THE SAMARITAN Showing that Many and Unnecessary IMPOSITIONS ARE NOT The Oil that must Heal the Church: Together with The WAY or MEANS to do it.  
By a Country Gentleman who goes to Common-Prayer, and not to Meetings.  
Ou ce sont des diversités, qui lassent les Fondemens de la Religion en leur entier, & ne nous obligent a manquer, ni au service de Dieu, ni a la dilection des hommes, c'est la ou doit avoir lieu ce que prescrit l'Apostre, Et si vous sentes quelque chose autrement, Dieu vous le revelera aussi.  Daillé on Phil. c. 3. v. 15. 
LONDON, Printed for Tho. Simmons at the Prince's Arms in Ludgate street. 1682.   

THE SAMARITAN.  

SECT. I.  
FOrasmuch as the Press spawns Books and Pamphlets, in as great abundance as the River Nile doth Frogs, many whereof seem to be compounded of Venom, and written with no other design, than to foment Divisions, and exasperate the several Factions that are among us; I think I may do some office of Love and Kindness to my Country, and the Church of God therein, if I writ a few Sheets on the behalf of Amity and Peace, and with purpose to allay the Heats, and calm the Rage and Passions of men.  
I expect the same Fate with others, that have endeavoured to persuade the Contentious to Reconciliation. The Boutefeus' and Bedlams, will Rage's and Foam, they will spit their venom, and disgorge their gall; and by ugly Insinuations represent me as a secret Enemy to Church and State; and whatever else the Father of Lies may suggest unto them.  
But I will take liberty to advertise them, that if they please, they may spare their Passion, and restrain their Wrath; they may keep it in reserve for some other occasion; for I am utterly above the reach of it, and shall be no more concerned in their Revile, than the Moon in the barking of little waspish Dogs.  
Nevertheless, if their Impotence be such, that they cannot forbear; and if the reek of their own vomit be fragrant and aromatic to them, I shall not envy them that pleasure Let them enjoy all the satisfaction they can find in it, I shall receive no more injury by what they say, than by what they dream; and peradventure there may be as much worth, weight and sense in the one, as in the other.  
I honour my Sovereign; I love the Government in Church and State; I hate both the Civil and Ecclesiastical Piques and Animosities that are maintained and kept up among us, against all the Sense and Reason of the World; and I wish with all my soul, that the several Parties in this Nation, would lay aside their Prejudices and Passions, and impartially study the things that belong to our Common Peace: I am sure 'tis high time to do it, and I fear if it be delayed a while longer, 'twill be too late to attempt it. There's a Gentleman at Paris, and another at Rome, that looks thorough their fingers, and laugh at our Divisions, and hope to make good advantage by them in due time; and I make no doubt but that by their Emissaries they do, and will endeavour to continue the Breaches, and hinder all Coalition among us.  
The Necessity of Union therefore being obvious, and granted by all men of sense and consideration, I have resolved to cast in my Symbol or Mite, for the promotion of it. What I shall say, I know will not please all men: Nay, I am sure some will be angry and enraged thereby. But jacta est alea, I have computed my Cost, and told them at what Rate I shall value their displeasure. I shall speak what I think, and do with some assurance and confidence believe, I shall speak for Peace; and in so doing I shall speak for God, and his Christ, and for the Church, which is his Body, and purchased with his Blood. And I am not without hope, but that God may bless what shall be said, and make it serviceable to the promoting of that end. I am one of the meanest of the Worshippers of Christ our Lord, but 'tis his pleasure sometimes, by weak things to confound the mighty; and by things that are base and despised, yea by things that are not, to bring to nought things that are.   

SECT. II.  
THE Union and Peace that I intent to discourse, is a Union of Judgement and Practice in matters of Religion, and the Worship of God; together with that mutual Love, and those good Offices that are the proper fruits, effects and consequent thereof. And by Religion, and the Worship of God, I mean the Christian Religion, and those ways of worshipping and serving the Majesty of Heaven that are prescribed unto us by the Christian Laws, the Records whereof are in the holy Scriptures.  
That this Union and Peace is an excellent thing, is the confession of all Christians. Those that do practically hate and abhor it, pretend a mighty esteem and veneration for it; those that destroy it, speak much in its favour; and the most mortal Enemies thereof, will not fail to make its Panegyric, and exalt its praise. The Romanists (who are certainly the greatest Incendiaries and Firebrands that are upon Earth, and have for many years, yea ages past, and do at this time imbroil and fill all Europe with Confusion and Disorders, with secret Conspiracies and Confederations, with open Wars, Violence, Oppression and Rapine, are (as they would be thought) the most passionate Lovers, and greatest Admirers of it: But whilst men see their fangs, and feel their paws, they will believe them Bears and Lions, though they should avow themselves the most harmless Doves or Lambs.  
But why is it that Peace and Union hath the universal suffrage of men, even of those that have a practical abhorrence and detestation for it? 'Tis its own proper Excellency and Advantages that commands their Approbations. Union and Peace (as all other virtues) have their charms and attractives; and so great is the force of them, that men cannot behold and consider them, without being enamoured of them, and captivated by them. But though the excellency, loveliness and beauty of Union and Peace, do subdue the understandings and judgements of men, their Interests, their Passions, and their Lusts, will not be conquered by any of them. Though Union be never so lovely in the opinion of their Consciences, they will sacrifice it a thousand times in favour to their Pride, their Ambition, their Covetousness, their love of Empire, Domination, and other Lusts.  
Though the Commendations that are given to Union and Peace, be no proof of the virtue or excellency of those that speak in the praise thereof, yet 'tis an undeniable Evidence of its own proper worth and advantages. That which hath the suffrage and approbation of all men's Consciences, that which hath the esteem, and is the Darling even of its very Enemies, must needs be very excellent, worthy and valuable.  
The Excellencies and Advantages of Union, are most evident in the Causes of it, and in the Effects that it produces in the World. Union is the effect of good Knowledge, & sound Understanding; (for that Union that is seen among the Ignorant, is no other than what is found in a heap of Logs or Stones, which doth not indeed deserve that name.)  
Those that fill the World with Controversies, Quarrels and Contentions, are for the most part men of small understanding, and of raw and undigested notions. 'Tis half-witted people that set the Churches of Christendom together by the Ears, and kindle those flames in the House of God, that are like utterly to waste and consume it. Men of great understanding are modest and peaceable; they will not contend for trifles, nor express great Zeal for any thing, but the great Essentials of Faith and Godliness: They will not suspend the Peace of the Church upon uncertain, or unnecessary things. In things of that nature they can permit men to their Liberty, and where Liberty is permitted, there is seldom any Controversy; but where there is unnecessary restraint, there is everlasting quarrels, and will be to all Generations.  
Let me add further, Union is an effect of great holiness and sanctity of mind and nature. Let men's Knowledge be never so great, if they be not born of God, and partakers of a Spirit of Holiness and Sanctification, they will quarrel and contend everlastingly, not in compliance with their Consciences, but in favour to their Lusts. If enquiry be made, 'twill be found true, that the holiest persons, and such as have most of the Image of God impressed upon their Sou's, are always the most peaceable, quiet, and give least disturbance to the World; and what I have said of Persons, is true of Churches; those Churches whose Members are most holy, most renewed, sanctified and transformed, are the most freest from Divisions, Quarrels and Separations.  
Again, Union is an Effect of great Self-denial, Mortification, contempt of the World, and all the Pomp and Glory of it. This I do confess is comprehended in what I said in the preceding Paragraph; but that what I intent may be the more obvious and apparent, I have chosen to discourse it separately, and by itself. Men of unmortified Lusts and Passions, men that cannot deny themselves in any thing, men that are fond of the World, and the Advantages of it, will never rest, nor permit others to do so: They will move all stones, and make all trials that they can imagine, will serve or advance their Pride, their Ambition, their Riches, their Honours, or whatever are their darling and be oved Lusts.  
Many of the Ancient Schisms and Heresies, that so plagued the Church of God, were occasioned by the Pride and Covetousness of Churchmen. The Church continued for many years a Virgin. Thebuthis was the first that corrupted it with false Doctrine, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, because he was not made a Bishop, as Hegesippus reports. Euseb. lib. quar. cap. 22. Novatianus, a Presbyter of the Church of Rome, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, being puffed up with Pride, became the Author of a Sect which called themselves Catharists, but by others were called Novatians. Paulus Samosatenus broke the Peace of the Church, and espoused the Doctrine of Ebion and Artemon, and affirmed our Lord Jesus a man of common human Race, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Eus. lib. 7. cap. 27. And what he was for his Morals, those that please may read Eus. lib. 7. cap. 30. He was covetous, unjust, proud, effeminate; he permitted his Presbyters to partake in the same sins, that conscience of their own guilt might hinder and restrain them from opening and exposing his vile abominations. Arius was a proud man, and affected Domination; and because Alexander was preferred before him, and made Bishop of Alexandria, he mutinyed the Presbyters, and raised those Divisions in that Church that from thence were spread into almost all the Christian World. Vid. Theod. lib. 1. cap. 3. & 4. But it would be endless to mention the Quarrels and Contentions which have been raised in the Church of God, by men of unmortified Lusts and Passions, and no Union or Peace will be had in the Christian world, whilst those Vermin are lodged and nourished in the breasts of men. They are humble, mortified, and selfdenying men that live quietly, and give no disturbance to the Church or World in which they live, and whereof they are Members.   

SECT. III.  
SOmething having been said of the Causes of Union and Peace, let me add some few words of the Effects thereof, and but a few; for I intent no large or elaborate Discourse. Union would make the Church strong and impregnable, were the Members thereof united in and among themselves. Were they of one mind, and one heart, they would stand firm like a Rock, against all the Assaults of their Enemies. For besides their own proper strength, which would be consequent to their Union, God would stand by them, and be their Protector and Defender. 'Tis Faction and Division that weakens the Church, and causes God to withdraw his defence and guardianship from it; and than it becomes a prey to the Enemies thereof.  
Moreover, were the Church of God at Union and Peace within itself, it would be beautiful and lovely in the Eyes of the World. Did the Members thereof agree together; were they of one judgement in the Doctrines of Religion, and of one practice in the duties and actions thereof, how comely and decorous would the prospect be? And how would it ravish those that behold and consider it? even the very Enemies thereof would cry out and say, How beautiful are thy Tents O Jacob, and thy Tabernacles O Israel!  
Were the Church of God at Peace and Unity with itself, it would be a mighty means to Convert the World, and bring it over to the Christian Religion. Were there a great and mutual Friendship and Amity among the several Parts and Members of it, it would be a mighty Evidence of the Truth of Christianity, and almost all Mankind would fall under the source of it: The Authority thereof would be irresistible; 'tis the Factions, the Feuds, the Divisions, the Strifes, Hatreds and Contentions that are in Christendom, and among the Churches thereof, that makes them a scorn and abhorrence to Turks and Infidels, as well as to the Atheistical and profane that are among them. 'Tis the everlasting Quarrels, and mutual Censures and Condemnations of each other, that makes Christianity a poor languid thing, and takes off all the convincing power thereof in the apprehension of its Enemies.  
Again, were the Church of God united, and at Peace in itself, the mutual offices of Love and Kindness, of Charity and Compassion, which would be exercised by the Members thereof, would very much sweeten and abate the Miseries and Calamities of the present Life and State. The Rich would minister to the wants and necessities of the Poor, and the Poor would cheerfully serve, and minister to the advantages of the Rich. According to their capacities they would mutually help and assist each other; and by these mutual offices of endearment and kindness, much of the miseries and infelicities of Life would be removed, prevented, and sweetened, and the World be a much more happy place than now it is.  
The holiness of men's hearts and lives, would be very much increased and advanced by Union and Peace. Quarrels and Contentions do heat men's spirits, and fill them full of rancour, spite, malice and bitterness. It makes them fearful, jealous, and suspicious of each other, and these kind of unhallowed passions do drink up their spirits, and possess their souls, insomuch that they have no room or leisure for the introducing of pious affections, holy habits, and a divine frame and temper of mind; whereas, were men at Union and Peace, they would be free of these Diabolical Passions, and would be at leisure to trim and adorn their own Souls with the Ornaments and Perfections of Christians: They would have time and opportunity to impress the Image of God upon them, and their communion in the Public Worship of God would contribute great assistance to it.  
In fine, the Church of God on Earth would be some small figure and resemblance of the Church of God in Heaven, were it united, and did the Members of it live in Love and Peace together. There are no Divisions or Separations; There are no Enmities, Variances, or Strifes. All love and serve God with one heart, and one consent; all have a mutual love and kindness for each other. And something like this would be seen upon Earth, if Christians and Churches would, or could unite and live in Amity and Peace. But alas, Unity and Peace seem to have forsaken the Earth; and some men seem resolved, that they shall never return again, the conditions they propose for the restauration of it, being utterly impracticable, as shall be said and proved anon.   

SECT. iv  
THE Excellency and Advantages of Union and Peace, being such as I have mentioned, (to which many more might be added) it will easily be granted, that all Christians are obliged to endeavour the obtaining of it. Things so worthy and excellent, so profitable and advantageous to Kingdoms and Nations, to Cities, Towns and Villages, Families, and single persons, to the Bodies and Souls of men, certainly aught to be prosecuted with utmost might and endeavour; it should be sought as Silver, and searched after as fine Gold. All just and prudent means should be essayed for the attaining of it.  
Our Interest, as well as our Duty, layeth on us the greatest obligations to seek and pursue Peace and Unity. The love of ourselves, and our own advantages, as well as the many Precepts, and earnest Exhortations of Jesus Christ, and his Apostles, should make us earnest and zealous in our labours to obtain it. Strife and Contention, Divisions and Factions, destroy and take away all the comforts and pleasures of life, and are great breaches of the Divine Commandments; yea they are a mighty reproach and scandal to the Christian Religion, and huge pleasure and gratification to the Devil, that great Enemy of God and Men.  
And surely methinks, if men would but give themselves the liberty of a little sober consideration, they should not with so much earnestness, obstinacy and zeal offend God, mischief and undo themselves in time and eternity; for no other reason than to please the Devil, and gratify some brutish and profane passions, which have him for their Author and Original. But men will not consider, or if they do consider, they advise with their lusts, but not with their reason; with their passions and prejudices, but not with their consciences; and thence 'tis, that the effect of their consideration is many times more pernicious and prejudicial to Peace and Union, than if they had totally neglected it. For 'tis impartial Reason, and well informed Judgement and Conscience, that speak in the favour of Union and Peace; but Ambition and Pride, Love of Riches, Empire, Honour and Dominion, are for Faction and Division: They are for setting the Church (and the World too) in a flame, hoping to make some advantage thereby.  
These things peradventure will be granted by the most of men; those that are the greatest Dividers will acknowledge the excellency of Peace, and the duty and obligation of labouring after it; they will confess that it is the Interest of Mankind to prosecute and obtain it, and to advise with their reason, and not with their passions, when they consider how it be may recalled and restored again to the Church of God, and Societies of Men. They will also grant, that there is fault somewhere, and that some men are to be blamed, that there is so little Amity and Peace among Christian People and Churches; and that it is become such a mighty difficulty to heal the breaches of Christendom, and to compound the Differences that are in some particular Parts and Kingdoms of it.  
But although all men will acknowledge that the fault lies somewhere, yet there are none of the Contending Parties that will lay any blame at their own doors. The Church of Rome does acknowledge, and some of their Writers seem to bewail the Divisions and Factions that are in the Christian World; but that they are no cause of them, they do avow with all the assurance imaginable. The Calvinists and Lutherans do also confess and bewail the Divisions among Protestants; but they will both protest that they are not the faulty Cause thereof. To come nearer home, the Conformists and Nonconformists in the Church of England, do sufficiently confess, and many of them I believe, lament the Differences that are among us; but neither of them will acknowledge themselves worthy of any blame: They are both Innocent in their Opinions, but both Faulty in the Opinion of their Adversaries.  
But peradventure an imprejudiced and  Spectator, (if such a one be to be found) may think that there are Faults on both sides, among the several Factions of Christendom, though not equally great. The Romanists, without doubt, are the greatest Make-bates that are upon Earth, and the most Faulty Dividers; and yet I believe that there are some Protestants that make the Difference greater in some things than really it is, betwixt us and them. And there is no man that shall calmly read the Late Theses of the Learned Le Blank, but will be satisfied of it. The Lutherans certainly are much to blame in separating from the Calvinists, and speaking and writing so bitterly and spitefully concerning them: And yet 'tis possible that the Calvinists may not be altogether Innocent; for amongst them also are found men of unyielding spirits, and such as lay too much weight upon small things. As for the Contentions among ourselves (if I may be pardoned the liberty of saying it) I do not doubt but we are all to blame.   

SECT. V  
NOW the great Cause (in my apprehension) of all the Divisions, Quarrels, Schisms and Separations that are in the Christian World, is the making and imposing things unnecessary, doubtful, difficult, unintelligible, unprofitable, and numerous, the Conditions of Church Communion. This hath rend and torn the Church of God in pieces these thirteen hundred years; and yet those that are the Guides and Governors of Churches, either cannot, or will not see it. Let the Histories of the Church be consulted, and this may be easily observed. What is it that divides the Greek and Roman Churches from each other? What is it that divides the Greek Churches among themselves? What is it that divides the Roman Churches from those of the Protestant Profession? What divides the Lutherans and Calvinists? What is it that divides the Christian People of this Nation? Is it not the Imposing of things doubtful, dark, uncertain, and unnecessary, and this with a pertinacious and inflexible rigour, and severity one against another?  
Do not all these Churches agree in the great Essentials of the Christian Religion? Do they not all believe the common Articles of the Christian Faith? Do they not all believe the Lord's Prayer to contain the sum and matter of all the Requests that we are to make to God? Do they not believe the Ten Commandments to comprehend the main, if not all those Duties that we own to God and Men? And are not these things in which all agree, sufficient for the Union of Christians? Might they not live together in Love, notwithstanding their other Differences? Or, though they could not communicate together (as indeed Protestant's cannot communicate with the Romish Churches) might they not maintain Love and Peace under distinct Communions? Might they not repute each other Christians, and Christian Churches, though not equally sound and perfect? These things methinks, might be done, were it not that a Spirit of Imposition, and Arbitrary Domination over the Judgements and Consciences of Men, hath possessed the Guides of Christendom; All men must believe, and think, and speak, according to their apprehensions, or else they are no Christians. Their Judgements, yea sometimes their Prejudices, and their Dreams, must be made the Conditions of Communion; and if any refuse to swear to their words, and will see with their own Eyes, and believe and practise according to the Light of their own understandings, they are Heretics, and unworthy the Name and Communion of Christians. And hence proceed the various Separations and Divisions, and all the direful and tragical Effects of them, which have made the Christian World a Bedlam, and sometimes a Field of Blood, to the reproach of Christians, to the scandal of Infidels, and to the perverting of many Professors of Christianity to Atheism, or Apostasy to some other false Religion.   

SECT. VI  
TO press this a little, Whosoever considers the great variety and difference that is to be observed in Human Minds, must find that Imposition of many doubtful, and unnecessary things is no proper means of preserving Peace and Union in the Church of God, especially among Protestants, where a judgement of discretion, or a liberty of believing, according to the convictions of our own minds, is confessed the undoubted right of every Reasonable Man. Is it imaginable that Men whose understandings are almost of as various degrees and sizes, as are the shapes and figures of their faces, should agree in the same sentiments and perceptions concerning things dark, doubtful, and unnecessary? Is it imaginable that all Christians should have the same thoughts, and make the same judgement concerning the Determinations of the Council of Trent? Is it conceivable that all the Christians in England, or all the Clergy in England should have the same conceptions, and entertain the same Opinions concerning the Doctrine, Discipline, and Liturgy of this Church? To me it seems altogether as improbable, as that twenty thousand blind Men should from twenty thousand places, move and march, and at last meet together, and put themselves in good order on New-market Heath, or the Plains of Sarum. And why should Impositions be made, where there is no probability, or indeed possibility of Assent unto them? Or are such Impositions, which make Division in our Church, a likely means of making Peace in the Churches of Christendom? He that can believe it, may with as much reason believe that the casting on fuel and combustible matter, is a means to extinguish a furious raging flame; or the way to preserve a Ship from sinking, is to commit it to the Wind and Waves without any Pilot or Person to sit at the Helm, and manage the Course of it.  
That the gradual Difference of men's Understandings, is very great, and almost infinite, cannot reasonably be denied. Parents, Teachers of Schools, Tutors, and all kind of Artificers, find it so in the Experience of every day. It hath been so in all Ages, and will be so for all that I can see, as long as the World endures. Whether there be an inequality among Souls; or whether this great variety proceeda from the differing mixtures of the Elements, that compound our Bodies, and out of which our Organs are made, I will not determine, though I incline to believe the former; for 'tis past my imagination to conceive how the various mixtures of senseless Elements or Atoms, should produce all that variety that is observable in the Understandings of Men from the greatest Statesman, Philosopher, or Divine, to the meanest Peasant, or the most blockish Dolt.  
Parent's first find a vast difference in the capacities of their Children; some of them are of quick and pregnant Wit and Ingeny; they easily receive and apprehend whatever is proposed to them; others are dull and heavy, and receive with difficulty such things as are offered them for their Learning and Knowledge. Some of them are capable of understanding some things, whereas of other things they are as uncapable almost as the veriest Idiots. The Experience of Schoolmasters next, is much the same: Some of those Children that are committed to their care, do readily learn and receive whatever they reach and inform them: Others with difficulty and much labour. Some can never be brought to learn any thing that is regardable, by all the care and endeavours in the World. Tutors at the University find the like variety among their Pupils. Some Youths hear their Lectures, and understand and remember the Contents of them; and if they be examined concerning them, will give a good and fair account of them: But others hear them, but neither understand, nor remember almost any thing of them; and if the same things be repeated over again, with all the clearness that can be expressed by words, yet they still remain without Knowledge or Understanding therein. You may as well think to draw a Cable through the Eye of a Needle, as to impress Learning upon some men's Minds. Artificers and Mechanics speak the same Language, and give us the same Informations. Some Apprentices easily learn the Arts that they profess; others do it with great difficnlty, and are but bunglers at the last. Non puede ser mas negro el cuerbo que las, alas, saith the Spanish Proverb, The Crow cannot be blacker than her wings.  
And as the Degrees and varieties of men's understandings are vastly great and many, so are their prejudices and Anticipations. Some persons suck in certain Opinions with their Milk; they receive them from their Parents, and such as give them their Education. Thus some are prejudiced for the Doctrine of Calvin, and others for the Doctrine of Aaminius; thus some persons are prejudiced for Episcopal Government in the Church, and others for a Presbyterian Parity: Thus some contract a kindness for a pompous and ceremonious Religion, and Way of Worshipping God, others contract a fondness for a very plain and and simple Way and Method of Worship and Devotion.  
Moreover some men read but one sort of Books, and care not to read any thing that is written in opposition to their Anticipations; or if they do read any thing of that nature, 'tis with so great a prejudice, that their judgements are rather confirmed than altered thereby. They are strongly persuaded of the truth of their own apprehensions, & what is intended to shake them, doth but (as the Wind by Trees) fix and establish them. That this is a fault I do easily grant, but 'tis easier to observe than cure it; and that mens prejudices are strangely fixed and confirmed thereby, cannot be denied.  
Besides, men are strangely prejudiced against some Opinions, by the infamous reports that have been raised concerning those that have defended and maintained them. Thus the Papists are prejudiced against the Doctrine of Protestants, by impudent and frontless Lies, that have been raised against Luther and Calvin, and other great instruments in the Reformation: And thus many among us have an Implacable Pique and Displeasure against Dissenters and all their Opinions, because some men do report them a company of seditious People, that can never be quiet, but are always libelling Authority, and disturbing all Order and Governments wheresoever they live. And others are as much prejudiced against Episcopacy, and the peculiar Opinions of that sort of men, because they are reported to be a generation of men, that are proud and imperious, lovers of Empire and Domination, that engross the Revenues of the Church, and employ them in Luxury and Sensuality, but care not for the Souls of men. If they will obey the Orders of the Church, and submit to its Institutions, they may defy all the Laws of God, and without restraint or control make what haste they please to Hell; they countenance the Ungodly and Profane, and persecute and oppress such as fear God, & tremble at his word; they are impatient of such Meetings and Assemblies, where a company of poor Christians meet together, to hear God's Word, and call upon his Name; but they can very patiently bear the Assemblies of riotous Sensualists and Blasphemers, that convene to defy God, promote their own Damnation, and of as many others as they can.  
Again, some Persons receive prejudice against Opinions, from the real faults of some single Persons or a few men that have embraced and entertained them. Some Dissenters have used some uncomely, indecorous, and unadvised Expressions in their extemporate Prayers, and therefore they reproach and reject all extemporate Effusions: some of them have preached Doctrine not agreeable to some men's conceptions, or have used homely Language and Similitudes, and therefore all their Mouths must be stopped, and the Church of God will do better without them than with them. Some Conformists read the Liturgy without any seeming seriousness or Devotion, they are in such haste to have done with it, that they can scarce give themselves time enough to pronounce the words in their full extensions, and therefore they infer that all forms of Prayer are inconsistent with, and enemies to Devotion, and good for nothing, but to promote Laziness, and introduce Formality, and a kind of Lifeless Worship of God.  
Another thing that six mens prejudices, is their worldly Interest and Advantage, this is that which is the strength of the Papacy, and the support of the Antichristian Hierarchy and Kingdom. The Romanists are by their Education seasoned and imbued with the Opinions of that Church, and their Interest confirms them in the belief of them. When they come to the use of their Reason, and a Capacity of judging concerning them, men do seldom embrace Opinions that are inconsistent with their worldly Advantages, or forsake those (though never so unreasonable) that do favour and advance it. By believing the Doctrine of that Church they possess Estates and Honours, they live in Ease and Peasure, and exercise Dominion over the Consciences of men; and these things are pleasant to depraved Natures and corrupted Minds, and by them men are charmed and bewitched into a Belief of the wildest and most unreasonable persuasions in the World. 'Twere impossible to hold the Members of the Church of Rome to a belief of its own Doctrine, were there no worldly Interest to bias and sway their Judgements thereunto; Bishoprics and Abbacies, Caps and Mitres, and the many Preferments and Advantages wherewithal that Church abounds, do more to preserve it than all the Power of Princes, yea than all the writings of the greatest and most learned Champions of that cause. And 'tis not only in the Roman Church, but in some other Churches of Christendom besides, that Interest doth either form men's Opinions, or fix their Anticipations, and make them steady and immutable therein.  
The variety of men's Understandings and Prejudices, being thus obviously great and many, how is it possible that there should be Union and Concord among Christians, if Church Communion be suspended upon the belief and acknowledgement of doubtful and unnecessary things? May not their concord with as much reason be suspended upon a similitude of faces, features, and proportions?   

SECT. VII.  
BUT I shall argue the improbability of it, from Experience, as well as from its proper Causes. Do we not see great variety of judgements, and apprehensions in all parts of Learning and Knowledge? Do not Grammarians differ in the sense and meaning of words, and in the explication of the Idiotismes and peculiarities of the learned Languages? Do not our Mythologists differ in the account they give of the Fables of the Greek and Latin Poets? Do not some Learned Men think that they are (at least many of them) corruptions of the true History of things which we have in the Holy Bible? Hath not the Learned Bochartus among others given very probable reasons for it? and hath not an English Doctor and Divine of our Church derided, and laughed at him for it?  
Have not, and do not our Theological Critics and Translators differ in their Opinions, even concerning the Signification of words, as about the Original of them? Is there any agreement or concord among them, or do we need to go far for proofs of it? The first verse in the Bible will furnish us with enough. ברא שית In the beginning is translated by the Jerusalem Targum, בחוכמא in Wisdom, By the Arabic 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the first, and by Aquila 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, Summatim. Nor are they agreed in the origination of the word שמים Some will have it compounded of the words מים and שם ibi sunt aquae, there are waters: Others will have it derived from the Arabic word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 altum esse. And as great variety may be observed in the Translation of those words, The Spirit of God moved upon the face of the waters, but such varieties are endless. I will only mention the different opinions of Critics, upon those words, Psal, 22.17. They pierced. The word כארי some think is derived from the Hebrew word כרה, and that the Aleph in the middle is Epenthetical, and the Jod in the end of the word is put for Vaughan, either by the negligence of Transcribers, or the fraud of the Jews out of spite to the Christian Religion: Others think the radix of the word is כהר, and that Aleph is put for Ajn, by a permutation usual in the Eastern Languages: Others think that the word is Syriack, and that the radix is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and that 'tis here the infinitive Mood with the affix of the first Person, which often admits the signification of the preter perfect Tense among the Hebrews. This opinion they think is favoured by the Septuagint, who Translate the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, which is of the same signification with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 as Ferrarius informs us. Other diversities of opinions there are concerning this word, those that please may consult De Dieu, Glassius, Hottinger, Amama, Pocock, in Porta Mosis, with many others.  
Are there not great diversity of opinions among Historians and Chronologers? do they give the same account of things? is there no diversity in their narrations? Do the Greek and Roman Historiographers, report the same things of the Emperors, great Generals, and men of War, whose lives and actions they transcribe, and transmit to future Ages and Generations? Do they fix the same Epoches, and Periods to the beginning and end of the four famous Empires that have succeeded each other in the world? Are they agreed in what year of the Julian period to fix the Creation, or how long it hath been existent? Longomontanus reckons it existent. 3964. Kepplerus 3993 years before the birth of our Lord. Ricciolus says in his Almagest that he hath proved in his Chronology that this duration of the world could not be extended farther than 4076, nor determined shorter than the year 3993, from the Nativity of our Lord; And the most probable year of the intermediate space betwixt these two periods he thinks is the year 4063. See And Tacquet. Astron. lib. 1. p. 46. This is enough to prove the variety, and uncertainty of Chronology, to which many more might be added, if it were to any purpose.  
When will our Learned Commentators agree in their expositions of the dark and obscure parts of the Scripture? When will they give the same sense of the Prophecies of Daniel and the Revelations? Mr. Mede seems to have given the fairest account of them, and yet the Learned Dr. More dissents from him in many of his interpretations, as well as from Dr. Hammond, and his admired Hugo Grotius. And 'tis not only among Christian Writers that this diversity is found, but even among the Jewish Doctors: I shall only give one instance thereof amongst numberless numbers that might be produced: and that shall be from their expositions of the 53 Chap. of Isaiah. Abravanel in his enquiry concerning the Subject of that Prophecy tells us, that many of their Wise Men understand it על פשיח לעחיר לבא de Messiah venturo and thus Paehmanides understands it: Rabbi Saaidias understands it of Jeremy the Prophet, and so doth Aben Esra and Rabbi Menachem, with whom Grotius assents, though not without some hesitation. Jarchi and both the Kimchis (Father and Son) understand it of the Jewish Nation, which opinion he embraces and defends. Vide eum si placet in Commentariis fol 78. The like diversity is found among the Mahometans, as those that please may find in Mr. Pococks specimen Historiae Arabum, and his notes upon it, as also in Hottingers Historia Orientalis.  
When will the diversity of opinions concerning the Hebrew Points receive a determination? Capellus in his Arcanum punctationis asserts the novelty of them, so doth our Learned Walton. Buxtorfius Junior asserts them in his Anti Critica, Capellus, defends his opinion with acrimony and scorn enough towards his adversary, as may be seen throughout his whole defence; Buxtorfius replies again, and the Controversy is not yet ended, nor I think like to be. These things Create no disputes among Carpenters and Masons, among Ploughmen and Carters, and Persons that live in an utter ignorance of them, but they are, and will be controversies among the Learned, till Elias come.  
And are there not as many controversies, varieties, and uncertainties in natural Philosophy, as in what I have already mentioned? are not all things variously argued there, and are not men's Judgements in those matters as multifarious as their Persons in them? Have not DesChartes, and some other Philosophers of late overturned the whole Systeme of the Aristotelian Philosophy, and may not others do the like by what they have established, and are there not as great objections lying against their Novel Systemes, as against those that they have rejected? Or are the minds of ingenious, and inquisitive men any more satisfied in the one, than in the other?  
Are Physicians agreed in the nature of Simples, Drugs, and Minerals? have they any fixed Method for the Cure of Diseases? are they agreed in the Nature and Causes of them? Can they tell what causeth Convulsions, and Epilepsies? Are they agreed, or satisfied in what Dr. Willis hath discoursed concerning them? Do they know what causes an Ague, or in what part of the body, and in what vessels thereof that Foams lies, which at stated times ferments, and produces those various Symptoms? Are they agreed in their judgements about these things, or are they ever like to be? Do we not find new methods of Curing Diseases propounded every day, which after they have had their turn upon the Stage, they go off, and others succeed them.  
As the varieties in natural Philosophy are many, and the differences among those that converse therein innumerable, so are there the like among the Writers and Students in Metaphysics. What is there in that Science that is not variously argued and disputed? When will they be agreed about the Principle of Individuals, about the nature & number of Causes, about Quantity, Habits, Relations, and other things past count and number? When will they with one consent tell us the difference between the Decrees and Essence of God, whether it be real virtual, relative, or by extrinsic denomination?  
To these varieties and differences in Science, add those that are found among Mathematicians in Astronomy, and other parts of Mathematical Learning. When will they be agreed about the Diameter and Circumference of the Earth, when will they tell us how many miles we must move Northward, ere the pole be elevated one degree higher than 'tis in the place of our present abode and habitation? When will they determine the quantity of the paralacktical Angle of the Sun? Is it two degrees, or three degrees, and some prime minutes, as Albategnius will have it; or is it only 14 or 15, seconds as Vendeline determines it; or at the most but 30 seconds even when the Sun is nearest the Earth as Tacquet resolves it? Astron lib. 3. p. 131. 132. When will they fix the distance of the Sun and Moon from the Earth, and from each other? when will they determine the nunber of the Earth's Semidiameters, by which these distances may be measured? when will they agree in the height and extension of the Atmosphere, and how much the Diameter thereof exceeds that of the Earth, in its length and extension? when will they consent in the proportion that the several planetary Orbs have to each other, with many other questions of like nature and uncertainty, too many to mention?  
If the variety of men's Judgements in matters of Humane Learning and Philosophy be so great, it cannot reasonably be expected, that they should be one and the same in the Doctrines of Religion. There are as great depths, and as many unfathomlessabysses in Religion, as in any part of Learning or Philosophy; and indeed those very things that are difficulties in Religion, at least some of them, are not peculiar to Christianity, but were the same before it was known in the world, and are indeed difficulties in Philosophy, as much as in Religion. Such are the difficulty of reconciling the Divine Prescience and Decrees with Liberty & Contingence, or the Liberty of man's will with the Infallibility of Gods; Such is the original of Evil, and many things about the nature and acts of God, and therefore whilst there are controversies and obscurities in the one, there will be in the other. The things themselves being mixed and blended, the obscurities that attend them must be mingled and confounded also.  
In brief; There is nothing but a profound Ignorance that can make Men of one Judgement (pardon the expression, for 'tis Catachrestical and improper) in the obscure, dark, and unnecessary Doctrines of Religion. This is obvious among the Papists themselves; for though the common People, which are kept in Ignorance, and not permitted to read the Bible, manage no Controversies concerning Points of Religion, nor are divided in their Judgements about them; yet their Learned Men are at as great Differences, and there are as great Feuds among them, as among Protestants, unless it be in such things where their Interest unies them. This is sufficiently known by all Learned men, what everlasting Quarrels there are between the Jesuits and Dominicans, the Jansenists and Molinists, and many other Orders among them; insomuch that his infallible Holiness himself durst not determine them, for fear of disobliging the one or the other Party of them.  
Ignorance indeed keeps men quiet, and free from raising Controversies, and running into variety of Judgements. Ploughmen & Carters, do not use to differ about the signification of words in the Greek, Hebrew, and Oriental Languages, but Linguists do, and will everlastingly differ about them. Tradesmen and Farmers have no Debates about the passing of things out of a State of Possibility into a State of Futurity; or whether there needs a Decree of God for the effecting of it. The Mercers and Haberdashers are not divided in their Opinions about the variation of the Sun's farthest declination, the mutation of his Excentricity, or the unequal Motion of his Apoge. These are things they pretend no knowledge in, and therefore they entertain no diversity of Sentiments concerning them: But Astronomers have been of different Judgements in all these things, as may be seen in the Author lately quoted, pag. 45. 37.   

SECT. VIII.  
YET after all that I have said to evince the Improbability, or rather Impossibility of Union among Christians in many things, especially such as are dark and doubtful, and of little use or necessity, I do not intent to affirm that Christians can agree in nothing, or that all Uniformity of Judgement is impossible and impracticable among them; no, I do with much assurance say, That Christians may, do, and will agree in all the Essential and Constituent Parts of Christianity, and that Peace and Love may be maintained notwithstanding very great variety of Opinions, and some different practices too in other things.  
That Christians will agree in the great Essentials of Christian Religion, is apparent; for they do so, Greeks and Romans, with all the several Subdivisions that are among them, do consent in one Common Creed, Rule of Life, and Compedium of Prayer and Devotion; all Protestants, Calvinists, Lutherans, and Arminians, or by whatever other title they may be known or called, consent with them in the great Agenda, Credenda, & Petenda in Religion. In these things there is no diversity among them; those things are so obvious in the Scripture, and many of them in the Light of Nature, and by the Providence of God have been so superintended, that in the greatest defections of the Church, and Apostasy of Christians, the knowledge and belief of them hath been preserved and continued amongst all.  
Yea I am past doubt, that if only these things were made the Conditions of Communion among Christians, with Liberty of Difference in other things, and some variety of practices in particular Churches, more Unity, Peace and Love would thereby be produced, and Knowledge, Piety and Godliness be more advanced than by any other means in the world. In the days of the Apostles, and in some Ages after them, persons were admitted into the Christian Church, upon their belief and consent to these few plain things; yea upon a bare consent to the Contents of the Baptismal Covenant; and whilst they continued that Consent and Faith, they were continued in the Communion of Christians; and I do not yet understand why men may not be Christians, and partake in the Communion of Christians upon the same terms now as then; I think the Apostles were as wise men, and knew as well what they did, as any that have come after them in the Government of the Church; and I do not as yet see any reason why their Laws and Conditions of Communion should be altered. I am afraid the alteration of them hath done more hurt, and occasioned more mischief to the Church of God, than they that were the Authors thereof will be able to give a fair account of to God Almighty one day.  
It is not to be doubted, but that there was great diversity of Opinions (and some diversity of Practices) in things of inferior nature among Christians, and among Churches, even in the Primitive Church; The Jewish and Gentile Converts had not the same Opinions, nor were not of the same Judgement; Some differences there were among them, both in Opinion and Practice, as is obvious in the Scripture: And St. Paul allowed it, and communicated with them therein. And thus it was in the Ages subsequent to the Apostles, as Eusebius reports from the Letter of Ireneus to Victor Bishop of Rome, lib. 5. cap. 24. Victor had Excommunicated the Asiatic Churches, because they would not observe Easter after the Roman manner, for which Ireneus Bishop of Lions in France reproves and admonishes him not to Excommunicate and Cut off whole Churches, for observing the Tradition of their Fathers; for they had always observed it on the fourteenth day of the Month, and would not change it, to comply with the Roman Custom, who observed it on the Lord's Day. Ireneus tells Victor, That there was not only a Controversy about the Time of Observing Easter, but also about the Observation of the Fast that did precede it; some thinking themselves obliged to observe one, some two, some more, and some forty Days; and this variety was not a Novel Custom lately introduced, but had been such long before in the Times of their Progenitors and Predecessors; but this broke no Peace, though they differed about the Number of the Days of Fasting. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, The diversity of the Fast did commend the Agreement of Faith. He adds that Hyginus, Anicetus, Pius, Zystus, and Telesphorus, which Ruled the Church of Rome before him, though they never observed Easter after the Custom of the Asiatiques nor permitted it to be done in their Church, yet they kept Peace with those that came to them from other Churches where it was so observed; and gives instance in Polycarpus, who being at Rome in the time of Anicetus, was treated by him with Love and Honour, and permitted to consecrate the Eucharist in his Church: And if Bishops and Churchmen, were as humble, pious, & peaceable as those two Bishops were, there might be the same Peace among them and their Churches, though they differed in some Customs, Practices, and Observations.  
I know no more reason that Bishops and Churches should quarrel one with another for the sake of some differing Opinions and Practices, than that they should quarrel about the difference in their bodily strength and stature (I have instanced in the face before) or the various sorts of Fashions and Ornaments wherewith they are covered and adorned. Were it not a pleasant thing to observe men hussing, and raging, anathematising, & cursing each other, because one wears brown coloured Cloth, and another wears Grey; one wears Serge, and another Frieze; one buckles his Shoes, and another ties them with Strings? And are not many of the Contentions of Christendom indeed founded and established upon Reasons of equal weight and value? Are not most of the unchristian Feuds and Heats that are in England, of this sort and kind? What if one man fits at the holy Sacrament, another stands, and another knelt? Is not a Unity of Affection and Faith reconcilable with this diversity of gesture? What if one man reads his Prayers, and another repeats them from his Memory? What if one man uses a Form, and another prays Extemporately? may they not believe the Common Faith, and live in Love and Peace together? I am sure this may be, and if it be not so, 'tis not hard to tell what is the reason of it, nor where the blame must be laid.  
If Peace and Love may be preserved, amidst some diversity of Opinions, in the lesser things of Religion, and some variety of Practices, also (as I am very sure it may, if nothing else do hinder it) it may be hoped that the Christian world may enjoy some quiet once again, and lost Charity, Love and Kindness may revive among the Disciples and Servants of the God of Love and Peace; but if nothing will satisfy the Guides and Rulers of Christendom, but Uniformity in all things; and no Liberty be given for some diversities of Practices, there will be, nor can be, any Peace or Concord upon Earth; for Christians never will agree in many things; nor is it morally possible they should, as I have evinced (I suppose) at large already.  
The truth is, the idle Dream, the fond Imagination of a possibility of making Christians of one uniform Judgement and Practice, hath filled the Christian world with variance, strife and contentions, with blood, violence, rapine, and oppression, with proscriptions and banishment: Yea hath left little more than the name of Christian Religion in most parts of the world. For that men may be of one Judgement and Practice in Religion, there must be Impositions, and these Impositions must be enforced by Laws, and the contempt or breach of these Laws must be penal, and those penalties must be sharp and severe, and severely executed, and so bring us to such a pass, or else they are only Mauking, and men will laugh at them, and differ still as much as ever.  
And sure it is, that men fearing God, will not debauch their Consciences, nor sin against God, they will not hazard their Souls to preserve and secure their Lives, their Bodies, and their Estates; they will not run the hazard of being damned everlastingly, to escape the temporary punishment of imposing and domineering Rulers and Churchmen; and therefore they must be imprisoned, fined, banished, hanged, and damned too, if it were in the power of their good Friends and Prosecutors to do it. And these are the blessed Effects of Tyrannical Impositions; these the means of Peace, Union and Concord among Christians and Churches. But I would fain learn who taught them these means, ways and methods of Peace, Unity and Concord. Of all the Creatures upon Earth, a man would suspect they learned it from the Devil, who was a murderer from the beginning; surely they never learned them from the holy Jesus, for he never used any such methods of Peace, nor taught any such to his Disciples that I can find in the Gospels. Ye know not what manner of spirit you are of.  
And what follows? When they have banished, ruined, burnt and murdered all the Dissenters of one Age, the next Age furnishts them with more, to exercise their Cruelty upon, and employ their Rage which they call by the name of Love and and Zeal for Union and Peace: And thus for the maintenance of their Impositions and an Imaginary Peace by the means thereof, they are obliged to live in perpetual War, and to maintain some Legions in constant pay, to ruin and destroy those which are much better than themselves, and dearer to God and Christ, as they may also dearly know when they come to account to him for it.  
But if they chance to ruin all Dissenters, and none arise in succession to them, then must men grow to a carelessness & indifferency in all Religion; they shall retain the name, and perform and exercise some of the exterior parts and formalities thereof, but as for the Power of it, and a conscientious reverence and veneration for the Authority and Laws thereof, they are utter strangers thereunto. Impositions and Prosecutions upon the breach of those Laws that do enforce them, puts a period to all search and enquiry; it gives a check to all endeavours after an Increase in Knowledge: For if men use the means thereof, they will differ in their Sentiments and Apprehensions, and those differences will expose them to the public Rods and Axes; and therefore they must grow utterly negligent therein, choosing rather to be ignorant with security, than to obtain Knowledge to their ruin and destruction; and whatever puts a period to all endeavours after Knowledge and Understanding doth certainly ruin and destroy the Power of Religion. For Ignorance introduces Irreligion, Formality, and Superstition, but is no Mother to, or promoter of true, internal, hearty Religion and Devotion. And this is one of the dismal Effects that Impositions and Laws for the enforcing of men have had in Popish Countries, especially in Spain and Italy. There's nothing left in those Countries, but the name of Christianity, and some outside Formalities of Worship and Devotion; they know nothing of the Power of it: And I am not without fears, that if the present Impositions in England be continued, and the Laws prosecuted, and Dissenters ruined and destroyed thereby, that (unless God raise up others) the Life and Power of Religion will decay, and Tepidity, Formality, & Indifferency, with an increase of Sensuality and Profaneness succeed thereunto.  
And really, such a State peradventure may be acceptable enough to some men; for so they may live in Plenty and Peace, and have what may caress their senses, and please and gratify their lusts, they care not much what becomes of the Honour of God, or the Souls of Men. Thus 'tis in Popish Countries; the Pope and his Cardinals, the Bishops, Abbots, and most of the Clergy, live in Honour, and at ease; they abound in all things that are grateful to the Flesh; they withhold not their hearts from any Joy; but whether the People serve God or the Devil, whether they be saved or damned, is very little their concernment. Let them believe as the Church believes; let them be obedient to the Orders thereof; let them advance no Opinions contrary to its Institutions, and for other things they are at liberty, and may do as they list. There is no sin like Inconformity, and breaking the Orders and tyrannous Impositions of the Church. They may break all God's Commandments with more security than any one of them. Some there be do not fear to say, That there are others in the world that are much of the humour of those Catholic Gentlemen; and many there be that do not know very well how to confute them.  
Let it not be said that I impute all seriousness in Religion, to variety and differences of Judgement and Opinion; I mean no such thing. I impute it to an increase of Knowledge, and skill in the Scriptures and Doctrine of Christianity, to which diversity of Opinions, and some diversity in Practices too is, for aught that I can see, unavoidable; nor is there any way of preventing one without the other. This the Papists see well enough, and therefore forbidden the Reading of the Scripture to the Vulgar; and some Protestants see it too. See Bishop Bramhall's Vindication against Mr. Baxter, who shall scape fairly (he says) if none cast it in his teeth, that the promiscuous licence which they give to all sorts of people, qualified or unqualified, not only to Read, but to Interpret the Scripture according to their private spirit, or particular fancies, without any regard either to the Analogy of Faith which they understand not, or the Interpretation of Dectors of former Ages, is more prejudicial, I might better say pernicious, beth to particular Christians, and to whole Societies, than the over rigorous restraint of the Romanist. p. 116, 117. There are more may see it in due time, and 'tis to be susspected, that those that commend that Book, and have espoused some other notions of that Author, concerning Patriarchal Power, and the Obligation to obey the Laws of Universal Councils, till they be repealed, (which how they shall be I cannot tell) may have some kindness for the same Opinion, and some illuminations concerning it, though it be too early in the morning, as yet to propose them to public Consideration.  
However I have entertained the persuasion which I think I am not so like to forsake, that Knowledge with serious Piety, and Godliness, though mixed with some real Errors, Divisions, and Mistakes (for in variety of judgement concerning the same things all cannot be true) is more eligible, than Union, and sameness of apprehension, with Ignorance, Profaneness, Formality, and a form of Godliness without the Power of it. A living man, though something misshapen and deformed, is better than a lifeless Statue, though it be never so beautiful and comely; and most Parents had rather have their Children alive, though by their little peevish humours and quarrels, they give them some trouble and vexation, than to be deprived of them, having nothing but their pictures and lifeless Marbles, which never need their Umpirage to reconcile their animosities and waspish feuds.   

SECT. IX.  
BUT what means all this Discourse? Why this is the meaning of it. Union and Peace among Christians is a very fine thing, and greatly ; but so various are the Understandings, and so great and inveterate are the prejudices of men, that Union of Judgement can never be expected, with any probability, unless in a few, plain, necessary things. Peace, Union, and Love was preserved in the Christian Church in the Primo-Primitive times, upon such terms, upon the consent unto, and agreement in a few plain, necessary things. Those were thought then sufficient, and they are so still, though the belief of it be perished from among men. Those persons that suspend the Peace of the Church, upon many dark, useless, and controverted Propositions and Doctrines, and will prosecute all Dissenters by severe and sanguinary Laws, (I will say it over again) do but take a fair way to destroy the Church of God, and leave nothing but the empty Name of Religion in the World.  
You will say, What then would you have? Would you have all men left at liberty, to believe and do as they list in Religion? Would you have no Laws or Rules be imposed upon the Judgements and Faith of men? Shall they be permitted to believe and publish what Doctrines they please? Before I make any Answer to this Objection, I shall with all humility beseech both our Civil and Ecclesiastical Governors, especially the latter, (whose Government certainly is paternal) that before they make Laws and Rules for the Consciences of men, they would a little consider,  
1. The Weakness, Impotence, and Depraution of humane Minds. Methinks those that govern the Churches of Christendom, seem to have very little sense of the common Calamity of Mankind; they seem to have forgotten the great and lamentable Imperfections of the whole posterity of Adam: Are not the Understandings of most men pitifully blind and dark? Are they not strangely impotent and weak, yea, unable to discern sometimes the clearest Evidence and Light? Are they not strongly influenced by Education, Company, Interest, and many other things? Do not men's Lusts and Passions very much influence and sway their Intellects? And are not their apprehensions of things very much form by them? This I do acknowledge is a fault, but 'tis a common fault, and surely some consideration ought to be had of it, in the making and imposing Laws and Creeds, upon the Consciences of men.  
2. The very great Trouble, Tyranny, and Vexation of a scrupulous Conscience. They that have had to do with those kind of persons, know something of it, but none understand it fully but those that have had experience thereof. The burden, the trouble, the anguish, and the torment of it is not to be expressed; the severity of its Lashes, the rigour of its Rule and Dominion, is almost insupportable. Persons of this temper there have always been, and will be, and though some incompassionate men, (whose Bowels seem to be made of Brass) laugh at them, and ridicule their tenderness and scruples, yet I do belive that Church-governors (who should be Fathers to their People) ought to have some respect unto them in their Constitutions and Impositions.  
3. The impossibility of most men's giving assent with judgement to things controverted, difficult and obscure. Let men say what they list, 'tis not conviction that makes most men assent either way in the difficult controversies of Religion. Do most men, yea most Clergy men, give their assent in the controversies between Remonstrants and Contra-Remonstrants, out of conviction of Judgement? No: Those things are of such profound and deep Speculation, that very few men have either leisure, Books or Brains to fathom them, and make a judgement of them. The Controversy about the difference between Bishops and Prebyters, whether it be a difference in Order or in Degree, requires so much reading and skill in ancient Authors, Fathers and Councils, with the debates of Neotericks, that many men are not able with any settled judgement, to determine on the one side or the other. 'tis true, that some of the Church have lately, with great confidence, without dispute, concluded a difference of Order between them, and we must now believe it with as much assurance as the Apostles Creed: yet I see no just reason to doubt, but that the Controversy will remain longer than our Establishment, & peradventure there may have been, and still are as great men, and as well skilled in ancient Learning, as the late and present Bishops, that are of the contrary persuasion. I might instance in many of their Controversies at this time, but this shall suffice, for I am persuaded, that all men that have impartially studied, and thought of these matters, and made observation on the understandings of men, must acknowledge, that very few men of free judgements, can be brought to a full agreement in controverted and obscure points of Religion: And as foe the most consequently, that subscribe to what is imposed because they must, they do generally subscribe to things which Combien entiendan come puerca de freno, they are as well skilled in as a Sow in a Bridle, as says the Spaniard.  
4. The incongruousness of Laws, Penalties, and Executions, to make men wise, or give them largeness of understanding, to bring them to this Concord. Will Laws and Penalties give Eyes to the Blind, or Ears to the Deaf? Or will they enable a weak and impaired Eye to see Hairs, or the Webs of Spiders? Will they enable the quickest. sight to see the Woods and Forests, the Rocks and Mountains, the Towns and Villages, the Castles and Forts that are in the Moon? Laws and Penalties may sometimes put men on study and consideration, (though I think 'tis not very often, they rather warm and enrage men's Spirits, and put them upon the defence of their own Opinions, than on the consideration of the truth of those that are imposed on their assent and Faith) but they can never make men understand beyond their Capacities: All the Teaching and Instruction in the World will not make some men wise and learned, and what Instruction can't do, I am sure Laws will not do.  
5. That Laws and Executions may make some men Lie and Dissemble, and Consent against their Consciences to Impositions: but of all men such are the sharpest and most enraged Enemies; And none upon Earth will be more ready to revenge themselves upon the Imposers, than they will be, whenever an opportunity be offered to them. Thus in the Days of Queen Mary, many dissembled, and assented to the Roman Impositions, to preserve their Estates and Lives, but they retained their Old Opinions, and conceived a mortal hatred against those that put them on those straits and difficulties, as Dr. Burnet observes (Hist. Refor. part 2. page 364): And there is no doubt but they were the keenest, and most eager Enemies to the Romanists, in the Days of Queen Elizabeth, when they had the opportunity of revenging themselves upon them.  
6. That it is not impossible, but the same measure that some meet to others, may be measured to them again; and that those that Impose upon the Faith and Consciences of others, may be Imposed upon themselves with the same, yea far greater Tyranny and Rigour. The Papists are endeavouring to subvert our Government and Religion; they have had Designs upon the Person and Life of our Sovereign, and some men think they still have; and I know no reason to imagine that they have forsaken them, unless they be convinced in their Judgements that there is no possibility of prospering, or being successful therein, which why they should be, I confess I do not understand. 'Tis true, a man would think they should find mighty difficulties in accomplishing their Plot, but it must be considered that we have been, and still are a sinful Nation. We have exceedingly provoked the Majesty of Heaven, and whether or no for the sake of our Iniquities, God may not give us up into the hands of our Popish Enemies, I cannot tell; I am sure we have deserved it; and if he hath determined to punish us for our sins, by delivering us up to the Roman Scourge and Tyranny, 'tis to no purpose to talk of difficulties; they shall be the Rod in his hand, and he will chastise us in despite to all the opposition that we can make against it.  
7. That God who is the great Sovereign and Governor of the whole Universe, does suffer or permit many things in this Inferior World, which he doth not approve, proposing himself a Pattern to Rulers. God suffers much among Heathens and Infidels, much among professed Christians, yea and many things he passes by in those that are truly his Children; He knoweth their frame, he considereth that they are but dust. God is not severe, nor doth punish every fault and miscarriage among mortals; and surely those that are his Vicegerents here on Earth, and represent him, would do well to imitate the Example of the most Supreme Lord of all; or at least I think 'twere not amiss to be as equally severe against Atheism, Profaneness, gross Immorality, and a contempt of all Religion, as against some small Errors in Opinion and Differences in Practice, from the Established Doctrines and Methods of Divine Worship prescribed. Ecclesiastic Rulers (whose Government I have said is paternal) are more especially obliged to consider this, forasmuch as they are, or at least should be, best acquainted with the understanding of the Patience, Long-suffering and Forbearance of God: But all should consider it, forasmuch as all have experience of it, and must have, or they are undone. Civil and Ecclesiastic Governors both have experience of much Indulgence and Connivance from God Almighty, and they have still great need of more; and 'twere well that they which enjoy and need so much, would impart and communicate some degree and measure of it towards others.  
8. That the requiring of greater Uniformity in Opinion and Practice in the things of Religion, than the Church of God is capable of, is no means of Union, Peace, or Concord, but a most effectual and certain means of Division, Separation, Strife and Contention. The Christian World hath found this true by sad and lamentable Experience, and there is no man of sense or brains, but may easily perceive it, if he apply himself to the consideration of it. Were it a likely way to promote Peace in a Kingdom, yea or in a single Town or Village, to oblige all the Inhabitants thereof by Laws, Penalties and Executions, to learn and speak the Greek, the Chaldee, or the Arabic Language, and no other? Are they capable of it? or have they Time, Leisure, Wit, or Helps sufficient to obtain a skill and dexterity in it? Have they Teachers to instruct them in the meaning, reading and pronunciation of it? Or supposing they had Teachers, Have they all of them opportunity, leisure, or capacities for it? Would this make Union, Peace, or Concord amongst them? Or would it not certainly mutiny, trouble and divide them? No more is it any probable means of making Peace, Union, and Concord among Christians, to oblige them to think, speak, and do the same things, in the many doubtful and Controverted Cases and Points of Religion and Worship in agitation among us? Are their minds all of the same shape and size? Are they all of equal capacity and comprehension? Yea, are the minds of all Clergymen of equal quickness and perspicuity? Are they of the same vigour? And have they the same advantages for the improvement and cultivation of them? Or are Impositions likely to unite them? Or are they not rather a sure Means, and certain Engine of Division and Separation? 'Tis morally impossible that men should have the same thoughts and apprehensions in the Controversies of Christianity, as I have said and proved in the preceding Discourse; and if the Governors of Churches will require things impossible, they may easily perceive that it is not the way to make Peace, but War; not Union, but Division; not Love and Friendship, but Hatred, Variance, and Strifes: For though some will assent to all that they require, out of Interest, and for their Advantage; others, by the hope of a fair and passable Interpretation; others will run with the Herd, and swallow all without any chewing or consideration; yet there will be men of tender, scrupulous, and severe Consciences, that will everlastingly descent from them. I do humbly conceive some regard ought to be had to such persons by Governors in their Impositions, and that those that are most afraid of offending God, should not for that very reason be exposed to the greatest Sufferings and Calamities.  
9 That it seems something hard, that it should be in the power of Church-governors (who have all their Power for Edification, not for Destruction) to make men Schismatics at their list and pleasure; and yet so it is, if they may Impose what Controverted, Doubtful, and Unnecessary Doctrines and Practices they please, upon the Belief and Observation of men. If this be granted, those that are Good and Catholic Christians this day, may be a company of Schismatics to morrow; 'tis but the Imposing of some Doubtful Opinions on their Faith, and some Suspicious Actions upon their Practice, and the work is done. And on this Supposition 'tis come to pass, that all the Christian. World are by some part or other thereof, accounted Schismatics. The Romanists account all Schismatics, that refuse and descent from their Impositions. The Protestants are of several Judgements, and various Practices, and are more than enough severe in their Censures of each other. Some seem to account all those Churches Schismatical, that have no Bishops, or Episcopal Ordination; others think them Schismatical that do assert the necessity of it, and will Impose the Belief and Practice thereof. The Case being thus, an honest and sober man would be shrewdly tempted to think, that God never gave any Power to Church-governors to Impose Doubtful and Unnecessary things upon the Belief and Practice of Christians, and thereby make Schisms, Separations and Divisions at their pleasure; but that all the Power they have, is to Command and Impose things plain, necessary, and certain; and that those are enough to maintain the Church's Peace.  
10. That it seems very hard also, that men that believe all the Ancient Creeds, assent to all the Fundamental Articles of the Christian Religion, and live a pious and holy Life, denying all ungodliness and worldly lusts, living righteously, soberly and godly in this world, should be denied the Communion of the Church: And yet thus it may, and thus it doth happen, by reason of the Imposition of some Doubtful and Unnecessary things. Thus 'tis in England; let a man be sound in the Faith, and live an Angelical Life, in the exercise of all kinds of Christian Virtues, yet if he scruples Kneeling at the holy Sacrament, he may not partake in it; if he doubts the lawfulness of Godfathers, and Godmothers, or the use of the Sign of the Cross in Baptism, he may not have his Child Baptised, or admitted into the Church of God, though he be a person sound in Judgement, and of unblameable and exemplary Conversation in all Godliness and Honesty. No Clergyman can officiate in the Church, that suspects or doubts any thing in the Liturgy, Book of Ordination, and Articles, to be contrary to the Word of God; besides some other Subscriptions which a thinking man may be able to find such difficulties in, that he cannot answer to his own satisfaction. Be his Abilities never so great, be his Desires to serve God in the Gospel of our Lord Jesus never so warm, lively and passionate; yea though he have been solemnly devoted thereunto, he must not come near the Altar, nor meddle with any Public Ministrations, for the promoting the Honour of God, and the Salvation of Souls. The greatest skill in Languages and Philosophy; the largest knowledge in Fathers, Councils, Histories, and the latter Books and Writings of Divines, joined with uncorrupt Faith, and an unblemished Life, are not sufficient qualifications for the Priesthood. The Impositions must be all swallowed, or the Candidates for it may go feed Swine. For the Flocks of God (which he hath purchased with his own blood) they shall not feed, though there be no others to substitute in the Room of them, and they wander, go astray, and perish eternally by the want of Teachers and Instructers.   

SECT. 10.  
HAving besought our Civil, and most especially our Ecclesiastical Governors, to consider these few things now discoursed, I proceed to make some Answer to the Objection; What would you have? And in general I reply, I am no Advocate for Universal Liberty, that men should be left to believe, speak, and do as they list. I would not that permission should be given to any to blaspheme God, ridicule the Christian Religion, decry and burlesque all Morality, and laugh at the day of Judgement, and a State of Rewards and Punishments. I would not that men should be permitted to Preach Rebellion, and Mutiny the People against their Prince; nor that they should be allowed to sow Sedition, or teach such Doctrine as will subvert Order, and destroy all Peace among men; for these things, and others of like nature, I am no Patron. Let these be prevented by all just care and endeavours, and let such as offend in any of them undergo the sharpest punishments.  
But in particular, for satisfaction to this grand Query or Objection, as being the chief business of my undertaking, I humbly propose these several things which follow.  
1. That nothing be Made or Imposed as Conditions of Communion, but a few plain, obvious and necessary things. In these Concord among Christians may be expected, and will be found, but in many Doubtful and Unnecessary things it is impossible. Grammarians, Historians, Natural Philosophers, and Mathematicians, agree in some things. There are certain Axioms, common Notions, and Propositions, in which they do mutually consent, whatever their Differences be in thousands of other things. In some few, great, plain, and useful things, Christians do and will agree, though in many things of less certainty, use and importance, they may and will differ to the world's end. Existimat ejus Majestas nullam ad incundam concordiam breviorem fore viam, quam si diligenter separentur necessaria a non necessariis; & ut de necessariis conveniat, omnis opera insumatur, in non necessariis Christianae libertati locus detur. Epist. Causaboni ad Card. Perronium. p. 31.  
Let the things Imposed as Terms and Conditions of Communion, be the Great, Essential, and Constituent Parts of Christianity: Let them be such as are of the Essence of Religion; such as without Assent and Consent unto, no man is, or can be a Christian. That Religion (I mean the Christian Religion) hath its Essential and Constituent Parts, cannot reasonably be denied; for if it have no Essential Parts, 'tis not Quid Compositum, 'tis no compound thing, which no man in his wits, I think, will affirm; and if it be a compound thing, it must have its Essential Parts, distinguishable from those that are Integral and Accidental. We are not to be tied up to the one as to the other. Certainement il seroit bien à desirer qu'il n'yeust pour tout aucune diversité, ni bigarrure entre les fideles à cet regard. Mais parce que dans l'infirmité, où nous vivons en cette chair mortelle, ce bon heur est plus a souhaiter, qu' à esperer, il fant restreindre la necessité de l'union de nos sentimens aux points, qui sont Essentiels, & sans la creance des l'on ne peut parvenir au salut. A leur égard, tous les fideles doivent sentir une mesme, chose. Nulle ne peut y avoir de diversité sans rompre. Mais quant aux auters, qui ne sont pas de cette importance, nous devons y souffrir la diversité quand il y en a l'example de l'Apostre, qui oblige bien ci apres tous les fideles à cheminer d'une mesme ragle en ce a quoy ils estoyent parvenus, mais supporte neantmoins ceux qui aux reste sentent quelque chose autrement que luy, & les fideles parfaits, esperant que Dieu le leur revelera aussi. Comme vous voyez, que dans un estate, pourveu que tous les citoyens tiennent les maxims fondamentales, & necessaires pour la sanction des devoirs essentiels à sa conservation, l'on tolere entre eux de la diversité en plusieurs autres subjects de moindre importance. Daille on Phil. 2.2.  
3. Let the Essential Parts of Christianity be so carefully collected, that there be no defect, nor no redundance: Let there be no defect, lest such persons as are no professed Christians, be admitted to the Communion of the Church: Let there be no redundance, lest those that are true Christians, and believe all the Essentials of the Christian Religion, be excluded and denied their proper Privilege and Right. Jacobus Acontius discoursing of a Common Creed to be used among all Christians, and to be reputed the Test and Condition of Communion, speaks as followeth. Ac oportet quidem confessionem ejusmodi esse instar definitionis cujusdam, quemadmodum enim requiritur, ut definitio neque plura complectatur, neque pauciora, quam res ipsa, quae definitur; (viz.) ut nihil desit, nihil redundet: ita in fidei symbolo nihil deesse oportet eorum quae sunt ad salutem cognitu necessaria; nil etiam contineri debet, absque cujus cognitione contingere salus possit: Si deesset etenim aliquid cognitu necessarium, fieret ut qui Christianus haberi non debuit, neque Ecclesiae Dei Membrum, propterea quod profiteretur illud symbolum, haberetur pro Christiano. Sin contineretur Symbolo aliquid non necessarium cognitu, usu venire posset, ut qui confiterentur quae essent necessaria, ut qui cum suâ qualicunque fide salvi esse possent, propterea quod non reciperent id absque cujus cognitione contingere salus possit, cum essent pro Christianis & Ecclesiae membris agnoscendi, rejicerentur; at sineque desit, neque redundet quicquam, jam neque rejicerentur, nisi qui sunt rejiciendi, neque recipientur, nisi qui sunt recipiendi, atque ita aptissimum fuerit Symbolum, quo Christiani à non Christianis discernuntur. Acontii Strat. Satanae. lib. 7. pag. 366.  
4. Let some difference be made between a Confession of Faith, and a Summary or Institution of Christian Religion. In a Confession of Faith let nothing be inserted which is not necessary to Salvation: In a Christian Institution all things may be discoursed which may be thought any way useful or advantageous. Whatever is mentioned in a Creed Symbol on terms of Communion, beyond what is absolutely necessary, breaks the Church of God into Sects and Factions, and fills it full of quarrels, strife and contentions. Those that will promote the Peace of it, must require Assent and Profession only to some few necessary things; and in vain do men hope or expect, that the whole Church of God should be of the same mind in many or all things. In confession scribendâ, ut nihil quod omnino sit cognitu necessarium praetermittendum est: ita quicquid addatur non necessarium (etiamsi alicqui verum & bonum sit) id ad Ecclesiae divisionem in Sectas pertinet, atque ad discordias & rixas; qui pacem & concordiam in Ecclesia vult esse, oportet eum rerum necessariarum confessione contentum esse; frustra enim speraverit aliquis fore unquam, ut cum Dei Ecclesia tam bene agatur, ut de rebus omnibus omnes idem sentiant; quare una illa reliqua est concordiae ratio, si qui necessaria amplectuntur, ferant se mutuo, & suas controversias inter se amanter, humaniterque uti fratres, tractent. Acont. ubi supra. pag. 367.  
5. Let this Confession, Creed, Symbol, or Test of Communion be expressed, as near as possible, in the words of Scripture. Nihil complectatur nisi expressum eisdem etiam verbis, & loquendi formulis (quoad sciri potest) quibus ipse Dei Spiritus usus est: For there may be many men that will own and subscribe a Creed, or Confession, expressed in the words of the Holy Ghost, which peradventure may scruple that which is expressed in our own. All Protestants do grant, that all things necessary to be believed and practised, are plainly and clearly revealed, and expressed in the holy and sacred Volumes. What hinders then, but that our Symbol, Creed or Confession, may be drawn up in the words of Scripture? Do we imagine that our own words will be more apt and proper, and fit to obviate Heretics than those of the Holy Ghost? Shall we pretend to be more wise and cautious than the Divine Spirit? Or do we know what is more or less liable to Cavils and Exceptions better than God himself? What arrogance, madness, and presumption is this? Are we wiser than God? Or are we more prudent and advised than he whose understanding is infinite?  
6. Let nothing be condemned or rejected in this Creed or Symbol, but what is inconsistent with the Faith of things absolutely necessary to Salvation. Let no Errors be condemned in it, but such as exclude from the Kingdom of Heaven. If Errors of inferior nature be condemned in it, 'twill become an Engine of Division, and not an Instrument of Peace; 'twill exclude many from the Communion of the Church, which ought to be received unto it, and so be an occasion of Separation and Schism. And I know nothing almost that hath occasioned more mischief, and brought more fatal Calamities upon the Churches of Christ, than the enlarging of Creeds and Confessions, under pretence of obviating Errors and Heresies. This one Engine hath caused more Schisms and Separations, and shed more blood, and caused more desolations than all the Heathen Persecutions; and yet notwithstanding the Lamentable Experience of so many Ages, 'tis still kept in use: And I believe the Devil is very loath to part with it; he hath found such success and advantage by it, that he will never forsake or abandon the use of it, if possibly he can: And there are many men (and some that do pretend to be no Friends to him, or his Interests) that seem to be almost as loath to part with this blessed Invention as the Devil himself. Optandum foret ut qui publica templa & munera occupant, in sua confession, doctrina, ceremoniis, aliisque se intra primorum Christianorum & Apostolorum simplicitatem & generalitatem continerent, aut duodecim illis Catholicae Fidei Articulis, Symbolo Apostol. contentis, hoc est paucis admodum, & paucis ceremoniis, contenti essent, & in aliorum conscientias Dominium non usurparent, adeo ut omnes absque animi offensione publicos illos coetus frequentare, & ibi inter se Eucharistiam celebrare possent. Curcellaeus in his Preface to Episcopius.  
7. Let us know that, the things absolutely necessary to Salvation, and utterly inconsistent with it, are but few. The Learned and peaceable Author last but one mentioned, reckons nothing directly necessary, but Faith in the Son of God; and nothing inconsistent with it, but Unbelief of the same proportion. By consequence he grants it necessary that we understand the depravation & guilt of our own lives and natures, and the purpose and resolution of God to judge the Living and the Dead. Vid. Jac. Acont. Strat. Satanae, lib. 3. à pag. 123. ad pag. 131. And according to these apprehensions of things absolutely necessary, both directly and by consequence, he forms a Symbol, which I will propose to the Reader's view and consideration in his own words.  

1. Quod unus sit verus Deus, & is quem ille misit Jesus Christus & Spiritus Sanctus, & quod non recte negatur alius esse Pater, alius esse Filius; quia Jesus Christus vere sit Dei Filius.  
2. Quod homo irae judicioque Dei sit obnoxius; & quod reviviscent mortui, justi quidem ad sempiternam beatitudinem, impii verò ad sempiternos cruciatus.  
3. Quod Deus Jesum Christum Filium suum in orbem miserit, qui homo factus propter peccata nostra mortuus sit, & propter nostram justitiam à mortuis excitatus.  
4. Quod si crediderimus Dei Filio, per ejus nomen vitam consecuturi, simus.  
5. Quod non sit in ullo alio salus, non in beata Virgin, aut Petro, aut Paulo, aut ullo alio Sancto, vel quovis alio nomine, & quod non sit justitia in Lege, neque in hominum mandatis, aut inventis.  
6. Quod unus sit baptismus in nomine Patris Filii, & Spiritus Sancti. Vid. pag. 373. lib. 7. Edit. Oxon.   
In English thus:  

1. There is one True God, and Jesus Christ whom he hath sent, with the holy Spirit, and 'tis falsely denied that the Father is not another, and the Son another, because Jesus Christ is truly the Son of God.  
2. Man is liable to the Wrath and Judgement of God, and the Dead shall rise, the Just to everlasting happiness, and the Wicked to everlasting torments.  
3. God sent his Son Jesus Christ into the world, who was made Man, and died for our sins, and risen again for our Justification.  
4. If we believe in the Son of God, we shall obtain Life by his Name.  
5. There is Salvation in no other, not in the blessed Virgin, not in Peter, Paul, or any other Saint or Name. There is no Righteousness in or by the Law, or by the Commandments and Inventions of men.  
6. There is one Baptism in the Name of Father, Son, and Holy Ghost. I have not set down the Creed of this Judicious Author, as if I thought it the best and most exact that can be form, but because it is short, and expressed in the words of Scripture, and an Evidence of his Judgement, that the Communion of Christians, and consequently the Peace of Churches, yea of Christendom, must be suspended, only on a few plain necessary things. And peradventure our Common Creed, with the Lord's Prayer, and Ten Commandments, as I have already intimated, might be Impositions sufficient for the Union of Christians and Churches.   
8. Let the Ministers of the Gospel be obliged to declare their Faith in, and Assent unto, no more than some such brief Symbol, or Confession, or rather to those three Summaries of Christianity abovesaid. Let them not be obliged to subscribe unto a multifarious number of Articles, or to profess a Faith or Consent unto them. Let them hearty believe those few great things, and reduce their Faith to Practice, and persuade others (I mean their several Congregations) to do so, and this will be a more effectual way of producing and preserving Peace and Union, than any other way or means whatsoever, and with less mischief and inconveniencies. 'Tis true, good, large, numerous and swinging Impositions, ratified by severe Laws, and prosecuted by something like an Inquisition, would peradventure silence more Disputes and Controversies; but then there are two small mischiefs consequent thereunto, The one is, it would destroy the best part of Mankind from off the face of the Earth: The other is, it will destroy all serious Religion, and leave nothing but an empty name or shadow of it in the World. And I am of the mind that some serious Religion, though attended with Controversies and Contentions about some smaller things, is more eligible than no Religion, or an outside Formality and Vizour of it, though accompanied with the greatest Agreement, Union, and Sameness of Judgement and Apprehension imaginable. Men are not Masters of their own Persuasions, and cannot change their Thoughts as they please. He that believes any thing concerning Religion, cannot turn as the Prince commands him, or accommodate himself to the Law, or his present Interests, unless he arrive at that pitch of Atheism as to look on Religion only as a matter of Policy, or as an Engine for Civil Government. Burnet in his Preface to his late Book of the Right of Princes.  
9 Let Ministerial Qualifications be set as high as prudently they may: Let them be required to have good Skill in the Learned Languages and Philosophy: Let them be skilled in History, especially that of the Church: Let them know something in the Controversies of Religion, and in the Writers of the Primitive Times. And in these things, let them undergo a strict Trial and Examination; and if they be not found competently instructed in them, let them be rejected. Let it not be thought a sufficient Qualification, to have seen a University, and spent some little time there. Let enquiry be made, what Advantage they have made, what Learning they have obtained by the time they have spent there. Persons may come as arrant Fools, and Ignorants, from thence, as they went thither, and sometimes much more. If no place in the Ministry, nor Preferment in the Church were to be obtained without Learning, it would oblige young Scholars to follow their Studies, and employ their Time in the prosecution of necessary Qualifications for the Ministerial Office, that they might be capable of it: But where little else is required in order thereunto, but Submission to the Ecclesiastical Yoke, and a good wide Throat that can swallow a Pompion, 'tis no wonder if nothing else be Learned or Laboured after by a great many.  
10. Let greater care likewise be taken of the Piety and Sobriety of their Conversations. Ad Personarum quidem delectum quod attinet, qui ad munus ejusmodi publicum eligi debent, tales esse oportet ut duo ista in iis inveniantur, Primò, Doctrina sana & orthodoxa, Deinde vita & mores convenientes non modo professioni Religionis Christianae, verum etiam tam sancto & singulari muneri. Ad hoc etenim vocantur, ut alios tum sermone, tum vitae exemplo doceant. Theses Salmur. De Minist. Evangel. vocatione. Let none be admitted to the Sacred Office, that are of Impious Lives, and Immoral Conversations; such persons give occasion to men of Profane and Atheistical Tempers and Inclinations, to scoff, scorn, and deride all Religion, and burlesque it out of the World: and to others that are of pious and devout Inclinations, to forsake Public Assemblies, and run after Private Meetings, and Conventicles. These things are obvious, and no man that hath Eyes in his head, can very well miss the Observation of them. And thus 'twill be, till greater care be taken of the Lives and Practices of those that are admitted to minister in holy things; of which at present I see no great I kelihood, seeing those that make the fiercest Declamations against Separation & Conventicles, & do sometimes complain also of the Atheism, Profaneness, and Debauchery of the Times, take no care of removing away the Causes, and Occasions of them. For I do not doubt but that very much of the Impiety, Irreligion, Separation and Division, which do abound among us, is in a great degree imputable to the Ignorance and Wickedness of Clergymen. Were Clergymen persons of Wisdom, Learning and Gravity, and of unblemished Conversation, that had nothing to do with any of the unfruitful Works of Darkness themselves, they would shame and rebuke the Licentiousness of the Age, and more easily draw people from the Private Assemblies to the more Public Worship of God.  
11. If the Governors of the Church shall think fit to Commend a Christian Institution, or Form of Doctrine to the Clergy, for the Direction of their Sermons, and Public Discourses, I know no hurt in it, it may have its Advantages and Utilities; but the Imposing such a thing is to me an Aversion. I know not what to compare it to better, than a Rack, where men's Joints & Limbs are wretched and extended to their very great torment and vexation. To Impote a large Confession, containing many and uncertain Propositions, and such as have exercised the Wits of Learned men for many Ages, and are like to do so to the World's end, is to set men's Minds upon the Tenters, and to exercise an insupportable Tyranny over their Judgements and Consciences, to the breaking of the Peace of Christians, and the Ruin of multitudes of good, and pious, and holy men, and this to the great detriment of Religion, and the Souls of men, and the Joy of the Devil and his Angels. And I do protest, I cannot but wonder, by what fate even some good and excellent men are engaged in favour of Impositions; Is it not as evident as that the Sun shines at Noon, that they have Rend, and Torn, and Divided the Churches of God in all Ages for these 1300 years, and have engaged them in those Heats and Animosities against each other, that by mutual Censures and Excommunications they censure the whole Universe of Christians unto Hell? I doubt not but that God will be more kind to them all, than they are to each other, or else I know not what will become of them, and where their Portion must fall. But this is one of the happy Effects of Impositions, which I can hardly mention without Indignation, and yet some good men seem to be mightly in Love with it, and hug and embrace it as an excellent Instrument of Union and Peace. Je demande que nous distinguions soigneusement entre le's Doctrines si clairement estabilies en la parole de Dieu, que tous les Chrestiennes sont obliges de les recevoir; & celles qui ont besoin, pour leur eclaircissement, du travail & de la Meditation des hommes pour les eclaircir; que nous n'en admettions point d'autres que les premiers pour fondamentales & invariables; & que quant aux autres nous puissons nous dispenser de les recevoir sans prejudice du salut, qui ne doit dependre que des premiers. Je pretends que tout celase fasse sans rompre la paix & l'union que nous devons entretenir avec ceux qui ont des sentiments different. I desire that we do carefully distinguish betwixt those Doctrines that are so clearly established in the Word of God, that all Christians are obliged to receive them; and those that have need of the Thoughts and Industry of men for the Elucidation of them; and that we admit no other than the first as fundamental and invariable; and that we may dispense with ourselves in receiving the others without hazard of our Salvation, which doth not depend but on the former: And I do affirm, that this may be done without breach of that Peace and Union which we ought to maintain with those that in these second sort of things are of different Opinions. See that excellent Book La reunion du Christianisme, p. 159, 160. and all over.  
12. Many things may be forbidden by our Governors to the Clergy, which they ought not to oblige them to abjure or renounce. Suppose a Clergyman should have entertained an Opinion that Ordination by Presbyters is lawful and valid, and that a Particular or Parochial Church is endowed with all Power, that Christ Jesus hath given to his Church: Peradventure our Governors may without any hurt or injury to him, or any other else, forbidden him the publishing of these Opinions, or making Proselytes to them; but why he should be obliged to renounce them, I do not understand. He may be a good man, and capable of serving God in the Gospel of his Son, though he should be of that persuasion in those things; and though he cannot renounce them, he may be very willing to silence, and keep secret his Sentiments, in obedience to his Superiors, and for the sake of Peace. Again, to the like purpose Submission to many things may be more safely required, than approbation; and there are multitudes of pious and peaceable men, that could endure and bear with many things that they can never approve. Many men peradventure might endure the use of the Cross in Baptism, and the denial of the Sacrament to such as refuse to take it kneeling, and the singing of Prayers in an unintelligible tone, and many other things which they would never like nor approve. And indeed such is the World, and such is the Church, that many things must be endured, which cannot, nor ought not to be approved, for neither the one, nor the other, will ever be so good as they should be. And here do I like well that good tempered Rule of St. Austin, and which indeed is always reasonable, Adhibendus est modus temporaque servanda, nec in confirmatione virtutis negligenda est disciplinae severitas, nec immoderatione coercionis dirumpendum vinculum societatis. Cont. Ep. Parm. l. 2. c. 6.  
13. If Silence and Submission had been required, where Abjuration and Approbation hath been Imposed, the Christian World had known more Peace, and Religion had flourished, and been much more successful, than it hath been for many hundred years. Silence and Submission would have obtained all those ends, which have been sought for in vain, by peremptory and rigorous Impositions. But when some men are not satisfied that others do quietly bear and submit to their Pride, their Domination and imperious Folly, but they must also approve it, justify it. & commend it. This is so monstrous a piece of Tyranny, that I know not to whom originally to impute it, unless to the Devil, who requires the same of his Servants; but those that are the Freemen of Christ, can never endure it. Nay, I will add this little on the contrary hand, That had some things been condemned only to Silence, instead of Renunciation, and others been required only as to Submission, instead of Approbation, I do believe we should have never seen those Divisions, nor known those Persecutions, nor heard those Outcries and Complaints of Schism and Separation, nor been in this danger of being swallowed up by the Papists, as now we are. But there are some Clergymen in this, and some in another World, that were of another mind, though it is like they have by this changed their Opinion at least some of them, and others will do it in due time. Decisiones Divisiones pariunt, & quo plures fuerint decisiones, eo plures inde oriuntur Divisiones & Schismata. Curcellaeus ubi supra.  
14. If Heretics in Fundamentals, and Persons of pernicious and dangerous Opinions, creep into the Church, let them after due Admonition, by their Superiors and Colleagues, be rejected. This is the Method that the Apostle prescribes, and I know not where to find a better. Impositions to obviate Heretics, have kept many sober and useful men out of the Church, but in my apprehension very few Heretics. They are usually men of a lubricous and slippery ingeny, and 'tis a very hard matter to set any traps or gins, which they will not escape, or to make any nooses, out of which they will not slip their necks; and I am abundantly convinced, that where One Heretic, or dangerously Erroneous person, Many excellently Learned and Pious Persons that might have been very useful Instruments in the Church of God, have been excluded by this means. There is care ought to be taken to prevent Ignorant and Scandalous Persons, from entering into the Church or Ministry; yet that hinders not but that some such Varlets do intrude into it. I think now that the same Methods of proceeding, which are used against wicked and immoral men, are to be used against men of unsound and dangerons Opinions. The Governors of our Church do not think fit to Impose Laws and Rules of severest Temperance, Sobriety, Justice upon all such as are admitted into the Sacred Office, and I know no reason why they should prescribe stricter Rules to their Judgements than they do to their Lives; and that as a wicked Conversation becomes penal and liable to censure, when it discovers itself; so 'tis time enough to punish Erroneous Persons when their Errors do appear; for these entangling Impositions (which are a sort or kind of preventing Medicines,) do, as I must say still, rather choke honest men, than bar the Heretics, or persons of dangerous and mischievous Judgements. No particular Church ought with rigour to require Subscriptions to Articles that are evidently true and necessary to be professed; because in the Division of hearts that is in the World, it is certain that some good men may descent, and then either they shall be afflicted, or tempted to Hypocrisy: Of either of which if Ecclesiastical Laws be guilty, they are not for Edification; they are neither just, nor pious, and therefore oblige not. Bishop Taylor, Duc. dubitantium, lib. 3. pag. 358.  
15. If the Bishops of the Church did vigilantly inspect both the Lives and Doctrine of the Clergy, I do not see any great danger consequent to the Intrusion of some ill, and Erroneous Persons into the Sacred Function; for as soon as their Profaneness and Errors are manifest, they are liable to Admonition and Censure, and if they remain obstinate and incorrigible, they may be suspended, and removed from the Ministerial Office. This I do confess requires great Care and Intendance over the Inferior Clergy, which yet I think no more than is the duty of those that are the Overseers of God's House, and do or should watch for Souls. But alas! that the honour which attends the Episcopal Office, should be one thing, and the Labour that is annexed unto it another; that the former should be loved so much by some men in the World, who have no extraordinary kindness, if any at all, for the latter. Personally to inspect and superintend the Doctrine and Manners of the Clergy is a drudgery that these cannot bear, and must be done therefore by Commissaries and Officials, and Arch-Deacons, who think nothing penal, or worthy of rebuke in them, unless it be some defection in Conformity, nor nothing worthy of praise, unless it be the virtue of Canonical Obedience.  
16. Personal Inspection into the Lives and Doctrines of the Inferior Clergy, is indeed a thing unpracticable in the Church of England, whilst Dioceses are of the present Latitude and Extensions. Is a Bishop like to oversee the Life, and take knowledge of the Doctrine of such Presbyters as he never sees, nor knows no more of than he doth of such as Live under the Empire of the Grand Signior, or the great Duke of Moscovy? To do these things by Delegates and Proxies, is to change the Nature of Ecclesiastical Government into a worldly and secular Method of Rule and Empire, of which I see no footsteps in the primo Primitive Church, for the first two hundred years, but those that were Bishops, did the work of Bishops; and Delegation of Episcopal Power and Duty without the Office, I find none, nor I believe never shall, though Bishops of After-Ages I do acknowledge, did find a way of devolving the most troublesome and laborious part of their Office to others, they themselves reretaining what was most easy and honourable, and it is well if they could have gone to Heaven too by the Labour and Duties of their Proxies. Qui Episcopatum desiderat, opus bonum desiderat, opus, non honorem, says Hierom on Tit. c. 1. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Then Prefecture was not Honour, but Care of the Governed. This did not make those that were chosen to it, to lift up themselves (for they were called to danger:) nor those that were not chosen, to be troubled as neglected. But the matter is not so now, but quite contrary. Chrysost. in Act. c. 1.  
17. Since the necessary Superintendance of the Lives and Doctrines of the Inferior Ministers and People can never be reconciled with the present Extent of Dioceses, it were to be wished in the next place, that Bishops and Suffragans were multiplied and increased to that number, as they might be capable of performing all the Duties of the Episcopal Office, and this I think might be done if our Superiors pleased, without altering the present Constitution, or diminishing the Revenues or just Honour of the present Bishops and Episcopal Sees. For Example hereunto, St. Augustin is noted, who sent a Bishop to Fussala, only because it was at too great a distance for his Care. I think you may find it in his 260 Epistle. Caveant ergo Doctores & Episcopi, says St. Jerom on Matth. c. 5. Let the Bishops take heed, who though they find Vicarios in Officiis, shall find none in Tormentis (according to Chrysostom, and him) if they neglect their Charge. This multiplication of Overseers would advance very much the Reputation of the Priesthood; for if they were diligently watched, it would preserve and increase Knowledge and Sobriety among them, which are the things that must give them a Reputation. 'Tis not a distinctive habit, nor Titles of Honour, nor the Countenance of Authority and Laws, that will procure them an Esteem and Veneration, but 'tis great Knowledge and Soundness of Judgement, great Piety, Mortification, Self-denial, Contempt of the World, Love to God and Men, Compassion towards Souls, and Zeal for the Salvation of Sinners, that must make them loved and esteemed in the World. And these things would be mightily promoted, assisted, and encouraged by the Superintendence, and Personal Inspection, Care and Example of Good and Excellent Bishops.  
18. As the Personal Inspection of Bishops would advance the Reputation of the Clergy, by promoting Knowledge, Wisdom, and Sobriety among them; so the Wisdom, Good Conversation, and Esteem of the Clergy, would mightily advance and increase Piety, Virtue and Godliness among the Laity. There's nothing that I know of, unless it be the Influence and Assistances of the Divine Grace, that contributes more to the making of men good, than the Wisdom and Piety of those that Preach the Gospel. For although in all places there are some, yea many, that are incurably wicked, and so perverse, and crooked, that nothing will make them strait; yet there are more Good and Pious men to be found, where the Gospel hath been preached, by Wise and Pious Preachers, than in any other places whatsoever. The Ignorant and Impious seldom or never convert Souls (at least in my Observation.) Animum non faciunt, qui non habent, Like begets its Like. Those that are themselves strangers to Godliness and Virtues are not likely to make others so. I do not absolutely deny that a wicked man may be an Instrument of another man's Conversio and Reformation; but I do believe 'tis very seldom, and of rare experience, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Clem. Alex. Strom. l. 1. p. 277.  
19 Let nothing be inserted in the Public Lyturgy of the Church, but what is agreeable to the Doctrines contained in the three Summaries of Christianity, formerly mentioned. If things of dark and uncertain nature be mingled in our Public Offices and Prayers, they will occasion the same Divisions, and Separations, the same Factions and Schisms, as if they had been put into the Public Test and Symbol of Communion; and those persons that come into the Church at one door, will be shut out at the other, and what is given to them with the right hand, will be taken away with the left. Let the matter of of Public and Common-Prayers, be plain and indisputable; let them contain nothing that can reasonably be scrupled; let the Confessions, Supplications, and Thanksgivings that do compound them, be such as all Good Men may consent unto, and readily and hearty say Amen. I must add; Let them be expressed in the Language and Words of Scripture, this will make them the more grateful and savoury to Pious and Devout Minds; this will render them the more unexceptionable to all men; and certainly no words can be more proper to express our Requests and Desires to God withal, than those that have the Holy Ghost for their Author. A Proposal of this nature was made to some Bishops suddenly upon His Majesty's Restauration, but 'twas rejected. A Lyturgy so form and expressed, would not serve their Ends, nor promote their Purposes so effectually, as that which had been formerly established and in use, and therefore in defiance to all Peace and Union, That must be Re-established. 'Tis true, there are not many things exceptionable therein, but something had been long objected against some passages in it, and the whole had been several years disused in almost all Congregations; and if from thence occasion had been taken, to new Cast and Mould it, I do humbly conceive it might have promoted more Love and Union, more Charity and Peace, than the Imposing it, as we have done with almost no Alterations. I remember a passage in Cyprian, De Oratione Dominica, When Christ hath told us (says he) that whatsoever we ask the Father in his Name, he will give it us. Quanto efficacius impetramus quod petimus in Christi nomine si petamus ipsius Oratione. Agnoscet Pater Filii verba, etc. It this be true, that our Petitions are more efficacious for being put in the words of Christ's Prayer, I am more persuaded that our Confessions and Lyturgy, if they were form only in Scripture-Language would be safer from exception.  
20. I would also wish further, that some Liberty were indulged to such persons, (being otherwise of sound Judgements, and Loyal and peaceable Principles, as are not satisfied in their minds, concerning the Lawfulness of a Form of Prayer. I do confess that I never read or heard any thing said or written against Forms of Prayer, that would convince me of the unlawfulness of them; nevertheless, because there are many Learned, Pious, and Good Men, of other thoughts and apprehensions, I do hearty wish that they might be permitted the Liberty of their Judgements and Consciences in that Case; nor am I able to see any danger, mischief, or inconvenience consequent thereunto. There were greater Differences and Varieties among the Ancient Churches (without any breach of Love or Charity) than the use of a Form or Extemporate Conceptions do amount unto; and so it might be still, if Christians, both Clergy and Laity, were as meek, humble, and peaceable as then they were, and as great Enemies to Pride, Empire, and Domination, as than they seemed to be.  
What is said by Socrates and Sozomen concerning the different Practices of differing Churches, is often mentioned, and sufficiently known by Learned Men. 'Tis plain from them, that though they differed much in some Rites and Customs, yet they did not separate from each other, and treat and repute each other as Schismatics. They reputed it, and very justly, saith Sozomen, a foolish thing, to separate from each other for the sake of some differing Customs, whilst they agreed in the capital Points of Religion, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, lib. 7. cap. 19 Amongst many Diversities reckoned by Socrates, he mentions the great Diversity of their Prayers, and these are his words, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉. Universally among all Sects, you will hardly find two Churches that do altogether agree among themselves in the Manner of their Prayers. In ritu precandi, Valesius interprets it. Socrat. lib. 5. cap. 22.  
If any shall say, that Socrates speaks here of Sects, and not of the Catholic Church; I answer, 'tis true, he speaks of the Novatians some few lines before, and of the Macedonians some few lines after; but 'tis certain that the most of the Varieties that he takes notice of in that Chapter, were found among the Catholics; and I see no reason that we should understand the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 which after Valesius I have translated Sects, in so narrow a sense as may respect only the Novatians, and some other Separatists and Heretics; it seems more agreeable to the Historian, to understand the word in a sense so large and comprehensive, as may reach the Catholics as well as those that were separated and divided from them. But supposing this doubtful, he affirms (in this same Chapter) that those that were of the same Faith (by which he means the Orthodox in opposition to Separatists and Heretics) differed among themselves in Rites and Customs, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, of which he gives many Instances in the Church at Rome, Alexandria, Egypt, Thessaly, and Antioch. They agreed in the same Faith, but in Rites and Customs there were great varieties among them, says that Historian.  
Nor am I ignorant that some men think, and report Socrates a Novatian, and that what he speaks of this great variety of Customs and Practices in Churches, is in favour to himself, and others of that Persuasion; Persons that separate from the Church, being willing to take notice of every little variety that may be observed in particular Churches, to countenance their own Departure from them, to prove themselves True Churches notwithstanding their Separation. If the matter of this Objection be granted, I know not what prejudice it is to the Allegations produced from him; for though he were a Novatian, I hope he might speak Truth, and that the Credit of his History is not blasted by that supposition; nor could he be so utterly bereft of all Sense, as to report such things, wherein 'twere easy to confute him, if they had been false. Would he have affirmed such a Diversity of Customs, if there had been a present Concord in Christian Churches concerning them? And would he have inscribed his History to Theodorus, whom he calls a holy Man of God (and therefore a Bishop, though of what City is uncertain) who could not be ignorant of it, if there had been no such Diversity? This is to suppose Socrates a Fool, or a Mad Man, which is an imputation that none but men of that Tribe will charge him withal. But the supposition of Socrates to be a Novatian, is in earnest but an Idle Dream, there being no Evidence for it, that is of any weight or value; and many against it, as those that please may Read in the Life of Socrates and Sozomen prefixed to this Edition of their Works by Valesius. So long as Christian Religion was a simple Profession of the Articles of Belief, and a hearty prosecution of the Rules of good Life, the fewness of the Articles, and the clearness of the Rule, was the cause of the seldom prevarication. Dr. Tailor in his Liberty of Prophesying.   

SECT. XI.  
BEfore I proceed to the remaining Proposals, I must take leave by the way to speak with an Objection or two of some folks, who are like to be troublesome. That Conceived Prayers in Public Assemblies, are unlawful, I never yet saw proved, and I believe never shall. Neither do I think it any such Novelty as some men imagine. There are several Passages in the Fathers that make it seem very probable, that they made use of Extemporate Conceptions. I will mention a few of them. Illuc suspicientes Christiani manibus expansis, quia innocuis, capite nudo, quia non erubescimus, denique sine monitore, quia de pectoreoramus, precantes sumus omnes. Tertullian in Apologetico, cap. 30. What Tertullian means by praying without a Monitor, or Teacher, and by praying out of the heart, unless it be by a habit, by present Conceptions I understand not. Nor do I know how he that prays by a Form can be said to pray without a Teacher. We worship with Supplications according to our ability, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, the One God, etc. Origen contra Celsum, l. 8. And in the same Book, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, according to present given in Ability, which latter words expound the former, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, and makes it appear that their Prayers were Extemporate. To this same sense some understand those words of Justin Martyr. The Precedent as his Ability serves, 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉, sends up Prayers and Thanksgivings, the People joyfully saying Amen. Apol. 2. cap. 39  
But 'tis objected, that those that use that way of Praying, do many times speak Nonsense, and blaspheme in their Addresses and Supplications to God Almighty, to which I have these few things to say, 1. I believe those that make this report of men's Extemporate Conceptions, do not speak upon their own knowledge, (they having little or no Communion with such, as make use of them) and those that are their Informers, peradventure may be none of the most upright, just and impartial men, but may put an ill sense upon words that are very innocent, and of sound and safe signification. 2. Let this Objection be acknowledged true, what can reasonably be inferred from it? Is it unlawful to be used, because some men have not skill enough to perform it? Will not the same Argument hold against Preaching? And may it not with as much reason be said, some men Preach Nonsense, False Doctrine, Slanders; others Preach foolishly, and pedantickly, not to the Edification, but to the Amazement of their Congregations, and therefore Preaching is unlawful. If this Method of Argumentation be good in one case, 'tis good in both; but I am of Opinion, 'tis good in neither; and that the better way of Arguing from those miscarriages is thus. Some men are neither able to Pray extemporately in a decorous manner, nor to Preach sound, and to the Edification of their hearers, therefore they must let it alone, till they be better instructed in the one and in the other: Or in Prayer, let them use a Form (which I do not doubt is lawful) and in their Sermons let them take assistance from Books, whose Authors were better skilled in the Art of Preaching than themselves; but in the mean time let them not condemn those, that need not these Helps and Assistances, but can Pray and Preach in comely, grave, and profitable manner, out of the abundance of their own hearts.  
Another Objection as wise as the former, is this: In Extemporate Prayers men set their hands to a blank, and say Amen to they know not what; they give the same blind Assent to the Prayers of every Priest, or Extemporizer, that the Papists do in things doctrinal to the Authority of the Church. This very silly Objection hath been insisted on, & urged, against Extemporate Prayers, by some very great men: To which I reply. 1. If men said Amen to Petitions before they heard them, or before He that Prays had expressed himself in words concerning them, there might be something of sense and truth in it; but Assenting to Petitions before they are made, and uttered, is a thing that I understand not, nor those, I believe, that have Communion in those kind of Prayers; and if Persons do not give their Assent till the Petition be form, or expressed by words, I hope they may deny their Assent, if they judge the matter of it unlawful. 2. According to this Doctrine, no man can join with another in Prayer safely, unless he know aforehand what is the Matter and Contents of it; and thus we must have Forms of Prayer for all occasions and emergencies (if it were possible to hit of them) as well as for ordinary Cases, or else persons may set their hands to a blank, and say Amen to they know not what. We must have an Universal Form of Blessing before Meat, and of Thanksgiving after it, or Form of Prayer for all Masters of Families, Tutors, etc. which must be always used, and no other Form; a Notion that some of those that are in Bedlam may possibly believe, but it would be strange that any that are out of that place should believe it, unless some few that ought to be sent thither. 3. The experience of multitudes of good and pious People, doth confute this Objection every day. They are sure they do join hearty in Extemporate Prayers, and that they do not set their hands to a blank, or say Amen to they know not what. They know that they Assent not to Petitions before they be expressed, and that they do Dissent where they do not approve them, though 'tis very seldom that they have occasion for it; For who are those persons that express themselves in words sinful, blasphemous, and without sense, they do not know. But enough of this; and peradventure some may think I have said too much, to take notice only of such a brainless Objection.  
This is sufficient to my purpose, that Dissent from a Public Lyturgy, and the Use of Conceived Prayers, are no Reasons for making Churches or Persons Schismatical. If any things of this nature are enough to denominate single Persons or Societies of Men Schismatical, 'tis in the Power of those that are uppermost to make whom they please Schismatics. Persons and Churches may walk in all the Statutes and Commandments of the Lord blameless, and yet be cut off from the Church of God as Schismatical and consequently be excluded Life Eternal; for 'tis affirmed of late, that whoever is cut off from a particular True Church, is cut off from the Church Universal, out of which there is no Salvation; and so, for aught that I can see, a Man, or a Society of Men may be very good Christians, and yet shut out of the Kingdom of Heaven. Which I shall be very ready to believe when I can think the Surface of the Moon to be no broader than a Sieve, or the Body of the Sun no bigger than the Globe that Atlas bears upon his shoulders in Cornhill. Ce seroit un grand bien que les fideles fussent si purfait, meant d'accord qu'il n'y eust ent'reux qu'un seul sentiment sur toutes les choses de la religion: Mais ce bon heur estant plustest a souhaitter, qu' a esperer pour l'infirmité de nostre intelligence tamdis que nous voyageons en la terre, l'Apostre nous ordonne de nous retiner & moderer, en telle sorti qu'il si rencoutre de la diversité dans nostre concord. Daillé ubi supra.   

SECT 12.  
TO proceed therefore to three or four things more I have to propose, and are yet behind. The one of them, that is, the One and twentieth, is, Let not these Tolerated Churches be accounted Schismatics, but let them have the same Estimation that the Churches of the Jewish Communion had from those that were of the Gentile Communion, some Diversity in Rites and Ceremonies there was between these Churches then, but they did not repute each other as Schismatics; they accounted each other True Churches notwithstanding that Diversity of Opinion and Practices that were among them, and so for aught I can see, might we also. Is it reasonable or just to deny those to be true Men, that do differ in the Manner of their Dress, and in the Colour or Fashion of their Garments? Or can it be affirmed with Truth, that the Indians in America are not of the same Humane Race with us, because they go almost naked, and we cover, and dress, and adorn ourselves with all the fine things that Nature and Art can furnish us withal? In some parts of Persia (as Herbert reports in his Travels) they expose their Dead, in others they burn them, and we bury them. The Essedons among the Scythians mince their Dead Friends with the Flesh of Beasts, and eat them. Morendo il padre ad alcuno, tutti i suoi parenti portano ivi piu pecore, & amuzzetele & fattele in pezzi, minuzzano ancho il morte padre de colui, che gli ha' invitate, e mescolate tutte le carni insieme, mongiano di compagnia, e scorticata e nettata la testa del morto la indorano e se ne serveno per un simulacro al quale agni anno fanno maggiori ceremony, & amazzano maggior vittime, as the Italian Giovanni Boemo has it, in his Book of the Customs of Nations. The differing Manners of People are reconcilable with the same Common Nature. And if these be true Men, notwithstanding those things in which they differ from us, so may these that I have spoken of be true Churches, notwithstanding they may differ in some things from those that have the Countenance, Favour and Establishment of the Government and the Law.  
Another of them, that is, the Two & twentieth, is, Let it not be thought a Scandal or Reproach for the People of several Communions, sometimes to communicate (in such parts of Worship as they can) with each other. Why should it be thought an infamous thing for a Churchman to go to a Separate Meeting, and hear their Sermons, and partake with them in their Prayers? Do they not Preach the same Doctrine, and offer up the same Petitions, (though not in the same words) that is Discoursed, and are sent up to the Throne of Grace, in the Public and Allowed Assemblies and Congregations? And why should not the Tolerated and Dissenting part of Christians come sometimes and hear the Discourses and Prayers of the Established Ministry? Do they not Preach the same Jesus, the same Faith, the same Repentance, and the same Obedience to the Laws of the Gospel? Will not many of both Parties Live together hereafter in the same Heaven? Will they not behold the Face of the same God and his Christ? and join together in the same Prayers and Hallelujahs, in the same Quires of Saints and Angels for ever more? And shall Christians that will live together for ever in the World to come, live at that Distance and Separation in this, that they will not so much as own each other, nor communicate in the Service of their common Lord and Master? Surely this is not well, there is fault somewhere, and I am afraid that neither Party is Innocent. This strangeness and distance is not seemingly in Brethren; those that have the same God for their Maker, and the same Jesus for their Redeemer, and the same holy Spirit for their Sanctifier those that are begotten by the same Word, to the same Eternal Hope of Glory, should not live like Aliens and Strangers, much less like Enemies to each other: They should have a mutual dearness and tenderness for each other, and communicate together in what they can, notwithstanding their differences in some, yea in many smaller things. To advance yet one step more, Let it not be thought a crime, for a Public Minister to Preach in a Separate Assembly, nor for a Tolerated Preacher to do the like Office in a Public Congregation; I know no hurt in such a mutual Interchange of Love and Duty to and for each other: But I am very much assured, much good would be consequent unto it. It would beget and increase Love and Kindness; it would take off those Prejudices, and False Apprehensions that through Ignorance and Strangeness men of different Judgements have entertained of each other. I do not at all doubt, but that there are multitudes of persons of contrary Judgements in some things, that would love each other with great Dearness, were they intimately acquainted and known to each other. Yea I will add, that such a friendly correspondence and intercourse of Kindness, between Conformist and Nonconformist, would do more to Heal the Breaches, and Unite the Judgements and Practices of the Differing Parties, than many Impositions, sharp and severe Laws and Executions. Men are to be drawn by Love and Kindness, by Charms and Attractives to Union and Conformity, not to be driven to it with Beetles and Sledges, with Swords and Axes.  
The Three and twentieth is, In this Interchange of Love and Duty, let nothing be Preached, but those common Truths in which both Parties are agreed. Let them not be allowed to meddle with those Doctrines which are the Subject and Matter of Controversy between them. This will not generate Love, or serve any good end that I know on, but will enkindle Wrath, and make Animosities and Feuds, and set those that differ at an irreconcilable distance from each other. There are things enough in which they agree to furnish matter for their Discourses of this kind: And to come into each others Congregations, to rail upon each others Persons and Opinions, is rude and insufferable. It is very pertinent Advice bear of a Spanish Author. Estu dia de suffrir con paciencia quales quier defectos y flaquezas agenas, mirando que tu tienes mucho que te sufran los otros. Si non puedes hazer a ti qual desseas, como quieres tener all otros a tu sabor? Patiently endeavour to bear the Imperfections and Weaknesses of others, considering that there is much in you that others must bear and endure. If you cannot make yourselves such as you would be, how can you expect that others should be according to your list, or as you would have them? Neither are the Preachers of both sides to rail at, or reproach each other in their own proper and peculiar Churches and Congregations, or in their Printed Books and Pamphlets. If they do think fit to meddle with each others peculiar Opinions, let them do it with calmness and meekness; let them in fair language, confute one another's Arguments, without all unnecessary Reflections, or personal Provocations. Reproaches, and Mutual Exposing of each other to common scorn does no good. No man ever becomes a Convert in his Judgement by being railed on, exposed, or derided. This Method of proceeding enkindles and enrages men's Spirits; it heals no Wounds, nor makes up any Breaches, but makes them greater, and more uncapable of Cure. No ay ninguno sin defecto ninguno sin carga, ninguno es sufficient para si, ninguno es, complidament sabio para si, y portanto conviene llevarnos unos a utros. No man is without defect, no man without fault, none is sufficient for himself, and therefore we must bear and tolerate each other. Menos precio del Mundo.  
What is said in these last Directions in the behalf and favour of an interchangeable Love, and Offices of Kindness, betwixt Approved and Tolerated Ministers and Churches, is no more than what Amyraldus pleads for betwixt the Lutherans and Calvinists, and the Churches of those Professions. Having spoken of the great distance and prejudices of those two Parties against each other he adds, Nunc in magnam spem venimus fore ut in posterum tempus omnino melius se res habeant. Nam producere quidem in suggestum Augustanum, reformatae confessionis Ministrum, qui intemperie aliqua animi, vel Dogma Calvinianum in iis in quibus dissentimus ad populum spargeret, vel in Dogma Lutheranum inveheretur, uti preposterum esset atque temerarium: sic etiam in formula Concordiae injustum pronunciari debet, quemadmodum Augustanae confessionis preconem, apud reformatos vel detonare in Calvinum, vel eas res quas probare non possumus, magna vi persuadere velle, nemo est qui non judicet minime ferendum esse, quique id non pariter prohibendum arbitretur. Ac Ministrum Augustanum à Reformato invitari, & item Reformatum ab Augustano, ut Communionis testandae causâ, Reformatus populum Augustanum, Augustanus populum Reformatum publicè alloquatur ea lege atque omine ut sese contineant intra ambitum earum rerum, quae sunt utrisque Communes, quaeque ad aedificationem spectare possunt, Res est, quam non modo licitam & utilem, sed absolute necessariam esse putamus. Vid. Amyral. in Irenico, pag. 386, 387. Something to the same sense he speaks, p. 383. Hoc unum ex concordiae formulâ utrinque stipulari sat erit, ut neque Reformatus in Ecclesia Augustana quidquam turbarum excitet adversus ejus doctrinam disputando, neque Augustanus in Reformata pariter, sed ut uterque contentus fidem & cognitionem habere apud se (ut loquitur Apostolus) silentio se contineat, ne quid temere deblateret ex quo animorum offensio vel scandalum oriatur.  
The Difference between the Calvinists and Lutherans, is as great, and in some things greater than betwixt the Churches of Public Establishment, and those that I do wish might be tolerated among us; and why there might not be the same interchanges of Love, Familiarity and Kindness betwixt them, as this Learned and Pious Pacificator wishes and desires, yea hopes might be amongst the Augustans and Reform, I can see no reason. What reason might be given why a Conformist might not hear Dr. Owen, Dr. Bates, or Mr. Baxter at Pinners-Hall, or elsewhere? yea or why he might not Preach there himself? What reason can be given why these worthy and excellent men might not be permitted to Preach at Guild-Hall Chappel, Bow, or other Churches in the City? Is not their Doctrine as sound, their Ministerial Qualifications as great, and their Manner of Preaching as likely to do good, at least as some of the Conformable Clergy? I am not ignorant what Objections the Interest, Passions, and Prejudices of men, do make against what I have proposed and discoursed, nor shall I undertake to answer them. Humble, holy, mortified men, that love Peace, and the Souls of men, before their own petty Interests and Advantages, can easily answer them themselves, and others will not be convinced by any thing that I shall reply unto them. There's no confuting the Objections that are made by Pride, Covetousness, Ambition, Love of Empire and Dominion, and other Passions of Infernal Race; and I have no present Inclination to spend any Words upon the Objections of inconfutable Men. It is true, that what I propose may seem at present unpracticable, by reason of the Inconsistency of such Practices with the Established Laws: But it is not impossible, I hope, that His Majesty (who is the Breath of our Nostrils) with His Parliament, may come to think fit, that such Laws be relaxed for the Uniting and Strengthening the Protestant Interest, against the Roman and French Enemy. And if it should please God to incline the Heart of the King, and His Great Council so to do; then will that which I have said be not only very practicable, but, as I think, very useful; that is, to lessen and abate Differences, restore decayed and dying Love, and to bring Christians to a greater Uniformity in Judgement and Practice, than any other Means or Endeavours whatsoever. Redintigrationem amicitiae necessario sequi debet officiorum sedula communicatio atque familiaritas. Amyrald ubi supra.  
The Last Proposal I have to offer, that is the Twenty-Fourth and chiefest, & therefore reserved to the last, is this: Let these Tolerated Churches be made, and then reputed Parts of the National Church, whereof the King is the Head. What other Head to find for it, under that Consideration, after all that hath of late been said concerning it, I am as yet to seek. If the Bishops be made the Head of the National-Church, by the same Reason all the Bishops of the Christian World must be the Head of the Universal Church; (and indeed, those that affirm the One, affirm the Other) which some Men will say, is French Popery; and I know not how to confute them. If the Arch-Bishops be the Head of the Church, it will be enquired, whether they claim their Title Jure Divino, or Humano? If Jure Divino, they must prove it, which will not easily be done: If Jure Humano, I hope they will grant the King Superior to them, and that they are but His Officers and Delegates; which is the same thing that I desire, and which is agreeable to the Opinion of our First Reformers, as is apparent in Dr. Burnet's History of the Reformation: For Cranmer took a Commission from K. Edward, by which he held his Bishopric, and exercised his Jurisdiction. Vid. Par. 2. pag. 6. And so Bonner had done before him, from King Henry the Eighth. Vid. Par. 1. l. 3. p. 267. And this is the same thing, that hath been lately proposed by that Thoughtful Man, Mr. Humphrey, in the End of a Discourse written by Himself and Others, and dedicated to the Right Honourable, the Earl of Hallifax, that great and sagacious Statesman. I know some Men are Deaf Adders, who will not be brought to regard it, let a Man have Charmed never so wisely; but These (I take it) are such only, who are Enemies to Peace, and will part with nothing for the sake of it.  
And why now these Tolerated Churches should not be accounted true Churches, and Parts of the National-Church, whereof the King is the Head, I do not imagine. In my Apprehension, they look very like the Churches we read of in the New Testament, which (no Man doubts) were of Divine Appointment. For although I do not know, but that some particular Persons from among the Clergy, fittest for it, (As St. Paul chief employed himself in Preaching the Gospel, and meddled but little with Baptism) may be lawfully and prudently chosen, and employed chief in the Government of several Congregations, even as many as they can personally know, and be acquainted withal; and if they be called Bishops, and have a peculiar Consecration, and nothing be done in Ordination, Censures, and Absolutions, but with their Knowledge, Direction, and Approbation, I would have no Controversy with them about it: Yet I do professedly avow, that I can find no such thing in the Scripture, nor in the Practice of the Church for 200 Years. I know 'tis said, That the Apostles were Diocesans, and that they governed all or most of the Christian Churches whilst they lived; but I see no Proof of it, and there's one Argument against it, which I cannot tell how to answer, and 'tis this. If the Christian Churches, in the Apostles days, had no Governors but themselves, 'tis certain, that for the most part they had none at all, for they never fixed in any place, but having preached the Gospel, planted Churches, and settled Officers amongst them, they left them, and went to other Places and Countries. 'Tis true, they did sometimes return, and visit the Churches that they planted; but who Governed them in the intermediate Periods of Time? Or were there no Ordinations, Censures, or Absolutions performed in them, or none but by their Direction and Command? That some Acts of Discipline were performed by their Direction and Command, I do acknowledge; but that all were so, and that none ought to be performed without it, I see no reason to believe.  
Touching the Practice of the Church after the Apostles, till the end of the Second Century, I must say, That I can find no Evidence of Diocesan Episcopacy, or of any Churches bigger than some single Congregations among us at this day. I think the Churches of Corinth, Ephesus, Antioch, etc. single Congregations, and that they all Communicated at one Altar; and that there are many Congregations in England as numerous, and some much more numerous than they. Yea, I will add (after all that hath been said of late to the contrary) that I am not convinced, that the Church of Carthage in Cyprian's days, which was Two hundred and fifty Years after Christ, was any bigger than some of our Parochial-Congregations. In an Epistle to the Clergy of Carthage, he tells them, That from the beginning of his Episcopacy, he determined to do nothing by his own private Judgement, nor without their Counsel, and the Consent of his People. A primordio Episcopatus mei statuerim, nihil sine Consilio Vestro, & sine consensu Plebis meae, privata sententia gerere. Ep. 6. ex Edit. Goulartii.  
What doth St. Cyprian mean by His People, in these words? Doth he mean the whole, or Major Part of a Diocese, in the Modern sense of the Word? Did he assemble his Diocese, and take their Consent in all things that did concern them? Credat Judaeus Appella. Many Passages of like nature might be produced from this great Saint and Martyr, and are by Learned Men, which I will not repeat.  
And for aught that I can perceive, Diocesan Episcopacy was unknown in this Nation, for several hundreds of Years after Christ Jesus. The Culdees were the great Preachers of the Gospel, and Promoters of Christianity in Scotland. Those Culdees were no Bishops, nor had any Ordination, but such as was performed by the Monk, or Abbot of the Monastery, in the Island Hii. This Monk (who was himself not Bishop) and his Pressters gave them their Orders; and from thence came Aidan and Finan into England, and are called Bishops; but had no other Ordination, than that abovementioned. Wini was the first Canonical Bishop in Britain, as Bede reports. Non erat tunc ullus excepto Wini in tot a Britannia Canonice Ordinatus Episcopus. Lib. 3. cap. 28. Which was near Six hundred Years after Christ.  
The Prefecture and Jurisdiction of Bishops in England, seems to me of Humane Institution, and derived partly from the Favour of Princes, and partly from the Usurpation of the Pope; and thus gotten, and obtained, they enjoyed and exercised it for many Hundreds of Years, even till the days of Henry the Eighth; who reassuming the Authority that had been granted by former Princes, and usurped by the Pope, obliged them to acknowledge their Jurisdiction, by derivation from Himself; and subjected them to a Praemunire, in case of refusal: And of this Opinion those Bishops seem to be, that took Commissions from K. Henry the Eighth, and K. Edward the Sixth, for their holding their Bishoprics, and Exercise of their Jurisdiction; as I have signified already.  
Let our present Diocesans therefore, as such, acknowledge themselves the King's Officers, and by Deputation from Him, let them exercise such Authority, circa sacra, as appertains to Kings: Let them enjoy their Honour and Revenues, as a Reward of their Service: Let the Powers granted by Christ to such Bishops, as I have above conceded lawful, and their Presbyters, be left inviolable: And let our Diocesans supervise them in the Exercise of them; and see that they neither neglect, nor abuse them: And all our Controversies about Church-Government, will come to an end. Such Churches as should be thought worthy of Toleration, as well as those that have the Approbation of Authority, would submit to such an Episcopacy.  
When it shall please God therefore to send us a Parliament, that are able to distinguish wisely betwixt, Tolerable and Intolerable Opinions and Persons; and so by Law to permit to the One the Liberty of their Assemblies, and to restrain the Other; and shall then prepare a Bill for Declaring the Constitution of the Church, as National; making the King to be Head of all the Congregations, which shall be Tolerated, as well as of those which are Parochial; and the Diocesan Bishops to be His Officers or Delegates, for keeping good Order amongst them all; leaving to the Pastor of every Parish or Congregation that Power, which Christ hath committed to him for Feeding and Ruling the Flock, over which the Holy Ghost hath made Him Overseer; without confounding this Internal Power of His, with the External of the Other, derived from the King; but preserving the Rights of both so, that the One be not swallowed up of the Other (Nor forgetting the Concession of a sort of Episcopacy, to perform the ordinary Work of the Apostles and Evangelists, in that Multiplication of Supervisors over the Parochial-Clergy, which I propose also in these Papers); then shall the Grounds be laid for a firm and lasting Concord in the Nation, about the Matter of Religion.  
There were two Bills in the House of Commons, that sat last at Westminster, the One for the Uniting those that could come in to the present Church Establishment, the Other for Ease to such as cannot. These Bills had they passed, and become Laws, might be a good Interim for making up our Breaches, till some more effectual means were also applied; but when they would serve for excellent Scaffolds to stand upon, while the Work is in hand, the Fabric itself should be form out of such Materials as these, which I now offer, and which I find put to the End of that Book I have before mentioned, in the last Half Sheet thereof, and called Materials for Union.  
Should it but please the King then, and a Parliament to consider the Contents only of what Mr. H. hath there proposed, and pass the Sense of it into a Law, it would unite and heal us; it would make us a Glorious Church indeed; firm and Compacted among ourselves, and therefore impregnable to the Assaults of all our Enemies. Tho there were Differences in Judgement among us, and some Difference in Practices, yet there would be little or no Difference in Affections; All would mind and promote the common Peace, and unite in resisting the Common Enemy. This would put a Period to the Attempts of Rome; for to what purpose should the Factors and Emissaries of the Roman Conclave attempt to subvert an Established Church and Religion, where there is no probability of prevailing? And what likelihood is there to prevail, where all Parties are satisfied? The One in the Favour and Encouragement of the Government and Laws: the other in their Indulgence, and Protection by them.   

SECT. XIII.  
ALthough it be plain enough from what I have discoursed, that I plead the Cause of none but Tolerable Dissenters, and am Advocate for no Persons or Churches that maintain pernicious Errors, and are impenitent and incorrigible in them: Yet to prevent all Misunderstandings, I do again here subjoin, That I plead not the Cause of such as subvert the Christian Faith, in the great Essentials of it, which the Jews, Mahometans, Socinians, and all other Infidels do. I would not have Men permitted to Preach down Jesus Christ, and the Gospel, and to Preach up mere Theisme, or the Religion of the Antique or Modern Heathens; nor of such as Preach Immorality and Licentious Profaneness. I would not have Men permitted to encourage or justify Violence or Rapine, Sensuality or Lust, Rebellion or Treason, or any thing that is plainly Wicked, and condemned by the Light of Nature, as well as the Doctrine of Christianity: And of this kind are many Popish Doctrines, as is evident to all Men, that have conversed in the Writings of their Casuists, and such as have the Conduct of Conscience among them. Particular Instances whereof may be seen in the Mystery of Jesuitism, and the Jesuits Morals, by any Man that hath a desire to be satisfied concerning them: Nor of such whose Doctrines are inconsistent with Civil Government, and Public Peace; and such is the Doctrine of the Romanists. A Papist (if he be true to the Opinions and Decrees of their own Popes and Councils) must be a Rebel, and a Traitor, whensoever his Holiness pleases to command it. This hath been sufficiently proved by many Authors, and is obvious enough to such as read their Books: And if there be any other Sect or Sort of People, that maintain such Doctrines, as do disturb the Peace of Mankind necessarily and truly, (and not occasionally, and by accident, for so the Gospel doth it) I have nothing to say on their behalf.  
But if the Toleration that I have proposed, and pleaded for, should be thought a Means of increasing the Separation from the Public Congregations; I reply; Let care be taken (as I said) that the Clergy, who officiate in them, be Men of Worth, Ability, and good Conversation; that is, such as preach and live Piously, and love the Honour of God, and the Souls of Men: And let some Discipline be restored to particular Churches under the Inspection of the Bishops, and difference be made between the Precious, and the Vile, by the Exercise of it; that none be reputed and accounted Christians, and admitted to all the Privileges of Christians, that know nothing but the Name of Christianity, and live in open Defiance to all the Laws thereof: And if these two things were done, there would be no great danger of increasing the Separation by Tolerating some Dissenting Churches; but on the contrary, I do think that Separate Churches would be drained and emptied, and in a few Years almost quite dissolved thereby. For in my Observation, 'tis the Ignorance and Profaneness of Clergymen, and the Corruption and Impurity of Churches, that began and doth continue the Divisions, and Separations, that have been, and still are among us: Let the Cause be removed, and taken away, and the Effect will cease.  
Nay, suppose some single Persons, few in number, should leave the public and Allowed Congregations, on occasion of this Toleration, and join themselves to separate Assemblies; What great hurt is there in it, and why should any Public Preacher be offended at it? What hurt or wrong is it to my Physician, if I leave him, and go to another, if he cannot cure me, or I do not like his Methods and Prescriptions? Hath he any Reason to be offended, if another do that which he cannot do? I know the Minister of my own Parish does oftentimes meet some or other of his Parishioners, going to their Conventicles, when he hath been going to Church, and the like in his and their Return; and yet I never heard that he grew into any Passion or Displeasure with them about it, much less that he prosecuted them at Law for it: But he hath been heard to say, That if they learned the Way to Heaven at their Private Meetings (as he hoped they did, at least some of them), he did, and would rejoice: And why others may not do so too, I see no reason, nor understand any thing to the contrary. Must Men die, if I cannot cure their Diseases? Must they perish, if my Pills and Potions will not recover them? Must Men be damned, if the public Preacher cannot persuade them to Faith and Repentance, or teach them the Way to Heaven? Surely, methinks those that know the Worth of Souls, should rejoice in their Salvation, whoever be the Means of it.  
I will add, that Interest hath so powerful and mighty an Influence upon men's Judgements, that were nothing but things absolutely necessary to Salvation imposed, and a Form of wholesome words commended to those that are admitted to the Public Congregations, and Preferments of the Church, I am very much inclined to believe, that in a few Years it would be hard to find Persons to officiate in separate Congregations: Most Men would believe those Doctrines which have public Approbation, and which make them capable of Live and Advancements; and others would silence their particular Apprehensions, and make no opposition unto them, that they also might share in them, and where to find Persons to minister in holy things, at Separate Churches, would peradventure be no easy thing. And if at His Majesty's Restauration some few, plain, necessary things had been imposed, and all the rest only commended and countenanced, I do believe, that where there is now Ten Dissenters, there would not have been above One. 'Tis these numerous and unnecessary Impositions, that are the Plague of the Christian World, as well as the Church of England; and have both made and continued all the Breaches, and Separations, that our Ears have heard, and our Eyes have seen. Qui naturam Religionis prae●ipue Christianae, quae tota Spiritualis est bene perspectam habuerit, facile animadvertet vim & coa●tionem non esse idoneum ad eam promovendam medium. Nec enim Equulei aut gladii, aut ignes quibus ●orpor a cruciantur quicquam in animum valeant. Cur●el. in Institut. l. 7. p. 589. Sed nec Religionis est ●ogere Religionem, quae sponte suscipi debeat, non vi; Cum & hostiae ab animo libenti expostulentur. Ita & si nos compuleritis ad sacrificandum nihil praesta●itis Diis vestris, ab invitis enim sacrificia non desi●erabunt. Tertul. in lib. ad Scapulam. p. 447. At the first Conversion of this Land to Christianity by Austin, it is said, That the King (E●●…lberthus) embraced all that came into him, but he compelled none. Didicerat enim & a Doctoribus ●uctoribusque suae salutis, servitium Christi voluntari●m non coacticium esse. Bede Eccl. Hist. Ang. Gen. ● 1. c. 25.  
After all that I have said I do confidently avow and affirm, that 'tis but a very imperfect measure and degree of Peace, that the Church of God is capable of in this World, and that among variety of particular Churches, some are capable of more Union and Peace, than others are; And then to attempt greater Peace and Union, than the Church Universal is capable of, is to endeavour to destroy it; And that to endeavour the reducing o● one particular Church, to the same Peace and Union, that may be found in another, is the High way to ruin it. I here mean chief, Forcible endeavours by Impositions, Laws, and Executions 'Tis with the Peace of the Church Universal, a● 'tis with the Health of the World, 'twill never be complete and perfect; And to attempt to make it so, were an impracticable piece of Folly, an● would make it more diseased, or destroy a great Part of it. 'Tis with particular Churches as 'tis with particular Climates and Countries, in some the Inhabitants are more hail and sound, that in others, and to essay an Equality of Health among them, would be a pernicious and vain attempt; and make many more sickly, and sen● Thousands of others to their Beds of Dust an● Earth.  
All particular Churches are not equally soun● and strong, nor capable of equal Peace and Un●on, and to attempt it by violent remedies wi●● certainly increase their Diseases, and make the●● wounds and breaches greater, and destroy man● of the Members of it, if not the whole; and I fea● this is the Case of the Church of England, whic● I humbly commend to the Consideration of th● Ecclesiastical Physicians. I doubt we are not capable as yet of so much Union and Peace, as may be found in some other of the Reformed Churches; What we may be in the next, or in some future Ages, if we happen on Skilful Physicians, I will not determine, but I hope well.  
I have answered the grand Cavil, made in favour of Impositions, and in prejudice to a brief Creed and Symbol, containing only a few plain necessary things, expressed in the Language of Scripture, or rather the three Summaries of Religion, contained in the common Creed, Lords Prayer, and Ten Commandments. I have obviated also I think the most considerable Objections that are usually made by the Patrons of Imposition. I know what I have said will not please those kind of Men, and if I had designed their Acceptation, I must have railed at Dissenters, and have represented them a Generation of People, not worthy to live upon the face of the Earth. I must have laid fuel on those flames, that do already rage's so furiously against them. But I have other thoughts of those men, and another design in these papers, who would bring my Bucket to quench the Fire, that burns against them. I would attempt to abate the rage, and allay the heats that are raised, and do threaten their ruin. If what I have written may serve this end, I shall rejoice; If it may be acceptable to moderate and Pious Men, I shall not regard the censures of those that rage and rave. Simon Aurem solum percutit Iracundia Criminantis, verumetiam conscientiam mordet Veritas Criminis; quid mihi prodest si me continuis laudibus totus mundus attollat? Ita, nec malam Conscientiam sanat Praeconium Laudantis; nec bonam vulnerat Convitiantis Opprobrium. Aug. Cont. Lit. Petiliani. l. 3. c. 1.  
The Sum of all is this, Peace and Union amongst Christians, is a thing greatly amiable and desirable; but such are the imperfections, and Corruptions of humane minds, and of such different sizes and various Prejudices are men's understandings, that 'tis morally impossible they should agree in more, than some plain things. And therefore numerous and unnecessary Impositions, are no proper terms of Peace, but great instruments of Division, and have been been so for many Hundreds of Years. And as much peace as the Church of God is capable of, in this imperfect State, may be obtained by other and better means; and the Evils that are pretended to be cured, or prevented by imposing, may be healed and provided for by more Christian Methods. Neque ad plenam charitatis & societatis Christianae concordiam, necessaria est plena opinionum de Dogmatibus & Ritubus Consensio: sedcum aliqua in hisce dissensione iniri jure potest, ac honeste foveri inter dissidentes Ecclesiastica Pax & fraterna consociatio. Forbs. Instruc. Histor. Theol. lib. 14. c. 7.  
Before I go off, I must request the Reader, calmly and without heat to consider the Contents of this Discourse, before he censure or condemn it, and that he will not take some single Sections, separate and alone, and charge them with Absurdities (which he may easily do) but consider the Whole, and compare the Parts with each other. For what in one Place is liable to Objection, may in another be freed from it. If any Man shall think fit to reply to what I have written, and doth write calmly, and with a peaceful Spirit, I shall not promise a rejoinder, but I shall consider what he says: But if he rages, and is angry, and gives me hard words, having no cause for them, I know how to employ my time better, than in answering such Folly.  
And now then, I will shut up my Book with some words, which were in the Mouths of the Protestants, at the First Reformation in Italy, and may be put in the Mouths of those that Dissent from us now in England. God knows, how soon we may be made one to our cost.  
Ne vi Lasciate dare a Credere da i Vostri Ecclesiastici, che quelli che per la Lettione de la Same Scritture vengono ne la cognoscenz a del Siglivolo di Dio, et de sue promise, ne le quali Confidati rejettano tutte le Traditione humane, Sciano (come pair hoggis a torto ci chiamanno) Tumultuosi, Perturbatori de la Pace e Quieta publica, Autori de Seditione, e Pieri d'egni vitio e Licenza. Impero che Dio non e Autore di Divisione, ma di Pace. Ne siamo noi i primi, i quali siamo di cio Stati Salsamente imputati, Concioscia i a Elia primo so dello che egli disturbaa il popolo d' Israel. Christo Anchora su chiamato seditioso da i Judei. Egli Apostoli erano accusati che commoverano it Popolo. Suffer not yourselves to be prevailed upon by your ecclesiastics, to believe, that those who by reading the Scriptures come to the Knowledge of Christ and his promises, and trusting on them, reject all Humane Traditions, are (as at this day, to their great injury they are called) Tumultuous, Disturbers of public Peace & Quiet, Authors of Sedition & Licentiousness, for God is not the Author of Division, but of Peace: We are not the First, to whom these things have been imputed. It was said of Elias, That he was the Troubler of Israel. The Jews said of Christ, That he was Seditious and Subverted the People: And 'twas said of the Apostles, That they did exceedingly trouble their Cities and turned the World upside down.  
Aprite, Aprite gliocchi vosteri, e considerate bene voi che permettete che ne vosteri citta stiano Gjudeiet altri non solament di contraria Religione a quella del figlivolo di Dio, ma Distruttori d'essa Anchora et Atheisti, et non permetterete chi quelli, i quali seguitano la Vera Dottrina e Religione de Giesu Christo, stiano ne vostri Citta e Case loro, contrae ogni Giustitia e Legge tanto civile quanto Divina? Open, open your Eyes, and consider, you that permit Jews in your Cities, and others not only of contrary Religion to that of the Son of God, but utter Destroyer's of it, yea, arrant Atheists; And will ye not suffer those, which follow the true Doctrine and Religion of Christ Jesus, to dwell in your Cities in their own Houses, contrary to all Right both Humane and Divine?  
These are Words in an Address to the Italian Princes, and Republics, in the Year 1562. Unto which I will therefore yet affix a Sentence that is Fresh, out of the present Bishop of Cork, in his late Book called, The Protestant Peacemaker, who hath rendered himself (I take it) Observable for his several Condescending passages to the Nonconformists: and more especially, for the mention he makes of one Book of theirs, entitled, A Peaceable Resolution of Conscience touching our present Impositions (and it is a Peaceable Book indeed) with so much Integrity and Honour as he does, though scarce taken notice of by others: as also, for this one saying of his, which is fit (I think) to be set on a Beacon, and shall be therefore my Conclusion. I am, and must be of the mind, that the strength of the Protestant Cause, both at Home and throughout Christendom, lies in the Union of Protestants; and the Glory, Purity, and Power of Christianity in this World, stands or falls with Protestantism.   

SECT. Vlt.  
TO this Discourse before going, written by a Learned Hand in the Country, which does here end, the Bookseller, who knows him not, is advised to annex the Copy of those two Bills for Accommodation, that were in the House of Commons, when they Sat last at Westminster; to this end, that they may be here as it were upon Record, for the Use of the Parliament, when any shall be called.  
It is some Months since this Book (which so much concerns that Argument,) was sent out of the Country, and it was retarded in the Press several Weeks, in hopes of a Parliament coming, that might have made the Subject more seasonable: But now the very Talk of one being lodged for this Summer, it is fit something be put to it, as may make it to be of use in October. The Bees and Aunts have their Instinct in the Summer, to make Provision for their Lives against the Winter.  
There are Two sorts of Nonconformists we know; The One who do allow of a Liturgy, and our Parochial Churches, and these may be all Comprehended upon very reasonable condescen●●●●s: The Other who do not allow of either, and these must be Indulged, or destroyed. It is two Bills therefore, or these two things in one Bill, which are necessary to the design of Accommodation.  
In that Parliament, the One of these Bills (for there was Two of them, as the Gentleman before hath told us) the Bill for Indulgence, was carefully attended by some concerned in it, and was therefore brought to Perfection: The Other Bill, that for Comprehension, was looked after very sorrily; and if it had Passed as it was Drawn up, would have brought in, no Body.  
For instance, The Declaration of Assent and Consent to the Book of Common-Prayer, required in the Act of Uniformity, was taken away wholly in this Bill, but the Subscription required in the same Act, was taken away only in the latter part: And when in the former part there are these words, And I will Conform to the Liturgy of the Church of England, as it is now by Law Established, (which are really equivalent with the Declaration of Assent and Consent to the Use of the Book, and it is to no more, than to the Use of it, the Declaration is required to be made, by the Act), it follows, that to take away One of these injunctions and not the Other, could be of no Signification. Upon notice hereof therefore given to some Members of the House, it was moved at the Committee to take away the whole Subscription, as well as the Declaration; and it being carried in the Affirmative, the Bill as it is here presented, hath that Amendment.  
There are some few Additions more inserted as necessary thereunto for the obtaining its end, the reasons whereof appear in their own light, yet is it Judged fit, that public notice be given of two or three of them.  
The One of them is the Parenthesis about the Beginning, where the Thirty-Nine Articles are imposed on every Minister to Subscribe, which notwithstanding the Exception of Three of the Articles, do yet require more Caution. Whosoever have read a Book, called, A part of a Register, wherein there is a Relation of several things in reference to the Nonconformists in Q. Elizabeth's days, they will find that there was nothing so grievous to them and exasperated them then against the Bishops so much as the Subscriptions of those times, and the Subscription to the Articles was one among the rest; which makes me wonder what our good men did now mean, to impose the Subscription of these Articles so rigidly upon all, for the enjoyment of the benefit of either of their Bills, of Union, or Indulgence. They know not really what it is they were a doing, for if the Persecuting Spirit should be raised hereafter about this Subscription, and the thing be so pressed that all who Subscribe not, shall be Prosecuted by the Law, there were like to arise greater troubles to tender Consciences, and scruples more unanswerable, then could be about the Cap and Tippet, the Surplice and Cross, in those days. The doubtfulness of many about the Ceremonies is not to be compared to a Conviction of Conscience, that a man must not Subscribe to any point which he believes untrue. By this means therefore should these Articles of the Church, intended for Peace, become the instruments of Torment, and be had in the greatest Detestation, which consequently will defame, and then ruin the Protestant Religion. There will be Persecution in the Church, that's certain, for the Devil will have it so: There will be Tender Consciences, that's certain, for God will have it so. When there are no other things then to trouble men's Consciences but this Subscription, Exceptions and Scruples will be raised against these Articles; and it a Parliament do not prevent them in their Bill by a present mitigation, they Act not like wise Men, and do not see Ten Years before them. The only remedy against this evil is to provide a liberty in both the Bills, that every Conscientious Man that really scruples any of the Articles may explain his sense, which if it shall not pass unless it be allowed to be Orthodox by the Bishop (or by two other Bishops, in case the Diocesan be partial) there can be no harm in it, at lest none in comparison of this mischief, which is to be prevented hereby.  
Another of them is about the Middle, concerning Orders. In the late Times, when the Bishops were down, many were ordained by Presbyters and the House was willing to allow those Orders, as good in a Case of Necessity, upon which account only the rigid Episcopalian will allow of the Ministry of the Reformed Churches beyond the Sea: but there being others that have been Ordained since the return of the Bishops, the House made no provision for such in the Bill, being not willing (we may suppose) to countenance a neglect of the Bishops out of that case. And what then shall such do? There is an Ordination to the Office, or Ministry itself, and he that is Once Ordained to that, whether by Presbyters or Bishops, cannot receive the Spiritual Power (or Character), or be made Ministers, Again: But there is a laying on of hands to the Work of that Office in regard to a new Charge, as Paul and Barnabas who were Ministers before, and yet are separated to that peculiar Work, (unto which they were called by the Holy Ghost) by the laying on of the Hands of those who are named Act. 13. Such an Ordination now as this may be repeated, and is the only Medium for resolution of this dimculty.  
The Third of these Insertions is the last whole Clause concerning the Common-Prayer, the due consideration whereof is the very main hinge upon which the whole matter of this Comprehension does turn. If Union itself be necessary, it must be necessary to know what is the Bottom, upon which we can be United. In all Reconcilements between different Parties, the first thing that is to be found out, is a Medium for their Agreement. When we have found this, it must be considered, how far each Party can come up to that Medium, and then we can make the Accommodation. The Medium of Reconciliation in this Business, at this time, between the Conformist and Nonconformist, is the Common-Prayer. Some Persons (as is said before) do hold, that a stinted Form of Prayer, and our Parish-Churches, are unwarrantable by God's Word; who, though they may be Indulged, are thereby uncapable of Comprehension. Others are ready to maintain the Lawfulness of both these; and the Enquiry about such is, How far they can do that which is enjoined? That is, How far they can Read the Common-Prayer, and how far they cannot Conform to it? This is the Critical Point, in regard to this Bill between the Conformist and Nonconformist. The One can Read all, the Other so much only as will serve for Union. The Nonconformist now, who hold a Form of Prayer, and the Parish-Churches lawful, are, for the most part of them, able (through Providential Merey) to Conform to the Ordinary Lord's- Day Service, their Exceptions (which make the Liturgy to them unlawful) lying in other Parts or Moment's of the Book. And consequently, if the Bill may be hemmed up with the Clause here offered, it will do. Without that Clause, it is apparently imperfect: With it, it will be what we may call Perfect, that is, Perfect in its kind, so far as to answer its end, and bring in All of the Willing, and Many of the Unwilling, that go under the Name of the Presbyterian Persuasion. This being premised, the Bills (the Titles only as they were in the House, being voluntarily omitted) are as followeth.    

THE Bill for Comprehension.  
WHereas the Peace of the State is highly concerned in the Peace of the Church, Therefore at all Times, but especially in this Conjuncture, it is most Necessary to be preserved. In Order therefore to remove Differences and Dissatisfactions, which may arise among Protestants, Be it enacted by the Kings most Excellent Majesty, by, and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and Commons in this present Parliament Assembled, and by the Authority of the same, That if any Person shall (without making any Interpretation of his own, unless it be such as shall be allowed to be Orthodox by his Diocesan, or two other Bishops) Subscribe, and Declare his Assent and Consent unto, and Approbation of the Articles of Religion, mentioned in the Statute made in the 13th. Year of the late Q. Elizabeth, except only the 34th. 35th. and 36th. Articles; and also, except these words in the 20th. Article [Viz. The Church hath power to decree Rites & Ceremonies, & Authority in Controversies of Faith,] in like manner as he is already Obliged to Subscribe, and Declare his Assent and Consent unto, and Approbation of, all the said 39 Articles: Every such Person shall be as capable of taking any Degree in either University, or being Ordained Priest or Deacon, or of being Collated, Admitted, or put into, and to Hold and Enjoy any Ecclesiastical Benefice or Promotion, as if the said Person had Subscribed and Declared his Assent and Consent unto, and Approbation of all the said Articles of Religion.  
And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That every Person Ordained between the Year of our Lord 1644, and the First of May, in the Year 1680, according to the Form of Ordination, used by laying on of hands by the Presbytery, shall be as capable of any Ecclesiastical Benefice, or Promotion, as if he had been Ordained according to the Form of Making and Ordaining Priests and Deacons in the Church of England: And that every Person Ordained only by Presbyters since the Year of our Lord 1660, shall not be admitted to any Benefice, unless he receive a second Imposition of Hands from some Bishop, to recommend him to the Grace of God, for the Work or Exercise of his Office, in the Place or Charge unto which he is called; and the Bishop shall frame his Words accordingly.  
And Whereas, by a Statute made in the 13th. and 14th. Year of His Majesty's Reign that now is, Entitled, An Act for the Uniformity of the Public Prayer, and Administration of Sacraments, & other Rites and Ceremonies, and for Establishing the Form of Ordaining & Consecrating Bishops, Priests, and Deacons, in the Church of England, there are two Declarations imposed upon several Persons, and in such manner as is there specified.  
Be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That no Person that hereafter shall be Presented, or Collated, or Put into any Ecclesiastical Benefice or Promotion, shall declare his unfeigned Assent and Consent to the Use of all things contained, and Prescribed in the Book of Common-Prayer; nor Make and Subscribe the other Declaration, or Acknowledgement, [Viz. I A. B. do declare, That it is not Lawful to take up Arms against the King, etc.] according to the Forms in the said Act, in the 13th. and 14th. Year of His Majesty's Reign, directed and appointed; but that Both the said Declarations shall be wholly Omitted, any thing in the aforesaid Statute to the Contrary Notwithstanding.  
And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That no Person shall hereafter be capable of being collated, Admitted, or put into any Ecclesiastical Benefice, or Promotion, before such time as the said Person shall have taken the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance (which Oath of Allegiance is contained in the Statute made in the 3d Year of King James) before the Bishop of the Diocese, (who is hereby Empowered to administer the same) and shall also Make and Subscribe the Declaration mentioned in an Act of Parliament, made in the 30th. Year of His Majesty's Reign that now is, Entitled, An Act to prevent Papists from Sitting in either House of Parliament: And the Name of every Person so taking the Oath, and Making and Subscribing the Declaration aforesaid, shall be Enrolled with the Day and Time of his Taking the same, in Rolls to be kept by the respective Bishop of each Diocese for that purpose.  
And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That no Person shall hereafter be Obliged to take the Oath of Canonical Obedience, or to make the Subscription required by the Canons, or to go to the Bishop for a Licence to Preach, being already lawfully Ordained, any Statute or Custom to the contrary Notwithstanding.  
And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That from henceforth, no Person whatsoever wear a Surplice, during the time of Reading Common Prayer, or Preaching or Performing any Religious Worship, in any Church, or Chapel whatsoever, except only in the Chapel of the King's Majesty, and all Cathedral Churches of this Realm of England, and Dominion of Wales.  
And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That from henceforth, no Minister, or other Ecclesiastieal Person, shall be Obliged or compelled to use the Sign of the Cross in Baptism, or any Parent Obliged to have his Child Christened by the Minister of the Parish, if the said Minister will not use or omit the Sign of the Cross, according to the Desire of the Parent, who in that Case may procure some other Minister to do it. Nor shall the Child of any Person be refused Baptism, for want of Godfathers and Godmothers, so long as the Parent is present to fill their place.  
And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That no Minister, or Ecclesiastical Person, that shall Officiate in the Administration of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper, shall refuse it to any Person that desires to be admitted to the same, although such Person shall not use the Gesture of Kneeling in the Act of Receiving, nor come up to the Communion Table, but shall go to such Convenient Place in the Church, where such Person is, and there give it him in some other decent Gesture of Ordinary use in the Reformed Churches. Nor shall any Minister be troubled for the withholding his own Act, in delivery of the Sacrament from any, whom he Judges notoriously unworthy, or unfit for it: Nor for suspending his reading the Sentence of Excommunication against any of his Parish, until he be satisfied in the Case, that his crime deserves it.  
And to the intent that Uniformity may (so far as it is needful, and so far as it can) be still maintained, Be it enacted Moreover by the Authority aforesaid, That every Parson, Vicar, and Lecturer, shall conform to the Liturgy of the Church, in the Ordinary Lordsday Service, reading the same by himself, or by his Curate, as by Law it is Established: Reserving a Necessary, and Just Liberty, for his Conscience in any Matter, or Words, which himself esteems unlawful (and so to him it is sin) in the By-Offices, Occasional Service, the Rubrics, and otherwise: and also, for Prudence in the whole Mannagement, to Act with respect to Time, Place, and Circumstances, so as appears most conducive to Edification. And so long as the main Body of the Service appointed, is there Read, and the Substance of the Offices 〈◊〉 there performed, he shall not be Punishable for any Breach otherwise of the Acts of Uniformity, any thing in the said Statutes to the Contrary notwithstanding.   

THE Bill for Indulgence.  
FOrasmuch as Some Ease to Tender Consciences in the Exercise of Religion, may be an Effectual Means to Unite His Majesty's Protestant Subjects in Interest and Affection, which is highly necessary in this time of Eminent Danger from the common Enemy the Papists: Be it Enacted By the Kings Most Excellent Majesty, by and with the Advice and Consent of the Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons in this present Parliament Assembled, That neither the Statute made in the 23d. Year of the Reign of the Late Queen Elizabeth, Entitled An Act to retain the Queen's Majesty's Subjects in their due Obedience: Nor the Statute made in the Twenty Eighth Year of the said Queen, Entitled An Act for the more speedy and due Execution of certain Branches of the Statute made in the Twenty Third Year of the Queen's Majesties REIGN, (Videlicet) the aforesaid Act: Nor Statute made in the Third Year of the Reign of the Late King James, Entitled An Act to prevent and avoid dangers which may grow by Popish Recusants: Nor any other Law or Statute of this Realm, made against Popish Recusants, shall be construed to Extend to any Person or Persons Dissenting from the Church of England, that shall (being lawfully required) take the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy (which Oath of Allegiance is contained in a Statute made in the Third Year of the Late King James), and make and Subscribe the Declaration mentioned in a Statute made in the Twentieth Year of His Majesty's Reign that now is, Entitled An Act to prevent Papists from Sitting in either House of Parliament. And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid, That all and every Person and Persons already Convicted, or Prosecuted in Order to Conviction of Recusancy, by Indictment, Information, Action of Debt, or otherwise grounded upon the aforesaid Statutes, or any of them that shall take the said Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy, and make and Subscribe the aforesaid Declaration, in the Court of Exchequer or Assizes, or General or Quarter Sessions, to be held for the County where such Person lives, and to be thence respectively certified into the Exchequer, shall be thenceforth discharged from all the Penalties, Seizures and Forfeitures incurred by force of any the aforesaid Statutes, without any Composition, Fee, or further Charge whatsoever. And be it further Enacted By the Authority aforesaid, that all and every Person and Persons, (that being lawfully required) shall take the said Oaths, and make and subscribe the Declaration aforesaid, shall not be liable to any Pains, Penalties or Forfeitures mentioned in an Act, made the Thirty Fifth Year of the late Queen Elizabeth, Entitled, An Act to retain the Queen's Majesty's Subjects in their due Obedience; Nor in an Act made in the Twenty Second Year of His Majesty that now is, Entitled, An Act to prevent and suppress Seditions Conventicles; Nor shall any of the said Persons be Prosecuted in any Ecclesiastical COURT, for or by reason of their Nonconforming to the CHURCH of ENGLAND.  
The Bill proceeds next to a Proviso, That the Doors be not Locked, Barred, or Bolted, where there are Meetings: Then to the Relieving Constables, Churchwardens, and the like Officers, that Scruple the Oaths that be long to those Offices, by admitting a Deputy: Then to the Repealing the Oxford Act (or Releasing the Penalty) to all such as shall take the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance, and Subscribe to the Declaration aforesaid, and the Doctrinal Articles of the Church of England, with the exceptions of the former Bill: Upon the same Terms, Liberty is granted to any Person, to teach a School, or be a Tutor in a Private Family. It Proceeds to giving Ease upon the same, to Dissenting Protestants, who Scruple the Baptising Infants: Then to the Easing other Persons, who scruple Taking all Oaths; whom it shall suffice to say, That J. A. B. Acknowledge, Profess, and Testify, instead of J. A. B. Swear That, etc. According to the Words of the Oaths of Allegiance, and Supremacy. Then there is an Excellent Proviso, That no Persons who do not go upon Sundays, to some Congregation of Religious Worship, allowed by this Act, shall have any benefit at all by it.  
The Bill is Long upon these Contents, and therefore upon Consideration also, that it hath been once Printed already, so that the Copy thereof is in the hands of many (when it is not so, nor could be so with the other) it is conceived best, to forbear any further Repetition. For indeed, if the whole Bill for Indulgence were waved, and one Clause only advanced into the Bill before for Comprehension (giving it the Title of a Bill for Comprehension and Indulgence both) it were rather to be Chosen, and easier Passed. That Clause should be to this effect.  
ANd forasmuch as there are some Ministers of a good Life, that cannot (according to their Judgements) allow of our Parochial Churches, nor a Book of Liturgy; but do choose to Worship God and Jesus Christ, in the way of their Gathered or Separate Congregations, and crave the Protection and Clemency of the King, upon their Allegiance, as other Subjects.  
Be it finally Enacted for the Happiness and quiet of the Realm, and the Reduction of these Men, by other means than those which have hitherto proved unsuccessful, That every Christian Subject throughout the Land, that profess the Reformed Religion, be pardoned all Faults and Penalties, incurred upon the Account of any forepast Nonconformity; And that all Prosecutions of the Penal Laws, which concern the Protestants, and not the Papists, in the matter of Religion, shall be Suspended, Until by a further Act of Parliament, those that are fit to be tolerated, and the Intolerable be distinguished; and such Order be taken, as is necessary to the settling a more Firm and Lasting Union in the Nation.   

ERRATA.  
PAge 20. l. 8. read cuervo. p. 27. l. 15. r. Nachmanides. p. 45. l. 31. r. many other. p. 51. l. 5. for hope r. help p. 56. l. 10. r. desquels. l 23. r. function. p. 58. l. 8. f. as r. or p. 61. l. 7. r. proposition. p. 72. l. 21. after are r. not. Some literal mistakes there are in the Oriental words, as Cheth for Ain, and Pe for Man, and others, which I omit. Besides the mangling some French and Italian Quotations.  
FINIS.