth and disagreeable, of a monstrous bigness, dressed after the gallic mode, in Doublet and Breeches, and after that fashion he conversed with the Roman Officers.  
His Lady too in a magnificent Equipage followed the Camp on horseback, with a choice Guard of Cavaliers. As to Fabius Valens, the other General, neither the Enemies Spoil, nor Country's Plunder, nor the Confederates Contribution were able to satisfy his Avarice. Yet for the Collection hereof, he was by some concluded so to slacken his March, that he could not come up at the former skirmish; while others blame Caecinna of charging too soon, that he might have the honour of the day to himself; and whereas before he had given distaste by some miscarriages, now by joining Battle with so little Conduct and Courage, he had almost ruined his Party.  
Caecinna, after this repulse from Placentia, carried the Siege to Cremona, another flourishing and large City; while Annius Gallus in his March to relieve Spurina in Placentia, meeting upon the way with intelligence both of that Action, and the distress of Cremona, wheeled about, and pitched down close by the Enemy; and after that, every one came into aid the General. But when Caecinna had laid a strong party in wait among certain uneven Coverts, ordering the Horse to advance, and after the first Charge to make a slow Retreat till they might draw the Enemy within the Ambuscade, certain Deserters discovered it to Celsus, who charging them briskly, and pursuing them warily, came upon the Ambuscade, which he surrounded, and broke in pieces, sending away for the Infantry out of the Camp: Which if it had arrived in time to second the Horse, it is more than probable that the Enemies could not have saved a man of Caecinna's whole Army from being cut off, or trodden under foot. But Paulinus coming up late and slowly with his Succours, was not undeservedly taxed of too much circumspection for one of his Character. The common Soldiers openly accused him of absolute Treason, exasperating Otho against him, and boasting that the Enemy was defeated; but if the Victory was not entire, he might thank his Captains. Otho, though he gave Credit to these Suggestions, yet would not seem to distrust his Commanders; therefore he sent to the Army his Brother Titianus, as General, with Proculus' Captain of the Guard, who indeed had the Power, and Titianus only the Name. Celsus and Paulinus had the Title of Coucellors and Friends, but shared nothing of the management.  
All things likewise were full of confusion among the Enemies, paticularly in Valens' Camp, who hearing of the Rencounter at the Ambuscade, grew out of all patience that they should not be there to relieve so many brave persons as fallen upon the spot: So that Valens having much ado to persuade and keep them from revenging it upon himself, was forced to dislodge, and join with Caecinna.  
Hereupon Otho arrived at Bebriacum, a Village near Cremona, to consult about giving Battle. Proculus and Titianus were for fight, while the Soldiers were in heart with their late success, and not by sitting still, to blunt their Courage, and give Vitellius leisure to come upon them out of Gaul; Paulinius, on the contrary, affirmed, that the Enemies whole force was there without the least recruit, whereas Otho might expect an Army out of Mysia and Pannonia, no whit inferior to that in the Field, if he would but stay his own time, and not serve his Enemy's occasions, neither was it likely that the Spirit of those few Soldiers should be lessened by the increase of more Forces, but rather that the supply would add to their assurance. Over and above this, delay made for the Othonians, who lived at home in absolute plenty, while the Vitellians, lodging in an enemy's country, must increase their wants with their stay. Celsus concurred with Paulinus. Annius Gallus was absent, and under cure by a fall from his Horse. Yet Otho, consulting him by Letter, received the same advice, not to be forward, but wait the Mysian Forces, which were already on the March. However, Otho deaf to these, inclined to that side which held for a Battle.  
There are several Reasons given for this Result, in which few men agree. this is plainly one; The Praetorians and the Lifeguard (having then a taste of War in good earnest, and so much the more lingering after the delicacies and quiet diversions of Rome) could not be kept in, clamouring for a Fight, as if at the very first course they had been able to overrun their Enemies. Neither did Otho himself seem tough enough to hold out in such uncertainty; or (so soft, so little used was he) to struggle with thoughts of such danger; but, quite broke with care, he shut his eyes, as one that leaps from a Precipice, and spurred on to trust Fortune with his All. This Account gives Secundus the Orator, and Secretary to Otho. According to some other Relations, it was more than once moved in both Armies to join, and especially that with one consent they might elect the best of the Captains then present, or in case of disagreement, to call a Senate upon the place, and submit the choice of the Emperor to them. Neither is it unlikely that the right, experienced, and understanding Soldiers (having no extraordinary favour for either of the contesting Emperors) might fall upon such projects. For what could be more detestable and grievous, than wilfully to embrace those miseries which the Romans groaned under long ago, while they were cutting of Throats for Sylla and Marius, and since that, for Caesar and Pompey; only that the Empire might serve the Gluttony and Drunkenness of Vitellius, or the Luxury and Tenderness of Otho? It is supposed, that Celsus out of some such meaning sought to spin out the time, as hoping to decide the point without the pains of an Encounter, as on the contrary, that Otho suspecting his Design, made haste to engage.  
Upon this Resolve Otho himself returned back to Brixillum by another grand Mistake, not only in withdrawing his presence from the eyes of his Champions, who did even adore and dote on him; but in carrying back for his Horse and Foot-Guard, the stoutest and most resolute of his Men, he plainly cut off the Body of his Army.  
About that time there happened a skirmish at the River Po, which Caecinna sought to pass by a Bridge of Boats. Otho's Men to oppose, yet gaining little by plain force, they threw Firebrands daubed with Pitch and Brimstone into the Vessels, which the Wind taking as they fell, suddenly kindled, and blew into the Faces of the Enemies; who being first troubled with the Smoke, and then with the Flame, leaped into the Water, overturning the Floats, and exposing their Bodies with derision to the Enemy. But the Germans attacking Otho's Gladiators in a small Island upon the River, defeated and cut off a great Party. Whereupon, the Othonians that-were at Bebriacum, being transported with fury to revenge it, Proculus led them forth about fifty furlongs before he encamped; and withal so inconsiderately and ridiculously, that even in the Spring, and the Fields round about full of Rivalets and Currents, yet they were distressed for Water. On the morrow, when he would have led them at least twice as far against the Foe, Paulinus put a stop, declaring in his opinion, that they ought rather to keep their Station, and not harrass themselves, nor just upon a long March with their Baggage, to engage the Enemy, that would be armed and ranged at leisure. In the midst of this Dispute among the Commanders, a Numidian came post from Otho, bringing Orders, without stop or stay to lead straight upon the Enemy, which incontinently they did.  
Caecinna was surprised at the News of their approach, and leaving hastily his Works at the River, he returned into the Camp. Valens having posted great part of his Army, and given the Word, sent out a choice forlorn of Horse to amuse the Enemy, whilst he drew up the Legions. Otho's Van were possessed with belief from a flying Report, that Vitellius his Captains would come over to them. Therefore, when they drew near, they saluted them by the friendly Term of Fellow-soldiers; which not being answered by the others with Civility, but with an angry hostile Murmur, both discouraged them that had given the Salute, and filled the rest with suspicion of Treason. This began a disorder at the very first Charge, which was spread throughout the Field, not a little confounded by the cumbersome Carriages; they received also no small disadvantage from the place of Battle, full of Ditches and Trenches; to avoid which, they were forced to change their Order, and fight one among another as they could compass it in little Parties, Two only Legions, that called Rapax, for Vitellius, and Adjutrix, for Otho, being drawn out in a Champaign, fought fairly a long time. Otho's Men were lusty and valiant, but in their Apprenticeship; Vitellius' old and experienced Soldiers. Otho's Men therefore charged hotly, gained ground, knocked down the foremost, and took one of their Eagles: Shame and Rage drove the others back upon them again, and with the death of Orphidius, the Colonel, they surprised divers of Otho's Eagles in revenge for their own. The Gladiators, Men of no small credit for Courage and Address, were attacked by Varus Alphenus' Batavians, the Flower of the Germane Horse, which were drawn from the Islands of the Rhine, in the Low Countries. A few of the Gladiators stood their ground; but the gross making away for the River, fell into an Ambuscade, which cut them off every man. But of the whole Army, none came near the Praetorians for Cowardice; they took their heels without a stroke struck, and flying through their own Men, with trouble and affright routed the Squadrous that stood firm. They did not all so indeed; for many of the Othonians bore down their Opposites, and by fine force making way through the Conquerors, repassed to their Camp; which neither Proculus' nor Paulinus durst retreat to, fearing the Soldiers, who already turned the fault upon them.  
Annius Gallus received the flying Troops into the Town, and heartened them up with comfortable Assurances, that the Victory was not clear to the Enemy, but that in several parts the advantage was on their side: But Marius calling the Officers to a Council, required them to take care of the Commonwealth: That after such a blow, and such a slaughter of Roman Citizens, Otho himself, having any goodness left, would not further tempt Fortune; in a Case where Cato and Scipio, who by not submitting to Caesar, after the Pharsalian Victory, are charged to have thrown away the Lives of many good men in Africa without reason, even when the Liberty of Rome was at Stake. For though otherwise Fortune make sport with all men alike, yet one thing a good man can never be deprived of, even in adversity, to take good Counsel against Accidents. These Reasons weighed first with the Commanders; and after, upon trial, with the Soldiers, no less urgent for an Accommodation.  
Titianus then moved for Commissioners to be sent with Proposals of accord; whereupon, it was thought fit, that Celsus and Gallus should go to treat with Caecinna and Valens. Being on the Road, they were met by certain of Vitellius' Centurions, who told them that their Army was already in motion for Bebriacum, and that they themselves were sent by the Generals with like overtures of Peace. Celsus commending the Design, entreated their company back to meet Caecinna. As they drew near, Celsus ran no small Risk; for the Vant-Couriers, happening to be the same Horse that had been worsted at the Ambuscade, upon the first sight of Celsus, with a loud cry they spurred up against him: But while the Centurions stepped between to restrain them, and their Captains also called out to forbear, Caecinna galloped up to know the cause of that Tumult, which having appeased, he caressed Celsus as a Friend, and road with him to Bebriacum. In the mean time, Titianus repenting of his motion for Amity, placed the most resolute of his Men upon the Walls, and exhorted the rest to assist them. But Caecinna road up, and reached out his right hand, all resistance laid aside, they that stood upon the Ramparts, saluted his Soldiers, the rest opening the Gates, went out, and mixed with the newcomers. There was then no further outrage, nothing but friendship and embraces; for all the Town swore Fealty to Vitellius, and went over to him.  
Such was the issue of the Battle, as it is related by most of the present Actors therein; yet confessing themselves in such Tumult and Confusion to have no clear account of Particulars. So as I was afterward travelling over the Field, Mestrius Florus, of the Consular Degree, showed me an old Man, who was then pressed for Otho among the Youths; who declared, that going out after the Action was over, he saw a heap of Bodies as high as a man, but the cause of it he could neither find out, nor learn by Enquiry: Only it is probable that in Civil Wars more perish in the Chase than are taken, where there is no benefit by Captives. Therefore all we can have either of these Matters, amounts to no more than Conjecture.  
Otho at first (as it is usual) received a dubious relation of the Success; but after that, the wounded, which escaped out of the Fight, brought him certain news of the Defeat, a man would admire what pains they took to encourage and keep him from despair. But the passion of the Guards surmounts all Credit, that they should neither leave him, nor fall off to the Conqueror, nor seem to provide for themselves in their Prince's extremity; but all together came to the door of his Apartment, styling him Emperor. When he came abroad, they followed him with acclamations, as if he went in Triumph, they kissed his hands, after the manner of Petitioners, they threw themselves at his feet, they shed tears, and with all the force of an humble and dutiful importunity, they besought him not to forsake them, not to betray them to the Enemy, but while they had breath, to employ their Souls, and their Bodies in his Cause. Thus did they generally assault him with supplications In particular, one of the lowest rank, who has not so much as a Name in History, drew out his Sword, and calling aloud to him, Behold, Caesar, an Example of our Fidelity, thus are we all resolved to serve thee; he ran himself through. Yet none of all this made any impression upon Otho; who with a serene and composed aspect, casting his eyes round about upon them all, This, my Fellow Soldiers, this day, wherein you do yourselves and me such honour, is much more fortunate, of much greater account to me, than that wherein you first saluted me Emperor. One thing only I prefer, which I beseech you withhold not from me, to sacrifice my Life for the safety of such brave Men. If ever I was worthy of the Roman Empire, it becomes me to 〈…〉 evote my Life for it. I know the Enemy's Victory to be neither complete, nor assured. I have Intelligence that the Mysian Army is within a few days March; Asia, Syria, Egypt are in their descent to the Coast of Adria. With us is the Army that wars in Judea; with us is the Senate; with us are the Wives and Children of the Enemies. But alas! this is no defensive War; this is not to save Italy from Hannibal, or Pyrrhus, or the Cimbri; but here Romans encounter Romans, and both alike, the Conquerors and the Conquered tear up their Mother's Bowels; for where indeed the success of the Vanquisher brings Affliction to the Republic; believe it, there can be nothing so much honour in my Reign, as in dying often, if I could do it for my Country. Neither can I apprehend how a Victory on my side can be of such advantage to Rome, as to give up myself an Offering for Peace and Concord, and that Italy may not see such another day.  
When he had said this, and set himself against all Entreaty and Mediation, he desired his Friends, and the Senators that were present, to leave him. He wrote also to the absent, and sent Letters to the Cities to let them pass with Honour and Security.  
Then calling to him 〈…〉 cceius, his Nephew, yet a youth; he counselled him to take heart, and not to be afraid of Vitellius, whose Mother, Wife, and Children he had preserved with the same care as if they had been his own; and to remember that Caesar deferred his Adoption, contrary to his mind, to save him from sharing in his misfortunes, who being victorious, should have shared with him in the Empire. But this, said he, My Child, I leave thee for my last advice, neither to forget altogether, nor too much to remember that thou hadst an Emperor for thine Uncle.  
A little after this, he heard a great Tumult and Noise at the Door; for the Soldiers threatened the death of some Senators that were going away, if they should offer to depart and leave the Emperor: Therefore out of a fear of their Lives, he came out again, though in a very different manner, not with mildness and entreaty as before, but with a stern and angry countenance looking upon the Guard, and especially the busy Fellows, he made them leave the place, and slink away.  
Being athirst towards Night, he drank a little Water, and taking up two Daggers, when he had tried their edges a great while, he gave back one, and put the other into▪ his Sleeve. After which, he called for his Domestics, very frankly distributing to them his Treasrre; not alike indeed to all, nor as one profuse of what was another's, but carefully in proportion to every one's desert; who being gone, he slept the rest of the Night so sound, that the Bed-Chamber-men heard him snoar. At Daylight, calling for his Freedman, whom he had entrusted with the care of the Senators. He sent him to inquire what was become of them, and understanding that they were gone away very well satisfied; Go thy ways too (said he) and show thyself to the Soldiers, unless thou hast a mind to be torn in pieces by them for having a hand in my death. When the man was gone forth, he set the Dagger right to his Breast with both his hands, and falling upon it, felt only so much pain as to fetch one groan, which gave notice to his Attendants. At the outcry of the Servants thereupon, presently the City, yea, the whole Camp were in Tears: Straight there was a noise of Soldiers at the door, lamenting, and passionately reproacing themselves, that they had not kept their Emperor, and withheld him by force from destroying himself. Not a Man of them left him to seek their safety, among the Enemies that were at hand; but having sumptuously habited his Corpse, and dressed up his Funeral-Pile, the Soldiers in their Armour carried him forth with a sense of honour and happiness to have had a hand in performing that last Office. Amongst the rest, some kneeled down to kiss the Wound, some his Hand, and some, that could not come near, to adore him. And some there were, who having set fire to the Funeral-Pile, slew themselves, not, as it was known, out of any obligation of Gratitude, for good Offices done to them by the deceased, nor out of fear of displeasure from the Conqueror. Indeed I never met with any Tyrant or Usurper so furiously possessed with the Lust of Dominion, as these with the Love of Obedience to Otho, which perished not with himself, but was kept alive with an implacable hatred to Vitellius; as in better opportunity it may be discovered. When they had buried his Remains, they set up such a Monument as Envy itself could not carp at, for the Magnificence either of its Work or Title. I myself saw it at Brixillum, an ordinary Tomb, with this Inscription (being translated,) To the Memory of Marcus Otho.  
Otho died in the Thirty seventh year of his Age, and third Month of his Reign, leaving his Death as much applauded, as his Life was censured. His Life was somewhat like to Nero's, but in their Deaths could be no comparison.  
When Pollio, a Captain in the Guard; desired them presently to take the Oath to Vitellius, the Soldiers would not endure him: But hearing some of the Senators to be still in Town, they neglected the rest for Virginius Rufus, to whom they made Tender of the Empire, all of them together marching in Arms to his House, one while beseeching him, another pressing, and even commanding him to take the Rule, or at least to intercede for them. But as he thought it Madness to accept that Command in the distress, who refused it in the prosperity of their Affairs; so being altogether unwilling to treat with the Germans, who acted wholly against his Mind, he slipped out privily by another Door. The Soldiers hearing this, took the Oath, and joining themselves to Caecinna, gained their Pardon.  
The End of Plutarch's Lives.